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Route to a Regional Past

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0024810/00001

Material Information

Title: Route to a Regional Past An Archaeology of the Lower Pangani (Ruvu) Basin, Tanzania, 500-1900 C.E.
Physical Description: 1 online resource (462 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Walz, Jonathan
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2010

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: africa, age, arc, archaeology, beads, caravan, ceramics, eastern, exchange, gonja, historical, interaction, iron, korogwe, lewa, mombo, north, pangani, pare, route, swahili, tanzania, usambara
Anthropology -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Anthropology thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: Historical narratives of coastwise East Africa rarely take account of the continental hinterland by affording it equal attention in research. This project applies historical archaeology to begin to recuperate human pasts in the lower Pangani (Ruvu) Basin (500-1900 C.E.). I emphasize lowland, interior communities and their archaeological residues within a regional framework. I employ a nineteenth century slave and ivory caravan route to trace much earlier human settlement and interaction in northeastern Tanzania. A systematic, pedestrian survey in five vicinities along the corridor documented more than 325 new archaeological localities that span the known culture history. Sites and artifacts, including those identified along the foot slopes of the Eastern Arc Mountains, signal the florescence of iron-using, farming (and mixed subsistence) communities during the Middle Iron Age (600-1000/1200 C.E.). Interior sites and site clusters near Mombo and Gonja suggest recurrent utilization of the same general vicinities as more recent caravan nodes. Evidence at multiple scales from this and later times suggests increasing connectivity, differentiating political power, and a regional economy based on more than use values alone. By 1250 C.E., Swahili communities exchanging goods with wider Afrasia flourished in the vicinity of Pangani Bay. Comparatively large quantities of marine shells, Eurasian glass beads, and production debris from landsnail shell bead manufacture and iron smelting appear in excavations at interior sites by 900-1200 C.E. and somewhat later. Locations protected from seasonal flooding, bear unique artifacts and evidence of production and interaction, suggesting control of goods at privileged positions on the landscape. In more recent centuries, social and ecological disasters and changes spurred resilience strategies. The climate of uncertainty and elevated community discontent facilitated increasing debate about moral economies. Disenchantment coached in serpent metaphors links such expressions to unique landscape features often situated near sites bearing evidence of long-term settlement and interaction. An approach that accounts for economic and other social residues and factors enriches understandings of how regional integrations shaped the past of this distinct area of East Africa.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Jonathan Walz.
Thesis: Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2010.
Local: Adviser: Schmidt, Peter R.
Electronic Access: RESTRICTED TO UF STUDENTS, STAFF, FACULTY, AND ON-CAMPUS USE UNTIL 2012-08-31

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2010
System ID: UFE0024810:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0024810/00001

Material Information

Title: Route to a Regional Past An Archaeology of the Lower Pangani (Ruvu) Basin, Tanzania, 500-1900 C.E.
Physical Description: 1 online resource (462 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Walz, Jonathan
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2010

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: africa, age, arc, archaeology, beads, caravan, ceramics, eastern, exchange, gonja, historical, interaction, iron, korogwe, lewa, mombo, north, pangani, pare, route, swahili, tanzania, usambara
Anthropology -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Anthropology thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: Historical narratives of coastwise East Africa rarely take account of the continental hinterland by affording it equal attention in research. This project applies historical archaeology to begin to recuperate human pasts in the lower Pangani (Ruvu) Basin (500-1900 C.E.). I emphasize lowland, interior communities and their archaeological residues within a regional framework. I employ a nineteenth century slave and ivory caravan route to trace much earlier human settlement and interaction in northeastern Tanzania. A systematic, pedestrian survey in five vicinities along the corridor documented more than 325 new archaeological localities that span the known culture history. Sites and artifacts, including those identified along the foot slopes of the Eastern Arc Mountains, signal the florescence of iron-using, farming (and mixed subsistence) communities during the Middle Iron Age (600-1000/1200 C.E.). Interior sites and site clusters near Mombo and Gonja suggest recurrent utilization of the same general vicinities as more recent caravan nodes. Evidence at multiple scales from this and later times suggests increasing connectivity, differentiating political power, and a regional economy based on more than use values alone. By 1250 C.E., Swahili communities exchanging goods with wider Afrasia flourished in the vicinity of Pangani Bay. Comparatively large quantities of marine shells, Eurasian glass beads, and production debris from landsnail shell bead manufacture and iron smelting appear in excavations at interior sites by 900-1200 C.E. and somewhat later. Locations protected from seasonal flooding, bear unique artifacts and evidence of production and interaction, suggesting control of goods at privileged positions on the landscape. In more recent centuries, social and ecological disasters and changes spurred resilience strategies. The climate of uncertainty and elevated community discontent facilitated increasing debate about moral economies. Disenchantment coached in serpent metaphors links such expressions to unique landscape features often situated near sites bearing evidence of long-term settlement and interaction. An approach that accounts for economic and other social residues and factors enriches understandings of how regional integrations shaped the past of this distinct area of East Africa.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Jonathan Walz.
Thesis: Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2010.
Local: Adviser: Schmidt, Peter R.
Electronic Access: RESTRICTED TO UF STUDENTS, STAFF, FACULTY, AND ON-CAMPUS USE UNTIL 2012-08-31

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2010
System ID: UFE0024810:00001


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1 ROUTE TO A REGIONAL PAST: AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE LOWER PANGANI (RUVU) BASIN, TANZANIA, 500 1900 C.E. By JONATHAN R. WALZ A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2010

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2 2010 Jonathan R. Walz

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3 To the people of Tanzania

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4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Many people and institutions enabled my doctoral experience and the composition of this dissertation. Foremost, I thank Peter Schmidt, the chair of my Ph.D. committee, for his intellectual advice and friendship. Peters passion about archaeology and Africa, rooted in scientific practice and a hu manistic outlook, continues to inspire me. I also gratefully acknowledge the guidance of Steve Brandt, Ken Sassaman, and Luise White. As members of my Ph.D. committee, they motivated and encouraged me with appraisals and critiques. I thank them for t heir p rofessionalism and genuine contributions Any errors herein rest with me. In East Africa, I am especially grateful to Felix Chami. He facilitated my research and regularly counseled me. I thank him and his family for their hospitality and for offering me a place to stay at Mbezi in Dar es Salaam (2005 2006) Amin Mturi and Isaria Kimambo influenced the conceptualization of this project while I was a visiting student at the University of Dar es Salaam Athman Lali Omar of Mombasa, Kenya introduced me to the hinterlands of East Africa, a favor I will forever appreciate. During moments of hardship overseas, Zanat Fazal, Catherine Kiwango, Charles Rubaka, and Marti Todd lent unwavering support, gifts for which reciprocal love is the only possible repayment. Garc ia Barnswell and Matt Curtis were great friends in this journey. They expressed love at pivotal moments and motivated me with their infectious enthusiasm for life. Other colleagues enhanced this dissertation in specific ways. Chap Kusimba and Tom Hkansson read and commented on draft s of chapters 2 and 7, respectively Fredrick Fumbwani, Ed Gonzalez Tenant, and Josh Torres assisted with field mapping or advised me about digital software and making maps Amandus Kwekason examined rock and mineral samples. Ng alla Jillani, Peter Kasigwa, Simon Mwansasu, and Plan Nyabezi analyzed and identified bone and shell. Bertram Mapunda evaluated metal artifacts and the material residues of iron production

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5 Finally, George Casella assisted me with statist ic s and Megan Hosf ord improved the artifact photographs. I further offer my sincere thanks to Tamim Amijee, Prama Anand, John Arthur, Kayvon Bahramian, Carol Blankenship, Melanie Brandt, Allan Burns, Jarue Cabezas, Tom Cadogan, Michael Chege, Jeremy Cohen, Carole Crumley, H unt Davis, Kathy Deagan, John Denny, Sheila Dickison, Shuala Drawdy, Jim Ellison, Bill Fawcett, Larry Harris, Berkeley Hoflund, Jeff Homburg, Kim Howell, Goran and Melania Hyden, Ray Gonzalez, Karen Jones, Sharyn Jones, Emanuel Kessy, Birgitta Kimura, Pat King, Paul Lane, Todd Leedy, Nestor Luanda, Matt L ucas, George Luer Richard Marcus, Asmeret Mehari, Edward Mikundi, Paul Msemwa, Varun Nalagatla, Agazi Negash, Alicia Pe n, Merrick Posnansky, Janet Puhalla, Asa Randall, Tony Oliver -Smith, Jane and Luke Sc hmidt, Leonard Sekibaha, Fred Smith, Rose Solangaarachchi, Bob Soper, Stuart Stevenson, Zalelem Teka, Ruth Tibesasa, Leo Villalon, Elaine Wamba, Kathy Weedman, and Terry Weik. With gratitude, I acknowledge the United Republic of Tanzania for granting me re search access. Hilda Gideon and Mashuhuri Mushi at the Tanzanian Commission for Science and Technology (COSTECH) processed project clearances. Regional and local offices and officials in Tanga and Kilimanjaro regions provided similar permissions. Donatus Kamamba and Chediel Msuya from the Antiquities Department in Dar es Salaam administered archaeology licenses. Yusef Lawi and Audax Mabulla assisted me with obtaining export licenses for samples Samiu Mbegu, an Antiquities representative, accompanied me in northeastern Tanzania (as required by Tanzanian la w). For a much shorter period at Gonja, Simon Odunga served in a simi lar capacity. I thank them for their fortitude and for tolerating my exactitude. Many residents in northea stern Tanzania also assisted me during fieldwork. I particularly praise those who worked with me for

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6 long periods: Mohamed Mudi Saidi Hussein, Jamali Hamza Mbwana, and Hashim Saidi Shedafa. At various libraries, museums, and archives I received courteous and timely assistance. I espe cially thank librarians Dan Reboussin and Peter Malanchuk at George A Smathers Libraries, University of Florida. In Dar es Salaam, archivists deserving of my appreciation include Mwana hamisi Mtengula at the Tanzanian National Archives, Jangawe Msuya and Chrispin Malegesi at th e East Africana Collection University of Dar es Salaam, Rajabu Makame at the Dir ectorate of Policy and Planning Ministry of Water and Livestock Development, Joyce Nyamf ulula at the Periodicals Office National Museum of Tanzania Ju ma Mshana at the Aerial Photo Libr ary Department of Surveys and Mapping, and Anna Intenda, Mwanakombo Jumaa, and Theresia Nyantori at the Picture Section Department of Information. Mosh i Mwinyimvua assisted me at the Tanga Regional Archives. I was fortun ate to receive di ssertation funding A Fulbright Hays Doctoral Dissertation Research Abroad Award from the United States De partment of Education funded field study and a Michael Aschoff Dissertation Fellowship from the Graduate School at the University of Florida supported write up. A Charles H. Fairbanks Scholarship from the Depa rtment of Anthropology and a grant from the Foundation for African Prehistory and Archaeology (FAPA) in Gainesville supported laboratory analyses and the final prepa ration of this dissertation Resources and experiences earned while working as a Teaching Associate in the Department of Anthropology and as a Lecturer in the Honors Program at the University of Florida enriched my graduate career and made possible the presentation of fi ndings at scholarly meetings in Africa, Europe, and North America.

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7 My most fundamental debts are to those Tanzanians who shared themselves and their families, their memories, and their hopes for the future whether by expressing histories and traditions, pr oviding access to practices and properties, or offeri ng insights and encouragement. The school children at Maore and Tongoni primary schools and Boza and Gonja secondary schools taught me humility and bred an enhanced appreciation for the pasts and futures found in heritage. Elsewhere, time spent with Rashidi Janja, healer and historian, was particularly influential. His and others sacrifices on my behalf occurred in contexts where many Tanzanians struggle to survive and prosper That they took the time to share their present and past speaks to their humanity and to the humanity of history. They have made this dissertation possible and it is to them that I dedicate its contents. To my parents, David Henry Walz and Ruth Allen Todd Walz, I offer my heartfelt appreciation and a sons love. They are true role models to me, always offering peaceful guidance. Without their support and the support of my brother, Kristopher David Walz, this journey would not have been completed or, perhaps, even started. My maternal grandparents, Daniel Eason Todd, Jr. and Shyla Ruth Allen Todd, also offered regular encouragement. Memories of my paternal grandparents, George Franz Walz and Vivienne Georgine Vineis Walz, inspired me to consider and reconsider the importance of pasts, personal and otherwise To Joella Wilson, I offer that we made too many sacrifices.

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8 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .................................................................................................................... 4 LIST OF TABLES .............................................................................................................................. 11 LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................................ 13 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ............................................................................................................ 16 ABSTRACT ........................................................................................................................................ 18 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................................... 20 Historical Archaeology and Connectivity ................................................................................. 21 Representations and Historiography .......................................................................................... 24 Vulnerabilities ............................................................................................................................. 27 Contributions and Chapters Outline ........................................................................................... 28 2 HISTORIOGRAPHIC FRAGMENTS ...................................................................................... 35 Fragmented Pasts: A Preamble ................................................................................................... 36 Coastwise, Interactive Indications ............................................................................................. 38 Routes and Connectivity in Central, Coastwise East Africa .................................................... 46 Extant Archaeology and Northeastern Tanzania ....................................................................... 57 Space, Time, and Holistic Pasts ................................................................................................. 64 3 ENVIRONMENTAL SETTING AND PR OJECT APPROACH ............................................ 68 Environmental Setting ................................................................................................................ 69 Project Objectives and Approach ............................................................................................... 79 Project Field Strategy .................................................................................................................. 86 4 PANGANI BAY ENVIRONS ................................................................................................... 95 Summary of Survey Results ....................................................................................................... 99 Summary of Excavation Results .............................................................................................. 115 Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4, Survey Area 1, Pangani) ...................................... 117 Tongoni .............................................................................................................................. 125 Kumbamtoni (Site 52a), Mtakani (Site 51a), Mnyongeni (Site 43a), and Gombero (Site 45 in Survey Unit 5) (Survey Area 1, Pangani) .................................................. 137 Discussion .................................................................................................................................. 140

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9 5 LEWA AND KOROGWE VICINITIES ................................................................................. 149 Summary of Lewa Survey Results ........................................................................................... 154 Summary of Korogwe Survey Results ..................................................................................... 163 Discussion .................................................................................................................................. 171 6 MOMBO AND SURROUNDINGS ........................................................................................ 176 Summary of Survey Results ..................................................................................................... 180 Summary of Excavation Results .............................................................................................. 197 Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo) .............................. 199 Kobe (Site 138a), Mbugani (Site 128 in Survey Unit 28), Ulimboni (Site 110 in Survey Unit 28), and Kwa Mkomwa (Site 135 in Surve y Unit 28) (Survey Area 4, Mombo) ...................................................................................................................... 215 Discussion .................................................................................................................................. 220 7 GONJA REGION ...................................................................................................................... 229 Summary of Survey Results ..................................................................................................... 234 Summary of Excavation Results .............................................................................................. 250 Go nja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44, Survey Area 5, Gonja) ................................ 252 Gonja Kalimani (Site 207 in Survey Unit 44) and Jiko (Site 210a) ( Survey Area 5, Gonja) ............................................................................................................................. 264 Discussion .................................................................................................................................. 268 8 SERPENTINE PASTS .............................................................................................................. 278 Voices ........................................................................................................................................ 280 From Space to Space Time in Coastwise Narratives .............................................................. 284 Serpentine Pasts ......................................................................................................................... 287 Archaeology and Oral Relevance ............................................................................................. 301 9 FINDINGS AND A REGIONAL PAST ................................................................................. 307 Archaeological Localities and Culture History ....................................................................... 308 Connectivity and Vulnerability ................................................................................................ 319 Artifacts and Interaction .................................................................................................... 321 Regional Perspective ......................................................................................................... 333 Project Implications .................................................................................................................. 345 10 CONCLUSION ......................................................................................................................... 350 APPENDIX A LIST OF SURVEY AREAS AND SURVEY UNITS ........................................................... 355 B ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITE FORM ....................................................................................... 357

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10 C LIST OF SITES IN SURVEY AREAS ................................................................................... 361 D LIST OF SITES OUTSIDE SURVEY AREA 5 (GONJA) ................................................... 370 E LIST OF OCCURRENCES IN SURVEY AREAS ................................................................ 372 F SURFACE VISIBILITIES AND NUMBER OF SITES BY SURVEY UNIT AND AREA ......................................................................................................................................... 378 G V ISIBILITIES OF SURVEY UNITS ...................................................................................... 380 H MASTER LIST OF SITE/OCCURRENCE TYPES .............................................................. 388 I EXCAVATED FINDS FROM MUHEMBO (SITE 37, SURVEY UNIT 4, SURVEY AREA 1, PANGANI) ............................................................................................................... 390 J MOLLUSK TYPES IDENTIFIED FROM EXCAVATIONS AT MUHEMBO AND TONGONI ................................................................................................................................. 394 K EXCAVATED FINDS FROM TONGONI ............................................................................. 396 L EXCAVATED FINDS FROM KUMBAMTONI (SITE 52A, SURVEY AREA 1, PANGANI) ................................................................................................................................ 400 M EXCAVATED FINDS FROM KWA MGOGO (SITE 177, SURVEY UNIT 33, SURVEY AREA 4, MOMBO) ................................................................................................ 403 N LANDSNAIL TYPES FROM KWA MGOGO (SITE 177, SURVEY UNIT 33, SURVEY AREA 4, MOMBO) ................................................................................................ 408 O EXCAVATED FINDS FROM GONJA MAORE (SITE 209, SURVEY UNIT 44, SU RVEY AREA 5, GONJA) ................................................................................................... 412 P CITED ORAL INTERVIEWS ................................................................................................. 416 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................................................................................................. 418 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ........................................................................................................... 462

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11 LIST OF TABLES Table page F 1 Pangani (Survey Area 1) ...................................................................................................... 378 F 2 Lewa (Survey Area 2) .......................................................................................................... 378 F 3 Korogwe (Survey Area 3) .................................................................................................... 378 F 4 Mombo (Survey Area 4) ...................................................................................................... 379 F 5 Gonja (Survey Area 5) ......................................................................................................... 379 I1 Muhembo (Site 37, Survey Unit 4), Excavation Unit 1 ..................................................... 391 I2 Muhembo (Site 37, Survey Unit 4), Excavation Unit 2 ..................................................... 392 I3 Muhembo (Site 37, Survey Unit 4), Excavation Unit 3 ..................................................... 393 I4 Muhembo (Site 37, Survey Unit 4), Excavation Unit 4 ..................................................... 393 K 1 Tongoni, Excavation Unit 1 ................................................................................................. 397 K 2 Tongoni, Excavation Unit 2 ................................................................................................. 397 K 3 Tongoni, Subunit 5, Excavation Unit 3 .............................................................................. 398 L 1 Kumbamtoni (Site 52a), Excavation Unit 1 ....................................................................... 401 L 2 Kumbamtoni (Site 52a), Excavation Unit 2 ....................................................................... 401 L 3 Kumbamtoni (Site 52a), Excavation Unit 3 ....................................................................... 402 M 1 Kwa Mgogo (Site 177, Survey Unit 33), Excavation Unit 1 ............................................. 404 M 2 Kwa Mgogo (Site 177, Survey Unit 33), Excavation Unit 2 ............................................. 405 M 3 Kwa Mgogo (Site 177, Survey Unit 33), Excavation Unit 3 ............................................. 406 M 4 Kwa Mgogo (Site 177, Survey Unit 33), Excavation Unit 4 ............................................. 407 N 1 Kwa Mgogo (Site 177, Survey Unit 33), Excavation Unit 1 ............................................. 409 N 2 Kwa Mgogo (Site 177, Survey Unit 33), Excavation Unit 2 ............................................. 410 N 3 Kwa Mgogo (Site 177, Survey Unit 33), Excavation Unit 3 ............................................. 411 O 1 Gonja Maore (Site 209, Survey Unit 44), Excavation Unit 1 ........................................... 413

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12 O 2 Gonja Maore (Site 209, Survey Unit 44), Excavation Unit 2 ........................................... 414 O 3 Gonja Maore (Site 209, Survey Unit 44), Excavation Unit 3 ........................................... 414 O 4 Gonja Maore (Site 209, Survey Unit 44), Excavation Unit 4 ........................................... 415 O 5 Gonja Maore (Site 209, Survey Unit 44), Excavation Unit 5 ........................................... 415

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13 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 1 1 Map of Pangani River Basin, northeastern Tanzania ........................................................... 23 2 1 Map of eastern Africa, select archaeological sites and places marked ............................... 42 2 2 Map of northeastern Tanzania, select towns marked ........................................................... 49 2 3 Map of prominent caravan routes in nineteenth century East Africa ................................. 49 2 4 Map of northeastern Tanzania, select archaeological sites and site clusters marked ........ 61 3 1 Political map of Tanga Region and eastern Kilimanjaro Region ........................................ 69 3 2 Genera lized geological map of Tanga Region and eastern Kilimanjaro Region ............... 70 3 3 Vegetation cover map of Tanga Region and eastern Kilimanjaro Region ......................... 73 3 4 Average annual precipitation map of Tanga Region and eastern Kilimanjaro Region ..... 73 3 5 Map of the lower Pangani Basin, survey areas 1 5 marked ................................................ 88 4 1 Map of Pangani Bay (Survey Area 1) ................................................................................. 101 4 2 Map of Pangani (Survey Area 1), discovered archaeological sites marked ..................... 104 4 3 Map of Pangani (Survey Area 1), discovered archaeological occurrences marked ......... 105 4 4 TIW from Kumbamtoni (Site 52a, Survey Area 1, Pangani) ............................................ 107 4 5 Swahili Ware from Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4, Survey Area 1, Pangani) ....... 109 4 6 Other ceramics from Kumbamtoni (Site 52a, Survey Area 1, Pangani) ........................... 112 4 7 Post 1500 C.E. ceramics from Pangani (Survey Area 1) .................................................. 113 4 8 Map of Pangani Bay (Survey Area 1), test excavated archaeological sites marked ........ 116 4 9 Map of Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4, Survey Area 1, Pangani), test excavation units marked ...................................................................................................... 118 4 10 East wall profile, Excavation Unit 1, Muhembo (Site 3 7 in Survey Unit 4, Survey Area 1, Pangani) ................................................................................................................... 120 4 11 Map of Mtangata Bay, Tongoni Ruins marked .................................................................. 126 4 12 Map of Tongoni Ruins, test excavation units marked ....................................................... 128

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14 4 13 North wall profile, Excavation Unit 3, Subunit 5, Tongoni Ruins ................................... 130 4 14 Plan map of Exca vation Unit 3, subunits 1 and 5, Tongoni Ruins ................................... 132 4 15 Carving of human face, Excavation Unit 3, Subunit 1, Tongoni Ruins ........................... 133 5 1 Map of Lewa (Survey Area 2) ............................................................................................. 155 5 2 Map of Lewa (Survey Area 2), discovered archaeological sites marked ......................... 158 5 3 Map of Lewa (Survey Area 2), discovered archaeological occurrences marked ............. 159 5 4 Stone tools and raw materials from Lewa (Survey Area 2) .............................................. 160 5 5 Map of Korogwe (Survey Area 3) ...................................................................................... 164 5 6 Map of Korogwe (Survey Area 3), discovered archaeological sites marked ................... 167 5 7 Map of Korogwe (Survey Area 3), discovered archaeological occurrences marked....... 168 6 1 Map of Mombo (Survey Area 4) ......................................................................................... 181 6 2 Map of Mombo (Survey Area 4), discovered archaeological sites marked ..................... 184 6 3 Map of Mombo (Survey Area 4), discovered archaeological occurrences marked ......... 185 6 4 Ceramics from Site 160 (in Survey Unit 37, Survey Area 4, Mombo) ............................ 186 6 5 Early TIW (pre 900 C.E.) from Mbugani (Site 128 in Survey Unit 28, Survey Area 4, Mombo) ............................................................................................................................ 189 6 6 Group B ceramics from Kwa Mgogo (Site in 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo) ................................................................................................................................ 192 6 7 Artifacts from Site 188a (Survey Area 4, Mombo) ............................................................ 193 6 8 Map of Mombo (Survey Area 4), test excavated archaeological sites marked ................ 198 6 9 Sketch map of Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo), test excavation unit s marked ................................................................................................ 200 6 10 North wall profile, Excavation Unit 1, Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo) ...................................................................................................... 202 6 11 Photograph of north wall, Excavation Unit 1, Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo) ................................................................................................ 202 6 12 Plan map of Excavation Unit 4, burial feature Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo) ................................................................................................ 205

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15 6 13 Photograph of Excavation Un it 4, burial feature Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo) ........................................................................................ 205 6 14 Swahili associated ceramics from Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo) ................................................................................................................... 206 6 15 Landsnails from Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo) .... 210 6 16 Beads from excavations at Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo) ................................................................................................................................ 212 7 1 Map of Gonja (Survey Area 5) ............................................................................................ 235 7 2 Map of Gonja (Survey Area 5), discovered archaeological sites marked ........................ 238 7 3 Map of Gonja (Survey Area 5), discovered archaeological occurrences marked ............ 239 7 4 Map of Gonja (Survey Area 5), discovered archaeological sites marked, including sites outside survey area ...................................................................................................... 242 7 5 Tuyeres with vitrified slag at Jiko (Site 210a, Survey Area 5, Gonja) ............................. 243 7 6 Surface features at Gonja (Survey Area 5) ......................................................................... 245 7 7 Map of Gonja (Survey Area 5), test excavated archaeological sites marked ................... 251 7 8 Sketch map of Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44, Survey Area 5, Gonja), test excavation units marked ...................................................................................................... 253 7 9 Shell beads from excav ations at Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44, Survey Area 5, Gonja) ...................................................................................................................... 255 7 10 West wall profile, Excavation Unit 3, Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44, Survey Area 5, Gonja) ......................................................................................................... 256 7 11 Maore Ware from Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44, Survey Area 5, Gonja) ... 259 7 12 Internal ware on Maore ceramics ........................................................................................ 259 7 13 Beads excavated from Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44, Survey Area 5, Gonja) ................................................................................................................................... 261 7 14 Iron smelting furnace, Excavation Unit 1, Jiko (Site 210a, Survey Area 5, Gonja) ........ 266

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16 LIST OF ABBREVIATION S AMS Accelerator Mass Spectrometry B.C.E. Before Common Era BGS Below Ground Surface B.P. Before Present C Celsius cal c alibrated C.E. Common Era cm centimeter DOAG Deutsch -Ostafrikanische Gessellschaft (German East Africa Company) E East EIA Early Iron Age EIW Early Iron Working ESA Early Stone Age g gram GPS Global Positioning System ha hectare HIV/AIDS Human Immunodeficiency Virus/A c quired Immune Deficiency Syndrome ITCZ Inter tropical Convergence Zone kg kilogram km kilometer kya thousand years ago l liter LIA Late Iron Age LIW Late Iron Working

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17 LSA Late Stone Age m meter MIA Middle Iron Age MIW Middle Iron Working mm millimeter MNI Minimum Number of Individuals MNV Minimum Number of Vessels MSA Middle Stone Age mm millimeter MSL Mean Sea Level mya million years ago N North n number pH potential of Hydrogen PN Pastoral Neolithic R Red REPOA Research on Poverty Alleviation SAREC Swedish Agency for Research Cooperation with Developing Countries STP Shovel Test Pit TIW Tri a ngular Incised Ware (or Tana Tradition) UDSM University of Dar es Salaam UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization $US United States Dollar s UTM Universal Transverse Me r cator Y Yellow

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18 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida i n Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy ROUTE TO A REGI O N AL PAST : AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE LOWER PANGANI (RUVU) BASIN, TANZANIA, 500 1900 C.E. By Jonathan Richard Walz August 2010 Chair: Peter R. Schmidt Major: Anthropology Historical narratives of coastwise East Africa rarely take account of the continental hinterland by affording it equal attention in research. This project applies historical archaeology to begin to recuperate human pasts in the lower Pangani (Ruvu) Basin (500 1900 C.E.). I emphasize lowland, interior communities and their archaeological residues within a regional framework. I employ a nineteenth century slave and ivory caravan route to trace much earlier human settlement and interaction in nor theastern Tanzania. A systematic, pedestrian survey in five vicinities along the c orridor documented more than 325 new archaeological localities that span the known culture history. Sites and artifacts, including those identified along the foot slopes of t he Eastern Arc Mountains, signal the florescence of ironusing, farming (and mixed subsistence) communities during the Middle Iron Age (600 1000/1200 C.E.). Interior sites and site clusters near Mombo and Gonja suggest recurrent utilization of the same general vicinities as mor e recent caravan nodes Evidence at multiple scales from this and later times suggests increasing connectivity, differentiating political power, and a regional economy based on more than use values alone. By 1250 C.E., Swahili communi ties exchanging goods with wider Afrasia flourished in the vicinity

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19 of Pangani Bay. Comparatively large quan tities of marine shells, Eurasian glass beads, and production debris from landsnail shell bead man u facture and iron smelting appear in excavations a t interior sites by 900 1200 C.E and somewhat later. Locations protected from seasonal flooding, bear unique artifacts and evidence of production and interaction, suggesting control of goods at privileged positions on the landscape. In more recent c enturies, social and ecological disasters and changes spurred resilience strategies. The climate of uncertainty and elevated community discontent facilitated increasing debate about moral economies. Disenchantment coached in serpent metapho rs links such ex pressions to unique landscape features often situated near sites bearing evidence of long-term settlement and interaction. An approach that accounts for economic and other social residues and factors enriches understandings of how regional i ntegrations sha ped the past of this distinct area of East Africa.

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20 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Sub Saharan archaeology increasingly featur es interaction and autochthonous developments. These trends signal African agency and dispel western myths about isolated or timeless commu nities. Until relatively recently, a rchaeological narratives of coastwise1 East Africa emphasize d the e mergence of Swahili urban settlements along the oceanic littoral Elsewhere in the region, historians studying the highland s of no rtheastern Tanzania (which abut the oceanic littoral) continue to feature the origi ns and dynamics of kingdoms and chiefdoms of the last few hundred years. However, t he relevance of lowland people and space s (lying intermediate to the coast and mountains ) to the nature of reg ional socio -economic networks and ch ange through time remains relatively neglected. This project begins to historicize the lower Pangani (Ruvu) Basin2 in northeastern Tanzania by making a longterm, lowland archaeology for the area (500 1900 C.E.). In it, I employ an historical archaeological approach. Material finds, including hundreds of new archaeological localities recorded during 22 months of systematic field study in Tanga and Kilimanjaro regions mark substantial chan ges to human settlement and inter action beginning in the Middle Iron Age (MIA) (600 1000/1200 C.E.). Oral traditions amplify and complicate aspects of this narrative. Lowland hinterlands emerge as more integral to regional pasts than previously thought, a finding with the potential to affect how Tanzanians value one another in contemporary settings. 1 Coastwise refers to the area incorporating the oceanic coast and its hinterland. 2 For reasons of abbreviation, from this point forward Pangani River or Basin represents the Pangani (Ruvu) River or Basin.

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21 Historical Archaeology and Connectivity Arc haeological studies of coastwise East Africa rarely take account of the continental hinterland by affording it equal attention in research. Scholarly practice elevates Swahili, littoral city -states as well as later histories in the proximal Eastern Arc Mou ntains,3 while treating diminutively intermediate (lowland) communities occupying the intersection of regional ecologies (coast, mountain s and steppe). Accepting dichotomies of space (coast/hinterland) and time (history/prehistory) as truisms denies his torical contingencies at the regional scale and forecloses on turning names into things. In other words, treated as convention rather than hypothesis, such a representation of division naturalizes categories (like hinterland ) that serve as tropes for tim elessness, read as the sparseness of human history (Fabian 1983). We further facilitate extant paradigms by assuming tha t historical and pre -historical pasts bear little or no linkage (Wolf 1982:3). In northeastern Tanzania, we have yet to fully transla te skepticism of such dichotomies into praxis that robustly challenges paradigms. A renewed and more inclusive practice of historical archaeology enables praxis. As it is currently framed, however, historical archaeology in Africa is a European encapsulati on, whereby historicity derives from entanglement with Europe: the spread of capitalism, colonization, or so -called modernity (Schmidt and Walz 2007a:54; cf. Orser 1996; for revisions see Orser 2001). But, Africans among other colonized agents often ma de and thought about their pasts at least partly outside of Eurasian influences. African historical sources (including archaeological residues) and historiographies, then, should be elevated as primary frames of reference: 3 The Eastern Arc Mountains include the East and West Usambara Mountains and the North, Middle, and South Pare Mountains (Figure 11), among other highlands in central and southern Kenya and eastern Tanzania (Chapter 3).

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22 This approach does not confuse hi story and prehistory as arbitrary categories, but instead recognizes that history making is a process that transcends boundaries and must, consequently, take account of any moment in which historical representation unfolds (Schmidt and Walz 2007b:130). App lying historical interpretation to preh istor y or u sing ancient mat erials to remak e historical re presentations only augment s the value and significance of historical archaeology, a position lucidly communicated by Lightfo ot (1995). From a diminish ed history/ prehistory dichotomy, emerges a renewed and enhanced practice of historical archaeology t hat strives to solve problems of historical interpretation, not simply catalog redund ancie s (Schmidt and Walz 2007b :130; also see Deagan 1988). The vitalit y of historical archaeology, thus, rests in the value of the historical question posed, as Collingwood (1946) suggests, not the time period ref erenced or the brand of subject -side evidence mustered. This critical approach, to respond to Connahs (2007) pro vocation, makes historical archaeology a viable c oncept in Africa (Lane 2007, Schmidt 2006). This project seeks to ameliorate research imbalances by investing in the systematic study of a region and its people through time (cf. Crumley and Marquardt 1987) I emphasize lowland, hinterland communities and their archaeological residues within a regional framework. Making regional histories has the potential to unveil the shared connections across constituent areas without submerging the distinctions among them In order to move beyond simplistic historical renderings with roots in different western epistemologies (history and archaeology) (Lightfoot 1995, Stahl 1994), this project applies historical archaeology and the direct historical approach. Insufficiently emphasized in previous treatments of eastern Africa, connectivity flows naturally from a caravan route strategy and the research conducted. I employ a nineteenth century slave and ivory caravan route to trace much earlier human settlement and interaction in northeastern Tanzania. Contemporary clues, l ocal oral traditions

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23 Figure 1 1. Map of Pangani River Basin, northeastern Tanzania. [Adapted from Tengesdal, P. in Ngana, J.O. 2001 a Integrated Water Resources Management: The Case of the Pangani River Basin. In Water Resources Management in the Pangani River Basin: Challenges and Opportunities edited by J.O. Ngana, p 3. Dar es Salaam University Press, Tanzania.] and European travel ers accounts (e.g., Farler 1882) document an expansive, countryside network of corridors where people and goods flowed. Investigations that take account of these residues empower the possibility of working from better known histories of connectivity to in vestigate their genealogical precedents (Feierman 1974:133 134, FreemanGrenville 1962:12, Kimambo 1969:238) (Chapter 3). A systematic archaeological survey of five sample areas along

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24 a known corridor between Pangani Bay (Survey Area 1) (at the Indian Ocea n coast) and Gonja (Survey Area 5) ( beneath the Sou th Pare Mountains) (Figure 1 1 and Figure 3 5 ) recorded more than 325 new archaeological localities (chapters 4 7). Findings help to establish a regional culture history while identifying linkages. This pr oject, then, locates and characterizes the lowland middle place (between the coast and interior highlands) in the past of northeastern Tanzania. M y use of historical analogy ( caravan routes from recent centuries ) does not disregard transformations in com munities and economies across time, a practice that should be closely guarded against (Lane 2005, Stahl 1993). Ideally, I seek both continuity and change to compose a more dynamic, long term history of northeastern Tanzania. The more recent and better know n past of the middle to late nineteenth century opens up a pathway to investigate similari ties and differences among areas and across sites through time. Archaeological findings ( chapters 4 7 and 9) mark the lower Pangani Basin as a distinct challenge to representation s of disconnection and stasis offering a route to a regional past Representations and Historiography F or East Africa, caricatures of undulating tribes operating in reservoirs of antiquity developed in the travelogues of European explore rs under the aegis of Enlightenment notions of progress a nd German idealism. During the c olonial p eriod, Anglophone anthropology (sociology) under Hans Cory later valorized such facile images in Tanganyika. While elite, Muslim residents on the Swahili coas t propounded oral traditions in racial and religious Islamic terms that defined grand aspects of coastal society as Asian in origin and make up, cultural purity couched in geographical and civilizational terms, including writing came to define historicity. In the nineteenth century, hinterland communities were perceived as neither far

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25 enough away from the coast quietly to produce, nor sufficiently near to it peaceably to trade (Hore 1883:3 4). During the last generation, direct Asian transplants ( foreign Swahili foundations) and hinterland reservoirs of timelessn ess have been challenged. F ormer portrayal s h ave been uniformly revised. S cholars are aware of the sketched -out problematic; however, the residue of th e colonialist narrative persist s Surface awareness much like the sparse archaeological research conducted in the continental hinterland largely belies practice. As recently as 1990, Chaudhuri (1990:36) writes of eastern Africa, [T]he indigenous African communities appear to have been structured by a historical logic separate and independent from the re st of the Indian Ocean (my emphasis) Classificatory regimes, regardless of s tandpoint, continue to obscure prehistories of interaction for recent periods (Prestholdt 2008) and, potentially, muc h earlier ones. Representations of insularity linger in northeastern Tanzania within a framework dominated by a broadly conceived, early coastal history linked to Asian i nfluences as well as ethnically bound constructions of interior kingdoms in the proxim al highlands, the latter cast as mountain sanctuaries (Conte 2004). Scholars express little interest in lowla nd no rtheastern Tanzania prior to 185 0 C.E., insinuating that coastal towns and highland kingdoms developed in a surrounding population void th at had little impact on regional, societal developments (Walz 2005:199). R ecently historians of the nineteenth century have raised great fanfare about these lowland s to illustrate the impacts of globalization during the boom in the slave, sp ice and ivory economy of Zanzibar and Pemba islands ( offshore of Tanzania) ( cf. Sheriff 1 9 8 7). The top ical and temporal focus of such studies, perhaps inadvertently, contributes to impressions that hinterland societies were absent, sta tic, or of little conseq uence in earlier regional scenarios. A Pangani Basin

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26 project, initiated decades ago by members of the History Department at the University of Dar es Salaam (UDSM) sought to in vestigate the past of the continental hinterland stretching to Mount Kilimanjaro but never met out the full sc ope of its potential. My project takes up its charge and focuses on archaeological signatures. There were reason s to anticipate the discovery of ancient settlement s and interaction in the lower Pangani Basin. More than 20 yea rs ago, archaeological investigations in the highlands and along the proximal coast identified sites of iron using, farming communities (Schmidt and Karoma 1987, Soper 1967). Finds of m arine shell and glass beads in the continental hinterland suggested hum an inter relations across space ( Soper 1967, Su tton 1973a ). Am ong others working in central, coastwise East Africa Chami (1994) spurred reconsiderations of regional connections by focusing on Triangular Incised Ware (TIW; also known as Tana Tradition ), a ceramic type common to emerging, coastal Swahili communities and shared by contemporaneous hinterland residents Other archaeologists (Horton 1996a) hypothesize d that northeastern Tanzania was a locus of the intergroup exchange of unique goods that eventually met Indian Ocean demands. This made sense given the preliminary ma terial clues and the conclusion by l inguists that the region was the origin place of Northeast Coast Bantu languages, from which Swahili language later derived (Nurse and Spear 1985). M ore recent studies of eastern Africa also enable this project. Like Prestholdt (2008) and Helm (2 000), I seek to revise regional historical imaginings by investi ng in the study of a socalled periphery. The Kusimbas (2 0 00, 2005), in particular, have buil t a long -term past for the abutting territory in southeastern Kenya, exploring human connections over the last 2000 years, including the origins of early exchange and Swahili urbanism near Mombasa. Working in and around the South Pare Mountains, Hkansson (2007) proposes that changes in Pare agricultural

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27 strategies and political ecologies over the last 500 years were responses to climate fluctuations, the growing ivory trade, and shifting population dynamics. In the face of market penetration, local commu ni ties enhanced their resiliency strategies by storing social capital in agr icultural terraces (Hkansson and Widgren 2007). Both of these research st reams suggest dynamic and engaged societies. Vulnerabilities The lower Pangani Basin has a disturbing history. Slave raiding and enslavement, European violence, and colonial and post -colonial legacie s of exploitation have impacted most residents negatively In the late 1 880s Germans, charged by Wilhelm w ith pacifying the hinterland employed waning carava n route s to facilitate the first violent confrontation of scale between European colonizers and Africans in northeast ern Tanganyika (Baumann 1890, Schmidt 1892). A German railroad, new markets (centered on plantations), and a roadway for motorized vehicles eventually were established along portions of this route. Eurasian cash crop plantations flourished in the lower basin. In the Usambara Mountains, in particular, deforestation ampli fied gross environmental changes Following British rule and neglect (endi ng in 1961), the national government exacerbated the outcome of pre independence events by further distancing the southern sec tor of the region through villagization schemes (in the 1970s) (Gibli n 1986, Porter 2006:15 34). Treated as outcasts and caricatur ed, people living in the lowlands continue to struggle for prosperity. If anything, Postcolonial Studies demonstrates that practicing engaged history requires taking the present (or surface) as a point of departure (Byrne 2007). We archaeologists often distance ourselves from African residents and politically charged contexts; o ne result is a failure to grasp societal disenchantment as a source for history making (Walz 2009). In certain instances, the possibility of generating alternative histories arises from being

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28 awake to experiences of (mutual) vulnerabili ty (Behar 1996, Straight 2007:3 13), the traumas from which scholars may eventually escape but with which people on the ground are inevitably entangled (Chapter 8) In northeastern Tanzania, oral and archaeological clues underscore the rapid chang es of the l ast few centuries, including community alienations from landscapes and livelihoods, as compared against the idealized expectations expressed in their origin myths. These stories, like others in the region ( cf. Feierman 1 999:208 209), have remained camoufla ged up to the present. The environments and communities of northern Tanzania are heterogeneous. T he region served an intersection of interactions, including during periods ear lier than previous documentary research might anticipate. The oceanic littoral, inland mountains ( proximal components of the Eastern Arc Range ), and the surrounding arid plain ( nyika and, to the west and southwest the Ma a s ai Steppe) support a range of vegetation and animal life in a relatively compact geographical space (Figure 1 1) (Chapter 3) Much of the highland flora and fauna are endemic. Graphite and other geological re sources occur in pockets Fertile highland soils and runoff areas at mounta in foot slopes can sust ain agri cultural productivity across multiple growing seasons. These and other physical characteristics and distributions stimulate d symbiotic and competitive socia l relations among groups. Interactions often assua ge d vulnerabilities as they do today. Moral economies, fueled by economic necessity (linked to rainmaking and political control) continue to play out. A perspective sensitive to human vulnerabilities helps to explain early connectivity in the region. Contributions and Chapters Outline This pr oject demonstrates how historical archaeology aids anthropologists in confronting troublesome legacies of representation in sub -Saharan Africa. In it, I engage lowland protagonists and their pasts. One of the projects primary contribution s is that it gene rates a

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29 lowland culture history f or northeastern Tanzania and elicits trends in settlement and life -ways A systematic, pedestrian survey in five areas along a caravan corridor documented more than 3 25 new archaeological localities spanning the know cultur e history of eastern Africa. Sites and artifacts, including those identified along the foot slopes of the Eastern Arc Mountains, signal a florescence of iron using farming (and mixed subsistence) com munities during the MIA Interior sites and site cluster s near Mombo (Survey Area 4) and Gonja (Survey Area 5) suggest recurrent utilization of the same general vicinities as more recent markets and caravan nodes (chapters 6 7) Material evidence at multiple scales suggests increasing connectivity among communi ties, differentiating political power, and, later, a regional economy perhaps based on more than use values alone. By 1250 C.E., Swahili communities exchanging goods with wider Afrasia flourished in the vicinity of Pangani Bay (Survey Area 1) Comp ared to other hinterland regions of eastern Africa, large numbers of marine shells, Eura s ian g l a ss beads, and debris from landsnail shell bead production and iron smelting appear in excavations at interior sites by 900 1200 C.E (and somewhat later) It is hypothes ized that locations protected from flooding bear unique artifacts and evidence of production and interaction, suggesting control of goods at privileged positions on the landscape. In mo re recent centuries, ecological and social d isasters and changes result ing (in part) from more thorough market penetration influenced the resilience strategies of regional communities T he climate of un certainty and elevated social discontent facilitated increased debate about moral economies. Disenchantment couched i n serpent metaphors links these expressions to unique landscape features often situated near sites bearing evidence of long-term interaction. C ontemporary African experie nces, in other words, undergird the successful str ategy

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30 of identifying connectivity duri ng more ancient times. An approach that accounts for economic and other social residues and factors enriches understandings of how regional integrations shaped the past of this distinct region of East Africa. People in northeastern Tanzania, as elsewhere i n Africa and the Indian Ocean world, share vitality in attachment across landscapes. They have fostered connectivity for centuries Archaeological finds and oral clues from northeastern Tanzania suggest moving beyond t he grand narratives and counter -narrat ives of eastern Africa to more autonomous regional histories that compel revisions to rooted perspectives. The diverse landscape, known history, and, now, derivative archaeological knowledge offer opportunities to move beyond homogenizing tendencies to examine the vicinity as a possible locus for reformulating pasts, cognizant that there was not a single social rhythm for wider eastern Africa. In Chapter 2, I outline fragments of the regional historiography. My goal is not to recount the full metanarrative of East Africa n or Swahili pasts or, for that matter, the contingent knowledge categories of coast and hinterland. These tasks already have been addressed, with varying degrees of success (Kusimba 1999, Horton and Middleton 2000, Pearson 1998, Spear 2000). Instead, I focus on fragments of the storyline, most importantly including aspects of the historiography (narratives; Trouillots historicity 2) of northeastern Tanzania (and the immediately abutting areas) as well as previous findings from the wider region (Trouillots historicity 1) that facilitate my methodology and guide my interpretations (Trouillot 1995). I emphasize African sources (particularly archaeological materials) (cf. Feierman 1974, Posnansky 1969:19). Inevitably, I argue that historical archaeology offers a way toward historical enlightenment by identifying the sources and negotiating the representations of space -time categories.

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31 Chapter 3 sketches the geographical setting of the project and describes the field methodology and theory tha t I employed during almost two years of field study. This brief account of the regional context is amplified in individual chapters that discuss specific research areas within the lower Pangani Basin (namely, Pangani, Lewa, Korogwe, Mombo, and Gonja) (chap ters 4 7) A systematic sur face survey (totaling 44 km2) in these vicinities (located along a roughly south east -northwest nineteenth century caravan corridor ) recorded archaeological localities (sites and occurre nces) (Chapter 3) Surface indications systematic excavations, and artifact analyses document aspects of settlement, production, and connectivity. To explore regional incorporation, I spotlight archaeological materials from hinterland areas. This strategy and these findings contribute to a na rrative enriched by talking with people of all walks of life, from healers and potters to honey collectors The direct historical approach enables moving beyond simplistic historical renderings rooted in different western epistemologies (archaeology and hi story) (Lightfoot 1995, Stahl 1994). A political economic str ategy attentive to moral economy and environmental issues achieves integration by considering cont emporaneous societies and inter relationships among c ommunities (Robertshaw 2000:280 281, Stahl 1999:46). As a regional historical archaeology, this project confronts representations by listening to people and employing known nineteenth century caravan routes as heuristic models and testable analogies. The u se of such residues helps to recuperate aspec ts of more ancient histories. Building culture histories while critically employing this perspective and approach can replace bifurcation (in space and time) with a historical narrative of similarities across areas while avoiding submerging the distinction s among them.

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32 The caravan route analogy acts to open up the study of five areas, the archaeological results of which appear in chapters 4 7. One of these vicinities is the environs of Pangani (Survey Area 1) where th e Pangani River meets the Pemba C hannel. In the nineteenth century, Pangani served as a car avan terminus during the height of the slave and ivory trade which linked the mainland to Zanzibar and far -flung areas beyond Africa In Chapter 4, I also touch on Tongoni, a Swahili monumental site of sig nificance. To investigate continuities in settlement and evidence of interaction in these coastal settings, I partic ularly evoke finds from the last 750 years. Anomalous ceramics peppered over the landscape and recorded systematically raise the prospect of extra local connections through time. As in all five of the investigated vicinities, oral traditions collected among residents speak to origins and serpents (Chapter 8). Chapters 5 and 6 cover three hinterland areas t he most easterly of which is Lewa (Survey Area 2) Lewa Town and its immediate surroundings lie between two sacred mount ains in local lore. Mount Tongwe is bound to lat er caravan traffic through a stopping point located near its base. Sparse coastal ceramics from the midd le second millennium C.E. occur near Lewa Town Korogwe (Survey Area 3) and Mombo (Survey Area 4) nestle up against the W est Usambara Mountains where historic caravans passed (e.g., Farler 1882). Contemporary markets in these areas continue to alleviate differential access to items and information between the highlands and lowlands as well as the coast and hinterland. Natural disasters (e.g., floods and landslides) near comparatively rich agricultural zones at mountain foot slopes link to areas of clustered ancient settlemen t. At Mombo (Survey Area 4), two region-wide ceramic traditions TIW and Group B (Soper 1967) blanket the area. The site of Kwa Mgogo (Site 177) dates to a millennium ago and contains evidence of coa stal exchange and profuse debris from landsnail shell be ad production Material signatures in this interactive corridor elsewhere designated the Mkomazi

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33 Corridor (Walz 2005), overlie (in a general sense) the projected path of a nineteenth century carav a n route In Chapter 7, I consider settlement and inter action at Gonja (Survey A rea 5) situated more than 100 km from the oceanic littoral. In East Africa, ecological studies that incorporate human impacts tend to highlight demographic change insinuating that local p roduction in non state societies resulted solely from subsistence requirements and use values absent an exchanged-based economy (Hkansson and Widgr en 2007:235). At archaeological sit es in and ar ound Survey Area 5, including at Gonja Maore (Site 209) remains of landsnail shell bead production, iron smelting, and terracing accompany evidence of coastal exchange. These sites bear Maore and /or Group B ceramics from the late first millennium C.E. and thereafter. Caravan traffic found a home i n the area during the last few centuries. Political ecologies tied to fluctuations in power that bolstered rainmaking elites eventually altere d local landscapes (Hkansson 1998, 2008, Kimambo 1969) Regi onal and international exchange contributed to the develop ment of social capital ( H kansson and Widgren 2007) a process that may have begun earlier than the nineteenth century Throughout the lower Pangani Basin, the predominance of certain signifiers in local narratives particularly the prevalence of serpent stories, speaks to changes i n life -ways and continuing glo b a l influences. In Chapter 8, I discuss how people come to terms with the historical changes that most citizens deem disenchanting. Through narratives, Tanzanians seek to balance influences from the past/present and the local/foreign in their daily lives. Landscapes help to anchor and legitimize mythologies. The sharing of community vulnerabilities, expressed through serpent metaphor s alive with mythological power, links to vicinities of longterm s ettlement with evidence of re gional interaction. T o capture more holistically, the regional past

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34 I proffer a schema (extending beyond material collections and c lassifications) that accounts for human perceptions and experiences. A sensible stance argues that historicity resides in the materials of experience including landscapes and the expressions, or narratives, of felt life (Geertz 1986:374, Trouillot 1995:29). Valorizing others valuations of history raises the potential for alternative pasts. In chapters 9 and 10, I draw together the findings and implications of this project, especially its archaeological contributions. Historical archaeology, I believe, offers a method and way of thinking capable of resolving the conun drum that archaeologists face with building a regional past for northeastern Tanzania. There are, of course, other ways to practice and define historical archaeology, but none that is more effective in treating silences and other obscurantist tendencies wh ile proposing alternative representations. This dissertation, then, offers a route to new historical representations.

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35 CHAPTER 2 HISTORIOGRAPHIC FRAG MENTS Herein, I recount aspects of the historiography of coastwise eastern Africa and consider previous archaeological and historical findings of significance to this project. I review and discuss the history of fractured coastwise treatments as well as the rise (and questioning) of contingent knowledge categories (e.g., coast and hinterland), while emphasiz ing research in northeastern Tanzania and the abutting areas. A greater consciousness of the shortcomings of skewed (often dichotomous) historical treatments has led archaeologists working in East Africa to propose increasingly inclusive and holistic inter pretations of regional pasts. Intellectual trends concerned with connectivity and routes, scholarly interests (re)emergent in sub-Saharan Africa during the last fifteen years, enable new archaeological approaches attentive to long term histories and their traces. In this review, I highlight African sources (cf. Feierman 1974 Posnansky 1969:19), especially archaeological clues: preliminary indications of African settlement and dynamism in the lowlands. Nineteenth century caravan routes, known from documents and oral traditions, also receive attention. I conclude by outlining central issue s of relevance for instance the value of employing a regional, historical archaeological approach to study long -term, African pasts that arise from the extant literature and help to frame this proj ect and its outcomes I argue that historical archaeology offers a way toward historical enlightenment by identifying the sources and negotiating the representations of space time categories. Scholars working in East Africa continue to produce field studies that anticipate an historical archaeology of regional connectivity. My investigation of the lower Pangani Basin and its results should be considered within this developing framework.

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36 Fragmented Pasts: A Preamble Although there we re (and are) variations in human life -ways in northeastern Tanzania (Chapter 3), presenting sharp distinctions among populations can be detrimental to history making. The key, underlying caricatures include the following: Swahili communities w ere ocean ori ented, urban, and cosmo politan (see below); highland sanctuaries (Eastern Arc Mountains) were autonomous vicinities with rich soils and buffers to disease and raiders; and intermediate communities in the lowland interior (lying between the coast and highla nds) were sparse and untamed (Pouwels 1987:29 30, cf. Kirkman 1966:106): neither far enough away from the coast quietly to produce, nor sufficiently near to it peaceably to trade (Hore 1883:3 4). In antiquity and in spaces less accessible to historians (Feierman 1993:182 187), aspects of these geographically bound representations linger, despite critiques. Surface awareness much like the comparatively meager archaeological research conducted in hinterlands tends to belie practice. Under colonialist ru brics, Eurasian associations and certain traits (internationalism, Islam, and writing) came to define historicity (cf. Trimingham 1964:55). African societies in the continental hinterland were located outs ide history (within prehistory ) or within myth (non historical). For nineteenth century Europeans visiting the area, the nyika semi arid scrubland outlying much of the East African coast hermetically sealed the continental interior as an ocean -like plain wholly unoccupied by any human being (Johannes Rebmann, cited in Jennings 2003:184). But, the unpracticed Rebmann (a nineteenth century German missionary and explorer) crossed the largely waterless space between the coast and Taita Hills (east of Mount Kilimanjaro) eight times in a year and a half, including once in his stocking feet, and so [the nyika ] can hardly be counted a barrier (Stahl 1964:45) (Figure 21). Fabian (2000:17) captures well the implications,

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37 [The explorers] realize[d] sooner or later though they dearly wanted to believe in the myths that had made them volunteer for African exploration that the interior had remained mythical and unknown for so long because of political rather than merely geographical reasons.geography was geopolitics. The architects of this divisive framework bred a distinct lack of interest by coastal archaeologists in the interior (Robertshaw 1990:91, Schmidt 1995). These mindsets and the nature of accessible evidence tended to reinforce one another: [I]t is easy to understand the preoccupation of histori ans, up to the late 1950s, with the history of the coast and islands...of eastern Africa. From the beginning of the Christian era, travelers from literate countries visited the coast, and we have written records of many such journeys. Furthermore, a litera te Muslim civilization...developed on the coast. This left both written records and stone buildings, the ruins of which marked obvious sites for excavation by the archaeologist. By comparison the history of the interior presented more formidable challenge. This was partly because the evidence whether archaeological, oral or literary was less easy to locate and exploit (Roberts 1968:v). Influential dichotomies arose: geographic al temporal, cultural, and economic.4 Scholars regularly reconstituted oppositional categories through practice, enabling the differential treatment of the interior and coast: oral/written, artifact/text, voiced/voiceless, surface/ excavation, reconnaissance/survey and, perhap s most impo rtantly, presumption/evidence Horton (1997:748) laments one outcome, [T]here are two schoolsthe historians, who are able to suggest entire trade networks, indeed commercial policies, based upon fragmentary literary references, often of doubtful value; an d the archaeologists, who dare not suggest trade, without exotic materials in unambiguous stratified contexts, preferably associated with port or warehouse installations. Thus for example we read the investigation should avoid any search for actual eviden ce of trade, and focus on tangible historical documents together with traces of non-material exchanges (Salles 1996:251) African pasts imagined as disconnected and static were juxtaposed to Indian Ocean heritage filled with actors and rendered proximal, interconnected, and dynamic. That which drew 4 Examples of dichotomies include geo graphy (interior/exterio r, continental/oceanic, Africa/ Eurasia, local/foreign, rural/urban), time (ancient/modern, stasis/change, prehistory/history) culture (anonymity/ identity, homogenous/ heterogeneous, isolated/cosmopolitan, barbarian /citizen, paga n /Islamic, female/male), and econo my (periphery/core, stagnation/ interaction, receive/produce, natural/ processed, gift/commodity).

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38 together the Indian Ocean, from Arabia to Siam, over the last two millennia exploration and exchange, culture as largely writ, and Islam disconnected Africa in the eyes of global historians. Even well -respected scholars conscious of European hegemony and Islamist perspectives marginalized Africans and Africa in the history of the Indian Ocean (cf. Chaudhuri 1990:36, Abu-Lughod 1989). Other influential voices highlighted capitalist transformations (post 1750 C .E.), implying that Africans who lived outside of the coast lay beyond the early world system (cf. Wallerstein 1974; but see Chase Dunn and Hall 1991, 1998:3 25, 139 146, Curtin 1984). Critiques of the paradigm of dichotomyEast African coasts as separ ate from their continental hinterlands have not greatly influenced historical outcomes from a hinterland perspective.5 The residual effect largely continues to determine source preferences and constraints for certain areas (history for the coast versus archaeology for the interior), instills a reluctance to examine archaeological pasts of the last few centuries (for all areas), and facilitates untested assumptions about the origins of specific historical processes (e.g., connectivity) (Walz 2005:1999) In East Africa, these trends hamper genuinely balanced (in quality and quantity of research) treatments of regions (Roberts 1968, Spear 1981) and work to perpetuate the denial of co -evalness (Fabian 1983). Coastwise, Interactive Indications The historiography of coastal communities (particularly the Swahili) is relevant to understanding hinterland and integrated East African historiography in that i t exposes how, at the highest level of abstraction, spatial (coast/hinterland) and temporal (hi story/prehistory) 5 One danger of idealized treatments of coastal archaeology (i.e., attention to both African and foreign influences on the emergence, florescence, and decline of the Swahili) is that paradigmatic conflict framed as multivocality(cf. LaViolette 2008) may suppress the actions (praxis) necessary to more fully unseat the colonialist legacy (McGuire 2008:61, 63).

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39 dichotomies hindered making regional pasts It also highlights how archaeologists have begun to overcome this legacy (cf. Cham i 1994, Helm 2000, Horton 1996b, Kusimba 1999, Masao and Mutoro 1988, Schmidt et al. 1992). As strict dichotom ies in representation fade, g rasping the inherent dialectic (as outlined above) is essential for further querying fragmentation and transforming archaeological practice. The historiography of Swahili6 archaeology can be summarized as follows (Chami 1998, Connah 1987:150 182, Horton and Middleton 2000, Kusimba 2001, Pouwels 1999): Colonialist narratives (most robust during the late, middle twentieth century) elevate d Indian Ocean influences on Swahili civilization and express ed interest in Islam, trade bas ed economies, foreign loan words, introduced commodities, urbanism, monumentality, and a littoral orientation Africanist renderings (beginning in the last decades of the twentieth century) highlight ed indigenous origins, Swahili language, non-monumental aspects of settlement, the agro -fishing base of coastal subsistence, locally made ceramics, and socio-economic ties to the continental hinterland Postcolonial accounts (recent and sometimes interwoven with aspects of Africanist narratives) emphasize d (and continue to do so) inter -subjective identity, conflicting sources and images of Swahili pasts, and politically aware and/or negotiated regional historical representations Key developments in the transition from colonialist representations to more recent, region friendly accounts resonate with material discoveries that substantiate ties among East African people. 6 As a far flung community (2500 km of coastline), the Swahili share certain characteristics within which there are exceptions and great variation (from place to place, 750 C.E. to the present) (Parkin 1994), including the experiences of occupying a macro geographical int ersection (mainland Africa and the Indian Ocean). Some of these characteristics include Swahili language urbancenteredness within a settlement system a literary tradition Afro Islamic practice, and a diverse terrestrial and aquatic economy. The discour se about Swahili identity (often framed in relationship to nonSwahili) pervades secondary literature (Benjamin 2005, Caplan 2007, Eastman 1971, Glassman 1995, Loimeier and Seesemann 2006, Mazrui and Shariff 1994, Middleton 1992, Nurse and Spear 1985, Pouw els 1987, Salim 1973, Simpson and Kresse 2008, Willis 1993). Other communities of interest also inhabit coastal spaces ( Gearhardt and Giles in press, Parkin 1994).

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40 James Kirkman (1963, 1966) launched scientific archaeology along the littoral by putting shovel to soil in Kenya Colony and concluding tha t the coral ruins stretching from Somalia to Mozambique (including select offshore islands) were the result of foreign innovation. In the early middle second millennium C.E., Persian immigrants, it was argued (Kirkman 1966, Chittick 1974, 1975a), founded w hat later developed into Swahili city -states dependent on monsoon winds and seaborne trade for their survival. This assessment fell in line with the prevailing interpretation of coastal cultural achievements as non -African (cf. Pearce 1920, Ingrams 1931). The diffusionist paradigm cast urban ruins along the coast as indicative of a complexity and history antithetical to preconceptions of African capabilities, thus the division from continental goings -on (cf. Chittick 1980:13). Such representations glamorize d Eurasian influences on the continent at the expense of African volition (Freeman-Grenville 1962, Matthew 1963).7 Some of the first robust challenges to the foreign foundations paradigm of the Swahili came in the form of historical analogies. For example, Allen (1974) argued that Swahili culture in the La mu Archipelago (Figure 2 1) had revived during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries despite a drastic decline in oceanic trade. Towns succeeded through cooperation with their immediate hinterlands. [I] t is hard to believe, he continued the same was not true of earlier periods (Allen 1974:138). He elaborated, [Trade items] are unlikely to have been brought from the coast without some simultaneous spread of Swahili language and ideas. Iron -working and jewelry styles are among other things which need further investigation before we can deny coast -interior links with any certainty. Nor need it be assumed that unglazed pottery styles and techniques, iron smelting and jewelry fashions must necessarily have spread from the coast to the interior, rather than vice versa. The very word swahili derives from the Arabic sahil denoting in 7 I do not wish to belabor the shortcomi ngs of the colonialist narrative, the details of which appear in the literature referenced throughout Chapter 2.

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41 maritime usage, a port serving as an entrepot for the goods of its hinterland (Allen 1974:135). Soon thereafter, linguistic and other clues emerged that substantiated hypotheses about coastal connections with the interior during the late first millennium C.E. (Mutoro 1987, Nurse and Spear 1985, Wilson 1982:215). Word lists forged a region-wide bond, as linguistics suggested that the speakers of ProtoSabaki (from which Swahili language later derived) originally had inhabited northeastern Tanzania (Nurse 1983:132, Nurse and Hinnebusch 1993). In northern Kenya and proximal Somalia, Allen (1993) proposed that a multi -ethnic state or a series of river -base d states (Shungwaya) once dominated the area. The intensive exchange of food and crafts among diverse patrons and clients formed a dynamic political economy. Horton (1984:235 248, 1987, 1990, 1994, 1996b :378 406) challenged Allens th esis and posited links between pastoral communities in the interior and early coastal populations, through which hinterland items reached Indian Oc ean traders viz.: It is more likely [that]...coastal societies obtained their pottery from an inland source as they do today, and subsequently traded it along the coast. This pottery could have come from the Tana, Sabaki, or the Usambara hills. The distribution along the coastal hinterland may be ascribed to the migration of pot -making groups following the estab lishment of coastal settlements southwards (Horton 1984:299; but see Wilding 1977). Beyond ceramics, Shanga (a Swahili site in the Lamu Archipelago) (Figure 2 1) yielded other evidence of interior interaction: ivory and buffalo horn, rock crystal, hematit e ore, and basalt ar tifacts (Horton 1984:255, 259, 293, Horton 1987:93, Horton 1996b). Spindle whorls (for textile production), stone and ceramic bead grinders, and incomplete cone shells and cowries also suggested interrelations (Horton 1984:252 265, 1996b ). Shell beads occurred in quantities 750 1050 C.E ., after which there was a dramatic fall off in production. Horton (1984:249 274) also drew attention to Arab and Chinese records of a flourishing trade in animals, animal skins, elephant tusks, spices, an d Zhongli dragon's blood and aloes. Linking coastal surplus production

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42 Figure 2 1. Map of eastern Africa, select archaeological sites and places marked to inland trade, he proposed an association with interior sites bearing Maore Ware (and its presumed Pastoral Neolithic antecedents) or archaeological localities with wavy line pottery (Horton 1984:296 297): The problem that the Swahili faced was to obtain these goods...from the interior. To do so they exploited long -distance systems of exchange that al ready existed in Iron Age Africa south of the Sahara. Such exchange systems, entirely indigenous in origin served to redistribute scarce resources....The Swahili took the preexisting exchange network and began expanding it for their own purposes. By controlling the supply of goods needed in the interior they developed a reliable group of inland trading partners (Horton 1987:92).

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43 There were additional discoveries of significance. Working in southeastern Kenya, Thorbahn (1979) documented glass beads and marin e shells in the nyika He also investigated fluxes in ivory exports over the long term, concluding (that since 1200 C.E. or earlier) an extensive regional exchange system for ivory and coastal trade goods, involving only egalitarian groups, could have bee n operatingthroughout East Africa (Thorbahn 1979:viii viv). Also working in Kenya, Collet (1985) echoed Hortons comments about coastal linka ges to sites bearing wavy line pottery and Mutoro (1987; also see Abungu and Mutoro 1993) identified Tana Tradi tion (or TIW) ceramics and spatial similarities between early Swahili towns and kayas (sacred Mijikenda groves located in the hinterland of southern Kenya and extreme northeastern Tanzania). In broader southern Africa, archaeologists used shared ceramics a nd residues of exchange to expose similar geographical imbalances (Denbow 1984, Hall 1987, Morais 1984, Pwiti 1991, Sinclair 1982, Sinclair et al. 1993, Wilmsen 1989). For instance, a whole elephant tusk and shell stamped ceramics were recorded at Murrapan ia IV, an inland site in Mozambique (Sinclair 1991:187 192). George Abungu (1989:171 174) assembled additional clues from excavations a t Ungwana (Figure 2 1). He recovered beads and copper objects at Wenje and Old Wenje (Abungu 1989: 171 174, Phillipson 1979) that corresponded to similar artifacts from early Swahili settlements, such as Manda (in the Lamu Archipelago) and Kilwa (Figure 21). Craft activity was heightened 950 1200 C.E., outstripping local needs (Abungu 1989:72 73). Coupled with later documen tary evidence of bead adornment by interior groups, Abungu concluded that coastal residents at Ungwana had produced and exchanged beads for desired, inland goods. He interpreted Ungwana as a gateway community that controlled the movement of goods along a natural, mainland route (Abungu 1989:170 171, 175). Documentary sources further raised his awareness about the

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44 ecological mosaic of the lower Tana River Basin (Figure 2 1), where environmental niches harbor distinct resources that fostered symbiotic relat ions among diverse social groups. Meanwhile, in coastwise central Tanzania, archaeologists identified scores of sites that dated to the first millennium C.E. (e.g., Fawcett and LaViolette 1990, LaViolette et al. 1989, Schmidt et al. 1992). Kwale Ware [an E IW (Early Iron Working) pottery] (see below) and TIW (or Tana Tradition) were said to be found in close proximity, if not always in stratigraphic relationship (Schmidt et al. 1992:5). Thereby, TIW (or Tana Tradition) was not solely a coastal phenomenon, but nor was it solely a Swahili phenomenon. The distribution of such sites insinuated a trade network (Schmidt et al. 1992:6; but see Mapunda 2001:109 110). Artifacts at sites like Misasa (Figure 2 1) included objects of copper and brass, glass beads and shards, and pieces of gum copal (LaViolette et al. 1989:39, Schmidt et al. 1992:6). Indications of robust iron production suggested craft specialization and a potential trade in iron (and/or steel) from vicinities located up to 200 km inland (Chami 1992, Haaland and Msuya 2000; also see Kusimba 1993). A more definitive relationship among coastwise communities, however, remained elusive (LaViolette et al. 1989:44, Sutton 1994/5:229). A project funded by S AREC (Swedish Agency for Research Cooperation with Developing Countries) eventually enabled new studies, like Chamis (1994) influential dissertation, an attempt to cinch coastwise communities and long -term pasts south of the Kenya Tanzania border. Chami ( 1994) emphasized the evolution of TIW from EIW pottery, in the process challenging its association with Pastoral Neolithic ceramics and, putatively, Cushitic -speaking people (cf. Horton 1984, Abungu 1989). Simultaneously, he filled a long recognized gap in the material sequence of coastal history (400 800 C.E.). His hinterland excavations yielded TIW (or Tana Tradition) as well as iron smelting remains, bead grinders, glass beads and shards, iron and

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45 copper objects, pieces gum copal, and early Eurasian ce ramics. From his investigations, Chami (1994:96; also see Haaland 1994/5, Phillipson 1979) concluded that TIW emerged within the communities of the early iron using people and spread through commercial networks (Chami 1994:96, 98 99, 1994/5:234, 1999). S tudies of Swahili urban florescence (1250 1500 C.E.) also moved away from homogenous, ocean oriented narratives. Multiple interpretations arose about the function of Swahili towns. Distinct narratives developed because archaeologists began to recognize the diverse cultural i nfluences on the region in the late first millennium C.E. and during the subsequent centuries (LaViolette and Fleisher 2005). Moreover, there was a broadening of archaeologists considerations of the type s and locations of sites importan t to interpretations of coastwise history, including non-monumental, nonSwahili, and non-coastal sites: the hidden majority (Fleisher and LaViolette 1999). In such depictions (for summary see LaViolette and Fleisher 2005:341), s tone towns administered to functional centers and p roduced items for long distance international exchange (Kusimba 1999); or produced and marketed goods with relative independence (Horton 1996b, Horton and Middleton 2000, Sinclair and Hkansson 2000); or emulated el ite ritual and religious (Islamic) styles and goods to construct nodes of authority in relation to competing towns (Wright 1993). Each of these models recognizes the influence of non-coastal (and non urban) groups, economies, and goods on Swahili political economies (at multiple scales). In effect, such models further challenged simplified characterizations of the Swahili (and Africans more broadly) found in the accounts of Eurasian travelers and traders.8 8 Ancient texts are more frequent following Vasco da Gama's landing at Malindi in 1498 (Newitt 1970, Pearson 1998). Prior to that time, the observations of an anonymous Greek sailor in the first century C.E., the somewhat later writings of Ptolemy and Cosmas, and, eventually (beginning in the ninth century), texts of Mediterranean, Muslim, and Chinese travelers, traders, and diplomats constitute the documents ( e.g., Casson 1989, Freeman Gren ville 1962,

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46 Recent archaeological studies continue to explore s ettlement at the coast or political economies (e.g., Fleisher 2003, Pawlowicz 2009, Pradines 2003, Wynne Jones 2005). Other projects persist in examining coastwise interaction, in cases extending to the Greco Roman and Neolithic periods (e.g., Chami 2002, Chami and Kwekason 2003, Chami and Msemwa 1997, Juma 1996, Lejju et al. 2006, Sinclair et al 1993, Wright 2005). One fruitful line of inquiry and discourse concerns social organization and ritual performance on the coast. Fleisher (2003) discerned rur al ad ministrative autonomy on northern Pemba Island (Figure 2 1). Based on extensive field surveys, excavations, and artifact analysis, he concluded that countryside residents were dra wn to urban locales on Pemba by symbols of power (foreign goods) tied to elit e, Muslim status and ritual. This trend intensified after 1200 C.E., following a shift in Islamic power to the Red Sea (Wright 1993). Other researchers working elsewhere in eastern Africa recently argued that, urban collapse (1500 1750 C.E.) partially resu lted from changes in the interior and shifts in the relations between coastal and hinterland residents, each of which im plies pre existing, regional connections (Ehret 2001, Kusimba and Kusimba 2000, Hkansson in press). Routes and Connectivity in Central, Coastwise East Africa The primary concern of this project is the hinterland past ( the last 1500 years) of northeastern Tanzania. Europeans frequented the region in recent centuries. In the late 1880s, Germans employed a once prominent caravan route in the lower Pangani Basin to facilitate violent clashes with Africans in northeastern Tanganyika (Baumann 1890, Ekemode 1973, Schmidt 1892). By 1905, the Germans had established a railroad, new markets (center ed on plantations), and a road for motor cars betwee n Tanga and Mombo (Huijzendveld 2008, Iliffe 1988). The earliest accounts are primarily descriptive and focus on environments and goods, rather than people and practices (Freeman Grenville 1962).

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47 1979, Kimambo 1991, Tambila 1983) (Figure 2 2). These impacts comprise only one aspect of the regions disturbing history, which includes slave raiding and enslavement (Glassman 1995, Kimambo 1996). Communities impoverished by such events and circumstances continue to struggle to prosper (Giblin 1986:1 23, Koponen 1994, Mascarenhas 2000, Porter 2006). Modern historians began to study East African caravan traffic in earnest during the late 1960s (e.g., Al pers 1975). Earlier colonialist historians framed caravans as original contact with interior communities and rooted such nineteenth century engagements with the barbarism of slaving (cf. Coupland 1938). For archaeologists working in the region, route work is only of recent interest, but it is gaining an increased following, in part because of growing attention to histories of slaving, mobility, and circulating goods (Chapter 3). Sources stretching back to the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea [a first century C.E. description of the East African coast by a Mediterranean sailor (Casson 1989, Chami 2006)], record k nowledge of interior regions, including Mount Kilimanjaro and the Great Lakes of Africa. Stahl (1964:37) gives credence to one such a ccount of more recent antiquity, [There was a] story which he [Rebmann] found current in 1848 [in Kilimanjaro] according to which the great grandfather of the then ruling Chief Masaki was a man named Munie Mkoma who came from the River Pangani and so impre ssed the Wakilema by his talents that he became Mangi, being called by them Rongowa (Rongoma). This reinforces the old links of Kilema with the coast and perhaps also gives us the earliest Swahili we know of by name to have come to Kilimanjaro. Further ind ications that eighteenth to early nineteenth century coastal residents were aware of hinterland goings -on, appears in Botelers (2005 [1835]) report of British exploration along the eastern coast of Africa (1821 1826). Describing knowledge encountered at P angani (Figure 2 2), he (Boteler 2005 [1835]:175 176; also New 1875:318) writes, [A]ccording to the accounts of the Arabs, the fall [waterfall] is three days journey up the riverabove the fall there is an archipelago of islands, thickly inhabited; and, a t some distance beyond them, is situated the town of Vooga, where dwells the Kinieure or chief of

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48 all the Wannekah tribe. At this place the people are armed with spears only, but those on the island use bows with poisoned arrows. Foreign artifacts (particu larly beads) recently excavated near Korogwe (Figure 2 2) indicate that the island villages that Boteler (2005 [1835]) mentions, or others like them, interacted with the coast as predecessors to more formalized caravan traffic (Biginagwa 2009; also see Lan e 1992). During the middle to late nineteenth century, three clusters of routes penetrated the countryside of what later became Tanganyika (Figure 2 3). In this scenario, interior towns served as markets for caravan goods and/or stations for services and/o r tax (toll) collection that generated wealth and directly or indirectly linked coastwise communities (Ambler 1988, Fabian 2000, Mutoro 1998, Rockel 2006a). The Northern (or Maasai) routes from Pangani and Mombasa to inland areas the former being most pertinent to this projec t, connected coastal towns at the Indian Ocean coast with distant regions of Central Africa. By the late 1850s, travelers accounts and local oral traditions record route itineraries and explicate the general corridors traversed by caravans in the wider Pangani watershed ( Baumann 1890, 1891, Burton 1860, Burton and Speke 1858, Farler 1882, Fischer 1882 1883, Johnston 1879, Krapf 1860, Wakefield 1870). Oral accounts (relayed in published secondary sources), in particular, indicate th at the Kamba, Mijikenda, and Zigua (from southeastern Kenya and northeastern Tanzania) pioneered the pre colonial Northern routes (with elephant ivory being a primary export) (Cummings 1985, Feierman 1974:127 130, Jackson 1972, Lamphear 1970, Spear 1974, Steinhart 2000). Pastoralists (e.g., Galla, or Oromo) and hunter -gatherers (e.g., Waata) also contributed to the systemic operation of the ivory trade. By the late nineteenth century, however, caravans along the Northern routes were controlled by Muslim s. Select texts and maps from the period mark (with varying accuracy and specificity) the villages, trade stations, and prominent landmarks

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49 Figure 2 2 Map o f northeastern Tanzania, select towns mar ked [Adapted from Soper, Robert C. 1967. Iron Age Sites in North -Eastern Tanzania. Azania 2, p. 20.] Figure 2 3. Map of prominent caravan routes in nineteenth century East Africa, Northern (Mombasa and Pangani), Central, and Southern routes (from north to south)

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50 encountered.9 Farler (1882) describes one such journey.10 The items exchanged along routes included hinterland food, tobacco, ivory, slaves, honey, medicines, and livestock as well as coastal beads, wire, cloth, guns and gunpowder, salt, and dried fish (Burton and Speke 1858:199, Farler 1879:89, Johnston 1879:557, Smee et al. 1844). There are tensions, however, in the secondary literature about nineteenth century caravans and caravan culture. The limitations of source material increasingly confront c haracterizations of non-coastal people and g eographie s McKim (1998:140) critiques Glassmans (1995) work at Pangani Bay in this regard: He [Glassman] is critical of the urbanelite orientation of previous Swahili cultural studies. Yet at times, a distinction is implicitly drawn between a dynamic c osmopolitan Shirazi culture and a geographically unspecified, evidently static village culture. Hinterland dynamism existed outside the middle nineteenth century, as suggested, for example, by linguistic indications of rotating markets in lowland northe astern Tanzania ext ending (at least) 500 years into the past (Wood and Ehret 1978). It is curious that Glassman (1995), among others, makes little to no reference to these alternative, non -documentary sources. Hist orians and ethnographers continue to desc rib rotating markets as a type of regional insurance. Market institutions supplied nonlocal resources and products and facilitated the exchange of information and the elaboration of social ties in anticipation of future needs in pressing circumstances (Kim ambo 1969:24 25, Wood 1974). Residents achieved risk aversion through food exchanges and the display of valued items (social symbols) (e.g., Berntsen 1976, Johnston 1879:557). Goods also filtered from village to village or hinterland residents went 9 Africans also produced maps of caravan passages in Tanzania. For an example of the Central route, see Bassett (1998:3738). 10 Beginning at Pangani Town, Farlers (1882) route included stops at the following locations (with his spellings): Mawia, Maliko, Fungo, Maliwazi, Mgumi, Mauri, Tarawanda, Mombo, Mazindi, Mkomazi, Makuyuni, and beyond.

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51 directl y to the coast to sell items (Baumann 1891:126, 273). Rotating markets managed several types of economic exchange and trade coexisting with and exceeding one another (Koponen 1988:103, Kimambo 1996:238; also see Smith 1999:111). Trade beyond the village therefore, began on African initiative and moved outward (Alpers 1975, Curtin 1984:15 16, Gray and Birmingham 1970, Vansina 1962). Working with Shambaa oral accounts, Feierman (1974:133 134) recognized the potential of early and active indigenous markets beneath the West Usambara Mountains. Historians writing about the lower Pangani Basin paint vivid images of nineteenth century Zigua chiefs (and their affiliates) in the countryside and wealthy Arab, Indian, and Swahili merchants and financiers living along the littoral (Giblin 1992, Glassman 1995, Kimambo 1996, Sheriff 1987). The seeds of cosmopolitanism (indicated in documents) certainly were sown along the fringes of the Eastern Arc Mountains by the late nineteenth century. Thus, Semboja son of the d eceased Shambaa King, Kimwere ye Nyumbai appeared cloaked in the clothes of a coastal resident and lived in a rectangular (Swahili) house (New 1875:319). Initiated into a Maasai age set, Semboja sought genealogical ties and trade affiliations that would link him to the wider economies that informed regional power. In his hands, and among those of others, firearms radically a ltered regional power relations [causing] ribbon like settlements along trade routes to give way to fortified villages (Iliffe 1979:7 5). With a boom in ivory exports to Pangani during the 1870s lowland Zigua ch iefdoms flourished as their Pare an d Shambaa counterparts in the mountains fragmented and withered, respectively ( Giblin 1992, F eierman 1974, Kimambo 1969). Documents from this period (e.g., Baumann 1891) demonstrate the shifting nature of routes and regional connectivity, as Zanzibar reached the height of its economic influence

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52 (Sheriff 1987). A larger shift from a Central route preference to the Pangani corridor occurred when traders attempted to avoid the growing power of Zigua chiefdoms centered somewhat further south. Later, during the middle to late 1880s, fewer caravans followed the Pangani r oute s to avoid taxation by Semboja (who resided at Mazinde) (Farler 1882:740) (Figure 2 2) and the growing presence of agro -pastoralists (especially the Parakuyu, or Iloikop) in the Mkomazi Basin (Jennings 2003). The latter had been forced out of their territories to the west by Maasai aggressors (Galaty 1993, Je nnings 2005). In the lower Pangani Basin, banyans and Muslim merchants did not camp at defined halts and build stations, providing hubs of commerce (as happened along the Central routes; Rockel 2006a, 2006b). Instead, members of diverse communities pract icing different life -ways arrived to participate at local markets. As principal market nodes, the influences of these places presumably spread to other nearby rotating markets and villages. Historians of East A f rica suggested early on that later caravan co rridors might be used to study more ancient coastwise linkages (Freeman Grenville 1962:12, Kimambo 1969:238; but see Robertshaw 1990:91).11 Scholars have made similar proposals elsewhere in sub Saharan Africa (e.g., Posnansky 1973, Wilding 1980). Yet, archa eologists working in Tanzania only recently b egan to investigate more recent archaeologies (e.g., Karlkins 1992, Kirkman 1974, Croucher and Wynne Jones 2006),12 including the residues of caravan nodes and networks ( Biginagwa 2009, Chami et al. 2004, Insoll 1997, Lane 1992, Msemwa and Mapunda 2002, Wynne Jones 11 For earlier periods, Horton and Middleton (2000:90) bemoan that nineteenthcentury evidence is of uncertain help in understanding the mercantile system [of the Swahili]. 12 For a cautionary comment about identifying recent foreign materials, see Jones ( 1994) on West Africa.

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53 and Croucher 2007).13 Prior to this project, the systematic investigation of connective corridors envisioned by Wheeler (1955:46) had yet to be implemented: [H]aving established contacts between imported and local materials along the coast, our next task is to proceed gradually inland, from the known to less known to unknown, until we finally reach across the country to the Lakes.The taskmeans hard work (my emphasis). In the other temporal direction gre ater antiquity Iron Age interaction in sub-Saharan Africa became a popular topic during the 1970s (especially in southern and West Africa), a period of heightened processual archaeology. North of Mozambique (as opposed to south of Tanzania; Pearson 1998:86 92), archaeologists explained their reluctance to accept broad interaction in cultural or economic terms: a lack of demand for local products across areas (Posnansky 1975) or an absence of political structures to organize trade (Unomah and Webster 1976). Sutton (1973a), alternatively, underscored high transportation costs. However, the realization surfaced that sub Saharan Africans exchanged raw materials and finished products over distances at an early date (an example of traces forcing a shift in narra tives): The diffusion of more advanced metallurgical techniques and artifacts, more sophisticated agricultural methods, and the establishment of important chieftainships, could not have taken place without the greater mobility of products and people caused by the informal trading networks between countless Iron Age villages throughout South Central Africa (Fagan 1970:30; also see Gray and Birmingham 1970:2). During the past decade, connectivity studies spurred new questions about routes of exchange, human m ovement, and cultural transmission extending to the Neolithic (cf. Chami 2006, Lejju et al. 2006, Mitchell 2005).14 Neolithic finds from Ngorongoro Crater and the 13 Independent projects as well as UNESCOs drive to elevate pasts of slavery generated renewed interest in archaeologies of the past 200 years (Kusimba 2004, Msemwa and Mapunda 2002, Lane 1993, Walz and Brandt 2006). Archaeologists working in southern Africa are well ahead in many of these developments. For example, Ellert (1993:87117) provides descriptions of goods located at sixteenth to seventeenth century interior markets and trade fairs. 14 There are multiple reasons for these n ew trends, including, but not limited to, increasing interest in mobility (including slaving) and the circulation of goods, extrapolations on and critiques of World Systems Theory and other

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54 surrounding area received renewed attention (cf. Chami 2006; also see Leakey 1966, Sutton 1973b:87 88). Excavations at Njoro River Cave (Figure 2 2) during the 1950s yielded objects of personal adornment made from far -flung raw materials, viz.: over 800 beads and some pendants made from semi precious stones such as agate, quartz, chalcedony, and m icrocline feldspar (Leakey and Leakey 1950:26). Ancient marketplaces with Greco-Roman links [e.g., Toniki (Nikon) and Rhapta] also attracted attention. Mentioned in ancient text, these places, offered the potential to explore archaeological links between early Africans and Eurasians (Allen 1949, Baxter 1944, Chami and Msemwa 1997, Datoo 1970). Furthermore, researchers began to explain current ethnolinguistic distributions via interaction (including trade) (Chami 1999; also see Gramly 1978) rather than stri ct, mass migrations (cf. Bantu S tudies Research Project; Phillipson 1977, Soper 1971). Connectivity studies also went through a conceptual revolution, eventually emerging in new theoretical clothing: interactionist perspectives (Sherratt 1995; also see Oka and Kusimba 2008). As Mitchell (2005:24 25) describes such studies, they tend focus on how societies structure their interactions through material culture that is used to send social signals.[It is] simultaneously alert to the historically specific and the processual.[and] it pays attention to underlying spatial and geographical structures. Thus, mutually constitutive interactions (among cores, margins, and peripheries) formed systems of value across groups. In due course, historians and anthropologists challenged and remade sim ple core -periphery models [ reviewed by Pearson (1998)] and their underdevelopment and dependency antecedents. Prestholdts (2008) revelations about the influential demands of nineteenth century, East African consume rs macro theories about global integration, and studies of African contexts where objects are seen to become commodities in contextually informed ways that are specific to cultural parameters (Appadurai 1986, Kopytoff 1986; also see Killick 2009).

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55 on the goods cotton cloth, beads, and brass wire produced in international markets is not dissimilar in its framing from the central precepts of interactionist and other contextually informed approaches. For the longer term, the Kusimbas (2000, 2005) highlighted interactions in their comprehensive work on southeastern Kenya. They built a past for the territory bordering northeastern Tanzania by exploring human connections over the last 2000 years (within a wider 12,000year chronology), including urban origins and early exchange near Mombasa and its presently semi arid hinterland. They documented a variety of sites with evidence of production and interaction, including indications of local and regional intergroup exchange, for example glass beads from t he Indian Ocean and evidence of later slaving impacts (Dussubieux et al. 2008, Kusimba 2004). The mosaic environment of the area fostered symbiotic and competitive relations among diverse groups practicing a multiplicity of subsistence strategies (Kusimba and Kusimba 2005). Portuguese incursions and global climate change during the Little Ice Age (1500 1750 C.E.), generated droughts, famines, and heightening conflict, a commercial context in which hinge groups (intermediaries) and trade specialists benefitted. In this context, Swahili stone towns, such as Mtwapa (north of Mombasa) (Figure 2 1), eventually declined (Oka 2008, Oka et al. 2008). Heterogeneity characterizes regions at physiographic intersections more inclined to facilitate intergroup social relations across space and through time (Kusimba and Kusimba 2005). In nort hern Mozambique, to mention only one case, exchange relations seemingly developed in a context of ecological variation where people averted risks through social bonds (Duarte 1993) Abungu (1989) found similar circumstances in the early Tana Delta of northern Kenya. S uggestions about intergroup blood brot herhoods, kin links, and risk aversion offer

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56 pregnant ideas that require a social and contextual, rather than a strictly economic and universalist analysis (Piot 1991:407). Regional, cultural (or moral) economies where economic forces and social values shaped one another are critical to envisioning interactions in northern Tanzania during recent centuries (Spear 1997). At issue is the antiquity of such relations (see Matvelev 1984:466). Disasters and rapid changes partially resulting from more thorough market penetration influenced resilience strate gies during recent centuries (particularly post 1750 C.E.) (Giblin 1986, Kimambo 1969, Kusimba et al. 2005, Merrit 1975). Throughout this period, a climate of uncertainty and elevated community discontent facilitated increased debate about moral economies. Working near the South Pare Mountains, Hkansson (1995, 1998, 2004, 2007) proposed that changes in Pare agricultural strategies and political ecologies over the last 500 years were responses to climate fluctuations, the growing ivory trade, and shifting population dynamics. By the late nineteenth c entury, the presence of herders with cattle presented new opportunities to community members: they could accrue and deploy cattle to gain wealth and social access. Later, in the face of market penetration, Pare c ommunities enhanced their resilience strategies by storing social capital in agricultural terraces (Hkansson and Widgren 2007) (Chapter 7). As the fieldwork and interpretations of the Kusimbas and Hkansson suggest, each setting in East Africa must be a ssessed based on its social and ecological parameters. Variation exists from one coastwise location to another and across hinterland spaces. Each study elicits different archaeological results, demonstrating there was no single social rhythm in the wider r egion. Like southeastern Kenya, northeastern Tanzania is a unique intersection of environments occupied by a mosaic of social groups (Chapter 3) Know from recent times, the Pangani routes offer a

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57 means to efficiently demarcate ancient connections across time in a coastwise setting. Previous material discoveries in the Pangani Basin anticipate finds of settlement and interaction in these lowlands. Extant Archaeology and Northeastern Tanzania Northeastern Tanzania has distinct later histories (touched on a bove) and maintains a unique geographical and cultural position in coastwise eastern Africa (Chapter 3). In no other area do significant highlands closely a pproach the littoral Culturally, the region is thought to be the origin place (linguistic convention suggests two millennia ago) of Northeast Coast Bantu languages: the Pare, Ruvu, Sabaki, and Seuta language clusters (Ehret 1998, Gonzales 2009, Nurse and Hinnebusch 1993). Evident in the historiography of the Swahili (outlined above), archaeologists and linguists treated (and continue to treat) the Pangani River and the highlands along its lower course as a boundary of sorts between the northern and southern Swahili coasts (cf. Chami 1998, Gonzales 2009; but see Helm 2000). The area has not, however, been considered a potential intersection of interactions.15 Boundary maintenance necessitates an archaeological vacuum, which may explain the startling dearth of research in these lowlands, including at the coast where there is very little known about the a ncient oceanfront north of Kaole (Figure 2 1). At UDSM, critical historical studies by Feierman (1974) and Kimambo (1969) on Shambaa and Pare oral traditions (in the West Usambara Mountains and Pare Mountains, respectfully) raised the prospect of developing a long term history for the wider region. The Pangani Valley History Project (stretching to Mount Kilimanjaro) tended to focus on the last two centuries. At the time, archaeology was neither a central endeavor nor a favorable pursuit in the 15 These physical features approximate the modern TanzaniaKenya border. Thus, national boundaries have influenced perceptions about ancient boundaries.

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58 History Depar tment at the UDSM (Jonathan Karoma, personal communication). The project fizzled somewhat later under competing priorities for funding and attention.16 Prior to 1999 (the launch of the preliminary phase of this project and its investigation s ), archaeologica l work in the lowe r Pangani watershed occurred during two chief periods: late 1950s 1960s and 1987 1993. In retrospect, little of what was done concerned lowland, Iron Age to historical topics (last 2500 years). No lowland project in the vicinity systema tically evaluated the lowlands at a regional scale Early European visitors took a passing interest in the areas archaeolog ical remains (e.g., Burton 1967[1872]).17 Stowell (1937), in fact, made a plan of the mosque at Tongoni (Figure 21) and produced photographs of its coral ruins. Through the 1940s, there was much conjecture about the protective walls at some of the regions coastal villages, the putative movement of Maasai and (earlier) Zimba (a supposed force from southern Africa) into the region d uring the last half millennium, and the potential existence of Rhapta, an early trade center linked to Greco Roman contacts once thought to lie near Pangani Bay (Allen 1949, Baker 1949, Baxter 1944; also see Casale 2007, Datoo 1970). Professional explorati ons by archaeologists began during the 1950s. Fosbrooke (1957:318) identified sites in the far interior ( from the South Pare Mountains to Mount Kilim anjaro and Kondoa) (Figure 1 1). Based on archaeological sites with pottery, beads, iron smelting remains, and other debris, he remarked sometime in the past there were sedentary, agricultural iron age folk living on the plains. In a brief report, Chittick (1959) affirmed 16 I thank Isaria Kimambo and Fred Kaijage for their reflections on the Pangani Valley History Project during informal questioning in 2001. In this regard, a brief electronic correspondence with Steve Feierman also was helpful (March 23, 2004). 17 That Burton (1967 [1872]:134135) gathered mementos at Tongoni, including a Persian tile pried from a pillar tomb speaks volumes.

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59 Fosbrookes findings near the South Pare Mountains. On the coast, Freeman Grenville (1962:157 165), a historian and numismatist, catalogued visible remains [primarily Swahili sites with monumental ruins (e.g., Toten Island, Tongoni, Muhembo, Bweni Kuu, and Kipumbwi) and later walled settlements, interpreted as Segeju (e.g., Chongoliani and Nd umi)]. Other scholars offered short commentaries on Tongoni, among additional local sites (e.g., Mturi 1975). Early on Chittick (1959) even opened a small, underreported excavation at Tongoni, associating its history with the colonialist narrative popular at the time. Further south, Gramly ( 1981) performed reconnaissance in the environs of Pangani Bay. His published a report focused on Muhembo, a Swahili site where he excavated a small test trench from which he collected pottery, faunal remains, and a few f oreign objects (especially glass beads). He also visited other areas in the bay known from previous inspections (cf. Freeman Grenville 1962:162 164) and investigated new sites from the colonial period, including a German fort (on the promontory south of the river), European graveyards, and infrastructural remains from colonial plantations. He added, Although scattered, nondescript earthenware sherds of uncertain age were found everywhere, no sites were encountered (my emphasi s) (Gramly 1981:19). Gramlys comments raise questions about his site definition (which goes unmentioned) and the thoroughness of his surface inspections. Nevertheless, he located Swahili [also known as Neck Punctate (Chami 1998)] ceramics and described Muhembo as a poor, locally foc used site of fifteenth century date. Recent field studies outside of mainland northeastern Ta nzania date Swahili ceramics 1200/1250 1550 C.E., followed by a Post -Swahi li tradition and then a Post -P ost -Swahili type (Chami 1998, Chami et al 2004, Crouch er and Wynne Jones 2006, Kirkman 1974, Mapunda et al. 2003). In the hinterland of the central Tanzanian coast, archaeologists also

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60 recovered Swahili ceramics near large baobab trees marking putative routes of interaction (Paul Msemwa, personal communication). Ceramics from this (Swahili) period arose earlier [as late Tana Tradition phases (Chami 1998, Horton 1996b)] along the coast north of Mombasa ( Wilson and Omar 1997). To the south, Plain Ware preceded Swahili ceramics (Chami 1998). These post 1550 C.E types (Post Swahili and Post -P ost -Swahili) have not been documented beyond the littoral and offshore islands. In his report, Gramly (1981:22) placed an emphasis on excavated stone tools and suggested that their raw materials (including petrified wood) came from inland. Masao (n.d.) documented non -descript lithics near Pangani Falls (Figure 2 2). But, Marean and Shea (1996) failed to locate lithic sites along the Mkulumuzi and Sigi valleys (to the north) (Figure 22). In coastwise Mozambique, Sinclair (1991) identified and dated lithic -bearing, archaeological strata between the sixth millennium B.C.E. and the first half of the first millennium C.E. Late Stone Age (LSA) sites [affiliated with hunters -gatherers, or the Wilton Culture (Clark 1954, Masao 1979; also see Mehlman 1989)] also are known from the central Tanzanian hinterland and pr oximal, offshore islands ( Chami and Kessy 1995, Mapunda et al. 2003). Southeastern Kenya yielded similar finds (e.g., Helm 2000). Some communities that made lithics also pro duced (Neolithic) Kansyore pottery, like at Chabula Rock Shelter (Thorp 1992). Helm (200 0 ) recorded earlier, Middle Stone Age (MSA) materials, including Levallois cores and unifacial points in coastwise Kenya Sopers (1966, 1967, 1968; 1971) informal ass essments remain influential in northern Tanzania. He established a fledgling culture history for the area based on test pits, a few radiocarbon dates, and surface ceramics [ Kwale Ware Group A (Maore Ware ), Group B, Group C (TIW or Tana Tradition) Group D, and Group E (Figure 2 -4)]. He interpreted

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61 the earliest pottery (Kwale) as a first millennium C.E. component of the Chifumbaze C omplex (Phillipson 1993) [or Mwitu tradition (Collet 1985)] which he linked to the Bantu expansion (Soper 1 971). He also documented clues to regional exchange, primarily glass beads and marine shells at sites with Group B pottery and at Gonja Maore, the type site of Maore Ware (Soper 1967) (Figure 24). He further tapped Group C (now TIW, or Tana Tradition) as a prospective archaeological link to littoral communities, since similar ceramics were known from the coast at Amboni Cave (near Tanga) (Soper 1967:31; also see Chittick 1974, Phillipson 1979:159) (Fig ure 2 4). In fact, the discovery of G roup C foretold of widespread earthenware with incised triangular motifs (Chami 1994, Helm 2000, Horton 1996b). Figure 2 4. Map of northeastern Tanzania, select archaeological sites and site clusters marked, 1: Kwale Ware (Sites: 1A Kwale 1B Bombo, 1C Nkese), 2: TIW (Site: 2A Amboni Cave), 3: Maore Ware (Site: 3A Gonja Maore), 4: Group B 5: Group D, 6: Group E [Adap ted from Soper, Robert C. 1967. Iron Age Sites in North-Eastern Tanzania. Azania 2, p. 20.]

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62 By Sopers own admission, his interpretations were preliminary. In northeastern Tanzania, however, they presented problems that linger up to today. First, all the discovered and published sites occurred in the interior highlands or highland foot slopes exc ept in the Amboni area. Thus, the lowlands were left blank. In other words, spatial gulfs distinguished the highlands from the coast and each highland area from the others. For instance, Soper (1967:20) represented Type A (Maore Ware) as distributed in and around the South Pare Mountains. Likewise, Type C occurred only in and around the northern Usambara Mountains, except for one locus near Lushoto (Figure 2 4). The overall outcome, perhaps unintentionally, generated an equivalency between bound ceramic typ es and ethnic isolates built on geographical presumptions and an informal survey metho dology (Kiriama 1993). From the Taita Hills (north of the South Pare Mountains), a historian would later write, [A]nalysis of regional processesleads to a very differen t pictureless ofsolitary island[s], and more like part of an archipelago in a well travelled sea (Bravman 1998:23). Part of a larger discussion lying beyond this chapter concerns the origin distribution, and associations of Kwale Ware, an EIA [Early I ron Age, or Early Iron Working (EIW)] pottery.18 From Sopers reconnaissance, Kwale ceramics appear scattered, but do not occur at the coast. It and its preceding and following EIA affiliates (Limbo and Mwangia, respectively) are now k nown to exist in coast wise settings (e.g., Chami 1998, Helm 2000). Since the1970s, Kwale finds also have appeared in the highlands of northeastern Tanzania, for example at Nkese (which dates to the second to third century C.E.; Schmidt 1988:36, Schmidt and Karoma 1987) (Figure 18 Overlapping stylistic elements in ceramics continue to inspire questions about the rationale of differentiating the various iron working/using communities into early, middle, and later.[T]hese communities, who may or may not have belonged to the same et hnolinguistic groups, had close contacts (Kiriama 2004:66).

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63 2 4) and at various archaeological localities in the North Pare Mountains (Chami 1995, Maro 2002, Odner 1971a). One group of scholars now links ceramics from the EIA (Limbo, Kwale, and Mwangia) to TIW (or Tana Tradition) and thenceforth to ceramics from th e second millennium C.E. (e.g ., to Swahili Ware on the coast and Group D and E in the hinterland of northeastern Tanzania) (e.g., Chami 1998, Helm 2000, LaViolette et al. 1989, Thorp 1992). Another cadre of researchers sees Kwale/Kwamboo ceramics as linked to Upland Bantu communities. The latter eventually produced Maore Ware and influenced Gatunganga ceramics with suspected Kamba (Thagiicu language group) affiliations (e.g., Collet 1985, Diblasi 1986, Ehret 1998, Soper 1976, 1982). Pastoral Neolithic r emains (especially Narosura and Akira ceramics) also receive attention as possible precedents to Tana Tradition (or TIW) along the northern coast of Kenya (Abungu 1989, Horton 1996b) (see above). While these alternatives may be of value in that they stimul ate debate and further study, they also fracture the social landscape and diminish the possibility of grasping the multiple influences on regional developments that result from interactions, connectivity, and unique local contexts (Robertson and Bradley 2000, Helm 2000, Pouwels 1999, Vansina 1995). In the early first millennium C.E., agricultural practices and iron production in the highlands (e.g., West Usambara Mountains) resulted in intermontane deforestation (Schmidt 1989) and may have spawned or augmented the local exchange of animal products, including ivory (Soper 1982, Wrigley 1997). A comparatively high population density and contrastive environments fostered exchange and heightened symbiotic and competitive relations (Schmidt and Karoma 1987, Sutto n 1973a, Walz 2005:208 209). As one result of a successful systematic survey near Lushoto (Schmidt and Karoma 1987) (Figure 22), Schmidt (1988:37) suggested

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64 rigorous testing through survey in low lying areas where there are adequate resourcesto support iron smelting. In nearby Kenya, Kusimba and his counterparts (Kusimba and Kusimba 2000, 2005) did just that, locating wide ranging settlement evidence that extends to the LSA in Tsavo and the Taita Hills. Excavations registered rock crystal, glass beads, and ivory, demonstrating inter regional ties. In the broader narrative of archaeology in eastern Africa the significance of s ites bearing Group B ceramics (Figure 2 4) has yet to be fully realized. Their associations remain elusive. Such ceramics are cont emporaneous (beginning ninth to tenth centuries C.E.) with later TIW (or Tana Tradition)19 and Maore Ware (Collet 1985, Odner 1971a, Soper 1967). The distribution of Group B ceramics extends north to the Tana River (Kirkman 1954, Horton 1996b), west to Mount Kilimanjaro (Soper 1967, Odner 1971b), and south to coastwise central Tanzania (Pollard 2009, Thorp 1992), but cluster along the northern edge of the South Pare Mountains (Chittick 1959, Fosbrooke 1957, Soper 1967) (chapters 6 7) The distribution of Gro up B in space and time is critical because during the late first millennium and early second millennium C.E. coastal sites on the southern mainland (as juxtaposed to the northern mainland and the coastal islands of the Swahili Coast) exhibit comparatively less evidence of foreign exchange (synonymous with the period of coastal Plain Ware) (Chami 1998) (Chapter 9). Space, Time, and Holistic Pasts Viewed in retrospect, brief, informal, and localized archaeological assessments of northeastern Tanzania alongside their notable contributions left fractured pasts in the lower Pangani watershed. Preliminary interpretations tended to rely on outside areas and local presumptions. The extant, longterm history is both truncated (an absent LSA) and disjointed. 19 Unless otherwise noted, henceforth TIW stands for TIW/Tana Tradition, since TIW is the accepted designation in Tanzania.

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65 Competing hypot heses about population origins depend on geographical isolates (highland areas) divorced from each other and the coast (which, itself, remains poorly known). Moreover, the archaeology of the late first and earl y second millennium C.E. lies distant fr om oral traditions and the later developments influential to regional political economies (e.g., heightened caravan traffic). Decades ago, Gramly (1974:3) forewarned, archaeological finds of coastal origin in the East African interior a re not insignifican t in light of the small amount of excavation done to date. Sutton (1973b:88) elaborated that the highlands of Kenya and the surrounding regions [had] not been cut off from the world at large. Among other discoveries, finds of TIW (or Tana Tradition) and beads of external origin in areas west of Mount Kilimanjaro (Sassoon 1967:206 207, Seitsonen 2006, Ari Siiriinen, personal communication) and in southern and southwestern Tanzania (Mapunda 1995, 2008, Mapunda and Burg 1991) substantiate these earlier arg uments. Despite enticing finds in the interior, northeastern Tanzania has yet to be more fully integrated into this narrative. On a landscape pregnant with historical possibility, why have the lowlands of northeastern Tanzania been virtually ignored? I bel ieve the answer lies in spatial and temporal boundaries, both real and imagined. Such boundaries (historical and social) are legacies of early European representations as well as those of local communities and con temporary scholars ( Willis 1992). Modern political boundaries amplify divisions (Tanzania/Kenya border). However, as Depelchin (2005:151) warns, Fiction operates[by] refusing to look for [facts] [because] their location marks them difficult to see and assess, or is uncomfortable for the investig ator. There are areas of high potential for researching ancient connectivity in northeastern Tanzania; one such space the Mkomazi Corridor (Walz 2005) parallels the Usambara Mountains and offers a gateway

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66 between the South Pare Mountains (and Mount Kili manjaro further afield) and the Indian Ocean coast (Figure 1 1). In northeastern Tanzania, there still remains a broadly concei ved, early coastal history linked to Asian colonizers and a mostly insular construction of kingdoms and chiefdoms in the proximal mountains. When I launched this project, scholars had yet to express a serious intere st in the communities that lived in the hinterland prior to 1850 C.E, the implication being that coastal towns and highland kingdoms developed in surroundings that minimally influenced social outcomes. While confronting certain spatial c onstructs, recent studies of Pangani Bay (Glassman 1995) and (to a lesser degree) the Usambara Mountains (Feierman 1974) tend to reify insular imaginings for early (pre 1800 C.E.) time frames. Dissolving boundaries, begins by treating lowlands as potential centers of social activity and flux that influenced political economies on scales that cross prescribed boundaries. As a method, historical archaeology offers a wa y to negotiate the boundaries established by preexisting historical scholarship and s pacetime categories Regional oral traditions and scholarly narratives (derived from archaeological and oral clues) tend to create a temporal effect at spatial boundaries (Chapter 8). Oral expressions gathered at edges, rather than geographical centers, of spatial encapsulations may provide different representations o f the past and present Finding symbols and expressions pertinent across space at imagined boundaries serve s to el icit aspects of time (Chapter 8) The potential of such pasts in northeastern Tanzania between the coast and interior, the highlands and lowlands, and the northern and southern Swahili coasts then, repeatedly finds a place of possibility in the revi ewed historiography. The eventual outcome sheds light on dichotomies (made, unmade, and

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67 persistent) (e.g., compare Gonzales 2009 and Pearson 2006) and human integrations in the deeper past (Helm 2000, Schmidt 1995). In conclusion, the translation of one nineteenth century source notes that hinterland meant all the districts of Africa not yet appropriated by Europeans (Hhnel 1968 [1894]:59, Footnote 1). If we accept this rendering, we might then ask [as Fabian (2000:17, see above) does of European explorers] to what degree do hinterland pasts remain poorly known because of political (ideological) legacies, rather than for solely geographical reasons? Are the boundaries of history defined by the presence of Africans or the absence of Eurasians (Asad 1987, Dirlik 1999)? If archaeologists hope, as I do, to begin to address the terra incognita of Tanzanias northeastern lowlands, then an archaeological program that bridges pasts is most appropriate. An historical archaeological approach attentive to rep resentations of space time categories, traces of connectivity, and change begins to forge a more holistic African history on this intermediate landscape.

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68 CHAPTER 3 ENVIRONMENTAL SETTING AND PROJECT APPROACH In this chapter, I sketch the environmental setti ng of lowland northeastern Tanzania and the wider region. I also describe the approach and research parameters that I employed to study people and pasts in the lower Pangani Basin. This distinctive region constitutes an intersection of landscapes and veget ation types, including the mountains in East Africa closest to the Indian Ocean. The vicinity lying between the marine littoral and the South Pare Mountains, including the bordering areas, has been home to a mosaic of human communities during recent millen nia. Coalescing environments, rare and unevenly distributed resources, and a comparatively wet corridor (lower Mkomazi Basin) leading inland influenced human settlement and connectivity and continue to do so (Figure 1 1). The regions unique characteristic s and well -studied, recent history inform my project approach and field strategy. I used a known, nineteenth century slave and ivory caravan route as an historical analogy to identify antecedent human activities in the corridor. As described by Stahl (2008:34), working with routes begins to treat dynamism among communities as a n historical outcome. A systematic, pedestrian survey at five locations in the lower Pangani watershed identified and documented archaeological remains, including residues of settleme nt, production, and interaction during the last two millennia. A political economic perspective helped to integrate finds and evaluate change through time in the regional lowlands (Robertshaw 2000:280 281, Stahl 1999:46). Oral traditions and test excavatio ns further addressed project objectives, including the establishment of a regional culture history, the details of which appear in chapters 4 7.

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69 Environmental Setting The project area ( between 37 39 E longitude and 4 6 S latitude) covers a portion of e xtreme northeastern Tanzania (bordering the northern Mrima Coast), particularly central Tanga Region (Korogwe, Lushoto, Muheza, and Pangani districts) and eastern Kilimanjaro Region (Same District) (Figure 3 1). Tanzanias Coast, Morogoro, and Arusha regio ns flank the area to the south and west. Kenya and the Indian Ocean lie to the north and east, respectively. The twin peaks of Mount Kilimanjaro [approximately 5900 m above MSL (Mean Sea Level)] loom on the distant horizon to the west, visible from the coa st on clear days. The lower Pangani Basin and wider northeastern Tanzania constitute an environmental intersection (coast, mountains, and steppe) unique to coastwise East Africa Scientists have a working understanding of the areas geological past and rec ent natural history (Hamilton and Bensted -Smith 1989, Schlter 1997). The region is best known for its fault block mountains, namely the South Pares and West and East Usambaras (components of the Eastern Arc). These highlands, the only substantial mountain s in East Africa within 50 km of the coastline, comprise Figure 3 1. Political map o f Tanga Region and eastern Kilimanjaro Region (as of 2006)

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70 Figure 3 2. Generalized geological map of Tanga Region and eastern Kilimanjaro Region [Adapted from Porter, Philip C. 2006. Challenging Nature: Local Knowledge, Agroscience, and Food Security in Tanga Region, Tanzania, p. 36. Chicago University Press, Chicago. Also, see Kiliman jaro Water Master P lan 1977. Agrar Und Hydrotechnik, Esse, West Germany.] a section of the Mozambique Belt, Precambrian rocks originally uplifted more than 400 mya (million years ago) and steadily eroded to form gneisses and granulites (Usangara Formation) (Kilimanjaro M aster Plan 19 77, Schlter 1997, Tanga Water Master Plan 1976 ) (Figure 3 2). Extreme geographic al variation in the region affects regional climate, surface soils, hydrology, flora, fauna, and human activities and social relations. Increased precipitation, p articularly at high altitude (in mountain forests) supports rich, endemic plant and animal communities. The number of agricultural growing days increases in the mountains and along most of their foot slopes. At lower altitudes, areas of mixed woodland/ gra ssland and bushland yield soda (salt), semi -precious stones (e.g., garnets), elephant ivory (in the past), and other natural items sought in local and global markets. These environments support

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71 contemporary agriculturalists (who keep some live stock), such as the Shambaa, Pare, and Zigua, as well as communities largely (although not exclusively) dependent on keeping and herding cattle and small stock (e.g., Parakuyu, or Iloikop) or, in the past, hunting and gathering (e.g., Ndorobo). The Pangani River and it s perennial and seasonal tributaries course across the landscape. The mountains in the hinterland offer a relatively well -watered corridor beyond the coast, as Mount Kilimanjaro coaxes travelers inland (Morgan 1973). Enticements are juxtaposed to natural i mpediments: a waterway navigable inland no more than 20 km, disasters (droughts, floods, and landslides), scattered tsetse infestation (influencing the distribution of domestic ated stock), and malaria. Human symbiotic and competitive relations developed in these environs (Feierman 1974, Giblin 1992, Hkansson and Widgren 2007, Kjekshus 1977, Koponen 1988, Maddox et al. 1996), the constituent local settings and human communities of which I detail in subsequent chapters. As Gondwanaland continued to fracture into separate landm asses 65 mya East Africa pushed northward and entered the ITCZ (Inter -tropical Convergence Zone), a region along the equator where low air pressure develops due to the intersection of the northwest and southeast trade winds. The ITCZ moves north and south during an annual cycle, generating two rainy seasons (and, in their absence, relative dry spells) as well as predictable winds that, since 500 B.C.E., have assisted sailors crossing the Indian Ocean to and from eastern Africa (Pearson 2 007, Sheriff 1987). Through time, bimodal rainfall as well as high temperatures and humidity eroded regional soils, especially along highland gradients. The fragmentation of forests resulted from the uplift of the central landmass (and creation of the Rift Valley System, in East Africa most evident at the Great Lakes) (Schlter 1997). Faulting during the Pliocene (5.5 2.5 mya)

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72 further uplifted the Eastern Arc Mountains and isolated the flora and fauna from other African forests, facilitating species endemis m (Burgess et al. 2007, Hamilton and Bensted-Smith 1989). Baseline terrain in northeastern Tanzania rises steadily from east to west, reaching 550 m above MSL near Gonja (approximately 150 km from the Indian Ocean coast, at the same latitude) (Figure 2 1). Coralline cliffs and sandy beachfronts characterize the mainland littoral. Pleistocene and Holocene terraces (fossilized embankments) undulate inland up to 200 m above MSL (Alexander 1968, Kent et al. 1971). Terraces and the coastal estuaries provide buil ding materials for human structures (coral and mangroves, respectively). Mangroves conceal occasional springs. Forest refugia with unique, endemic biota (biological hot spots in the Usambara Mountains), including African violets and chameleons, are not t ypical of the surrounding lowlands. Coastal vegetation is a mixture of physiognomic types, including patches of forest and savanna: the Zanzibari -Inhambane Mosaic (White 1983; also see Morgan 1973, Pritchard 1962). In part, this mosaic results from human c ommunities and their activities, including cultivation, over the long-term. Inland, uplands (still lowland territory when juxtaposed to the mountains) correspond to increased air temperatures and decreased surface water and vegetation. Littoral vegetation extends into the hilly uplands (>200 m above MSL), eventually meeting the mountains or intersecting with th e Pangani River floodplain. Bushland prevails 15 45 km into the interior interspersed with large sisal plantations and small holder plots. Common tr ee species include Acacia spp. (especially A. millifera and A. nilotica ), Commiphora spp., Adansonia digitata (baobab), Euphorbia spp., Croton spp., Grewia spp., and Combretum spp. In eastern Korogwe District (Figure 3 1), mixed woodland and grassland covers the terrain: Acacia spp. ( especially A. polyacantha and A. tortilis ), Balanites spp., Commiphora spp. (especially C. pilosa ),

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73 Figure 3 3. Vegetation cover map of Tanga Region and eastern Kilimanjaro Region [Adapted from Porter, Philip C. 2006. Challenging Nature: Local Knowledge, Agroscience, and Food Security in Tanga Region, Tanzania, p. 47. Chicago University Press, Chicago. Also, see Kilimanjaro Water Master P lan 1977. Agrar -Und Hydrotechnik, Esse, West Germany.] Figure 3 4. Average annual precipitation map of Tanga Region and eastern Kilimanjaro Region. [Adapted from Tanga Water Master P lan 1976. Agrar -Und Hydrotec hnik, Esse, West Germany. Also, see Kilimanjaro Wat er Master P lan 1977. Agrar -Und Hydrotechnik, Esse, West Germany.]

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74 Solanum incanum Combretum gueinzii, Baphia masainsis and Maeura angolensis Kapok and mang o trees flourish near nineteenth century and contemporary human settlements (Figure 3 3).20 Beneat h the mountains, annual prec ipitation ranges 120 50 cm (from the coast to far inland) (Figure 3 4). In the eastern portion of the region, rainfall is strongly bimodal, with longer rains ( mwaka or masika ) between April and May (southeast winds) and shorter showers ( vuli) during November and December (northeast winds). These patterns correspond to the monsoons. In the uplands west of Mazinde (Figure 2 2) bimodal rainfall is less evident due to a rain shadow cast by the Usambara Mountains. Concentrated shower s during April produce swamp -like conditions south of Mombo in the lower Mkomazi Basin (Figure 2 2). Mosquito borne illnesses (including malaria) flourish during the subsequent dry spell, a period of moderate surface evaporation. Comparatively fertile agri cultural areas (vitivo ) along mountain fringes benefit from highland run -off and sediment deposition. The better quality soils in such lowland vicinities attract farmers and potters. Regional cli mate oscillated substantially in recent periods. During the middle to late first millennium C.E., the wider region was relatively dry (Alin and Cohen 2003). A wetter climate prevailed by 1000 / 1200 C.E. (Kari n et al. 1999, Verschuren et al. 2000). Tree cores and lake sediments collected at Lake Emakat (Empakaai Crater) suggest alternating wet/dry phases during the middle to late second millennium C.E. (Ryner et al. 2008). Irrigation agriculture at Engaruka (west of Mount Kilimanjaro) first developed during wetter times, in the fourteenth century C.E. (Stump 2006, Sutton 1998) (Figure 21). Shifts in climate influencing Engaruka might be 20 Plant and animal species (and their distributions) result from personal observations, texts (Kilimanjaro Master Plan 1 977, Ngana 2001, Porter 2006, Tanga Water Master Plan 197 6), and maps. The Institute for Resource Assessment at UDSM and the Ministry of Water and Livestock Development in Dar es Salaam provided access to rare maps.

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75 simplified as follows: w et and/or cool conditions during the fourteenth century C.E., drying (but still humid) conditions by 1420 C.E., an especially dry p eriod 1510 1650 C.E., wet circumstances 1650 1850 C.E. (with an interval of aridity 1740 1785 C.E), and a return to drier times 1850 1950 C.E. (Westerberg et al. in press; also see Ryner 2007, Ryner et al. 2008) .21 These patterns also presumably impacted hu man communities living in and around the Eastern Arc Mountains. During a comparatively wet phase (1000/1200 1400 C.E. ) people established in the highlands may have been enticed to the better -watered eastern slopes of the Eastern Arc Mountains (with off -fl owing rivers, perennial springs, forests, and vitivo ), as is hypothesized for the South Pare Mountains (Hkansson 1998) A wetter nyika may have prevailed at this time (Fosbrooke 1957:315). Once established, climatic instability ( periodic variations in rai nfall after 1200 C.E., as outlined above) may have induced production and intergroup social networking as insurance: exchanges of pottery, soda (or salt), and other products among groups of people scattered across the terrain stretching from Mount Kilimanj aro to Tsavo (southeastern Kenya) and even further south. The Little Ice Age (1500 1750 C.E.) only amplified regional environmental challenges (drought, flood, and so forth) for established communities, generating increased competition and cooperation am ong groups (Allen 1993, Thorbahn 1979, Oka 2008) (chapters 6 7). At mountain slopes, zones of agricultural intensification tend to lie along eastern faces more than, say, northwestern aspects, due to prevailing winds and rains. Most lowland soils in the region have moderate to poor fertility. Farmers cultivate maize, beans, vegetables, and 21 In the past, scholars often projected findings from glaciers, lake beds, and ocean floors located outside of the lower Pangani Basin on to the long term climate history of northeastern Tanzania. However, climate change is now receiving mor e adequate, local attention, including from archaeologists. Particularly promising in this regard is a project launched by Paul Lane and his team at York University (in the United Kingdom) titled Historical Ecologies of East African Landscapes.

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76 fruiting trees in loamy surface soils. Hill slopes and low lying areas (including some along the littoral) exhibit Oxisols, Alfisols, and Vertisols, prime for farming coconuts, rice, and sugar cane. Entisols tend to have high salinitie s in highuse, low lying areas, such as near Mombo (Tanga Water Master Plan 1976) (Figure 2 2). Poor soils force residents to employ irrigation, fertilizers, terracing, crop rotation, and intercropping as strategies to improve agricultural output. Controll ed, seasonal burns destroy surface cover for rats, pigs, baboons, and other crop raiders, especially along mountain foot slopes. Communities depen dent on cattle and sheep/ goats for their livelihoods (United Republic of Tanzania 2005:61 64) set ablaze underbrush and saplings to clear fields of insect pests and regenerate young shoots more palatable to their live stock. Tsetse flies populate scattered zones beneath the mountai n s and sometimes even occur near the ocean. The lower Mkomazi Basin (especially between Makuyuni and Mkomazi) serves as a natural southeast -northwest corridor of human interaction (Figure 2 2) It is a key transition zone for environments in the lower Pang ani Basin. The town of Makuyuni lies intermediate to the West Usambara Mountains (north) and steppe bushland (south). The lower Mkomazi Basin retains surface water following April rains. Water retention and the basins insulation (by an inselberg of low hi lls, including Mount Mafi) from the outlying environment enable more easterly vegetation to extend west (to near Mazinde), where plant communities finally shift to drier bushland ( nyika ) (Figure 2 2 ). Aridity extends between the South Pare Mountains and the West Usambara Mountains, up to and including the Umba Plain in Kenya (along the Umba River) (Figure 2 2). Prominent vegetation in this area includes Acacia spp., Commiphora spp., Combretum s pp., and Euphorbia spp. Clusters of Adansonia digitata and Milic ia excels pepper the eastern skirt of the South Pare Mountains. Residents mine salt ( soda ) and gypsum, gather

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77 honey from apiaries, regularly herd animals, and engage in farming. Hematiterich soil near Gonja supplies a raw material essential for iron smelting (an activity practiced in the past). Minus disease carrying insects, some of the more important wild animals to humans include honey bees, antelope ( especially dikdik ), monkeys, landsnails (especially Achatina spp.), leopard tortoises (up to 25 kg), wi ld pigs, and Cape buffalo. In central Muheza District (Figure 3 1), elephant sightings during the last 25 years are rare but not unknown. Near Mombo, a few leopards endure expanding human encroachment. The plains north of Kisiwani and Gonja Maore support antelope, zebra, lions, and other animals that wonder beyond the boundaries of Mkomazi Game Reserve (Figure 2 2) These and other species, including elephants and rare black rhinoceroses, flourished in the vicinity as recently as 75 years ago. Ivory was a primary export from this portion of the Mrima Coast when elephant hunting began in earnest, perhaps 500 800 years ago Thorbahn 1979). Overhunting eventually impacted regional ecologies (Hkansson 2004, Steinhart 2000). The Pangani Basin forms a catchment o f approximately 42,500 km2 (Ngana 2001). Rainfall and glacial melt from the Kilimanjaro Massif serve as its primary source. Elsewhere, surface run -off concentrates in small perennial or seasonal streams. Some watercourses, like the Sigi River, carve chasms through karst topography. Other rivers in the region form dramatic cascades, for example Thornton Falls near Gonja, before entering larger lowland confluences (Figure 2 2) The Pangani River (>430 km long) flows through volcanic soils and sculpts a channe lized path as its borders the Maasai Steppe in its upper reaches. The watercourse enters the project area near Bwiko and flows southeast. The Mkomazi River, a major confluent, originates in the Pare Mountains, passes south of the West Usambara Mountains, a nd joins the Pangani River near Korogwe Town (Figure 22).

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78 At Maurui, the Pangani River shallows and braids, producing a rush of water that swirls overtop of the underlying bedrock (Figure 2 2). Shambaa and Zigua residents identify this as the place Mbega, a mythical lowland hunter turned highland Shambaa king, crossed the waterway and ascended into the highlands (Feierman 1974, Hemedi 1936) (Chapter 8). After its confluence with the Lwengera River (east of Korogwe Town), the Pangani River which upstream of this location is best known as the Ruvuapproaches the Hale waterfall, descends, and meanders through heavily vegetated lowlands. The river eventually broadens and deepens so that when it reaches Chogwe it is navigable by a ruddered vessel (Ngana 2001, Ta nga Water Master Plan 1976) (Figure 22). Over its final 20 km, an extensive floodplain flanks the Pangani River. In the grassy plain southeast of Lewa Town, Karoo rocks including conglomerates, mudstones, and marls (Tanga and Mombasa Basin formations) appear along hill crests (Schlter 1997). Fragments of petrified trees and dark silicates litter the surface, offering lithic raw materials. Large quartz pebbles concentrate along river banks. Up the river (5 10 km from its mouth), marine fish and brackish water shrimp and crustaceans replace upstream crocodiles and hippopotami. The riverine Zigua (or Ruvu), among others populating the territory, wade into the shallows in search of oysters and cast special lines and nets to capture crabs and tin y shrimps (Chapter 4). Common to the Mauya Basin (near the coast), plantations of coconut palm s and pawpaw trees border mangrove forests as the river passes Pangani Town at its mouth. Thereafter, its fresh water enters Pemba Channel and mingles with warm o ceanic currents, dispersing toward distant Pemba Island in the western Indian Ocean (Figure 2 1). In the tidal zone, tropical fish, octopi, and crustaceans dart in and out of partially submerged coral blocks (Richmond 1997, United Nations Development Progr amme 2001).

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79 This complex, physiographic region serves as a home to diverse human communities. Coalescing environments, unevenly distributed resources, climate shifts (e.g., beginning around 1000 C.E.), and a coastwise corridor (lower Mkomazi Basin) influenced human settlement and connectivity, and continue to do so in northeastern Tanzania. In the Pangani watershed, a mosaic of h uman communities practices diverse subsistence strategies and life -ways. Agriculturalists, herders, and, in the pa st, hunter gathe rers engage one other, compete, and exchange unique resources, products, and information (Beidelman 1967, Brockington 2000, Grohs 1980, Kusimba et al. 2005, Maddox et al. 1996, United Republic of Tanzania 2003). Names for ethno-linguistic groups frequently signify geographical association or disassociation, despite long term interactions. Project Objectives and Approach A systematic search for archaeological traces in the lower Pangani Basin begins to integrate heretofore unknown or distinct pasts into a more cohesive regional narrative. I anticipated clues to a long term history of scale by considering previous discoveries (Chapter 2) and viewing more recent, intergroup interactions as a likely historical byproduct. Interactions with societies outside of Af rica continue to influence residents in lowland northeastern Tanzania. Regional expressions and constructed and conceptu alized landscapes ( Knapp and Ashmore 1999) of significance help lowland residents to negotiate meaning in a world rapidly changing b ecause of increased connectivity (Chapter 8). Three objectives guided the enactment of this project which treats lowlands as potential centers of activity and flux impacting political economies, including at scales that cross prescribed boundaries : Object ive 1: Engage northeastern Tanzania and its people. During l ongitudinal study, observe communities and experience settings and events to facilitate more nuanced appreciations of reg ional life -ways and perspectives.

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80 Objective 2: Implement a systematic archa eological survey corresponding to vicinities of nineteenth century ca ravan nodes or markets. Do cument the character of archaeological localities and landscapes. Based on material finds, establish a preliminary culture his tory for the lower Pangani Basin. O bjective 3: A ddress project hypotheses (see below). Through this project, suggest a way to comprehend the histories of coastwise v icinities elsewhere in the western Indian Ocean, especially where linkages have been ignored or suppressed. In this project, h ypotheses are less a strategy for generating laws and describing contingencies than as starting points for systematic scrutiny. Results invite further testing by other archaeologists. Project objectives respond to three larger hypotheses that guided my pra ctice: Hypothesis 1: The short history of the lowland region is a fallacy. Human settlement extends through the emergence of ironusing, farming communities in the early first millennium C.E. Thus, there was no human void in the lowlands during the las t 1500 years, as is often implied or asserted. Hypothesis 2: Interactive relations emerged among coastwise communities in antiquity. Beginning during the late first millennium C.E., production and connectivity increased among settled populations. Vicinitie s of habitation and interaction arose not dissimilar in placement from the nineteenth century. Hypothesis 3: In more recent centuries, social and environmental changes fueled moral economies increasingly linked to rainmaking and political control. Ora l exp ressions balanced change by binding localities of cultural significance to places of settlement and connectivity in antiquity. To test the first hypothesis, the field team sought remains of iron -working, farming communities, among other groups, during ar chaeological investigations. Given the challenging tropical environment (e.g., vegetation cover), a good faith effort necessitated formalized inspection of the landscape. This project worked to establish and supplement aspects of the existing culture his tory (particularly during the last 1500 years) which, to this point, results from informal reconnaissance, fragmentary (and site specific) material assessments, an d a dearth of chronometric dates. Settlement trends, constitutive of collections of contempor aneous sites arranged in association with one another (and with physiographic features), are of interest Even

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81 general trends in human settlement have yet to be identified in lowland northeastern Tanzania, as they have been elsewhere in coastwise eastern A frica (cf. Helm 2000, Fleisher 2003, Wilson 1982). To address the second hypothesis, the archaeological team sought shared material traditions (e.g., ceramic types), non local items, and/or simultaneous shifts in settlement or production and consumption ac ross vicinities. Collectively or individually, these clues mark connectivity (Mitchell 2005:25). Evidence of specialization in a technology or craft, among other material signatures, is indicative of changes in political economies (Costin 1991, Schortman a nd Urban 2004). Widely distributed (or shared), seemingly mundane items (e.g., shell disc beads) signal intergroup ties. These objects may have served as physical reminders of important relationships, providing unique social access or ameliorating vulnerabilities (Cashdan 1985, Smith 1999, Weissner 1982). Areas of settlement and craft production as well as the discovery of comparatively rare items (in the hinterland), such as marine shells, non local ceramics, glass beads, iron and copper implements, and rock (quartz) crystal (e.g., Dussubieux et al. 2008, Mitchell 1996), should align with the general vicinities of nineteenth century caravan nodes in the lower Pangani Basin. The quantities of such goods should distinguish this region from outlying areas. To evaluate the third hypothesis, I collected oral expressions. These expressions frequently refe rence mytho logical serpents and the balancing (or cooling) of recent social changes with tradition (Feierman 1990, Sheridan 2001). Tanzanians living in the re gion deem many recent changes to their life -ways as disenchanting. Scholars working elsewhere in northeastern Tanzania note how local metaphors and narratives often entangle control of the environment and control of the political economy, for instance in t he Pare Mountains (Hkansson 1995, 1998,

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82 Kimambo 1969) (Chapter 8). I assessed the relationshi ps among expressions (including mythologies) unique landscape features, and ancient sites, each identified during the field project If communities charge d cons tructed and conceptu alized landscapes ( Knapp and Ashmore 1999) in the region with historical significance, then landscape features imbued with meaning should anchor and legitimize mythologies. Thus, natural landscapes, cultural expressions, and sites of antiquity work to negotiate a social world increasingly cha nged by connectivity. Still in its exploratory phase, the best historical archaeology in Africa responds to questions and representations, frequently at multiple scales. This project li es in a space that is a virtual terra incognita to archaeologists In such circumstances, regional projects often use effective scale to bound study areas: any scale at which pattern recognition may be recognized and meaning inferred (Marquardt and Crumley 1987; also see Clarke 1977, Marquardt 1985, Smith 1976). Crumley (1994:11) argues that a research area defined at a number of different scales, from observation of a multiplicity of not necessarily coincident boundaries, offers fertile ground for discovering the contradictions those divisions manifest. By this standar d, the artificial separation of contexts and human communities occurs when scalar relations are not evaluated for their regional basis in reality (Crumley 1994). Margins a re particularly important in this scenario because margins are not usually peripheri es (i.e., pejoratively conceived), but rather centers of social flux where patterns across time reflect connections. Africanist archaeologists often select field strategies that artificially divide geographies as well as contemporaneous populations (Rober tson and Bradley 2000). Bower (1986) documents problems with archaeological surveys in Africa: frequent omission of field procedures in

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83 published reports and inattention to data quality, among other concerns. Survey projects continue to suffer from misre presentation s of their strategies or grossly imbalanced treatments of landscapes. For instance, Robertshaws (1994) strategy is formal in design but largely unsystematic in implementation, especially in forested and riverine environ ments. Moreover Helm (2 000), working in southeastern Kenya, identifies a sample of 120 km2, although his on the ground coverage of sample units is highly informal, in fact, much like reconnaissance (see below). Other survey projects largely reject hypotheses without engaging in systematic inspections (cf. Mapunda et al. 2003). A recent study found that 20% of regional survey projects on the sub -continent describe and use well designed surveys that connect research questions to field methods (Fleisher and Lawson 2001). One such case is Michels s (1979, 1994) investigation of the Shir Plateau in Ethiopia. He recog nizes differences in site patterning in th e hinterland of Aksum, arguing that settlement changes through time demonstrate shifts in the formation of the state (also Curt is 2004, Schmidt et al. 2007). Projects in eastern Africa also utilize systematic survey to respond to questions about regional political economies (Kusimba and Kusimba 2000, Schmidt et al. 1992, Wright 2007). Fleishers (2003) project on Pemba Island empl oys intensive survey to locate the non urban components outlying Swahili towns in order to determine overall s ettlement schemes and fluctuations in political e conomies. These approaches respond to hypotheses about societies while accounting for survey stra tegies developed under the rubric of New Archaeology (Ammerman 1981, Judge et al. 1975, McManamon 1984, Plog et al. 1978, Read 1986, Schif fer et al. 1978). Regional projects involve set stages of conceptualization, implementation, and interpretation: pos ing questions; conceptualizing and bounding the region; documenting

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84 physiographic chara cteristics and collecting and assessing relevant historic al and archaeological sources (e.g., via reconnaissance); constructin g and implementing a formalized (preferably systematic) survey strategy to respond to previous knowledge and posed questions; and analysis and interpretation of contextualized findings (Crumley and Marquardt 1987, Fish and Kowaleski 1990, Flannery 1976, Johnson 1977, Kantner 2008, Kowaleski 2008, O rton 1999, Plog et al. 1978, Redman 1973, Schiffer et al. 1978). In northeastern Tanzania, I followed this sequence with my project I responded to project objectives by conducting a systematic pedestrian survey using dispersed samples (survey units within survey areas) to identify and characterize clusters of material remains (archaeological localities) (details of this strategy appear below). Thus, for my purposes, a regional project constitutes a large-scale research endeavor that poses extra local que stions in a heterogeneous, yet coherent, physical and sociohistorical context (Curtis and Walz 2001). The discipline of archaeology encourages large scale practice (Kantner 2008); however, projects deemed historical archaeology rarely implement regional field strategies (Deagan 1982, Orser 2010, Pikirayi and Pwiti 1999). As a group, perhaps we fail to appreciate fully the inherent possibilities of scale in historical archaeology (Hall and Silliman 2006:8). Route work (Stahl 2008:34) is an emerging i nterest in Africa. It is an approach that traces connectivity (and, potentially, human mobility) at multiple scales, seeing more recent dynamism among social groups as an historical outcome (Clifford 1997, Gilroy 1993, ICOMOS 2008, Mitchell 2005, Stahl 2009). To generate insights into connectivity, regional historians suggest a strategy that proceed[s] gradually inland, from the known to less known to unknown, until we finally reach across the country to the Lakes (Wheeler 1955:46; also see Freeman -Grenvi lle 1962:12, Kimambo 1969:238). However, a rchaeologists working in eastern Africa have not yet engage d

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85 corridors (not just sites) of circulation from the last few centuries t o elicit earlier ties among coastwise communities. Beyond the tantalizing archaeological residues recounted in Chapter 2, linguistic clues hint at more ancient coastwise connections, viz.: The gulilo root [for market] would best be seen as coming into use while all speakers of Wami dialects [Northeast Coast Bantu languages] st ill inhabited a relatively compact region.the last two hundred years of the first millennium seem a particularly plausible time to which to date market developmentfor it may have been that period that marked the first flowering of Swahili trade along the East African coast.The presence in some cases of elaborate systems of organization and control implies that markets may have been in existence for a long period of time (Wood and Ehret 1978:10).22 In other words, coasts and hinterlands may have been conne cted to a greater degree than has been assumed (or demonstrated) during the last two millennia. Thus, Africans who lived outside the coast may not have resided completely beyond the early world system (cf. Wallerstein 1974; but see the critiques by Chase Dunn and Hall 1991, 1998:3 25, 139 146, Curtin 1984, Killick 2009). The direct historical approach enables moving beyond simplistic and divisive historical renderings (Lightfoot 1995, Stahl 1994; for review see Lyman and OBrien 2006:172 190). A political economic strategy attentive to social factors and natural and conceived environments achieves integration by considering contemporaneous societies and interrelationships among communities (Robertshaw 2000:280 281, Stahl 1999:46). As a regional historical archaeology, 22 Most co ntemporary communities in northeastern Tanzania speak a Northeast Coast Bantu language (Seuta, Sabaki, Ruvu, and Pare language clusters) (Ehret 1998, Nurse and Hinnebusch 1993, Nurse and Spear 1985). The most common langua ge cluster in the area is Seuta ( B ondei, Shambaa, Nguu, and Zigua languages ) which emerged south of the Pangani watershed in the middle first millennium C.E. (Gonzales 2009). Proto Sabaki speakers, on the other hand, spread north along the coast, leaving Mijikenda and other coastwise tongu es. In the hinterland, Bantuspeakers, such as the Pare, by 700800 C.E. established livelihoods in t he North Pare Mountains (Ehret 1998:184 193) (Figure 11). Southern Nilot es and Southern Cushites (mixed pastoralists who do not speak N ortheast Coast Bantu languages) linguistically influenced Pare speakers. Language clues reinforce interpretations of intraregional interaction deep in time, including ties among speakers of protoSeuta and protoRuvu (Gogo, Kaguru, Zaramo, and other languages), on the one hand, and populations at the coast by the middle first millennium C.E. (Gonzales 2009; also see Ehret 1998:186). Gonzales (2009) even frames the area of coastwise central Tanzania (circa 1000 C.E.) as an interconnected hinter coast

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86 this project confronts extant representations by listening to people and employing a known nineteenth century caravan route as a heuristic model and analogy to identify antecedents of connectivity. The material residues documented by this appr oach help to recuperate aspects of more ancient history. Project Field Strategy In 1999 and 2000, I embarked on brief excursions to Tanga and eastern Kilimanjaro regions. These ventures exposed potential logistical challenges that I later worked to circumv ent. I fostered fledgling relationships with national, regional, and local administrators, trained Tanzanian team members, identified potential oral historical informants (valued friends and confidants), and performed preliminary surface reconnaissance in select areas. Positive findings suggested the potential of a larger investigation exploring settlement and connectivity in regional antiquity (Walz 2001). Taking into account these and other discoveries (Chapter 2), I eventually applied archaeology and, to a lesser extent, oral methods to address the projects primary objectives. I directed the project and led the field team with the assistance of local Tanzanians from many walks of life. Field investigations spanned November 2001 to August 2006, with numer ous hiatuses. We employed systematic surface survey, objective surface sampling, and test excavations to identify and document archaeological localities on the regional landscape. Personal experiences and ethnographic observations while living among contem porary communities, some of which I recount in the introductory remarks to chapters 4 7 and in Chapter 8 further informed project outcomes and interpretations. I employ the following definitions to discuss the strategy and field methods used during this p roject:

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87 Reconnaissance : walking landscapes in an expedient, non replicable manner to locate archaeological remains. S ystematic survey : walking landscapes in a systematic and replicable manner to locate archaeological remains; delimits a survey universe (comprised of survey areas) and employs survey units (within survey areas) and pedestrian transects (within survey units) to sample landscapes; probabilistic in that it allows extrapolation from the known the unknown. S urvey universe : total project area comprised of independent (discontinuous) survey areas. S urvey area: predetermined area comprised of contiguous, 1 km2 grid squares from which survey units are sampled; numbered sequentially (east to west) from Survey Area 1 (Pangani in P angani District, Tanga Region) to Survey Area 5 (Gonja in Same District, Kilimanjaro Region) (Appendix A). S urvey unit : 1 km2 grid square randomly selected for systematic survey within a survey area; numbered sequentially from Survey Unit 1, Survey Area 1 (Pangani) to S urvey Unit 44, Survey Area 5 (Gonja) (Appendix A). Archaeological locality: site or occurrence with archaeological remains. Archaeological site: concentration of archaeological mat erials (e.g., lithics per 20 m2, continuing outward at Site 1, Survey Unit 1, Survey Area 1 (Pangani) to Site 238b outside Survey Area 5 (Gonja). Sites identified during systematic survey and designated with a number (e.g., 99) occur with in survey units 1 44. Sites located during reconnaissance and designated with a number and the letter a (e.g., 138a) occur outside survey units 1 44 but within survey areas 1 5 Sites discovered during reconnaissance and designated with a number and the letter b ( e.g., 223b) occur nearby but outside survey areas 1 5 (Appendix B, Appendix C, and Appendix D). Archaeological occurrence: individual artifact or concentration of archaeological material that does not meet archaeological site requirements, bu t is deemed significant (often diagnostic); numbered sequentially from Occurrence 1, Survey Unit 1, Survey Area 1 (Pangani) to Occurrence 129, Survey Unit 44, Survey Area 5 (Gonja) (Appendix E). I selected and bounded five survey areas in the lower Pangani Basin for systematic, pedestrian, surface survey a nd select sub -surface testing (P hase 1). Survey areas exemplify lowland spaces that extend from the coastal plain to inland mountain foot slopes and outlying border lands: Pangani (Survey Area 1 in Pangani District, Tan ga Region), Lewa (Survey Area 2

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88 Figure 3 5. Map of the lower Pangani Basin, survey areas 1 5 marked [ Adapted from Soper, R.C. 1967. Iron Age Sites in NorthEastern Tanzania. Azania 2, p. 20.] in Pangani and Muheza districts, Tanga Region), Korogwe (Survey Area 3 in Korogwe District, Tanga Region), Mombo (Survey Area 4 in Korogwe District, Tanga Region), and Gonja (Survey Area 5 in Same District, Kilimanjaro Region) (Appendix A) (Figure 3 5). Survey areas also surround the locations of nineteenth century caravan nodes or market s along the Pangani route (Baumann 1890, 1891, Burton 1860, Burton and Speke 1858, Farler 1882, Fischer 1882 1883, Johnston 1879, Kersten 1869 1879, Krapf 1860). I assumed that traces of ancient human settlement and connectivity lay in these wider vicinities along the natural corridor and historical route. I divided the five survey areas into 1 km2 survey units based on the gr id squares of contemporary topographic maps [using the Universal Transverse Mercator (UTM) system] (Appendix A). A random sample procedure

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89 determined the survey units that the team inspected within each survey area This probabilistic strategy facilitated an objective assessment o f surface ar chaeology within each survey area Teams of five individuals trained in the use of compasses, Global Positioning System ( GPS ) devices pedestrian survey, and artifact identification conducted walkovers along 25 m -wide transects spaced at five meter interva ls, achieving complete coverage. By walking through all vegetation types, the team avoided biases to open spaces (such as cultivated fields). In total, we surveyed 44 of 337 km2 (13.1%) in the survey universe, supplementing these inspections with reconna issance in other select areas. Team members recorded the UTM positions of every archaeol ogical locality encountered using handheld GPS devices ( Ga rmin 12XL model s) For each archaeological site, I recorded more than 30 characteristics (including, but not limited to, landform, soil type, vegetation, and artifact types and densities) using an Archaeological Site Form (Appendix B). When appropriate, team members made sketch maps of sites and took photographs of the associated landscape and representative arti facts. We also surface collected some sites to generate representative samples of archaeological materials. Furthe rmore, during systematic survey I recorded the ground cover (by % of surface visibility) of 200 m x 200 m blocks within survey units (Appendix F and Appendix G). I registered all field activities in notebooks. Investigations identified a range of archaeological sites and occurrences across time. Those from the last last two millennia were particularly numerous (Appendix C Appendix D, and Append ix E). I detail the material finds recor ded during archaeological P hase 1 and test excavations (P hase 2) in chapters 4 7. Based on material discoveries and cultural historical designations, the site types for this project are as follows (with date ranges a pproximated) (the full, detailed site type list appears in Appendix H):

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90 Type s 1 2: lithics (presumably pre LSA or LSA) (but see chapters 4 5 ) Type 3 and Type 10: quartz lithics and non-diagnos tic ceramics, or non -diagnostic ceramics only (ending post 500 B .C.E.) Type 4 and Type 11: quartz lithi cs and TIW ceramics (ending ~600 1000/1200 C.E.) Type 5: qu artz lithics and Maore ceramics (ending ~800 1500 C.E.) Type 6: quartz lithics, Maore ceramics, and Group B cera mics (ending ~900 1500 C.E.) Type 7: quartz lithics and Group B ceramics (ending ~9 00 1500 C.E.) Type s 8 and Type 12: quar tz lithics, TIW ceramics, and other ceramic types (ending ~900 to post 1750 C.E.) Type 9: quartz lithics and eighteenth to twentieth century ceramics (often with foreign artifact s) (ending ~post 1750 C.E. to early twentieth century) Type 13: Swahili ceramics (sometimes with foreign ceramics) (~1200 1550 C.E.) Type 14: Post -Swahili ceramics (often with oth er local and/or foreign artifacts ) ( ~1550 1750 C.E .) Type s 15 16: multiple ce ramic types (e.g., Group B and D) (ending ~1200 1800 C.E.) Type s 17 22: local ceramics of different types (often with archaeological features, such as house platforms or kraals, and foreign artifacts) (post 1750 C.E. to early twentieth century) The project survey strategy and procedure made use of previously unemployed or underemployed approaches in wider eastern Africa: probabilistic survey, complete coverage using fine -grained transect intervals, walking complete transects regardless of groundcover, qua ntified assessments of groundcover (important, since vegetation cover can s hift radically across seasons and from year to year), and the recording of all sites (e.g., sites defined by lithic and ceramic residues) and, therefore, evidence of potentially con temporaneous populations. STPs (Shovel Test Pits) in select vicinities further addressed the archaeological potential of survey areas to fulfill project objectives.

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91 The excavation strategy ( P hase 2) followed standard American procedures. I placed test exca vation units (or trenches) at Tongoni (a Swahili urban site loc ated north and outside of Survey Area 1, Pangani ) and at sites in three of the five survey areas (Pangani, Survey Area 1; Mombo, Survey Area 4; and Gonja, Survey Area 5) (Figure 3 5). We determ ined site extent through surface inspections and STPs placed at 10 m intervals, with two negative STPs signaling a site boundary. The team made maps (or sketches) of select sites using a theodolite and 50 m tapes. As determined by STPs at sites, we placed test excavation units in areas with intact, stratified deposits. Excavations progressed in 10 cm arbitrary levels within strata. Team members trained in the identification of artifacts and ecofacts screened all excavated matrix through 0.25 cm2 wire mesh. We documented soil strata, features, and artifact proveniences in plan and profile maps. Furthermore, project members recorded pH and effervescence for all soils and collected soil samples and organic remains, sealing charcoal specimens for radiocarbon dat ing. We cleaned material finds and entered all discoveries into an excavation catalog record. All excavated finds (except 90% of non-diagnostic ceramics, marine shell from coastal sites, querns, and hammer stones) remain sealed and stored at the National M useum of Tanzania in Dar es Salaam. In this project, I emphasize more than traditional archaeological practice. What I learned from experiencing landscapes, disasters, and the ways that people speak about their lives and their own extraordinary experienc es and suffering forced me to wrestle with my archaeological approach and role in studying their pasts (Walz 2009; also see Setel 1999:23, Straight 2007, Turner and Bruner 1986, Young and Goulet 1994). I was a witness and a participant. By listen ing to people differently (Mann 2008:121; also see Tonkin 1992:134, Giblin 2005), I learned the nature of certain signifiers ( particularly serpent stories ) which speak to c hanges in regional life -

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92 ways. Such articulations began to illuminate a space in northea stern Tanzania forgotten by archaeologists. Through these expressions, I questioned my representation of pasts and its relevance to Tanzanians. I conducted (structured and unstructured) oral interviews simultaneous to the archaeological phases of this project, typically in during evenings (following the days archaeological activities) or on weekend afternoons. I carried out almost all of the inte rviews in S wahili Occasionally, a local translator assisted me if an individual spoke Zigua or another language better than Swahili or, alternatively, if an individual preferred English or had fragmented speech due to their advanced age or ill health. I e ngaged most interviewees inside or immediately outside of their homes. In other cases, I spoke with groups usually small groups (3 5 people) of potter s. I recorded select interviews depending on the permissions granted to me and the context of discussion s Distractions from family members or interference from weather frequently prevented quality recordings or any recordings at all Following conversations, I made notes and transcribed interviews as quickly as possible, returning later to crosscheck and cla rify the transcriptions. Although not the focus of this project, I also observed (and participated in) contemporary activities that helped me to better understand communities, behaviors, and expressions of potential relevance to deeper pasts. These activit ies included, but were not limited to, potting, marketing, healing, and shellfish processing. From observations and interviews, the variability of contempora ry ceramic production (from the collection of clay to types of firing fuel to the organization of l abor) and distribution (marketing) became apparent. I gathered additional information about markets, including the goods sold, the communities involved, and scheduling. The sale or barter of live animals, grains and other plant products, crafts, and marine shells is still

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93 com mon I also studied regional medical practices and conceptions of landscape by interacting with Tanzanian healers ( waganga). The knowledge I gained from them influenced my interpretation of regional history, expressions, and ancestral l andscapes. Finally, observations of shellfish processin g at Tongoni (north of Survey Area 1 Pangani ) facilitated comparisons of the breakage patterns of marine mollusks across time.23 In chapters 4 7, I detail the results of this archaeological investigation in northeastern Tanzania, including the scie ntific discovery of more than 3 25 new archaeological localities. By exploring regional incorporation and spotlighting hinterland areas through a historically informed and systematic research strateg y, this project enriches understandings of East Africas long -term, integrative past. As outlined in the foregoing passages, the unique character and resources of the Eastern Arc Mountains and the surrounding lowlands continue to facilitate human habitation, diverse life -ways, and interaction among communities, as they have for some time. Archaeological finds modify aspects of the existing culture history. Shifts in human settlement and activities signal changing political economies. Increased populat ion, production, and exchange began in earnest during the Middle Iron Age (600 1000/1200 C.E.). Eurasian glass beads, marine shells, and other items, as well as debris from landsnail shell bead production and iron smelting at select hinterland sites date s to this period. Survey areas appear to have been occupied and utilized well before the nineteenth century, during the height of caravan traffic Swahili communities with Afrasian ceramics and glass bea ds practiced Islam in the environs of Pangani Bay by 1250 C.E. During recent centuries, more thorough market penetration influenced resilience strategies and amplified local disenchantment among African communities. To balance 23 Elsewhere, I intend to publish the details and outcomes of my regional experiences with potting, marketing, healing, and shellfish processing. Thus, in subsequent chapters I make only general references to these activities.

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94 the impacts of heightened connectivity, residents linked mythologies (and snakes or spirit manifestations ) to distinctive landscape features, some of which lie proximal to archaeological sites bearing evidence of ancient interaction. This project suggests that regional historical archaeologies of Africa can generate new pasts that both add to and alter our knowledge of antiquity.

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95 CHAPTER 4 PANGANI BAY ENVIRONS When sailing off the shore of northeastern Tanzania, the Usambara Mountains from which the Mrima Coast derives its name ( mlima or mountain) loom on the horizon. People bind this geography. Place names capture intersections. Tanga and Pangani, towns along this coast, bear appellations that residents interpret in multiple of ways (Figure 2 2). F or instance, some residents translate t anga as a canvas sail (of a sailing vessel) Other community members recall its meaning as f armland or fertile valley of the mountains (also see Chande 1998:13 15). Representing a kind of double consciousness, these definitions encapsulate different perspectives on the coastwise area and stress the divers ity of roles which Tanga meets, connecting, as it does, the seascape and the landscape. By the middle nineteenth century, caravans brought slaves and elephant ivory to Pangani Bay en masse In the phraseology of Mzee Mc hande, a local elder, caravans herde d (-fuga) slaves to Pangani Town to labor or to be s hipped overseas.24 After the 1880s, plantation schemes at Mauya introduced large scale coconut, sugar, and sisa l production to the lower river basin. During previous decades, Arabic -speaking, Omani planters, among others, developed a brutally rationalized form of plantation production that exploited slaves (Glassman 1995:103). Maroons (watoro, or escape slaves) developed hideaways in outlying area s. The infrastructural ruins of slaving, enslavement and plantation labor linger as monuments to violence. This history of exploitation allied with recent diaporas (linked to cash crop production) contribute s to the diverse population at Pangani Bay: people self identified as Zigua, Bondei, Digo, Iloikop and Bena, among denizens from elsewhere 24 Interview with Mzee Mchande, Pangani, January 1 3, 2002.

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96 In th e 1890s, villagers at Pangani Bay again succumbed to external interference when Germans put down the Bushi ri Rebellion (a local uprising). They sought to pacify coastal communities and control the continent al hinterland E v entually, the Germans hung the revolts popular leader A fter World War I, the British established indirect rule. Current residents hold memories bound to these specific histories of interact ion, exploitation, and violence that inform thei r heritage (Walz 2009). This stretch of coast, however, harbors remnants of a more ancient past: Swahili settlement, including coral architecture from the second millennium C.E. (Freeman Grenville 1962:157 165, Mturi 1975). Situated approximately 11 km south of the regional capital (T anga Town), Mtangata hosts Tongoni Ruins: a unique archaeological site linked to Swahili ancestry and Islamic practice (Baumann 1890:105 106, Burton 1967[1872]:104 138, Chittick 1959:10 13, Stowell 1937) (Figure 21 and Figure 2 2). A mosque and other architectural remains overlook a shallow bay fr inged by clusters of mangrove trees More than 40 km south, where the Pangani River meets the ocean at Pangani Bay, there are other collections of tombs and coral wall segmen ts (Gramly 1981). West of the bay it is possible to see Mount Tongwe (Figure 2 2). Maziwe Island25 and even Zanzibar, mere reflections in the Indian Ocean, glimmer offshore (Figure 2 1) The continental shelf of northeastern Tanzania ends at a deep channel separating Pemba Island from the mainland. Tiny islets and corals populate the coastline, presenting impediments to seafarers and opportunities to fishermen. Rarely 200 m above MSL, the coastal plain recedes from coralline promontories and sandy beach heads, passes over Holocene and Pleistocene marine terr aces (Figure 4 1 and Figure 4 11), and merges with rolling uplands. In the vicinity of 25 Now submerged, Miziwe Island is recognizable by a patch of light colored surface water off of the coast (Fay 1992).

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97 Tanga, the typical karst topography includes Amboni Cave (Figure 2 4 ), a locus of ceramics (TIW) that share affinities with firs t millennium C.E. pottery recovered in the nearby Usambara Mountains (Soper 1967). The Zanzibari -Inhambane Mosaic of vegetation exemplifies the coastal plain (Chapter 3). Intermittent sisal plantations and residences dot the landscape. Secondary plant grow th denotes longterm human impacts. Annual rainfall varies around 1250 mm. Mean annual temperature is 22 Celsius. From October to April, northeast monsoon winds prevail, while from May to October the pattern reverses, impacting peoples daily activities a nd their amphibious life -ways. Residents negotiate the long ( masi ka March to June), scattered ( mchoo, August to September), and short ( vuli, October to December) rains and shifts in winds and currents. They sail outriggers ( ngalawa), collect fish traps (e.g., dema ), and haul ashore fish, cephalopods, and crustaceans. Alternatively, they board motorized boats ( mashua) and venture up the Pangani channel, joining fishermen perched on canoes ( mitumbwi and hori ) casting lines for catfish (hongwe ) or throwing nets for shrimp ( ushongo and uduvi ). Among other activities, women and children collect mud whelks (tondo) in the estuarine shallows. Mangrove crabs ( magerereka ) scatter along the shores of the estuary, including at a shoal now devoid of mangroves that Panganians call jangwa la wachawi (the desert of witches) Farming, potting, and salt and seaweed production generate revenue between Tanga Town and Ushongo (south of Pangani Bay) (Figure 4 1). Coconut trees populate the coastal plain, a lthough they no longer encircle Pangani Town as they once did. People venture inland and beyond marine terraces to farm maize, cassava, legumes, and citrus fruits. Panganians coat their hands in jasi (a talclike substance) to make threshing baskets from u kindu (a hinterland palm). They gather jasi along the path of a historic caravan route, upriver near Mtakani (Figure

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98 4 1). Potters also collect clay from atop marine terraces near Mwembeni (Figure 4 1). They mix this soil with darker, local varieties to fa shion more durable vessels, perhaps to overcome the limitations of sandy coastal soils. Alternatively, women purchase ceramics ( vyungu vikaango, and vikabuli ) a t local markets. Villagers at Mtangata (Figure 4 11), where pottery is no longer made, buy thei r wares at a well known market (Pande) operated by Digo women. However, sailing craft from western India no longer off -load water jars ( mitungi ) for sale at the bay, as they did through the 1960s.26 A range of other items also can be found at markets. Still employed to decorate pots, graphite ( nyota) from the Usambara Mountains graces local bazaars, as do starches, nuts, and seeds. The oyster nut plant ( Telfairia pedata, or kweme ) produces a seed typically harvested in hinterland and riverine settings that facilitates medical treatments. People also exchange dried fish (including sharks and skates) and live stock. Recent droughts forced the Iloikop27 and their herds (principally cattle) into the lower basin, upstream of Pangani Town Such movements have deep histories (Giblin 1992, Kjekshus 1977). T setse flies infest Pangani Bay and they have since German colonization ( during the late 1880s to 1918). These insects present a soft barrier to the Iloikop during periods of stress (Giblin 1990:70). Other an imal item s, including l eopard tortoises (Geochelone pardalis common near the Usambara Mountains), appear infrequently at markets to be forfeited for their carapaces. 26 Interviews with Kijakazi Halmisi and Mwanaisha Juma, Mwera, February 3, 2003. 27 I treat the ethnonyms Iloikop, Parakuyo, and Kwavi as synonymous. They are Maa speaking pastoralists much like the Maasai. Prior to the middle nineteenth century, they populated the interior plains located south of Mount Kilimanjaro (Figure 1 1). Later they were driven into the lower Pangani Ba sin by similar, competing groups, such as the Kisongo. Historical and contemporary literature tends to differentiate the Iloikop and Maasai. In Tanga Region, residents tend to use Iloikop or Kwavi, instead of Parakuyo. The first of these labels pejor atively associates these communities with limited agricultural practice (rather than pure pastoralism). The work of Waller (1979) and Berntsen (1979) helps to clarify the histories of these ethnonyms in northern Tanzania (also see Spear 1997:3541). More recently, Jennings (2005) problematizes this schema while querying the history of the Iloikop, including in vicinities east of Mount Kilimanjaro that are pertinent to this project.

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99 Near Tambarani (opposite Mtangata) (Figure 4 11) boat making and sail repair persist as trades of men. Part time specialists employ coir (coconut husk) to make rope and rigging. They also make and use coir to secure fish traps. Although many other daily crafts, including cobbling, leather -working, and door and stool carving, have now all but ceased to exist, these activities were prevalent along the northeastern coast in previous centuries (Baumann 1890, Burton 1967[1872]). Even during the depressed economic times of recent decades, trade and interaction have continue d in earnest, albeit at a relativel y small scale in sparsely populated Pangani District (Figure 3 1 ) (United Republic of Tanzania 2003). Just as local traders using watercraft transport coconuts and mangoes offshore to Zanzibar, so too, do craft items, marine shells, livestock, dried fish, and other foods find their way inland. Paths and corridors stretching to the interior occur within view of the East Usambara M ountains, as they did in the past ( Baumann 1890, Burton 1967[1872], Farler 1882, New 1875). The highlands of the Eastern Arc Range unique topographic features nestled up against the Swahili Coast continue to facilitate interaction along landscape gradients. This confluence of geography (Figure 1 1) and human activity ameliorate s variations in soil fertility, rainfall, and population densities that lead to preconceived spatial divisions. Summary of Survey Results The archaeological te a m delimited a survey area of 64 km2 at Pangani Bay (Survey Area 1: UTMs 492000 503000E and 9398000 9406000N). We sampled 8 km2 (12.5%) of this area using 1 km2 units.28 As detailed in Chapter 3, a team comprised of me and four area residents 28 The eight sample units of 1 km2 possess NE corner readings (in order of their survey) as follows: 503000E, 9405000N (Survey Unit 1, east of Choba); 501000E, 9406000N (Survey Unit 2, near Mnazi Moja); 495000E, 9399000N (Survey Unit 3, east of Kilimangwido); 499000E, 9403000N (Survey Unit 4, contains Boza); 498000E, 9402000N (Survey Unit 5, north of Pangani Town); 497000E, 9405000N (Survey Unit 6, south of Mwembeni); 494000E, 9406000N (Survey Unit 7, contains Mtakani); 493000E, 9402000N (Survey Unit 8, north of Kilimangwido) (Figure 41). Appendix A lists all survey unit proveni ences.

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100 trained in survey conducted walkover along 25 m -wide transects with surveyors spaced at 5 m interv als, achieving complete coverage. Surface visibility was moderate to poor [42% mean; ranging from 58.4% (Survey Unit 1) to 29.2% (Survey Unit 7)] (Table F 1 and Appendix G). Higher surface visibilities occur nearer to the ocean, in the river floodplain, and among scattered areas of habitation and cultivation (Figure 4 1). High grass and palm litter blankets low lying areas (e.g., Survey Unit 3) and elevated parcels with thorny thickets or clusters of mucuna bean ( Mucuna sp. or upupu) (e.g., Survey Unit 2). Stands of trees and scattered brush limit surface visibility along or atop the northern escarpment. Overgrown areas occasionally serve as refuges for Cape buffalo. Snakes, elephant shrews, galagos, monkeys, and colonies of biting ants ( siafu and maji moto ) inhabit the brush. Mangrove trees west of Bweni and Pangani Town a nd irrigation infrastructures on the south river bank (northwest of Survey Unit 3 and west of Survey Unit 8) also reduce local visibility (Figure 4 1). Bee -eaters, pied kingfishers (along the river), and song birds occupy areas near the river and in other open habitats Pangani Bay (Survey Area 1) includes territory north and south of the Pangani River, extending 7 11 km inland. Three Pleistocene terraces parallel the co astline, the youngest 3 11 m above MSL. Receding from the ocean, two additional terraces mark the landscape, the latter gaining in elevation more than 2 km from the coralline coast and sandy beachfront. An ancient river channel (now silted) 2.5 km north of Pangani Town (Figure 41) testifies to the southward migration of the river during the late Holocene (probably in the last 1500 years). Near the ocean, the river courses (ancient and contemporary) underlie dramatic escarpments at Boza (north) and Bweni (south), respectively (Figure 4 1), where the river carves a spac e for itself. Loams in th e

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101 Figure 4 1. Map of Pangani Bay (Survey Area 1) bottomlands ( bonde ) are rich in nutrients. Clay loams predominate away from the river and ocean (beyond the immediate waterfront and atop inland terraces). Eroded surfaces and construction sites expose subterranean deposits. Human settlement concentrates in Pangani Town and above the terraces south of the river. Roads, paths, trash pits, latrines and saw pits scar the landscape. The primary dirt roads parallel the coast, but also run from Pangani Town t o Mtakani and from Mkomwa westward to Lewa (Figure 4 1). These heavily eroded networks are often impassable during the long and short rainy seasons. Coral and sand mining impacts the area. Natural erosion at the escarpments and along the northern river bank exposes archaeological materials (see below). Despite the challenges of topography,

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102 vegetation, and human impacts to the landscape, only 1% of the total area designated for survey (distributed in survey units 2, 3, and 7) was circumvented during inspecti ons (due to standing water). During systematic survey, the archaeological team documented 55 archaeological sites, or 6.1 sites/km2 (per survey unit). We also identified 45 occurrences. A rchaeological localities cluster into sev en types (Appendix H)29: Type 2: quartz lithics (presumably MSA LSA transitional or LSA) (but see below); 3 sites (Site 12 in Survey Unit 1; sites 28 and 29 in Survey Unit 3); 1 occurrence (Occurrence 42 in Survey Unit 8) Type 3: quartz lithics and non -diagnostic ceramics (ending post 500 B.C.E.) (mixed); 5 sites (Site 7 in Survey Unit 1; sites 22, 26, and 32 in Survey Unit 3; Site 38 in Survey Unit 4); 0 occurrences Type 10: nondiagnostic ceramics (post 500 B.C.E.); 4 sites (Site 15 in Survey Unit 2; Site 27 in Survey Unit 3; Sit e 49 in Survey Unit 6; Site 53 in Survey Unit 8); 0 occurrences Type 11: TIW ceramics (~600 1000/1200 C.E.); 1 site (Site 48 in Survey Unit 6); 0 occurrences Type 13: Swahili ceramics (sometimes with foreign artifacts) (1200 1550 C.E.); 15 sites (sites 3, 4, and 5 in Survey Unit 1; Site 20 in Survey Unit 2; sites 21, 24, 31, 34, and 35 in Survey Unit 3; sites 37 and 39 in Survey Unit 4; Site 42 in Survey Unit 5; sites 47 and 50 in Survey Unit 6; Site 54 in Survey Unit 8); 0 occurrences Type 14: Post -Swahili ceramics (often with other local and/or foreign artifacts) (~1550 1750 C.E.); 7 sites (Site 13 in Survey Unit 1; sites 16 and 18 in Survey Unit 2; sites 30 and 33 in Survey Unit 3; Site 45 in Survey Unit 5; Site 58 in Survey Unit 8); 6 occurrences (Occurr ence 2 in Survey Unit 1; Occurrence 10 in Survey Unit 2; occurrences 22 and 28 in Survey Unit 5; Occurrence 33 in Survey Unit 6; Occurrence 43 in Survey Unit 8) Type 17: local, sometimes with Post -Post Swahili, ceramics (often with foreign artifacts) (post 1750 C.E. to early twentieth century); 20 sites (sites 1, 2, 6, 8, 9, 10, and 11 in Survey Unit 1; sites 14, 17, and 19 in Survey Unit 2; sites 23, 25, and 26 in Survey Unit 3; sites 40 and 41 in Survey Unit 4; Site 44 in Survey Unit 5; Site 46 in Survey Unit 6; 29 For all archaeological site locations at Pangani (Survey Area 1), see Figure 4 2 and Appendix C. For all archaeological occurrence locations at Pangani (Survey Area 1), see Figure 4 3 and Appendix E.

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103 sites 55, 56, and 57 in Survey Unit 8); 37 occurrences (occurrences 1, 3, 4 and 5 in Survey Unit 1; occurrence s 6, 7, 8, and 9 in Survey Unit 2; occurrences 11, 12, 13, 14, and 15 in Survey Unit 3; occurrences 16, 17, 18, and 19 in Survey Unit 4; occurrences 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, and 27 in Survey Unit 5; occurrences 29, 30, 31, 32, and 34 in Survey Unit 6; occurrence s 35, 36, 37, 38, and 39 in Survey Unit 7; occurrences 40, 41, 44, and 45 in Survey Unit 8) In Survey Area 1 (Pangani), we registered 52.7% of sites in survey units 1 and 3 On the other hand, surveyors did not to locate any sites in Survey Unit 7. Unit surface visibilities vary in their correspondence to the number of sites discovered. Of the eight units, Survey Unit 1 ranks highest in su rface visibility and second in its number of sites: a strong positive correspondence (Table F 1). However, Survey Unit 3 represents the opposite trend, ranking seventh in surface visibility but first in discovered sites (strong negative correspondence). A unique ceramic find in S urvey Unit 5 (Occurrence 26) appears to be Coarse Red Ware (of Roman or Indic origin) from the first millennium C.E. (see below) Informal reconnaissance outside of systematically surveyed units but within Survey Area 1 (Pangani) registered additional archaeological sites: Mnyongeni (Site 43a), Mtakani (Site 51a), and Kumbamtoni (Site 52a) (Figure 4 8 ).30 Site types 2 3 and 10: The l ithics documented at Type 2 and Type 3 localities (see lists above) include shaped and unshaped (informa l) quartz tools fashioned from quartz cobbles using the bipolar technique and/or simple hard hammer percussion. These sites pep per the area, especially the elevated lan d south of the river (particularly Survey Unit 3 ). Single and multiple platform cores, small bifacial choppers, scrapers, and unshaped ( informal ) tools comprise surface assemblages. At Site 29 (of Type 2 in Survey Unit 3), a systematic sample of surface materials yielded 84 lithics: small cores, scrapers, two backed pieces (presumably of LSA affinity), and debitage. 30 As noted in Chapter 3, all archaeological sit e numbers followed by the letter a occur within the survey area (in this case, Survey Area 1, Pangani) but outside of systematically surveyed units.

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104 Figure 4 2. Map of Pangani (Survey Area 1), discovered archaeological sites marked

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105 Figure 4 3. Map of Pangani (Survey Area 1), discovered archaeological occurrences marked

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106 Upstream, a source of quartz cobbles erodes from the north bank of the Pangani River. Quartz outcrops also populate the low hill tops in the floodplain further inla nd (including just east of Survey Area 2 Lewa ) (Figure 3 5 ). The result of Pleistocene or pre -Pleistocene depositional e vents, these cobbles vary in size (marble -sized to fist -sized). Chert and petrified wood from the Karoo Formation (Figure 3 2) offer alternative raw materials Gramly (1981) excavated two lithics of petrified wood at Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4). Dur ing survey, we observed similar artifacts along the escarpment at Boza as well as west of Sur vey Area 1 (Pangani) In antiquity, human movement and/or exchange relayed stone materia l to Pangani Bay Scatters of quartz lithics (like those mentioned above) a nd eroded ceramics litter Type 3 localities. We also recorded Type 10 sites (see list above) of uncertain age. Both site types (Type 3 and Type 10) exhibit sparse sherds. Although lacking diagnostics, Type 3 sites include pottery not dissimilar in color, paste, and temper from TIW ( Site Type 11) or earlier ceramics employed by iron using, farming communities in East Africa. In thi s regard, sites 26 and 32 ( in Survey Unit 3) are promising. Site 32 contains thick body sherds with orange surface colors atypica l of later ceramic s in the survey area These fragments may be EIA MIA in affiliation. The same can be said of the ceramics that the team identified at Type 10 sites, although Site 27 appears more recent, but not definitively so. From these localities, it is apparent that lithic technology persists late in the culture history of the lower Pangani Basin Gramly (1981) posits that the agriculturalists who employed such tools during the second millennium C.E. were impoverished. However, ancient ironusing, far ming populations in eastern Africa, and elsewhere, often continued to use, or reverted to,

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107 stone technologies after transitioning to agricultural life -ways (Kessy 2005, Mapunda et al. 2003, Seitsonen 2004) (see Preliminary Thoughts and Discussion below). S ite Type 11 : Surface survey confirmed the presence of TIW (600 1000/1200 C.E.) (Chami 1994, Horton 1996b). Site 48 (in Survey Unit 6) lies in a maize field atop the northern escarpment near Mwembeni (Figure 4 1). The team collected specimens of TIW from th e base of a saw pit and its associated back dirt pile. Distinctive motifs incised triangles, cross -hatching, and rows of punctations decorate multiple round-bottomed, necked jars (independent restricted vessels) with out turned rims. Medium -sized, angular quartz temper is characterist ic. We documented similar ceramics by the rivers edge at Site 52a (Kumbamtoni) (Figure 4 4 ). T hese artifacts eroded form the river bank following El Nio rains in 1997 1998 or during more recent high water events. Thus, we loc ated TIW exclusively at localities (sites 48 and 52a) with subterranean exposures. Th ese are the only s pecimens of TIW on the mainland of Tanzania known from somewhat nor th of Kaole (Chittick 1975b) to Tanga Town (Amboni Cave) (Soper 1967) (Figure 2 1 and Figure 2 4). Their characteristics affiliate Pangani with early cultural influences from the south (Chami 1994, 1998). Sites bearing TIW and other ceramics of (possible) equal or greater A B C Figure 4 4. TIW from Kumbamtoni (Site 52a, Survey Area 1, Pangani)

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108 antiquity ( for inferences regarding Type 3 sites see above ) coalesce in locations near, or imme diately overlooking, the Pangani R iver, suggesting that villagers preferred proximity to fresh water (Chami 1994, Schmidt et al. 1992). Site Type 13: Swahili Ware (1200 1550 C.E.) (Chami 1998, Wilson and Omar 1997) characterize s 15 sites (27.3% of total) documented during systematic walkover in Survey Area 1 (Pangani). We recorded Type 13 sites (see list above) in all of the survey units except Survey Unit 7. The largest number of Type 13 sites occur in Survey Unit 3 (n =5) and Survey Unit 1 (n = 3 ) (Figure 4 2). All of t hese localitie as well as similar sites upriver [e.g., Kumbamtoni (S ite 52a) and Mtakani (Site 51a] lie proximal to, or overlook, the extant or ancient river channel or occupy positions within 1 km of the oceanfront. This explains the prevalence of shellfish (and/or estuarine mollusk) remains at even small, Swahili associated sites. However, we also identified sites with in frequent Swahili Ware in survey units 6 and 8, fa rther from the river and marine coast than might be anticipated (Figure 4 2). Type 13 sites range in siz e from miniscule (e.g., 0.01 ha Site 42 in Survey Unit 5) to >7 ha (Muhembo, Site 37 in Survey Unit 4) (Figure 4 2). Muhembo overlooks the ancient river channel and the Indian Ocean (Figure 4 2) (see Excavation Results below) The remains of a coral mosque and a few collapsed ruins cover a small portion of the site surface with mounds of debris. Chitt ick ( 1959:11 13) classified the mosque as nort hern in type. A stand of trees also conceals graves, putatively dated to the eighteenth to nineteenth centuries, positioned north of the mosque. The site surface exhibits Swahili Ware, later local ceramics, and fa unal remains, as well as imported ceramics (Islamic monochromes) and drawn glass beads. A murram pit excavated to provide coral gravel for modern road construction damaged the sites northern

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109 sector beginning in the 1970s. Located south of the river, the t ombs at Bweni Ndogo (west of Bweni) (Figure 4 1) are contemporaneous with Muhembo. The Swahili Ware at Type 13 sites includes characteristic vessel forms and decorations. We registered round -bottomed pots (independent restricted vessels) with a row of punc tations directly be low vessel lips ( neck punctuating) (Chami 1998) (Figure 4 5, A) R oundbottomed bowls that tend toward carination (dependent restricted vessels) also are common. Mid -line ticks, impressed dimples, and incisions decorate the latter (Fig ure 4 5, B). In addition we recorded fragments of o pen bowls (unrestrict ed vessels), sometimes with fl attened bottoms, during surface survey (Figure 4 5, C). Red slip is a common decorative elem ent on independent restricted vessels. Graphite designs (along vessel rims and/or interiors) embellish some open bowls also treated with hematite. At Site 52a (Kumbamtoni), we identified examples of (Middle Eastern) sgraffiato from the ear ly second millennium C.E. A t sites 52a and 37 (Muhembo in Survey Unit 4) the team also registered specimens of Islamic monochrome and Chinese celadon from the middle second millennium C.E. (Horton 1996b, Wilson and Omar 1997). Other artifacts at these sites include bead grinders (of ceramic and stone), beads (of glass and vari ous local materials), glass shards, and miscellaneous iron artifacts. In addition, at A B C Figure 4 5. Swahili Ware from Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4, Survey Area 1, Pangani)

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110 Kumbamtoni (Site 52a) we documented two (ancient) human skeletons eroding from the river bank. Faunal remains consist of marine and estuarine shells, crab claws, and fish bones. The southern portion of Kumbamtoni includes a shallow oyster midden. Multiple baobabs grow in the vicinity. Slag biscuits occu r at this and other large Type 13 sites (e.g., Muhembo, Site 37 in Survey Unit 4). At Site 34 (in Survey Unit 3) we observed Chinese blue and -white ceramics (middle to late second millennium C.E.). Indications of post Swahili settlement also appear at Mtak ani (Site 51a) and Muhembo. Although relatively small, Mtakani resembles Kumbamtoni (Site 52a) in its artifact composition. The former lies along a bend in the Pangani River popular with fishermen.31 In Survey Unit 5, the team identified Swahili Ware in the walls of a contemporary, wattle anddaub house. We traced the origin of the material to two borrow pits at Mnyongeni (Site 43a), south of the ancient river channel near the escarpment at Boza (Figure 4 8 ). Nestled up against mangroves, a dense scatter of ceramics and shell s extends 0.35 ha. In the borrow pits, w e registered late Swahili Ware, (limited) Post Swahili ceramics (with red slip), and estuarine shell (e.g., T errebralia palustrus or mud whelk) but no imports. Nearby, at Occurrence 26 (in Survey Unit 5), we did, however, collect the rim of an unidentified foreign vessel (likely of Me diterranean or Indian origin and dating to the first millennium C.E. ).32 31 According to fishermen, upstream of Mtakani is the domain of crocodiles. Interview with Mohamed Saidi, Pangani, December 1, 2005. 32 Given its antiquity, this artifact may have been brought to the surface at the borrow pits. Water infiltrates the base of one of the extant pits from which artifacts protrude. The ceramic is likely Coarse Red Ware of Roman deri vation or an Indic copy. Chami (2002:4, 2003) previously documented Coarse Red Ware near Kilwa on the southern coast of Tanzania [elsewhere, see Smith and Wright (1988:129)]. Dated to the early to middle first millennium C.E., the specimen from Pangani may rekindle interest in recent Roman di scoveries on Zanzibar (Juma 1996) and Chitticks (1966) report on Roman coins (not in situ ) from mainland Tanga Region more than 40 years ago. One coin from the co llection d ates to the reign of Carus (282283 C .E.) and the othe r to the reign of Constans (335337 C.E.) (Chittick 1966)

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111 Site Type 14 : Type 14 sites (see list above) bear Post Swahili ceramics (1550 1750 C.E.) and other artifacts (Chami 1998) These localities cluster in Survey Unit 3. Post Swahili vessel forms and decorations vary widely. Surface colors are orange, brown, or buff. For carinated bowls (dependent restricted ves sels), the distance between clearly defined carination s and vessel lip s is shorter and more vertical than in Swahili Ware. Motifs appear directly above mid lines (Chami et al. 2004). Surface finds divulge a range of additional forms, decorative techniques, and motifs, represented frequently by ticks or repeated incisions of large arched or multiply arched designs (Figure 4 7 A). At sites with Swahili Ware (e.g., Mtakani, Site 51a) restricted bowls with tendencies toward carinat ion (sloped upper bodies) occur late in exposed strata and exhibit smaller arches. Thus, m ultiply arched designs on Post -Swahili vessels appear to offer an aesthetic bridge between Swahili and Post -Swahili ceramics At localities of Type 14, m aterial assemblages often mix with artifacts from preceding or later time fra mes (in other words, sites have multiple components) (e.g., Site 37 in Survey Unit 4; Site 47 in Survey Unit 6). We also recorded seven sites with Post -Swahili ceramics in combination with limited, far -flung ceramics with no apparent local origin (Site 13 in Survey Unit 1; sites 16 and 18 in Survey Unit 2; sites 30 and 33 in Survey Unit 3; Site 45 in Survey Unit 5; Site 58 in Survey Unit 8) and 6 o ccurrences (Occurrence 2 in Survey Unit 1; Occurrence 10 in Survey Unit 2; occurrences 22 and 28 in Survey Unit 5; Occurrence 33 in Survey Unit 6; Occurrence 43 in Survey Unit 8) For example, at Site 13 (in Survey Unit 1) we ident ified a rouletted ceramic similar to Late Iron Age (LIA) finds from western Tanzania (Soper and Golden 1969). Moreover, near Kumbamtoni (Site 52a) we recorded a few specimens of Maore Ware (Figure 4 6, A ) and Group B ceramics (Figure 4 6, B) (Soper 1967). Non -local sherds from the continental interior illustrate regional interaction

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112 A B Figure 4 6. Other ceramics from Kumbamtoni (Site 52a, Survey Area 1, Pangani), (A) Maore Ware and (B) Group B ceramic Site Type 17: In Survey Area 1 (Pangani), 36.3% (n = 20) of all sites and 82.2% (n = 37) of all occurrences are of Type 17 (post 1750 C.E. to e arly twentieth century) (see list above). Most localities are small (<0.25 ha) and bear distinct Post Post -Swahili ceram ics (Chami et al. 2004). Among local clay vessels, carinated bowls (dependent restricted vessels) are common. Necked jars (independent r estricted vessels) are less frequent. These ceramics have brown, black, or buff surface colors, dark cores, and small quartz or sand temper. Vessels exhibit everted or upright rims with flattened lips, occasionally exhibiting drag marks from grass (Chami e t al. 2004, Kirkman 1974, Croucher and Wynne -Jones 2006). Red slip often decorates the interior and/or exterior lips of bowls. Small arched designs (from marine bivalve or fingernail impressions or incisions) vary in their size, but always appear on or abo ve carinations (Figure 4 7 B). Necked jars lack decoration s Accompanying artifacts and ecofacts include the remains of mud whelk and oyster, net weights (for fishing), iron spear/arrow tips, and clay pipe bowls (for smoking tobacco) Common finds also in clude European bottle glass, drawn and molded glass beads, English and German coins, bullets, and a variety of European ceramics (annularwares, spongewares, stonewares, and

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113 A B Figure 4 7 Post 1500 C.E. ceramics from Pangani (Survey Area 1), (A) late Swahili Ware to e arly Post -Swahili ceramics (transitional) from Mtakani (Site 51a) and (B) Post -Post Swahili ceramics from Site 8 (in Survey Unit 1) transfer prints). Occasionally, we documented examples of late Chinese blueand -white ceramics a nd Indian earthenware with red and black slip or paint. Gombero (Site 45 in Survey Unit 5) is the most important Type 17 locality that we identified in Survey Area 1 (Pangani). Its artifacts blanket a schoolyard soccer field on the northern outskirts of Pa ngani Town. Archaeological materials include both Post -Swahili and Post -Post -Swahil i ceramics (the latter predominate), imported pottery (as described above), glass beads, and a few iron artifacts. Beads are particularly copious: 14 diffe rent types appear scattered on the field especially at its center and along its western boundary where the field is heavily worn. Residents of the area describe Gombero as a historic gathering place or market especially important to potters and traders (including caravan t raders) for exchange during the last two centuries. Preliminary thoughts on survey r esults : During P hase 1, w e i mplement ed a systematic survey corresp onding to Pangani Bay, a coastal terminus of nineteenth century, slave and ivory ca ravan routes De spite moderate to poor surface visibility, w e recorded 103 archaeological

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114 localities (58 sites and 45 occurrences ) of seven types (Appendix C, Appendix E, and Table F 1 ). Material finds help to establish a preliminary culture his tory for the area, which wa s poorly known to East African archaeology prior to this project Human settlement at Pangani Bay extends through the presence of ironusing, farming communities in the late first millennium C.E. to stone -tool using, hunter -gatherers (MSA LSA). Apparently, the latter moved within coastwise settings or interacted with communities to obtain non local ra w materials By the late first millennium C.E., groups making early TIW ceramics (with designs that mimic the central and southern coast and hinterland) emerged at the bay (e.g., Chami 1994) Sites with MIW (Middle Iron Working) or LIW (Late Iron Working) ceramics and quartz lithics, in fact, may indicate a simultaneous dependence, or reversion, to lithic technologies when resources for iron produc tion became st rained or when cl imate changed in the lower basin (Mapunda et al. 2003:30 38) (see Discussion below). Plain Ware (1000 1200 C.E.) (Chami 1998, Horton 2004a), a common ceramic type along the southern Swahili coast (south of the Pangani River) i s absent at Pangani B ay By 1250 145 0 C.E, a settlement hieracrchy and increased conne ctivity developed. A few durable structures aro se at Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4) during this period includi ng a mosque of northern style, signaling an eventual shift in elite cultural affiliations to the northern coast (see below). Anomalous, non -local ceramic s, including specimens from Asia and the African interior, pepper the vicinity, likely associated with the middle to late middle second millennium C.E. Subsequent to 1550 C.E. (up to 1750 C.E.) the population declined and/or dispersed, perhaps in response to the Portuguese and/or interior conflicts and changes (se e subsequent chapters especially Chapter 7 ). Communities living at the bay flourished once again during the late eighteenth century and nineteenth century (for further details and extrapolations see Discussion

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115 below), as evidenced by the increased number of sites and diverse indications of interaction (e.g., Gombero, Site 45 in Survey Unit 5). Following P has e 1, I decided to test excavate select sites to develop a more comprehensive understanding of local culture history, economies, environments, and interactio n during the last 800 years or so, a period for which little is known on the northeastern coast of T anzania. Thus, I sought contextualized clues about the nature and variation of archaeological l ocalities in Survey Area 1 (Pan g a ni) and at Tongoni, a unique Swahili settlement located north of Pangani Bay. Test excavations begin to better position the area in regional, coastwise archaeology. Summary of Excavation Results Chapter 3 specifies the excavation procedure. By way of reminder, at select localities an archaeologica l team determined site extent through surface inspections and STPs. Based on access an d landholder permission, we mapped sites and excavated metric trenches to sample stratified archaeological deposits. Team members screened all excavated matrix through 0.25 cm2 wire mesh to identify artifacts and ecofacts. In total, we test excavated five sites in the vicinity of Pangani Bay (Survey Area 1): Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4), Mnyongeni (Site 43a), Gombero (Site 45 in Survey Unit 5), Mtakani (Site 51a), and Kumbamtoni (Site 52a) (Figure 4 8). We also placed three excavation trenches at Tong on i Ruins, near Mtangata (Figure 4 11) and outside of Survey Area 1 (Pangani). Below, I review the results. Given logistical restrictions, the team made only limited subterranean inspections at each site. In fact, we excavated trenches totaling no more th an 12 m2 in surface extent at any one locality. Given their large size, we placed greater emphasis at Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4) and Tongoni. Thus, I emphasize excavations at these two sites Each site is known previously from studies of its standing architecture and a single test

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116 Figure 4 8. Map of Pangani Bay (Survey Area 1), test excavated archaeological sites marked excavation trench (cf. Chittick 1959, Gramly 1981).33 Based on surface finds, Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4) and Tongoni are multi -component sites of the last 750 years or so (Swahili to Post -Post -Swahili). Mnyongeni (Site 43a), Mtakani (Site 51a), and Kumbamtoni (Site 52a) are of Type 13 (sites bearing Swahili Ware), although each of them exhibits limited evidence of Post Swahili occupation. Gombero (Site 45 in Survey Unit) is best characterized as Type 17 with a few earlier artifacts. 33 Neither excavation received thorough publication.

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117 The purpose of excavations was to determine with greater clarity occupation at these ar chaeological sites and to generate estimates of their character, and thus the periods of culture history that they represent. From excavation results coupled with systematic survey finds, I hope to better establish Pangani Bays position in regional coastw ise archaeology, to explore the degree of local coast/hinterland interaction (from a coastal perspective), and to recount changes in contexts and life -ways over the last 750 years. Results and my eventual interpretations should b e viewed in light of the pr oportional amount of excav ation completed at these s ites Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4, Survey Area 1, Pangani) The largest of the Type 13 sites in Survey Area 1 (Pangani), Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4) lies on a sloped ridge overlooking the anc ient river channel north of contemporary Pangani Town (Figure 4 8). The site has good views of the Indian Ocean and experiences seasonal breezes. Muhembo appears to be protected from the strongest monsoon winds by the coralline promontory at the outlying w aterfront (directly east) as well as the slope on which it sits. The surface of Muhembo is clear of inhibiting vegetation, except for portions of its northwestern extent located upslope. Coconut palms and large baobabs grow throughout the site, especially in its central and northern sectors. The vertical escarpment at Boza lies just west of the primary ruins at Muhembo. Remains of a coral mosque and other limited architectural ruins cluster in low mounds near the southwestern corner of the site (Figure 49 ). S urface inspections determined that wall and roof fall comprise the mounds contents. Now covered in undergrowth and bush, local residents (a few of whom tend and harvest coconuts at the site) treat this location as an mzimu or spirit dwelling. The mosq ue is of northern type, with three aisles and a width greater than its length ( Chittick 1959:11 13, Freeman Grenville 1962). Although a low mound (largest circle in Figure 4 9) of debris obstructs from view the details of the mosque, the mihrab a ppears mostly

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118 Figure 4 9 Map of Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4, Survey Area 1, Pangani), test excavation units marked intact. Walls of coral, presumably residential structures, lie outside and immediately northeast of the mosque on the same low mound. Coral fragments also occur elsewhere on the site, but it is not evident if these are wall segments or other remains which may date to a period later than the

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119 mosque. At least three graves from recent centuries overly the debris mound immediately north of the remnant mihrab A few plate fragments of blue-green Islamic monochrome (fourteenth to seventeenth century in date), wound and drawn glass beads, and fauna l remains occur in low densities among the palms and along a pathway in the immediate vicinity of the ruins. We recorded two fist -sized slag biscuits at the site approximately 150 m northeast of the ruins. A large murram pit bounds Muhembo to the north. This coral borrow pit has produced road construction materials since the 1970s, in the process destroying much of the sites northern sector, most likely including the area of Gramlys (1981) excavation trench (late 1970s). Swahili associated remains and P ost Swahili cer amics litter the surface of the disturbed area. A dirt road connecting Muheza (to the interior) and Pangani (Figure 4 1) flanks the northern extent of the site. The excavation team employed surface observations and STPs to determine the exte nt and integrity of the site and to select areas for test excavations. Based on tests, the site covers >7 ha, although its exact dimensions evaded us due to damage caused by the large borrow pit as well as restrictions on subterranean tests by the current landowner, Mr. Abdallah Mbegu. We opened four excavation units. Two were placed northeast of the mosque and outside of the cluster of architectural ruins: Excavation Unit 1 (1 m x 2 m) and Excavation Unit 2 (1 m x 4 m). The team located the third unit (3 m x 1 m) within the ruins. We sunk Excavation Unit 4 (3 m x 1 m) northeast of the previous units along the slope immediately southwest of the murram pit (Figure 4 9) .34 Excavation Unit 1 reached a d epth of 177 cm BGS (Below Ground S urface), after which artif acts ceased. Three strata characterize the unit, all loam or clay loam: stratum 1 (7.5YR 2.5/3 34 Appendix I recounts all archaeological materials collected from excavation units 1 4 at Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4, Survey Area 1, Pangani).

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120 Figure 4 10. East wall profile, Excavation Unit 1, Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4, Survey Area 1, Pangani) to 3/3, levels 1 2), stratum 2 (7.5YR 3/3 to 3/4, levels 3 5), and stratum 3 (5YR 4/6, levels 6 18) (Figure 4 10). Fragments of local clay vessels, daub, and shell occur in every excavation level. Loc al ceramics total 1657 of which 162 (9.8%) are diagnostics. We also recovered animal bone, 59 lithics (56 quartz, 1 chert, and 2 petrified wood, most ly in stratum 3), slag, 39 beads (35 glass, 4 other), 6 glass shards, 21 foreign ceramics, 2 cowries, 1 piece of ivory, and 1 iron fragment. W e retrieved 53.8% (n = 891) of the local ceramic assemblage, inclu ding 46.3% (n = 75) of diagnostics, in excavation levels 4 through 7. This concentration of material accompanies >10 kg of daub. We registered no other daub clusters in the unit. The only other remarkable

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121 attribute of the unit is a barely discernible stain along the south wall in stratum 3, below excavation level 12 (Table I 1). Artifacts from Excavation Unit 2 reached a depth of 117 cm BGS. Finds parallel those from Excavation Unit 1. Positioned west and slightly upslope, the soil strata in Excavation Unit 2 mimic the strata in Excavation Unit 1: stratum 1 (levels 1 2), stratum 2 (levels 3 7), and stratum 3 (levels 8 12). Stratum 3 was somewhat more difficult to exca vate than in the former unit due to more compact matrix. Fragments of local clay vessels and shell occur in every exca vation level. Local sherds number 974, of which 79 (8.1%) are diagnostics. We further recovered 12 quartz lithics, slag, 9 beads (8 glass, 1 other), 2 glass shards, and 25 foreign ceramics. We also collected animal bone Team memb ers tallied 68.6% (n = 668) of local ceramics including 69.6% (n = 55) of unit diagnostics, from excavation levels 4 6. Twenty nine kg of daub, which continues through excavation level 8, accompanies the concentration of other finds We registered no othe r artifact clusters (Table I 2). Located within components of the ruined architecture, Excavation Unit 3 yielded three strata excavated to a depth of 133 cm BGS: stratum 1 (levels 1 2), stratum 2 (levels 3 6), and stratum 3 (levels 7 14). These strata repl icate the soil strata in excavation units 1 and 2. The upper 30 cm of matrix produced few artifacts, largely due to the frequency of coral fragments. Shells and locally produced vessels occur in all excavation levels. Local sherds total 428, of which 40 (9.3%) are diagnostics. Other finds include <1 kg daub, 4 quartz lithics, 13 beads (12 glass, 1 other), 2 glass shards, 25 foreign ceramics, and 1 cowry. Non-fish bone weighs 174 g. Excavation Unit 3 did not produce daub or large numbers of ceramics like excavat ion units 1 and 2 (apparently, because it i s not a habitation area) (Table I 3).

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122 Excavation Unit 4 yielded modest finds when compared to the other three excavation units. Only the upp er two strata at the site occur in Excavation Unit 4, which continued to a de pth of 59 cm BGS. An underlying, natural coral basement inhibited further progress. We identified local ceramics and shell in every excavation level. The former includes 435 specimens, with 71 (16.3%) sherds determined to be diagnostics. From sc reens, we also collected animal bone, daub, 6 quartz lithics, slag, 39 beads (37 glass, 2 other), 2 pieces of iron, and 1 ceramic bead grinder (Table I 4). W e catalogued almost 3500 local ceramics from the excavations at Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4), including Sw ahili and Post -Swahili varieties Diagnostics include 352 (10.1%) ceramics Excavation Unit 1 exemplifies the overall assembl age (Table I 1). Stratum 1 bears ceramics with the following characteristics: brown or black surface colors, dark core s, gritty pastes ( with 2 5% small to medium -sized quartz temper), and smoothed or burnished vessel surfaces. In Stratum 1, we recovered 8 diagnostics (all rims, 2 decorated). Decorations include red sli p along the lips of carinated bowls (dependent restri cted vessels) We a lso identified a small, hemispherical bowl (simple unrestricted vessel) Natural stratum 2 yielded 7 decorated rims, 35 undecorated rims, and 10 decorated body sherds. Restricted vessels predominate, some with red slip along their lips a nd/or exterior rims. Swahili and Post Swahili designs ar e evident, including neck punctations (Figure 4 5, A) and ticks on carinations (Figure 45, B). From stratum 3 the team recorded 19 decorated rims, 74 undecorated rims, and 9 decorated body sherds. Be low excavation level 7 (67 cm BGS), decorated ceramics exhibit red slip or neck punctations (Figure 4 5, A) typical of Swahili Ware. Swahili bowls decorated with hematite and graphite designs accompany these artifacts. Open bowls (Figure 4 5, C) also are c ommon (also see Gramly 1981).

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123 As regards faunal remains, we collected terrestrial and avian fauna from the site in addition to fish and shellfish. Shell collected from the site totals >12.5 kg. We recovered 38 types of mollusk. Five types are landsnails (t errestrial) and 4 are fresh to brackish water snails. Marine (tidal, inter -coastal, or shallow oceanic) varieties constitute the remaining 27 types, identified to family, genus, or species level (Appendix J). Two additional varieties are oceanic in origin but could not be identified due to incompleteness. Fish remains constitute 226 g. We recovered a few examples of large pelagi c species in Excavation Unit 1, levels 7 8. Marine turtle occurs in excavation units 1, 2, and 4. Finds of terrestrial and avian fa una are minimal, constituting approximately 1 kg of material. Identifications are as follows: Excavation Unit 1 [Bovid 1 and 2 (including sheep/goat), hippopotamus, chicken, and tortoise ], Excavation Unit 2 [Bovid 1 and 2 (including s heep/goat), monkey, an d chicken], Excavation Unit 3 (chicken), and Excavation Unit 4 (Bovid 1 and 2, mongoose, and unidentified bird) .35 Excavation Unit 3, levels 8 9 also revealed 4 human teeth (2 inci sors, 1 canine, and 1 premolar). Two exhibit linear enamel hypoplasia. Beads and foreign ceramics constitute a small percentage of the overall assemblage retrieved at Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4). Foreign ceramics comprise less than 1.5% (n = 51) of excavated ceramics. Ten types occur at the site. Five of these are glazed, bl ue green Islamic monochromes. Three additional types are from the Middle East (but too incomplete or damaged to identify with certainty). The final two examples are Chinese celadon. All of the i dentifiable ceramic types are from the fourteenth to sev enteen th centuries and appear as plates, open bowls, or even hemispherical bowls (the latter are Chinese). With careful attention to screening, the archaeological team also collected 100 beads: 92 glass (35 types), 4 shell (2 35 Bovid size classes are as follows: Bovid 1 (smallest antelope; e.g., dikdik), Bovid 2 (small antelope or sheep/goat), Bovid 3 (large antelope or cow), and Bovid 4 (largest antelope; e.g., eland).

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124 types), 3 coral (1 type), and 1 iron (1 type). Beads vary in material, technique of manufacture, shape, size, and color. Among glass beads, drawn cylinders and wound spheres predominate. Other glass bead shapes include, but are not limited to, tubes, bicones, and one collared example. Common bead colors, all typ ical of drawn, Indo Pacific ( Trade Wind) varieties, include yellow, green, and brick red ( Francis 2002, Van der Sleen 1956, Wood 2002). Shell beads occur as tubes or discs and coral beads occur as bicones. We also located one glass was ter and one bead grinder (made of ceramic), the latter presumably for making shell beads (but see the questions raised by Flexner et al. 2008). When considered together, these archaeological materials indicate a span of occupation from the fourteenth/fifte enth to seventeenth/eighteenth centuries at Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4). The mosque type and Gramlys (1981) sole radiocarbon date of 1449 C.E. confirm this designation. Swahili and Post -Swahili ceramics accompany limited foreign ceramics and (prim a rily drawn) glass beads. Swahili and Pos t Swahili finds overlap to a degree in the upper layers of excavation un its 1 and 2. Perhaps this should be expected given that the two traditions share some characteristics, for example ticks along vessel carination s. The sloping nature of the site and resid ent coconut farmers may have disturbed the upper site stratum. Daub clusters (and a lack thereof in excavation units 3 and 4) indicate the population resided in wattle anddaub structures east and nor theast of the primary coral rag ruins. Remains observed in the area of the murra m pit also indicate habitation at a similar to slightly earlier date upslope of project excavations. Residents at the site were dependent on shellfish and other aquatic remains, although agricultural products (millet, rice, and bananas) presumably accounted for much of their caloric intake. Diets may have been under stress ( e.g., tooth hypo plasia) by Post -Swahili times. From the

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125 excavated u nits, it appears that terrestrial and avian fauna played a relatively limited role in the diets of residents. Finely decorated Swahili open bowls may have been ceremonial in nature, as at sites on Pemba Island (Fleisher 2003). Evidence of production and exchange at Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4) includes architectural residues, the remains of brackish water fish and snails, a piece of ivory, limited artifacts of chert and petrified wood, local and foreign beads and ceramics, a ceramic bead grinder, and slag. Tongoni Kilole Bay lies more than 40 km north of Muhembo. Along its southwestern e dge, Tongoni Ruins occu pies a low embankment (Figure 4 11). Peninsulas shelter the bay from strong monsoon winds. Mangroves populate the foreshor e of the site. Scattere d tress (baobabs, tamarinds and palm s) surround Tongoni and the village of Mtanga ta and its 3500 or so residents, primarily farmers and fishermen. Sandy soils predominate along the bay including at Vumbani in the s outheast ern portion of Mtangata (Figure 4 11). A limestone basement overlain by loams and clay loams characterizes the littoral. Back from the shore, residents from the wider countryside including those self identified as Zigua, Digo, and Nyamwezi farm maize and vegetables and collect firewood a long a Pleistocene terrace that overlooks Mtangata and the ocean expanse to its east. Fresh water wells, including some that have turned salty within historic memory, grace this coastline. Situated immediately to the north is the neighboring village of Sad ani (Figure 4 11). In Tanzania, Tongoni is the largest and arguably most important Swahili site north of the Pangani River. Almost forty standing tombs and a Friday mosque of northern type cover a third of a hectare and overlook Mtangata Bay (Chittick 1959:10 13, Freeman Grenville 1962, Stowell 1937) Members of the community still worship at the site. They bury their deceased relatives south of the ancient tombs. Red, white, and blue flags nailed to a baobab tree mark the

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126 Figure 4 11. Map of Mtanga ta Bay, Tongoni Ruins marked vicinity as a spirit dwelling (Giles 1989). Baobabs grow intermittently among the coral rag ruins, including putative residential ruins lying to the west and northwest of the ancient mosque. Low g rass and bush comprise the veg etation cover. Swahili and Post -Swahili artifacts, including Islamic monochromes and local ceramics decorated with red slip, erode from a natural embankment by the bay. These and other finds extend north-south along the waterfront for 1 km. Similarly profu se artifacts characterize the shore at Tambarani (Figure 4 11) across the water from Mtangata, suggesting dense settlement surrounding the south end of the bay during the primary period of Swahili occupation (1200 1550 C.E.) Surface artifacts that signal human settlement during more recent centuries occur

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127 south of Mtangata (between Tongoni and Vumbani) as well as north of the town stretching to Sadani. We use d surface observation and STPs to characterize the site and position the excavation units. Shovel t est pits produced important finds. North, south, and west of the ancient mosque (Figure 4 12), team members recovered dense ar tifacts 30 70 cm BGS. Local vessels exhibit typical Swahili d ecorations, including punctations or stamps of dots along or below vessel necks. In other STPs, we identified a sherd with affinities to later TIW (post 900 C.E.) an example of Group D [with raised dots; a type known from the East Usambara Mountains likely dating to the middle to late se cond millennium C.E. (Soper 1967)], and the clay bowl of a tobacco pipe. In addition, one STP situated west of the mosque yielded a gneiss grindstone fragment, a raw material only available in the proximal mountains. Scores of beads and a few late nineteen th century coins litter the site surface between Mtangata and Vumbani (Figure 4 11). One sub terranean test at Vumbani revealed pieces of Chinese celadon, blue -green Islamic monochrome, Indian earthenware, and wound and drawn glass beads. We opened three ex cavation units where STPs indicated intact, stratified, cultural deposits. The team situated one excavation unit a few hundred meters north of the standing ruins alon g the edge of the embankment overlooking the mangroves: Excavation Unit 1 (1 m x 3 m). Exc avation Unit 2 lies immediately north of the mosque but outside of the standing ruins (3 m x 1 m). Finally, we positioned the third excavation unit (2 m x 3 m) w est of the mosque in a heavily vegetated area (Figure 4 12) .36 Excavation Unit 1 reached 87 cm BGS. Artifacts diminished by level 8, as we approached the natural, underlying limestone foundation (as evid ent from the exposed strata in 36 Appendix K recounts all archaeological materials collected from excavation units 1, 2, and 3 (Subunit 5 only) at Tongoni.

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128 Figure 4 12. Map of Tongoni Ruins, test excavation units marked the nearby embankment). Three strata characteriz e Excavation Unit 1: stratum 1 (10YR 7YR 3/2, loam; levels 1 3), stratum 2 (7.5 YR 4/6, loam; levels 4 6), and stratum 3 (5YR 4/4 4/6, clay loam; levels 7 9) (Figure 4 9). At 78 cm BGS, a burial feature (7.5YR 4/6, loam) lies in the extreme northern portion of Excavation Unit 1. Screeners collected local ceramics, shell, animal bone, and s lag from every excavation level except level 9. Local sherds total 3198, of which 266 (8.3%) are diagnostics. We also recovered minimal daub, 2 quartz lithics, slag (>2 kg ), 24 beads

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1 29 (18 glass, 6 other), 40 foreign ceramics, 1 cowry, and 1 piece of iron. More than half of the slag in Excavation Unit 1 derives from level 3, including m ultiple large pieces. Some of the slage indicates lime b eing used as a flux. Evidence for i ron working also includes a tuyere fragment. Many of the foreign ceramics are small and unidentifiable. However, as many as 8 types are either specimens of Chinese celadon or, much more commonly, blue -green Islamic monochromes (Table K 1). Excavation Unit 2 reached a depth of 96 cm BGS before we approached the underlying limestone foundation, which slopes downward from east to west. The units strata closely mimic those of Excavation Unit 1; however, amorphous pieces of coral (due to our proximity to the st anding ruins) appea r 20 55 cm BGS. Soil pH measured basic (at or above 7.6) in all strata. Finds total 1346 local sherds, of which 139 (10.3%) are diagnostics. In addition, we collected other materials: shell (>9 kg), minimal bone and daub, 1 quartz lithic slag (362 g), 31 beads (25 glass, 6 other), 1 glass sha rd, 20 foreign ceramics, and 1 ground quartz object. Foreign ceramics do not differ from the types identified in Excavation Unit 1. Community members from Mtangata interpreted the stone object ( the s ize and shape of a bar of soap) as an implement used to grind medicines ( madawa stone) or to make rubs (of clove oil) that are applied before donning a kanzu (a robe worn by Muslim men) (Table K 2). Based on surface inspections and an STP, we anticipated s ubstantial subterranean finds in Excavation Unit 3, which we divided into six 1 m x 1 m subunits for greater horizontal control. We excavated three of these subunits (subunits 1, 2, and 5) to various degrees. Subunit 2 and the western half of Subunit 1 rea ched 75cm BGS the eastern half of Su bunit 1 continued to 130 cm BGS, and Subunit 5 ended at 304 cm BGS, with a further STP placed at its base to ensure the end of cultural material. The 16 soil layers from Subunit 5 are exemplary of Excavation Unit 3

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130 F igure 4 13. North wall profile, Excavation Unit 3, Subunit 5, Tongoni Ruins

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131 (Figure 4 13). Soil layers 1 (loam rich in organics) and 2 (to 49 cm BGS) (equivalent to stratum 1 elsew here) yielded dense shell particularly mud whelk. Intermittent to strata 1 and 2 are soil layers with basic pHs (7.4 7.8) that exhibit features of human occupation. Stratum 2 in excavation units 1 and 2 emerges at 110cm BGS in Excavation Unit 3, S ubunit 5. In Excavation Unit 3, loose brown soil interdi gitated with compact reddish orange layers (signaling multiple living surfaces/occupations) occurs below 120 cm BGS Excavation Unit 3, Subunit 1 yielded unique finds by 60 cm BGS (Figure 4-14). Special finds include a cluster of coral fragments partially encircling an ash pi t, large local sherds (many decorated), two smoothed sharpening stones, a unique stone of unknown material, one blue glass bead, one faceted carnelian tube bead, and an oyster nut seed In a ddition, the team recovered a bone bangle/hairpin and a small carv ing of a human face made on the mandible of a parrot fish (Family Scaridae) (Figure 4 15). At a similar depth, Subunit 5 produced an ash lens, a number of large shells (including conchs), a gneiss grinding stone, a grinding/sharpening stone with a n unident ified red stain a larg e piece of slag, a cow vertebra 6 glass beads, 1 ivory bead, and two oyster nut seeds (Figure 4 14) (Table K 3). Bright orange soil mixed with burnt daub, a large piece of burnt wattl e, and charcoal flecks underlie these unique find s. C ollectively these materials constitute the remains of a former watt le and -daub structure (see below for extrapolations). In addition to the finds mentioned above, we collected the following remains from Excavation Unit 3, Subunit 5: 2303 local sherds (14.3% diagnostics), shell, bone, daub, 3 quartz lithics, slag, 26 beads (18 glass, 8 other), five glass shards, and 20 foreign ceramics. Changes occur in the character of archaeological finds at 40 cm BGS and again at 130 cm BGS. For instance, European st onewares (post -dating the eighteenth century) occur in the upper 30 40 cm.

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132 Figure 4 14. Plan map of Excavation Unit 3, subunits 1 (west) and 5 (east), 60 65 cm BGS, Tongoni Ruins

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133 Figure 4 15. Carving of human face, Excavation Unit 3, Subunit 1, Tongoni Ruins Copious shell (mainly mud whelk) accompanies these finds. Evidence of wattle and -daub architecture, habitation features, and special finds (as outlined above) occur 40 90 cm BGS (Figure 4 14). Although they are few in numb er, specimens of Chinese blue -and -white, Chinese celadon, and blue -green Islamic monochrome occur 50 121 cm BGS, indicating a sixteenth to seventeenth century date. Islamic monochromes are the exclusive foreign ceramics bene ath 130 cm BGS. Such ceramics ap pear alongside fragments of coral and more definitive examples of Swahili ceramics near the bottom of Excavation Unit 3, Subunit 5. Non -fish bone outweighs fish bone from 130 cm BGS to the ba se of the excavation. Shell also diminish es in significance in gr eater antiquity (Table K 3). At Tongoni, we catalogued almost 7000 local ceramics, of which 10.7% are diagnostics. Unit 3, Subunit 5 best exemplifies the overall assemblage. Diagnostics total 328: 115 decorated rims, 112 undecorated rims, 98 decorated body sherds, and 4 undecorated bases. As a group, local ceramics tend to be brown to black in surface color (although there are some orange specimens). Cores a re dark (brown, black, or grey) and often gritty. Quartz temper comprises 2 4% of ceramic fabrics. Of the 213 decorated sherds in Excavation Unit 3, Subunit 5, 89.7% (n =

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134 191) exhibit red paint: interior and exterior only (29.4%), interior only (15.6%), exterior only (28%), lip only (3.8%), or a combination thereof (12.8%). Fifty-nine rim sherds are large enough ( 5% of mouth circumference) to determine, with a degree of certainty, vessel forms. Of these, 30 are restricted, 27 unrestricted, and two indeterminate. Restricted vessels are simple closed or carinated bo wls and neckless pots (or with vestigial n ecks). The last of these forms appears in the final 30 cm of Subunit 5. Three open bowl forms comprise unrestricted vessel types. Above 120 cm BGS, restricted vessels predominate (71.4%). Below this measure, unrestricted vessels prevail (67.9%). Swahili op en bowls (with slight ridges along interior lips) occur only in the lower levels of the excavation unit Elsewhere, in excavation units 1 and 2, pots with neck punctations are more frequent indicating an overall earlier date at units 1 and 2 (fifteenth to sixteenth centuries) with minimal later finds. At Tongoni, we collected the remains of shellfish, fish, land mamm als, and birds. In excavation units 1 and 2 as well as Excavation Unit 3, Subunit 5 (only), shell weight equals approximately 23 kg. Nineteen mollusk types are present, six of which are unique to Tongoni when compared to Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4, Survey Area 1, Pangani) (Appendix J). Of these 19, there is one landsnail and one fresh water snail. Marine (tidal, inter -coastal, or shallow oceanic) varieties constitute the remaining 16 types identified to family, genus, or species level. One marine variety could not be identified. Almost all fish remains exemplify small individuals. Evidence of large r, perhaps pelagic, fish occurs in Excavat ion Unit 1, including unidentified shark. Marine turtle also appears in Excavation Unit 1. Estuarine crab is present in all of the excavation units. Finds of terrestrial or avian fauna total less than 1.5 kg, or about 6% of the total weight of shellfish re mains. Bone is fragmentary, making identifications difficult. Definitive findings are

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135 as follows: Excavation Unit 1 [Bovid 2 and 3 (including cow)], Excavation Unit 2 [Bovid 2 and 3 (including cow) and porcupine], and Excavation Unit 3, Subunit 5 [Bovid 2 and 3 (including sheep/goat and cow), chicken, and monitor lizard]. Each unit also contains unidentified small to medium -sized mammals, such as rodents, and a smaller quantity of unidentified bird, perhaps chicken. The team also collected beads and f oreig n ceramics The latter comprise approximately 1.2% (n = 80) of excavated s herds Many types occur at the site, most of which are blue -green Islamic monochrome s or other varieties from the Middle East. Also prevalent are Chinese celadon s and Chinese blue an d -white These ceramic types date from the fourteenth to seventeenth centuries. In addition, there are a few late eighteenth to nineteenth century European ceramics in the upper stratum of Excavation Unit 3. With careful attention to screening, we recovered 81 beads: 61 glass (17 types), 6 ivory discs, 6 shell (3 t ypes), 4 bone (3 types), and 1 example each of aragonite, carnelian, and iron. A pierced shark vertebra completes the bead assemblage. Among glass beads, drawn cylinders comprise >80% of the assem blage, predominantly in brick red, yellow, green, and blue -green colors [Indo -Pacific (Trade Wind) varieties] Dark blue and black are more frequent colors in the upper layers of Excavation Unit 3, Subunit 5. Among wound beads the most frequent color is ye llow. There is a single example of a multi -colored bead (multiply wound). When considered together these materials indicate a span of occupation from the late fourteenth/fifteenth to seventeenth centur ies at Tongoni. Chitticks (1959) report and the mosqu e type confirm this chronology. Although this assemblage comprises a small excavated sample, variations in the characte r and quantity of particular vessel forms, fish bone and non -fish bone, shellfish, and certain artifact types indicate changes through ti me at Tongoni. In Excavation Unit

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136 3, Subunit 5, excavation levels 5 7, there is a horizontal feature with small coral chunks, interpreted as a collapsed wa ttle and -daub structure. Special finds occur 49 63 cm BG S (Figure 4 14). Residents of Mtangata collec tively concluded such finds to be the abode of a healer or other unique community member (see D iscussion below). The carved face (Figure 4 15), facet ed carnelian bead (worn historically by Zigua healers), and oyster nut seeds are suggestive .37 A ssociated ceramics indicate a late eighteenth to early nineteenth century date. We documented other distinct finds 76 123 cm BGS in Excavation Unit 3: a ceramic spindle whorl, a ceramic lamp fragment, and a carved ivor y tile. We also recovered oyster nut seeds and t he seed of a legume from these earlier contexts. Residents at Tongoni resided in wattle and -daub structures west and northw est of the primary coral ruins for much of the duration of the settlement. In Excavation Unit 3, Subunit 5, fragments of coral appear in the archaeological record below 123 cm BGS, indicating a change in architecture (to non -coral) during more recent centuries.38 Shellfish and fish comprised a large pro portion of communitys diet, dependence on shellfish increasing through time (see Disc ussion below). Domesticated stock and agricultural goods also met caloric needs, as indicated by animal bones, seeds, and indirect findings (grindstones). At Tongoni, residents preferred red slip on restricted vessels and some open bowls. During earlier ph ases of settlement, inhabitants also decorated vessels with neck punctations and ticks (Swahili Ware) (e.g., finds from excavation units 1 and 2). Evidence of production and exchange at Tongoni includes architectural debris, ground stone artifacts made of gneiss, limited ivory objects, a spindle whorl (indicative of weaving), evidence of iron making (especially in Excavation Unit 1), foreign ceramics and 37 Interview with Rashidi Janja, Lewa, September 7, 2002. Oyster nut seeds facilitate healing because of their high protein content and oils (also see Kimambo 1969:68 and 74). 38 Details about these wattle and daub structures might be recovered through more extensive excavations.

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137 beads, carved objects, an early example of a tobacco pipe bowl, and local ceramics (including a few spec imens of Group D) Kumbamton i (Site 52a), Mtakani (S ite 51a), Mnyongeni (Site 43a), and Gombero (Site 45 in Survey Unit 5) (Survey Area 1, Pangani) I return to Survey Area 1 (Pangani), to briefly recount finds from test excavations at Kumbamtoni (Site 52a) and, to a lesser degree, Mtakani (Site 51 a), Mnyongeni (Site 43a), and Gombero (Site 45 in Survey Unit 5) (Figure 4 8). The first three of these sites flank the present river channel or the ancient river course. Although each primarily exhibits Swahili a rtifacts (Type 13 sites), none has vi sible architectural ruins of coral Based on surface artifacts, Gombero (Site 45 in Survey Unit 5) dates somewhat later (Type 17, Post Post -Swahili) and lies north of Pangani Town. Kumbamtoni (Site 52a ): The team use ed a limited number of STPs to identify artifact bearing strata and, subsequently, to place three test excavation units. We situated two units, Excavation Unit 1 (1 m x 2 m) and Excavation Unit 2 (1 m x 2 m), near the bank of the Pangani River. We positioned a third unit (2 m x 1 m) to the north of the river in a maize field owned by Mzee Wiston During subterranean investigations, we identified four site strata: stratum 1 (2.5YR 3/1 10YR 2/1, loam), stratum 2 (2.5Y 3/2, sandy loam), stratum 3 (2.5Y 5/4, sand), and stratum 4 (2.5Y 5/3 4, sand).39 We registered archaeo logical materials in each excav ation unit at Kumbamtoni (Site 52a). Excavation Unit 1 yielded local ceramics, shell, ani mal bone, daub, and limited slag. Local sherds total 1782, of which 299 (16.8%) are diagnostics. Other finds include 8 beads (2 glass, 6 other), 5 cowries, 1 grindstone fragment, 1 sharpening stone, 3 ceramic bead grinders, and 1 39 Appendix L recounts all archaeological materials collected from excavation units 1 3 at Kumbamtoni (Site 52a, Survey Area 1, Pangani).

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138 shaped ceramic (Table L 1) In Excavation Unit 2, a shallow shell midden comprises much of stratum 3 (39 76 cm BGS). In this second unit, we registered 1211 local ceramics [of which 308 (25.4%) are diagnostics] 32 shell disc beads, 2 foreign ceramics, 7 c owries, 3 grindstone fragments 1 ceramic bead grinder, 1 shaped ceramic, 1 quartz hammer stone, and 3 pieces of graphite (na turally imbedded in gneiss) (Table L 2) W hile screening the matrix of Excavation Unit 3, we further documented 1094 local ceramics, 15 beads (9 glass, 6 shell), 6 foreign ceramics, 3 cowries, 1 iron fragment, 2 glass shards, 1 putative gaming piece (of ceramic), 1 quartz lithic, and 1 stone bead grinder, the latter recove red near the base of the excavation unit (Table L 3) We catalogued more than 4000 ceramics at Kumbamtoni (Site 52a), of which 749 (18.3%) are diagnostics. Local ceramics tend to have rough surfaces, brown surface colors, and dark cores. Sparse sand temper (2 4% of fabric) predominates. Coral or shell inf requently (<5% of sherds) serve as temper for ledged bowls (with red slip) or Swahili open bowls burnished with hematite (some with interior graphite designs). Stratum 3 is of particular interest In Excava tion Un it 2, level 5 (39 49 cm BGS, str atum 3) produced 116 diagnostics. Bowls outnumber jars (independent restricted vessles) 32 to 10. An additional 38 cer amics from this stratum are re stricted vessels (of other types). Sixteen other sherds ( 5% of mouth circumference) have unidentifiable forms. Bowls exhibit in -turned rims (n = 20) or take open (n = 6) or ledged (n = 6) forms. Jars, ledged or not, possess a defined curving shoulder. Red slip appears on vessels, particularly in the upper three strata. We documented 8 foreign ceramics in excavation units 2 and 3. Chinese cela don (Excavation Unit 2, level 4 and Excavation Unit 3, level 9) indicates a probable fifteenth century (or later) date for stratum 2. Dating to the thirteenth century or earlier, a few specimens of

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139 Middle Eastern sgraffi ato (Excavation Unit 2, level 5 and Excavation Unit 3, level 11) define stratum 3. Three examples of late TIW with incisions or punctations accompany shell disc beads in Excavation Unit 2 below 49 cm BGS. Non -glass beads comprise 80% (n = 44; 42 shell, 1 ceramic, 1 carnelian) of the bead assemblage from Kumbamtoni (Site 52a). Glass beads are drawn and wound. Shell is profuse at the site, particularly in stratum 3 ( especi ally in Excavation Unit 2) We catalogued >31 kg of s hellfish remains, most ly oyster shell As regards other fauna, we documented aquatic and terrestrial species: marine and riverine fish, estuarine crab, fresh water tur tle, Bovid 1 and 2, chicken, unidentified bird and small mammal s. The bones of jackal, a ardvark, and monitor lizard are accidental or intrusive. Mtakani (Site 51a) and Mnyongeni (Site 43a) : At Mtakani, the team excavat ed a single unit (3 m x 1 m) with artifacts similar to those recovered at Kumbamtoni (Site 52a). In the upper 40 cm we identified recent artifacts, including German coins (hellers) and European stoneware, alongside large amounts of oyster shell. B y 60 70 cm BGS we recovered specimens of sgraffiato s in addition to local ves sels, including Swahili bowls At 78 cm BGS, the team even collected a few examples of late TIW. Faunal remains include shellfish, fish, crab, shark, and chicken. Slag from these lev els (in the form of biscuit-like agglomerations) exhibits evidence of smelting. At Mnyongeni (Site 43a) (Figure 4 8), a long the ancient river course, residents producing late Swahili ceramics depended on mud whelk for subsistenc e, which is not surprising because of t he sites proximity to mangrove forests We did not recover foreign imports from the excavation unit (2 m x 1 m) at Mnyongeni which terminated at 90 cm BGS due to water infiltration from the underlying water table. Gombero (Site 47 in Survey Unit 5): Sometime during the last1500 years, the southward migration of the mouth of the Pangani River deposited sand between the escarpment

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140 at Boza and Pangani Town (Figure 4 1). Recently, repeated activity at the soccer field at Gombero exposed surface artifacts (see above). A single excavation unit (2 m x 1 m) reached a depth of 53 cm BGS. From Excavation Unit 1, we retrieved a range of local ceramics, imported earthenware and stoneware, faunal remains, iron fragments, and beads. Oral traditions designate Gomber o (Site 47 in Survey Unit 5) as a meeting place or marketplace for exchange during historic times.40 At Gombero, remains characteristic of the past three centuries include carinated bowls (dependent restricted vessels). Vessels exhibit dark surface colors ( brown is most common), black to dark brown cores, and minimal quartz temper. Rims are everted with flattened lips, often bearing red slip on the interior to no more than 12 16 mm below lips. In a few instances, carinated bowls are incised with arches above vessel mid lines. Vessel bases are round except for open bowls (with flat bases). Chinese blue and -white, Indian earthenware with red and black slip or paint, and examples of European spongewares and transfer prints occur above 30 cm BGS. Two fragments o f stoneware jars, likely German in origin, accompany the other artifacts in Excavation Unit 1, strata 1 2, including excavation levels 2 3 (10 28 cm BGS). The team recovered a lanceolate-shaped spear tip made of iron as well as drawn glass beads and a sing le translucent ring bead in stratum 2 (18 28 cm BGS). Taking the surface and excavated finds into account, Gombero (Site 47 in Survey Unit 5) appears t o date to the last three centuries of the second millennium C.E. Discussion Field study along the coastli ne of northeastern Tanzania clarified aspects of local culture history and generated information about settlement trends, economies, and interaction in 40 Interviews with Bakari Mshoro and Zuberi Safeni, Pangani, February 4, 2003.

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141 antiquity. In Survey Area 1 (Pangani) and at Tongoni, archaeological inspections located and characteriz ed material remains. In the environs of Pangani Bay, systematic survey as well as limite d reconnaissance documented 103 archaeological localities (58 sites and 45 occurrences) of seven types (Append ix C, Appendix E, Table F 1, and Appendix H ). At the vast m ajority of sites (n = 45 or 77.6%), the primary archaeological component dates to within the last 750 years (Appendix C and Appendix H ). Evidence for human settlement at the bay extends from Panganis status as a caravan terminus in the nineteenth century to Paleolithic hunter -gatherers. Some important hiatuses and shifts in practices arise in the culture history (see below). Interactions occurred during the first millennium C.E. (e.g ., early TIW and the Roman Period ceramic), but grew by 1250 13 50 C.E.: Indian Ocean connections expanded, but direct evidence of interior linkages [present during earlier periods; e.g., at Kumbamtoni (Site 52a)] remained steady Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4) arose as the largest site at P angani Bay. By 1500 C.E., increased precipitation (Chapter 3) had displace d the river channel southwards and away from Muhembo. In more recent centuries, stresses (and conflict) dispersed settlers [e.g., evidence of iron weaponry at Gombero (Site 47 in Survey Unit 5)] and invigorat ed resilience strategies (healing and shifts in diet). In the last 300 500 years, far -flung connections with the interior developed anew as demonstrated b y nonlocal ceramics in the vicinity. Paleolithic hunter -gatherers were the earliest occupants at Pang ani Bay. They used simple, hard hammer percussion to produce tools from quartz river cobbles (Site 12 in Survey Unit 1; sites 28 and 29 in Survey Unit 3) (Gramly 1981). Later, similar communities used L SA technology (including the bi polar technique) to make scrapers and backed crescents indicative of multi -component tools. Debris from stone tool manufacture and use litters the escarpment

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142 southwest of Bweni (e.g., Site 29 in Survey Unit 3) (Figure 4 2). Lithic artifacts at more recent sites indicate that iro n using, farming populations continued to utilize (or even reverted to) stone technologies (and, occasionally, made use of rare raw materials from upriver) after transitioning to agricultural life -ways (e.g., Muhembo, Site 37 in Survey Unit 4) (Kessy 2005, Mapunda et al. 2003, Seitsonen 2004) ( also see Chapter 5). Iron using, farming communities surfaced in the area by 600 1000 C.E, if not earlier. They produced TIW and settled along the Pangani River or atop escarpments overlooking the watercourse (Site 48 in Survey Unit 6 and sites of Type 3 and Type 10). The early TIW observed near Kumbamtoni (Site 52a) mimics pottery from the southern and central Swahili coast (e.g., Chami 2002, Pollard 2009) (Figure 21). More than 20 marine shell di sc beads accompany s uch ceramics in Excavation Unit 2 at Kumbamtoni. A few sherds from the continental inter ior Maore Ware and Group B ( chapters 6 7) also occur along the river bank. There is no evidence of pre 1000 C.E. foreign ceramics (such as Sassanian Islamic varieties) at sites in Pangani Bay (Survey Area 1). However, the discovery of a putative Roman ceramic (or Indic copy) from Occurrence 26 (in Survey Unit 5) suggests first millennium C.E. contact with the wider Indian Ocean. Systematic survey did not locate any Plain Ware, a ceramic type common along the southern Swahili coast by 1000 C.E. (Chami 1998, Horton 2004a). The absence of Plain Ware may tie in with changes in regional climate ( and diminished population at the bay) and/or a n eventual shift in cultural affilia tions to the northern Swahili coast by 1250 C.E. (through which examples of later TIW and Swahili Ware arrive d at Tongoni) ( Chami 1998, Horton 1996b ). This interpretation (of the period 1000 1200 C.E.) helps to explain the southern coastal affinity of the early TIW recovered near Kumbamtoni (Site 52a), the absence of Plain Ware (a predominantly

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143 southern coastal tradition duri ng these centuries) (Chami 1998), and the somewhat later emergence of northern style mosques at Muhembo (Site 37 in Surve y Unit 4 ) a nd Tongoni (Chittick 1959, FreemanGrenville 1962). Prior to 1250 C.E. the southern Swahili coast (south of Tanga Town) is said to have formed a tradition distinct from the northern coast (Mombasa to the Lamu Archipelago in Kenya) (Chami 1998, Horton 2004a) (Fi gure 2 1). During this period the northern coast was economically dominant as a result of a shift in Islamic influence (from the Persian Gulf to the Red Sea) that drew communities together, leading to settlement growth and expansion ( Chami 1998, Hor ton 2004a, Pouwels 1987, Wright 1993). In this model, renewed leadership bound to Islam and rooted in expressions of ideology, iconography, and emulation heightened trade monopolies and spawned intensive bonds through trade with other Indian Ocean communit ies (LaViolette 2008, Wright 1993; also see Schortman and Urban 1989). A rigid, emic conception of the African hinterland presumably emerged during this period, elite residents ( w aungwana) of coastal towns deeming it necessary to distinguish themselves from those living in the hinterland in order to concentrate their power and protect growing trade monopolies (Nurse and Spear 1985, Kusimba 1999). Eighteen Swahili sites (1250 1550 C.E.) emerged from surface investigations, including Mnyongeni (Site 43a), Mta kani (Site 51a) and Kumbamtoni (Site 52a). By 1400 C.E., villagers at Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4) and Tongoni built structures in coral and worshiped at mosques. At the time, these were the two largest settlements in their respective areas. Other members of the community lived in outlying wattle and -daub structures (Muhembo, Site 37, excavation units 1 and 2; Tongoni, Excavation Unit 3). Foreign connections evident in the archaeological record as Asian ceramics and glass beads played an influential role, helping to

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144 draw identity boundaries (Donley Reid 1988). Most beads recovered from the excavations at th ese s ites [92 of 108 (85.2%) at Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4); 61 of 81 ( 75.3%) at Tongoni], for instance, are foreign (glass) in origin. Residents produced ceramics, cloth, nonglass beads, and iron tools, among other goods (Kusimba 1993, Mapunda 2002, Nurse and Spear 1985). Inspections and excavations at low lying Swahili sites (Type 13) along the Pangani River produced foreign f inds, including glass beads and early Middle Eastern ceramics such as hatched sgraffiato These artifacts and specimens of earl y TIW suggest that the antecedents to Swahili sites in the area emerged during the late first millennium C.E., and certainly by 1250 C.E In fact, based on investigations, the sites located upriver (e.g., Kumbamtoni, Site 52a) were established earlier than Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4) and Tongoni. Villagers living along the river primarily produced goods for local need s. Unlike at Muhembo and Tongoni, the vast majority (80%, n = 44 of 55) of beads a t Kumbamtoni (Site 52a) are made from marine mollusk shell, not glass. B ead grinders of ceramic and stone occur in greater frequencies along the river, whereas at Muhembo and Tongoni they are very few. Riverine residents also used gra phite (e.g., Kumbamtoni, Site 52a, Excavation Unit 2) from the Usambara Mou ntains to decorate Swahili bowls Residents at Swahili sites (Type 13) depended on agricultural goods, domestic lives tock, fish, and shellfish. Wild terrestrial fauna played a minor role in subsistence. The positioning of settlements determined the types of fish and shellfish accessed: riverine, estuarine, and/or oceanic. For instance, communities living next to the river at s ites such as Mtakani (Site 51a) were more dependent on oysters and riverine fish, while villagers at Mnyongeni (Site 43a) (located al ong the silted, ancient river course) preferred mud whelk (an estuarine animal). During

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145 the Post -Swahili period (1550 1750 C.E.), shellfish decreased in importance at Kumbamtoni (Site 52a) and Mtakani. An inversion of this trend transpired at Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4) and Tongoni. Thus, oceanic and estuarine shellfish were proportionally less important at monumental sites during Swahili times, but there was a surge in their consumption thereafter (see below for extrapolations). Although moderate in intensity, interactions between local groups and Indian Ocean communities occurred during the Swahili period (1250 1550 C.E.). Thus, the Golden Age of the Swahili (1250/1350 1550 C.E., but especially the earlier centuries within this range) influenced l ittoral settlers in northeastern Tanzania, although not nearly to the extent felt at Kilwa on the southern Swahili coast (where the gold trade fl o urish ed 1200 1350 C.E.) or at Mombasa and Malindi in Kenya (Chittick 1974, Kirkman 1966, Kusimba 1999) (Figure 2 1).41 Tongoni emerged as a significant town late in this period, as did Swahili settlements with monumental architecture on Toten Island (in the bay at Tanga Town). Competition among citystates grew fierce. Mombasa, in particular, arose as an influential power. An eventual alliance with foreign invaders the Portuguese may have given Tongoni the opportunity to escape prolonged domination by Mombasa, its northern neighbor (Kirkman 1966:187; also see Hkansson in press ). After 1550 C.E., the situation changed along the coast. Unlike Mombasa, most coastal towns diminished in size or influence, or even collapsed, as was simultaneously the case throughout much of the western Indian Ocean (Kusimba 1993, Oka et al. 2009, Pearson 2007). Settlements with Post Swahili (Type 14) and Post P ost -Swahili (Type 17) ceramics we re common by 1600 C.E. and 1850 C.E., respectively. Dif fuse settlement characterized the earliest 41 To a certain degree, this may have insulated Pangani Bay and Tongoni from the bubonic plague during the middle fourteenth to the fifteenth centuries (Gonzales 2009:79).

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146 of these periods at Pangani (Survey Area 1) (Figure 4 2). Sites with exclus ively Post -Swahili materials discovered during survey are comparatively smaller than those from earlier, Swahili times. Alternatively, Post Swahili remains comprise only a minor component of finds from sites with predominantly Swahili artifacts. After 1550 C.E., coastal residents were drawn to larger settlements, such as Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4) (Appendix C). T his interpretation explains the reduction in shellfish consumption at sites l ocated along the Pangani River (e.g., Kumbamtoni, Site 52a) b ut a concomitant increase in shellfish use (and a decrease in species diversity) at larger sites with monumental ruins (e.g., Muhembo). At large sit es, the surge in shellfish use wa s particularly distinct in areas outside of coral structures (Muhembo, exca vat ion units 1 and 2; Tongoni, excavation units 2 and 3 ). Orthodox Muslims do not eat shellfish. Thus, trends in shellfish consumption over the last 750 years show that many non -Muslim Africans in the countryside (1250 1550 C.E.) eventually relocated to th e non -monumental sectors of large r sites during Post Swahili times (also see Fawcett 1998). The community at Tongoni attempted to come to terms with rapid chang es on the coast beginning in 1500 C.E., including fluctuations in the climate during the Little Ice Age (1500 1750) (Chapter 3), Portuguese incursions, and hinterland struggles for power and resources (chapters 6 7) (Omar 1996, Kusimba 1999, Sinclair and Hkansson 2000) Unique artifacts and higher quantities of shellfish in local diets reveal atte mpts by residents to shift their life -ways and resilience strategies ( e.g., Tongoni, Excavation Unit 3, levels 5 7). During this period, exampl es of hinterland ceramics appeared at sites along the coastline: Group D ( at Tongoni, Excavation Unit 2) and a ro uletted tradition likely associated with western Tanzania ( at Site 13 in Survey

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147 Un it 1 ). These and other material clues signify increased connectivity among groups and across coastwise settings. A faceted carnelian bead, the carving of a face, oyster nut seeds, whole conch shells, and other unique finds, including a stone used for slaughtering (with a red stain), lend credence to the interpretation that finds from Excavation Unit 3 ( at Tongoni) represent the abode of a healer (Figure 4 14 and Figure 415).42 Kweme seeds have hinterland and riverine associations that suggest geographical ties43 in healing traditions across coastwise settings (see above) Other indications of healing practice arise from sites located elsewhere along the coast (Horton 2004b :85 8 7). Such traditions draw from both African and Indian Ocean cultural influences. Aspects of healing along the coast may be ancient (Giles 1989, 2006, Kusimba 1999, LaViolette 2000) ; however, it is likely that post 1550 C.E. stresses (outlined above) increa sed the significance of healing and divining. During the nineteenth century, the international slave and ivory trade escalated and Omani (and European) plantation agriculture became influential (Burton 1967[1872], Glassman 1995), amplifying the strains of earlier periods. In Survey Area 1 (Pangani), the registered Post Post Swahili localities (Type 17) are small and scattered, including 20 sites and 37 occurrences (Appendix C and Appendix E). People situ ated hamlets away from P angani Town, the center of po wer (Figure 4 2). Artifacts at Gombero (Site 42 in Survey Unit 5) denote increased foreign interaction: a profusion of new glass bead types and many ceramics from India, China, and Europe. 42 Interview with Rashidi Janja, Lewa, September 7, 2002; among many others. 43 Oral traditions recorded among early twentieth century residents a lso indicate connections with hinterland areas during recent centuries (Velten 1907).

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148 During the last few centuries, villagers at Gombero (Site 42 in Sur vey Unit 5) and elsewhere on the northeastern coast of Tanzania (e.g. Tongoni, Excavation Unit 3; Mtakani, Site 51a, Excavation Unit 1) commonly consumed mud whelks, perhaps due to dwindling food resources (and a growing population). Alternatively, planta tion slavery may have interrupted cul tivation and/or restricted local food options (e.g., hunting). Villagers cooked the rice and vegetables that they had in carinated bowls (dependent restricted vessels) Transformations in the culture and economy influenced Swahili -speaki ng patricians operating under such conditions to further distinguish themselves from hinterland paga ns (non-Muslims), in part by elaborating myths about foreign origins This component of the project begins to better position Pangani Ba y in regional archaeology and to develop a coastwise framework in which to assess archaeological patterns at interior areas of the lower Pangani Basin. Next, I turn to Lewa (Survey Area 2) and Korogwe (Survey Area 3).

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149 CHAPTER 5 LEWA AND KOROGWE VIC INITIES Villages cling to peaks and spurs barely within sight as footpaths wind upward into the clouds. Rushes of wind pass over Precamb rian masses. From the Eas Usambara M ountains, lowland spaces seem distant and quiet. An outlier (Mount Tongwe) which is visible from Pa ngani Bay (Survey Area 1) lies southeast of the primary range (Figure 2 2 and Figure 5 1). In the opposite direction (west of Korogwe Town) the twin summits (Kibo and Mawenzi) of Mount Kilimanjaro can be spied (Figure 1 1 and Figure 35). Despite the bustling activity at any one place on the landscape, dramatic variations in altitude (allowing observers to see great distances) create the effect that from any one domain there is silence in the others, as if, like Zanzibar, they all are islands. Peop le connect these so -called islands. Their experiences and expressions persist in areas betwixt and between. Zigua -speakers and, to a lesser extent, people self described as Bondei sparsely populate areas lying away from the mountains, including Lewa (Surve y Area 2) (Figure 5 1). In the lower Lwengera River Valley (to its east) (Survey Area 3) (Figure 5 5), Shambaa communities farm hill slopes and occupy field houses to flush marauding baboons and birds from their rice paddies. During colonialism, denizens f rom far -flung regions of Tanganyika settled the area to work on building the railroad or to earn wages on sisal and rubber plantations ( Huijzendveld 2008, Tambila 1983). South of Lewa Town, Iloikop and their cattle occupy the Pangani floodplain, living in hill top kraals (also see Chapter 4). Drought recently forced them into the area. These communities burn floodplain grasses to eradicate disease carrying insects and generate new shoots for their livestock. In territory nearer to the river, greenery abound s and rice cultivation is common.

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150 Upstream of Pangani (Survey Area 1), the river floodplain widens, revealing glimpses of the East and West Usambara Mountains (Figure 2 2). A prominent escarpment bounds the floodplain to the north. Lewa Town and the surrou nding territory in Muheza District (Survey Area 2) (Figure 5 1) perch atop the escarpment, 200 m above the floodplain. From this station, Mount Gendagenda can be viewed to the south: a sacred peak said to be the male twin to female Tongwe (one of the seven sacred mountains of the local Zigua). Mount Tongwe (Figure 5 1) stands as a landscape anomaly and serves as a special place in local lore (Chapter 8). In the nineteenth century, Sultan Seyyid Said of Zanzibar commissioned a small fort to be built atop its peak (Lane 1993). The garrison has since collapsed. Annual rainfall near Lewa (Survey Area 2) averages 1100 mm. Seasonal precipitation affects community activities, including farming, annual house renovations (including new applications of makuti or palm frond roofing), and the schedule for making pottery. Mean air temperature ranges to 20 C. Moderate agricultural potential characterizes the coastal foothills. Bushland (disturbed land) blankets the foothills whic h undulate inland from Pleistocene terrace s at the oceanfront Food crops include maize, cassava, legumes, leafy vegetables, and citrus fruits (such as lemons). Groves of misufi (cotton t rees) cluster in areas previously occupied by colonial plantations Soils are dark and nutrient rich in the flo odplain (Figure 5 1). Anthropogenic disturbances are minimal. Located 35 km to the northwest of Lewa, Korogwe (Survey Area 3) (Figure 5 5) nestles up against the dramatic West Usambara Mountains. At 300 420 m above MSL, mixed bushland and grassland meet a long the mountain foot slopes and low hills near Korogwe Town, the capital of a district by the same name. The Pangani River braids west of town, exposing bedrock. At one such juncture named Maurui (Figure 5 5) the water swirls, circulating violently. In l ocal oral

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151 traditions, this place signifies where Mbega (a mythological figure) ascended into the highlands to establish the Shambaa Kingdom (Chapter 8). The river eventually courses around small islands and rushes eastward on its way to the falls and moder n power facility near Hale (Figure 5 5). A tarmac road bisects Survey Area 3 (Korogwe). Mbuga soils (often labeled vitivo ) blanket low -lying proveniences in survey areas 2 (Lewa) and 3 (Korogwe). Residents cultivate rice in these soil features. On hillier terrain they plant maize, cassava, melons, and trees of banana, cashew, and mango. Few wild animals inhabit the area due to relatively dense human settlement and substantial cultivation, especially since the early colonial period. Termites and biting ants, however, are ubiquitous, as are guinea fowl and puff adders. Bedrock outcrops supply raw materials, including gneiss blocks that can be used to fashion artifacts (grind stones) for processing food and medicines. As attested by Bibi Mkona, a master potter, the best clay sources in the area occur near Gereza, to the northwest of Survey Area 3.44 Palm fronds, as opposed to hardwood trees (used at higher altitudes), serve as the primary fuel for firing ceramics. The practices of healers and potters bind lowland geographies. Rashidi Janja, a prominent Zigua healer ( mganga) and political historian living at Maduma A (Survey Area 2, Lewa) (Figure 5 1), captures the landscape in his medicine gourd ( bahari also tr anslated as ocean ) (Chapter 8). Certain plants, he ex plains, empower his treatments.45 The gourds contents include specific plants, but also vegetation gathered from unique places: mountain tops, stands of forest, and the intersections of historic paths. Each year, Janja journeys to the oceanfront by foot to renew his healing concoction with sprinkles of salt water and bits of flotsam and jetsam. Potters, 44 Interviews with Blandina Mpina, Gereza, August 28, 2002; Mariamo Isaka, Gereza, August 28, 2002. 45 Interview with Rashidi Janja, Lewa, September 7 and 11, 2002.

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152 for instance those living west of Korogwe Town (Figure 5 5) also bind the terrain by making vessels from multiple clay sources, decorating them with estuar ine shells ( chaza ) from the littoral, and venturing to periodic or rotating markets to exchange products as well as information about goings -on. During the nineteenth century, traders and marketers exchanged unique raw materials and goods from the regions environmental niches. Although almost hunted to extinction for their tusks, only a generation ago small herds of elephants still passed between the Lewa -Muheza road and Mount Tongwe (Figure 5 1). Pre -colonial traders dealt in slaves, elephant tusks, cloth beads, copper wire, iron tools, pottery, firearms, tobacco, ghee, honey, livestock, and cereals at caravan stopping points and rotating markets ( magulio) in the hills west of Pangani (e.g., in the environ s of Survey Area 2 Lewa ) and Tanga Town as well as in the vicinity of Korogwe Town (Figure 2 2) (Baumann 1896:60 61, Burton and Speke 1858:199, Farler 1882:731, Mller 1957:243, Smee et al. 1844; also see Glassman 1995:188189) Markets kept different cycles influenced by Islamic (seven -day cycle) and l ocal schedules. Food offerings included maize, rice, sorghum, cassava, and simsim. Market products, like cured fish, cowries, and areca nut, had coastal origins, the last of these eventually integrated into a mi xture with tobacco (an interior, highland pro duct) to form cakes. It is not surprising, then, that widely shared oral traditions about Mbega (and an earlier mythological figure named Seuta) help to explain the spatial interactions between highland and lowland communities. Elders (Shambaa and otherwis e) speak about Mbega and his eventual transformation from a lowland outcast to a highland king (Feierman 1974, Hemedi 1936, 1937). Residents signify liminal spaces of relevance to such stories by employing specific metaphors: swirling clouds or billows of smoke that block sacred spaces from view. These symbols amplify

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153 the danger of transitional locations (such as mountain gradients) by simultaneously marking and concealing them. Floods and landslides, often disastrous in outcome, continue to affect villager s living in these niches: one landslide in 1972 destroyed homesteads and an entire settlement near Kwasamagumbe (Figure 5 5).46 Remnant rock fall attests to the disaster. Almost four decades ago, historians and archaeologists recognized the potential of sit es in these foothills to demonstrate linkages with the coast, implying long term connections (e.g., Feierman 1975:134135, Sutton 1973a). Preliminary study at Tongwe Hill Fort (mentioned above) and a proximal caravan node (Kwa Fungo) document aspects of th e trade infrastructure during the last few centuries (Lane 1992, 1993). Ongoing research at Ngombezi (Figure 5 5) shows that Zigua communities settled the area of Korogwe (Survey Area 3) by the seventeenth century (Biginagwa 2009). These excavations bear evidence of limited coastwise exchange and highland lowland interaction not dissimilar from discoveries made during this project (see below) In the coastal hills and along mountain foot slopes, people with similar needs as today lived and struggled in the past Mustafa Goda and other regional residents highlight the policies of the British and the postcolonial st ate when discussing exacerbated hardships. I n particular, disease is a growing concern, especially the spread of HIV/AIDS in towns along the highway where traffic, trade, and tourists flow between Tanga and Arusha or Dar es Salaam (Setel 1999). Elders from Lewa Town and Korogwe Town bemoan the dissolution of rain-making practices and other tra ditional rites By talking about land, medicines, and mythological serpents (sp irit manifestations ) that inhabit places that shelter and cure, they engage both the past and present (Chapter 8). 46This flood killed at least 20 people. Interviews with Mustafa Goda, Old Korogwe, February 5, 2006; Daudi Paula, Kwasamagumbe, February 7, 2006.

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154 Summary of Lewa Survey Results We bounded a survey area of 99 km2 in the vicinity of Lewa (Survey Area 2: UTMs 4 73000 482000E and 9405000 9416000N). We sampled 10 km2 (10.1%) of this space using 1 km2 units (Figure 51).47 Following project procedures (Chapter 3), an archaeological team of five individuals conducted walkover along 25 m -wide transects with surveyors s paced at 5 m intervals. Surface visibility was poor [17% mean; ranging from 26.8% (Survey Unit 18) to 8.0% (Survey Unit 15)] (Table F 2 and Appendix G); however, it improved north of the escarpment The escarpment divides Survey Area 2 into two environment s: coastal foothills (northwest) and the Pangani River floodplain (southeast). In the former, farmers cultivate maize and legumes in fields interspersed among low brush and isolated stands of trees. Eroded surfaces are common along the escarpment, which is less well -defined where cascading hills with somewhat improved surface visibilities (e.g., Survey Unit 10) form a transitional topography to the floodplain (Figure 5 1). S treams from the uplands meander into low lying spaces, carving ravin es at the escarp ment. Anthropogenic disturbances ato p the escarpment (e.g., at M aduma A) reveal subterranean surfaces Unlike the foothills, the floodplain is poorly drained. Dark loams, rather than iron -rich clays, characterize the topsoil and there are few subterranean exposures. Seasonally high grass blankets much of the southern portion of Survey Area 2 (Lewa), obstructing the ground surface from view in survey units 15 and 16 (Figure 51). Samll trees and 47 The 10 survey units of 1 km2 possess NE corner readings (in order of their survey) as follows: 477000E, 9408000N (S urvey Unit 9, northwest of Chogwe); 476000E, 9410000N (Survey Unit 10, south of Kwabada); 480000E, 9406000N (Survey Unit 11, contains Chogwe); 475000E, 9415000N (Survey Unit 12, immediately east of Mount Tongwe); 479000E, 9412000N (Survey Unit 13, east of Maduma A); 477000E, 9414000N (Survey Unit 14, immediately north of Lewa Town), 474000E, 9408000N (Survey Unit 15, near southwest escarpment edge); 482000E, 9410000N (Survey Unit 16, northeast of Chogwe); 482000E, 9411000N (Survey Unit 17, abuts Survey Unit 16); 480000E, 9415000N (Survey Unit 18, northwest of Lewa Town) (Figure 51). Appendix A lists all survey unit proveniences.

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155 Figure 5 1. Map of Lewa (Survey Area 2) bushes cluster on hill tops in the floodplain. Pythons as well as dikdiks and other small to medium -sized antelopes sparsely populate the extensive floodplain. Crocodiles inhabit the Pangani River at the southern boundary of the survey area. Stone raw materials occur atop h il l s in the floodplain In addition to oyster shell and mudstone erod e quartz cobbles as large as fists erode from the se low hills Geological and other clues indicate the sustained presence of water and distinct periods of deposition over the longterm. Pleistoc ene flood events presumably deposited the cobbles, which are sorted naturally into size classes. Subseq uently, river action eroded the area, leaving hill crests with exposed, cobble

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156 outcrops. During seasonal floods and/or amplified tidal events, th e river breached interior lagoons in the floodplain (as is the case presently upriver), which supported oyster colonies evid ent from shell debris along hill flanks. Exposed, quart cobbles and dark colored cherts and petrified wood part of the underlying Ka roo Formation (Figure 3 2) offered high quality raw materials to hunter -gatherers making stone tools. Based on archaeological finds, residents of the area exploited th ese raw m aterials including during the ESA and MSA (see below). Through systematic survey, the field team identified 24 archaeological sites, or 2.4 sites/km2 (per survey unit). We also documented 12 occurrences. A rchaeological localities cluster into six groups (Appendix H)48: Type 1: lithics of quartz and/or chert and/or petrified wood (presumably pre -LSA); 7 sites (sites 64, 65, 70, and 71 in Survey Unit 11; sites 78, 79, and 80 in Survey Unit 16); 0 occurrences Type 2: quartz lithics (presumably MS A LSA transitional or LSA) (but see below); 4 sites (sites 72 and 74 in Survey Unit 11; S ite 76 in Survey Unit 13; Site 77 in Survey Unit 16); 3 occurrences (Occurrence 46 in Survey Unit 10; occurrences 54 and 55 in Survey Unit 16) Type 9: quartz lithics and eighteenth to twentieth century ceramics (often with foreign artifacts) (ending post 1750 C.E. to early twentieth century) (mixed); 6 sites (sites 62, 63, 66, 67, and 73 in Survey Unit 11; Site 81 in Survey Unit 17); 0 occurrences Type 13: Swahili ceramics (sometimes with foreign artifacts) (1200 1550 C.E.); 1 site (Site 59 in Survey Unit 9); 1 occurrence (Occurrence 49 in Survey Unit 15) Type 14: Post -Swahili ceramics (often with other local and/or foreign artifacts) (~1550 1750 C.E.); 1 site (Site 61 in Survey Unit 10); 0 occurrences Type 17: local, sometimes with Post -Post Swahili, ceramics (often with foreign artifacts) (post 1750 C.E. to early twentieth century); 5 sites (Site 60 in Survey Unit 10; sites 68 and 69 in Survey Unit 11; Site 75 in Survey Unit 13; Site 82 in Survey Unit 18); 8 occurrences (Occurrence 47 in Survey Unit 1 3; Occurrence 48 in Survey Unit 14; occurrences 50, 51 and 52 in Survey Unit 15; occurrences 53 and 56 in Survey Unit 16; Occurrence 57 in Survey Unit 18) 48 For all archaeological site locations at Lewa (Survey Area 2), see Figure 5 2 and Appendix C. For all archaeological occurrence locations at Lewa (Survey Area 2), see Figure 5 3 and Appendix E.

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157 Sites are uniformly small. Only three sites (Site 60, Survey Unit 10; Site 70, Survey Unit 11; Site 8 0, Survey Unit 16) measure >0.2 ha and none are > 0.5 ha in surface area. Regardless of their cultural associations, sites tend to have exceptional views of the surrounding landscape, including mountain isolates (e.g., Mount Tongwe) and/or the distant clif fs at Bweni along Pangani Bay (Survey Area 1) (Figure 4 1). In the floodplain, sites tend to occupy low hill tops. Some of these exhibit MSA l ithic technology. Additional finds located outside of surveyed units enh ance understandings of local occupation and life -ways For instance, we identified slag with grass impressions and a tuyere fragment with vitrified slag penetrating its wall on the property of Benedicto Ismaili (west of Survey Unit 10, at 474901E, 9409122N). This cons titutes the only iron smelti ng evidence retrieved at the escarpment or in the floodplain of the Survey Area 2 (Lewa). As regards ground surface visibility and archaeological discoveries, we did not record any sites in survey units 12, 14, and 15, ranking second, fourth, and tenth, re spectively, in their visibility within the survey ar ea (Table F 2). We did document 13 sites (54.2% ) in Survey Unit 11, ranking sixth in surface visibility among its fellow units (Table F 2). The distribution of archaeological occurrences also belies a cle ar correspondence with surface visibilities. Survey units 15 and 16 contain 66.7% of the 12 recorded archaeological occurrences. Yet, survey units 15 (8.0%) and 16 (10.8%) rank the lowest in surface visibility among units (Table F 2). The other 7 survey units yielded either zero occurrences (survey units 9 and 17) or one occurrence (survey units 10, 12, 14, and 18). Thus, survey units with poor overall visibilities (those in the floodplain) produced greater numbers of archaeological localities; a corresponde nce that derives from the shared character of archaeological sites (dense lithics) and their r elatively consistent position on the landscape (exposed hill tops)

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158 Figure 5 2. Map of Lewa (Survey Area 2), discovered archaeological sites marked

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159 Figure 5 3. Map of Lewa (Survey Area 2), discovered archaeological occurrences marked

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160 Site types 1, 2, and 9: T hese site types include clusters of primarly quartz lithics made using Paleolithi c technologies. Localities occur on hill tops or hill fla nks i n the floodplain. Type 1 sites (see list above) include larger tools larger than those found at sites of type s 2 and 3. At Site 70 (in Survey Unit 11), we recovered an Acheulian hand axe, the fossil directuer of the late ESA (Figure 5 4, A left). This unique find denotes the earliest period of human settlement in northeastern Tanzania (for co mparisons see Willoughby 2007). Bifacial choppers (Figure 5 4, A, right) made from quartz cobbles are comm on in Survey Area 2 (Lewa). Such lithics bear a striking r esemblance to less frequent finds at Pangani Bay (Survey Area 1) (Chapter 4). MSA artifacts also litter sites of Type 1: discoid and other cores unifacial points, scr apers, bifacial choppers, and unshaped (informal) tools Non -quartz raw materials (e.g., evident at Site 70 in Survey Unit 11) include dark colored cherts and petrified wood, but particularly the latter (Figure 5 4, B). At Site 70, fragments of compact mudstone bear impressed quartz pebbles of distinct size classes on their dorsal and ventral surface s respectively (see above for the implications for local environmental history). A B Figure 5 4. Stone too ls and raw materials from Lewa ( Survey Area 2), (A, left) an Acheulian hand axe (A, right) choppers (B, top left only) chert an d (B) petrified wood

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161 Type 2 sites (see list above) inclu de lithics produced using LSA technolog y: multiple scraper types, backed pieces, awls, bifacial points, and unshaped (informal) tools made employing bipolar flaking and simple hard hammer percussion (also see Masao n.d., 1979). Oyster clusters acc ompany lithic finds Type 9 sites also include inf requent quartzite hammer stones a s well as eighteenth to twentieth century artifacts All of the Type 9 s ites in Survey Area 2 (Lewa) o ccupy vicinities south of the Lewa escarpment in the Pangani Basin proper These mixed sites either result from discontinuous settlement at preferred positions on the landscape (e.g., low hill tops) or the persistence of (or reversion to) stone technology during the second millemnnium C.E. ( Kessy 2005, Mapunda et al. 2003:31 35 Seitsonen 2004) (also see Chapter 4). Site types 13 and 14: The artifact assemblage at Sit e 59 (in Survey Unit 9) [and Occurrence 49 (in Survey Unit 15)] includes Swahili Wa re (T ype 13). The site covers <0.1ha. A ceramic bead grinder and a drawn, Indo -Pacific (Trade Wind) glass bead compliment the ceramic scatter Vessel forms and decorati ons include red slip One sherd, however, may have af filiations with the EIA ( Mwangia Ware or Kwale Ware) (Chami 1998, Soper 1967). Situated 2 km south of (and beneath) the escarpment edge, one archaeological locality (Site 61 in Survey Unit 10) exhibit s Post -Swahili ceramics (Type 14) At Site 61, we recorded 56 glass beads, among other surface artif acts. Such beads (oyster crackled and gr een heart varieties ) first were made in Europe by 1600 C.E. (e.g., Wood 2002:53, for Kaole) (Figure 21 and Figure 6 7, B ). Collectively, the artifacts at Site 61 suggest coastal associations during the midd le second mill ennium C.E. (for extrapolations see D iscussion below). Given the clear view of the wider landscape from the escarpment edge, it is perhaps not surprising to find Swahili and Post Swahili artifacts in the hinterland.

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162 Site Type 17: Surface ins pections at Type 17 local ities (see list above) yielded E uropean ceramics (e.g., annularwares), and/or specimens of Indian earthenware (with red and black slip or paint) and other Eurasian pottery. At sites 68 and 69 (in Survey Unit 11) and Occurrence 48 (in Survey Unit 14), we documented Post Post -Swahili cerami cs with arched designs above vessel carinations on bowls (dependent restri cted vessels) (Chapter 4). Artifact assemblages at the o ther T ype 17 localities include very few diagnostic ceramics. Such s ites associate best with the self -described Zigu a communities that continue to occupy the environs of Lewa (Survey Area 2). Additional artifacts characteristic of Type 17 sites (whether or not they yield Post Post Swahili cer amics) include iron fragments tobacco pipe bowls (made of clay), drawn glass beads, and/or shards of European bottle glass. At Site 75 (in Survey Unit 13), surveyors recovered the rim sherd of a Shambaa vessel (typical of Type 19 sites in Survey Area 4, Mombo) (Soper 1967) (Figure 6 7, A) (also see Chapter 6) as well as other local ceramics from the eighteenth to twentieth centuries Other material clues dating to recent centuries include footpaths and nineteenth to twentieth century European structures. For instance, Lewa Plantation (near Survey Unit 14) and Old Chogwe (in Survey Unit 11) are signif icant in regional history. The ruins of the German plantation at Lewa mark the location of an early African revolt. R esidents eventually refused to work for the European owner, forcing the closure of the facility (Muller 1959: 241 244; also see Glassman 1995:189 190). Chogwes significance derives from its role, a longside Tongwe Hill Fort, as one of only two Zanzibari garrisons built in the hinterland of Tanzania. Such instill ations presumably protected the caravan routes that generated wealth for the Zanzibari state during the middle nineteenth century (Lane 1993; also see Burton 1967[1872]: 160 161). Africans in the area identified footpaths and a large tree (of unknown type ) that marks an associated settlement

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163 (Site 62 in Survey Unit 11) However, no evidence emerged for the nineteenth century wooden garrison at Chogwe. H igh grass prevented a more thorough surface inspection (see Discussion below). These more recent localiti es and artifacts complete the overview of surface finds near Lewa Town. Summary of Korogwe Survey Results The team bounded a survey area of 73 km2 at Korogwe (Survey Area 3: UTMs 430000 443000E and 9429000 9435000N). Two topographic types dominate the vici nity: mountain foot slopes and the Pangani River floodplain. Mountain fringes include low lying hills, especially in the western portion of the survey area. The archaeological team sampled 9 km2 (1 2.3%) of Survey Area 3 using 1 km2 units (Figure 5 5).49 F ollowing the project procedure detailed in Chapter 3 an archaeological crew of five individuals conducted walkover along 25 m -wide transects with surveyors spaced at 5 m intervals. Ground surface visibility was very good [63.9% mean; ranging from 76.0% (S urvey Unit 23) to 36.8% (Survey Unit 26)] (Table F 3 and Appendix G). Due to cultivation, a high probability f or site discovery exists throughout the area. We registered moderate visibilities (35 60%) in three units (survey units 25, 26, and 27) near the river, w hich roughly bisects Survey Area 3 (Korogwe). The highest surface visibilities occur north of the river. Mango and cotton trees pepper Survey Unit 19 and steep slopes characterize portions of survey units 20, 22, and 24. Situated northwest, Survey U ni t 22 approaches the north49 The nine survey units of 1 km2 possess NE corner readings (in order of their survey) as follows: 431000E, 9435000N (Survey Unit 19, near Mgobe); 433000E, 9434000N (Survey Unit 20, north of Maurui); 439000E, 9433000N (Survey Unit 21, west of Kwasamagumbe); 442000E, 9434000N (Survey Unit 22, east of Kwasamagumbe); 437000E, 9431000N (Survey Unit 23, near Ngombezi); 437000E, 9433000N (Survey Unit 24, near Shule Semkiwa); 443000E, 9430000N (Surv ey Unit 25, near Kilole Mzee); 435000E, 9432000N (Survey Unit 26, southeast of Maurui); 432000E, 9431000N (Survey Unit 27, near Mandela Rutuba) (Figure 55). Appendix A lists all survey unit proveniences.

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164 Figure 5 5. Map of Korogwe (Survey Area 3) south -oriented Lwengera Valley (Figure 2 2 and Figure 55). In the western portion of the survey a rea, the Pangani floodplain broadens (as evidenced by the minimal topography in Su rvey Unit 27). All of the survey units contain some undulating terrain with well -drained soils prime for cultivation. Hill tops and hill slopes provide commanding views of the surrounding landscape. Present settlements seem positioned to avoid disasters, including floods and landslides (threats near the river and mountains, respectively). On clear days, hill tops in the west of Survey Area 3 afford faint views of the twin peaks of Mount Kilimanjar o. Subterranean exposures occur along paved roads and dirt fe eder roads.

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165 During syste matic survey, the team identified 21 archaeological sites, or 2.3 sites/km2 (per survey unit). We also documented 18 occurrences. Archaeological localities cluster into eight types (Appendix H)50: Type 2: quartz lithics (presumably M SA LSA transitional or LSA) (but see below); 1 site (Site 97 in Survey Unit 23); 0 occurrences Type 3: quartz lithics and non -diagnostic ceramics (ending post 500 B.C.E.) (mixed); 3 s ites (Site 83 in Survey Unit 19; Site 86 in Survey Unit 20; Site 101 in S urvey Unit 24); 0 occurrences Type 9: quartz lithics and eighteenth to twentieth century ceramics (often with foreign artifacts) (ending post 1750 C.E. to early twentieth century) (mixed); 6 sites (Site 84 in Survey Unit 19; sites 91 and 92 in Survey Unit 21; sites 95 and 98 in Survey Unit 23; Site 100 in Survey Unit 24); 1 occurrence (Occurrence 61 in Survey Unit 22) Type 10: nondiagnostic ceramics (post 500 B.C.E.); 1 site (Site 87 in Survey Unit 20); 0 occurrences Type 15: Group B ceramics and Group D c eramics (ending ~1200 1800 C.E.) (mixed); 3 sites (Site 85 in Survey Unit 19; Site 90 in Survey Unit 21; Site 93 in Survey Unit 22); 0 occurrences Type 16: Group D ceramics (~1200 1800 C.E.); 2 s ites (Site 94 in Survey Unit 22; Site 99 in Survey Unit 23); 1 occurrence (Occurrence 74 in Survey Unit 26) Type 18: smoothed ceramics with hatched pendant triangles (often with foreign ceramics) (~1750 C.E. to early twentieth century); 3 sites (Site 88 in Survey Uni t 20; Site 89 in Survey Unit 21; Site 103 in Surve y Unit 27); 2 occurrences (Occurrence 66 in Survey Unit 24; Occurrence 73 in Survey Unit 26) Type 21: smoothed ceramics (often with grindstones, graves, o r foreign artifacts) (~post 1750 C.E.); 2 sites (Site 96 in Survey Unit 23; Site 102 in Survey Unit 25); 14 occurrences (occurrences 58, 59 and 60 in Survey Unit 19; occurrences 62, 63, 64, and 65 in Survey Unit 22; occurrences 67, 68, 69, and 70 in Survey Unit 24; occurrences 71 and 72 in Survey Unit 25; Occurrence 75 in Survey Unit 27). Most archaeologic al localities are single component sites or occurrences. A high correspondence exists between the surface visibilities of individual survey units and the number of sites discovered within their bounds. For ins tance, Survey Unit 23 ranks highest in surface 50 For all archaeological site locations at Korogwe (Survey Area 3), see Figure 5 6 and Appendix C. For all archaeological occurrence locations at Korogwe (Survey Area 3), see Figure 5 7 and Appendix E.

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166 visibility (76%) and number of archaeological sites (n = 5, or 24% of sites ). Moreover, the team recorded the fewest number of sites in survey units 25, 26, and 27 with the most obstructive ground cover (Table F 3). Site types 2, 3, and 9: Archaeological localities with lithics (see list above) occur sporadically in Survey Area 3 (Korogwe). At each of these small sites, we registered sparse artifacts. Only Site 97 (in Survey Unit 23) approaches 0.5 ha. Type 9 sit es tend to be larger than si tes designated Type 3. Ancient residents employed simple hard hammer percussion and, less commonly, bipolar technique to fashion tools from blocks of quartz (milky in color), pieces of vein quartz, and/or quartz cobbles. One source of quart z erodes from a hill flank in the environs of Site 97, where a light scatter of points, bifacial scrapers, and single and multiple -plat form cores occurs on the landscape. We also documented fist -sized tools. At Type 3 sites, including Site 83 (in Survey Unit 19), the sur vey team collected microliths, including two backed crescents. Often situated on low hill tops or along hill bases near rock outcrops, sites of Type 9 include sparse lithic scatters mixed with undecorated ceramics from the eighteenth to nineteenth centuries At Site 91 (in Survey Unit 21), we registered a few Neolithic finds mixed with the dominant artifacts of the assemblage: quartz lithics and more recent residues, such as glass beads and a clay pipe bowl (for tobacco smoking). Two body sherds exhibit decorations synonymous with Kansyore Ware (e.g., Chapman 1967, Lane et al. 2007). In addition, we registered very finely flaked end scrapers fashioned from clear, vein quartz. Site 91 measures 0.27 ha and lies proximal to a rock outcrop on a small ris e near the base of the West Usambara Mountains. These finds are the first of their type identified in lowland northeastern Tanzania. Primarily known from the East African Rift Valley, Kansyore ceramics signify Neolithic occupants or influences

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167 Figure 5 6. Map of Korogwe (Survey Area 3), discovered archaeological sites marked

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168 Figure 5 7. Map of Korogwe (Survey Area 3), discovered archaeological occurrences marked

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169 (Chami and Kwekason 2003, Wright 2003; also see Karega -Munene 1996). Although we did not identify Kwale Ware i n Survey Area 3 (Korogwe), EIA ceramics do occur in the Usambara Mountains (Schmidt and Karoma 1987, Soper 1967, Christowaja Ntandu, personal co mmunication) (Figure 2 4). African communities making ceramics first occupied the v icinity of Korogwe before 500 C.E. Site types 10, 15, and 16: Site 87 (in Survey Unit 20) lacks ceramic diagnostics. It is the only Type 10 site that the archaeology team documented in Survey Area 3 (Korogwe). Mixed Group B and Group D ceramics (Soper 1967) occur at Type 15 archaeological localities (see list above). Grou p D ceramics dominate Type 16 sites (see l ist above). Group B ceramics predate those of Group D (Chapter 6). A period of chronological overlap (late Group B to early Group D) and/or interac tion among contemporaneous communities making these distinct ceramics explains the mixed surface assemblages. Among other vessel types, round bottomed, necked jars (independent restricted vessels) of Group B bear heavy, horizontal comb marks on and above t heir mid -lines. Unlike in survey areas 4 (Mombo) and 5 (Gonja) (located to the west and northwest of Korogwe ) (Figure 3 5), the Group B ceramics that we observed in Survey Area 3 (Korogwe) lack wavy line decorations and inverted arches underlying comb marks ( see chapters 6 7). Group D ceramics from Survey Area 3 (Korogwe) typically exhibit triangles and/or bands of impressed dots (positioned immediatel y below vessel lips ). Alternatively, or in addition, they frequently possess a row (or rows) of raised pimples with or without a single pin-prick in their centers (Soper 1967). We also recorded hemispherical bowls (unrestricted vessels) decorated with graphite. Of Type 16 localities, Site 94 (in Survey Unit 22) lies high on a hill slope with a commanding view o f the Pangani and Lwenger a valleys. At Site 94, team members documented

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170 landsnail shell disc beads (made from Achatina sp.) (see chapters 6 7) perforated marine shells (e.g., Marginella sp.) and drawn, Indo -Pacific (Trade Wind) glass beads ( primarily bri ck red in color ). Additional finds include iron spe ar and arrow tips, remains of domestic ated stock (cow and sheep/goats), and multiple human teeth. All but one of these ceramic bearing sites measures 0.6 0.9 ha. Site types 18 and 21: Surface materials at Type 18 loca lities (see list above) include necked jars (independent restricted vessels) decorated with hatched pendant triangles along vessel shoulders (for similar finds elsewhere in Tanzania, also see Wynne Jones and Croucher 2007:93). All sites of Type 18 span <0.15 ha. These localities indicate exchange along an east west axis. Beyond sherds decorated with hatched pendant triangles, such sites often include pottery known from the Mount Kilimanjaro area and dated (relatively) to the seventeenth to ninet eenth centuries (Chami 2005). At some Type 18 sites (e.g., Site 103 in Survey Unit 27) w e also recorded instances of carinated bowls (dependent restricted vessels) with bands of oblique incisions or comb stamping. During reconnaissance, comparable finds em erged near Mtoni (Figure 5 5), not far from the early twentieth century, German railroad station and the Old Korogwe market. These post 1750 ceramics are similar to varieties from western Tanzania that archaeologists recently identified at caravan halts al ong the central coast ( see reports from Bagamoyo, Chami et al. 2004:51 ). At Type 21 localities (see list above), undecorated ceramics comprise the majority of surface artifacts. The largest of these (Site 102 in Survey Unit 25) measures 0.3 ha in extent. Remains affiliate best with Zigua hamlets or settlements on hill tops within the floodplain of the Pangani River. Dependent restr icted vessels exhibit out turned rims, small quartz temper, and dark s urface colors. Vessel exteriors demonstrate burnishing or smoothing. During systematic

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171 survey, Type 21 (and Type 18) localities yielded recent foreign ceramics, including specimens of European and Indian origin. We also observed daub (sometimes clustered i n amounts indicative of house platforms), faunal remains (mainly sheep/goats), and drawn or, more rarely, molded glass beads. These localities and artifacts complete the overview of surf ace finds from the vicinity of Korogwe Town. Discussion During the nineteenth century, thousands of people passed through caravan halts or gathered at market nodes in the environs of Lewa (Survey Area 2) and Korogwe (Survey Area 3) (Baumann 1896:60 61, Burton and Speke 1858:199, Farler 1882:731, Smee et al. 1844). These poin ts of interaction offered venues to exchange items and information. By doing so, communities alleviated differential access to goods at mountain gradients and across coastwise settings, enhancing their resilience strategies in the face of growing social an d e nvironmental challenges. A survey of these landscapes determined the archaeological character of hinterland spaces and laid a foundat ion for investigating culture history and evidence of human connectivity. In total, systematic surface inspections at Lewa (Surv ey Area 2) and Korogwe (Survey A rea 3) generated 45 archaeological sites and 30 occurrences of 12 types (Appendix C, Appendix E, Table F 2, Table F 3 and Appendix H ). Archaeo logical materials range from the late ESA to residues left by more recent occupants (e.g., the Zigua). T hus, human settlement included iron using, farming communities. Many localities affiliate best with the second millennium C.E. (Appendix C and Appendix H). Although there was no population void in these areas, settlement was less dense than at the coast (Survey Area 1, Pangani). The nature of the survey and its arch aeological findings demonstrate the effectiveness of intensive, systematic

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172 inspections for document ing even minimal clues of settlement and exchange that challenge extant representations. Archaeological localities identified south of the escarpment in Survey Area 2 (Lewa) extend the culture history of lowland northeastern Tanzania by at least 10 0,000 years A pre modern, human ancestor may have lived in the lower Pangani B asin, based on the discovery of an Acheulian hand axe (Site 70 in Survey Unit 11) and t ools from the MSA fashioned made from petrified wood and chert (sites 64, 65, 70 and 71 in Survey Unit 11; sites 78, 79, and 80 in Survey Unit 16) (Figure 54). La ter, communities employing LSA technology occupied the regions coastwise river valleys and outlying foothills (contra findings from reconnaissance in the Sigi and Mkulumuzi valleys, Marean and She a 1996:80 81) (Figure 2 2). Hunter -gatherers made multi -com ponent tools from quartz cob bles (also see Masao n.d.; but Mapunda et al. 2003) Similar people living in the environs of Korogwe (Survey Area 3) quarried quartz from a local outcrop ( Site 97 in Survey Unit 23). Signatures of Neolithic and iron -working, fa rming communities cropped up during later periods. Based on limited Nelolithic artifacts, people used Kansyo re ceramics and made and used end scrapers and other tools fashioned from vein quartz ( e.g., at Site 91 in Survey Unit 21). Kansyore pottery indicates influences or contact with the continental interior, likely dating to the first millennium B.C.E. (also see Chami and Kwekason 2003, Karega -Munene 1996, Wright 2005). Iron production in the coastal foothills appears restricted to th e second millennium C.E. For this period, surface materials confirm a variety of site types, with only a few archaeological localities representing each type up to the last three centuries or so. By 1400 1550 C.E., e ither peo ple making Swahili ceramics or a population that exchanged items for coastal pottery arose

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173 near the Lewa escarpment (at Site 59 in Survey Unit 9). Coastal finds tend to lie at the base of eroded paths (of some antiquity) that climb atop the prominent escar pment. Hinterland groups maintained some connectivity with the littoral up to recent times. Multiple archaeological localities (e.g., Site 61 in Survey Unit 10; Site 68 in S urvey Unit 11) at Lewa (Survey Area 2) harbor Post -Swahili or Post -Post -Swahili cer amics (both post -dating 1550 C.E.). In one interpretation, these residues illustrate human dispersals into the hinterland from the coast due to societal transformations in East Africa by 1650 C.E., including increasing Eurasian influences (Sinclair and Hak nsson 2000). But, the relatively small size and sparse number of localities with post 1500 C.E. artifacts supports a second argument: coastal communities did not make a mass exodus into the hinterland (Kusimba 1999), at least not near Lewa and Mount Tongw e. Nevertheless, groups maintained ties to the coast, including access to foreign goods, such as glass beads, tobacco (indicated by tobacco pipe bowls), and Eurasian ceramics. By 500 600 years ago, settlers using Group B and Group D ceram ics (site types 15 and 16) emerged near Korogwe (Survey Area 3). Communities sparsely populated the mountain foot slopes ( e.g., at Type 15 sites ). Other groups ( at Type 16 sites) occupied low -lying, well -watered places (contra Soper 1967; also see Biginagwa 2009:5859). Assemblages with Group B and, to a lesser extent, Group D pottery include glass beads and beads of marine shell indicating coastwise exchange (e.g., Site 94 in Survey Unit 22). At both of these site types, faunal remains comprise bones of cattle and sheep/go ats. At localities with Group D pottery, occupants used iron tipped spears and arrows. However, there is very little evidence for iron production near Korogwe Town. In a few instances, surveyors identified slag or tuyere fragments along the Lewa

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174 escarpment (in Survey Area 2). A poverty of raw materials necessar y for iron production impacted the economies and exchange relations of local residents. During the last three to four centuries, Zigua groups established settlements on islands (in the channel of the Pangani River) in Survey A rea 3 (Korogwe) (e.g., at Ngombezi) (Biginagwa 2009). Similar debris peppers select hill tops nor th of the river. Such settlement trends suggest that the occupation of islands and hill tops served a defensive purpose. The latter a lso neatly avoided areas exposed to flooding and reduced the potential effects of water -borne disease s Fertile bottomlands prime for cultivation could be accessed from these strategic points. Gneiss grindstones, glass be ads, and the remains of live stock ( sheep/goats), chicken, and wild game illustrate the diverse subsistence resources exploited. Families lived in wattle and -daub structures, as evidenced by a few examples of remnant, mud house platforms. Highland Shambaa ceramics circulated into the lowland s, including near Lewa Town (e.g., Site 75 in Survey Unit 13). People living in Survey Area 3 (Korogwe) also exchanged ceramics. Goods likely moved along an east -west axis (geographical corridor). Vessels decorated with pendant triangles or with bands of c omb stamping (both post 1750 C.E) link Korogwe to central and western Tanzania, indicating regional connectivity (Chami et al. 2004:50 51, Wynne Jones and Croucher 2007). Footpaths still visible at Mtakani (Figure 4 1), along the Lewa escarpment, and near Kwa Fungo facilitated interaction and connected market nodes. Healers living in the region still walk residual paths during annual pilgrimages (including to coastal towns). They describe the intersections of paths alo ng historic routes as places of power a nd danger (Beidelman 1986:57; for a ritual retracing of a component of Mbegas mythological passage, see Feierman 2005:18) (also see Chapter 8).

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175 During the 1850s, the Sultan of Zanzibar commissioned a fort to be built on the apex of Mount Tongwe (Figure 5 1). The fort and it sister garrison at Chogwe secured caravan trade (Lane 1993). In the late nineteenth century, the African community at Chogwe (Figure 51) coalesced on a low rise near the Pangani River where a local market circulated goods, incl uding items transited by foot and in canoes. Copious surface artifacts, including Eurasian glass b eads and non -local ceramics, af firm regional exchange and increasing connections among groups, as the interna tional slave and ivory trade fl o urished Market demands i ncreasingly impacted the hinterland, explaining the minimal settlement and small number of late nineteenth century sites outlying plantations near Lewa Town (Survey Area 2). Rotating markets at Mtindiro, Kwabada (both in Survey Area 2, Lewa) (Figure 5 1), and Old Korogwe (in Survey Area 3) eventually disbanded. New markets on colonial plantations supplant ed earlier nodes (Baker 1934:25; also see Huijzendveld 2008). By the late nineteenth century, the German colonial infrastructure and cash crop plantations d e veloped at Mtoni ( near Old Korogwe in Survey Area 3) and in the lower Lwengera River Valley (Figure 5 5). The lower Pangani Basin began to support a high density of plantations producing rubber, sisa l, and other crops. Plantations drew people from around Tanganyika to work for wages (Tambila 1983). The tumultuous political climate elevated societal discontent, spawning the increased use of serpent stories and healing metaphors during the late pre -colonial and colonial periods. This discourse concerns fore ign impacts, primarily from oceanic settings. The sacred places and the unique landscapes of the hinterland, exemplified by Mount Tongwe, s haped and continue to influence political ecological narratives (Chapter 8). In the next chapter, I examine the antiq uity of settlement and interactions at Mombo (Survey Area 4).

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176 CHAPTER 6 MOMBO AND SURROUNDINGS Geographies and people converge in the lower Mkomazi Basin. Near Mombo Town, residents coalesce in a valley insulated from the arid steppe (to the sou thwest) by an inselberg (Figure 1 1 and Figure 6 1). The mutualism of communities throughout the area suggests that the fringe of the West Usambara Mountains sketched by scholars as a highland/lowland boundaryis not a periphery, but rather a center of soc ial flux at the core of human connections. Interactions along this topographical gradient ameliorate u neven resource distributions by freely circulating raw materials, food, and craft products. Rotating markets, ever present on the terrain, bring populatio ns of diverse life -ways together, enabling the exchange and display of valued items. At 420 m above MSL, Mombo lies beneath the highland towns of Vuga and Lushoto (Figure 6 1). As early as the eighteenth century, the former served as the political and ritu al center of the Shambaa Kingdom (Feierman 1974). German colonizers usurped the latter in the 1890s, calling it Wilhelmstadt. Represented as an oasis, Vuga continues to host descendants of the Kilindi Clan (rulers of the Shambaa) (Allen and Mbago 1963) who awake each morning to spectacular views of Mount Mafi (Figure 6 1). Today, Mombo Town straddles the paved road and railway track between Tanga Town and Arusha, an infrastructure that follows the trajectory of previously established caravan routes (Baumann 1891, Burton 1967[1872], Farler 1882, Fischer 1882 1883). Mombo continues to serve as a stopping point, meeting the needs of Tanzanian citizens as well as foreign travelers. In 1883, a French missionary passing northwest of Mombo (Figure 22) described it s rulers home: Sultan Sembojas room was like a used furniture shop. There were plates, cloths, silver, writing desks, chairs (Le Roy 1893:458). The son of the deceased Shambaa King

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177 Kimwere ye Nyumbai, Semboja dressed like a coastal resident, spoke Swah ili, and lived in a (coastal influenced) rectangular house. By the early 1800s, he had been initiated into a Maasai age set. He deployed these diverse cultural associations to control weaponry and establish trade affiliations with prominent Zigua chiefs. T hereby, Semboja dominated regional spheres of exchange. Near Mombo, for instance, he monopolized trade through his arrangement with the Zigua leader Sadenga, who forced coastal caravans to pass near Mombo and Mazinde (Fischer 1882 1883:41) (Figure 6 1).51 T he Maasai (or Northern) caravan route eventually intersected with Chagga markets near Mount Kilimanjaro (Figure 1 1). The route and its local offshoots fluctuated in their positioning based on local circumstances, including the prevalence of supplies (in cluding food and firearms), slaves, and local proclivities for taxation (e.g., Kimambo 1996, Sheriff 1987). Nevertheless, passage through the lower Mkomazi Basin was well -established by the late eighteenth century (Feierman 1974:133 134), as symbiotic and competitive relations developed in the corridor. Rather than arising from foreign influences, as was the case with the Central and Southern routes, the Northern passage is hypothesized to have grown out of preexisting networks of exchange (Giblin 1992, Glassman 1995, Kimambo 1969). The Mkomazi C orridor (Walz 2005) funneled people and goods as diverse as dried fish, beads, and baskets made from ukindu (a hinterland palm) across the landscape. Cultural strategies continue to ameliorate uncertainty in the area. During prolonged droughts, residents collect water from springs ( chemchem ) at Shekilago and Kwa Mgogo (Figure 6 1), gather wild tubers ( mbao), and barter for grain with neighboring communities.52 The Zigua 51 Interview with Athmani Ramadhani, Korokonge, February 12, 2006. 52 Interviews with Iddi Guga, Mombo, February 11, 2006; Athmani Ramadhani, Korokonge, February 12, 2006.

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178 prefer local solutions rather than reloca ting their villages, a philosophy captured by a beloved proverb, Make friends with the sand, not with the water. When the water goes, you remain with sand ( Ruzegea 1997). Residents employ m ibugi (clam -shaped, iron bells with a bullet or bead sealed insid e) and kayamba (particle -filled gourds) during matambiko (especially before the short rains). Veneration seeks to honor ancestors and heal the land. Up to five decades ago, ritual objects (like mibugi ) were central to region al exchange. Eventually, post -co lonial government resettlement schemes helped to interrupt these activities, disappointing and angering citizens.53 Healers use plants gathered from Mount Mafi to make medicines and to heal and harm (Feierman 1990).54 As they did in the past, traders barte r clay pots, mats, grass bags, salt (soda), and grain near Mount Mafi. Beads from Handeni District (Figure 3 1) also once circulated into the basin, from which Zigua women of the four local ukoo55 d ecorated their coiffures and mad e segere (beaded waistbands) for young girls (Grohs 1980). Men still construct houses, tend to crops and animals, and make shoes, stools and ritual paraphernalia. However, many of these arts are dying. Potting, a primary duty of women, also is waning in these low lands. Plantation schemes, wage labor, influxes of foreign goods, and, more recently, the HIV/AIDS epidemic have impacted negatively local production. A nnual rainfall at Mombo (Survey Area 4) is 800 1100 mm. Temperatures average 21 C. The long rains nouri sh maize and sorghum, grains that residents intercrop with cowpeas and beans. Local crops are vulnerable to drought. Near Jitengeni, rice is prevalent (Figure 6 1). 53 Interviews with Mzee Nyange and Shabani Senyika, Mlembule, February 9, 2003; Athmani Ramadhani, Korokonge, February 12, 2006; Keembwa Kuria, Kilimandudu, February 23, 2006. 54 Interview with Athmani Ramadhani, Korokonge, February 12, 2006. 55 Ukoo are clan like groups often represented locally as matrilineages descended from original female settlers. However, in reality, members of ukoo link to particular spaces through shared stories about my thological settlers rather than through blood relationships (Giblin 1992:7081)

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179 Lowland denizens harvest produce during August, September, and October. Crops at higher altitudes mature between the months of April and July. The Pangani River and reservoirs north of the South Pare Mountains (to the northwest) contribute catfish to local subsistence (Figure 1 1). The rain shadow of the Usambaras affects areas to the west, but does not significantly impact precipitation at Mombo. Euphorbia cactus like succulents populate low -lying areas and hill slopes, enduring as remnants of palisaded villages: attempts by the Zigua to shield themselves from raiders during previous centuries ( Last 1882: 131, New 1875:319). Following the rains, chemicals crystallize atop the soil (loams) inundated by the seasonal Mkomazi River. Each day, workers like Gaston Rajabu and other Zigua and Shambaa residents produce multiple kilograms of soda (salt) us ing a process of surface stripping and evaporation. Perennial springs in the low hills (420 520 m above MSL) west of Mlembule (Figure 61) supply water, even during extreme droughts. Iloikop villages with communal kraals for cattle, sheep, goats, and donke ys pepper the low hill crests northwest of Shekilago (Figure 6 1). Leopards and scorpio ns inhabit territory once occupied by elephants, rhinoceroses, and other large herbivores. Primates, snakes, mongooses, guinea fowl, and large hives of wild honeybees co mprise the other local animal life. Iloikop occupants originally established kraals at Omba Mungu, Kilimandudu, and Shekilago (all west of Mlembule) ( Figure 6 1) after njaa ya ngombe (The Hunger of C attle) forced them out of Manyara (west of Arusha in n orthern Tanzania) in the search of palatable grasses for their livestock.56 Exchange relations developed between pastoral communities at Mbuyuni and Manga (west of Mlembule) (Figure 6 1) and the Mbugu, a Cushitic -speaking, highland people who often exchange clay vessels for cows milk and grain from the lowlands 56 Interview with Paringo Olesululu, Shekilago, February 10, 2006.

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180 (Conte 2004). A weekly, rotating market stands as an enduring legacy of the social ties among groups living in the vicinity. Iloikop, Zigua, and Shambaa residents gather at the Mlembule market to con verse, share information, and exchange goods: livesto ck, animal hides, pottery, iron implements, beads, t obacco, honey, and imported goods. Honey is critical for making local brew. In this place of heterogeneity and uncertainty, villagers practice mixed subsistence and share ways of speaking about traumatic experiences and coming to terms with present predicaments. Myths about Mbega and Seuta (Chapter 5) employ expressive devices familiar to stories told about mythological serpents, often called nondo (Chap ter 8). To be explored in greater detail later, these stories assist lowland residents in coping with external impacts that have affected their lives; influences that at first raised productive possibilities but that later fed impoverishment and disenchant ment. Summary of Survey Results We delimited at survey area of 45 km2 at Mombo (Survey Area 4: UTMs 414000 422000E and 9457000 9462000N). The archaeological team sampled 9 km2 (20.0%) of Survey Area 4 (Mombo) using 1 km2 units (Figure 6 1).57 As stipulated by the project procedure (Chapter 3), a field crew comprised of me, a government representative, and three area residents conducted walkover along 25 m -wide transects with surveyors spaced at 5 m intervals. Ground surface visibility was moderate, in aggreg ate ranking third amon g the five project survey areas [39.2% mean; ranging from 70.0% (Survey Unit 28) to 26.0% (Survey Unit 32)] (Table F 4 and Appendix G). 57 The nine sample units of 1 km2 possess NE corner readings (in order of their survey) as follows: 419000E, 9461000N (Survey Unit 28, west of Jitengeni); 420000E, 9459000N (Survey Unit 29, contains Kwesasu); 419000E, 9462000N (Survey Unit 30, north of Survey Unit 28); 418000E, 9459000N (Survey Unit 31, southeast of Mlembule); 416000E, 9462000N (Survey Unit 32, northwest of Mlembule); 415000E, 9459000N (Survey Unit 33, contains Kwa Mgogo); 416000E, 9458000N (Survey Unit 34, contains Shekilago); 422000E, 9462000N (Survey Unit 35, north of Mombo Town); 422000E, 9458000N (Survey Unit 36, south of Mombo Town) (Figure 61). Appendix A lists all survey unit proveniences.

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181 Figure 6 1 Map of Mombo (Survey Area 4) Survey Area 4 (Mombo) lies along the skirt of the West Usamba ra Mountains (Figure 6 1). Along the foot slopes, r ock out crops shelter hyraxes and occasional baboons that raid cultivated fields. The southeastern portion of the survey area grades gradually into the low lying Mkomazi Basin. The river floodplain spans up to 5 km (in breadth), extending westward to a collection of inselbergs, including Mount Mafi (Figure 1 1, Figure 2 2, and Figure 6 1). Except for sandy deposits along the Zimui River (Figure 61), agricultural soils (loa ms) are moderately productive. Kites, marabou storks, and secretary birds prey on small mammals and reptiles, controlling their numbers.

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182 Zigua and Shambaa farmers populate the Mkomazi floodplain, especially the territory east of the river, including a seas onally inundated area that has poorly drained soils. In low -lying spaces, vegetation includes seasona lly high grasses, Euphorbia sp. (ulimbo ) (see above) and toothbrush trees ( miswaki ). Residents (and those who own local plots but live wider afield ) in the basin cultivate maize, cassava, and sisal. Along the highland foot slopes, far mers also plant cash crops. Common animals include dikdik s rabbits, leopard tortoises, and land snails (e.g., Achatina sp.). The highest surface visibilities at Mombo (Su rvey Area 4) occur between the Hwazi tributary and the base of the West Usambara Mountains (Figure 6 1). Thorn scrub, succulents, bare areas, patchy grass, and cultivated and fallow fields charact erize the central portion of Survey Area 4 ( e.g., survey uni ts 28 31). Clusters of dense grass slowed inspections in survey units 32 and 35. Bushl and cover s the hills opposite Mombo Town, for instance in portion of survey units 33 35. To the east (along the primary roadway), human residences, dense vegetation (alon g the Zimui River in Survey Unit 36), subsistence crops, sisal, and eroded areas predominate, offering mixed but generally poor visibility. During systematic survey, we documented 81 archaeological sites, or 9.0 sites/ km2 (per survey unit) We also identif ied 28 archaeological occ urrences. These residues group into 13 types (Appendix H)58: Type 2: quartz lithics (presumably MSA LSA transitional or LSA); 8 sites (sites 121, 123, 124, 125, 126, 133, and 134 in Survey Unit 28; Site 150 in Survey Unit 30); 2 occ urrences (Occurrence 79 in Survey Unit 28; Occurrence 93 in Survey Unit 31) Type 3: quartz lithics and non -diagnostic ceramics (ending post 500 B.C.E.) (mixed); 3 sites (sites 105, 108, and 136 in Survey Unit 28); 0 occurrences 58 For all archaeological site locations at Mombo (Survey Area 4), see Figure 6 2 and Appendix C. For all archaeological occurrence locations at Mombo (Survey Area 4), see Figure 6 3 and Appendix E.

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183 Type 4: quartz lithics and T IW ceramics (ending ~600 1000/1200 C.E.) (mixed); 22 sites (sites 107, 109, 112, 113, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 122, 128, 129, and 130 in Survey Unit 28; sites 140, 141, 149, 151, and 152 in Survey Unit 30; sites 163, 165, 166, and 169 in Survey Unit 33); 0 occurrences Type 7: quartz lithics and Group B ceramics (ending ~900 1500 C.E.) (mixed); 5 sites (sites 132 and 135 in Survey Unit 28; sites 157 and 160 in Survey Unit 31; Site 175 in Survey Unit 33); 3 occurrences (occurrences 94 and 95 in Survey Unit 31; Occurrence 99 in Survey Unit 33) Type 8: quartz lithics, TIW ceramics, and Group B ceramics (ending ~900 1500 C.E.) (mixed); 12 sites (sites 144 and 145 in Survey Unit 30; Site 158 in Survey Unit 31; sites 161, 168, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 176, and 177 in Survey Unit 33); 0 occurrences Type 9: quartz lithics and eighteenth to twentieth century ceramics (often with foreign artifacts ) (ending post 1750 C.E. to early twentieth century) (mixed); 3 sites (sites 111 and 114 in Survey Unit 28; Site 154 in Survey Unit 30); 2 occurrences (Occurrence 76 in Survey Unit 28; Occurrence 91 in Survey Unit 30) Type 10: nondiagnostic ceramics (post 500 B.C.E.); 1 site (Site 155 in Survey Unit 30); 0 occurrences Type 11: TIW ceramics (~600 1000/1200 C.E.); 8 sites (sites 106, 120, and 131 in Survey Unit 28; sites 142, 143, 146, 147, and 148 in Survey Unit 30); 3 occurrences (occurrences 88 and 89 in Survey Unit 30; Occurrence 98 in Survey Unit 33) Type 12: TIW ceramics and eighteenth to twentieth century ceramics (with foreign artifacts) (ending post 1750 C.E.) (mixed); 3 sites (Site 110 in Survey Unit 28; Site 156 in Survey Unit 30; Site 164 in Survey Unit 33); 0 occurrences Type 15: Group B and Group D ceramics (endi ng ~1200 1800 C.E. ) (mixed) ; 6 sites (Site 137 in Survey Unit 28; Site 153 in Survey Unit 30; Site 159 in Survey Unit 31; sites 162 and 167 in Survey Unit 33; Site 185 in Survey Unit 35); 0 occurrences Type 19: Shambaa ceramics (often with foreign artifacts) (post 1750 C.E.); 2 sites (sites 183 and 184 in Survey Unit 35); 0 occurrences Type 20: Shambaa ceramics at bomas (often with foreign artifacts) (post 1800 C.E.); 5 sites (sites 178, 179, 180, 181, and 182 in Survey Unit 34); 0 occurrences Type 21: s moo thed ceramics (often with grindstones, graves, or foreign artifacts) (post 1750 C.E.); 3 sites (Site 139 in Survey Unit 29; sites 104 and 127 in Survey Unit 28); 18 occurrences (sites 77 and 78 in Survey Unit 28; sites 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, and 87 in Survey Unit 29; sites 90 and 92 in Survey Unit 30; Site 96 in Survey Unit 32; sites 97 and 100 in Survey Unit 33; Site 101 in Survey Unit 34; sites 102 and 103 in Survey Unit 36)

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184 Figure 6 2. Map of Mombo (Survey Area 4), discovered archaeologica l sites marked

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185 Figure 6 3. Map of Mombo (Survey Area 4), discovered archaeological occurrences marked

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186 Many archaeological sites bear small numbers of ceramics characteristic of other site types (demonstrating interactions) or lack a type in the site registry (Appe ndix H). For instance, a few EIA ceramics (Kwale Ware and Mwangia Ware) (pre600 C.E.), transitional to TIW, occur at sites 157 an d 160 (in Survey Unit 31) and sites 164 and 171 (in Survey Unit 33) (Chami 1998, 2001, Helm 2000). We also identified two sherds of Akira Ware, elsewhere defined as Pastoral Neolithic at Site 160 (in Survey Unit 31) (Bower 1991, Collet and Robertshaw 1983, Mturi 1986) (Figure 6 4 ) (see Discussion below) Survey units 28, 30, and 33 contain 82.7% of the sites registered during survey at Mombo (Survey Area 4). We did not record any sites in survey units 32 and 36 (Figure 6 2). There is a moderate correspond ence between unit surface visibilities and the number of the sites discovered within individual survey unit bo undaries. Among the Mombo units, Survey Unit 28 ranks highest in visibility as well as its number of sites: a positive correspondence (Table F 4). However, survey units 29 and 33 represent the opposite trend; they rank third and sixth in visibility but seventh and third in sites, respectively (both negative correspondences). Reconnaissance outside Figure 6 4. Ceramics from Site 160 (in Survey Uni t 37, Survey Area 4, Mombo), (bottom left) Kwale Ware, (top right) Mwangia Ware, and (bottom right) Akira Ware

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187 of surveyed units but within Survey Area 4 (Mombo) also located archaeological sites, in this case either bearing Group D (sites 186a and 187a, T ype 16) or predominantly Shambaa ceramics mixed with specimens of Group D (sites 188a and 189a, Type 19) (Soper 1967) (Figure 6 2) (see below).59 Multiple baobab trees adorn the landscape at each of these four archaeological localities. Site types 2 3 and 9 10: In the lower Mkomazi Valley, quartz (an abundant resource) is the sole raw material of flaked stone tools. Lithic artifacts are fashioned from translucent quartz nodules (more common) and transparent vein quartz (less common). The archaeological team loca ted all of the sites in this grouping in survey units 28 31 and 33. Type 2 localities (see list above) consist solely of stone tools. The majority (80%) are low density ( 2) surface scatters <0.05 ha in extent All but two of the Type 2 localiti es (Site 150 in Survey Unit 30; Occurrence 93 in Survey Unit 31) occur in Survey Unit 28 where they cluster in the southeastern portion of the survey unit. Survey units 28, 30, and 33 encapsulate most of the other 45 sites where quartz lithics are mixed wi th other artifacts, including ceramics (types 3, 4, 7, and 9). Quartz lithics accompany ceramics known from more re cent centuries (e.g., Type 9) as well as rarer discoveries, like pottery from the EIA ( at sites 157 and 160 in Survey Unit 31; sites 164 and 171 in Survey Unit 3 3) and the Pastoral Neolithic (at S ite 160 in Survey Unit 31) (Figure 6 2). Based on expedient analysis, lithics do not vary substantially across these archaeological localities. Surface scatters consist of single and multiple platform cores, debitage, and unshaped ( informal ) tools. At select sites, we observed formal tools: side and end scrappers and/or backed pieces, the latter affiliated 59 As n oted in Chapter 3, all archaeological site numbers followed by the letter a occur within the survey area (in this case, Survey Area 4, Mombo) but outside of systematically surveyed units.

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188 with LSA technology. For instance, Site 105 (in Survey Unit 28) produced three backed crescents r equiring hafting for effective use. Localities of Type 9 (see list above) and Type 3 also include quartz lithics (Figure 6 2). At the former, stone artifacts intermingle with other materials from the last two centuries, including molded and drawn glass bea ds and later European ceramics. Three localities comprise sites of Type 3 (see list above). Fragmentary ceramics (perhaps EIA) intersperse among quartz lithics at these sites. At Site 155 (in Survey Unit 30; Type 10), we documented body sherds of uncertain affiliation. These four sites ( of types 3 and 10) are anomalies in the survey area: archaeological localities without diagnos tics and, therefore, a distinct attribution in the culture history The high frequency of mixed lithic and ceramic materials on si te surfaces in the Survey Area 4 (Mombo) suggests either contemporaneous techno logies (stone and ceramic) or the disturbance of deposits Alternatively, and most likely, both factors played a role in the archaeological outcome (see below ). Site types 4, 8, and 11 12: In survey units 28, 30, and 33, we encountered ceramics with incised, triangular designs. TIW (Chami 1994, Horton 1996b) ceramics occur at 45 sites and 3 occurrences (types 4, 8, 11, and 12), or 44.0% of al l the archaeological localities identi fied in Survey Area 4 (Mombo) (Figure 6 2 and Figure 6 3). This represents the largest concentration of TIW discovered in the Tanzanian hinterland. People densely settled the environs of Mombo 600 1000/1200 C.E. A few sites are expansive, measuring >1.0 ha (sites 110 and 128 in Survey Unit 28; Site 177 in Survey Unit 33; Site 138a) (Appendix C). High artifact concentrations ( sherds/m2) are characteristic. At Type 11 localities (see list above), TIW solely consti tutes the surface artifacts

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189 Figure 6 5 Early TIW (pre 900 C.E.) from Mbugani (Site 128 in Survey Unit 28, Survey Area 4, Mombo) (cm scale) The TIW in Survey Area 4 (Mombo) share affinities with ceramics from central and southern, coastwise East Africa (e.g., Chami 1994, 1998, 2001, Chittick 1974, Fawcett et al. 1989, Pawlowicz 2009, Schmidt et al. 1992, Wynne Jones 2005). Surfaces are rough, surface coloration varies (frequently orange or buff), and angular to subangular quartz serves as temper (including pieces up to 1.5 cm). Common vessels include the following: round-bottomed necked jars (independent restricted vessels) with out turned rims, closed mouth globular jars (simple restricted vessels) and open bowls (unrestricted vessels) At Site 110 (in Survey Unit 28); Site 138a, and Site 177 (in Survey Unit 33), we recorded diagnostic ceramics. Decorations include incised triangles (with or without fill) often underlain by rows of punctations (Figure 6 5). At other sites with large quantities of TIW, there are high proportions of carinated bowls (dependent restricted vessels) and other forms with rounded, tapered, or squared lips. Decorative motifs are incised, impressed, stabbed, and stamped and include triangles, zigzag patterns, and single horizontal lines with laddering. Sherds from three such sites (e.g., Site 110 in Survey Unit 28) exhibit marine bivalve impressions similar to those identified on TIW vessels at Mpiji along the littoral of central Tanzania (cf. Chami 1994:84; also see Walz 2005, Sinclair 1991:188). Such sites include ceramics that likely post -date 900 C.E. (Chami 1998, Horton 1996b).

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190 TIW occurs alongside other artifacts at 37 additional sites (of types 4, 8, and 12). At Type 4 sites (see list above), we registered TIW and qu artz lithics (Figure 6 2). Group B ceramics accom pany quartz lithics and TIW at Type 8 sites (see list above) (Figure 6 -2). In three instances (Site 110 in Survey Unit 28; Site 156 in Survey Unit 30; Site 164 in Survey Unit 33), TIW appears in combination with materials from the last two centuries (Type 12).60 Many localities with TIW produced other associated artifacts, for example ceramic bead grinders (e.g., Site 128 in Survey Unit 28) or limited slag (e.g., sites 165 and 174 in Survey Unit 33). Surface inspections also yielded fragments of landsnail shell (typically Achatina sp.), marine sh ells (especially cowries), and/ or beads made from marine shell. Artifacts encountered less frequently include quartz hammer stones, gneiss and quartzite querns, pieces of rock (quartz) crystal, beads (typically of gla ss), and copper cones (presumably adornments) (see Summary of Excavation Results below). As a group, sites with TIW lie proximal to water in low -lying areas or in the environs of perennial springs, but outside of (contemporary) seasonal inundation areas. T hey also are situated beyond immediate mountain fringes, perhaps to avoid landslides and flashfloods The largest sites with high densities of TIW include Kobe (Site 138a), Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33), Mbugani (Site 128 in Survey Unit 28), and U limboni (Site 110 in Survey Unit 28) (Figure 6 2). Kobe is the largest of these sites. It is 5.25 ha in extent Mbugani, Kwa Mgogo, and Kobe exhibit early TIW ceramics; however, based on vessel forms and decorations, Ulimboni includes a la ter TIW component Indo -Pacific ( Trade Wind) glass beads as well as European ceramics with transfer prints (nineteenth and early twenti eth century) also occur in 60 The presence of TIW alongside materials from the last two centuries indicates reoccupation and/or disturbances at Type 12 sites.

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191 sectors of Ulimboni. Surface artifacts at Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33) and Kwa Mkomwa (Site 135 in Survey Unit 28) also indicate longterm occupations The former borders a spring -fed, perennial stream and exhibits TIW and Group B ceramics and beads of shell and glass. Kwa Mgogo is one of six Type 8 sites clustered in Survey Unit 33. Site types 7 and 15: We recorded 23 sites and three occurrences (of site types 7, 8, and 15) with Group B ceramics (e.g., Collet 1985, Soper 1967).61 All of these localities (but one ) occur in survey units 28, 30 31, and 33 (Figure 6 2 and Figure 6 3). With the exception of Sur vey Unit 31, these same survey units yielded the majority of TIW localities. Sites with Grou p B components tend to be smaller than those of TIW the largest such site (Site 135 in Survey Unit 28) measuring 0.51 ha. Five sites (sites 135 and 137 in Survey U nit 28; Site 153 in Survey Unit 30; Site 162 in Survey Unit 33; Site 185 in Survey Un it 35) exhibit Group B ceramics absent TIW but with non -local artifacts, including IndoPacific ( Trade Wind) glass beads or beads of marine shell (e.g., Marginella sp.). Artifact patterning suggests that Group B ceramics post date or partially overlap late TIW in the culture history, increasing in frequency during the early second millennium C.E. (see Discussion below). Group B pottery includes round-bottomed globular pots (or jars) with necks (independent restricted vessels) or restricted or unrestricted bowls, the former with a slight carination s Most sherds are reddish brown in color with dark (black to gray) cores. Surfaces are rough (but, not as rough as TIW). Sma ll, angular quartz is the characteristic temper Rims are either slightly out turned or vertical with rounded or squared lips. Heavy combing, produced using a serrated animal bone, decorates vessel exteriors from above shoulders to lips (Horton 1996b:251, Plate 61 Horton (1996b) interprets Group B as part of Tana, Phase B. Thus, he associates Group B ceramics with a later phase of T ana Tradition (i.e., TIW) on the northern Kenya coast.

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192 Figure 6 6. Group B ceramics (with horizontal comb marks) from Kwa Mgogo (Site in 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo) ( cm scale ) 128, Odner 1971a:113) (Figure 6 6). Upside down arches often underlie comb marks. In surface collections, wa vy line decorations are rare. Archaeological components at s ome Type 7 sites (see list above) indicate Group B persists until near the middle of the se cond millennium C.E. Thus, Type 15 sites include mixed Group B and Group D62 ceramics (Soper 1967). Also, an archaeological aspect at Kwa Mkomwa [Site 135 in Survey Unit 28; previously Jitengeni 1 (Walz 2005)] includes sherds of Group B, more recent artifact s, and hundreds of Indo -Pac ific ( Trade Wind) glass beads of various types. Other residues include carina ted bowls (dependent restricted vessels), German coins ( hellers, especially 1899 1905), bullets, and iron donkey shoes. Re sidents designate the cluster of m ore recent finds at Site 62 In Survey Area 4 (Mombo), we identified two Type 16 sites (sites 188a and 189a) with primarily Group D ceramics. Both of these sites lie north of Survey Unit 36 (Figure 62).

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193 135 to be an important Zigua settlement. This locality is well positioned f or exchange among villagers living between the mountain foot slopes and the hills surrounding Mount Mafi (Figure 6 1). Site types 19 20: Shambaa ceramics are infrequent at Type 15 sites, but predomina t e at Type 19 sites (see list above). Type 19 sites lie on or near the skirt of West Usambara Mountains (Figure 6 2). Select localities (sites 186a and 187a) exhibit mud house platforms, examples of which persist in Shambaa villages in the West Usambara Mountains (e.g., at Vuga and Mlalo). Prominent vessels include hole -mouth globular pots with in -turned rims (simple restricted vessels), globular pots (or jars) with short necks and out turned rims (independent restricted vessels) and jars (or pitchers) with rounded handles applied vertically (independent res tricted vessels). An applied ridge (with vertical incisions) appears directly below the exterior lip on most globular pots (Figure 6 7, A). Exterior and/or interior graphite is not uncommon on simple bowls All of these v essels are smoothed and posses mini mal quartz temper. Surface colors are uniformly brownish orange. A variety of artifacts commonly accompany Shambaa ceramics: glass beads (oyster A B Figure 6 7. Artifacts from Site 188a (Survey Area 4, Mombo), (A) Shambaa ceramics ( w ith applied ridges) and (B) glass beads [oyster crackled (white) and green heart (red) varieties]

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194 crackled and green heart varieties) (Figure 6 7, B), beads made from l andsnail shell and marine shell, and clay pipe bowls (for smoking tobacco ). Based on these signatures, Type 19 sites date to the last three centuries. Situated north of Survey Unit 36, sites 188a and 189a exhibit Shambaa ceramics and mud house platforms. Shambaa pottery intermixes with Group D ceramics, also known as Dotted Ware (Sop er 1967). Raised dots (with or without a pin-prick in their centers ) lie beneath vessel lips. Group D ceramics include round -bottomed globular pots with out -turned or inward-sloping rims (independent restricted vessels) and, less frequent ly carinated bowl s with near vertical rims. Triangular or rectangular patterns of impressed circles or hyphens decorate vessels. Graphite rarely occurs on small bowls. Horizontal loop handles jut from below the lips of globular pots, suggesting they may have been hung by c ords during cooking (although there ar e no fire clouds indicating such activity). At Site 189a, we collected one ceramic object used to process soda (salt). Past and present Iloikop settlements dot the low hills opposite of Mombo Town (e.g., in Survey Unit 34) (Figure 61). Natural erosion along the hills impacts Type 20 sites (see list above), including Site 179 (>1.0 ha in extent ) (Figure 6 2). These localities appear positioned to exploit perennial springs and seasonal breezes. Archaeological residues in clude raised, circular dung heaps (remnants of kraals) imbedded with the faunal remains of live stock (particularly cattle), Shambaa (and, rarely, Group D) ceramics, large disc beads (of bone or marine shell), and iron spear tips. The Iloikop do not make ce ramic vessels. They continue to exchange for Shambaa pottery at nearby rotating market, for instance at Mlembule (Figure 6 1). The disc beads are concentrated in large dung heaps. According to residents, beads are discarded in kraals following male rites o f passage.63 Artifacts signal a nineteenth century occupation of the area by 63 Interviews with Daudi Lenyika and Paringo Olesululu, Shekilago, February 10, 2006.

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195 Iloikop (Jennings 2005). People in the villages situated in and around Survey Unit 34 identified four local settlements with central kraals inhabited and later abandoned over the l ast hundred years or so. Site Type 21: Circular, mud foundations, typical of Zigua misonge (traditional house s) prior to recent decades occur at Type 21 sites. Additional material residues distinguishing these archaeological localities include mixed (wil d and domestic) faunal assemblages, large (often channelized) grindstones, and an almost complete absence of Shambaa ceramics. Evidence of tutu (cylindrical residences of male elders) are less apparent, as might be expected given their small size. Although one tutu remains in use at Mlembule, other examples are rare to non existent in contemporary villages in the lower Mkom azi Basin. When discernible, recent compounds yielded evidence for rectangular houses ( nyumba mapaa mawili/manne or houses of two or four roofs) than earlier, circular ones. We identified three sites and 18 occurrences designated Type 21 localities (see list above), two -thirds of which occur in survey units 28 and 29. Kwesasu (Old Mombo, Site 139 in Survey Unit 29) exhibits similar signat ures. It contains remnant infrastructure from a colonial plantation, three circular clay house foundations (threatened by encroaching cultivation), and a historic graveyard (with headstones from the 1950s). Animal troughs made of cement border these cluste red finds to the south. The comparatively earlier location of Old Mombo along the base of the West Usambara Mountains at Mombo Town (near the paved road between Tanga Town and Arusha) remains elusive (due to recent construction in the area). A nineteenth century market once functioned at (the earlier) Old Mombo. Today, the principal market for exchange lies east of Mlembule and has a distinct Iloikop character.

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196 Preliminary thoughts on survey r esults : During P hase 1, we i mplement ed a systematic survey of the landscape at Mombo, a node once situated along a nineteenth century caravan route in the lower Mkomazi Valley. Ground surface visibility was moderate, facilitating the discovery of 86 archaeological sites and 28 archaeological occurrences of 14 types (Appendix C, Appendix E, and Table F 4). Finds help to establish a preliminary culture his tory for this area, which was unknown to East African archaeology prior to this project. At Mombo, human settlement extends through iron using, farming communities to stone tool using, hunter -gatherers (MSA LSA). The latter were the earliest occupants of the vicinity. The presence of Kwale, Mwangia, and PN ceramics (dating to the early first millennium C.E. or, in the final instance, the preceding centuries) signals ties t o settled life -ways, pottery, and domestication ( at sites 1 57 and 160 in Survey Unit 31; sites 164 and 171 in Survey Unit 33) (Figure 6 4). The subsequent growth in settlement (during the late first millennium C.E.) is of particul ar interest. Villages >1 h a in extent emerged as groups making TIW coalesced near water sources (e.g., at Kobe, Site 138a; Kwa Mgogo Site 177 in Survey Unit 33) The sites in survey units 28, 30, and 33 represent a very large concentration of early TIW sites. Kobe (Site 138a) alon e covers 5.25 ha. Regional connectivity emerged early in the Mkomazi Corridor (Walz 2005). Mwangia ceramics and the motifs on early TIW vessels suggest cultural historical ties to central, coastwise East Africa (not the northern coast of East Africa ) (e. g., Chami 1994, 1998, 2002). The post 900 C.E. ceramics at Ulimboni (Site 110 in Survey Unit 28) include specimens of late TIW. Surface artifacts of marine shell, marine shell impressions o n pottery, and Indo -Pacific ( Trade Wind) glass beads denote regiona l interaction d uring the late first millennium (TIW associated) and

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197 early second millennium C.E. (Group B associated). Production at loc al sites includes landsnail shell beads, ceramics, and limited iron making If preliminary affiliations are correct, dur ing the middle centuries of the second millennium C.E. the population at Mombo (Survey Area 4) decreased somewhat (e.g., sites of Type 15 compared to earlier types) (Figure 62). However, by the seventeenth century, the population grew, each later site typ e exhibiting distinct signatures and trends in settlement. For instance, sites of Type 16 (Group D) and Type 19 (Shambaa materials) nestle along the foot slopes of the mountains (Figure 6 2). Both site types yielded glass beads known from as early as the l ate sixteenth century (Figure 6 7, B). Remnant house platforms and European glass beads typify Zigua (Type 21) as well as Shambaa settlements. The former uniformly occupy low -lying spaces along the Mkomazi River but outside of seasonally inundated areas. L astly, dung heaps (remnant kraals) imbedded with the bones of domestic stock, large disc beads (of bone or marine shell), and iron spear tips (in Survey Unit 34) associate with Iloikop communities from the last 150 years (Figure 6 2). Following P hase 1, I resolved to test excavate select sites to develop a more thorough understanding of local culture history, economies, environments, and human interaction over the last millennium and half, but particularly during the Middle Iron Age (600 1000/1200 C.E.). Thus, I sought clues and contexts necessary to assess the nature and variation of archaeological localities in Survey Area 4 (Mombo). Test excavations launched a more in -depth evaluation of the area within a regional setting. Summary of Excavation Results Chapter 3 details the procedure for test excavation s At archaeological localities, team members determined site extent by digging STPs. We mapped sites using a theodolite and excavated metric trenches to sample stratified archaeological deposits. Matrix was screened

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198 through 0.25 cm2 wire mesh to collect artifacts and ecofacts. Collectively, we tested excavated five site s in the environs of Mombo (Survey Area 4): Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33), Kobe (Site 138a), Mbugani (Site 128 in Survey U nit 28), Ulimboni (Site 110 in Survey Unit 28), and Kwa Mkomwa (Site 135 in Survey Unit 28) (Figure 6 8). Below, I summarize the results. Given time and resources, we made only limited subterranean inspections: no more than 20 m2 in surface area at any one locality. We placed greater emphasis at Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33) because of its dense, cultural deposits and clues to regional exchange. Thus, I emphasize the excavations at Kwa Mgogo. Each of the five highlighted sites yielded TIW and/or Group B ceramics. These new ly discovered sites Figure 6 8. Map of Mombo (Survey Area 4), test excavated archaeological sites marked

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199 are of the following types: Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33; Type 8), Kobe (Site 138a; Type 4), Mbugani (Site 128 in Survey Unit 28; Type 4), Ulimboni (Site 110 in Survey Unit 28; Type 12), and Kwa Mkomwa (Site 135 in Survey Unit 28; Type 7). Other than Kwa Mgogo, these sites occupy low lying spaces near the Mkomazi River. The purpose of excavat ions wa s to generate estimates of the archaeological character of these sites and to determine with greater pr ecision their cultural historical associations. From excavations and survey results, I hope to establish Mombo s role in regional archaeology, to assess the evidence of coast/hinterland interaction in the area (from a hinterland perspective), and to recount changes in environments and human life -ways during the last 1500 years. Surface finds suggest longterm human settlement and interaction in the Mkomazi Corridor (Walz 2005), a conduit that, in a general sense, mimics the path of a prominent nineteenth century caravan route. Excavation results and my interpretations should be considered in light of the proportional amount of subterranean investigation completed. Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo) Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33) lies west of Mombo Town on a low ridge (Figure 6 8). A dirt road from Jitengeni provides access to the site which bor ders a small village also name d Kwa Mgogo (Figure 6 1). At the site, artifacts blanket a hill side It gently slopes north to south, terminating at a 2 4 m drop-off to a spring-fed, perennial stream. The landscape buffers the site from seasona l breezes. V iews of the wider terr ain are obscured by vegetation, although the West Usambara Mountains are readily visible. A fe w baobabs at the site some colonized by bees accompany smaller trees. Leaf litter inhibits ground visibility. However, a portion of the sites northern extent is bare. Trees and brush cluster along the west -east flowing stream, where an overlying canopy protects wildlife, including arboreal monkeys, pythons, leopard tortoises, raptors, and guinea fowl (Figure 6 9).

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200 Figure 6 9. Sketch map of Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo), test excavation units marked Group B ceramics prevail up slope, whereas TIW predominates down slope (near the stream). We also documented three large querns. Landsnail shell beads and fragments (of Achatina sp. ) in termix with ceramics, often in discernible concentrations. In one instance, we recorded 34 landsnail shell discs in 2 m2. Animal bones slag, glass beads, and marine shells are less common. A gulley at the extreme sout hern extent of the site exposes quantities of subterranean material, including large sherds. Residents attest that El Nio rains (1997 1998) recently carved the gulley. Soil strata include loams and clay loams. A sizeable ash -like feature colors the gulley wall. Good drainage and neutral to basic soil pH preserve organic remains. Clusters of daub are common. Most remarkably, we observed a few whole vessels of TIW in the eroded gulley. Heavy pitting characterizes the interior of two jars (independent restricted vessels), suggesting beer an d/ or milk storage or processing (Arthur 2003).

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201 Currently, there is no human settlement in the immediate vicinity of the site. However, nearby residents sometimes harvest small trees for firewood at the sites western boundary. More importantly, Iloikop men and boys infrequently vis it the site with their live stock. Animal dung concentrates at the stream, where they water their cattle and donkeys during the dry season. Anthropogenic impacts are minimal at the locality proper. Given the surface clues at Kwa Mg ogo (Site 177) and other proximal sites in Survey Unit 33 many of which exhibit similar ceramics residues indicate a large, well -preserved settlement that persisted for a more than half a millennium. Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33) covers almost 1.5 ha. The excavation team used STPS to determine site integrity and to select areas for test excavations. We opened five excavation units. Two units flank (east and west, respectively) the small gulley that exposes intact cultural deposits: Excavation Unit 1 (2 m x 3 m) and Excavation Unit 2 (2 m x 2 m). Two additional units were placed far up slope: Excavation Unit 3 (4 m x 1 m) and Excavation Unit 4 (4 m x 1 m). We sunk a fifth unit (2 m x 1 m) east of Excavation Unit 1, but away from the gulley (Figure 6 9) .64 Excavation Unit 1 reached a depth of 177 cm BGS, after which artifacts ceased. Six soil strata characterize the unit, all loam or, in the final instance, clay loam: stratum 1 (10YR 3/3 to 3/4, level 1), stratum 2 (10YR 4/3, levels 2 3), stratum 3 (7.5YR 4/4 to 4/6, levels 4 9), stratum 4 (7.5YR 4/6, levels 10 13), stratum 5 (7.5YR 4/4, levels 14 16), and stratum 6 (5YR 4/6 to 7.5YR 4/6, levels 17 18) (Figure 6 10 and Figure 6 11). An ash/loam feature (7.5YR 6/1) lies intermediate to strata 3 and 4 alon g the excavation units east wall. Local ceramics number 3793, of which 893 (23.5%) are diagnostics. Other frequent finds include faunal remains (>21 kg; 64 Appendix M recounts all archaeological materials collected from excavation units 1 4 at Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo).

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202 Figure 6 10. North wall profile, Excavation Unit 1, Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey A rea 4, Mombo) Figure 6 11: Photograph of north wall, Excavation Unit 1, Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo)

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203 bone and landsnail shell together ), quartz lithics, daub, and slag (549 g).65 We also collected 184 beads (17 glass, 167 other) and 14 unmodified marine shel ls, usually cowries. Grindstone fragments (n = 34) and spherical hammer stones (n = 14) demonstrate food processing. A shard of glass (from the coast), a foreign ceramic (hatch ed sgraffiato), a bone point, one implement (a scoop or spoon) fashioned from a landsnail shell, multiple pieces of rock (quartz) crystal, two pieces of copper, three shaped ceramics, and a likely crucible fragment complete the assemblage (Table M 1) Situ ated west and slightly up slope, artifacts in Excavation Unit 2 terminate d by 182 cm BGS. With one exception (see below), the units soil profile mimics the profile of Excavation Unit 1. Comprised of ash/loam, stratum 3 is pervasive for more than 70 cm, ev en reemerging along the west wall of the excavation unit at a depth of 120 cm BGS. Ceramics occur in every excavation level. Local sherds total 1844, of which 356 (19.3%) are diagnostics. TIW is the dominant artifact type below the ash/loam feature. In add ition, we catalogued daub, minimal slag, quartz lithic s, and 30 (combined) grindstone and hammer stone fragments. From screens, we gathered 7 kg of animal bone and nearly 4 kg of landsnail shell (294 MNI) (see below). Two foreign ceramics (both hatched sgr affiato) and 15 unmodified marine shells accompany these finds. Beads total 382 (9 glass, 373 other), most from the upper 50 cm of the excavation. Rarer artifacts include a ceramic bead grinder, two bone implements (one with an iron appendage), five pieces of iron, a shaped gneiss fragment, and 13 ceram ic discs. The last of these include examples of coastal origin (Table M 2).66 65 Two pieces of slag indicate that resident s used lime as a flux for smelting. 66 Many such discs are made from modified sherds with characteristics different from the prevalent pottery at the site. Their function remains conjectural. Although they are similar in size and shape, they are not standar dized. Ceramic discs may have been used to smooth mud applied to the exterior of wattle and daub houses or as gaming pieces.

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204 Excavation Unit 3 yielded six artifact -bearing strata to a depth of 124 cm BGS: stratum 1 (level 1), stratum 2 (levels 2 4), stratum 3 (level 5 7), stratum 4 (level 8), stratum 5 (levels 9 10), and stratum 6 (levels 11 13). As in Excavation Unit 4 (see below), stratum 3 is more ashy than elsewhere at the site. During excavations, bedrock and a fragmentary human skeleton emerged in the central and eastern portions of the unit (by 112 cm BGS). All soil strata measure slightly basic in pH. Ceramics total 2221, of which 406 (18.3%) are diagnostics. Groups B ceramics pre dominate in the upper strata. We encountered specimens of Maore W are and TIW alongside Group B in strata 4 6. Daub two thirds of the more than 30 kg of which appears in stratum 5 includes large fragments with stick (wattle) impressions. Other documented artifacts include 47 beads (1 glass, 46 other), 7 marine shells, 10 grindstone fragments (of gneiss), and quantities of bone and landsnail shell. During screening, we also recovered minimal slag, quartz lithics, 2 tuyere fragments (one with vitrified slag), 1 iron hook, two ceramic discs, and a bone point (Table M 3). Exc avation Unit 4 pr oduced strata similar to those in the previously excavated test units : stratum 1 (level 1), stratum 2 (levels 2 3), stratum 3 (level 4 8), stratum 4 (level 9 10), stratum 5 (level 11 12), and stratum 6 (levels 13 14). Excavations ceased at 121 cm BGS, except along the north wall where a burial feature emerged near the bottom of the trench. We excavated the latter independently (121 136 cm BGS). The feature produced a partial human burial (with very minimal bone), ceramics (including multipl e fragments of a single vessel with heavy exterior soot), and 11 landsnail shell beads. G neiss blocks underlie the burial. An affiliated ash lens flanks the rock lined feature to its south west (Figure 6 12 and Figure 6 13). We recovered ceramics throughout Excavation Unit 4. Of these, 287 (14.6%) are diagnostics. At the boundary of strata 4 and 5, the eastern half of the unit yielded a concentration

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205 Figure 6 12. Plan map of Excavation Unit 4, burial feature, 120 cm BGS, Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Uni t 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo) Figure 6 13. Photograph of Excavation Unit 4, burial feature, 120 cm BGS, Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo)

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206 of daub (55 kg), likely the remnants of a wattle anddaub structure. Thirteen quartz lith ics, 6 grindstone fragments, 3 pieces of rock (quartz) crystal, shaped ceramics, organics (bone and landsnail shell), and a tuyere fragment complete the assemblage. Beads total 70 (6 glass, 64 other), most of which are perforated di scs fashioned from lands nail shells (Table M 4). Excavation Unit 5 produced modest finds compared to the four previously reported trenches. Only the upper two strata a t the site appear in the test unit which continue s to a depth of 40 cm BGS. Team members identified local cerami cs, animal bone (387 g), and landsnail shell (142 g) in every excavation level. The foremost finds are ce ramics, including 673 specimens; 93 (13.8%) determined to be diagnostics. From screens, we also collected and catalog u ed 5 shaped ceramics, 5 grindston e fragments, 5 beads (1 glass, 4 other), and one marine shell. Three ceramics from stratum 2 bear unique decorations and, due to their forms and other attributes, are classified as Swahil associated (Figure 6 14). In total, the test excavations at Kwa Mgog o (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33) yielded nearly 10,500 local ceramics. Diagnostics constitute 19.4% of the ceramic assemblage, including specimens elsewhere designated Group B, TIW, and, in a few instances, Maore Ware and Figure 6 14. Swahili associated c eramics from Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo)

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207 Swahili Ware. Most of the 48 registered decorative motifs (some on ly partially discernible) are incisions, combs, or punctations We delineated nine general vessel types for TIW, wit h many sub -types. Recurrent in the assemblage are necked vessels (jars or independent restricted vessels) with varying degrees of shoulder/neck curvature and bowls described as spherical, hole mouth, collared, simple, and carinated. We also recorded a few instances of plates/dishes and beakers among TIW sherds Excavation units 1 and 3 best exemplify the overall assemblage. For instance, in Excavation Unit 1, excavation level 2, ceramic surfaces tend to be rough and gritty with brown to buff surface colors and dark cores. As regards temper, small to medium -sized, subangular quartz comprises 1 2% of vessel fabrics. Sherd thickness ranges from 5.0 14.2 mm. The vast majority of specimens are >8.0 mm thick. We recovered 107 diagnostics (19.9% of the ceramics, in Excavation Unit 1 excavation level 2 ): 8 decorated rims, 63 undecorated rims, and 36 decorated body sherds. Straight or curve necked jars (independent restricted vessels) and simple bowls predominate. Rims are near vertical or out turned with squared or rounded lips. The proportion of restricted to unrestricted vessels is 2.4 to 1. Of the 44 decorated ceramics, 10 (22.7%) exhibit horizontal combs. Graphite, incised patterns, stabs, and punctations decorate the other sherds. Comb marks occur on jars abo ve the shoulder. Graphite is more common on bowls (unrestricted vessels) At Unit 3 (upslope), this pattern replicates with great uniformity. Vessel thickness is within the range found in Excavation Unit 1. Restricted vessels are most common. All but a few decorated ceramics exhibit horizontal combs, sometimes underlain by other decorations. Thus, Group B ceramics define Excavation Unit 1 excavation level 2 and Ex cavation Unit 3, excavation level 3

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208 By Excavation Unit 1, excavation level 7, 33% of all sher ds are diagnostics: 17 decorated rims, 46 undecorated rims, and 23 decorated body sherds. Vessel surfaces are buff, brown, and black with dark cores. Medium to coarse -sized, sub angular quartz temper comprises 1 4% of vessel fabrics. However, very coarse (>1 cm) temper is evident in certain cases. Among body sherds, vessel thickness ranges from 7.2 16.1 mm. The majority are >8.5 mm thick. Of the 40 decorated ceramics, 14 bear various incised triangular designs (sometimes underlain by a single incised line or row of punctations) and 15 exhibit indeterminate incised motifs (but, likely TIW associated). The remaining decorations comprise punctations, stabs, and ticks (usually in single horizontal lines). All designs lie on or above vessel shoulders or, in a fe w cases ( e.g., ticks) along lips of vessels. Lips tend to be rounded or, less commonly, tapered. Most rims are out turned. Restricted vessels outnumber unrestricted vessels 2.8 to 1. Straight or curve -necked jars (independent restricted vessels) and simpl e bowls are frequent. Straight -necked jars usually are decorated, whereas simple bowls are not. At Excavation Unit 3 (up slope), a similar pattern emerges in the lowest ceramic -bearing strata. Sherds exhibit either horizontal comb marks, sometimes with add itional decorations (e.g., a single line with laddering) underlying combs, or incised triangular designs. In these strata, TIW ceramics predominate. Other ceramic finds enrich understandings of life at Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33). In excavation units 3 and 4, team members recovered Maore Ware alongside Group B ceramics. Additionally, a few specimens of Maore Ware occur in excavation units 1 and 2 alongside TIW ceramics and associate d materials. Given the variation between local and extra local fa brics, forms, and decorations, Maore Ware may have been exchanged to the vicinity, perhaps from areas fa rther to west (e.g., in and around the North and South Pare Mountains)

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209 where it dates to the late first mille nnium and early second millennium C.E. (Mar o 2002, Soper 1967) ( also see Chapter 7). In excavation units 1 and 5, we also identified seven sherds of open bowls (MNV = 4) decorated with hematite and graphite designs. Although few in number, ceramics with neck punctations (Swahili Ware) occur in stra ta overlying TIW. Of the 21 shaped ceramic objects (typically circular in shape), most appear to be of non-local (coastal) origin. Three foreign ceramics all hatched sgraffiato occur in the upper strata of excavation units 1 and 2. With origins in the Midd le East, these ceramics are best associated with the thirteenth century. It is very unusual to locate foreign ceramics at archaeological sites in the deep hinterland. Thus, Kwa Mgogo possesses unique finds with far -flung associations that mark it as distin ct in the area and region (see Discussion below). Excavati ons further yielded faunal remains. From screens, team members primarily collected the bones of mammalian fauna and fragments of landsnail shell. Terrestrial and avian fauna f rom excavation units 1 and 3 (32 kg total) include the following: Excavation Unit 1 [baboon, bat, Bovid 1, 2, 3 (including sheep/goat and cow), hyrax, mongoose, porcupine, small to medium -sized rodent, shrew, chicken, unidentified bird, leopard tortoise, monitor lizard, and sn ake] and Excavation Unit 3 [bat, Bovid 1, 2, and 3 (including sheep/goat and cow), forest hog, porcupine, small -sized rodent, chicken, unidentified bird, and leopard tortoise]. Cattle and chicken played a particularly important role in diets. Wild fauna, i ncluding antelopes, also were crucial. Excavation Unit 2 produced similar finds with two additions (based on three bones): jackal and leopard, presumably neither the result of human consumption. Fish remains67 (e.g. 67 Fresh water fish remains are underrepresented. Poor preservation and screen mesh size influenced the recovery of fish bone.

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210 catfish spines) do not surpass 10 g in a ny level. In Excavation Unit 2, we identified one fish vertebra likely of marine origin, indicating coastal exchange (for dried fish). Excavation Unit 3, excavation levels 7 and 8 a lso yielded a few burned bones as well as mammal bones with cut marks and o ne example of a diseased long bone ( of Bovid 3). Team members recorded limited human remains, for instance in Excavation Unit 4 (see above). In addition to vertebrate remains, we recovered nine types of landsnail shells [terrestrial or (non -marine) amphibi ous species] (Appendix N). Landsnail shells comprise 7.87 kg of excavated material, representing 524 MNI (Figure 6 15). Of these, 81.7% (n = 428) consist of three types : 1) Achatina sp. (21.4% or 112 MNI); 2) Lanistes ovum (47.1% or 247 MNI); and 3) Pila ovata (13.2% or 69 MNI). Specimens identified as Achatina sp. (likely A. fulica Giant African Landsnail) are fragmentary in nature, whereas those of L. ovum and P. ovata tend to be whole or near whole. Moreover, specimens of Achatina sp. occur throughout site strata, while the two other primary types spike in frequency above 70 cm BGS. For instance, in Excavation Unit 2 we documented Achatina sp. (44 MNI), L. ovum (132 MNI), and P. ovata (45 MNI) above 65 cm BGS (post -dating 900 C.E.) (Table N 2). Below th at same depth in Excavation Unit 2, type Figu re 6 15: Landsnails from Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo)

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211 frequencies read as follows: 15, 8, and 2, respectively. Excavation Unit 3 exhibits similar trends (Table N 3).68 Distributions of mollusks within site strata offer proxy data about local climate change. L. ovum and P. ovata are moderately amphibious [require water for susten ance and reproduction (both are gonochoristic )], suggesting the launch of a comp aratively wet phase at the site by 900 1000 C.E. (also see Alin and Cohen 2003, Ryner et al. 20008, Vers churen et al. 2000). R esidents putatively collected non -marine mollusks near the (now seasonal) Mkomazi River and/or the (now perennial) Pangani River (to the west) ( Figure 2 2) and consumed them as food and/or used their soft body parts rather than their shells. This interpretation explains the completeness of the shells of water -dependent specimens (whole or near whole and always unmodified, as compared to partial an d modified Achatina sp.) as well as their high frequencies in post 900 C.E. cultural deposits Villagers at Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33) certainly exploited the shells of Achatina sp. to make objects. During project excavations, we collected 688 beads. More than 600 beads are fashioned from the shells of Achatina sp. and take the form of dis cs with the following dimensional ranges : 6 11 mm wide and 0.4 1.1 mm thick. Excavations identified all stages of the shell bead production process: 1) rough, disc pre -forms (blanks), 2) perforated pre forms, and 3) finished beads with smoothed edges Apparently, s ome beads broke before or after perforation, leaving fragments. In a few cases, the craftsperson began perforation but then abandoned it leaving a pe rforation scar on the underside of pre -forms. Perforation was executed primarily from the underside of the shell to its exterior. S hell bead production appears to be at the household scale given the extent and clustered distribution of beads on the site su rface 68 Em berton et al. ( 1997), Tattersfield et al. (1998), and Verdcourt ( 1952, 1972) recount the biogeography of contemporary landsnails in northeastern Tanzania.

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212 A B C Figure 6 16. Beads from excavations at Kwa Mgogo ( Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo), (A, top to bottom) beads of marine shell, ostrich eggshell, and landsnail shell, (B) beads of carnelian, and (C) beads of glass, carnelian, and copper (cm scale; copper cone 3.8 cm in length) Indications of wider regional exchange; however, suggest that production also may have met demands beyond those of site occupants. Other shell bead specimens are tubes or cylinders made from marine shell (likely Anadara sp. ). The former (tubes) number 16. Nineteen additi onal beads are marine shells usually a variety of cowry: Cypraea annulus Cypraea moneta, or Marginella sp. perforated or ground (to produce a hole) in order to be worn. We also collected 47 unmodified marine shells from screens. In total, marine shells or beads made from marine shell comprise (at a bare minimum) 82 specimens (Figure 6 16, A). Beads of other materials, presumably of nonlocal manufacture, include (but are not limited to) those of carnelian (Figure 6 16, B), agate, and aragonite as well as e xamples of copper cones (associated with TIW) (Figure 6 16, C). In addition, we registered 35 ostrich eggshell beads (all perforated) during excavations (Figure 6 16, A). Glass bea ds number 34. Two are wound and the remainder drawn. These total, at minimum, 12 types, with two partial beads lacking a clear designation. Glass beads occur as barrels, tubes, and spheres, in that order of prominence. Most beads are Indo -Pacific ( Trade Wind) varieties dating from the late first millennium C.E. to 1700 C.E. or so. Twelve beads are blue or blue -green, the most frequent color s However, 14 specimens are of indeterminate color

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213 (naturally blanched after deposition). Except for Excavation Unit 2, where two reptile burrows (snakes or small monitor lizards) may ha ve caused minor shifts of artifacts through strata, bead types (matched to known varieties) align well with the presumed cultural associations of the ceramics and other artifacts. When taken together, the archaeological material from Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33) suggests the prese nce of iron -working, farming (and mixed subsistence) communities from the middle first millennium to near the middle second millennium C.E. This is confirmed by hatched sgraffiato ceramics identified in the upper two stra ta of the site as well as the beads types. Two charcoal samples pr oduced the following radiocarbon dates:69 Beta 206288, AMS, Excavation Unit 1 (130 cm BGS in strat um 5), Calendric Age calAD 782 66 (TIW ceramics preva lent in associated stratum) Beta 260836, standard radi o carbon Excavation Unit 4 ( 50 cm BGS in stratum 3), Calendric Age calAD 947 48 (Group B with few T IW and Maore Ware ceramics in associated stratum) The strata in all of the excavation units at Kwa Mgogo are primary in nature (despite a slight slope at the site).70 Given the substantial clusters of daub in excavation units 3 and 4, the population appears primarily to have resided in wattle and -daub structures low on the slope during the late first millennium C.E. and, then, higher up slope during the early to middle second millennium C.E. Among other uses, shaped (circular) ceramics may have been employed to smooth structure exteriors during construction (see above). At some point residents buried and venerated their 69 Beta Analytic Incorporated (Beta) or the Illinois State Geological Survey (ISGS) processed the char coal samples and generated conventional dates. I calibrated dates using the Cologne Radiocarbon Calibration and Paleoclimate Research Package (CalPal). 70 In 2002, Dr. Jeff Homburg (a professional geomorphologist) confirmed this interpretation.

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214 dead high on the slope, lining final resting places with gneiss blocks from the surrounding highlands (Figure 6 12 and Figure 613). Residents of the site depended on agricultural products. Gneiss grindstones accompany limited, direct (botanical) evidence of millet. TIW and some Mao re ceramics display heavy interior pitting. This is the case for 35% of the 17 decorated rims retrieved from Excavation Unit 1 excavation level 7. Pitting typically occurs a few centimeters below the lips of curvednecked jars (independent restricted vessels) suggesting the storage or preparation of liquid substances, such as beer and/or milk (Arthur 2003). Domesticated cow sheep/goat, and chicken appear across site occupations, anchoring the faunal component of subsistence. The ashlike matrix in th e upper strata (especially stratum 3 and the abutting ash features) of excavation units 1 4 may be associated with domestic animals kept on site and/or the rapid deposition of mass organics.71 At Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33), evidence of production and exchange includes beads of glass, carnelian, aragonite, agate, and copper; beads of marine shell and ostrich eggshell; rock (quartz) crystal; and nonlocal ceramics, including specimens likely made on the Swahili Coast. The production of adornments, especially landsnail shell beads, met local needs but also generated objects of exchange for raw materials and finished products not locally available (e.g., semi -precious stones and ostrich eggshell beads). Unmodified marine shells and rock (quartz) cryst al likely derive from far -flung sources: the oceanic littoral and the wider interior of East Africa, respectively (e.g., Horton 1987, 1996b, Kusimba and Kusimba 2000, Sutton 1973b).72 L ess common residues of quartz lithic and bone tool manufacture and use a ccompany infrequent indications of iron smelting and/or smithing. In two cases, slag exhibits 71 Soper (1967:35) is skeptical of labeling similar ash like features elsewhere in northeastern Tanzania simply as remnant dung heaps. I agree with his assessment. 72 The source of rock crystal may be Tsavo in southern Kenya or the Great Rift Valley region of interior eastern Africa (Figure 2 1).

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215 miniscule traces of lime or marine shell used as a flux The quantity and range of evidence for interaction at Kwa Mgogo is impressive, especially when compared to other contemporaneous sites lying more than 5 0 km from the Indian Ocean that bear limited or no direct evidence of connectivity with the coast (cf. Haaland and M suya 2000) (see Discussion below) (also see Chapter 9). Kobe (Site 138a), Mbugani (Site 128 in Survey Unit 28), Ulimboni (Site 110 in Survey Unit 28), and Kwa Mkomwa (Site 13 5 in Survey Unit 28) (Survey Area 4, Mombo) I briefly recount finds from test exca vations at Kobe (Site 138a), Mbugani (Site 128 in Survey Unit 28), and Ulimbo ni (Site 110 in Survey Unit 28), large sites with TIW that occupy low lying vicinities proximal to water. Their positioning on the overall landscape makes sense because during the middle centuries of the first millennium C.E. up to approximately 900 C.E. drier conditions prevailed in Survey Area 4 (Mombo) (see Alin and Cohen 2003) Based on surface artifacts Kwa Mkomwa (Site 135) dates somewhat later (Type 8) than the other sites. It lies in the southern portion of Survey Unit 28 Low grass, small trees, and bare patches typify site surfaces Kobe (Site 138a): Residents cultivate plots near Kobe (Site 138a) and Ulimboni (Site 110 in Survey Unit 28), employing tractors and/or hand t ools to till the soil. As determined by STPs, Kobe (Site 138a) covers 5.25 ha and exhibits a moderate density of TIW. A slight rise (approximately 25 cm) at the site distinguishes it from the surrounding landscape (an artifact of the cultural material comp iled at the site ). We opened five excavation units at Kobe to determine its subterranean character: excavation units 1 3 (1 m x 2 m), Excavation Unit 4 (1 m x 1 m), and Excavation Unit 5 (3 m x 1 m). We documented TIW in every unit The sites low -lying position increase s its exposure to seasonal moisture, which limits the preservation of organic residues.

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216 Other artifacts and ecofacts include minimal quartz lithics, daub, landsnail shell ( Achatina sp.), chunks of charcoal and a single mammal bone. In each unit, artifacts ceased by 130 cm BGS. Four soil strata characterize the site, all clay loam or clay: stratum 1 (10YR 3/2, levels 1 3), stratum 2 (10YR 3/1, levels 4 6), stratum 3 (10YR 3/1, increased soil plasticity, levels 6 10), and stratum 4 (7.5YR 4/4, levels 11 13). Soil pH ranges from neutral (stratum 1) to basic (stratum 4: 7.5). Excavation Unit 5 also produced a living surface, evident at the int ersection of strata 3 and 4 (88 127 cm BGS ) : a dense layer of ceramics followed by compact soil (5YR 4/3) mixed burnt soil and carbonates (5YR 5/6 to 5/8), and, lastly, compact soil (5YR 4/4). Finds from all the excavation units total 3623 ceramics, of which 463 (12.8%) are diagnostics, 18 quartz lithics, <40 g of daub and landsnail shell (respectively), and <2 g of bone, all unidentifiable. Excavation units 2 and 5 yielded the highest number of artifacts, both located east of a slight rise that roughly bisects the site from north to south. Ceramic surfaces are rough. Surface colors range from dark orange to buff, indicating oxidation during firing. Temper is angular quartz, including fragments as large a 1.5 cm in diameter. Round -bottomed, necked jars with out turned rims (independent restricted vessels), closed mouth globular pots (simple restricted vessels) and simple bowls (unrestricted vessels) dominate the assemblage. Team members also documented a few examples of carinated bowls (dependent restricted vessels) during excavations at Kobe (Site 138a). Rims tend to be rounded, although in a few instances li ps are slightly thickened or beveled. Positioned between the shoulder and lip of vessels, surface decorations range widely but commonly include incised triangles, often filled with crosshatching or underlain by a single row of punctations or impressed dots ( characteristic of early TIW). O ne of these motifs appears on >60% of decorated sherds.

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217 Perhaps most interesting is a single ceramic decorated with multiple impressions from a backless cowry. Mbugani (Site 128 in Survey Unit 28) : Dense clusters of TIW bla nket Mbungani (Site 128 in Survey Unit 28). Most sherds are very fragmentary. A single excavation unit generated finds similar in character to the artifacts recovered at Kobe (Site 138a). The cultural deposit at Mbugani is shallow and likely disturbed (by previous cultivation) From screens, we collected >100 diagnostic cerami cs (within the assemblage) We further registered minimal slag, a ceramic bead grinder, fragments of landsnail shell, and two marine shells. Mbugani (Site 128 in Survey Unit 28) and Ko be (Site 138a) contain early TIW (pre 900 C.E.), similar in form and decoration to TIW from central and southern coastwise Tanzania (e.g., Chami 1994, Schmidt et al. 1992). Similar specimens of TIW occur at Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33); however, Kobe and Mbungani lack the copious evidence of product ion and exchange in subterranean deposits at Kwa Mgogo. The discrepancy in archaeological sites [between low -lying sites, like Kobe (Site 138a) and Mbugani (Site 128 in Survey Unit 28), and hill -based localities, such as Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33)] does not result from the sample size (of excavations). The differential preservation of organics (landsnail shell and so forth) might partially explain such distinctions. Wetter environments and, thus, poorer preservation prevail in low -lying spaces closer to the Mkomazi River. However, the basic soil pH at these vicinities (Kobe and Mbugani) is conducive to preservation. At such sites, non organics largely impervious to biodegradation occur infreq uent ly Kwa Mgogo, thus, appears unique among its fellow sites in the valley (see Discussion below).

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218 Ulimboni (Site 110 in Survey Unit 28): The site measures 2.06 ha in extent We placed six excavation units at Ulimboni (Site 110 in Survey Unit 28): Excava tion Unit 1 (2 m x 2 m), Excavation Unit 2 (1 m x 1 m), and excavation units 3 6 (1 m x 3 m). We documented ceramics in each unit to a depth of 73 cm BGS. Two strata characterize the site: stratum 1 (10YR 3/2, clay loam; level 1) and stratum 2 (10YR 3/3 to 3/4, clay loam; levels 2 8). The pHs of strata 1 and 2 measure 6.6 and 7.1, respectively. The upper stratum is plow zone. In total, the excavation team collected the following artifacts: almost 4000 ceramics [most very sm all, including 361 ( 9%) diagnostic s), 294 quartz lithics, and minimal daub, slag, and animal bone. We also recovered two cowries, 6 glass beads [of IndoPa cific ( Trade Wind) or more recent varieties] a grindstone fragment (of gneiss), a few European ceramics from the last two centuries (t ransfer prints), and invasive bottle glass. The European artifacts derive from an occupation at Tourani, a historic village in the vicinity of Ulimboni. Discernible vessel forms include round bottomed, necked jars with out -turned rims (independent restrict ed vessels), closed mouth globular jars (simple restricted vessels), carinated bowls (dependent restricted vessels), and simple bowls (unrestricted vessels). Rims are rounded, squared, and tapered. Decorations includ e incisions and punctuations. Stamps and stabs also are evident. Prominent motifs include triangular designs, zigzag patterns, and single horizontal lines with laddering. A few ceramics display multiple combed horizontal lines or random stabs. In addition, four sherds from at least two different vessels exhibit marine bivalve impressions. While typical TIW is present, in some cases ( in the upper 30 cm of excavation units ), incised triangles and zigzags are smaller than decorations from other hinterland sites in T anzania (cf. Haaland and Msuya 20 00, Thorp 1992). Motifs also tend to lie directly below lips, pastes are

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219 finer, quartz temper is smaller, and surface colo ration varies more widely. The ceramic assemblage include s later TIW (post -dating 900 C.E.). Kwa Mkomwa (Site 135 in Survey Unit 28): Unlike Kwesasu and Tourani, Kwa Mkomwa (Site 135 in Survey Unit 28) exhibits copious ceramics and glass beads, but lacks surface features. Kwa Mkomwa parallels a dirt road between Jitengeni and Korokonge (south of Mount Mafi) (Figure 6 1). The team collect ed beads along this path employing a randomly sampled grid array. We identified 341 whole or pa rtial glass beads comprising 23 types based on color and shape (also Walz 2005). White, red, light green, and aqua blue colors predominate. Nineteenth century po ttery (local and European), buttons, iron nails, bottle glass, and German coins (hellers 1899 1903) litter the surface of the site. Many local ceramics display horizontal combed lines (Group B). However, a few specimens possess small triangular motifs dir ectly below squared lips (later TIW). We placed three excavation units (totaling 11 m2 of surfeca area) at Kwa Mkomwa (Site 135 in Survey Unit 28). These units did not succeed in identifying sub-surface cultural deposits below 31 cm BGS. Almost all finds occur in the uppermost portion of the only soil stratum. This stratum is likely disturbed. Artifacts from excavations include ceramics, quartz lithics, glass beads, glass shards, one piece of iron, and limited organics. While yielding late nineteenth and ea rly twentieth century artifacts, this site also produced surface ceramics similar to those at Ulimboni (Site 110 in Survey Unit 28) as well as a conside rable number of Indo-Pacific ( Trade Wind) and other glass beads. Although excavations at Kwa Mkomwa were unable to determine the culture historical associations of the numerous glass beads, the glass bead finds from stratified contexts at Kwa Mgogo (Site 17 7 in Survey Unit 33) suggest a probable pre 1500 C.E. component at Kwa Mkomwa.

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220 Discussion Field investigations in the deep hinterland of northeastern Tanzania elucidated aspects of local cultural history and generated information about trends in settlement, production, and connectivity in antiquity. Re search also produced insights concerning environm ental change s through time. At Mombo, archaeological inspections identified and characterized material residues. In Survey Area 4 (Mombo), syst ematic survey as well as limited reco nnaissance documented 114 archaeological localities (86 sites and 28 occurre nces) of 14 types (Appendix C, Appendix E, Table F 4, and Appendix H ). At the majority of sites (n = 74 or 86.1%), the primary material component falls within the last 1 500 years, the period most pertinent to this project (Appendix C and Appendix H). Human occupation in Mkomazi Valley extends from Zigua, Shambaa, and Iloikop villagers involved in nineteenth century trade and caravan traffic to stone tool using, hunter gatherers. This trajectory includes EIA and PN tie -ins (see below). As was the case t hroughout much of subSaharan Africa, communities fostered interaction during the MIA (600 1000/1200 C.E.). Prior to 800 900 C.E. the climate was semi arid. Villagers making early TIW congregated in large villages near water sources and exchanged items, on occasion obtaining marine shells or other goods from the coast. During the following wetter period, residents making Group B practiced mixed subsistence and made copious landsnail shell beads. Coastwise connectivity intensified during the late first mille nnium and early second millennium C.E., as evidenced by marine shells, non-local beads, and coastal ceramics (e.g., Swahili Ware and hatched sgraffiato). By 1350 C.E. settlement decreased somewhat (compared to the preceding 750 years). During the last thr ee hundred years, however, the population increased, each later site type (types 16 and 19 21) exhibiting distinct signatures and trends in settlement.

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221 Paleolithic hunter -gatherers were the first occupants of the Mombo landscape. They employed vein quartz as their principal raw material in making lithics. Surface scatters of artifacts include single and multiple platform cores, debitage, and unshaped ( informal ) tools. At some sites (e.g., Site 105 in Survey Unit 28) people also made and used ba cked crescen ts. Small, low density lithic scatters o ccur in survey units 28 31 and 33. The high frequency of sites with mixed lithics and ceramics might otherwise suggest disturbed archaeological deposits; however, the excavation of intact, stratified remains (e.g., a t Kwa Mgogo, Site 177 in Survey Unit 33) demonstrates the p ersistence of lithic technology into later periods (e.g., Kessy 2005, Seitsenon 2004) Such residues also may denote interactions among contemporaneous groups using distinct technologies. Incidence s of Kwale, Mwangia, and PN ceramics (dating to the early first millennium C.E. or, in the final instance, as early as the preceding centuries) signify ties to settled life -ways, ceramic production, and the domestication of plants and animals at Mombo (Bow er 1991, Phillipson 1977, Collet and Robertshaw 1983). Albeit from a few vessels at four sites, these sherds illustrate low -lying occupation by early ironusing farmers (sites 157 and 160 in Survey Unit 31; sites 164 and 171 in Survey Unit 33) and/or connections to PN populations better known from regions located far to the west (sites 157 and 160 in S urvey Unit 31) (e.g., Mturi 1986, Rubaka 2002).73 Early ceramic bearing sites tend to cluster along the seasonal Mkomazi River (in Survey Unit 31), but speci mens of Kwale Ware also occur in Survey Unit 33 (low hills) mixed with TIW near a perennial water source (spring -fed stream) (Figure 6 2). Kwale and 73 Recently, Wright (2003) located PN sites in southeastern Kenya. It is now apparent that Narosura and Akira ceramics (or Oldishi Ware) were widespread, including in areas outside of the Great Rift Valley. Some scholars suggest that the distribution of PN sites represents an exchange network that incorporated coastwise vicinities (Chami and Kwekason 2003, Karega Munene 1996).

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222 Mwangia ceramics (usually pre 600 C.E.) are thought to be transitional to TIW (Chami 1998, 2001, Helm 2000) The subsequent period of population growth at Mombo (last half of the first millennium C.E.) and appearance of TIW are of particular interest. Villages greater than 1 ha in size (and up to 5 ha) emerged as people coalesced near water sources (preferably perennial), for example at Kobe (Site 138a) and Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33). Jars, pots, and bowls exhibit triangular incisions and punctations (early TIW: a type known from both the coast and interior of eastern Africa) (Chapter 2). Limited Mwa ngia ceramics and motifs on TIW vessels suggest early cultural historical affiliations with central and southern, coastwise East Africa (e.g., Chami 1994, 1998, 2002, Helm 2000). In fact, the TIW associated sites in and around survey units 28, 30, and 33 r epresent the largest concentration of such material yet discovered in hi nterland Tanzania. Clearly, the lowlands in the Mkomazi Corridor were densely occupied by the late first millennium C.E. Increased lowland population (by 700 800 C.E.) corresponds to a decrease in the number of contempor aneous highland sites discovered just to the north of Mombo (Schmidt 1989, Schmidt and Karoma 1987). At the moment, it is unclear what factors caused these specific shifts in settlement. Horton (1996b: 415 416) suggest s that coastal slaving may have depopulated the highlands (whi ch were more densely settled during the preceding period). Alternatively, people may have m oved into the lowlands to seek dependable fresh water source s (perennial springs). The likely causes of such trends require further formalized study, particularly in the highlands. Regardless of the outcome lowland sites dating to this period show heightened connectivity, especially from 750 1200 C.E.

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223 During survey and excavations, sites with TIW and/or Group B ceramics generated unique and substantial evidence of regional interaction. Surface inspections of sites best affiliated with the late first millennium C.E. yielded nonlocal residues: marine she lls, pottery with marine shell im pressions, and Indo -Pacific ( Trade Wind) glass beads. Survey and excavations at sites like Kobe (Site 138a) and Mbungani (Site 128 in Survey Unit 28) yielded only a few non-local items. Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33) is remarkable among the identified sites. An ancient village >75 km inland from coast, excavations at Kwa Mgogo recovered scores of marine shells, 34 glass beads, and additional non -local residues, including pieces of rock (quartz) crystal (see Chapter 9 ). During the MIA, residents at Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33) produced landsnail shell beads that met loc al needs. A small proportion (<3%) of shell discs also are fash ioned from marine shell (likely Anadara sp.) suggesting exchange with the coas t Tubular shell beads accompany other coastal types. The radiocarbon dates and a rtifact patterns at Kwa Mgogo (S ite 177 in Survey Unit 33) coincide with evidence for si milar production on the East African c oast. From 750 1050 C.E., coastal communities pro duced large quantities of disc beads made from marine shell Such istes include Shanga (in the Lamu Archipel ago) (Horton 1996:323; also see Abungu 1989) and localities on the offshore islands of Tanza nia (Flexner et al. 2008) (Figure 2 -1). The simultaneity of disc bead production (at sites in the hinterland and on the coast) suggests interlinked groups making a shar ed and valued item using somewhat different resources (marine shell s and landsnail shell s, respectively) At Kwa Mgogo, other distinctive finds (from upper site strata) less evident elsewhere in Survey Area 4 (Mombo) include examples of hatched sgraffiato and Swahili Ware. At sites on Pemba Island (Figure 2 1), Fleisher (2003) links Swahili open bowls decorated with hematite and graphite (Figure 6 14) to feasting (communal acts of consumption)

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224 and the development of symbolic capital. Heightened feasting, he argues, contributed to urbanization. Such important items found in the hinterland (at Kwa Mgogo) hint at amplified coastwise relations. Altho ugh production was at the household scale (semi -specialized) evidence of regional interaction insinuates some production for exchange. Ostrich eggshell beads and examples of Maore ceramics indicate interactions with local hunter gatherers and villagers known to occupy the South Pare Mountains and other areas to the west ( Soper 1967, 1976) (Chapter 7). However, low lying sites in Survey Area 4 (Mombo) either lack evidence of landsnail shell bead production and interaction or exhibit only limited evidence of them. This suggests functional differences at sites and differential access to and control of the regional political economy.74 One hypothesis that explains the patterning is the perennial access to water at springs in the low hills opposite Mombo Town (e. g., in Survey Unit 33). The most powerful community in the area (Kwa Mgogo) controlled access to these springs. It is curious that no sites with TIW or Group B lie along the slopes of West Usambara Mountains (e.g., Survey Unit 36), a zone occupied later in the second millen nium (sites 186a 189a) (Figure 62). Residents making early TIW also lived at Mazinde (northwest of Mombo) (Figure 2 1). Unlike at Mombo (Survey Area 4), settlements with TIW at Mazinde adorn the skirt of the West Usambara Mountains (Walz 2001). The more gradually sloped and better vegetated incline at Mazinde may have enabled improved forecasts of flash flood paths from the highlands to the lowlands along mountain gradients (see Chapter 7). On the other hand, the more poorly vegetated and steeper slopes bordering Survey Area 4 (Mombo) seem to have enhanced 74 A rtifacts made of organic materials are less likely to endure at low lying archaeological s ites. This might explain the absence of landsnail shell beads at such sites. However, these same si tes also exhibit little to no evidence of more durable objects, including nonlocal ceramics and beads of carnelian, agate, aragonite, and copper (associated with TIW or Group B) (Figure 6 16, C).

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225 the possibility of destructive flood events. This interpretation is partially valorized by the absence of sites bearing TIW and (early) Group B along the mountain fringe75 (also see Chapter 8). At Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33), the comparatively large quantity of L. ovum and P. ovata (landsnails) in excavated strata overlying TIW indicate wetter local climate (Appendix N) Thus, by 900 C.E. a better -wate red and, pe rhaps, less disaster -prone landscape emerge d (Alin and Cohen 2003, Ryner et al. 20008, Versch uren et al. 2000). TIW sites near the Mkomazi River and its floodplain were large. A few post 900 C.E. ceramics at Ulimboni (Site 110 in Survey Unit 28) preliminar ily represent late TIW and, perha ps, greater northern influence [that dovetails into Group D ceramics, considered by some (e.g., Helm 2000) a late TIW tradition]. Ulimboni and low -lying sites with Group B ceramics, such as Kwa Mkomwa (Site 135 in Su rvey Unit 28), indicate interaction across coastwise settings. Indo-Pacific ( Trade Wind) glass beads are common at such localities, which may have served as loci of exchange leading up to more developed market traditions by 1500 C.E. as suggested by linguistic a nalyses (Wood 1974, Wood and Ehret 1978). After 900 C.E., cattle and (to a lesser degree, although they are still very minimal) fresh water fish increased in thei r importance to human diets. In Survey Area 4 (Mombo), denizens making Group B ceramics exploi ted the shells of Achatina sp. for purposes other than (or in addition to consumption), most obviously to make shell objects, particularly disc beads. The y settled upslope at Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33) and buried their dead in shallow grave s li ned with gneiss blocks. A majority of the landsnail shell disc beads and coastal artifacts 75 Flooding tended to be more catastrophic during arid periods or periods of climatic change or fluctuations when flashfloods were less predictable. This remains a hypothesis. Scattered auger tests along the mountain skirt at Mombo (Survey Area 4) did not locate buried sites with TIW or Group B.

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226 at Kwa Mgogo correspond to this period of occupation. Objects of external interact ion a re more widely and evenly distributed among sites with Group B ceramics, inclu ding at sites in low -lying vicinities. That being said, the survey team did not recover Swahili Ware or hatched sgraffiato in contexts other than the Group B component at Kwa Mgogo. In Sur vey Area 4 (Mombo), early material indications of regional connecti vity parallel the placement and importance of Mombo Town in nineteenth century caravan trade. As outlined in Chapter 3, this area lies at the juncture of multiple environments (lush Usambara Mountains, comparatively fertile Mkomazi Valley, and arid plains) At the same time, however, the lower Mkomazi Valley is insulated from the exaggerated limitations and challenges of each individual landscape ( e.g., floods, malaria, and/or drought). The low hills and springs opposite Mombo town provide d refuge and serve d as loci of power when settlers began to concentrate their influence on the local political economy. The placement of Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33) took greatest advantage of the physical parameters of the landscape, which appears to explain the continued use of the site for 750 years (including its cultural historical affiliations with TIW and Group B ceramics ). During the middle centuries of the second millennium C.E., the population in Survey Area 4 ( Mombo ) decreased somewhat (e.g., the number and distribution Type 15 sites compared to earlier site types) (Figure 6 2). From 1200 1550 C.E., the growth of coastal Swahili settlements and their greater dependence on Indian Ocean relationships seemi ngly impacted regional exchange relations. Interior settlements could no longer depend on coastal input and the number and variety of non -local items as well as the production of landsnail and marine shell beads (at the coast and in the hinterland) declined sharply or ceased Late in this framework, the cli mate became wetter The Little Ice Age (1500 1750 C.E.) generated climatic uncertainty (Ryner

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227 2007, Ryner et al. 2008, Westerberg et al. in press,). The v itivo used by farmers along the Mkomazi River were no longer dependable. In the hinterland, c limatic instability (periodic variations in rain fall) (see Chapter 3), spurred intergroup so cial networking as insurance (a resilience strategy) There were increased exchanges of pottery, soda (or salt), and other products amon g groups scattere d across the terra in, from Mount Kilimanjaro to Tsavo (southeastern Kenya) (Kusimba and Kusimba 2000) (chapters 4 and 7). In other words, the Little Ice Age amplified regional environmental challenges (drought, flood, and so forth) for established communities and generate d increased competition and cooperation among groups (Allen 1993, Oka 2008, Thorbahn 1979). By the seventeenth century, the population at Mombo increased, each site type exhibiting distinct signatures and trends in settlement: Type 16 (Group D) and Type 19 (Shambaa) along mountain slopes, Type 21 (Zigua) in low lying areas, and, eventually, Type 20 (Iloikop ) on hill slopes opposite Mombo Town (Figure 6 2). All of these lo calities contain evidence of e xchange (e.g., glass beads). M ost of thes e sites yi elded ceramics typical of other site types. For instance, Iloikop settlements (sites 178 182 in Survey Unit 34) include Group D and Sham baa ceramics. The Iloikop herder and exchanged cattle, building protective kraals along low hill slopes. The Shambaa and Zigua produced soda (salt) (Feierman 1974, Kimambo 1969). But, there was also increased competition among groups, as demonstr ated by the profusion of iron spear and arrow ti ps found at sites post dating 1600 C.E. Both cooperation and competition amplified under the strains of the Little Ice Age, caravan trade (and searches for slaves and ivory), and pastoral incursions (also see Hkansson in press, Jennings 2003:182, Kusimba 1999, Kusimba et al. 2005, Oka 2008). The impact of local marauders and coastal agents, including those engaged in the slave and firearms trade, dispersed

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228 villager s to the mountain slopes and o ther protected locations. In the next chapter, a study of Gonja (Survey Area 5) supplements and amplifies aspects of this narrative.

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229 CHAPTER 7 GONJA REGION Along the eastern fringe of the South Pare Mountains at Gonja, social ties (including through rotating markets) and diverse subsistence strategies continue to buffer communities from the pronounced soc ial and ecological changes that intensifie d during the late pre -colonial period (Hkansson 1998, 2008, Kimambo 1969: 145 191, 1991:2) (Figure 3 5). The negative outcomes to villagers, including deforestation and the overhunting of wildlife, enhanced local suffering and facilitated underdevelopment Oral tradition s denote Gonjas importance to the political economy of the South Pare Mountains since the seventeenth century (e.g., Bravman 1998, Hkansson 1995, Kimambo 1969, Feierman 1974). Nineteenth century Europeans following a prominent caravan route passed near Gonja and remarked on its liveliness ( Kersten 1869 1879). At present, Gonja Maore Town straddles a dirt road between Mkomazi Town and Same, an infrastructure that parallels the trajectory of pre -colonial caravan paths (Fosbrooke 1962, Le Roy 1893, Wakefield 1870) (Figure 2 2 and Figure 23) Eventually, this component of the Northern rou te encountered Chagga markets beneath Mount Kilimanjaro (Figure 1 1 and Figure 2 3 ). Thus, p eople and their goods livestock, dried fish, grain, tobacco, pottery, beads, ghee, and oyster nut seeds circulated across the landscape ( Kersten 1869 1879, Kimamb o 1969:68) At 450 650 m above MSL, Survey Area 5 (Gonja) receives 750 mm of rainfall annually. In the outlying plains, precipitation rarely broaches 500 mm. The bimodal rainfall pattern sustains forest refugia at lofty elevations near Shengena (in the hig hlands ), well above Gonja Maore Town. In this and other forests and also in scattered caves, Pare residents venerate their ancestors, revere mashetani (spirits), and practice traditional medicine (e.g., Sheridan 2001) (Chapter 8). These places of eco -soc ial authenticity continue to embody and shelter ancestor

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230 spirits. In the South Pare area, early religious expressions served as symbols of political structures that related territorial chiefs to the surrounding populace (Kimambo 1969:7374, 223). Rituals, such as those associate d with Mrungu wa Gu, ameliorated social uncertainty by politically unifying groups, especially in areas where different Pare communities consistently interacted with one another (Kimambo 1969:73). Northeast of the Gonja area the Umba Plain grades into a valley that separates the South Pare and West Usambara mountains (Figure 1 1). The resulting rain sha dow reduces vegetation cover as well as the surface water available to farmers west of Mazinde (Figure 2 2) (Chapter 3). In this setting, brightly colored surface soils reflect sunlight. Iloikop herders frequent the nyika Clusters of euphorbia trees populate hill slopes. Near Bwiko, the catchments of the Pangani and Mkomazi r iver s unify (Figure 2 2). Significantly upstream of the latter, along a dirt road to Kihurio and then distant Same Town, pockets of green emerge along the eastern foot slopes of the South Pare Mountains (Figure 2 2). It is in this zone that Fosbrooke (1957; also see Chittick 1959, Soper 1967) identified arc haeological remains, including marine shells and shell beads, scattered among baobabs. Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit44), one of thes e sites, lies on a ridge askew of the South Pare Mountains. At Gonja, by April the sound of trickling water fills the air as Kadando Swamp brims with water (Figure 7 1). The name itself from kudandameans a type of balancing, an apt metaphor for this intersection between the mountain gradient and plains. During evenings, wading birds roost in proximal coconut stands, alr eady buzzing with bats of all sizes. Skyes monkeys and galagos ascend coconut palms. Outlying fields, in contrast, are rife with song birds gorging on nutritious seeds as they dodge stones thrown by farmers. Stands of blackthorn trees,

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231 integral to this environmental mosaic, amass just beyond the paddies overtop of which the arid Umba Plain meets the horizon. Diverse human practices occur along these foot slopes. For instance, Pare farmers cultivate hillsides, employing terraces framed by rock walls. Ginger and sisal (common cash crops) grow on steep and gradual gradients, respective ly. Teak trees mark locations with subterranean water. Women pound maize on gneiss outcrops above the Gonja Forest Reserve, north of Mpirani (Figure 7 1). At 30,000 Tanzanian Shil lings (25 $US), a 25 kg-sack of rice is significantly cheaper at Mpirani than near Mombo, especially during the dry season. The v itivo at Gonja support substantial harvests of rice and other food crops: sugar yam, sugar cane, papaya, okra, and the like, which people often intercrop with coconut palms and numerous medically valuable plants. Other than rice and beans, villagers cultivate vege tables during the heavy rains from March to May. Ceramicists gather clay at shared quarries near Kizerui (Figure 7 1). The most skilled craftswomen make 20 vessels per week. It is said that the most beautiful mitungi (water pots) made by local Pare and Zig ua potters exhibit designs incised using marine shells.76 Small, perennial springs northwest of Kihurio a historic town noted for its role in the nineteenth century caravan trade supply potable water (Figure 71). The Pare also fish in seasonally inundated areas following the first heavy rains of the year. Then, three nearby rivers Hi gililu, Yongoma and Saseni flush water, fish, and flotsam and jetsam into lowland vitivo Modest catches of fish include species that aestivate in the mud during the dry season Residents employ mgohe (reed traps) to harvest fish, stationing their traps at floodwater intersections outlying irrigation canals and rice paddies. 76 Interviews with Amina Sefu and Miriam Bakari, Kizerui, February 26, 2006; Fatuma Hemedi, Muheza, March 1, 2006.

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232 During the dry season, the shells of fresh water bivalves and Achatina sp. litter parched earth in the b ushland near Kambaga Creek (Figure 7 1). Residents use the shells of landsnails to demarcate field boundaries or to signal the location of a bush snare set to snatch dikdik or other small antelopes. Honey collectors, like Rashidi Changoma,77 pass along old hunting trails to place artificial apiaries ( mizinga ) in trees at the mountain fringe. He sells up to 20 l (liters) of honey per week at Muheza (Figure 7 1). But, the summer is a time of rest for honey collectors. The Iloikop, however, intensify their acti vity during the dry season. Herders jostle for agricultural and other goods essential to their diet. Most Pare villagers continue to own a few sheep and goats, if not cows. A food supplement and social lubricant, gongo (local beer) is made mostly by clande stine brewers who discard husks from sugar cane stalks in ring like mounds that can reach 4 m in height. Pare elders at Gonja Maore Town say radical community change began centuries ago during Galla incursions.78 References to Galla appear to be generic referring to non -Pare who caused havoc in antiquity (Kimambo 1969:28 31). More recent contributors to hardship include the overhunting of elephants (for ivory), introduced plantation schemes (to produce sugar, sisal, and, more recently, toothpicks from t rees), and neoliberal policies (Hkansson 2004, 2007, Kimambo 1991). Citi zens assert that violations by im migrants and uninformed youth continue to reduce water supplies, impact local resources, and harm livelihoods. Challenges to the authority of leaders and wagawa (local resource administrators) result in antagonisms. In recent years, farmers influenced by severe drought ( ukame ) have relocated from plains based 77 Interview with Rashidi Changoma, Muheza ya Chini, March 14, 2006. 78 Interviews with Saidi Mungwana, Gonja Maore, March 9, 2003; Salehe Kilimbo and Daudi Mshamba, Muheza, March 13, 2006; among many others.

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233 villages to the mountain fringe. Stories about my thical serpents [Dannholz (1989 [1912 1918])] a re bound to pla ces associated with radical change ( Chapter 8). Residents recount local history as filled with disasters (e.g., drought s flood s famine s and incursions by ou tsiders). It is no wonder, then, that rotating markets ( magulio ) serve as buffers against catast rophe more than as mechanisms for personal accumulation (also see Ambler 1988, Giblin 1992). In fact, sexual intercourse at market centers is said to cure infertility (Setel 1999:158 159). On Thursdays, participants gather at the Gonja Maore market to sell grain, vegetables, tubers, seeds, dried fish, tea flavorings, spices, salt, tobacco, cowries, medicines (including those with elephant dung additives ), mats, baskets, rope, mortars and pestles, and carved stools. They use cowries and cowry b acks as decorations or for making medicines that treat eye illnesses. Merchants also barter for livestock, utensils, clothing, beads, sandals, and bedding. In the past, part -time specialists sold clay pipe bowls (for smoking tobacco) and bark cloth. Senior Pare residents and healers recount the complex relations among farmers, herders, and hunters, including the Kamba and Ndorobo,79 who are described as contributing to ancient exchanges that fostered social bonds.80 With the arr ival of cattle keepers in the n ineteenth century (Jennings 2005), the conversion of food resources into livestock (a prestige good) helped to reproduce social relationshipsthrough marri age, descent, and indebtedness (Hkansson 1995:299; also see Lonsdale 1992). The desire for cattle as social payments stimulated agricultural intensification for exchange [between agricultural groups (Pare) and specialized pastoralists] (Hkansson 1995:317, Hkansson and Widgren 2007:237 238, 242). Thus, irrigation agriculture did not 79 Originally from central and southeastern Kenya, Kamba agriculturalist and traders played a key role in coastwise interaction and exchange during the last three centuries (Lamphear 1970, McKay 1975, Steinhart 2000). In the South Pare area, Ndorobo hunter gatherers are also known as Vasi or Wasi (Kima mbo 1969:27). 80 Interviews with Katamba Sekondo, Muheza, March 8, 2003; Eliaza Murutu, Ndululu, February 28, 2006.

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234 necessarily develo p to meet subsistence requirements and use values (Hkansson 2008:242). The circulatio n of natural items (e.g., food and salt) and finished products (e.g., iron implements and ceramics ) sustained people along marginal gradients because accumulated wealth could be retained in valuable terraces (Hkansson and Widgren 2007) The strategy of wealth in people (Hkansson and Widgren 2007; also see Piot 1991) fueled by social payment s in cattle and beer as well as harvest tributes to rainm aking political elite s s ustained community connectivity and facilitated a political florescence of chiefdoms near Gonja by the early eighteenth century (Hkansson 1998, Kimambo 1969). Eventually, the growth of chiefdoms succumbed to exploitative ties to intern ational exchange (the ivory trade and slave caravans ) and colonial land and labor policies. At Gonja Maore Town, villagers continue to respond to t he uncertainty of living at a geographical intersection (between the mountains and plains) which raises the question of long -t erm set tlement and interactions in this setting. Summary of Survey Results The field team bounded a survey area of 56 km2 at Gonja (Survey Area 5: UTMs 393000 400000E and 9521000 9529000N). We sampled 8 km2 (14.3%) of this area employing 1 km2 units.81 As o utlined in Chapter 3, a group comprised of five members trained in surface survey conducted walkover along 25 m -wide transects with individuals spaced at 5 m intervals. We also performed reconnaissance along the skirt of the South Pare Mountains just outsi de of 81 The eight sample units of 1 km2 possess NE corner readings (in order of their survey) as follows: 400000E, 9529000N (Survey Unit 37, near northeast corner of Survey Area 5); 399000E, 9527000N (Survey Unit 38, east of Kambaga Creek); 398000E, 9524000N (Survey Unit 39, southeast of Kadando); 394000E, 9524000N (Survey Unit 40, west of Kadando); 397000E, 9526000N (Survey Unit 41, northeast of Kadando); 397000E, 9525000N (Survey Unit 42, east of Kadando); 395000E, 9528000N (Survey Unit 43, south of Muheza); 394000E, 9529000N (Survey Unit 44, south of Chongweni) (Figure 71). Appendix A lists all survey unit proveniences.

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235 Figure 7 1. Map of Gonja (Survey Area 5) S urvey Area 5 (Gonja) (see below) .82 Surface visibi lity was relatively high [61.4% mean; ranging from 76.1% (Survey Unit 41) to 39.6% (Survey Unit 38)] (Table F 5 and Appendix G). M ost survey units have sectors of high surface visibility (<65%). However, this is particularly the case in the western and south central portions of the area ( in survey units 39 and 41 43) (Figure 7 1). Gonja (Survey Area 5) and its surroundings occupy a c oncavity along the edge of the South Pare Mountains between the bordering hills of Kwaselungo (south) and Chongweni 82 Reconnaissance identified a pattern of settlement influential to project interpretations. I report these sites (Appendix D) in addition to the archaeological localities identified during systematic archaeological survey (Appendix C and Appendix E).

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236 (north) (Figure 7 1). The Higililu River descends from near Bombo to the plain at Gonja Forest Reserve (just north of Mpirani) (Figure 7 1). The cascade of water along the mountain gradient (Thornton Falls) is visible from the outlying landscape. The lower slopes of the mountains are eroded loams and clay loams. Terracing and irrigation infrastructure crisscross high hill slopes. Hematite rich sand fills pockets along the mountain base. Bananas, leafy vegetables, melons, legumes, ginger, pepper, and coconut palms are common crops. Stands of teak and rubber trees are common. In low lying areas, loamy soils and irrigation sustain maize, coconut palms, and intercropped gardens of vegetables and fruit trees (Figure 71). In the western and south central portions of Survey Area 5 (Gonja) fallow fields predominate, including the territory encompassed by Kadando Swamp (e.g., survey units 39 and 41 42) and southeast of Gonja Maore Town. Clusters of bush and succulents exemplify the northeastern portion of the survey area (survey units 37 3 8) as it stretches westward toward Mkomazi Game Reserve. Semi arid plains host sparse wildlife, such as guinea fowl. Survey units 40 and 44 comprise a third environment along the skirt of the South Pare Mountains. Sparse human settlement along these hills leaves few subterranean exposures. At Maore Primary School (near Gonja Maore Town in Survey Unit 44), a low hill with excellent views rises 10 m above the surrounding landscape (Figure 7 1) (see below). During systematic survey, the team identified 20 archaeological sites, or 2.5 sites/km2 (per survey unit). We al so registered 26 occurrences. A r chaeological localities gr oup into six types (Appendix H)83: 83 For all archaeological site lo cations at Gonja (Survey Area 5), see Figure 7 2 and Appendix C. For all archaeological occurrence locations at Gonja (Survey Area 5), see Figure 7 3 and Appendix E.

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237 Type 2: quartz lithics (presumably MSA LSA transitional or LSA) (but see chapters 4 5); 1 site (Site 194 in Survey Unit 38); 9 occurrences (occurrences 105 and 106 in Survey Unit 37; occurrences 107, 108, 110, and 111 in S urvey Unit 38; Occurrence 117 in Survey Unit 41; Occurrence 121 in Survey Unit 42; Occurrence 126 in Survey Unit 44) Type 4: quartz lithics and TIW ceramics (ending ~600 1000/1200 C.E.) (mixed); 4 sites (sites 190, 191, and 192 in Survey Unit 37; Site 193 in Survey Unit 38); 2 occurrences (Occurrence 104 in Survey Unit 37; Occurrence 109 in Survey Unit 38) Type 5: quartz lithics and Maore ceramics (ending ~800 1500 C.E.) (mixed); 1 site (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44); 0 occurrences Type 7: quartz lithics and Group B ceramics (ending ~900 1500 C.E.) (mixed); 8 sites (Site 198 in Survey Unit 40; sites 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, and 208 in Survey Unit 44); 2 occurrences (occurrences 128 and 129 in Survey Unit 44) Type 21: smoothed ceramics (often with gri ndstones, graves, or foreign artifacts) (~ post 1750 C.E.) ; 1 site (Site 199 in Survey Unit 41); 12 occurrences (Occurrence 113 in Survey Unit 39; occurrences 114 and 115 in Survey Unit 40; Occurrence 116 in Survey Unit 41; occurrences 118, 119, 120, 122, a nd 123 in Survey Unit 42; occurrences 124 and 125 in Survey Unit 43; Occurrence 127 in Survey Unit 44) Type 22: local basket/corn cob -impressed ceramics (often with European glass or beads) (post 1850 C.E.); 5 sites (sites 195, 196, and 197 in Survey Unit 40; sites 200 and 201 in Survey Unit 42); 1 occurrence (Occurrence 112 in Survey Unit 39) In Survey Area 5 (Gonja), we documented 57.1% of the sites in survey units 40 and 44. Walkover of the remaining survey units either did not produce any sites (in survey units 39 and 43) or yielded two or fewer sites (in survey units 38, 41, and 42).A poor correspondence exists between the surface visibilities of individual survey units and the number of sites discovered within their boundaries. For instance, Survey Unit 41 ranks firs t in surface visibility (76.1%) but sixth in documented sites (Table F 5). Moreover, compared to its fellow survey units, Survey Unit 44 ranks sixth in visibility (47.2%) but fi rst in its number of sites Reconnaissance identified additi onal sites.84 Jiko (Site 210a) lies within Survey Area 5 84 As noted in Chapter 3, all archaeological site numbers followed by the letter a lie wi thin the survey area (in this case, Survey Area 5, Gonja) but outside of systematically surveyed units (Appendix C). All archaeological site numbers followed by the letter b occur outside of Survey Area 5 (Gonja) (Appendix D).

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238 Figure 7 2. Map of Gonja (Survey Area 5), discovered archaeological sites marked

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239 Figure 7 3. Map of Gonja (Survey Area 5), discovered archaeological occurrences marked

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240 (Gonja) but out side of systematically surveyed units (Figure 7 2). Other archaeological sites occur outside of Survey Area 5 (Gonja) along the skirt of the South Pare Mountains (Figure 7 4). Patchy vegetation in the latter area prohibited more thorough surface inspection s. Scattered homesteads and cultivated fields pepper the landscape. Infrequent anthropogenic exposures, however, divulged sub -surface deposits. At Kwaselungo Hill, a projection from the mountain massif, vegetation is minimal to non -existent. During reconna issance between Kwaselungo and Chongweni (Figure 7 1), the team located 28 archaeological sites (sites 211b 238b) which cluster in three groups (Appendix H)85: Type 5: quartz lithics and Maore ceramics (ending ~800 1500 C.E.) (mixed); 4 sites (sites 233b, 234b, 236b, and 238b) Type 6: quartz lithics, Maore ceramics, and Group B ceramics (ending ~900 1500 C.E.) (mixed); 2 sites (sites 232b and 235b) Type 7: quartz lithics and Group B ceramics (ending ~900 1500 C.E.) (mixed); 22 sites (sites 211b, 212b, 213b, 214b, 215b, 216b, 217b, 218b, 219b, 220b, 221b, 222b, 223b, 224b, 225b, 226b, 227b, 228b, 229b, 230b, 231b, and 237b) Site types 2 and 4: Small scatters of lithics litter the lowlands near Gonja (Survey Area 5), especially in survey units 37 38 and 41 42 ( Figure 7 2 and Figure 7 3). All lithics multi platform cores and formal and unshaped ( informal ) tools are fashioned from translucent (or, rarely, transparent) vein quartz. Surface inspections yielded minimal debitage. Backed pieces (including crescents) ac company other tool types best associated with LSA technology. Site 194 (in Survey Unit 38) is representative of Type 2 sites. Surface inspections at Site 194 documented a light scatter ( 3 artifacts/m2) of quartz lithics. The site measures 0.11 ha in surfa ce extent Quartz lithics also predominate at Type 4 localities (see list above). TIW ceramics occur as a minor component. All of these localities lie west of Kambaga Creek (Figure 7 1 and Figure 85 For all archaeological si te locations at Survey Area 5(Gonja), including those immediately outside of the survey area, see Figure 7 4.

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241 7 2). We collected a few ceramic diagnostics all with triang ular incised designs at sites 190, 191, 192 (in Survey Unit 37) and 193 (in Survey Unit 38). These sites are <0.2 ha in extent, as are Occurrence 104 (in Survey Unit 37) and Occurrence 109 (in Survey Unit 38). They represent the first localities bearing TIW identified in the lowlands surrounding the South Pare Mountains. Such finds hint that more substantial (as of yet undiscovered) sites with TIW likely exist in the outlying lowlands (near streams). Alternatively o r in addition, the ceramics at Type 4 sites may indicate interaction with communities living in and around the West Usambara Mountains (where TIW is common) (Chapter 6). Site types 5 and 6: During systematic survey, we recorded only one site of Type 5: Gon ja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44) (also see Soper 1967). However, reconnaissance just outside (and west of) the survey area revealed other similar sites (sites 233b, 234b, 236b, and 238b) (Figure 74). These localities are best characterized as dense s urface scatters of ceramics indicating concentrated and sustaine d settlement. Moreover, each site with Maore ceramics, including those with mixed Maore and Group B ceramics (Type 6: sites 210a, 232b, and 235b), are situated in the northwestern portion of t he overall examined area. Marine shells and finished and unfini shed landsnail shell beads occur at select sites (Appendix D). Iron smelting remains, such as slag and tuyeres, tend to occur less frequently at Type 6 sites ( when compared to Type 7 sites) (Fi gure 7 5) (see below). Three sites are of particular interest. Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44; Type 5) and Muheza Primary Schoo l (Site 238b; Type 6) are large; the first covers 4.0 ha of a low ridge that borders a mountain -fed str eam Both sites h ave commanding views. At Gonja Maore, artifacts include grindstones, daub, cowries, ostrich eggshell beads, faunal remains, and quartz lithics. An ash like mound partially (~70%) f lattened in the late 1980s (see Excavation Results

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242 Figure 7 4. Map of Gonja (Survey Area 5), discovered archaeological sites marked, including sites outside survey area

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243 Figure 7 5. Tuyeres with vitrified slag at Jiko (Site 210a, Survey Area 5, Gonja) (cm scale) below) covers a portion of the eastern half of the site. Baobab trees surround Site 238b (Muheza Primary School). Maore Ware and copious landsnail shell beads litter the surfaces of both of these sites. Jiko (Site 210 a), a Type 6 site, exhibits mixed surface ceramics as well as the base of a small i ron smelting furn ace, likely dating to the MIA (also see Excavation Results below). Sites with Maore ceramics occur elsewhere in central and southeastern Kenya, near Mount Kilimanjaro, and in the North Pare Mountains (e.g., Collett 1985, Maro 2002, Odner 1 971a, 1971b, Siirinen 1971, Soper 1967, 1976) (Figure 1 1). The vast majority of vessel fragments are brown with dark cores. Rough and gritty pastes predominate. Sopers (1967:26, 1968) earlier classification of vessel forms holds up: round bottomed pots with short out turned or vertical rims (independent restricted vessels), simple bowls (unrestricted vessels), globular hole -mouth vessels with horizontal lugs at the rim (simple restricted vessels) and other types. Typical ceramic decorations are stabbed, impressed, incised, or stamped. The most common design element results from walking a two -pronged instrument over the surface of vessels (Soper 1967:26).86 86 Chittick (1959:30) argues that residents produced this design by impressing a string. H owever, close scrut iny of the depth and irregularity of design s re nders this suggestion unlikely.

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244 Site Type 7: Group B ceramics characterize Type 7 localities (see list above). Such sites form a clea r distributional pattern: they all closely hug the skirt of the South Pare Mountains (Figure 7 4). Sites 204 and 207 (in Survey Unit 44) are large. The latter covers 1.53 ha. These as well as five other Group B sites (sites 211b, 216b, 219b, and 223b 224b) west of Survey Area 5 (Gonja) include landsnail shell beads at multiple stages of production (Appe ndix D). At sites 205 207 (in Survey Unit 44), iron production debris is present, includi ng tuyere fragments and quantities of slag (Appendix D). We further identified unique ceramics near or within the bounds of Type 7 sites. At Site 204 (in Survey Unit 44), we recorded an example of Mwangia War e (pre 600 C.E.) and two Neolithic ceramics (one is Narosura Ware ) with multiple rows (horizontal and vertical) of r ectangular impressions. Elsewhere in the Gonja vicinity, we collected specimens of similar ceramics at Site 202 (in Survey Unit 44) and one instance of Mwangia pottery just north of Site 211b. Sites 211b 231b occupy the mountain fringe between Kwaselungo H ill and the main drainage of the Higililu River (Figure 7 1 and Figure 7 4). This landscape is sloped, well watered, and comparatively lush (except near Kwaselungo Hill) (see above). Artifact clusters and archaeological features tend to occur on terrain in termitte nt to zones of stream runoff in areas that current residents find unattractive (perhaps due to these areas locations away from water sources). This distributional pattern suggests a better -watered environment in the past and/or the placem ent of s ites to avoid flashfloods from the highlands One Type 7 locality (Site 211b) includes agricultural terraces made from roughly aligned gneiss blocks (Figure 7 6, A). More recent furrows direct water horizontally along inclines. In such environs, sites (e.g., Site 216b) overlook vitivo87 and contemporary fields that fan into the lowlands. 87 As described in Chapter 3, vitivo are comparatively wet and fertile agricultural areas along mountain fringes that benefit from highland runoff and sediment deposition

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245 Tuy ere fragments88 are common at nine Type 7 sites located southwest of Survey Area 5 (Gonja) (Appendix D). At Site 213b, we counted 23 clusters of at least six tuyeres (formerly locations of iron smelting furnaces ). In four other cases (sites 214b, 217b, 218b and 222b), the team identified slag heaps (Appendix D) ( e.g., Figure 7 6, B). Sites with evidence of iron production do not possess concentrations of pottery, indicating, as might be expected, that the makers of Group B smelted iron away from residences (in special activity areas). Thus, the se agricultural or mix ed subsistence communities produced iron (and perhaps terraces) in the area s immediately southwest of Survey Area 5 (Gonja) (Figure 7 1 and Figure 7 4). Similar groups occupied the base of Chongwe ni Hill (Figure 7 1) Archaeological si tes at Chongweni include mixed Maore and Group B ceramics (except Site 237b) and lack terrac es (Figure 7 4). A few sherds of Kilimanjaro Group C (Odner 1971b:139 142) also occur at sites 235b and 236b. There is no s urface water at these sites, although a perennial stream flows beneath them near Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44). A B Figure 7 6. Surface features at Gonja (Survey Area 5), (A) terrac es at Site 211b and (B) slag heap s at Site 21 4b 88 Tuyere walls are 12 15 mm thick. Blowpipe openings average 38 mm (sample size: 14). In a few instances, vitrified slag penetrates tuyere walls (e.g., Figure 7 5).

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246 Reconnaissance near Kwaselungo Hill (Figure 7 1) recorded baobab trees in the vicinity of seven Group B settlements (Figure 7 4). These localities (sites 219b 225b) overlook vitivo and the swamp at Kadando ( Figure 7 1 and Figure 7 4). Quartz lithics, fr agments of landsnail shell and slag are infrequent. Artifacts at Site 222b include tuyere fragments and a slag heap. Animal bones [especially Bovid 2 (including sheep/goat)] and landsnail shell beads occur on the surfaces of select sites in the area (Appe ndix D). The team also documented quantities of daub and putative terrace infrastructures, the latter at Site 225b (Figure 7 4). Sites at Kwaselungo are more similar to the other Type 7 sites lying south of the Higililu River than they are to the type 6 an d 7 sites situated to the northeast of Survey Area 5 (Gonja). However, the Kwaselungo sites exhibit less evidence of iron production than the sites positioned north of the Higililu River (see Discussion below). Aesthetic differences exist between Gro up B surface ceramics from Survey Area 5 (Gonja) and those identified near Mombo (Survey Area 4). At the former, the most common decoration is lightly inscribed (dragged) wavy lines, although horizontal comb marks, dominant in Survey Area 4 (Mombo), also are apparent.89 Wavy lines are less common at sites bearing Group B in Survey Area 4 (Mombo), especially at localities occupying the Mkomazi floodplain (Figure 6 2). Thus, ceramics decorated with wavy lines are more frequent fa rther inland (e.g., Survey Area 5, G onja), whereas horizontal comb marks characterize sites with Group B ceramics in wetter, low -lying areas previously affiliated with TIW. Regardl ess, Group B ceramics are found in both coastal and hinterland contexts (e.g., Collet 1985, Horton 1996b, Odner 1971a: 13 14, Pollard 2009, Soper 1967, Thorp 1992) (also see Chapter 6) 89 In addition, Group D pottery constitutes a minor component at Type 7 sites in Survey Area 5 (Gonja) (also see Soper 1967).

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247 Site types 21 and 22: These localities occur away from the mountain fringe between Kadando Swamp and Kambaga Creek (Figure 7 1, Figure 7 3, and Figure 7 -4). The only Type 21 site dis covered during systematic survey (Sit e 199 in Survey Unit 41) includes glass shards from imported bottles, late nineteenth to twentieth century European ceram ics (too fragmentary to identify), pieces of iron (including a serrated co conut grinder), fragment s of landsnail shell recent coins (German hellers 1902 1904), and local ceramics with smoothed exteriors. Local v essels tend to be brown with dark cores and small quartz temper. Jars (independent restricted vessels), pots (simple restricted vessels), and open bowls (unrestricted vessels) with near vertical rims predominate. There are other similar finds at 12 occurrences of Type 21 (see list above) (Figure 7 3). These localities are best affiliated with the late nineteenth century to the middle twent ieth century Type 22 sites and occurrences (see list above) derive from this same period (Figure 7 2 an d Figure 7 3). Localities of this type are very small, averaging approximately 0.1 ha in surface extent. Characteristic ceramics include plain, independent r estricted vessels with brown surface colors and everted lips or similar vessels decorated with corn cob ( gunzi ) impressions. The latter are buff with comparatively rougher surfaces. Vessel walls exhibit air vacuoles. Heavy internal wear characterizes thick sherds. Fragments of simple bowls are thickened toward lips and often similarly decorated ( with gunzi ) along rims. At Site 201 (in Survey Unit 42), we also discovered two ceramics similar to the varieties known from central Tanzania that we observed at Ty pe 18 sites in Survey Area 3 (Korogwe) (Chapter 5). Type 22 sites also contain bottle glass and glass beads. Site 200 (in Survey Unit 42) is an outlier of Old Kadando, a village abandoned during ujamaa (villagization) in the 1970s. A variety of beads peppe r site surfaces, including those made from drawn and molded glass as well

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248 as bone and marine shell. Glass beads include white, pink, blue, and black s pecimens. One dark, faceted bicone and one opaque, multi -colored sphere prove unique among finds from the project survey universe. Outside Survey Unit 39, similar finds accompany German stonewares. We also documented a tobacco pipe bowl (of clay) from Site 195 (in Survey Unit 40). These artifacts illustrate activity in the plains near Kadando and, to a le sser extent, in survey units 40 and 43 44 (Figure 7 2). Preliminar y t hought s on survey r esults : In P hase 1 of the project, the field team conducted a systematic survey of the environs of Gonja, a locus once situated along the path of nineteenth century travelers and traders engaged in caravan traffic. Overall ground surface visibility was high, facilitat ing the discovery of 48 archaeological localities (20 sites and 28 occurrences) of six types (Appendix C, Appendix E, and Table F 5). Reconnaissance documented 28 additional archaeological sites (and one additional site type) (Appendix D). Finds help to de velop a preliminary culture history and ascertain changes through time for a place poorly known to archaeology. At Gonja, human occupation extends to stone tool using, hunter gatherers (LSA) who were the earliest people in the vicinity. Quartz tools occur alongside ceramics at all of the recorded sites, except sites of type 21 and 22, indicating the persistence of stone technology. The presence of limited Mwangia and PN (Narosura) ceramics signifies early settled life-ways and domestication (sites 202 and 204 in Su rvey Unit 44 and S ite 211b) (Figure 7 4). Settlement expanded during the late first millennium and early second millennium C.E. The makers of Maore Ware preferred the more arid, northern end of Gonja (Survey Area 5). Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44) emerged as a large village where refuse was discar ded in an ash-like mound. Sheep/goats were prevalent. Landsnail shell beads, marine shells, and a few glass items denote early coastal connections. Ostrich

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249 eggshell beads likely link to plains -bas ed hunter -gatherers. Type 4 localities (in survey unit s 37 and 38) hint at substantial TIW sites (as of yet undiscovered) in the outlying lowlands. Group B ceramics cluster along the low slopes of the South Pare Mountains in areas that (today) are better -w atered than at Chongweni Hill (to the north). Sites exhibit copious iron smelting evidence as well as shel l beads Residents used iron tools to improve mountain slope cultivation and/or stoke conflict (iron weaponry) arising from rapid changes to the local political economy. However, despite copious slag and tuyeres (and even furnace bases) (Appendix D), few iron implements occur at these localities, suggesting that denizens also exchanged iron to outside gr oups. Shell bead production further suggests both semi -specialization in craft production and regional connectivity. The cultural associations of the few stone terraces (e.g., at Site 211b) are thus far unclear, but offer t he intriguing possibility that a thousand years ago local people began terracing th e slopes near Gonja.90 Evidence of increased production and connectivity as well as the apparent simultaneous occupation of Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44) and Group B sites raises the likelihood of cross community interaction in coastwise setting s near the South Pare Mountains. Occupation by mixed subsis tence groups (practicing cultivation and keep ing livestock) persisted into the middle second millennium C.E., although iron production declined somewhat (a hypothesis to be confirmed) (see below). During the Little Ice Age (especially 1500 1650 C.E.) ( Westerberg et al. in press ), climatic uncertainty coupled with changes at the coast (Chapter 4), dispersed residents away from hill slopes. Post 1750 C.E. site s of types 21 and 22 exhibit evidence of 90 I disc ussed the potential implications of this idea in a recent co authored paper (Walz and Hkansson 2008). Kimambo (1969:80) appears skeptical of the possibility of terracing in the South Pare Mountains prior to the eighteenth century.

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250 developed caravan trade, including numerous glass beads. These sites tend to lie away from the mountains. Based on the results of P hase 1, I chose to test excavate select sites to gain a more thorough understanding of the local culture history and human e conomies and interactions 600 1000/1200 C.E. and during subsequent centuries. Thus, I sought the residues and background necessary to evaluate the character and variation of archaeological localities in Survey Area 5 (Gonja). Test excav ations initiated a m ore comprehensive assessment of the area within a regional framework. Summary of Excavation Results Chapter 3 describes the procedure for test excavations. At select localities, a trained team determined site extent by inspecting the ground surface and digging STPs near putative site boundaries. We mapped sites with a theodolite and 50 m -tapes and excavated metric trenches to sample stratified archaeological deposits. We documented all material finds in plan and profile maps. Matrix was screened through 0.25 cm2 m esh by participants trained in the identification of archaeological materials. We test excav ated three sites at Gonja (Survey Area 5): Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44), Gonja Kalimani (Site 207 in Survey Unit 44), and Jiko (Site 210a) (Fi gure 7 7). Below, I review the results of test excavations. Considering logistical constraints, the excavation team made only limited subterranean inspections at each site: no more than 12 m2 in surface area at any locality. The team placed greater emphasi s at Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44) given its extent and indications of regional connectivity. Thus, I emphasize the excavations at Gonja Maore The site is known previously from a single test excavation unit measuring 3 m2 in surf ace extent (Sop er 1967:26). Based on surface investigations, Gonja Maore

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251 Figure 7 7. Map of Gonja (Survey Area 5), test excavated archaeological sites marked is best classified as Type 5 site (with Maore Ware ). Surface artifacts at the newly excavated sites of Gonja Kalimani (Site 207 in Survey Unit 44) and Jiko (Site 210a) designate them as Type 7 (with Group B ceramics) and Type 6 (with mixed Maore and Group B ceramics) localities, respectively. The purpose of excavations was to determine the character a nd role of t hese sites incuding their periods of occupation. Moreove r, excavation sought to collect economic and technological information. From these artifacts and the results of surface inspections, I hope to better establish Gonjas position in hinterland and regi onal archaeology; to explore the degree of intraregional interaction from a hinterland perspective, and to recount changes in environments

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252 and life -ways over the past 1500 years, a period about which archaeologists know very little for this area. Discoveri es during P hase 1 suggest long-term human se ttlement and interaction in the area since before Gonja Maore served as a town in nineteenth century caravan traffic. The results and my preliminary interpretations should be viewed in light of the proportional a mount of excavation completed. Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44, Survey Area 5, Gonja) The only Type 5 site recorded during systematic survey, Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44) lies on a low ridge west of the dirt road running between Mkomazi Town and Same (Figure 7 7 and Figure 7 8). The site is almost wholly contained within the property of Maore Primary School. A perennial stream flows to the northeast. Low areas with dark loam (good for cultivation) intermediate to the South Pare Mounta ins flank the ridge At the site, reddish and yellowish clays and clay loams predominate. Vegetation includes numerous large baobab trees Much of the sites surface is bare, in places revealing the underlying bedrock along the ridge crest. There are spectacu lar views of the Umba Plain (to the northeast) and the West Usambara Mountains (to the southeast) from atop this crest (Figure 2 1). In places, human activities (e.g., construction) amplified by seasonal er osion have impacted site integrity (see below). Di verse artifacts blanket the surface of the site, including large ceramics with typical Maore designs. A few exampl es of Group B pottery also occur on the surface of the site We recorded a small cluster of tuyeres (perhaps derivative of later, Group B infl uence s ) near a baobab at the sites eastern flank (just east of Excavation Unit 2) (Figure 7 8). Two shards of Swahili glass and multiple marine shells, such as cowries, litter the sites eastern sector. This portion of Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44) is gradually inclined, whereas a more exaggerated slope characterizes the sites western flank (Figure 7 6). In antiquity, villagers made

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253 Figure 7 8. Sketch m ap of Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44, Survey Area 5, Gonja), test excavation units marked and wore copious shell bead s: landsnail shell discs cover (>10 beads/m2) the surface of the site near the remaining ash like mound (Figure 7 8). These beads are finished and unfinis hed. Animal bone including cow, sheep/goat, wild ungulates, and chi cken converges in this ashy

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254 space. We also recovered flaked quartz lithics and large fragments of grindstones and hammer stones. Based on STPs, the site extends for almost 4 ha. It exact dimensions, however, remain elusive due to impacts cause d by the cons truction of a ware house (Figure 7 -6). While erecting the structure, crews redistributed the matrix of part of the unique ash-like mound described by Soper (1967) (Figure 76).91 While cooperating with ward officials, we opened five excavation units (Figure 7 6). We positioned two of these units in the original area of the mound (east of the main ridge): Excavation Unit 1 (2 m x 2 m) and Excavation Unit 2 (1 m x 2 m). Three additional units Excavation Unit 3 (1 m x 2 m) Excavation Unit 4 (2 m x 1 m), and Exc avation Unit 5 (1 m x 3 m) lie along the eastern or western ridge crest in areas with scattered chunks of daub with wattle impressions.92 Excavation Unit 1 reached a depth of 143 cm BGS, after which art ifacts ceased. Three strata characterize the unit: feat ure (7.5YR 5/3 to 10YR 5/4, ash-like loam; levels 1 10), mixed feature and stratum 1 (7.5YR 4/4, loam; levels 11 13), and stratum 1 (5YR 4/6, clay loam with coarse sand/fine gravel; levels 14 15). The upper two strata in Excavation Unit 1 are remnants of t he ash -like mound. Soil pH ranges from 6.7 (stratum 1) to 7.4 (feature). Tips lines (microstrata), presumably from leaching, characterize the two upper soil deposits. Ceramics total 1224, of which 162 (13.2%) are diagnostics. We also collected nearly 9 kg of organics: animal bone and landsnail shell Multiple specimens of Achatina sp. bear circular cut -outs (Figure 7 9, A). Most of the 532 non-glass beads (Figure 7 9, B) are landsnail shell discs at various stages of 91 Soper (1967:26) descri bes this ash like mound as 32 m in length and more than a meter and a half deep. In 1987, residents leveled much of the mound to build a warehouse run by local entrepreneurs. Eventually, the Tanzanian government took ownership of the structure. 92 Appendix O recounts all archaeological materials collected from excavation units 1 5 at Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44, Survey Area 5, Gonja). For additional information concerning Gonja Maore, see Walz and Odunga (2004).

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255 A B Figure 7 9. Shell beads from excav ations at Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44, Survey Area 5, Gonja), (A) beads of landsnail shell and (B) beads of landsnail and marine shell production. We also recovered beads ma d e from ostrich eggshell, 37 pierced marine shell s (intended as adornments), and 70 unmodified marine shells. Eleven quartz lithics (mostly from the lowest stratum), daub (>1 kg), and a piece of rock (quartz) crystal accompany the other finds (Table O 1). Excavation Unit 2 lies southeast of Excavation Unit 1 and mimics its soil strata (including remnants of the ash-like mound): feature (levels 1 3), mixed feature and stratum 1 (levels 4 6), and stratum 1 (levels 7 9). The artifacts identified during excavation parallel those found of Excavation Unit 1, co ntinuing to 88 cm BGS. Soil pH is uniformly acidic. The amount of daub and number of quartz lithics is minimal. Local ceramics, animal bone, and landsnail shell (Achatina sp.) occur in every soil strata. We retrieved >3 kg of organics Sherds total 362, of which 56 (15.5%) are diagnostics. Maore designs pred ominate. The 197 beads include examples made from landsnail shell, ostrich eggshell (sometimes multiply pierced), Mar g i nella sp. (pierced), other marine shells (pierced), and aragonite. In addition, team members registered 17 unmodified marine shells as well as 5 grindstone fragments and 2 hammer stones of quartz or gneiss (Table O 2).

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256 The soil strata in Excavation Unit 3 are best described as follows: stratum 1 (5YR 4/6, clay loam with coarse sand/fine gravel; levels 1 3), stratum 2 (10YR 5/4, ashlike loam; levels 4 8), and stratum 3 (10YR 5/4, loam with minimal ash; levels 9 11) (Figure 7 10). Soil pH is acidic. Artifacts terminated at 102 cm BGS. Daub is ubiquitous (>33 kg), including large pieces with wattle impressions in the northern half of the unit. Excavation level 5 yielded almost half of the daub. Ceramics number 432, of which 73 (16.9%) are diagnostics. At 40 cm BGS, one almost whole jar (independent restricted vessel) was identified projecting from the units west wall. Other finds include 29 quartz lithics and multiple grindstones, hammer stones, and marine shells. A drawn glass bead, a sharpening stone, a piece of iron, and rock (quartz) crystal also comprise aspects of the assemblage. In tot al, we documented 105 non-glass beads and 2 kg of organics ( animal bone and landsnail shell). We catalogued one large shell of Achatina sp. with disc -shaped cut -outs. An inspection of faunal remains revealed Bovid 2 3 (including cow and sheep/goat), porcupine, chicken, and scant fish (Table O 3). Figure 7 10. West wall profile, Excavation Unit 3, Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44, Survey Area 5, Gonja)

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257 Excavation Unit 4 terminated at a depth of 93 cm BGS. Soil strata and ac idity mimic Excavation Unit 3: stratum 1 (levels1 4), stratum 2 (levels 5 7), and stratum 3 (levels 8 10). Ceramics are relatively few in number: 263, of which 42 (16.0%) are diagnostics. We recovered 5 kg of daub, all within the upper five excavation levels. Lithics (n = 73) ar e numerous. One lithic is made of obsidian, a raw material with distant origins (to the west within Tanzania or in central Kenya).93 Most lithics are debitage, although multiple scrapper types are apparent. We also registered 28 g of slag, 8 unmodified mari ne shells, 3 gr indstone fragments, a crescent shaped amulet, and one piece each of rock (quartz) crystal and copper wire. Beads total 85 in number including one pierced marine shell. Beads are common in stratum 1, but not elsewhere in Excavation Unit 4. Bone and landsnail shell (<2 kg) comprise the organics. Bone concentrates in excavation levels 4 6 (Table O 4). Tests at Excavation Unit 5 revealed the following strata to a depth of 78 cm BGS: stratum 1 (levels 1 2), stratum 2 (levels 3 4), and stratum 3 (levels 5 8). Soil pH is neutral to slightly basic. Minor disturbances occur in the upper 20 cm, as indicated by the intrusion of recent bottle glass. Artifacts include 689 ceramics, of which 84 (12.2%) are diagnostics. Ceramics with Maore desig ns are large. We catalogu ed almost 9 kg of daub especially in excavation level 3 where a patterned distribution indicates a wattle and -daub structure. There were no other similar artifact cluster s. We also identified 33 quartz lithics. The 5 marine shells and 42 landsnail shell beads represent a diminished frequency when compared to the other excavation units at Gonja Maore. Three grindstones, limited rock (quartz) crystal, and a piece of iron acc ompany landsnail shell and approximately 1.5 kg of animal bone (Table O 5). 93 Odner (e.g. 1971a:108) located obsidian flakes at Makuyuni and Mwanga IV at the northeastern and northwestern base of the North Pare Mountains, respectively. I am unaware of any other such finds in the vicinity of the South Pare Mountains.

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258 In total, team members catalogued almost 3000 ceramics, of which 417 (14%) are diagnostics. Approximately 64% of site ceramics derive from excavation units 1 and 5. The finds from these excavation units exemplify the overall pottery assemblage. The 246 ceramic diagnostics from excavation units 1 and 5 include the following: 74 decorated rims, 67 undecorated rims, and 105 decorated body sherds. Ceramics tend to have light brown surfa ce colors, although others are orange, buff, or black. Cross -sections are lighter toward surfaces with dark cores. Gritty pastes and smoothed surfaces predominate. Sand, quartz, and, rarely, feldspar se rve as temper and comprise 3 5% of vessel fabrics. Arc haeologists have identified similar patterns and variations at sites with Maore Ware components in central and southeastern Kenya and wider northeastern Tanzania (e.g., Collett 1985, Maro 2002, Odner 1971a, 1971b, Siiri nen 1971, Soper 1967, 1976). Eightee n different decorations occur on the ceramics gathered fro m excavation units 1 and 5, including stabs, impressions, incisions, applied ridges, and stamps Of these ceramics, 78.7% exhibit a design resulting from walking a twopronged instrument across the face of the vesse Sixty rim sherds are large enough ( mine vessel forms : 49 independent restricted vessels (round-bottomed with short, slightly out turned or near vertical necks; mouth diameter averages 14.5 cm with rang e of 10 24 cm) (Figure 7 11), 5 undetermined restricted vessels (mouth diameter averages 13 cm), 4 simple restricted (spherical hole -mouth) vessels with multiple horizontal lugs (mouth diameter averages 11 cm), 1 simple restricted vessel with an appended collar (mouth diameter of 20 cm), and 1 simple unrestricted (hemispherical ) bowl. Bowls (in the wider assemblage) tend to be treated with graphite. Lugs indicate that some vessels were hung during cooking. Fifteen of the 49 jars exhibit internal

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259 Figure 7 11. Maore Ware from Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44, Survey Area 5, Gonja) (cm scale) Figure 7 12. Internal ware on Maore ceramics

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260 spalling from processing and/or storing beer and/or milk (Figure 7 12). Earlier classifications of Maore Ware hold up (Maro 2002, Odner 1971a, Soper 1967:26, 1968). During screening, we collected faunal remains of land mammals, birds, and landsnails. Furthermore, we identified scant evidence of fish, perhaps an accidental introduction. Bone weight from excavations equals 11.4 kg, more than half from Excavation Unit 1. A bri ef examination produced the following discoveries of terrestrial and avian fauna: Excavation Unit 1 [bat, bush pi g, Bovid 1 3 (including sheep/goat and cow ), leopard, monkey, zebra, chicken, monitor lizard, snake, and tortoise], Excavation Unit 2 [ bat, Bovid 1 4 (including sheep/goat and cow ), chicken, and tortoise], Excavation U nit 3 [Bovid 1 4 (including sheep/ goat and cow ), giraffe, porcupine, chicken, and tortoise], Excavation Unit 4 [Bovid 1 3 (including cow), porcupine, chicken, and tortoise], and Exc avation Unit 5 [bat, Bovid 1 3 (including sheep/goat and cow), porcupine, and chicken] Domesticates and small to medium -sized rodents occur in almost every level of every excavation unit.94 Although less common, wild, plains -based species are evident: Bov id 4 (likely eland), giraffe, and zebra A few metatarsals from these large mammals exhibit cut marks. These species are balanced against others, including bush pig and leopard, from well -watered environments, likely along the fringe of the South Pare Mountains. We recovered two human teeth (Excavation Unit 1, excavation level 8; Excavation Unit 4, excavation level 7). Except for one unidentifiable specimen, Achatina sp. constitutes a ll of the land snail shell (6.1 kg) Two landsnail shells with multiple cir cle -shaped voids excised from otherwise intact shell walls indicate bead making. 94 The remains of bats and (some or all) rodents may be natural to the site and, thus, likely do not result from human consumption.

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261 Marine and estuarine shells number 109. Forty-six additional shells are pierced or otherwise modified. Shell species and frequencies include the following: 76 cowries or cowry backs [73 of Cypraea annulus and 3 of Cypraea moneta], 64 Marginella sp. (40 perforated and 24 unmodified) (Figure 7 13, A ), 12 Polinices mammilla (4 pierced and 8 unmodified), and one unmodified specimen each of Andara sp., Nassarius arcularia plicatus and Oliva sp. Each of these invertebrates is known to inhabit the warm waters of the western Indian Ocean. Usually cowries are backless, likely to facilitate suspending them as decorations. The purposeful removal of cowry backs can be discerned from a scar (produced by the insertion of an instrument for the purpose of prying) located at the left distal end of backless cowries (e.g., Figure 6 16, A). For modified Marginella sp., a tiny perforation appears at the distal end on the dorsal surface (Figure 7 13, A) One aragonite bead and one shell tube, the latter likely fashioned from an oyster shell, comprise the remaining modified marine shells. Gonja Maore also produced 915 non -glass beads made from landsnail shell or ostrich eggshell. Excavation units 1 and 3 exemplify the assemblage. Of the 599 nonglass beads collected from these units, 490 (81.8%) are discs made from the shells of Achatina sp. and 109 (18.2%) are ostrich eggshell beads (Figure 713, B). Landsnail shell disc s vary in size: 7 12 mm A B Figure 7 13. Beads excavated from Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44, Survey Area 5, Gonja), (A) beads of Marginella sp. and (B) beads of ostrich eggshell

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262 in diameter and 0.8 1.5 mm thick. Fifteen are burned. In a few instances, multi ple beads appear fused, indicating they were worn together (likely on a string). Of the landsnail shell beads, 3 49 are whole and perforated, 113 whole and not perforated, 20 partial (broken) and perforated, 4 partial (broken) and not perforated, and 4 whol e with evidence of attempted (but failed) perforation. Thus, all stages of the production process are apparent: 1) discarded landsnail shells with cut -outs, 2) rough, disc pre -forms, 3) perforated pre -forms, and 4) finished beads with smoothed edges. We collected a larger proportion of whole perforated beads in Excavation Unit 1 (75.1% of total) than in Excavation Unit 3 (53.4% of total). Thus, the ash-like mound (Figure 7 8) may have been an area where residents purposeful ly discard ed whole beads (see Disc ussion below) Ostrich eggshell beads occasionally occur in fused groups (of up to 3 beads), suggesting use as adornments (Figure 7 13, B). Eighty-seven of these are whole and perforated, 2 whole and not perforated, and 19 partial and perforated. In addition, one whole b ead bears an attempted (but failed) perforation. These beads average the following dimensions: 6 10 mm in diameter and 1.3 2.0 mm thick. It is unlikely that ancient residents of Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44) produced ostrich eggshell beads because all but three (2.6% of total) of these items are perforated. Moreover there is no ostrich eggshell debris in excavations. Instead, the Ndorobo (or other group of hunter -gatherers) likely produced the eggshell beads ( Chittick 1959:30 31, Kusimba and Kusi mba 2000, 2005). Due to its disintegrated condition, the drawn glass bead located in Excavation Unit 3 is of indeterminate Eurasian origin. When considered collectively archaeological residues from Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44) suggest an occup ation from the late first millennium to the middle second millennium C.E. Two charcoal samples produced the following radiocarbon dates:

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263 Beta 206289, AMS, stratum 1, Calendric Age calAD 1545 63 (Maore Ware with few Group B ceramics in associated stratum) ISGS -A1022, AMS, stratum 3, Calendric Age calAD 1095 43 (Maore Ware and few TIW ceramics in associated stratum) Soper (1967:26) reported a radiocarbon date of 870 C.E. from the base of the original ash lik e mound. The period captured by these three date s (lat e first millennium to middle second millennium) aligns well with the known culture history of the finds at Gonja Maore (e.g., Maore Ware). These dates are further confirmed by the presence of non Maore ceramics: 11 Group B ceramics in the uppermost s ite stratum and 9 TIW ceramics from the middle to lower reaches of excavations. A few ceramics from the lowest excavation levels exhibit bevels or rim thickening that suggest EIW links (e.g., to Kwale Ware). There are no examples of fresh water landsnails in the material assemblage, thereby signifying a comparatively drier climate (than today). Based on archaeological signatures (e.g. concentrations of daub), the populace at Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44) congregated in wattle and -daub structures on the hill crest, especially along its eastern ridge. They depended on livestock, agriculture, and, to a lesser extent wild fauna. Domesticated sheep/goat, cow, and chicken appear across the site through time. The ash like mound serv ed as a discard area for household refuse, organic remains, broken ceramic vessels, broken grindstones and hammer stones and shell beads (many still intact) Preferred vessel decorations included walked designs on large ceramic jars (independent restricted vessels) some wi th heavy internal spalling from processing beer and/or milk. Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44) boasts substantial indications of local production and regional interaction. Residents made landsnail shell beads on site. Adornments met local needs, but considering the large quantity of beads also generated finished products for potential exchange. They also used ceramics and lithics (including one of obsidian). Residues of

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264 iron smelting are minimal. We recovered iron objects and slag in the upper 45 cm of site strata. A cluster of tuyeres downhill and east of the site may result from a later occupation associated with Group B ceramics. Residents at Gonja Maore engaged in the exchange of raw materials and finished products, such as marine shells, ostrich eggshell beads, rock (quartz) crystal, and iron implements. Marine shells and rock (quartz) crystal derive from far -flung locations (see Chapter 6). Shards of glass and one glass bead resemble similar finds from coastal Swahili sites (e.g. Tongoni). TIW c eramics, apparent in multiple excavation trenches, may result from local manufacture and use or interactions with lowland people on the surrounding landscape. The volume and range of evidence for interaction at Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44) is i mpressive when compared to other contemporaneous sites situated more than 100 km from the Indian Ocean (cf. Haaland and Msuya 2000). Gonja Kalimani (Site 207 in Survey Unit 44) and Jiko (Site 2 1 0 a) (Survey Area 5, Gonja) I briefly detail finds from test excavations at Gonja Kalimani (Site 207 in S urvey Unit 44) and Jiko (Site 2 1 0 a) Both occupy the skirt of Chongweni Hill in the extreme northwestern portion of Survey Area 5 (Gonja) (Figure 7 7). Other similar archaeological localities associated with Grou p B and Maore ceramics also ring the h ill (Figure 7 4). Surface artifacts at these newly excavated sites associate them with Group B ceramics (Type 7) and mixed Maore and Group B ceramics (Type 6), respectively. Bare patches typify the ground cover at thes e localities, each of which lies proximal to a contemporary Pare compound. Gonja Kalimani (Site 207 in Survey Unit 44) : This large site (> 1.5 ha) overlooks Survey Area 5 (Gonja) from a steep hill slope one half kilometer north of Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44). Surface artifacts include landsnail shell beads. During surface survey, the team also documented ceramics and prodigious iron smelting debris, including slag and large tuyere fragments

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265 We placed a single test excavation unit (1 m x 2 m) i n the northern portion of the site near a homestead. Artifacts ceased at 87 cm BGS. Soil strata and characteristics are as follows: stratum 1 (10YR 3/4 to 4/4, loam; levels 1 2), stratum 2 (10YR 4/4, ashlike loam; levels 3 6), and stratum 3 (10YR 5/4, loa m; levels 7 9). Soil pH varies from neutral (7.0) in strata 1 and 3 to strongly acidic (6.5) in stratum 2. During excavations, we recovered 7 large, unmodified gneiss fragments in the upper two strata. Ceramics number 237, of which 37 (15.6%) are diagnosti cs. Ceramics of Groups B comprise the decorated sherds except for a few instances of Maore Ware identified from excavation level 1 (likely from slope wash) and a few specimens of Maore Ware and TIW in stratum 3. Other finds include 3 kg of daub, 2.3 kg of organics (animal bone and landsnail shell), <50 g of slag, and 176 landsnail shell beads. Beads concentrate in the upper 35 cm of strata 1 and 2. They include 56 specimens that are whole and perforated, 59 whole and not perforated, 47 partial and perforate d, 13 partial and not perforated, and one exhibiting an attempted (but abandoned) perforation. Excavations also yielded 3 ostrich eggshell beads, a piece of rock (quartz) crystal, and a tuyere fragment. Given the amount of daub and organic material as well as minimal iron production debris, this location within the site is best interpreted as a habit ation area. Slag and pieces of tuyeres litter other portions of the ground surface at Gonja Kalimani (Site 207 in Survey U nit 44). Smelting slag predominates and tuyere dimensions are small (mouth diameter: 37 41 mm; wall thickness: 12 15 mm) when co mpared to known EIW technological debris from elsewhere in northeastern Tanzania, such as at Nkese (Schmidt 1989, Schmidt and Karoma 1987) (Figure 24). Collectively (also see Jiko, Site 210a), such artifacts indicate MIW (or LIW) associations.

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266 Jiko (Site 210a): Situated east and fa rther down slope of Gonja Kalimani (Site 207 in Survey Unit 44), Jiko (S ite 210a) produced one of the two discernible iron smelting furnace s identified during reconnaissance along the foot slopes of the South Pare Mountains (at 394350E, 9528914N).95 Only the lower furnace walls persist above the ground surface (to a height of 15 cm). Th e location of the furnace places it under threat from encr oaching construction at the residence of Mr. Sefu Saidi. We positioned a single excavation unit (2 m x 2 m) to encapsulate the remains of the furnace (Figure 7 14) Sparse surface artifacts occur in th e space between the furnace and either the center of the site (to the west) or Gonja Kalimani (Site 207 in Survey Unit 44) (to the east ). The matrix outside of the furnace yielded only two non -diagnostic artifacts. This and other sites (e.g., Site 21 2b) demonstrate that iron producers performed sm elting in special activity areas situated away from core habitation areas. Other sites near K waselungo (e.g., Site 222b) supply similar evidence. Thus, it is likely that additional furnaces accompany the one excavated at Jiko Figure 7 14. Iron smelting f urnace, Excavation Unit 1, Jiko (Site 210a, Survey Area 5, Gonja) (furnace base diameter : 86 cm) 95 The second iron smelting furnace occurs at Site 212b (Figure 74).

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267 (Site 210a). On the lower foot slopes at Chongweni Hill, the survey team registered numerous tuyere fragments. Tuyeres appear to have been inserted inside furn aces, given that slag coats blow pipes up to 15 cm from their tips (Figure 7 7). Excavations of the f urnace interior at Jiko (Site 2 1 0 a) produced smelting residues. The maximum height of the intact furnace wall measures 63 cm. At its base, the furnace spans 86 cm. The upper 40 cm of matrix include orange (7.5YR 3/4 to 4/4) loam with a high charcoal content (including thumb -sized chunks). Red (7.5YR 4/6) stains hug the furnaces western wall. Artifacts include four grindstone fragments and multiple hammer st ones, 21 ceramics (7 of which are diagnostic), 62 tuyere fragments (1307 g), and slag (964 g). By a depth of 43 cm, a darker soil occurs near the southern furna ce wall. Clusters of slag are mixed with orange (7.5YR 4/4 4/6 to 5YR 4/4) stains. The parent soil at this depth is best described as 2.5Y 2.5/1 to 10YR 3/2, loam. In areas, burned (5YR 4/6) soil mixes with slag (2995 g). We recovered three tuyeres in this context, one with a wall thickness of 17.4 mm. Slag occurs in 6 clusters spaced 5 12 cm away fr om the interior furnace wall. Two of these are massive and exhibit grass impressions on their undersides. As the excavation proceeded, we registered further slag (2083 g) and, then, dark soil forming a shallow bowl 10 12 cm in depth. The furnace wall of lo am mixed with small gravel terminates at the edges of this figurative bowl. A 7 cm depression at the center of the furnace base may have originally concealed ritual medicines or other items used to influence th e success of smelting activity Slope wash may have contaminated the upper contents of the furnace. Large grindstone fragments, however, appear to have been deliberately placed inside the furnace, perhaps at a date long after the furnace was in use. Diagnostic ceramics exhibit Group B designs. Most ve ssels are jars (independent restricted vessels) some of which exhibit wavy line decorations (also see

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268 Collet 1 985). Tuyeres, all of which have coarse quartz temper, measure 10.2 17.4 mm thick. One tuyere impregnated with slag displays indications (e.g., c harcoal impressions on vitrified slag) that it was inserted into the furnace as much as 12 cm. Flux colors the tip of one additional tuyere. Iron production debris at Jiko (Site 210a) and in the wider area of Chongweni Hill (Figure 7 5) affiliates furnaces with Group B and MIW LIW traditions A single charcoal sample generated the following radiocarbon date: Beta 260835, standard radiocarbon, E xcavation Unit 1 (45 cm BGS, interior base of iron smelting furnace), Calendric Age calAD 1095 43 (Group B ceramics associated).96 G iven impressions on slag, a grass bed (rather than a reed bed) underlay tuyeres interior to the furnace. The Jiko furnace w as not disassembled after its use. Despite six slag clusters near its interior base, we did not detect tuyere ports. Parent soil may have blended with the furnace wall to conceal the ports or the furnace may have had an opening at its base to retrieve bloo ms that was sealed in preparation for a new smelt. Alternatively, ancient smelters may have retrieved blooms from above, later removing all of the blow pipes in preparation for a new smelt. More furnaces need to be excavated to clarify the cultural and chronological associations and refine knowledge of the technological process and its variation at Gonja (Survey Area 5). Discussion Archaeological investigations in an area more than 100 km from the Indian Ocean coast determined characteristics of cul ture history and produced information about settlement and changes in political economies over the last 1500 years. At Gonja, surface investigations located and docum ented the character of material signatures pertinent to this project. In Survey Area 5 96 This radiocarbon date aligns well with dates from other sites with Group B ceramics located in northeastern Tanzania (e.g., Odner 1971a:114, Soper 1967:28) (also see Chapter 6).

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269 (Go nja), systematic survey and reconnaissance registered 76 archaeological localities (48 sites and 28 occurrences) of seven types (Appendix C, Appendix D, Appendix E, Table F 5 and Appendix H ). Hum an activity near Gonja extends from the diverse nineteenth c entury interac tions of the Pare, Zigua, Sambaa, Kamba, and Iloikop (who all contributed to local production and exchange in addition to the networks of caravan trade) to hunter -gatherers that used stone technology. A few ceramics provide enticing indicatio ns of EIW and PN links. However, the MIA (600 1000/1200) was the primary period of growth and increased regional connectivity. This pattern seemingly holds true in multiple areas proximal to the Eastern Arc Mountains (e.g., see Chapter 6). Scattered TIW ceramics signal middle to late first millennium C.E. affiliations in the plains lying away from the South Pare Mountains. Sites with TIW were small and occupied for a short period. By the end of the first millennium C.E ., groups practicing cultivation, makin g and/or using iro n, and keeping domesticates coalesced along the mountain fringe. Residents making Maore Ware established a settlement on a unique hill crest askew of the mountains. Other villagers (making Group B ceramics) populated the mountain skirt and smelted iron. By 800/900 1200 C.E. local production and regional connectivity heightened. Landsnail shell beads, marine shells, pieces of rock (quartz) crystal, and glass objects are among the clues that signify early interaction Relative to the middle first millennium C.E., a wetter climate endured up to the Little Ice Age (1500 1750 C.E.). At that point, overall aridity and uncertainty about annual precipitation amplified social changes and altered the regional political economy (Oka 2008, Westerberg et al. in press). People dispersed or retreated elsewhere (likely including to the highlands). At Gonja, the population increased again in the eighteenth century. Small sites in the

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270 outlying plains or along the fringe of the highlands indicate occupation near vitivo (where there was more water than during the early arid phase of the Little Ice Age, 1500 1650 C.E.) or vicinities with adequate potting clay primed for retreat (also see Kusimba et al. 2005). The nature of the archaeological survey and its fi ndings demonstrate s the usefulness of intensive, systematic inspections to document even minimal clues of settlement (e.g., sites of Type 4) and exchange that challenge extant representations. Hunter gatherers first occupied the environs of Gonja in the pl ains lying away from the base of the South Pare Mountains Althou gh a few small rock shelters occur along the proximal highland gradient, none of them exhibits surface artifacts. Groups made tools on clear vein quartz using LSA technology. Backed crescents implying multi -component tools, pepper Type 2 sites. However, stone tool technologies persisted into more recent times based on the association of quartz lithics with all of the sites of type 2 and 4 7 ( also see Seitsenon 2004, Kessy 2005). One unique, o bsidian tool from Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44) indicates interaction with volcanic areas lying to the west or northwest. Scant PN and EIW ceramics (at sites 202 and 204 in Survey Unit 44 and Site 211b) denote connections to productive rather th an purely extractive economies (like that of hunter gatherers) along the mountain gradient before 600 C.E. Local population growth aligns with an increase in regional precipitation at the close of the first millennium C.E. (Alin and Cohen 2003, Karien et a l. 1999, Verschuren et a l. 2000) A large village (Gonja Maore, Site 209 in Survey Unit 44) emerged on a low ridge with excellent views of the surrounding terrain The makers of Maore ceramics invested in strategies that ameliorated periodic changes in cli mate. They settled sites in the highlands as well as along the foot slopes of mountains (Chami 1995, Chittick 1959:30 31, Fosbrooke 1957, Maro 2002, Odner 1971a, Soper 1966). They also kept domesticated stock (particularly sheep/goat ), cultivated, and

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271 cons umed milk and/or beer. Faunal evidence from Gonja Maore includes wild species from the nearby plains ( eland, giraffe, and zebra ) and mountain slopes (e.g., bush pig). In his test unit at Gonja Maore, Soper (1967:26) even located remains of a small elephant. The community preferred the (now) somewhat more arid, north ern end of the mountain concavity at Gonja (Survey Area 5). The residents of Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44) contributed to heightened regional connectivity. Marine shells occur in large quantities, especially for a site situated outside of the Zanzibari -Inhambane eco -mosaic (Chapter 3) (e.g., Chami 1994). Ostrich eggshell beads, rock (quartz) crystal, and glass objects are clues to a network of linkages among diverse communities surrounding the South Pare Mountains and areas further afield. Hunter -gatherers produced the ostrich eggshell beads (Chittick 1959, Kusimba and Kusimba 2005, Soper 1966, 1967). The putative exchange of ceramics, including TIW, also places communities in c ontact. Other Type 5 sites, although lacking an ash mound or large quantities of nonlocal items (on their surfaces), developed near Chongweni Hill and northward along the flank of the South Pare Mountains (Fosbrooke 1957) (Figure 74). Strategies of settl ement, production, and exchange facil itated resilience Household production intensified during this period including for the purpose of exchange. Although a small percentage of shell disc beads a t Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44) are from the coa st (perhaps An a dara sp.) where there was a simult aneous boom in shell disc production (e.g., Flexner et al. 2008, Horton 1996b:323) ( Chapter 6)it is evident that the residents of Gonja (Survey Area 5) produced the majority of beads locally (from the shell s of Achatina sp.). Residues represent every stage of bead production (se e above). Surface inspections and proportional excavations at Gonja Maore document hundreds o f such discs

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272 Villagers discarded shell discs, broken grindstones, and other refuse in a m ound (perhaps because the site is located on a small ridge with little space for a refuse heap) (Figure 7 8).97 The occupation s at s ites of type s 5, 6 and 7 appear to partially overlap. However, s ites with Maore Ware (types 5 and 6) were settled first.98 Iro n making residues are very limited at Gonja Maore (81 g of slag). Thus, occupants obtained iron through exchange, perhaps with villagers living at the surrounding localities (with Group B c eramics) that exhibit substantial iron smelting debris. Settlement at Type 7 sites likely reached its height in the early to middle of the first half of the second millennium C.E. However, a few examples of Kilimanjaro Group C (Odner 1971b :139 142) as well as wavy -line ceramics (e.g., at sites 235b and 236b) (Collet 1985, Kiriama et al. 2006) suggest persistence up to the end of the first half of the second millennium C.E. The 34 Type 7 sites form a distributional pattern along the mou ntain skirt southwest and northwe st of Survey Area 5 (Gonja) (Figure 7 4). The largest of these localities covers 1.53 ha (Gonja Kalimani, Site 207 in Survey Unit 44). Such localities exhibit substantial evidence of iron production, including tuyeres and/or slag (e.g. Site 205 in Survey Unit 44; Site 213b). Sands rich in hematite along the base of the South Pare Mountains enabled iron production. This technological strategy required culling forests for fuel wood and lining furnace interiors with 97 Based on surface inspections (and c ontra Soper 1967:24) it does not appear that landsnail shell beads are more common and better made a t sites with Maore ceramics (as compared to sites dominated by Group B ceramics ) However, at Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44) a somewhat higher percentage of finished beads were discarde d in the ash like mound ( at excavation units 1 and 2) than in areas away from the mound ( at excavation units 35) This may signal purposeful discard. Presently, some agropastoral groups ( such as the Iloikop), dispose of adornments in dung heaps to signify rites of passage to manhood. Interviews with Daudi Lenyika, Shekilago, February 10, 2006; Keembwa Kiria, Kilimandudu, February 23, 2006. 98 Group B ceramics occur in stratum 1 at Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44). Moreover, we retrieved sp ecimens of Maore Ware and TIW in stratum 3 at Gonja Kalimani (Site 207 in Survey Unit 44). The three radiocarbon dates from Gonja Maore and Jiko (Site 210a) also demonstrate a chronological overlap. This interpretation meshes with finds and dates from else where in southeastern Kenya and northeastern Tanzania (Collet 1985, Helm 2000, Odner 1971a, Soper 1967, 1976).

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273 grass ( evidence from Jiko, Site 210a ). I n general, sites with la rge amounts of iron smelting do not have high concentrat ions of pottery. Thus, iron smelting likely occurred away from residences in special activity areas along the mountain skirt. At sites 211b 231b, the terrain slopes down hill to the east and comparati vely lush vegetation predominates. Most of these archaeological sites tend to occur intermittent to areas of stream run off that present inhabitants find unattractive. One explanation for this trend (still a hypothesis) is that residents situated habitatio ns away from areas of stream run -off to maximize areas of agricultural potential99 (w etter areas) and avoid highland floods during wet periods (Fosbrooke 1957:323). One, perhaps unintended, outcome of this strategy was the concealment of smelting activity in more heavily v egetated, secretive areas (for the Barongo elsewhere in Tanzania, see Ba rndon 1992, ). The relatively sudden growth in the number of Type 7 sites and the nature of production suggests rapid changes to the political economy. The production of landsnail shell beads and iron indicate a deg ree of specialization. Moreover, they indicate broad regional ties. Residents used iron tools to improve cultivation along hill slopes and/or protect themselves (iron weaponry). Despite smelting signatures (App endix D), few iron implements occur at localities with Group B ceramics. The scale of test excavations at Gonja Kalimani (Site 207 in Survey Unit 44) and Jiko (Site 210a) may explain this tendency. Alternatively, communities traded iron to local, highland, and/or coastal societies. Shell beads items of exchange themselves reaffirmed identities and 99 Residents may also have improved agricultural productivity and reduced the impact of erosion by terracing (e.g., sites 211b and 225b), although this is a hypothesis becaus e the cultural associations of terraces remain unconfirmed. Although terracing near Gonja (Survey Area 5) occurred during more recent centurie s (Kimambo 1969, Hkansson personal communication; also, for the Taita Hills, Hobley 1895), at Engaruka (Sutton 1998, Stump 2006) and in the North Pare Mountains (Ehret 1998), archaeological or linguistic clues indicate the construction of terraces by the middle second millennium C.E.: a period contemporaneous with the rise of ro tating mark et tradition s in the regional lowlands (Wood and Ehret 1978).

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274 relationships in such networks, providing access or ameliorating vulnerabilities (Cashdan 1985, Smith 1999, Weissner 1982). Although ostrich eggshell beads occur at Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44), they substantially diminish in number at Gonja Kalimani (Site 207 in Survey Unit 44). It is inferred from this shift that an emphasis on links with other productive (agricultural and pastoral) rather than extra ctive (hunter gatherer) populations developed. In fact, other items, such as ivory, may have supplanted ostrich eggs hell beads in their importance It is perhaps not coincidental that elep hant hunting for ivory intensified in southeastern Kenya as early as 1200 C.E. (contemporary to the occupation of Gonja Kalimani, Site 207 in Survey Unit 44), contributing to n ew interactions and relationships among groups (Kusimba and Kusimba 2000 Oka 2008, Thorbahn 1979). Cattle keepers and their influence on regional p olitical economies, perhaps linked to the booming ivory trade, grew with the spread of Maa -speakers beginning a half millennium ago (Lamphear 1986, Galaty 1993). During the Little Ice Age (1500 1750 C.E.), climatic uncertainty coupled with environmental and social changes at the coast (spurred by heightened competition among Swahili city -states and Portuguese incursions) (Chapter 4) dispersed residents at Gonja (Survey Area 5) away from hill slopes. If oral traditions are to be taken literally, about 500 years ago competition from the aggressive Galla forced further retreat s into the highlands or embedded local Pare families along high hill slopes:100 The Galla were white. They had eyes like yours [the author] and followed the Portuguese in time. They were not from here. The Galla stayed at Public and Kwa Mbegu [both near Chongweni Hill]. They also stayed at Kavateta [beneath Bombo]. They waged war and cut womens breasts and ate them. The Gallawere herders [ wafugaji ]. The Pare fled into the mountains seek ing shelter, but the Galla were driven out by the Jema and Ngulwi [Pare 100 Interview with Rashidi Mweta, Gonja Maore, March 7, 2006.

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275 and Taita clans, respectively]. From Gonja, the Galla fled to Hedaru [located to the west] running like ants or a snake. The Pare resettled Gonja Maore because there was little space t o farm and herd in the mountains. They chose Gonja because of the vitivo But, the soils and water today are not as good as they were in the past.The serpent [ mnyampee ] comes frequently.We use ancestor veneration [ matambiko] to cool [ -poza] our problems. Stories about serpents (e.g., mnyampee ) speak to changes in life -ways tied to continuing non local and even international influences. The negative impacts to society from outside are codified by referencing the mythical Galla. Prevalent along mountain gradients, stories about giant snakes (e.g., Dannholz 1989 [1912 1918]) suggest residents remain concerned about ameliorating social and environmental disasters along highland gradients (Chapter 8). This interpretation helps to explain why political elite s in past centuries are remembered as rain makers: to control rain offered the possibility of influencing precipitation (through ritual) during dry years, but, more importantly, such metaphors presented a way to figuratively explain and balance (or cool ) change to society and the landscape ( Feierman 1990:69 93, Hkansson 1998, Kimambo 1969:86 92, Sheridan 2001) ( Chapter 8). These stories are artifacts of a moral economy that work s to grapple with the social experiences of the Pare and their brethren in the region. In recent centuries (perhaps beginning in the eighteenth century), the eastern slopes of the South Pare M ountains, with multiple cascading rivers, forests, low lying springs, and vitivo enticed highland settlers to descend (archaeological stud y has not confirmed suggestions from oral traditions and linguistics in this regard) (Hkansson 1995, Fosbrooke 1957) However, the climate continued to fluctuate (Westerberg et al. in press). Tributes paid to rainmaking political elites spurred the growth in local chiefdoms (Kimambo 1969:87 89). By the late eighteenth

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276 century, plains -based pastoralists (Maasai) and agropastoralists (Iloikop)101 arrived, amplifying the importance of Pare terracing as a means to generate subsistence (for these new arrivals to the area). In return, the Pare sought cattle (a prestige good) as social capital to develop their own status and security (Hkansson 2008, Hkansson and Widgren 2007). Thus, the irrigation agriculture developed by the Pare during recent centuries did not necessarily arise solely to meet food needs or use values (Hkansson 2008:242). The circulation of natural items (especially food) and finished products102 sustained people along marginal gradients because wealth could be retained in productive infrastructu res that facilitated social security, augmentation of status, and family networking (Hkansson and Widgren 2007). This social and contextual approach accounts for the developing moral economy and the mult iple interests of Pare villagers near Gonja. Eventua lly, however, young men with access t o international markets (e.g., through caravan trade) circumvent ed local wealth generation tied to the land, thereby minimizing reliance on social tribute to establish their position in society (Hkansson 1998). Symbiot ic and competitive relations intensified under this new order, as groups with different needs and differential access jostled for power and security.103 During the last few centuries, p otters, hunters, healers, honey c ollectors, farmers, herders and r ainmakers met at rotating markets in the lowlands to exchange goods, share information, and fortify social bonds. The markets and caravan nodes in northeastern Tanzania me t the s e 101 The arrival of cattle keepers followed on the heels of the Loikop fragmentation 500 years earlier in a region far to the west of the South Pare Mountains (e.g., Lamphear 1986, Jennings 2005). 102 Interviews with Katamba Sekondo, Muheza, March 8, 2003; Ali Lukwaro, Gonja Maore, March 4, 2006; Daudi Mshamba and Rajabu Mshamba, Muheza, March 13, 2006. 103 Overhunting, expansion of the tsetse zone (due to vegetation changes), pastoral conflicts (particularly the wars of the 1820s 1850s and the later nineteenth century), and heightened slave raiding contributed to these effects (e.g., Ambler 1988, Brockington 2000, Giblin 1992, Hkansson 2004, J ennings 2005, Kimambo 1996, Kusimba 2004).

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277 need s (Baumann 1891, Kersten 1869 1879, Krapf 1860). Archaeological localitie s of the last two and a half centurie s or so (types 21 and 22) contain evidence of more formalized coastal exchange: numerous drawn and molded glass beads, European ceramics (including German stonewares) and glass, fragments of Indian earthenware, marine s hells, and clay pipe bowls (for smoking tobacco) (e.g., Site 199 in Survey Unit 41; Site 201 in Survey Unit 42). Site 201 also bears late ceramics known from central Tanzania (Chapter 5) (see above). These items reached villages away from the central marke t and caravan passage at Gonja, illustrating linkages to th e outlying plains near Kadando. The identification of previously unrecorded archaeological sites substantiates valuations of regional scale research that incorporate wide geographical linkages in l ong -term historical scenarios.

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278 CHAPTER 8 SERPENTINE PASTS Addressing contemporary communities is one of the foremost challenges faced by archaeologists working in sub -Saharan Africa. In the subterranean record, archaeologists can seek certain answers to anthropological and historical questions. But, vital express ions and struggles in the present also attend to questions that count (Deagan 1988; also Byrne 2007) that can guide us toward more meaningful understandings of deeper pasts. As an archaeologist, I found greater relevancy working in northeastern Tanzania by co nsidering contemporary practices and expressions through which earlier and on -going African experiences resonate. Such an approach helped me to know the present (and aspects of the past) as reflections of African voices and my archaeological practice with history transforming implications (Fontein 2006, Norman and Kelly 2004, Schmidt 2009a:14 17) In previous cha pters, I a l l ude to the external impacts slaving and enslavement colonial rule, and environmental exploitation that have deleteriously affect ed people in the lower Pangani Basin, especially as foreign influences heighten ed Other scholar s more fully document the circumstances under which lowland residents living in the area emerged from colonialism impoverished ( Giblin 1986:1 23, Kimambo 1991, Koponen 1994, Porter 2006). More rec ent events and factors further traumatized rural citizens especially in southern and cent ral Tanga Region: villagization ( which began in the 1970s ) and the effects of neoliberal government policies that have lingering, alienating effects. With an awareness of this context and Africans resilience, I reevaluated what was important to negotiating my perception and understanding of the regions past. In the lower Pangani Basin, the predominance of certain signifiers mytholo gies and signifiers particularly the prevalence of stories about serpent s, speaks to profound changes in

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279 life -ways linked to continuing global influences, state policies, and local exigencies. How do people come to terms with ecological and social changes that most citizens deem disenchanting (Walz 2009)? People attempt to balance past/present and local/foreign in their daily lives by sha ring community vulnerabilities (Behar 1996, Straight 2007) via serpent metaphors alive with mythological power. Natural, constructed, and conceptualized landscapes (Knapp and Ashmore 1999) anchor and legitimize stories about spirit manifestations (snakes) that have grown intense from increased societal stresses. Landscape features and sites (Ingold 1993) offer a means to ba lance change and tradition in the areas of long term settlement and i nteraction identified during this archaeological project (chapters 4 7) Thus, I submit that archaeology is not purely a discipline to collect, to characterize, and, ostensibly, to control I proffer a schema in which representation, actor, and experience are essential (e.g., Liebmann 2008, Shanks and Tilley 1987, Schmidt 2009b; also see Preucel and Mrozowski 2010). A sensible stance argues that historicity resides in the materials of exper ience including landscapes and the expressions, or narratives, of felt life (Geertz 1986:374, Trouillot 1995:29) (see below). Valorizing others (in this case, residents living in the lower Pangani Basin of Tanzania) valuations of history raises the pote ntial for alternative pasts, such as this one. In this chapter, I disclose how the communities with whom I worked and lived for more than two years continue to come to terms with disenchanting changes to their life -ways (Walz 2009; also see Fontein 2006). How do they attempt to regain balance? By ac tively engaging ( not distancing and alienating) (Posnansky 1993) them and listening carefully to region -wide expressions, I began to question my own developing representations of their past. African expressions, as explicated below, eventually illuminated a geographical and narrative space

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280 largely forgotten or neatly circumvented by scholars of Tanzania up to this point (also see White 2000) (Chapter 2). What I learned from experiencing landscapes and traumatic ev ents and the ways that people speak about their extraordinary lives and suffering, forced me to wrestle with my archaeological approach to the area and my role and authority in studying and interpreting their past (Setel 1999:23; also see Behar 1996, Chaba l 2009, Jong and Rowlands 2007, Straight 2007, Turner and Bruner 1986, Young and Goulet 1994). Although the narratives (I collected) and the local enactments vary somewhat in their details, many expressions and therapeutic practices (e.g., Feierman 2006:191) share strong similarities from Pangani (Survey Area 1) to Gonja Maore (Survey Area 5) These localities, for example in the environs of Mombo (Survey Area 4), served as loci of heightened regional and wider connectivity, including during the nineteenth century and deeper in time (chapters 4 7). Changes in recent centuries increasingly fueled moral economies linked to rainmaking and political control at places with long -term settlement and material indications of ancient connectivity. Voices Can the subal tern speak (Spivak 1988)? Grasping the speech of subalterns requires comprehending their frames of reference and the conventions by which they perceive and express. Critiques of anthropology as irrelevant to disenfranchised communities assume the inesca pablity of irrelevance (cf. Mafeje 1998). While Mudimbe (1988) and Chakrabarty (2000) are skeptical of academics ability to provincialize Europe when, say, writing African histories, there is a responsibility thrust on archaeologists to grapple with others motivations, viewpoints, and language. Ethnocentric practice elevates archaeological interpretations over those of African communities, which undermines key tenants of responsible anthropological and historical practice (Asad 1987, Depelchin 2005, Dir lik 1999, Fontein 2006:189, Lightfoot 1995,

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281 Schmidt and Patterson 1995, Schmidt and Walz 2007b:129). Finding balance among forms of evidence and the structures of power that create hierarchies of voice enables a critical historical archaeology. In Africa, archaeologists frequently undercut oral accounts and non -western systems of knowledge, treating them as insignificant or irrelevant. Archaeologists also write about African voices without conferring ownership (Walz and Schmidt 2008). Joyce (2002) perceptively acknowledges that, at the very least, archaeologists should not usurp local agency by speaking for communities. In other words, we should be more forthright about the conundrum of representational power (cf. Spivak 1988; also see Fontein 2006:76 77, Li ebmann 2008:18 19) and own up to our agency in making pasts. Such reflexivity is perhaps our best opportunity to begin to fashion critical historical archaeologies that valorize African historical representations. Working at Great Zimbabwe (in southern Afr ica), Fontein (2006) compels a reconsideration of how strictly material representations can make certain pasts subaltern. His ethnographic archaeology practice that employs ethnography to explore the social dimensions of archaeologys own enterprise (Cas taneda and Matthews 2008) details how colonial antiquarians distanced Zimbabweans. He impugns archaeologists for appropriating knowledge of the past at the site while obscuring (and doing symbolic violence to) local accounts (Fontein 2006:12). By locating the principal problematic of Great Zimbabwe in its origin rather than in local memories of the places shifting importance through time, archaeologists dismiss as inapplicable Zimbabwean experiences and expressions. In this instance, archaeologists trea tment reifies an original assumption of uselessness for oral texts and ensures that a dichotomy prevails between prehistory and the recent past (Walz and Schmidt 2008).

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282 Fontein (2006) contends that archaeologyrooted in Enlightenment notions of time as linear and progressive plays a pivotal role in desecrating Great Zimbabwe in the eyes of local clans. Linear narratives, in contrast to local memories, view the past as increasingly distant and rob the site of its historicity (Fontein 2006:131). The post -independence Zimbabwean state, too, marginalized perspectives of local clans, most strikingly through its association with international institutions promoting world heritage. By amplifying oral sources, contemporary archaeopolitics surface as a pervasive theme, as evidenced by challenges to white settler claims of first arrival in South Africa (cf. Hall 1984). Fontein (2006) addresses present predicaments and challenges archaeologists to move away from state-centered topics whether they concern the presen t or the distant past ( e.g., urban origins ). Opening up to considerations of living communities and their narratives, in effect, confronts archaeologists temporal separation of the past and the present and leaves open the question of connections as well a s how we approach time. In the tradition of Cooper and Stoler (1997), but with a nod to cultural practice, Apter (2007) breaks the anthropological conundrum of the colonial library set up by Mudimbe (1988) by a rguing that African expressions, whether they be Dogon cosmological reflections or Swazi rituals, be reread as African power and local criticism s of imperialism and colonialism (as well as other systems of exploitation). In this sense, African actions and expressions work to contest power and transfo rm history. However, to reca pture hidden histories and to shed epistemological veils (Feierman 1999) requires a certain type of comprehension and speech (Giblin 2005). Being culturally articulate is a social condition requiring familiarity with the d iscourse and metaphors through which people experience, act, and express (Tonkin 1992:134, White 2000).

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283 Translating systems of thought and performance foregrounds how people interpret their lives, generate meaning, and combat authority. For me, becoming a rticulate developed through a set of experiences and social relationships that I fostered in Tanzania. Eventually, the past came alive through stories with palpable meaning. Some scholars suggest that accepting exotic forms of expression [presents] Afr ica as a negation of western normality (Mbembe 2001:1 23, cited in Nugent 2009:2; cf. Bloch 1977:279 282). But, extraordinary experiences (theirs and mine) expose the kinds of action and speech that Spivaks (1988) critique indirectly urges. Thomas (2000, cited in Hall 2000:51) further c hides experiential archaeologists because they assume that past peoples encounters with landscapes and architecture would have been much the same as our own. The significance of the ethnographic accounts in this proje ct (see below) is that they enable living people and their experiences while constraining my rendering of my experiences and African representations. One outcome of community actions and the quotidian reconstitution of social structure (Giddens 1981, 1984, Sahlins 1985) particularly important to archaeologists is that the resulting power relations are signified made concrete in the symbolic order (Morris 2002:15; cf. Hall 1987:3). In this scenario, there is a localization of memories in material objects that endure in social time (Schmidt 2006:93; cf. Halbwachs 1980). As durable components of the symbolic order, landscapes and material culture play an active role in enhancing meanings and, thereby, reinforcing structures (e.g., Ingold 1993, Knapp and Ashmore 1999, Tilley 1994). As Ingold (1993) frames it, in the multi layered temporality of landscape special landscape features (or areas of transition from one type of place to another) are given meaning. Through performances and speech people further si gnify loci through time. Initiates experience unique places natural

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284 and cultural center points as supernatural (Young and Goulet 1994). This approach moves beyond the division that has afflicted most inquiriesbetween the scientific study of an atempo ralized nature, and the humanistic study of a dematerialized history (Ingold 1993:172). Succinctly, landscapes offer a means to study people and how they grapple with their social condition in time. Historical archaeologists are mediators who work between material/oral and space/time to generate historical enlightenment. As segue to the primary case of interest (serpents), I briefly consider treatments of tangibility and space -time in two prominent historical representations from northeastern Tanzania. In prehistoric archaeology, evolutionary frameworks perceive linear progression in time as a means of characterizing space. Thus, critiques of colonialist approaches to the foreign origins of the Swahili first sought to link the Swahili past to deeper coast al histories (e.g., Horton 1984). On the other hand, colonialist historians using documentary sources, tended to focus heavily on time (actually, a lack of time: timelessness or prehistory) to characterize hinterlands (e.g., Coupland 1938). Treatments of space and time, therefore, mutually reinforced division, separating 1) coastwise settings (coast and hinterland) in archaeological practice and 2) recent time from ancient time in historical practice.104 As I found in the lowlands, however, oral expressions create an alternate sense of spacetime that temporalizes nature and materializes history. From Space to Space-Time in Coastwise Narratives The grand, oral traditions familiar to scholars of eastern Africa frequently emphasize origins from ( or association s with ) the outside. In mytho -histories about Shirazi settlers and 104 The overall result is the denial of coevalness (Fabian 1983). As I recount in Chapter 2, archaeologists eventually addressed longterm histories in the Tanzanian hinterland (e.g., Chami 1994, LaViolette et al. 1989, Schmidt et al. 1992). Therefore, these scholars began to breakdown the dichotomies of practice that artificially separate spaces and times.

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285 Shungwaya, respectively ( Chapter 2), the direction (or space ) of influence is north. Swahili patricians along the coast (at nodes of political power: ideological cores) ampl ified the telling of such myths. These stories continue to elevate elite status and to impact and manage social relations with non-elites and non -Swahili communities. In initial coastal traditions, Muslim elites (Shirazi) fled Persia and settled the coast (beginning in the north), winning local favor by intermarrying with womenof prominent African families (e.g., Tolmacheva 1993). Swahili identity and early towns emerged from such intercourse (cf. Chittick 1965, 1974) Until relatively recently, academic wisdom about Swa hili origins closely followed literal interpretations of Shirazi traditions. Critical evaluations, however, demonstrate that foundation myths tied to the wider Middle East should not be taken at face value (Pouwels 1987:34; also see Allen 1982; Horton and Middleton 2000:53 54, Pouwels 1984, Spear 1984). To distinguish themselves from hinterland pagans (non -Muslims), Swahili speaking patricians of the nineteenth century, elaborated myths that explained the origins of Shirazi chieftainship in terms of al ien conquest.and scholars and administrators of the colonial era, finding such myths agreeable to their own, described Swahili political concepts as vestiges of Persian rule (Glassman 1995:146). The prominent pillar tombs at Tongoni lend themselves to va lorizations of Shirazi narratives of movement along the coast (e.g., El Zein 1974). As Ho (2006:14) describes for Yemeni communities with similar tombs: [W]hat is important iswhere they died and were buriedtheir graves were not simply like a diaspora bu t indeed gave representational shape to one. Local residents continue to wed tombs to spatial concepts of place and home. Time, on the other hand, is lost in (male -dominated) lineal genealogies, traced to a distant figure, himself rooted to a space (Middl e East) but outside time (within myth). Tombs served as mnemonics,

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286 binding movement, status, and legitimacy in the absence of elites in life (when they travelled abroad) and death (Donley -Reid 1988, Ho 2006). Among Mijikenda communities, variants of the Sh ungwaya myth also refer to a northerly origin, in s outhern Somalia and northern Kenya. Traditions continue to recount a subsequent southerly dispersal of people into their present settings: the immediate coastal hinterland of central and southern Kenya and extreme northeastern Tanzania (Pouwels 1993; cf. Allen 1983, 1993, Spear 1974). These traditions provide a narrative about early language communities related to the Swahili that Helm (2000, 20004; also see Mutoro 1987) recently critiqued and reinterpreted Archaeological evidence of widespread settlement in the hinterland of Kenya both prior to and during the second millennium C.E. provides a substantive material challenge to the idea of a southerly sixteenth century population expansion as relayed in the Shungwaya myth (Schmidt and Walz 2007a:60). The oral traditions that Helm (2000) collected indicate that post -colonial scholars did not consider non-Shungwaya associated oral traditions appended to Mijikenda settlements. Such histories contradict the preva iling Shungwaya myth by suggesting long term settlement in the vicinity, which archaeological investigations valorize. As with Shirazi traditions (see above), a space (north) outside of time (within myth) served as a cultural charter elevating Mijikenda identity in the contentious political climate of colonial and modern Kenya (Helm 2004:61). This tradition extends well into northeastern Tanzania outside of areas populated by Mijikenda groups (e.g., Digo and Duruma). For instance, a recent book titled History and Traditions of the Tribes of Tanga Region (Nkondokaya 2003a) draws from secondary sources (and veiled references to oral interviews) to fashion an origin history of Zigua speakers linked to Shungwaya.

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287 These two traditions concerning the Shirazi and Shungwaya, respectively demonstrate the degree to which the externally oriented narratives of coastwise eastern Africa emphasize space. For the Shirazi, tombs ( constructed landscapes) marked space and stirred memories of home, diaspora, and t rade across the ocean. Time, on the o ther hand, is secondary in narratives; sequestered in fictive genealogies that lend credence to spatial symbols (tombs). But, as Fonteins (2006:78; also see Knapp and Ashmore 1999) work at Great Zimbabwe explicates, tr uly local places are more often made, understood, and imagined through a sense of their past (their temporality). Thus, a tension arises between stories that emphasize space and those that have the potential to emphasize space -time (time at a locality). In the African hinterland, oral renderings and practices constitute temporality (Helm 2000, Feierman 1990:70 76, 2005) Local oral traditions not, for example, the Shungwaya stories that attend primarily to a space (north) give primacy to temporality. The contemporary Mijikenda signify the regional power relations and social reformulations of their past by referencing settlements that recount changes to society and social structure through social time Helms (2000) recognition of the primacy of temporality in these traditions enables him to make (and valorize through archaeology) a three stage settlement history for the Mijikenda: how things became (initial migration and settlement in the first millennium C.E.), things as they should be (proliferation a nd increased hierarchy, after the first millennium C.E.), and things as they are (recent period of decline) (Helm 2004:79 81). A similar emphasis on time (within a space time framework) in the oral texts and everyday actions of people in northeastern Tan zania has the potential to forge an alternative past for the lower Pangani Basin. Serpentine Pasts Tanzanians living in the lowland hinterland outside of the nodes of power (the coast and mountains) given prominence in scholarly representations up to this point employ certain

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288 signifiers (in this case, serpents) to express meaning and to bal ance their lives. Thereby they ameliorate recent social changes that m ost citizens deem disenchanting. Their historicity, in other words, partially resides in expression s of felt life (Geertz 1986:374; Trouillot 1995:29) (see below). Unique landscape features help to anchor and legitimize meaningful stories and their symbolic cues. The sharing of community vulnerabilities, expressed through serpents alive with mythologi cal power links to vicinities of long -term settlement and connectivity identified during the survey aspect of this project (chapters 4 7). Valorizing indigenous valuations of history, including the narratives reviewed below, raises the potential of altern ative pasts understood from an African standpoint. Much of what I learned about mythological snakes developed out of my own experience with disasters and human responses along mountain gradients (Walz 2009:32 36; also see Turner and Bruner 1986, Young and Goulet 1994). In particular, there was one terrible day in Mombo. A rush of coffee -colored water (where none previously flowed) appeared ominously along the face of the mountains. Soon thereafter, chickens, chairs, and pla stic basins swirled by our front stoop. To our right and left the walls of surrounding homes dissolved like so many sandcastles caught in a rising tide. Inside our temporary home, we accepted (with trepidation) that there was nowhere to escape. Two hours l ater the torrent ceased and we stumbled outside. The landscape lay ravaged. Parents scattered in searches for their children and to check their close neighbors. Lingering in a stupor, a few villagers gawked at the bodies unearthed from the graveyard downhi ll. In places, more than half a meter of soil overlay the proximal road between Tanga and Arusha. The cacophony of shock in everyone silenced the anticipated wailing as a feces -like stench crept through the air.

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289 Amid the trauma, I caught the glint of somet hing shiny in my peripheral vision. It was our battered shovels. Fresh with stains of clay from the previous days digging, the spades reminded me that broken bodies lay exposed nearby, unburied. Never had archaeology seemed more impertinent or more absurd I sat slumped on a hill slope struggling to come to terms with the disaster and my role in this moment. Comprehension began to emerge as I opened myself to a new flood: a river of stories about serpents. These expressions are how people in Mombo explain their suffering and cope. Stories about giant snakes helped me to recognize my own distancing practice up to the point of disaster. In that moment of loss, much was reborn for me in understanding the historicity of that place and its people. Du ring the sur vey component of this project, northern Tanzania suffered a severe drought. In villages immediately outlying Korogwe (Survey Area 3), people were fortunate to be situated along well -watered mountain foot slopes. Food shortages, however, surfaced to the south and west. The severity of the drought even forced the Iloikop infrequent visitors to Muheza and Pangani districts to relocate into the southern portion of Survey Area 2 (Lewa) to feed and water their livestock (chapters 4 5). Describing the sudden appea rance of herders, one longterm resident proclaimed, They came like a rain.105 Periodic droughts, floods, and stock epidemics, among other disasters, continue to plague the region, as they have during (at the least) the last century and a half (e.g., Gibli n 1992, Kimambo 1996). In the pe rception and rendering of lowland occupants, however, catastrophes have become increasingly frequent during the last few decades.106 105 Interview with Rose Lyabonga, Maduma A, January 29, 2006. Appendix P lists all of the interviews cited in this chapter and the other chapters. 106 Floods frequently impact villagers along mountain foot slopes. Near Korogwe (Survey Area 3), residents recounted a flood in 1972 that displaced people to Kwasamagumbe (Figure 55) (see Chapter 5). The flood killed at least 20 people. Conte (2004:146) makes similar observations about floods along the northwestern gradient of the West Usambara Mountains.

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290 Even before the flashflood at Mombo (recounted above), I had heard stories about giant serpen ts that lived in lakes (or bogs) atop regional mountains For me, these stories first surfaced when I met an octogenarian in Mkomazi in 2000 who spoke about a serpent fleeing the South Pare Mountains following heavy nighttime rains.107 Such stories link to s ignificant spaces: forest groves, rock outcrops, caves, and mountain pinnacles, each known to shelter and embody ancestor spirits ( mizimu ).108 While working near Lewa, Rashidi Janja a well -known and respected Zigua healer ( mganga) and historian treated me fo r abdominal pains with incantations about snakes and medicines that he gathered from a nearby sacred mountain, Mount Tongwe (Chapter 5). He later told me about the scattering: the mythical dispersion of populations from Mount Tongwe by a serpent disguste d with local violations of tradition by the community.109 A medicine gourd (bahari also meaning ocean ) operated as Janjas principle ritual paraphernalia. It contained, among other additives, vegetable oil, honey, and components of 40 plant types gathered f rom the wider landscape. The bahari is empowered by cli ppings from certain trees (e.g., baobab s ) collected from atop seven sacred mountains ( milimasaba ) know to local healers: Tongwe, Potwe, Kizara, Gare, Sambani, Kimbe, and Kwa Lagulu (stretchin g from Lushoto District to Handeni District) (Figure 3 1). Janja explained the rationale of gathering plants from highland spaces, Mountains cure. The elders go to mountains because they see 107 Interview with Andrea Mhanda, Mkomazi, June 2, 2000. 108 Although largely discredited, The Worship of the Serpent Trac ed throughout the World (Deane 1833) seemingly offers the first attempt to explore serpent symbolism at a global scale. Somewhat outdated, The Cult of the Serpent (Mundkur 1983) captures well the body of modern anthropological and historical research on my thological snakes. For SubSaharan Africa, the seminal work of de Huesch (e.g., 1972) is best known. Other, more recent, publications on serpent myths and metaphors and their pertinence to aspects of histories in eastern and southern Africa include, but ar e not limited to, Schmidt (1998), Schoffeleers (1992), Shadle (2002), and Tropp (2003). Huffman (1996), Morris (2002:154 191), and Norman and Kelly (2004) engage archaeology and heritage surrounding mythological serpents in Africa. 109 Interview with Rashidi Janja, Lewa, September 11, 2002.

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291 everything there. The ocean is visible. It [the ocean] takes and collects everything, coming and going. This gourd is like an mzimu It collects [ -sanya] and cools [ -poza] foreign things.110 Other spatial intersections empower the bahari and its medicinal mixture. These additives include cer tain plant species gathered ( and eventually added to the gourds contents) from specific locations on the landscape: misitu saba (seven forests), masoko saba (seven markets), njiapanda saba (seven intersections of paths), and maji ya bahari (ocean water). A further ingredient garbage also was collected from market places because, as I was told, sick or cursed people congr egate there. Thus, healers ply the landscape collecting the raw materials for ma king medicines, including the refuse of an increasingly ill community. While doing so, they frequently follow paths of early caravans, such as the one identified between Pangani and Chogwe (and, then, north to Kwa Fungo or west to Mswaki) (Figure 4 1 and Figure 51). The bahari then, a s the chief tool of the healer, contains the landscape and its power partially derives from performances of collection along routes. The bahari in fact, is metonymic of the landscape. As a key piece of healing paraphernalia, the bahari cleanses (or rebalances ) situations by referencing terrain features tha t shelter ancestors as well as the traditions im bued in such places critical for restoring order. Healers of the most recent generation lack such detailed knowledge. During training (to understand local history),111 they often engage the writings of Zakayo C habai, the Zigua authority on regional history best known outside of northeastern Tanzania for his published booklets on Zigua traditions (cf. Chabai n.d. [1978]). Nowhere in Chabais published accounts lay substantial references to the landscape histories and medicinal treatments that Janja drew 110 Interviews with Rashidi Janja, Lewa, September 7, 2002; Rashidi Ngulwi, Gonja Maore, March 10, 2006. 111 Among the Zigua, prominent healers typically also serve as historians.

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292 from to explain Zigua cosmology. In 2003, however, Chabai surreptitiously revealed to me that his first manuscript intended for publication had been lost.112 When pressed, he divulged that it presented local histor y framed in terms of medicine (being synonymous in format to Janjas account) and that Church officials in Korogwe (at the time the district capital where Chabai had been baptized) persuaded him that it was blasphemous and should be burned, which he did im mediately. Funding soon surfaced that, according to Chabai, facilitated the publication of his subsequent texts that were an alternative rendering of the Zigua past couched in a format that did not offend Church officials, thus assuring that knowledge of his original account remained subaltern. In my conversations with him, Janja further extrapolated on local Zigua origins, viz.: A prominent Zigua lived at the base of Mount Mgongola [Mount Gendagenda] in a village called Gendagenda. He had two children. Th e one who was female settled on top of Mount Tongwe. That mountain is female. And, the male settled on top of Mount Mgongola. At Mount Tongwe after many years pe ople began to leave. A few from many tribes [makabila] were left who forgot the way to propitia te [ tambika ] ancestors. They did not remember the way to pray or their traditions. Because of this, a spirit appeared of the girl in the form of a serpent. The snake began eating the people, so they [the people] spread down the mountain to Lewa [Old Lewa] and Makanya [now Magamba] and other places and became the Zigua, Shambaa, and Zaramo, who are all Zigua anyway.113 During years subsequent to my conversations with Janja, villagers spontaneously spoke about serpents when I inquired about the health or history of their family or community, effectively elaborating on Janjas telling: The snake inhabiting Tongwe is kimondo [a serpent name] and cannot be seen. The snake rises when there are clouds at the mountain top. This is when the snake climbs to the roof an d when people know an elder has died. This happens during the rainy season [ masika ] but not the summer [ kiangazi ]. When elders need rain they climb to the top and perform ancestral rites [ matambiko]. Spirits [mashetani ] live in the mountain. On their [the mens] descent and when they reach the base of the mountain, it rains.There is another snake 112 Interview with Zakayo Chabai, Handeni, January 15, 2003. 113 Interview with Rashidi Janja, Lewa, September 7, 2002.

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293 that resides in the ocean. The ocean swallows [ -meza ] everything. Nothing escapes it. All the trash from floods is eaten there. But the ocean returns and those things are gone.114 Following the flash floo d I experienced at Mombo, snake expressions became profuse. Residents described a descending serpent (which is never seen at all or never seen in its entirety, partially because it only emerges at night) making load sounds ( makelele ) and sporting mataa (lights) for eyes.115 Shortly afterwards, villagers began describing me as a student of snakes: a student of their histories through certain symbols and public expressions. What did these eve nts and their rendering of me mean for my practice? In effect, I decided to become, in a more genuine sense, their representation of me. By tracing and reflexively accepting their expressions, new avenues of interpretation opened; becoming their representa tion of an archaeologist (in other words, working to understand their vulnerabilities, moral frameworks, and expressive metaphors through symbols) came to inform my history making.116 When understood within the mythical repertoire, serpents bring to public a ttention dichotomies, such as tradition/change, cooperation/conflict, and healing/harming, best represented through the spatial metaphor of the mountain gradient which is an int ersection (e.g., mountains/lowlands ). Snakes, therefore, lie at the intersectio n of security, prosperity (fertility), and health on the one hand, and disorder (disaster), struggle, and illness on the other hand (Tropp 2003, Hoff 1997). Speech about serpents attempts to rebalance the community at times of 114 Interviews with Rashidi Kigoto, Kibaoni, January 30, 2006; Abdallah Daffa, Korogwe, February 3, 2006; Sefu Kilo, Korokonge, February 11, 2006. 115 Interview with I ddi Guga, Mombo, February 11, 2006. Also, interviews with Sefu Kilo, Korokonge, February 11, 2006; Rashidi Ngulwi, Gonja Maore, March 10, 2006; Eliaza Mrutu, Ndululu, March 14, 2000. 116 In an otherwise intriguing look at archaeological practice, the contributors to Ethnographies of Archaeological Practice (Edgeworth 2006) do not consider whether local communities representations of archaeologists are ethnographically valuable, a tendency that denies interpretive authority to others. Matthews (2004:9) emphas izes this conundrum elsewhere, [R]eflexive archaeologies explore only how to more accurately represent the record but overlook the simultaneous problem of how to represent the archaeologist who is representing the record. To more fully represent archaeol ogists necessitates accounting for the perspectives of Africans and others. If we chose to take this path alternative histories are inevitable.

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294 conflict or transition,117 or, in Beidelmans (1986:39) words, to remove undue hotness or to return to normal[cy]. In recent times, the increasing frequency of snake departures (the fleeing snakes) represents growing community disenchantment about perceived injustices viz.: Snakes relocate [-hama] because people do not know how to live correctly.118 In local understa ndings, the exploitation of the region (real and perceived) contributes to the increased frequency and severity of natural and social disasters (e.g., Conte 2004). Mistr eatments inten sified during encounters with the British and Germans in the late nineteenth century and early to middle twentieth century. Foreign hats (said to be worn by the serpents) and automobile characteristics (e.g., lights for eyes) associate snakes with changes wrought by colonials who are thought to have spawned social and ecological disasters, during which the natal snakes relocated or fled.119 As made clear to me, the fleeing of serpents results from the inadequate propitiation of ancestors, couche d more concretely in disillusionment over the loss of sacred spaces (especially forests ) and growing social fragmentation; both sacred spaces and social coherence being ess ential to ancestor veneration throughout the region (Sheridan 2001). Although forest clearance (e.g., in the West Usambara Mountains) began as early as the first millennium C.E. (Schmidt 1989), as Giblin (1992) notes, resource exploitation among the 117 Interviews with Abdallah Daffa and Mary Mhina, Korogwe, February 3, 2006; Sefu Kilo, Korokonge, February 11, 2006; Daudi Mshamba, Muheza, March 13, 2006. Balancing rests with what Feierman (1990:7880) describes as nguvu kwa nguvu (strength against strength), in others words, drought versus flood in environmental terms, or, as regards society, chiefly power vers us the power of rainmakers. 118 For a similar case in South Africa, see Tropp (2003). 119 For instance, interview with Iddi Guga, Mombo, February 11, 2006. At Gonja Maore, residents similarly described giant snakes. Interviews with Eliaza Mrutu, Ndululu, February 28, 2006; Rashidi Ngulwi, Gonja Maore, March 10, 2006. See Biersteker (1996:5253) for an interpretation of a Swahili poem that employs a serpent metaphor to represent, in a negative manner, the colonial government, as juxtaposed to siafu (ants) standi ng for the people. Apparently, the poet draws from cross cultural, regional traditions to develop these metaphors. Thus, it is perhaps not a coincidence that elders near Survey Area 5 (Gonja) remember Njaa ya Siafu (The Hunger of Ants) as a severe social and environmental challenge in the 1940s. Interviews with Katamba Sekondo, Muheza, March 8, 2003; Rashidi Ngulwi, Gonja Maore, March 10, 2006. Serpents were prevalent during the hunger, an intensive period of colonial penetration in the vicinity of the Pa re Mountains (Kimambo 1991).

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295 Zigua met the requirements of patronage within an established system of social relationshi ps. In other words, natural resources could be used if they were managed properly and as long as benefits met larger community needs. Foreign impacts, including colonial rule and the florescence of Islam, treated key cultural practices (like ancestral rite s and rain making) as separate from loc al social and political control, so exploitation expanded, eventually violating local social demands linking natural resources to patronage and kin.120 Cult practices and ritual healing events reinforce these interpretations. For example, residents often describe regional spirit mediums as foreigners, whether Europeans, Arabic speakers, or others. By playing the part of the external world during cult performances, cult members attempt to experience or familiarize the fo reign (Feierman 1974:202; Giles 1989). Although they have ancient roots [including at the coast (Kusimba 1999)], Bahari C ult practices expanded and intensified during the late pre -colonial and early colonial periods when foreign imposition intensified (Giles 1989, Benjamin 2006). More recently, cult practitioners also act and speak like Dar es Salaam bureaucrats when embodied as spirit mediums. In other words, dissatisfaction with the outside through time can be read in cult representations of colonial e xploiters and, now, figures of the independent state. Viewed alongside snake stories, these performances are reactions to the disenchantment of rural Tanzanians over the past century or more. Compounded disenchantment, a result of so cial and environmental ruptures, is now at its height. Snakes are good to think (Lvi Strausss 1962). They live in (and across) multiple distinct environments burrowing underground, climbing trees, and traversing terrestrial and aquatic contexts thus, their metaphorical impor tance at environmental intersections (mountain 120 Local politics, social practices, and environmental use and management are interdependent in northeastern Tanzania (Feierman 1974, 1990, Giblin 1992, Hkansson 1998, Sheridan 2001).

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296 gradients). Moreover, snakes regularly shed their skins, representing the natural cycle of death and rebirth. Shedding facilitates their cross cultural prevalence as symbols of agricultural/ social fertility, rooted in the ecological cycle of seasonal death and rebirth. When at rest, snakes also often coil, a shape (coils) whose cyclical repetition mimics the seasons (temporal metaphor) and the whirlpool/waterspout [linking the sky and earth, a vertical (spatial) metaphor]. Since at least the nineteen th century, it is to the latter that mythical snakes in northeastern Tanzania often are compared (e.g., Krapf 1860:162). Understanding these metaphors generates alternative pasts that challenge extant histories reliant on Eurasian sources. One such case concerns Mount Tongwe, a locality sacred to the Zigua, among others, since at least the early nineteenth century (Chapter 5). By the 1850s, Kimwere ye Nyumbai, ruler of the (highland) Shambaa Kingdom, offered to the German missionary Johann Krapf that Krapf construct a mission station atop Tongwe. It has been argued (Lane 1993:135) in secondary literature that two Shambaa officials and a lowland trader familiar with Tongwe (who were apt to benefit from such an arr angement) induced Kimweri to tender the missionary a place at the kingdoms periphery. In exchange, Kimweri sought to attain guns and powder that might be employed to regain his shrinking authority of the surrounding landscape (Feierman 1974:139 140). It i s in this context (circa 1853) that Sultan Seyyid Said of Zanzibar, learning of Krapfs potential influence, commissioned Tongwe Hill Fort. By doing so, Said hoped to limit Krapfs hinterland influence, deter Kimweris designs on lowland expansion, and pre vent interference with the booming slave and ivory trade between Zanzibari merchants and mainland Zigua raiders (Lane 1993:135 136). Yet, the question of Why Tongwe? persists. Given that Zigua speakers wreaked havoc on the kings lowland dominion, Kimwer is curious (Lane 1993:135) selection of Tongwe can

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297 be interpreted differently, as an indirect attempt to squelch or usurp the sacred space atop the mountain. It appear s that Kimwere duped the S ultan (although he originally attempted to dupe Krapf) into doing something that Kimwere himself could not or did not want to do at that time: occupy a mythical center of power (snakes and all) from which the Zigua drew inspiration. A clue to the existence of mythical serpents on Mount Tongwe during the middle nine teenth century arises in the writings of Burton (1967[1872]). When encountered in 1857, Burton (1967[1872]:172) writes that the Sultans soldiers complained of horrors: though several goats have been slaughtered, an obstinant [sic] demon still haunts the hill, and at times the weeping and wailing of distressed spirits makes their thin blood run chill from their hearts. Burton goes on to describe shrills pulsating from crevices, boulders, and springs on the mountain, all characteristic havens of mythologic al serpents today (also see Ylhisi 2000:197, Footnote 2). In effect, the Shambaa leader Kimwere, lacking the weaponry to challenge gun wielding lowlanders, hoped to fuel angst among his political competitors ( the Zigua and the Sultan). This explanation re conciles (in a reasonable manner) why Kimwere selected Tongwe in deference of other sites perceived to be better suited to his [Kimweres] political objectives (Lane 1993:135). Kimweris decision does not appear to have been politically nave but, rather politically informed and crafty. Despite strong discontent among contemporary communities living around Tongwe, snakes continue to reside on the mountain. That these serpents persist on Mount Tongwe a plac e occupied and impacted by the S ultans garrison speaks to the resiliency of the Zigua. In other words, in certain locations where pasts are most meaningful and most highly contested, snake metaphors linger as what some might call resistance or persistence. Cooper (2005) rightly critiques the flood of re cent resistance approaches in African history for suppressing the

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298 complexities of human entanglement by caricaturizing Africans as mere reactionaries to others actions. The case of Tongwe, contra this trend, elevates conflicts among Africans and between Africans and others over contested spaces, eliciting, rather than suppressing, genealogies of power in the lower Pangani Basin. From African tellings, a new interpretation of Tongwes history emerges. This new past is not dependant on Eurasian sources tha t privilege external agency (Krapf or the Sultan in Zanzibar), but African metaphors and landscapes alive with mythological power. Striking to me is that, despite a substantial literature generated by w estern trained academics over the last 40 years, there is no significant mention of snake stories. This is particularly unsettling given the multiple documentary tidbits, veiled though they are, about serpents in the writings of early European explor ers and missionaries Krapf (1857:198 199), for instance, or iginally dismissed their (serpents) meaning, The Chief told me of a great serpent which is sometimes seen out at sea, reaching from the sea to the sky, and which appears especially during heavy rain. I told him this was not a serpent, but a water -spout, w hich corresponded to the whirlwind on dry land.121 On the other hand, Dannholz (1989[1912 1918]:80, 121, and 221), working in the South Pare Mountains, frames Pare narratives about snakes and snake mythology in local terms. He mentions nondo (mythical serpe nts) resident along the gradient of the mo untains (a liminal space). Dale (1896:217), recording traditions of the Bondei in the East Usambara Mountains, also remarks briefly on nondo, interpreting them as cave -dwelling serpents. Being attuned to such stories opens up interpretive possibilities that link to other regional myths. 121 Somewhat latter, Krapf (1882:285) appears less certain of this naturalistic designation.

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299 Frank Mselemu, among others, relayed one prevalent narrative about a founding figure in the area [his story varies little from similar stories avidly captured by Feierman (1974; also see Hemedi 1936, 1937)]: Mbega was special. He was a very good hunter. He especially hunted pigs and small antelopes. To hunt he used a bow and dogs. Mbega was so successful hunting that people, especially young people, followed him hoping to get a p iece of meat. Mbega was from Nguu, and area called Kilindi. One day the child of a wealthy person followed Mbega while he was hunting and was killed by some accident of which Mbega had no knowledge. Mbega was accused and a verdict [ hukumia] was brought. Mb ega fled [ toroka] withhis hunting dogs. After travelling some time by foot he reached Sindeni.There at Sindeni, Mbega noticed that distant mountains resembled Kilindi. He began to travel again with the mountains as his destination. At Maurui, where the water swirls, he jumped the river with his dogs.Below the mountains he set up a camp on an area of flat land. He hunted for wild animals [ nyama ya porini ]. After many days people in the mountains saw the smoke from Mbegas camp and they investigated [ -pe leleza ]. Then, a few Sambaa women from the mountains came down and met him. Finding the hunter, they were given meat and returned to tell his story. Mbega continued to give them meat and he was given starchy food [ chakula]. The women told the people at Vug a about the traveler from Kilindi. Through diplomacy [ busara] Mbega lessened their problems [ kuwasaidia kupoza matatizo ya kimaisha]. Mbega settled disputes. They then asked Mbega to come with them, that he should not be alone. In Vuga, he could advise [ -s hauri ] them. All followed Mbega to Vuga where he pacified [ -patanisha] the land. There he was named Kilindi, he married, and his sister married in Bumbuli. Mbega, being the first chief, then spread his children to all the towns of the Usambaras. One of his children, however, was a witch [ mchawi ] that prevented rain and caused hardship in the mountains. This is how Mbega came to direct the area.122 Descriptions of serpents and serpent activities share many of the same narrative associations as those used to speak about Mbega and Seuta, the latter a more ancient mythical ancestor or supreme being (a water god) (see below). For example, the swirling effect at Maurui mimics the swirling of clouds (and coiling of serpents) in stories about the appearance of serpent s at mountain peaks (syntagmatic aspect). In community narratives, smoke marks the ascent of chiefly spirits (following their death) from mountain tops to the heavens. And, Mbegas transition from the lowland to the highland via the mountain gradient signa ls his transformation 122 Interview with Frank Mselemu, Korogwe, February 5, 2006. More than 15 additional interviews recount Mbegas journey and transformation (also Feierman 1974, Hemedi 1936, 1937).

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300 from a lone hunter consuming wild meat to a community farmer and leader. The similarity of devices and locations of transformation (interchangeable, paradigmatic aspects), I believe, links Mbega and Seuta to serpents (which are spirit m anifestations). Moreover, linkages among the se narratives constantly refer back to ecological control and unique environmental places that house spirits ( mizimu ) and supply the vegetation-based medicines that heal the land of catastrophes (as per Janjas medicine gourd). As regards Seuta, linguistic assessment valorizes the likelihood that Seuta was an actual appellation among communities speaking proto -Seuta language [from which the contemporary languages of the regionincluding Zigua and Shambaa emerg ed >1000 years ago (Gonzales 2009)]. Beyond the eponymous usage of Seuta in regional traditions, Maa speakers (typically pastoralists or agropastoralists) employ a version of the term Msita (pl., Vasita )as their name for the Sambaa. According to Ehret the separate line and degree of phonological change in the Maa form demonstrates longevity.123 Much like Mbega, people associate Seuta with the bow as a hunting weapon (Nkondokaya 2003b, Sadleir 1952). Regional residents repeatedly expressed, Seuta is the bow.124 I also heard the following: Seuta is our ancestral spirit and Seuta rests without worries.125 Snakes are similarly treated as occupying mizimu (spirit dwellings) or resting during periods of calm. The most concrete linkage is the similar form of hunting bows and rainbows, the later associated with snakes [as they control the sky, wind, rainfall, and astronomi cal events (e.g., Dannholz 1989 [1912 1918])]. In other areas of the continent, Africans mark mythical serpents with similar 123 Electronic communication with Christopher Ehret, May 9, 2009. 124 Interviews with Frank Mselemu, March 9, 2003; Yusuf Abdallah, Old Korogwe, February 4, 2006; Athmani Ramadhani, Korokonge, February 12, 2006. 125 For instance, interviews with Hussein Nzige, Kilole, February 4, 2006; Mustafa Goda, February 5, 2006.

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301 appellations and natural associations. For instance, in Malawi the river serpent is known as Chiuta (Schoffeleers 1992) (notice the phonological similarity with Seuta). Also working in Malawi, Morris (2000:188) writes, The term chiuta means great bow [:] uta th e bow, chi a prefix for large size or greatness. Scott interprets this as meaning the deity stretches the rainbow across the sky, and thus extends in space, and whose active power is thunder, lightening, and the rain (1929:91). For a huntersuch a metapho r is an appropriate way to illustrate the power and concern of the lord of the bush and of hunting. In my interpretation, then, Seuta is a supreme being whose focus is on the ecological cycle and, especially rain. Nondo [the serpent] (and other local names, e.g., tawanyika and mnyampee ) refer to the serpent spirit, who is a manifestation of such power and who often resides in unique and sacred spaces, but especially in areas of water or areas represented as watery. These places characteristically lie atop isolated or forested mountains, because, as Janja told me, Mountains cure. The elders go to mountains because they see everything there.126 In other words, the total landscape all of time is manifest. Archaeology and Ora l Relevance What is the relevance of the se expressions and practices to the longterm past of the lower Pangani Ba sin? Communities employ serpent stories to manage their social conditions in other words to explain and to ameliorate social and natural changes, uncertainties, and calamities. A ttending to traditions (e.g., propitiating ancestors and participating in rain cults) at unique landscape features (e.g., mountain pinnacle s or waterfall s ) heal s and rebalances the local eco so cial world. Thus, distinct and d urable places (where power is naturalized) given meaning by repetitive human actions (ritual) capture in space (vertically and horizontally)127 the full extent 126 Interview with Rashidi Janja, Lewa, September 7, 2002. 127 Many such places have unique vertical and horizontal aspects. For example, mountain pinnacles are distinct as vertical landmarks, but also offer encompassing (horizontal) views of surrounding territory. Furthermore, waterfalls have great (vertical) height but their water courses across the wider (horizontal) landscape.

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302 of the temporality of landscape (much like Janjas medicine gour d does as a healing object ) (Ingold 1993; also see Morris 2002:134). Mythical serpents mark unique geogra phical features as well as ecological and social intersections (e.g., mountain gradients) relevant to long term regional contests over power : places wh ere intensive connectivity and external impact s have had a pronounced influence Distinctive archaeological sites [e.g., Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Area 4, Mombo ) and Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Area 5, Gonja )] identified during P hase 1 of this project lie proximal to landscape features synonymous with mythical snakes and/or Mbega.128 Thus, a rchaeol ogical sites with copious evidence of exchange, such as Kwa M gogo, are recognized as locations where connectivity in deep time disproportionately impact ed environments and communiti es It is remarkable that all of the hinterland survey areas of this project lie near a distinctive landscape feature. For instance, Maurui (in Survey Area 3, Korogwe ) (Figure 5 5) i s the plac e of swirling (i.e., whirlpool ) w here Mbega made his mythological transition from the lowland hinterland into the West Usambara Mountains (Chapter 6) A t Lewa (Survey Area 2) (Figure 5 1) Janja describes Mount Tongwe as inhabited by a gia nt snake. He further considers Mount Tongwe to be the origin point of the Zigua, Bondei, and Shambaa (also see Chapter 5) In Survey Area 4 (Mombo) (Figure 6 1) residents affiliate Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33 ) with a mythical snake because of the sites proximity to Mount Maf i and the springs between the villages of Sheki lago and Kwa Mgogo The people living at Mombo (Survey Area 4) depict the area as an abode of serpents or as a space straddling the path that serpents traverse on their way from Mount Mafi to the ocean during flash floods. 128 Snakes are spirit man ifestations and Mbega is an earthly (human) representative of Seuta.

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303 A fin al example concerns Gonja (Survey Area 5) In 2005, food shortages arose due to a regional drought. Local discourse frequently reference d mythical snakes, a nearby waterfall (Thornton Falls) and the sacred groves at Shengena (a forest in the South Pare Mountains) (Figure 7 1) Ritual healers recounted the fleeing of serpents associated with forest clearan ce and the loss of crafts stools and clay pipes affiliated with ancestral rites and rain magic. Social change broug ht by new religions, im migration and em igration and urban cultural trends popular among yout hs continued to anger elders .129 Concerns about s ocial frag mentation (and damage to the community ) heightened during foo d shortages especially following the arrival of tractor tra ilers carrying relief food f r o m Dar es Salaam Government officials distributed food supplies to the community at an abandoned storehouse built atop Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Area 5 Gonja ) (Chapter 7). While speaking with me, elders indicated that radical com muni ty change began at Gonja centuries ago during Galla incursions130 (also see Chapter 7). More recent causes of local hardship include d the overhunting of elephants (for ivory during the nineteenth century), introduced plantation schemes (to produce sugar, s isal, and trees for the toot hpick industry), and neoliberal state po licies. Local citizens assert ed that violations of tradition by immigrants and uninformed youth reduce d the water supply, negatively impact ed soil fertility and harm ed livelihoods.131 Cha llenges to the authority of chiefs and wagawa (resource administrators) result ed in community antagonisms. 129 For instance, interviews with Saidi Mungwana, Gonja Maore, March 9, 2006; Daudi Mshamba, Muheza, March 13, 2006. 130 Much like stories about the Shirazi and Shungwaya, oral traditions about the Galla reference the north (a space). Interviews with Saidi Mungwana, Gonja Maore, March 9 and 13, 2006; Salehe Kilimbo and Daudi Mshamba, Muheza, March 13, 2006. 131 Interviews with Katamba Sekondo, Muheza, March 8, 2003; Saidi Mungwana, Gonja Mao re, March 9, 2006; Rajabu Mshamba and Salehe Kilimbo, Muheza, March 13, 2006.

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304 At Gonja (Survey Area 5), c ontempor ary suffering ( expressed through disc ourse about serpents ) links mythological time with the physical realities of disaster. In such circumstances, stories about serpents bind ill impacts to a government associated structure, namely the post independ ence public works building, also known as Public (at 394239E, 95283 34N). El ders suggest ed that the area at Public wa s also the place (in the wider area) that was most he avily impacted by the Galla in deep time .132 Thus, Public bundle s the negat ive external impacts to Gonja across social time (recent and ancient) Duri ng heavy rains, snakes from Thornton Falls (the unique landscape feature of the area) rush to the ocean and are said to pass through Public, metaphorically sweeping away it s ills and healing the location, the present community, and all of social time. M y thical serpents and the Seuta (and Mbega ) concept are widespread and ancient in regional cosmologies. L inguistic an alys e s trace the origin of regional rain cults and landscape/ healing relationships deep in time (cf. Gonzales 2009; also see Feierman 2006:193) (also see Chapter 2). These practices and expressions expanded in their importance during the second millennium C.E. a trend motivated by local exigencies (e.g., climate change) and increasing foreign impacts (chapters 4 7). The proximit y of unique landscape features (said to house mythical snakes) and ancient archaeological sites with e xtra local artifacts (e.g., Kwa Mgogo, Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo ) may suggest that settlements were positioned to access landscape feat ures (perhaps for propitiation). Foreign objects (e.g., glass beads and marine shells ) in the continental hinterland increasingly would have called fo r explanations in local culture which snake metaphors (when assessed from the present) ably address. 132 Interviews with Salehe Kilimbo, Muheza, March 13, 2006; Ali Athumani and Kalega Ali, Gonja Maore, March 15, 2006.

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305 D id coastal traders establish nineteent h century caravan halts in the se same vicinities to usurp local power by occupying special spaces (just as the Sultans fort was placed atop Mount Tongwe)? T his hypothesi s is intriguing. Nevertheless during at least the last 150 years, the hinterland vi ci niti es addressed in this project emerged as areas where people attempt ed to rebalance their worlds by addressing perceived ills, read as foreign impacts and local failures to attend to tradi tion. Under these circumsta nces, intensive community discourse address ed and explained changes by using snakes as symbols (manifestations of spirits and tradition as largely writ ) and by referencing unique natural landmarks and longter m sites of habitation that anchor ed and legitim ize d cosmol ogy and its public expressions. Succinctly, the durabil ity of the landscape facilitated how people experience d its temporality and represent ed its historicity Valorizing these valuations of history in social time makes a new past from an African standpoint. In northeastern Tanzania, everyday struggles, atypical happenings, and fantastic renderings play a central role in reconciling eco -social change s with the extant moral order. By highlighting worldly changes (through time) and local disi llusionments (in the present and recent past) I do not mean to suggest that Africans are withdrawing fro m modernity or things modern (i.e., worldly influences). On the contr ary, rural Tanzanians work hard, not to reconcile traditio n and modernity, but to make something new out of the two. In these cases residents view trad ition (the past) as legitimate and skeptically represent the future as change (uncertainty). The interlacing of these themes, for example in the materials collected in Janjas me dicine gourd (e.g., local medi c ines and foreign beads) produces a metonymy that transposes each onto the other, resulting in a reconciled image that change is ancient and that continued tradition is inevitable. In other words, on the grand landscape and i n comparatively miniature objects

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306 (healing gourds) social cosmologies rooted in metonymies bind space -time categories. In this form, social experience is more easily managed. Regional expressions and constructed and conceptualized landscapes (Ashmore a nd Knapp 1999) of historical significance help lowland residents to negotiate meaning in a world rapidly changing because of increased connectivity. However, the circulation of ideas, practices, and m aterials in central, coastwise E ast Africa appears to ha ve a long history, as archaeological finds demonstrate In more recent centuries, social and environmental changes fueled moral economies increasingly linked to rainmaking and political control. Oral expressions balanced change by binding localities of historical significance to places of settlement and connectivity in antiquity. Anthropologists empower the possibility of a critical historical archaeology by incorporating the voices and practices of Africans and emphasizing regi onal landscapes and t emporality. B y working across the artificial divides of prehistory/history and scientific practice/local knowledge we can address the questions that count in African history and formulate new pasts (Schmidt and Walz 2007a; cf. Helm 2000, Fontein 2006, Schmidt 1978) This r equires valuing people, listening carefully, and becoming socially articulate (Giblin 2005, Mann 2008:121). As I learned from the disaster at Mombo, t reating expressions as meaningful within political spaces elevates present voices a nd realities but also enhances and transforms understandings of the past.

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307 CHAPTER 9 FINDINGS AND A REGIONAL PAST The distinct physiographic character and later history of the l ower Pangani Basin guided my study and comprehension of the long -term history (including aspects of settlement and connectivity) of centr al, coastwise East Africa. In this chapter, I review project find s from systema tic survey and reconnaissance (P hase 1 ) as well as test excavations (P hase 2). I discuss discoveries of impo rtance an d integrate them to make a regional historical narrative I simultaneously and thereafter engage project hypotheses and broader issues of social change during the last millennium and a half. When context ualized, the resulting past elucidates the unique con tributions of this historical archaeological project. Previous research in northeastern Tanzania led me to anticipate that nineteenth century connectivity (characterized by dendritic caravan networks) assimilated preexisting webs and nodes of interaction. Such a realization influenced project objective s and hypotheses (Chapter 3) in addition to tre atment s of people and landscapes By practici ng regional archaeology (across coastwise vicinities), valuing people, their expressions, and more recent historical sources, and experiencing landscapes and life -ways, I uncovered a n influential corridor of settlement and interaction among co mmunities The a r chaeological and other residues detail ed in chapters 4 8 sugges t that practicing r egional history can compel reformulations to rooted histor ical representations During the last two millennia, lowland interior communities impacted political economies outside of local bounds, including beyond the lower Pangani Basin during the last two millen nia. Given the p roportiona l excavations of this project and limited (but increasing) historical knowledge about contiguous territories (e.g., southeastern Kenya), my interpretations are preliminary. I encourage futu re projects in the region by other archaeologists and anthropologis ts

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308 who will bring novel approaches and experiences to understanding northeastern Tanzania and its people and their legacies through time. Archaeological Localities and Culture History Rotating markets ( magulio) and then, caravan node s were key places f or connection and exchange among groups in the lower Pangani Ba s i n During the ninet eenth century, the region served as an east -west corridor for carav an traffic (chapters 2 and 4 7). Knowledge about the routes and nodes of recent centuries facilitate s testi ng earlier regional connections in similar vicinities First, s ystematic archaeology evaluated the representation of a short history for lowland northeastern Tanzania. A n absence of archaeological and oral historical information about this region in eff ect artificially separate s (in space and ti me) the coast and the highlands from the intermediate lowland space a nd its goings on. To fill this gap, I so ught clues to settlement by ironusing, farming (and other) communities during the last 1500 years (Ch apter 3). To address H ypothesis 1, team members employed a systemat ic pedestrian survey to document and characterize archaeological localities (sites an d occurrences). Given t he c hallenging tropical environment (vegetation and so forth) a good faith effort necessitated formal ized and re plicable surface inspections (Chapter 3) The project establish es supplement s and refine s aspects of the existing culture history of northeastern Tanzania which previously depended on informal reconnaissance and/or s ite specific assessments (Chapter 2) Settlement trends collections of contemporaneous sites arranged in association with one another and/or phy siographic zones and features a re of interest for comparing and contrasting changes in occupation across time in areas. O ral tr aditions supply tantalizing indications about links between certai n landscape features and site s of historical importance (Chapter 8), a relationship I considered in Chapter 8.

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309 We examined the terrain between Pangani Bay (at the Indian Ocean ) and the South Pare Mountains (Figure 1 1), a survey universe of 337 km2 comprised of five survey areas (spread east to west) : Pangani (Survey Area 1), Lewa (Survey Area 2), Korogwe (Survey Area 3), Mombo (Survey Area 4), and Gonja (Survey Area 5) (Figure 3 5). The team sampled 44 km2 (13.1%) of this survey universe (distributed among the five survey areas) using 1 km2 units (Appendix A).133 Surface visibilities varied from very good to poor [43.7% mean; ranging from 64% (Survey Area 3, Korogwe) to 17% (Survey Area 2, Lewa)] (Appendix F and Appendix G). No significant correlation exists between the surface visibilities of survey areas (as inferred from the visibilities of its surveyed units) and the number of archaeological sites identified within their bound s.134 However, a correlation may exist at a larger scale (i.e., within smaller areas of each survey area). Systematic survey and limited reconnaissance documented 367 archaeological localities (238 sites and 129 occurrences) of 22 types (Appendix C, Appendix D, Appendix E, and Appendix H). By project definition, 238 of these localities are sites: 201 within systematically surveyed units (Appendix C), nine within survey areas but outside of systematically surveyed units (Appendix C), and 28 outside of survey areas (Appendix D). The 201 sites recorded during systematic inspections of survey units distribute from east to west as follows: 55 at Pangani (Survey Area 1), 24 at Lewa (Survey Area 2), 21 at Korogwe (Survey Area 3), 81 at Mombo (Survey Area 4) and 20 at Gonja (Survey Area 5). The Mombo and Pangani survey areas 133 During systematic survey, the team covered >99% of the total area of surveyed units. We wrote off government or military controlled compounds (because they were legally inaccessible) and a few small areas with standing water (e.g., in Survey Unit 25, Survey Area 3, Korogwe) (Appendix G). 134 For instance, at Pangan i (Survey Area 1) we documented >65% of the archaeological sites in 200 m2 survey blocks with visibilities 1). Archaeologists working in East Africa normally write off such heavily vegetated areas (Curtis and Walz 2001, Fleishe r and Lawson 2001; cf. Helm 2000, Mapunda et al. 2003).

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310 yielded the highest densities of sites/km2 (per survey unit), 9.0 and 6.9, respect ively. On the other hand, fieldwork at Korogwe registered the lowest density of sites/km2 (per survey unit ): 2.3. We also recorded 129 archaeological occurrences : 45 at Pangani, 12 at Lewa, 18 at Korogwe, 28 at Mombo, and 26 at Gonja (Appendix E) At the vast majority of sites, the primary surface compone nt of assemblages dates to within the last 1500 years (Appendix C and Appendix H). Sites and occurrences demonstrate that the short history of lowland northeastern Tanzania an area largely prefigured as a settlement void is a fallacy. Twenty two site types characterize the survey univers e (Appendix H). Based on finds, known material typologies, and proje ct radiocarbon dates (chapters 4 7), archaeological localities range in their cultural associations from the late ESA to recent centuries. Sites identified during systematic survey (201 in total) include t he following: 24 lithic scatters (types 1 2), 96 ceramic scatters ( sometimes mixed with other materials) dating (relatively) 600 1750 C.E (types 4 8, 11, and 13 16), and 46 mixed artifact scatters with post 1750 C.E. affiliations (types 17 22) (Appendix C and Appendix H).135 The overall cultur e history extends to at least 15 0 kya.136 Each survey area and archaeological locali ty had intrinsic circumstances (physiographic, social, and historical), t he details of which appear in chapters 4 7. R egional c ommunities were dynamic and varied. Thus, the historical periods that I employ to discuss pasts are guides rather than absolutes. During the last 1500 years, distinct b u t interrelated groups influenced political 135 Thirty five additional sites include nondiagnostic artifacts (types 3 and 10) or artifact types with multiple chronological associations within this framework (types 9 and 12). 136 This section provi des a brief overview of the regional culture history (in project survey universe). The details of culture history for each survey area appear in chapters 4 7 and Appendix H. The culture history draws from surface and excavated artifacts and radiocarbon dat es from this project as well as comparisons to previously known artifact finds, typologies, and dates from northeastern Tanzania and coastwise eastern Africa (e.g., Biginagwa 2009, Chami 1994, 1998, Chittick 1974, Collet 1985, Helm 2000, Horton 1996b, Kirk man 1974, Kusimba and Kusimba 2005, Odner 1971a, 1971b, Schmidt and Karoma 1987, Schmidt 1988, Soper 1967, 1982, Wilson and Omar 1997).

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311 economie s at multiple scales, exchanging information, i deas, goods (durable and not), and marriageable kin (e.g., C hapter 7). U nder these circumstances, symbiotic and competitive relations fluctuated in their intensity Paleolithic hunter -gatherers were the earliest occupants in nort he astern Tanzania. They mad e stone tools from quartz rive r cobbles using simple hard hammer percussion techniques The survey produced the first archaeological eviden ce of Acheulian hand axes (pre 150 kya)137 and MSA tools ( ending 35 kya or later ) in northeastern Tanzania (e.g., Site 70 in Survey Unit 11, S urvey Area 2, Lewa). B ifacial choppers (small in size) accompany these artifacts in Survey Area 2 (Lewa). Sites with MSA tools (sites of T ype 2) illustrate that people employed a variety of stone raw materials to fashion objects in cluding chert and petrified wood from the underlying Karoo Formation (Figure 3 2 and Figure 5 4) (chapters 3 5). Later, mobile groups employed LSA technolog ies (including the bipolar technique ) to make quartz tools, including microliths B ack ed pieces (e.g ., crescents) occur in all of the survey area s. In the lower Mkulumuzi and Sigi r iver valleys near Tanga Town, reconnaissance did not locate similar artifacts (Marean and Shea 1996:80 81) (Figure 2 2). Given the number of overall sites (types 1 9) either d efined by surface lithics or with significant lithic components, some stone technology persist ed into the early seco nd millennium C.E. Farming populations i n eastern Africa often continued to use, or even reverted to, stone technologies after transitioning to agricultural life -ways (Kessy 2005, Robertson and Bradley 2000, Seitsonen 2004). This trend is somewhat evident [e.g., at Pangani (Survey Area 1) and Lewa (Survey Area 2) ], but is not strong (also see Gramly 1981, Masao n.d.) (chapters 4 5 ). Lithic tec hnology, including the exploitation 137 This is a conservative chronological estimate. Acheulian artifacts and sites located elsewhere in Tanzania occur as l ate as 150 kya or later (e.g., Willoughby 2007).

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312 of rarer stone raw materials, li kely continued due to environmental and social changes in coastwise settings (Mapunda et al. 2003:31 35) (c hapter s 4 5 ). Neolithic ties developed in the lower Pangani Basin. A f ew defin iti ve specimens of three different ceramic types demonstrate such influences: Kansyore (Site 91 in Survey Unit 21, Survey Area 3, Korogwe), Narosura (sites 202 and 204 in Survey Unit 44, Survey Area 5, Gonja), and Akira (sites 157 and 160 in Survey Unit 31, S urvey Area 4, Mombo). These artifacts occur as minor components (a few ceramics) in surface assemblages dominated by later ceramic types. Neolithic pottery signals lowland connections to productive rather than purely extractive (h unter -gatherer) economies prior to 500 C.E. (and potentially as early as the sec ond millennium B.C.E.) (Bower 1991, Chapman 1967, Collet and Robertshaw 1983, Lane et al. 2007, Mturi 1986, Wright 2003). Primarily known from the western uplands of East Africa (including the vicinity of the Great Rift Valley), these Neolithic artifacts are the first ceramics of their types identified in the project area They join similar finds from central, coastwise East Africa in demonstrating broad regional linkages deep in time ( cf. Chami and Kwekason 2003, Wright 2005, also see Karega Munene 1996). Iron -working farming communities occupied northeast ern Tanzania by 200 600 C.E. At Mombo (Survey Area 5), definitive examples o f K wale and Mwangia ceramics occur as minor components in the sur face assemblages at four sites (sites 157 and 160 in Survey Unit 31; sites 164 and 171 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4) Two additional instances of Mwangia Ware aro se at Gonja (Site 204 in Survey Unit 44; Site 211b, Survey Area 5). Sites with likely EIW ceramics (but lacking definitive examples) occur elsewhere in the survey universe (Site 32 and sites of Type 10, Survey Area 1, Pangani; Site 59 in Survey Unit 9, Survey Area 2, Lewa). At Mombo (Survey Area 4), early ceramics (including examples of Akira W are) (see above) tend to

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313 cluster along the seasonal Mkomazi River and in the case of EIW ceramics, appear mixed with TIW near perennial water sources (spring -fed streams) (e.g., sites in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo). Kwale (200 500 C.E.) an d Mwa ngia ceramics (400 600 C.E.) are transitional to TIW in central, coastwise East Africa (Chami 1998, 2001, Helm 2000). The project survey did not identify Limbo ceramics, the earliest EIW ceramic variant in the wider region ( 200 B.C.E. 200 C.E.) The absenc e of Limbo ceramics may result from the paucity of raw materials (e.g., rich iron ore sources ) necessary to fuel large scale iron production (which elsewhere defines Limbo sites) (cf. Chami 1992, Fawcett and LaViolette 1990). In addition, Limbo sites may be buried. Excavations at Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo) and Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44, Survey Area 5, Gonja) yielded a few ceramics with be vels and rim thickening in their lowest strata (EIW in nature) Mwangia c eramics are more common Although we did not locate Kwale Ware in Su rvey Area 3 (Korogwe), such ceramics are known from the surrounding landscape ( cf. Collet 1985, Kiriama 1993, Schmidt and Karoma 1987, Soper 1967). Such residues affirm the impression that intact EIW sites (which were not the primary concern of this project) are buried in river valleys positioned in well -watered areas and/ or located on outlying hill tops outside the parameters of the five project survey areas. Settleme nts with evidence of the (EIW) Mwitu Tradition dot the proximal highlands (Soper 1967, Schmidt and Karoma 1987), demonstrating the emergence of iron smelting by 100 B.C.E. or slight ly later, for instance at Nkese (Schmidt 1988 Schmidt and Karoma 1987) (Figure 2 -4) Like the cases at Mombo (Survey Area 4), specimens of Kwale Ware exhibit upturned rims, bevels, flutes, and dentate designs. Similar s pecimens identified near the Taita Hills (Kenya) date to a few centuries

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314 later (Collet 1985, Kusimba and Kus imba 2005). Project finds alongside previously known highland residues characteristic of EIW traditions correspond well with th e extant culture history of central, coastwise East Africa. By 600 750 C.E. agricultural communities emerged as the primary oc cupants of northeastern Tanzania (e.g., at Kwa Mgogo, Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo). H unter -gatherers and groups practicing m ixed subsistence strategies (e.g., agro pastoralists) also inhabited the region ( Chittick 1 959, Collet 1985, Kus imba and Kusimba 2000, 2005, Thorbahn 1979, Amin Mturi, personal communication ). Based o n surface and excavated finds, the MIA ( 600 1000/1200 C.E.) was a period of substantial population increase, growing social inequality and mor e intense intergroup c onn e ctivity From 600 1000/1200 C.E., settlement was comparatively dense at Mombo (50 sites with TIW and/or Group B ceramics in Survey Area 4) and Gonja (41 sites with TIW, Maore Ware, and/or Group B ceramics in and near Survey Area 5).138 Additional instances of the same ceramics (and associated artifacts) occur at Pangani (TIW at Site 48 in Survey Unit 6; Mtakani, Site 51a; Kumbamtoni, Site 52a, Surv ey Area 1) and Korogwe (Group B at Site 85 in Survey Unit 19; Site 90 in Survey Unit 21; Site 93 in Survey Unit 22, Survey Area 3). Instances of e arly TIW (600 900 C.E. ) occur across the survey universe, including at littoral sites as well as lowland interior sites > 75 km from the coast, for instance at Mombo (Survey Area 4) and Gonja (Survey Area 5) (Soper 1967, Schmidt and Karoma 1987) Particularly striking is the comparatively large cluster of TIW sites (covering 11.5 ha) located in 138 We also observed residues of MIW communities elsewhere: Mazinde (Walz 2001), from Bendera to Kihurio (along the eastern flank of the South Pare Mountains) (Walz and Odunga 2004), near Daluni (on the northe astern skirt of the East Usambara Mountains), and in the Mlalo Basin in the West Usambara Mountains (Figure 11 and Figure 2 2). Multiple archaeological sites at Mazinde and Mlalo exhibit TIW ceramics, extending their already expansive distribution (e.g., Chami 1994, Helm 2000, Horton 1996b, Mapunda 1995, Mutoro et al. 1996, Soper 1967, Ari Siiriinen, personal communication). These archaeological localities are not reported in the previous chapters because they fall well outside of the five project survey areas.

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315 and around survey units 28 and 30 (Survey Area 4, Mombo). At Mombo, sites like Kobe (Site 138a) and Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33) signal substantial lowland settlement during the MIA The early TIW ceramics observed in the survey universe share affinities with ceramics from the central and southern Swahili coast and interior (e.g., Chami 1994, Haaland and Msuya 2000, Schmidt et al. 1992). There is some project evidence (albeit relatively minimal in nature) that TIW continued into its later phases (post 900 C.E.) for example at Kumbamtoni (Site 52a, Survey Area 1, Pangani), Tongoni, and Ulimboni (Site 110 in Sur vey Unit 28, Survey Area 4, Mombo) (Chami 1998, Horton 1996b). In some interpretation s Group D ceramics at Korogwe (Survey Area 3) and Mombo (Survey Area 4) represe nt a late phase of TIW (Helm 2000, Horton 1996b). By the ninth century C.E., a village (Gon ja Maore, Site 209 in Survey Un it 44) with Maore ceramics developed in Survey Ar ea 5 (Gonja) (Figure 7 1). Some archaeologists (Collet 1985, Soper 1967, 1982) link Maore Ware to the preceding Kwamboo tradition and more pastoral life ways (Chapter 2). Fauna l evidence from Survey Area 5 highlights mixed subsistence (e.g., evidence of domesticate d sheep/goat, the hunting of wild species along the mountain slope and in the plains, farming, and milk and/or beer production) (Chapter 7) Residues of iron making ar e minimal. R adiocarbon samples ( from Gonja Maore ) suggest occupation at the site between the late first millennium and the mid dle second millennium C.E. Maore ceramics and instances of TIW (earlier) and Group B (later) occur at Gonja M a ore in intact strat ified deposits, just as TIW Group B, and insta nces of Maore Ware occur at Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo). At the end of the first millennium C.E ., commu nities using Group B ceramics occupied the western portion o f the survey universe (e.g., Survey Area 4, Mombo; Survey Area 5, Gonja).

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316 T hey declined in frequency by 1200 C.E., but persisted up to the early middle second millennium, including at localities in Survey Area 3 (Site 85 in Survey Unit 19; Site 90 in Surve y Unit 21; Site 93 in Survey Unit 22, Korogwe). P reviously known f r o m the environs of the South Pare Mountains (Chittick 1959, Fosbrooke 1957, Odner 1971a, Soper 1967), clusters of Group B ceramics, shell discs, and other debris are common at select locali ties at Mombo and along the mounta in fringe at Gonja The remnant iron smelting furnac e, tuyeres, and radiocarbon date from Jiko ( Site 210a, Survey Area 5, Gonja) attest to MIW practices. Specimens of Group B with horizontal comb marks also occur at Pangan i Bay ( e.g., near Kumbamtoni, Site 52a; Survey Area 1). Wavy line designs are more frequent among Group B ceramics farther west (in Survey Area 5, Gonja) ; however, such decorations are less frequent at Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo) and all but absent at sites in t he low lying Mkomazi Valley ( Survey Area 4, Mombo). S ettled Swah ili communities developed at Pangani Bay (Survey Area 1) by 1250 1350 C.E. and, somewhat later, in the vicinity of Tongoni. Swahili Ware ( 1250 1550 C.E.) including hematite -burnished, open bowls dominate s the su r face assemblages at these sites F oreign (Asian) ceramics often mix with specime ns of Swahili Ware, affirming an early second millennium occupation as well as interaction with Indian Ocean networks. We did not identify a preceding Plain Ware tradition along this portion of the regions coastline (1000 1250 C.E.) like the one common ly found south of the Pangani River (Chami 1998, Chami and Mapunda 1998, Chittick 1974, Pollard 2009). A few M iddle Eastern sgraffiatos accompany early Swahili ceramics. Thus, Swahili Ware (with neck punctations ) eventually replaced TIW (also see Horton 1996b Wilson and Omar 1997). By 1400 C.E, resident s constructed coral buildings (including

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317 mosque s of northern type indicative of Islamic practice and growing Red Sea influence) at Pangani Ba y (Survey Area 1) (Freeman -Grenville 1962, Gramly 1981) (Chapter 4). Swahili Ware blankets a number of comparatively large sites along the littoral and upriver of Pangani Ba y (e.g., Muhembo, Site 37 in Survey Unit 4; Mtakani, Site 51a ; Kumbamtoni, Site 52a, Survey Area 1, Pangani). The earliest sites upriver (Mtakani, Site 51a; Kumbamtoni, Site 52a ) include some marine shell disc beads and foreign items, such as hatched sgraf fiato and, later, fragments of Islamic monochrome and Chinese celadon. Imports, including glass beads, correspond to e xpanding ties to oceanic s ystems At Lewa (Survey Area 2), multiple archaeological localities bear Swahili and Post -Swahili ( 1550 1750 C.E .) ceramics (Site 59 in Survey Unit 9; Site 61 in Survey Unit 10; Occurrence 49 in Survey Unit 15) which attest to connections across the coast and hinterland through material cul ture. This is the case despite a decrease in hinterland settlement 1250 1550 C.E. (see Connectivity and Vulnerability below) Examples of Swahili Ware occur as far inland as Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo) (Figure 614). Post -Swahili ceramic s gained prominence later (post 1550 C.E.) (Chami 2004) as communities at Pangani Bay began to converge at Muhembo (and other comparatively large sites) (also see Fawcett 1999, Kusimba 1999, Wilson 1980) At sites of the last half millennium, especially at P angani (Survey Area 1), Korogwe (Survey Area 3), and Gonja (Survey Ar ea 5), non local, African ceramics occur scattered in surface assemblages. Such ceramics, for instance, include Kilimanjaro Group C at Gonja (e.g., sites 235b and 236b, Survey Area 5 ), Group D at Tongoni (e.g., in Excavation Unit 2), post 1 750 C.E. types from interior Tanzania in multiple survey areas (e.g., Site 13 in Survey Unit 1, Survey Area 1, Pangani; Site 103 in Survey Unit 27, Survey Area 3, K orogwe ; Site 201 in Survey Unit 42, Survey Area 5, Gonja), and widely

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318 dispersed Shambaa cera mics The last type occur s in the environs of Lewa (e.g., Site 75 in Survey Unit 13, Survey Area 2) and at other lowland sites ( cf. Biginagwa 2009). T he late eighteenth century brought changes. L ittoral residents produced Post -Post Swahili ceramics and imp orted new foreign items During this period, there is greater differentiati on among hinterland site types (including site locations and types of local artifacts and imports) (e.g., Chapter 6). An increase in the variation among sites of different types and an increase in the number of non-local artifacts, such as Eurasian ceramics and glass vessels, glass beads, and iron spear and arrow tips, signal more formalized (caravan) trade and heightened competitive relations among groups and individuals (chapters 4 7). Nineteenth and early twentieth century trading stations and markets, as they are described by European travelers and twentieth century historians (Chapter 2) pepper the landscape, including Zanzibari garrisons, German installations, and early plan tation infrastructures to mention a few examples S ites impacted by Europea n colonialism typically exhibit gun parts and bullets, iron donkey shoes and nails, European glas s shards (of bottles), molded and drawn glass beads (from Bohemia, among other places) clay pipe bowls (for smoking tobacco), and coins (especial ly German hellers) We visited some of these impacted localities during systematic survey (e.g., Gombero, Site 47 in Survey Unit 5, Survey Area 1, Pangani; vicinity of Chogwe). However, Tong we Hil l Fort Kwa Fungo, Ngombezi, Vuga and the towns of Mazinde Bwiko Kihurio, and Mkomazi exist outside of the five project survey areas (Figure 2 2 and Figure 35). All of these localities and others (including historic paths) were a ssessed during the course of this project. In total, the archaeology team systematically examine d a lowland landscape. By equitably treating (in quantity and quality of research) all areas of the survey universe (coastal and

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319 hinterland settings), we identified >325 new archa eol ogical loc alities, including some obstructed f r o m view by natural or anthropogenic effects Based on traditional archaeological practice (reconnaissance) in the region, these latter vicinities might other wise have been written -off Locating and recordin g sites and occurrences resulted in an objective sample ( of sites ) based on a site definition (Chapter 3), but allowed for documentation of potentially important non-sites (occurrences ). Lowland settlement by iron using, farming communities among other re gional residents (including contemporaneous occupants), extends to the first millennium C.E. in area s that later emerged as caravan nodes. Connectivit y and Vulnerability In eastern Africa, physiographic and social intersections (like northeastern Tanzania) facilitate intergroup relations ( Abungu 1989, Duarte 1993, Kusimba and Kusi mba 2000, Sutton 1973a). A political economic perspective conscious of the limitations and opportunities of setting s achieves scalar integration by considering contemporaneous soci eties and residues indicative of interaction s and unequal access to power (Cobb 1991:44; also see Robertshaw 2000:280 281, Stahl 1999) As occurred elsewhere in East Africa, communities secured and remade their livelihoods and themselves by producing, exchanging, and consumi n g goods (Fleisher 2003, Hkansson and Widgren 2007, Kusimba and Kusim ba 2005, Oka 2008, Prestholdt 2008, Thorbahn 1979, Wynne Jones 2007). Project finds (reviewed below) suggest that archaeologists redirec t their attention to the co ntinents hinterlands and recent pasts to recuperate aspects of more ancient times, including the legacies of connectivity and power in East Africa In the late first millennium C.E. and during the subsequent centuries, the lower Pangani Basin experienced population growth, the beginnings of political differentiation among sedentary communities, intensified craft production (for use and exchange) and elaborations of ritual (tied

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320 to consumption). Signatures of these developments for instance, include compa ratively large sites and settlement clusters, coral architecture at the coast greater frequencies of non -local (including foreign) items, increased iron and shell bead production, and (eventually) specialized pastoralism and terraced cultivation (Freeman Grenville 1962, Hkansson 1998, 2004, Hkansson and Widgren 2007, Jennings 2005, Kusimba 1999, Kusimba and Kusimba 2000, 2005, Schmidt and Karoma 1987, Sutton 1998) (chapters 4 7) Multiple factors account for this transformation: changes and fluc tuations (instability) in climate, more int ense linkages with Indian Ocean networks (goods, Islam, slaving, diseases, and so forth) and the presence and role of cattle keepers, sp ecialized traders, and elephant herds (Abungu and Mutoro 1993, Chami 1998, Fleisher 2003, Haaland and Msuya 2000, Hkansson 2004, 2008, Horton 1996b, Horton and Middleton 2000, Kusimba 1999, 2004, LaViolette 2008, Mapunda 2009, Oka 2008, Oka et al. 2009, Schmidt et al. 1992, Sinclair and Hka nsson 2000, Sutton 1973a Thorbahn 1979, Wright 1993). Each of these i nfluences (alluded to in chapt ers 4 7) influenced regional inequalities, fostering s ymbiotic (e.g., complementary exchanges) and competitive (e.g., raiding) relations among communities t hat hop ed to ameliorate risks and uncertainty. Alliances, social obligations, and violence played out, particularly during the last half millennium of the regions history. Material evidence of interaction occurs across the survey universe and through time but particularly during pulses of integration and connectivity (see Regional Perspective below) .139 In the lower Pangani Basin, the presence and quantity of hinterland artifacts (during certain periods) are unique when compared to other coastwise regions Such artifacts include nonlocal ceramics (African and non -African) marine shells, be ads (of various materials), stone items and 139 Pulses are f luctuations i n intergroup dependence versus the maintenance of dist inctiveness and self reliance in other periods ( ChaseDunn and Mann 1998:157, cf. Kusimba et al. 2005) (Chapter 6).

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321 indications of iron pr oduction, among other residues In combination with recent discoveries from southeastern Kenya (e.g., Kusimba 2009, Kusimba and Kusimba 2000, 2005, Oka 2008, Herman Kiriama, personal communication), finds from this project suggest the region from Mombasa to the Pangani River and westward to the South Pare Mountains was a distinct and influential corridor in antiquity (Figure 2 2).140 Below, I consider material trends across the survey universe and focus on archaeological evidence that responds to Hypothesis 2 (Chapter 3): production and interaction among regional communities intensified during the MIA (600 1 000/1200 C.E.). In addition to survey finds, I highlight excavated materials retrieved from Pangani (Survey Area 1), Mombo (Survey Area 2), and Gonja (Survey Area 5) related to connectivity and vulnerability. Sites with evidence of ancient interaction aros e in vicinities n ot dissimilar from rotating markets ( magulio) and nineteenth century caravan nodes (chapters 4 7) Artifacts and Interaction To address Hypothesis 2, I sought shared materials (e.g., ceramic types), nonlocal items, and simultaneous shifts i n settlement, production, a nd/or consumption across the survey universe T hese and other clues mark connectivity ( e.g., Mitchell 2005: 25). Movement toward specialization in production (as regards a technology or craft ) is further indi cative of changes to a po litical economy (Cobb 1993, Costin 1991, Morrison 1994, Schortman and Urban 2004) Widely distributed, ostensibly mundane items (e.g., shell disc beads) signal intergroup ties and facilitate access to social networks capable of am eliorating risks (Cashdan 1985, Earle and 140 Ancient documents and previous artifact discoveries in East Africa (mostly from the coast), suggest that a range of items were exchanged among communities during the last 1500 years. Raw materials and finished products included those of iron, copper, and gold as well as slaves, livestock, milk, dried fish, cereals, honey, salt, ivory, rhino horn, tortoise shell, animal skins, marine shells, medicines, incense, wax, cloth, ceramics, glass beads and shards, rock (quartz) crystal, carnelian, garnet, agate, he matite, and graphite, among others (e.g., Allen 1993, Horton 1996b, Kusimba 2009, Schmidt et al. 1992, Stiles 1992) (Chapter 2). Cultural preferences influenced the types of items exchanged (Abungu 1989, Abungu and Mutoro 1993, Masao and Mutoro 1988).

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322 Ericson 1977:10, Smith 1999, Weissne r 1982). Such objects (and food) originally played a greater part in maintaining interactive networks than rarer Indian Ocean items (see below). Areas of settlement and production as well as concentrations of nonlocal items (cf. Dussubieux et al. 2008, Mitchell 1996) align with the vicinities of nineteenth century caravan nodes in the lower Pangani Basin. To evaluate project outcomes, I examine signatures of connectivity during the last 1500 years. Ceramics: In antiquity, r esidents living in the lower Pangani Basin exchanged a proportion of their ceramic vessels Interviews with 30 potters (living in Tanga and eastern Kilimanjaro regions )141 revealed an uneven distribution of q uality potting clays (and firing fuels), particularly in lowland areas (where clays often concentrate near vitivo ). This patterning in clay sources forces resident potters either to collect cl ay s from nonlocal sources or to forego potting and purchase the ir pots (made from nonlocal clays) at rotating markets ( magulio). Potters congregate at weekly markets to sell their wares, particularly in locations where the demand for clay vessels remains hi gh or wher e non -potting communities purchase vessels (e.g., t he Iloikop obtain vessels from the Shambaa and Mbugu) (Chapter 6). With very few exceptions, women perform all of the stages of ceramic production (from retrieving the necessary raw materials to firing and marketing). This also was the case during recent c enturies (Baumann 1891, Burton 1967[1872], Omari 1975). Analysis of a sample o f excavated ceramics from Tongoni, Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo), and Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44, Survey 141 I interviewed and observed potters in more than 15 towns and villages in northeastern Tanzania. The most useful insights arose from engaging potters at Daluni (northeastern skirt of the East Usambara Mountains), Gereza (west of Korogwe Town), Mlalo (in the W est Usambara Mountains), Mlembule (west of Mombo Town), Muheza and Kizerui (near Gonja Maore Town), and Mwera (south of Pangani Town) (Figure 22). In the future, I intend to publish the results of my interactions with residents.

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323 Area 5, Gonja) documented at least 15 ceramic pastes in the assemblage of each site .142 Given the distribution of quality clay sources (inferred from interviews), this variation is too great to be e xplained solely by potters a ccessing local clays Chami (1998) and Helm (2000) identif ied equally variable ceramic fabrics at sites in the hinterlands of southeastern Kenya and central Tanzania, respectively (also Henry Mutoro, personal communication). Although the majority of sherds are local in origin, one out of five ceramics at sites in the centra l Tanzanian hinterland exhibits a non local fabric (Chami 1994). Thus, in antiquity ceramic vessels circulated among communities and/or people traversed landscapes (and took some of their pottery with them) The nature and extent of these ties awai ts detailed petrographic analysi s of representative samples at multiple sites through time as well as c lay sourcing studies by geologists and archaeologists. Ceramic type distributions and patterns of use wear offer further clues about the nature of i nteraction and consumption. Localities with greater ceramic variation tend to occupy geographical positions critical to the fl ow of goods and human movement Emphasized earlier, TIW, Maore, and Gro up B ceramics occur at Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo) and Gonja More (Site 209 in Survey Area 44, Survey Area 5, Gonja) in intact stratified deposits At these sites, >15% of necked jars (independent restricted vessels) exhibit heavy internal ware consistent with milk and/or beer stor age or processing, food products essential to subs istence but also important to ritual activity and systems of tribute Through time, the variety of non local, African ceramic types increased at far -flung sites: specimens of Kilimanjaro Group C, Group D, t ypes from central and western Tanzania, and Shambaa, Zigua, and Pare pottery. These ceramics often occur alongside Eurasian ceramics, non-local beads, and 142 The actual number of fab rics at each site is likely to be much higher.

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324 iron spear and arrow tips, signaling more direct (caravan) trade and heightened intergroup re lations People living near the oceanfront at Pangani Bay (Survey Area 1) first produced Swahili Ware (1200 1550 C.E.) in countryside vicinities (e.g., Kumbamtoni, Site 52a). Only later did they make such vessels at Swahili sites with coral architecture (e.g., Muh embo, Site 37 in Survey Unit 4). Working on Pemba Island, Fleisher (2003) interprets such patterning as evidence that Swahili open bowls (unrestricted vessels) decorated with hematite and graphite were ceremonial in nature and linked to feasting (communal acts of consumptio n) These vessels mark activities important to generating the symbolic capital essential for the initiation of urbanism (Fleisher 2003). Such important items found in Survey Area 2 (Lewa) hint at coastwise relations. But, the low freq uency of such bowls away from the coast (e.g., at Lewa), suggests comparatively less involvement by immediate hinterland communities in the symbolic systems of Swahili monumental centers (Mapunda et al. 2003, Wynne Jones 2007). Particularly striking, howev er, is the presence of Swahili Ware and other non local objects in the deep interior at Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Area 4, Mombo) (Figure 6 14) (see below). Broad similarities in ceramics (e.g., TIW) from earlier centuries (600 1000/1200 C.E.) persist a cross expanses of East Africa (Mapunda 2002, Schmidt 1994/5, Sutton 1994/5). In the lower Pan gani Basi n, we discovered TIW ceramics in the eastern and western extremes of the survey universe: a distance >150 km. Examples of TIW al s o occur el sewhere in interior East Africa for instance in the upper Tana River Valley (northern Kenya) (Phillipson 1979, Mutoro et al. 1996), near Engaruka (Ari Siiriinen, personal communication), and in southwestern Tanzania (Mapunda 1995, Mapunda and Burg 1991) (Figure 2 1 ). People circulated ceramics over comparatively short distances (see ceramic fabric discussion above). However, given the

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325 fragility of pottery (generally poorly suited for long journeys), everyday human movement and/or the spread of ideas may better accou nt for the general consistency in TIW across space.143 Some ceramics moved over long distance s (>50 km) during their use -lives whether downthe line or more directly, thus the presence of Swahili Ware (fashioned from coastal clays) and specimens of sgraffia to at Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo) (also see Mapunda 2002). The location of sites with certain ceramic types generates further insight s about geographical linkages and the infrastructures of interaction (paths) During the n ineteenth century, one caravan route passed along the Pangani River (upriver of Survey Area 1, Pangani) and eventually ascended the escarpment at Lewa (Survey Area 2). Mapunda and Msemwa (2000 ) suggest that unique trees mark some hinterland networks of exc hange and corridors of interaction [often located near sites with Swahili Ware (1200 1550 C.E)]. In this light, i t is remarkable that project finds of Swahili, Post -Swahili, and Post -Post -Swahili varieties documented at Lewa (e.g., sites 50 and 61, Survey Area 2) occur in survey units near the L ewa escarpment by heavily eroded paths (that are still in use) that climb to ward the uplands. Of the earlier of these site types, one locality each lies above and below the escarpment in this pattern (Site 59, Survey Unit 9; Site 61, Survey Unit 10, Survey Area 2, Lewa) A ceramic bead grinder, fragments of Swahili open bowls and a n IndoPacific ( Trade Wind ) glass bead occur at the former site Other, more mobile (due to their size and durability) items circulated al ong corridors of interaction, reinforcing shared artistic expressions and group ties. In t he Pangani Basin, 143 There is also variation in TIW ceramics across space and through time (e.g., compare Chami 1994, Horton 1996b).

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326 mounting evidence of connectivity includes smaller, non-local items, such as the ceramic discs collected from excavations at Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo). Beads, shells, and shell beads: After 750 C.E., b eads of foreign and local origin mark connectivity be tween coastal an d hinterland African communities. Due to their comparatively high frequency at sites in the survey universe (when juxtaposed to other coastwise regions) in this discussion I emphasize glass beads and shell beads. Early on in the principal time frame (750 900 C.E.) glass and stone beads are rare and accompany TIW ceramics as well as a small number of ma rine shells and shell beads. Glass, shell, and stone beads increase in frequency by 900 1000 C.E. at the coast as well as in the western portion of the survey universe. In the interior, landsnail shell beads are particularly common at sites with Maore (e.g ., Gonja Maore, Site 209 in Survey Unit 44, Survey Area 5, Gonja) and Group B ceramics (e.g., Kwa Mgogo, Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo). Through 1250 C.E., marine shells and landsnail shell beads far outnumber glass and stone beads at these types of sites (see below). Subsequently, glass beads predominate at coastal sites and occur in larger quantities than in the interior, as might be expected. Field investigations in the survey universe produced 194 bead types ,144 based on material, metho d of manufacture, sh ape, color, and opacity. Of these types, 150 are imported glass beads with origins in southern Asia (earlier wound and drawn varieties) or, increasingly (during t he last 350 years), Europe Molded beads (including from Bohemia) are typi cal of much later sites (post 1800 C.E.), where they occur alongside drawn glass beads and German and/or early British artifacts. Indo -Pacific (Trade Wind) glass beads (late first millennium to 1700 C.E.) are common, including at multiple sites in Survey A rea 4 (Mombo) (e.g., Kwa Mkomwa, Site 135 in 144 In the future, I plan to publish detailed descriptions these bead types (chapters 47). Here I summarize the general characteristics of beads.

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327 Survey Unit 28) (also see Soper 1966, 1967, 1968). Almost all pre 1550 C.E. glass beads are monochrome ( Chittick 1974, Davison and Clark 1974, Dussubieux et al. 2008, Francis 2002, Horton 1996b:323 336, Karlkins 1992, Kirkman 1974, Robertshaw et al. 2003, Wood 2002, Van der Sleen 1956) The 44 remaining beads types are made from various materials. Some types derive from regional settings and others are of possible (or probable) foreign origin. Thirtee n bead types are fashioned from marine, estuarine, freshwater, or terrestrial (landsnail) mollusk shells The other bead typ es in the assemblage include the following: 11 of bone (including, but not limited to, modified or pierced snake vertebrae and shark vertebrae ), six of stone [ carnelian, agate, rock (quartz) crystal, or slate], five of metal (iron or copper), four of coral or aragonite (materials available along the proximal coastline), two of ceramic, and one type each of ostrich eggshell and ivory. These beads a re widely distributed in the survey universe. Notably, rock (quartz) crystal, carnelian, agate, and ostrich eggshell beads primarily occur at interior sites with TIW, Maore, and/or Group B ceramics, including at Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Surve y Area 4, Mombo). Shells, finished shell beads, and sh ell bead production debris supply information concerning craft activities, interaction and consumption. M arine shells occur in all of the survey area s including those in the interior Artifacts made from mollusks (including marine and landsnail varieties) are m ost common in the western portion of the survey universe (Survey Area 4, Mombo; Survey Area 5, Gonja). Cowries, especially Cry p r aea annulus accompany ceramics classified as TIW Maore, and Group B (especially 750 1200 C.E.). Other mollusk species identified in site assemblages include, but are not limited to, Crypraea moneta and Polinices mammilla (chapters 6 7) (Soper 1967, Walz 2005, for a later period see Biginagwa 2009).

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328 Mar ine shel ls from excavations include both partial (broken) and whole (unmodified) specimens. In other instances, shells, such as Marginella sp., are perforated or ground, presumably to be worn as ornaments (suspended from a cord). In total, archaeological e xcavations at Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo) and Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44, Survey Area 5, Gonja) recovere d >225 marine (or estuarine) shells and objects definitively made from such shells (chapters 6 7). Approxi mately 35% of specimens are modified. Both of these archaeological sites lie distant from the Indian Ocean. In fact, Gonja Maore occupies terrain outside the Zanzibari Inhambane Mosaic characteristic of coastwise settings in eastern Africa (Chapter 3). Giv en the proportional exca vations at Kwa Mgogo and Gonja Maore, both of which span m ultiple hectares, thousands of marine shells may be buried at these localities. The original ash mound at Gonja Maore c ertainly contains a large number of marine shells and s hell beads mixed with other debris (in excavation units 1 2) (Chapter 7). Ceramics with marine (or estuarine ) shell impressions (indirect evidence of shells) comprise a small proportion of surface artifacts at Ulimboni (Site 110 in Survey Unit 28) Kobe (S ite 138a), and Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33) in Survey Area 4 (Mombo) and Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44) in Survey Area 5 (Gonja). These sites have late first millennium and early second millennium C.E. associations. Closer to the coast, Post -Swahili and Post -Pos t -Swahili ceramics in the vicinities of Pangani (Survey Area 1) and Lewa (Survey Area 2) frequently exhibit marin e bivalve impressions Po tters living near the towns of Mombo, Gonja Maore, and Daluni (all >35 km from the ocean), for instance, continue to employ marine shells as preferred tools for decorating vessels (Figure 2 2). Thus, direct and indirect evidence of shells exist s scattered in the project survey universe.

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329 We also amassed 8.0 kg and 6.1 kg of non-marine, mollusk shells at Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo) and Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44, Survey Area 5, Gonja) respectively T he vast majority of the > 1600 objects of personal adornment (beads) recovered durin g excavations and screening are made from the shells of Achatina sp (Giant African Landsnail). We unearthed all stages of shell bead production: 1) whole shells with cut -outs, 2) rough, disc pre -forms (blanks), 3) perforated pre -forms, and 4) finished bea ds with smoothed edges On site surface s, such beads lie in clusters (most noticeably, at Kwa Mgogo). Bead makers consistently placed perforations. Shell discs lack substantial variation in their sha pes (discs) and sizes, an issue to be furthe r researched in the future. The increasingly intensive production of beads best affiliates with household-scale activities characterized as semi -specialized (part -time ) ( Arnold and Munns 1994, Cobb 1993, Costin 1991, Morrison 1994) (chapters 6 7). Finished beads likely met some demands beyond those of site occupants People living along the oceanic littoral also made shell disc beads ; however, they primarily used Anadara sp. (a marine mollusk) as their raw material. A small number of discs likely made from Anadara sp. also occur in the a rtifact assemblages from Survey Area 4 (Mombo) On the East African coast, intensive shell bead production spanned 750 1100 C.E. The well excavated, Swahili towns of Shanga (Horton 1996b) and Ki lwa (Chittick 1974) exemplify this trend (F igure 2 1) [also see the Fawcett (1999) for similar remarks about Kaole] (Figure 2 1). At Pangani Bay (Survey Area 1), Kumbamtoni (Site 52a) and Mtakani (Site 51a) both yielded shell discs made from Anadara sp. In later centuries (by 1100 1200 C.E.) the p roduction of shell bead discs at coastal sites declined dramatically, with a subsequent (brief) surge in the production of shell tube beads (e.g., Horton 1996b:323). Remarkably, at Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey

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330 Area 4, Mombo) we identified a few finely made coastal shell discs (of An a dara sp.) and, in succeeding excavation levels, 16 shell tubes. Thus, patterns in the material assemblages of Mombo (Survey Area 1) mirror coastal trends in bead production. This evidence bol sters arguments for connections among contemporaneous communities living in different regional settings. At the coast, e xcavations at Kumbamtoni (Site 52a, Survey Area 1, Pangani) documented multiple bead grinders made of cera mic or sandstone. However, trenches at Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4, Survey Area 1, Pangani) did not produce bead grinders [although Muhembo dates to a period (post 1350 C.E.) known to have had minimal shell bead production] In the interior, w e recorded m ultiple bead grinders on the surface of Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo) and in the wider vicinity of Mombo [ as Soper (1 967) did elsewhere in the area ], but recovered only one bead grinder during systematic excavation s at the site Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey U nit 44, Survey Area 5, Gonja) produced no such objects. If wha t we interpret as bead grinder s in fact are used for refining beads then bead finishing at interior sites likely was conducted in designated areas (perhaps missed by proportional excavations) .145 Locally made bead s (as residues of production, interaction, and consumption) played a n important role in intergroup, coastwise relationships over the last 1200 years ( Abungu 1989, Collet 1985). In their discussions, archaeologists tend to emphasize beads of glass or other bead types of likely foreign origin (e.g., carnelian and agate). Beads made from local materials produced at interior sites deserve more detailed attention. Like iron implements, local beads are 145 According to Flexner et al. (2008), archaeologists may be incorrectly interpreting scored objects as bead grinders. Large excavations and proper sampling within sites and across sites are necessary to a ddress this issue more conclusively.

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331 finished products. By 1000 C.E., semi -spe cialization in production (as suggested here) indicates a changing po litical economy (Cobb 1993, Costin 1991). These objects helped to establish and fortify interactive networks of social value. Shell disc beads facilitated alliances and access to social n etworks that assuaged risks (Arnold and Munns 1994:487 488, Cashdan 1985, Weissner 1982). At first (pre 1250 C.E.), rarer Indian Ocean items (prestige goods ) reinforced bonds already developed through food exchange, shared objects (e.g., shell disc beads ), and ties to kin. Thu s, shell beads enabled intergroup social relations where communities and spheres of exchange intersected ( for extrapolations also see Regional Perspective below) Other items: Iron objects, iron production residues, and items of stone and other durable materials comprise additional artifacts that attest to local production and regional interaction I highlight iron and then briefly discuss stone objects (chapters 4 7). Of all the project survey areas, iron smelting debris is most prof use at Gonja (Survey Area 5). Sites in the environs of Survey A rea 5 revealed slag heaps, copious tuye re fragments, and two intact furnace bases, one of which we excavated at Jiko (Site 210a). Most of these signatures affiliate with sites dominated by earl y Group B ce ramics (900 1200 C.E.). S maller number s of tuyeres occur elsewhere in the lower Pangani Basin At Tongoni, household production (slag biscuits indicative of smithing) associate with the period of Swahili cultural growth and expansion (12001550 C.E.), as is the case at co mparably dated sites elsewhere along the Ta nzanian coast (Mapunda 2002, Schmidt 1994/5) Iron artifacts (spear and arrow tips, ornaments, an d miscellaneous fragments) crop up at many sites, but the number of artifacts does not correspond to the amount of production debris at Gonja (Survey Area 5) (Chapter 7). Although some finished iron objects may have succumbed to tropical decay, another influence exchange may better account for the paucity of iron items in

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332 the archae ological record. As i n other hinterland areas of Tanzania ( cf. Haaland and Msuya 2000, Mapunda 2002, Schmidt 1994/5), iron bloom and iron objects likely entered coastal (or highland) spheres The hematiterich sands at the base of the South Pare Mountains near Gonja (Survey Area 5) facilitated Gonjas role in iron production. Regional patterns in the growth of shell disc bead production (750 1200 C.E.) correspond to the period of heightened iron smelting at Gonja [for additional dates see C ollet (1985)] (Ch apter 7). As landsnail shell disc bead production and iron production increase d at Group B sites, there wa s a simult aneous decline in the presence of o strich eggshell beads.146 Therefore, an emphasis on links with people of other productive (agricultural and pastoral), rather than extractive (hunter gatherer) life -ways, may have developed: a hypothesis requiring further testing in the future. Alternatively, other items, such as ivory (not evident in the archaeological record at Gonja), may have supplanted ost rich eggshell beads in their importance to maintaining relationships with hunter -gatherers and other communities. It is perhaps not coincidental that elephant hunting for ivory intensified as early as 1200 C.E. in the abutting territory of southeastern Kenya (cont emporary with the occupation of Gonja Kalimani, Site 207 in Survey Unit 44, Survey Area 5, Gonja) (Hkansson in press Kusimba and Kusimba 2000, Oka 2008, Thorbahn 1979). Cattle keepers and their influences on regional political economies later fac ilitated the booming ivory trade, a s specialized pastoralists (Maa -speakers) spread into the outlying areas of northern Tanzania beginning half of a millennium ago (Lamphear 1986, Galaty 1993). 146 The ostrich eggshell bead trend derives from comparing the excavation results at Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44, Survey Area 5, Gonja) and Gonja Kalimani (Site 207 in Survey Unit 44, Survey Area 5, Gonja). Th e sample sizes for this comparison are admittedly very small. Further sampling in stratified deposits is needed to reinforce the conclusion of a decline in ostrich eggshell beads through time. At both sites, ostrich eggshell beads do not appear to have bee n produced onsite, rather, they resulted from exchange with regional hunter gatherers (chapters 6 7).

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333 Stone objects made from local raw materials also occur a t arch aeological sites in the lower Pangani Basin. At Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo), we recovered >75 gneiss objects (including, but not limited to, querns as well as shape d stones underlying the burial feature in Excavation Unit 4 ) (Figure 6 13) Sources of gneiss lie proximal (within 5 10 km) to Kwa Mgogo, but in other cases for instance at Kumbamtoni (Site 52a, Survey Area 1, Pangani) and Tongoni (north of Survey Area 1, Pangani), the pa rent sources of gneiss are 15 25 km distan t. At Kumbamtoni we further collected pieces of graphite (embedded in gneiss) used to decorate Swahili open bowls. Lithics made from chert and petrified w ood (from 15 km upriver) surfaced at sites near the Boza escarpment ( Survey Area 1, Pang ani). In addi tion to these artifact discoveries, we recovered a single obsidian flake from Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44, Survey Area 5, Gonja). Pieces of rock (quartz) crystal as well as b eads of rock crystal, carnelian, agate, aragonite, and coral ( occurrin g as spher oids, cylinders, and/or bicones) demonstrate the exchange of stone (fossilized or not) items with various derivations, including possible external origins. At Kwa Mgogo, such artifacts accompany TIW and Group B ceramics. Other less frequent artifacts and ecofacts also support a model of interregional linkages. For instance, plains species giraffe, zebra, and eland are among the faunal remains at Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44, Survey Area 5, Gonja), suggesting hunting expeditions and/or exchange. Finally, c opper beads and wire Asia n and European ceramics, glass shards (of bottles) coins, and clay pipe bowls (for smoking tobacco), alongside other artifacts, are particularly frequent at sites of the last two centuries. Regional Perspe ctive The archaeological localities and artifacts encountered during this project help to transform represent at ions of the lower Pangani Basin. A number of patterns emerge. First, there was

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334 substantial settlement and interaction across the landscape, parti cularly 750 1200 C.E. and post 1750 C.E. There is a lag in settlement and intraregional exchange 1300 1550 C.E., a time corresponding to the Swahili Golden Age: the broader coastal turn toward the Indian Ocean and its many influences (Chapter 4). In the interior, settlement diminished in low -lying areas by 1350 C.E., perhaps due to a waning relationship with the coast. Circa 1500 C.E., hinterland groups may have partially relocated to the highlands or converged along the coast, as lowland vicinities were affected by the climatic fluctuations of the Little Ice Age Trad e specialists eventually surfaced, fostering growing wealth at select coastal towns that persisted into the middle eighteenth century (e.g., Oka et al. 2009).147 How closely integrated was the coastwise region extending from Mombasa and Pangani Bay inland to the South Pare Mountains? The percentage of project sites (within surveyed units) that bear foreign ceramics and/or beads declines away from the coast: 24/55 ( 43.6%) at Pangani, 8/24 (33.3%) at Lewa, 6/21 (28.6%) at Korogwe, 17/81 (21.0%) at Mombo, and 4/20 (20%) at Gonja. This trend (which accounts for sites of all periods) represents a fall -of f curve, where goods likely moved down the line ( Renfrew 1975). However, when marine shell s are taken into account in this scenario, there is a greater balan ce (in the number of sites with such artifacts) achieved among the Korogwe (Survey Area 3) Mombo (Survey Area 4) and Gonja (Survey Area 5) vicinities This patte rn denotes closer ties than down the line (or filtering) exchange might suggest because a s ignificant fall off in non local items is lacking. The fall -off in i nteraction and information flow (evident from artifact distributions) in all likelihood lie s west of 147 Walsh (in press) argues that the Seg eju Thagiu speakers originally from the upper Tana Ri ver Valley in northern Kenya, but who now live in the hinterl and of Tang a and Mombasa moved into coastwise southeastern Ken ya during the fifteenth century. They appear as warlike pastoralists in Portugues e records (e.g., Strandes 1968). According to Walsh, the Segeju left loan words concerning exchange in Mijikenda lan guages, signaling Segeju involvement in e conomic relations among regional, coastwise com munities. Hkansson (in press ) s uggests the Segeju served as the precursors of the Kamba as organizers of a major ivory trade network prior to the mid 1500s (Chapt er 2).

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335 Gonja (Survey Area 5) (Fosbrooke 1957:320, Odner 1971a:125), especially for the MIA period (Figure 2 4). Taking into consideration both the absolute number (rather than the percentages) of sites that exhibit coastal or external items as well as the quantities of non-local artifacts in the hinterland (identified from survey and reconnaissance), the Mombo vicinity (Survey Area 4) appears to be particularly important. For example, the finds from Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey U nit 33, Survey Area 4, M ombo) are re markable when compared to other sites occupied by MIW communities in the hinterland of central, coastwise East Africa.148 In its TIW and (later) Group B components (particularly up to 1200 C.E.), the no n -local artifacts at this unique site includ e >60 marine (or estuarine) shells, 16 tube beads of marine shell, 34 glass beads (from southern Asia) 8 carnelian or agate beads (perhaps from India), and one aragonite bead ( from the coast). In addition, we collected examples of hatched sgraffiato ceram ics (from the Middle East), Swa hili Ware (from the coast), numerous s haped ceramic pieces (with likely coastal origin s ), and a Swahili glass shard Ostrich eggshell beads, rock (quartz) crystal, copper object s (including multiple copper cones) shaped bone implements, limited slag and tuyere fragments, gn eiss objects ( shaped pieces ), and hundreds of landsnail shell beads (and asso ciated production debris) further legitimate the sites distinct character w hen compared to its sister settlements (Chapter 6). 148 In mainland Tanzania and southeastern Kenya, excavations at other hinterland sites with TIW ceramics continue to yield some nonlocal items, including shells, beads made from various materials and pieces of gum copal as well as iron production de bris (e.g., Chami 1994, Chami and Mapunda 2003, Chami and Msemwa 2003, Fawcett and LaViolette 1990, Haaland and Msuya 2000, Helm 2000, Kir iama et al. 2006, Kusimba 1999, LaViolette et al. 1989, S chmidt et al. 1992, Soper 1967, Wynne Jones 2005). Thus, the sites bearing TIW near Mombo (Survey Area 4) (including Kwa Mgogo, Site 177 in Survey Unit 33) fi t a coastwise pattern However, the comparatively high density of settlement at Mombo, Kwa Mgogos location in the deep interior, evidence of landsnail shell production at Kwa Mgogo and elsewhere, the long term human occupation at the Kwa Mgogo (including into later periods when Group B ceramics predominate), and the comparatively large number of nonlocal items in the vicinity differentiate the Mkomazi Corrido r (Walz 2005)

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336 The l andsnail shell beads from the project deserve special emphasis in this discussion Prior to 1750 C.E. (and perhaps somewhat later), prestige goods played an epiphenomenal role in the spheres of exchange in northeastern Tanzania (Pearson 1998, Prestho ldt 2008). Attention to locally produced artifacts, including hinterland goods, helps archaeologist s challenge prevalent formalist interpretations of economies and move toward grappling with the socially embedded nature of objects. From 750 1200 C.E., coa stal and hinterland communities made shell disc beads using different materials (marine and landsnail shells, respectively). The simultaneous timing of bead production across coastwise settings is highly unlikely to be coincidental. Smith (1999:117) highli ghts the role of raw -material substitution in sending social signals that forge intergroup ties (Chase Dunn and Hall 1998:142 143, Sherratt 1995). I suggest that shell disc beads in this region had a value beyond simple use, namely as sign vehicles (Sm ith 1999:117) that maintained and reinforced social (including economic ) relationships (Sherratt 1995) (Chapter 3).149 The communities participating in bead making, emulation, and consumption (public display, ritual acts, or ancestor veneration) (chapters 6 7) negotiated their positions in a wider social network, benefitting from its linkages.150 One benefit of ties was broad social webs that buoyed communities during periods of downturn or calamity. The relatively sudden halt to bead production (on the coast i n particular) during the earliest century of the Swahili Golden Age 149 T he production of landsnail shell discs was not simply a case of emulation. Productive control at hinte rland settlements reinforced exchange b onds at more localized scales ( ChaseDunn and Mann 1998:142143). In this manner, hinterland se ttlements involved in bead production may have fi lled need s previously met (but vacated) by the ir interactions with coastal settlements 150 It is worthwhile to consider comments, such as the following: Shell beads are common in the earlier deposits (pre AD 1400), but those worn and discarded in habitation areas differ from those manufactured at Kaole [at Bagamoyo (Figure 2 1)] (my emphasis) (Fawcett 1999:7). Do shell disc beads from rural sectors of Swahili towns derive from connections with hinterland settlements? Are a proportion of the shell disc beads in areas outlying Kaole made from landsnail shells? Closer attention to the intra site patterning of different types of shell disc beads at coastal sites is required to address this hypothesis.

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337 (1250/1350 1550 C.E.) (and somewhat prior to it) indicates an interruption to th e preexisting regional economy. Interior groups could no longer depend on the input of coastal communities the latter being increasingly i ngrained in new systems of value enabled by new objects of importance for display and consumption (e.g., decorated Swahili open bowls). Thus, it appears that coastwise ties grew leading up to the Swahili Golden Age, in pa rt based on the importance of shell disc beads as common goods that could be produced and (their distributions) controlled by local communities (see Beads above).151 By 1200 1350 C.E., however, new objects (e.g., Swahili open bowls) became more important t o residents living along the littoral, drawing them away from more holistic engagement with interior communities. The relationship of coastal settlements with outlying groups thereby became increasingly unbalanced and exploitative. In the hinterland, exchange and alliances (cooperation) served as alternatives to violence (conflict) in times of resource depletion or local instability (e.g., Abungu 1989, Duarte 1993, Kusimba 1999). Kin ties, blood brotherhoods, and systems of reciprocity reinforced mutua l ties. Devel oping moral economies supported by narratives that stressed balance (and decried instability) (Chapter 8) provided insurance in an attempt to diminish vulnerability. In late Swahili and Portuguese times (through the sixteenth century C.E.) raids became more pronounced because the social meaning of panregional s ymbols and exchange systems faded (beginning in the early middle second millennium C.E.). Rotating markets at geographical intersections arose during this period (Wood 1974, Wood and Ehret 1978) that enabled territorial 151 Prior to 1200 C.E., shell disc beads can be juxtaposed to glass beads and other foreign goods whose production and distribution were controlled by Indian Ocean and littoral entities. The latter were more exposed to the exigencies of outside influence and thus their availability fluctuated. In other words, such prestige goods were not dependable tools for establishing durable intergroup ties prior to 1200 C.E. Local goods that could be made across settings (even with different raw materials), however, were suitable to the task and, in the case of beads, visible symbolic referents in public and private settings.

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338 linkages among newly fragmented groups (with newly developing identities tied to different topographies) (e.g., Chapter 6). More stable food production resulting from terracing, irrigation strategies and, later, the arrival of specialized pastoralists (e.g., at Gonja) eventually led to greater accumulations of social wealth and new political forms ( Hkansson and Widgren 2 007, Feierman 1974, Kimambo 1969). Finds intimate that MIW communities made landsnail shell beads n ear nucleated population centers located at geographical borders (and/or along corridors) with adequate water and comparatively productive land (e.g., vitivo ). By 900 1200 C.E., regional climate was increasingly wet (Alin and Cohen 2003, Kari n et al. 1999, Ryner et al. 20008, Verschuren et al. 2000), an interpret ation at the local scale validated by the high volume of water -dependent landsnails at Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo) (Appendix N). During this period, climate change fostered more intensive exchange, as communities adapted to alterations to the diverse local setting (lush mountains, comparatively fertile Mkomazi Valley, and arid nyika ). Already evident inequalities increased among hinterland settlements. At Mombo (Surv ey Area 4), landsnail shell beads and foreign items are absent from low lying sites (in the Mkomazi Valley), suggesting differential participation in specific economic activities ( Costin 1991: 21 and 43).152 At Kwa Mgogo, the perennial springs in Survey Uni t 33 and the proximity to vitivo (for cultivation) offered a privileged position from which to influence the local political economy and endure occasional instabilities.153 152 A rtifacts made of organic materials are less likely to endure at low lying archaeological sites. This might explain the absence of landsnail shel l beads. However, these same si tes also exhibit little to no evidence of more durable objects, including nonlocal ceramics and beads of carnelian, agate, aragonite, and copper (associated with TIW and/ or Group B ceramics ) (Chapter 6). In other words, the differential distribution of artifact classes (e.g., landsnail shell beads) at sites in the vicinity of Mombo (Survey Area 4) is real and meaningful (Figure 616, C). 153 Kwa Mgogo (Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo) was insulated from the exaggerated limitations and challenges (floods, malaria, and/or drought, respectively) of the different surrounding landscapes. Its placement

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339 Just as variations in the regions physiograp hic zones and resources (across space an d through time) offered opportunities to communities such variation also presented constraints. My overall impression of northeastern Tanzania during the last 1500 years is of a somewhat more arid climate and l ower water table that in preceding periods (with shorter -term fluctuations in rainfall and temperatures) (chapters 3 and 6 7). In the past, the local environment at Pangani (Survey Area 1) was less estuarine. Approximately 500 years ago, rising ocean levels began to pollute wells at coast al Swahili sites ( Kusimba 1999, Omar 1996, Wilson 1982). An augmented reliance on shellfish and fish at Tongoni and Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4, Survey Area 1, Pangani) during this period r esul ted from changed water tables that offered increasing access to sha llow water environments and, thus, shellfish as food and fishing bait (Chapter 4 ) (also see Pollard 2009) In turn, t he relatively channeli zed nature of the Pangani River facili tated flood events that began to more frequently impact low lying communities s ettled by the lower river course. Looking inland, Group B ceramics are common throughout the continental interior 900 1300 C.E. and somewhat later At the local scale, t he presence of Lanistes ovum and Pila ovata mark this period as increasingly wet. The d istribution of Group B in space and time is c ritical because during the last century of the fist millennium C.E. and the early centuries of the second millennium coasta l sites on the northern mainland and islands (as juxtaposed to the southern coastal main land) exhibit more evidence of for eign exchange (Cham i 1998, Horton 1996b) (chapters 4 and 6 7 ). Communities using Group B ceramics took advantage of low -lying vitivo to access a griculturally fertile spaces, potting clays and rainy -season fish. T hey als o circumvented natural took greatest advantage of the environments parameters during the centuries (7501200 C.E.) of heighted connectivit y in northeastern Tanzania (Chapter 6)

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340 disasters (floods and landslides) by a voiding steep hill slopes (Chapter 6). At Gonja (Survey Area 5) people settl ed mountain fringes, somewhat removed from seasonal inundation areas (vitivo ) and potential fla shflood corridors on s l opes (Chapter 7). Iron smelters [conducting ritually imbued technological activities e.g., evident from the medicine pit in the furnace at Jiko (Site 210a, Survey Area 5, Gonja)] practiced their craft away from habitations. Shell beads may have been impor tant to local rites (including rites of passage) [e.g., the concentration of shell beads in the ash mound at Gonja Maore (Site 209 in Survey Unit 44, Survey Area 5, Gonja)] and ancestor veneration (e.g., shell beads within the gneiss lined burial in Excava tion Unit 4, Kwa Mgogo, Site 177 in Survey Unit 33, Survey Area 4, Mombo) (chapters 6 7). Along mountain skirts near Gonj a (Survey Area 5), inhabitants altered sloped environments to reduce soil erosion and expand cultivation (Hkansson and Widgren 2007; a lso see Ehret 1998, Hobley 1895, Sutton 1998, Stump 2006). At the coast, a settlement hierarchy developed by 1350 1450. The communities at Tongoni and Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4, Survey Area 1, Pangani) built elite associated structures, mosques, an d tombs of coral. Feasting (evident from Swahili open bowls) eventually drew the countrysides attention to larger sites centered on Islam ic practice and ideological and economic influence expanding outwards from the Red Sea (Fleisher 2004, Wright 1993) (Chapter 4). Imports increased in frequency but remained less common at Pangani Bay (Survey Area 1) than at larger Swahili sites located elsewhere on the East Africa coast, such as Mombasa and Kilwa (Figure 2 1). By 1450 C.E., c or al walls at many Swahili set tlements insulated urban dwellers from supposed hinterland marauders.

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341 O scilla ting rainfall during the Little Ice Age (1500 1750 C.E.) amplified extant instability, enabled intergroup violence and reinvigorated exchange.154 General fluctuations in climate as well as short term calamities influenced people and their strategies of risk aversion (e.g., flood avoidance), for example, along the gradient of the Eastern Arc Mountains (e.g., at Gonja, Survey Area 5) where people of different life -ways operated inte rdependently, facilitating the exchange and display of valued items (Horton and Middleton 2000:97; also see Kusimba and Kusimba 2000, Oka 2008, Wrigley 1997) (see Connectivity above). It is during this period, that rotating markets gained significance at critical environmental and social junctures on landscapes (Ambler 1988, Wood 1974, Wood and Ehret 1978). Three to five hundred years ago, regional exchanges of pottery, soda (or salt), and other products reemerged as substantial among communities living be tween Mount Kilimanjaro, Tsavo (southeastern Kenya), and Pangani Bay (chapters 4 and 7) (Figure 2 -1). In other words, the Little Ice Age (1500 1750 C.E.) as amplified environmental challenges for established settlements and influenced interaction as shif ting water tables and the Portuguese caused problems for people along the littoral (Allen 1982, Hkansson in press, Kusimba 1999, Oka 2008, Thorbahn 1979, Westerberg et al. in press). By the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries, the population at Mombo (Sur vey Area 4) increased, each site type exhibiting distinct signatures and trends in settlement: Type 16 (Group D) and Type 19 (Shambaa) along mountain slopes, Type 21 (Zigua) in low -lying areas, and, eventually, Type 20 (Iloikop) on hill slopes opposite Mom bo Town (Chapter 6). Foreign (prestige) goods also increased in influence during the last three hundred years, as wealth began to concentrate in communities and among individuals. The political structures 154 Iron spear and arrow tips are common at post 1500 sites (e.g., Gombero, Site 47 in Survey Unit 5, Survey Area 1, Pangani).

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342 (chiefdoms and kingdoms) in the proximal highlands began to suffer from the strains of growing lowland power by the middle nineteenth century (Feierman 1974, Giblin 1992, Glassman 1995, H kansson 2007, Kimambo 1969). As raiding in the hinterland became more common, traders (e.g., the Digo and Kamba) foun d roles as middlemen linked to specific segments of the coast (Oka et al. 2009, Walsh in press). Particul a rly during the last two centuries the ivory trade devastate d regional elephant herds (Hkansson 2008, Kusimba 2005, Steinhart 2000). Vegetation patte rns and disease vectors (e.g., sleeping sickness carried by tsetse flies) shifted, impacting the success of herders and their livestock. Slave raiding expanded, heightening defensive measures among agriculturalists (Giblin 1992, Glassman 1996, Kusimba 2004). After 1550 C.E., coastal residents in northeastern Tanzania increasingly were drawn to larger settlements, such as Tongoni and Muhembo (Site 37 in Survey Unit 4, Survey area 1, Pangani), perhaps seeking protection and refuge in numbers. This interpretat ion explains the reduction in shellfish consumption at sites located along the Pangani River (e.g., Kumbamtoni, Site 52a, Survey Area 1, Pangani), but a concomitant increase in shellfish use (and a decrease in species diversity) at larger sites with monume ntal ruins (Tongoni and Muhembo). At large sites, the surge in shellfish use is particularly distinct in areas outside of coral structures ( excavation units 1 2, Muhembo; Excavation Unit 3, Tongoni). Orthodox Muslims do not eat shellfish, thus, trends in s hellfish consumption over the last 750 years show that many non-Muslim Africans living in the countryside relocated to the non -monumental sectors of large sites during Post Swahili times Heightened healing practice, divining, and attempts to control rainf all were additional responses to the circumstances of the last half millennium. Healing at the coast drew from both African and Indian Ocean influences (Giles 1989, 2006, Horton 2004b:85 87, Kusimba 1999,

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343 LaViolette 2000) The carved face excavated at Tong oni (Excavation Unit 3, Subunit 5) and increasing indications of changed diets further substantiate claims that coastal populations were strugg ling to prosper late in this period. Villagers at Gombero (Site 42 in Survey Unit 5) and elsewhere on the northea stern coast of Tanzania ( e.g., Mtakani, Site 51a; Tongoni ) commonly consumed mud whelks, perhaps due to dwindling food resources (and a growing population in vicinities with large coastal settlements). Alternatively, slaving and, later, plantation slavery may have interrupted cultivation patterns and/or restricted local food options At the region scale, the Zigua emerged as hinterland intermediaries, helping to establish and engage new markets ( magulio) (Giblin 1992, Kimambo 1996) They further facilitated formalized caravan t rade and dendritic routes, relay ing slaves and other goods to Zanzibari, European, and wider networks of exchange in the western Indian Ocean. Caravan trade flowed along routes coterminous with previous junctures of significance t o regional connectivity. During the nineteenth century, foreign goods and new systems of value destabilized economies and further u ndercut traditional leaders (Feierman 1974, Hkansson and Widgren 2007). Slaving intensified and new cattle keepers (including s pecialized p astoralists) entered the western portion of the survey universe (e.g., sites in Survey Unit 34, Survey Area 4, Mombo) (Kusimba 2004, Jennings 2005) (chapters 6 7). Y oung men in predominantly agricultural communities as well as outlying specialized traders violated established moral economies (including tributary practices linked to political leadership and rainmaking) to augment their own wealth (Hkansson and Widgren 2007). M oral economies tied to the maint enance of local ecol ogies bega n to disintegrate (Hkansson 1998:298, 2007). C aravan trade along the Pangani Route and the other corridors in East Africa i nevitably

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344 disabled in tercommunity linkages and made new ones based on imperial, colonial, and global interests (Ambler 1 988, Fabian 2000, Rockel 2006b). Contemporary oral tradit ions across vicinities in northeastern Tanzania are salutatory or antagonistic to outside societies At the coast, Shirazi traditions claim an external origin for the Swahili, one centered north and outside that amplifies the status of current Muslim elites in Tanga Region. On th e other hand, around the South Pare Mountains narratives about the Galla characterize them as war -like and intrusive: a threat to stability and security. The position of the latter supposed newcomers was mainly ritualistic.they [stories about outsiders] succeeded in uniting clans (Kimambo 1969:86). Increasing ties with other societies, in other words, led to new regional formulations of identity (by juxtaposing inside rs an d outside rs ). To evaluate project H ypothesis 3, I collected oral expressio ns. T o balance eco -social change, contemporary residents deploy expressions that bind localities of cultural and historical significan ce to places of settlement and connectivity in antiquity. Referencing mythical serpents helps to cool recent areas polluted by social change (Feierman 1990, Sheridan 2001) and to find a space for new cultural practices between change and tradition (Chapter 8) (also see Walz 2009). Such narratives consistently entangle control of t he environment and control of the political economy (Hkansson 1995, 1998, Kimambo 1969) Communities charge constructed and conceptualized landscapes (Knapp and Ashmore 1999), imbuing prominent landscape features with meanings that anchor an d legitimize such mythologies. Thus, cultural expressions continue to work to negotiate and explain a social world incre asingly influenced by connections to the outside. I contend that serpent stories (re)gained prominence in post -coloni al times across communities as a way to speak publically about foreign impacts in hopes of explaining

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345 contemporary suffering and rebalancing the tra nsformative influences that dissolved traditional security and the grandeur of foreignness represented in previous lore. Thus, synonymous aspects arise among oral treatments of foundation figures and representations of mythical snak es: a sequence that a d d resses foreign influence, once (relatively) apprec iated, but now a topic eliciting disenchan tment and even anger among regional residents. In the past, outsider conne ctions (real or imagined) were essential to elevating status, expanding social networks, and accessing wealth Today, ties to the outside (especially away from the coast) a re o ften viewed somewhat more skeptically Such traditions offer a biting co m mentary about vulnerability during recent centuries, including during colonial and post -independence times (Conte 2004, Ekemode 1973, Feierman 1990, Hkansson 2008, Huijzendveld 2008, Koponen 1988, Kusimba 2004, Maddox et al. 1996, Sheridan 2001, Tambila 1983). Attention to these narratives informed by my own experiences among villagers in Tanzania sought their relevance, including any linkages to the landscape and archaeological resid ues. I overcame the scholarly tend ency to create a divisive temporal effect a t spatial boundaries Oral expressions gathered at spatial edges (social and environmental boundaries) offer different historical representations that reveal aspect s of time rathe r than conceal them (Chapter 8). In northeastern Tanzania, the p as ts lying at intersections expose persistent dichotomies and move toward more integrat e d histories. Serpent references linked to durable landscape features near ancient sites with distinct ev idence of interaction helped me to understand how African com munities come to terms with influences that continue to affect their present conditions. Project Implications Operating at the scale of the lower Pangani Basi n during the last 1500 years enabled treatments of various geographical an d temporal dimensions and the composition of a more

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346 holistic past. E ntanglements and contingencies at multiple scales contribute to th e overall historical narrative of northeastern Tanzania. Communities in the region were influenced by outside events a n d in turn, impacted surrounding people and settings. In fact, this collec ti on of localities and people appear s just as integrated (through cooperation and conflict), if not more so, than their well -studie d counterparts elsewhere in central, coastwise East Africa. Systematic archaeological survey r ecovered sites, made a preliminary culture history, and determined that localities of ancient settlement and connectivity in the lower Pangani Basin correspond to the general vicinities of rotating markets and nineteenth century caravan nodes A regional perspective, incorporating nonurban societies, addresses how communities structure their interactions through material cultureused to send social signals (Mitc hell 2005:24 25), creating buffers ( social insuran ce) through objects Such activities were critical to negotiati ng intersections and social change By one tho usand years ago, sites and artifacts attest to political differentiation, increasing connectivity and artifact patterns suggestive of production and consumption beyond simple use. The pasts of northeastern T anzania suggest moving beyond grand narratives and counter narratives to historical revisions cognizant of unique regions The diverse landscape, known history, and, now, archaeological residues offer opportunities to move beyond homogenizing tendencies. In this instance, the study of connectivity flowed naturally from a caravan route strategy and the research conducted. Archaeological finds mark t he lower Pangani Basin as a distinct challenge to representations of disconnection and stasis, offering a route to a regional past via more holistic scholarly practice. Material patterning demonstrates pulses in integ rated versus unbalanced ties through ti me. By 750 C.E., as Islam spread throughout the Indian Ocean, hinterland and coastal residents

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347 exchanged small numbers of foreign prestige goods (e.g., glass beads) alongside more influential food and seemingly mundane items like shell disc beads. By 1250 C.E., such net works transitioned to a more exploitative entanglement as coastal communities increasingly turned to ward the Indian Ocean and aw ay from mutually beneficial linkages to hinterland people and settl e ments. In more recent centuries, imbalance s in this relationship amplified under the influence of dendritic caravan routes that assimilated pre -existing regional trading networks (Kimambo 1969:238; also see Farler 1882:87, Feierman 1974:130 131). Formalized t rade tapped resources for the coast and areas beyond, but obstructed the integration and diversification of hinterland economies. This hi storical archaeological strategy might be deployed in other regions of the western Indian Ocean where hinterlands large ly have been forgotten by archaeologists Making regional histories by reincorporating hinterlands, requires both autonomous ( understan d ing areas and people on their own terms) and integrative approach es Praxis challenges diminu tive treatments of edges a nd margins that lead to isolation and representations of timelessness Valoriz ing historical contingencies overturns the scholarly tendency to turn names into things. In this case, a lowland hinterland emerge s as more integral to regional pasts than previously thought thereby confronting the assumed sparseness of human hi story (Fabian 1983 ; also see Schmidt and Walz 2007a). I also found that historicity resides in experience. Valorizing others valuations of history and their experiences (past and present) raises th e po tential of alternative pasts including those informed by oral narratives an d contemporary societal disenchantment (Walz 2009) Rather than the fractured pasts previously discerned for the watershed (Chapter 2) and interpretations based

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348 on pr ojections an d presumptions, a new representation arises based on multiple stream s of evidence Historical archaeolo gy and route work (Stahl 2008) have a substantial role to play in remaking pasts: eroding lingering dichotomies, revealing connections that challenge extant representations, and reimagining space-time in a new light. This project is a beginning. Even at this early stage, it is apparent that the unique nature of certain sites (topographically and archaeologically), settlement continuity into later p eriods, and evidence for production, exchange, and consumption mark the lower Pangani Basin as anything but isolated and timeless. To paraphrase Bravman (1998:23) who writes about the short -term history of the region, the highlands were neither a se t of islands nor social monoliths rather they were more like part of an archipelago in a well -travele d sea. To address hinterlands in East Africa requires action, preferably systematic action, at multiple scales. The interior of eastern Africa might or might not be considered part of an early world sys tem (cf. Abu Lughod 1989, Chase Dunn and Hall 1987, Killick 2009, Pearson 1998, Prestholdt 2008, Wallerstein 1974). Regardless of the technical arguments made, scholars should avoid simplisti c model s and aspersions. The true test of this regions uniqueness will come following the study of similarities and differences with outlying spaces which have yet to be invest igated in the manner underscored by this project In conclusion, given the complex ecology a nd social make up of this area of central, coastwise East Africa it deserves analysis at a regional scale and history envisioned th rough interactions instead of rigid frameworks Simultaneously, we should consider the diversity of historical signatures an d the potential means by which communities gained access to wealth and insulated themselves from the fallout of potential problems. This approach elevates non urban

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349 p eoples and their roles in regional dynamics. Moreover, it valorizes human vulnerabilities and expressive residues as outcomes of historical legacies. From Mount Kilimanjaro to the Indian Ocean, entanglements among populations played an essential role in who people were and who they came to be as Tanzanians. As it was e xplained to me by Ra shidi Janja ( the Lewa healer), looking outward also means looking inward to fas hion something new He was speaking about experience and expression. Scholars would do well to think and act in a similar vein A n academic program that bridges pasts is a ppropr iate for the task An archaeological approach attentive to settlement, connectivity, and social change forges a more holistic and contextually informed African history on thi s intermediate landscape of entangled people and pasts .

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350 CHAPTER 10 CONCLUSION The Pangani watershed and the flanking lowlands once were imagined as hermetically sealed. By the middle of the nineteenth century, the highlands surface as bucolic landscapes surrounded by a wilderness ( nyika ) of barbarity, if not barbarians. Working for the German East African Company (DOAG) and Wilhelms government between 1884 and the early 1890s, Karl Peters and Hermann von Wissmann negotiated, coaxed, and forced people living in the region to submit to German rule (Baumann 1890, Schmidt 1892). Select Afri can leaders ceded power, the Germans violently suppressed revolt, and European trade stations and plantations arose from Pangani to Kihurio and beyond (Figure 2 2). Although successful in gaining a semblance of control, these early experiments failed as establishmen ts in the long -run. The violent byproduct s of historical representations linger Scholars studying regional pasts have sometimes u nsuspectingly enabled legacies of representation rather than consciously seeking to obviate them. There are explic it reasons that I chose the lower Pangani Basin as the geographical setting for this archaeological project. Von Wissmann employed the primary caravan route in northeastern Tanzania a central corridor of connection among Africans (and others) in pre -coloni al times to facilitate the first direct, large scale, and violent confrontation in the territory between European colonizers and colonized agents. By doing so, the Germans began to subvert, if not erase, what challenged their representation of a discon nected Africa. In other words, as Fabian (2000:17) brilliantly captures for Central Africa, the interior had remained mythical and unknown for so long because of political rather than merely geographical reasons.geography was geopolitics. This project is only a beginning. It attempted to query narratives by bringing to the surface communities and connections that bear the potential of challenging absence, silence, and

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351 disconnection. A route of exploitation, then, may also be remade as a route of redemption with contemporary relevance. Addressing representations is an important project of querying inscriptions of power. As Chambers (2008:59) explicates, [A] return of the excluded clearly offers far more than a series of additions to fill in gaps in the already established historical mosaic. The forgotten do not complete the picture; rather they query the frame, the pattern, the construction and advance what the previous representation failed to register. For this is not simply to propose the heroic space of the counter -narrative[but a] more disquieting critical complexity that frustrates all unilateral d esires to complete the picture. In t his vein, this project questioned the frame through expressions (material and immaterial) that persist in area s betwixt a nd between figurative islands. Subjective experiences resulting from objective practice helped to make me vulnerable to community disenchantment and to grapple with Africans historical experience no matter how straight forward or fantastically related through words or actions. Such discourse spurred my thinking about developing strategies rooted in archaeologies of hope that seek the antecedents of regional integration informing contemporary lives. This project, I think, accounts in a reasonable way for the multiplicity of residues and experiences that I encountered in northeastern Tanzania. In it, I attempt ed to comprehend a past in and of itself (traditional archaeology) but also to grapple with anoth er archaeology that used local perspectives to destabilize synchronic conceptions of the region envisioned through fragmented terrains. It may be best, as Thomas (1997) does when writing about the Pacific Islands, to employ both substantive pasts and contemporary, on the -ground narrative perspectives on events and processes to (re) formulate pasts. In fact, this is a central argument of Trouillots (1995) influential work. The i ntegration of an objective past derived from durable signatures as well as local voices and imag ination s enable d this narrative and initiates challenges to prevalent renderings.

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352 Via systematic inquiry, I determined that the short history of lowland northeastern Tanzania is a fallacy. There was no longterm human void in low -lying spaces, as is assumed, implied, or asserted elsewhere. Human settlement extends deep in time, including dense settlement in areas like Mombo (Survey Area 4) during the late first millennium C.E. Population concentrations and favored settlement locations fluct uated across time I nteractions, whether by human movement or transmission and exchange, occurred across spaces into antiquity. Dissolving preconceived boundaries, including those manifest and persistent in the historiography through systematic explorations of the region, begins to treat lowlanders as valuable and, moreover, as influential to political economies on a scale that crosses prescribed boundaries. Applying historical interpretation to prehistory in rethinking representations amplifies and enriches the value and im portance of historical archaeology. Out of a diminishment of the prehistoric/historic dichotomy is a changed practicethat seeks to solve problems and expose naturalized structures of inequality that inform conventional pasts (Schmidt and Walz 2007b:130) Oral expressions gathered at edges, rather than geographical centers, of spatial encapsulations provide somewhat different depictions of pasts and presents because boundaries are places of int eraction and heterogeneity. Moroever, they lie beyond nodes of strict political power that amplify narratives told at core s Furthermore, expressions at boundaries can elicit aspects of time. Archaeological clues and symbol laden histories, oral traditions interpreted as moral repositories, in this case meet expect ations of mutualism while preserving community integrity. Disenchantment is a relationship. In many ways it is intangible, leaving residues ( spo ken and felt) manifest in the everyday. Serpentine expressions constituent of community therapeutics

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353 respond to a type of social rupture or violence. They are productive attempts to come to terms with suffering and (re)achieve social balance. I suggest at this moment of experimentation in historical archaeology that examining long term change through multiple lense s, sources, and time frames whether ancient materials or modern myths helps to privilege both experience and historical representation as subjects of study and sources of evidence. But, changing the way we archaeologists practice takes much more. The disen chantment of aware archaeol ogists, resulting from our inability to capture the contemporary st ruggles of people on-the -ground, persists. How do we reconcile archaeology and suffering? The answer, I believe, lies in praxis. Some anthropologists working in e astern Africa have begun to wrestle with their identities and experiences while serving as witnesses to extraordinary happenings (cf. Setel 1999:23, Straight 2 007). From my experiences (backgrounded by theirs), I found that escaping our disenchantment lies in becoming articulate to the degree that we are able (Giblin 2005). The possibility of generating alternative histories arises from being awake to experiences of mutual vulnerability, the traumas from which scholars may eventually escape but with which people on the ground are inevitably entangled. A genre of writing that conveys vulnerability moves beyond the silences that archaeologists often highlight to explore the meanings underlying expressions (Behar 1996) In Skarias (1999) terms, this strateg y enables a politics of hope. To find the middle ground, in Tanzania or the wider Indian Ocean, at the very least requires of us that we engage people. It is my hope that others will seek the forgotten spaces at temporal edges and extend my modest conclu sions, if not challenge and revise them. In that light, an additional experience of mine is worth telling. One evening along the river at Kumbamtoni (Site 52a, Survey Area 1, Pangani) we sat down together, exhausted from the

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354 days excavations A glint of sunlight sparkled on the river. Mount Tongwe stood on the western horizon. As the sun sank, we he ard a distant rumble. The daily tour boat cruise was making its way around the first bend of the Pangani R iver. The operators voice carried across the water a s a h andful of tourists peered ahead. Authentic Africa, he continued: T his might be your only chance to see it. He snaked his hand up the course of the river, now devoid of daily commerce, members of the community having retreated to their homes for ni ghttime. In my minds eye I saw descriptions of some of the first journeys upriver by British officials to assess the areas economic potential. Images of isolation were being painted anew. Hidden from view up to that point, Mudi a colleague from Pangani grabbed my wrist and we ambled down a hill planted in maize from which we emerged at the waters edge. As the tour boat operator came nearer, he appeared startled as we waived him ashore. The tourists on board were caught in a moment of wonderment at peopl e out of place. They had been snapped into time, but not so much by seeing us in this essentialized place as by the narrative we told them using the artifact s from the site where they landed

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355 APPENDIX A LIST OF SURVEY AREAS AND SURVEY UNITS PANGANI (SURVEY AREA 1) (8/64 km2 or 12.5% coverage) Unit 1 503000E, 9405000N (northeast corner UTM) Unit 2 501000E, 9406000N Unit 3 495000E, 9399000N Unit 4 4990 00E, 9403000N Unit 5 498000E, 9402000N Unit 6 497000E, 9405000N Unit 7 494000E, 9406000N Unit 8 493000E, 9402000N LEWA (SURVEY AREA 2) (10/99 km2 or 10.1% coverage) Unit 9 477000E, 9408000N Unit 10 476000E, 9410000N Unit 11 480000E, 9406000N Unit 12 475000E, 9415000N Unit 13 4 79000E, 9412000N Unit 14 477000E, 9414 000N Unit 15 474000E, 9408000N Unit 16 482000E, 9410000N Unit 17 482000E, 9411000N Unit 18 480000E, 9415000N KOROGWE (SURVEY AREA 3) (9/73 km2 or 12.3% coverage) Unit 19 431000E, 9435000N Unit 20 433000E, 9434000N Unit 21 439000E, 9433000N Unit 22 442000E, 9434000N Unit 23 437000E, 9431000N Unit 22 437000E, 9433000N Unit 25 443000E, 9430000N Unit 26 435000E, 9432000N Unit 27 432000E, 9431000N MOMBO (SURVEY AREA 4) (9/45 km2 or 20.0% coverage) Unit 28 419000E, 9461000N Unit 29 420000E, 9459000N Unit 30 419000E, 9462000N Unit 31 4180 00E, 9459000N Unit 32 416000E, 9462000N Unit 33 415000E, 9459000N

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356 Unit 34 416000E, 9458000N Unit 35 422000E, 9462000N Unit 36 422000E, 9458000N GONJA (SURVEY AREA 5) (8/56 km2 or 14.4% coverage) Unit 37 400000E, 9529000N Unit 38 399000E, 9527000N Unit 39 398000E, 9524000N Unit 40 394000E, 9524000N Unit 41 397000E, 9526000N Unit 42 397000E, 9525000N Unit 43 395000E, 9528000N Unit 44 394000E, 9529000N

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357 APPENDIX B ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITE FORM

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358

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361 APPENDIX C LIST OF SITES IN SUR VEY AREAS

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362 S ite # Site Name Survey Unit/Area Site Type UTM East UTM North Site Size (ha) Site Veg./Unit Visibility (%) Foreign Ceramic Bead Surface Collection Test 1 1/1 17 502587 9404197 0.065 M/58 Y Y 2 1/1 17 502753 9404042 0.126 G CU/58 Y Y 3 1 /1 13 502801 9404118 0.015 B G/58 Y 4 1/1 13 502936 9404243 0.056 G/58 Y 5 1 /1 13 502903 9404247 0.031 B G/58 Y 6 1/1 17 502864 9404292 0.044 G/58 Y Y 7 1 /1 3 502588 9404363 0.061 G/58 Y ST 8 1/1 17 502515 9404235 0.034 G/58 Y Y 9 1 /1 17 502719 9404494 0.013 G/58 Y Y 10 1/1 17 502208 9404909 0.006 G/58 Y Y 11 1/1 17 502336 9404845 0.005 G/58 Y Y 12 1/1 2 502914 9404905 0.003 G/58 13 1/1 14 502969 9404850 0.068 CU G/58 Y Y ST 14 2/1 17 500669 9405035 0.01 B G/33 Y 15 2/1 10 500510 9405010 0.144 B/33 16 2/1 14 500675 9405304 0.382 F T/33 Y Y 17 2/1 17 500500 9405530 0.033 G CU/33 18 2/1 14 500010 9405501 0.232 F CU/33 Y Y 19 2/1 17 500058 9405779 0.059 F/33 20 2/1 13 500891 9405916 0.416 CU F/33 Y 21 3/1 13 494914 9398615 0.963 G CU/30 Y 22 3/1 3 494901 9398326 0.154 B G/30 Y 23 3/1 17 494943 9398140 0.012 G/30 Y 24 3/1 13 494875 9398079 0.07 G/30 Y 25 3/1 17 494818 9398194 0.01 G/30 Y 26 3/1 3 494818 9398174 0.086 G/30 Y ST 27 3/1 10 494820 9398117 0.008 G/30 28 3/1 2 494752 9398086 0.027 G BA/30 Y ST 29 3/1 2 494711 9398166 0.182 B G/30 Y ST

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363 Site # Site Name Survey Unit/Area Site Type UTM East UTM North Site Size (ha) Site Veg./Unit Visibility (%) Foreign Ceramic Bead Surface Collection Test 30 3/1 14 494585 9398001 0.055 G T/30 Y 31 3/1 13 494524 9398133 0.144 G T/30 Y 32 3/1 3 494513 9398080 0.007 G BA/30 Y ST 33 3/1 14 494451 9398085 0.105 G T/30 Y Y 34 3/1 13 494516 9398242 0.143 G T/30 Y Y Y 35 3/1 13 494602 9398237 0.118 B G/30 Y Y 36 3/1 17 494715 9398226 0.017 G/30 Y 37 Muhembo 4/1 13 498889 9402370 7.00+ M/50 Y Y ST/TU 38 4/1 3 498777 9402484 0.018 B BA/50 Y 39 4/1 13 498167 9402745 0.23 G CU/50 Y ST 40 4/1 17 498018 9402726 0.212 B CU/50 Y 41 4/1 17 499000 9402797 0.042 G BA/50 Y Y 42 5/1 13 497237 9401293 0.01 BA/54 Y 43a Mnyongeni /1 13 497209 9402582 0.35 Y ST/TU 44 5/1 17 497981 9401239 0.042 BA/54 Y Y Y 45 Gombero 5/1 14 497743 9401182 0.571 G BA/54 Y Y Y ST/TU 46 6/1 17 496973 9404769 0.006 BA/46 Y 47 6/1 13 496201 9404415 0.002 B G/46 Y 48 6/1 11 496215 9404469 0.006 CU/46 Y ST 49 6/1 10 496060 9404274 0.015 G/46 50 6/1 13 496926 9404124 0.078 G F/46 Y 51a Mtakani /1 13 494217 9405131 0.156 Y Y ST/TU 52a K umbamtoni /1 13 495338 9403500 1 Y Y ST/TU 53 8/1 10 492261 9401094 0.054 F G/35 54 8/1 13 492335 9401322 0.089 BA G/35 Y 55 8/1 17 492120 9401253 0.037 M/35 Y Y 56 8/1 17 492254 9401577 0.111 G B/35 Y 57 8/1 17 492267 9402179 0.003 F/35 58 8/1 14 492204 9402014 0.036 CU F/35 Y Y

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364 Site # Site Name Survey Unit/Area Site Type UTM East UTM North Site Size (ha) Site Veg./Unit Visibility (%) Foreign Ceramic Bead Surface Collection Test 59 9/2 13 476812 9407973 0.046 G/17 Y Y 60 10/2 17 475700 9409655 0.379 G CU/21 Y Y 61 10/2 14 475883 9409304 0.012 G CU/21 Y Y 62 11/2 9 479493 9405215 0.143 G T/16 Y Y 63 11/2 9 479812 9405741 0.049 G/16 Y Y 64 11/2 1 479708 9405716 0.034 G/16 Y 65 11/2 1 479706 9405585 0.004 G/16 Y ST 66 11/2 9 479719 9405326 0.027 G T/16 Y Y 67 11/2 9 479727 9405237 0.024 G BA/16 Y 68 11/2 17 479846 9405479 0.025 G T/16 69 11/2 17 479854 9405361 0.032 G BA/16 Y Y 70 11/2 1 479218 9405587 0.43 G T/16 Y ST 71 11/2 1 479002 9405831 0.071 G T/16 Y 72 11/2 2 479003 9405777 0.001 G/16 Y 73 11/2 9 479676 9405206 0.074 G BA/16 74 11/2 2 479681 9405762 0.145 G T/16 Y 75 13/2 17 478233 9411883 0.01 CU/15 Y Y 76 13/2 2 478206 9411399 0.043 F/15 Y 77 16/2 2 481453 9409092 0.01 G/11 Y 78 16/2 1 481284 9409236 0.018 G/11 Y 79 16/2 1 481435 9409385 0.11 G BA/11 Y 80 16/2 1 481076 9409400 0.378 G T/11 Y 81 17/2 9 481131 9410925 0.011 G CU/16 Y 82 18/2 17 481026 9414587 0.188 CU/27 Y 83 19/3 3 430001 9434672 0.074 F G/62 Y 84 19/3 9 430149 9434402 0.057 F B/62 85 19/3 15 430187 9434524 0.756 F/62 Y 86 20/3 3 432805 9433025 0.021 F/74 87 20/3 10 432254 9433092 0.772 CU F/74

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365 Site # Site Name Survey Unit/Area Site Type UTM East UTM North Site Size (ha) Site Veg./Unit Visibility (%) Foreign Ceramic Bead Surface Collection Test 88 20/3 18 432905 9433685 0.067 F/74 Y Y 89 21/3 18 438211 9432404 0.082 F G/72 Y Y 90 21/3 15 438694 9432756 0.867 F CU/72 91 21/3 9 438497 9432904 0.275 BA J/72 Y Y ST 92 21/3 9 438001 9432904 0.004 BA J/72 Y Y 93 22/3 15 441754 9433538 0.63 F/75 Y 94 22/3 16 441318 9433606 0.874 F BU/75 Y Y ST 95 23/3 9 436811 9430883 0.09 F/76 96 23/3 21 436800 9430201 0.112 G T/76 97 23/3 2 436935 9430282 0.496 CU B/76 Y 98 23/3 9 436835 9430100 0.321 G CU/76 Y 99 23/3 16 436577 9430036 0.085 G CU/76 Y 100 24/3 9 436632 9432759 0.115 CU F/66 Y 101 24/3 3 436408 9432210 0.079 F B/66 102 25/3 21 442010 9429466 0.327 G CU/58 103 27/3 18 431708 9430574 0.133 B T/54 Y Y 104 28/4 21 418003 9460206 0.469 CU B/70 Y 105 28/4 3 418068 9460227 0.061 BA G/70 Y Y 106 28/4 11 418196 9460300 0.333 G B/70 Y 107 28/4 4 418157 9460374 0.348 BA B/70 Y 108 28/4 3 418049 9460468 0.021 BA/70 Y Y 109 28/4 4 418189 9460451 0.06 B BA/70 Y 110 U limboni 28/4 12 418012 9460821 2.06 F B/70 Y Y Y ST/TU 111 28/4 9 418043 9460989 0.266 F G/70 Y 112 28/4 4 418277 9460040 0.065 B BA/70 Y 113 28/4 4 418284 9460112 0.332 B/70 Y 114 28/4 9 418335 9460230 0.021 B BA/70 115 28/4 4 418240 9460242 0.148 BA T/70 116 28/4 4 418217 9460362 0.015 B BA/70

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366 Site # Site Name Survey Unit/Area Site Type UTM East UTM North Site Size (ha) Site Veg./Unit Visibility (%) Foreign Ceramic Bead Surface Collection Test 117 28/4 4 418222 9460409 0.075 B BA/70 118 28/4 4 418245 9460548 0.086 G T/70 Y 119 28/4 4 418290 9460611 0.115 B BA/70 120 28/4 11 418261 9460748 0.001 BA/70 121 28/4 2 418197 9460883 0.006 BA G/70 122 28/4 4 418421 9460993 0.044 G BA/70 123 28/4 2 418609 9460390 0.01 BA G/70 124 28/4 2 418514 9460355 0.202 BA B/70 125 28/4 2 418730 9460272 0.077 BA G/70 126 28/4 2 418639 9460402 0.009 B BA/70 Y 127 28/4 21 418789 9460879 0.039 CU/70 Y 128 Mbugani 28/4 4 418775 9460993 1.079 G T/70 Y ST/TU 129 28/4 4 418847 9460976 0.068 G B/70 130 28/4 4 418911 9460969 0.283 F CU/70 131 28/4 11 418919 9460729 0.003 G/70 132 28/4 7 418859 9460655 0.121 BA T/70 Y 133 28/4 2 418899 9460289 0.004 BA G/70 134 28/4 2 418994 9460220 0.007 BA G/70 135 K wa Mkomwa 28/4 7 418871 9460137 0.51 BA G/70 Y Y Y ST/TU 136 28/4 3 418987 9460082 0.011 BA G/70 137 28/4 15 418925 9460043 0.041 BA/70 Y Y 138a Kobe /4 4 419014 9460755 5.25 Y ST/TU 139 29/4 21 419340 9458280 >5.00 G/41 Y ST 140 30/4 4 418549 9461886 0.229 G B/42 141 30/4 4 418540 9462000 0.118 BA G/42 Y 142 30/4 11 418057 9461873 0.016 G BA/42 143 30/4 11 418041 9461810 0.094 G/42 Y 144 30/4 8 418759 9461412 0.028 BA/42 Y

PAGE 367

367 Site # Site Name Survey Unit/Area Site Type UTM East UTM North Site Size (ha) Site Veg./Unit Visibility (%) Foreign Ceramic Bead Surface Collection Test 145 30/4 8 418996 9461493 0.132 G BA/42 Y 146 30/4 11 418869 9461493 0.03 BA/42 Y 147 30/4 11 418045 9461211 0.038 G B/42 Y 148 30/4 11 418032 9461189 0.012 G BA/42 149 30/4 4 418881 9461204 0.073 CU/42 150 30/4 2 418968 9461287 0.045 F G/42 151 30/4 4 418968 9461376 0.266 CU/42 152 30/4 4 418964 9461135 0.011 G B/42 153 30/4 15 418837 9461111 0.211 G B/42 Y Y 154 30/4 9 418244 9461047 0.705 BA G/42 Y Y 155 30/4 10 418340 9461068 0.062 CU/42 Y 156 30/4 12 418476 9461389 0.088 CU/42 Y Y 157 31/4 7 417665 9458587 0.19 B BA/37 Y 158 31/4 8 417490 9458942 0.015 BA B/37 Y 159 31/4 15 417474 9458902 0.036 G T/37 160 31/4 7 417605 9458691 0.254 G T/37 Y ST/TU 161 33/4 8 417666 9458440 0.22 T G/36 162 33/4 15 414860 9458001 0.435 B/36 Y Y 163 33/4 4 414829 9458096 0.022 B T/36 Y Y 164 33/4 12 414709 9458401 0.202 B G/36 Y Y 165 33/4 4 414623 9458343 0.087 M/36 Y 166 33/4 4 414344 9458971 0.292 G B/36 Y Y Y 167 33/4 15 414969 9458710 0.005 B G/36 168 33/4 8 414840 9458780 0.365 M/36 Y Y 169 33/4 4 414828 9458712 0.024 G/36 Y 170 33/4 8 414749 9458725 0.016 G BA/36 Y 171 33/4 8 414788 9458694 0.021 G BA/36 Y 172 33/4 8 414046 9458944 0.032 B BA/36 Y 173 33/4 8 414085 9458973 0.034 G BA/36 Y Y

PAGE 368

368 Site # Site Name Survey Unit/Area Site Type UTM East UTM North Site Size (ha) Site Veg./Unit Visibility (%) Foreign Ceramic Bead Surface Collection Test 174 33/4 8 414488 9458600 0.01 BA G/36 Y Y 175 33/4 7 414485 9458657 0.038 G BA/36 176 33/4 8 414575 9458728 0.02 BA G/36 Y Y 177 Kwa Mgogo 33/4 8 414600 9458650 1.31 M/36 Y Y ST/TU 178 34/4 20 415057 9457927 0.072 BA T/32 Y Y 179 34/4 20 415120 9457540 1.029 BA G/32 Y Y 180 34/4 20 415210 9457330 0.104 B BA/32 Y Y 181 34/4 20 415579 9457147 0.365 B G/32 Y Y 182 34/4 20 415563 9457881 0.29 B BA/32 Y 183 35/4 19 421413 9461471 0.541 G J/36 Y Y 184 35/4 19 421036 9461504 0.091 G B/36 Y Y 185 35/4 15 421180 9461278 0.363 CU/36 Y Y 186a /4 16 421565 9458956 1.125 Y Y 187a /4 16 421626 9458472 1.147 Y Y 188a /4 19 421775 9458360 0.32 Y 189a /4 19 421847 9458284 0.38 Y 190 37/5 4 399191 9528506 0.202 BA B/44 Y 191 37/5 4 399314 9528750 0.136 M/44 Y 192 37/5 4 399596 9528926 0.022 BA T/44 Y 193 38/5 4 398873 9526020 0.036 B T/40 194 38/5 2 398964 9526610 0.109 B BA/40 195 40/5 22 393536 9523972 0.127 BA B/72 Y Y 196 40/5 22 393367 9523808 0.03 B/72 197 40/5 22 393272 9523810 0.077 B BA/72 198 40/5 7 393157 9523064 0.189 CU/72 199 41/5 21 396532 9525034 0.085 BA/76 Y 200 42/5 22 396006 9524608 0.017 F B/73 Y Y 201 42/5 22 396178 9524072 0.312 B BA/73 Y Y 202 44/5 7 393019 9528492 0.422 T J/47 Y

PAGE 369

369 Site # Site Name Survey Unit/Area Site Type UTM East UTM North Site Size (ha) Site Veg./Unit Visibility (%) Foreign Ceramic Bead Surface Collection Test 203 44/5 7 393098 9528290 0.036 BA T/47 Y 204 44/5 7 393019 9528182 1.534 B G/47 Y 205 44/5 7 393008 9528050 0.197 F CU/47 206 44/5 7 393283 9528378 0.292 CU/47 Y 207 G onja Kalimani 44/5 7 393918 9528924 0.644 BA T/47 Y 208 44/5 7 393833 9528976 0.02 BA T/47 Y 209 Gonja Maore 44/5 5 394008 9528240 3.946 BA T/47 Y Y ST/TU 210a Jiko /5 6 394250 9528872 Y TU B = bush/brush, BA = bare surface, CU = cultivated field (including, grain, tuber, vegetable, tree, and/or cash crops ), F = fallow field, G = grass (including, high and low grass, and/ or upupu), J = rock outcrop, M = highly mixed vegetatio n, T = trees (including, clusters of baobab, blackthorn, breadfruit, euphorbia, mango neem, palm, tamarind, teak, and/or toothbrush trees), ST = shovel test, T U = test unit, Y = positive

PAGE 370

370 APPENDIX D LIST OF SITE S OUTSIDE SURVEY AREA 5 (GONJA )

PAGE 371

371 Site # Site Name Site Type UTM East UTM North Site Size Iron Product Terrace Bead Grindstone Baobab 211b 7 0393769 9520308 L Y Y Y Y 212b 7 0393251 9521014 Y 213b 7 0393127 9521302 S, T Y 214b 7 0303104 9521433 F, SH, T Y 215b 7 0393056 9521644 Y 216b 7 0392997 9521852 L Y Y 217b 7 0393063 9522468 SH, T Y 218b 7 0392895 9523058 L SH, T Y 219b 7 0394812 9520320 S Y Y 220b 7 0394865 9520336 221b 7 0394849 9520376 222b 7 0394895 9520387 L SH, T 223b 7 0395048 9520620 Y 224b 7 0395285 9520621 Y 225b 7 0395375 9520506 L Y Y 226b 7 0392804 9523458 S, T Y 227b 7 0392593 9523652 T Y 228b 7 0392670 9523669 T 229b 7 0392587 9523684 S Y 230b 7 0392264 9524110 S, T Y 231b 7 0391786 9525354 Y 232b 6 0394656 9529934 S, T Y Y 233b 5 0394593 9529606 S, T Y 234b 5 0394569 9529534 Y 235b 6 0394559 9529472 Y 236b 5 0394466 9529236 237b 7 0394462 9529128 238b Muheza PS 5 0394459 9529086 L Y Y F = furnace, L = large (> 0.5 ha), PS = primary school, S = slag, SH = slag heap, T = tuyere, Y = positive

PAGE 372

372 APPENDIX E LIST OF OCCURRENCES IN SURVEY AREAS

PAGE 373

373 Occurrence # Survey Unit/Area Occurrence Type UTM East UTM North Unit Visibility (%) Foreign Ceramic Bead Surface Collection 1 1/1 17 502883 9404389 58 Y Y 2 1/1 14 502877 9404407 58 Y 3 1/1 17 502997 9404390 58 4 1/1 17 502201 9404926 58 5 1/1 17 502553 9404897 58 6 2/1 17 500972 9405082 33 Y Y 7 2/1 17 500298 9405010 33 8 2/1 17 500702 9405594 33 9 2/1 17 500242 9405776 33 Y Y 10 2/1 14 500390 9405968 33 Y 11 3/1 17 494908 9398441 30 12 3/1 17 494717 9398555 30 Y 13 3/1 17 494185 9398036 30 14 3/1 17 494092 9398215 30 15 3/1 17 494136 9398951 30 16 4/1 17 498592 9402444 50 17 4/1 17 498297 9402002 50 Y 18 4/1 17 498212 9402671 50 Y Y 19 4/1 17 498250 9402671 50 Y 20 5/1 17 497207 9401797 54 21 5/1 17 497851 9401760 54 Y Y 22 5/1 14 498000 9401573 54 23 5/1 17 497893 9401692 54 Y Y 24 5/1 17 497751 9401610 54 Y Y 25 5/1 17 497148 9401354 54 Y Y 26 5/1 497616 9401497 54 Y Y 27 5/1 17 497664 9401498 54 28 5/1 14 497322 9401132 54 Y 29 6/1 17 496276 9404846 46 Y

PAGE 374

374 Occurrence # Survey Unit/Area Occurrence Type UTM East UTM North Unit Visibility (%) Foreign Ceramic Bead Surface Collection 30 6/1 17 496444 9404920 46 Y Y 31 6/1 17 496357 9404570 46 32 6/1 17 496111 9404312 46 Y Y 33 6/1 14 496077 9404241 46 Y 34 6/1 17 496885 9404004 46 Y 35 7/1 17 493076 9405043 29 Y 36 7/1 17 493848 9405202 29 37 7/1 17 493986 9405760 29 38 7/1 17 493956 9405936 29 Y 39 7/1 17 493667 9405245 29 40 8/1 17 492405 9401315 35 Y 41 8/1 17 492280 9401366 35 42 8/1 2 492248 9401760 35 43 8/1 14 492063 9401738 35 Y 44 8/1 17 492044 9401978 35 45 8/1 17 492996 9401071 35 Y 46 10/2 2 475194 9409018 21 Y 47 13/2 17 478227 9411733 15 Y Y 48 14/2 17 476247 9413913 17 Y 49 15/2 13 473784 9407743 8 Y 50 15/2 17 473671 9407854 8 51 15/2 17 473290 9407699 8 52 15/2 17 473785 9407121 8 53 16/2 17 481154 9409189 11 Y Y 54 16/2 2 481187 9409154 11 Y 55 16/2 2 481072 9409211 11 Y 56 16/2 17 481229 9409232 11 Y 57 18/2 17 479760 9414872 27 58 19/3 21 430251 9434772 62

PAGE 375

375 Occurrence # Survey Unit/Area Occurrence Type UTM East UTM North Unit Visibility (%) Foreign Ceramic Bead Surface Collection 59 19/3 21 430216 9434789 62 60 19/3 21 430651 9434485 62 61 22/3 9 441258 9433355 75 62 22/3 21 436023 9430590 75 63 22/3 21 436478 9430409 75 64 22/3 21 436450 9430515 75 65 22/3 21 436238 9430023 75 66 24/3 18 436454 9432899 66 Y Y 67 24/3 21 436495 9432506 66 Y 68 24/3 21 436350 9432448 66 69 24/3 21 436191 9432457 66 70 24/3 21 436007 9432315 66 71 25/3 21 442041 9429561 58 72 25/3 21 442013 9429974 58 73 26/3 18 434291 9431939 37 Y 74 26/3 16 434518 9431389 37 Y 75 27/3 21 431335 9430873 54 76 28/4 9 418009 9460625 70 Y Y 77 28/4 21 418427 9460958 70 78 28/4 21 418806 9460645 70 79 28/4 2 418899 9460289 70 80 29/4 21 419535 9458904 41 81 29/4 21 419465 9458907 41 Y 82 29/4 21 419298 9458584 41 83 29/4 21 419544 9458392 41 84 29/4 21 419440 9458570 41 Y 85 29/4 21 419354 9458271 41 Y Y 86 29/4 21 419279 9458200 41 Y Y 87 29/4 21 419467 9458587 41 Y Y Y

PAGE 376

376 Occurrence # Survey Unit/Area Occurrence Type UTM East UTM North Unit Visibility (%) Foreign Ceramic Bead Surface Collection 88 30/4 11 418866 9461389 42 89 30/4 11 418084 9461615 42 90 30/4 21 418743 9461220 42 91 30/4 9 418247 9461032 42 92 30/4 21 418272 9461030 42 93 31/4 2 417559 9458963 37 94 31/4 7 417649 9458686 37 95 31/4 7 417690 9458409 37 96 32/4 21 415345 9461229 26 Y 97 33/4 21 414473 9458173 36 Y 98 33/4 11 414057 9458916 36 99 33/4 7 414036 9458973 36 100 33/4 21 414505 9458678 36 101 34/4 21 455084 9457082 32 102 36/4 21 421234 9457470 35 103 36/4 21 421214 9457014 35 104 37/5 4 399582 9528990 44 105 37/5 2 399816 9528642 44 106 37/5 2 399832 9528754 44 107 38/5 2 398820 9526008 40 108 38/5 2 398803 9526880 40 109 38/5 4 398806 9526984 40 110 38/5 2 398522 9526718 40 111 38/5 2 398237 9526990 40 112 39/5 22 397449 9523244 72 Y 113 39/5 21 397864 9523120 72 114 40/5 21 393178 9523918 72 115 40/5 21 393007 9523516 72 116 41/5 21 396719 9525702 76

PAGE 377

377 Occurrence # Survey Unit/Area Occurrence Type UTM East UTM North Unit Visibility (%) Foreign Ceramic Bead Surface Collection 117 41/5 2 396884 9525990 76 118 42/5 21 396653 9524430 73 119 42/5 21 396520 9524458 73 120 42/5 21 396425 9524708 73 121 42/5 2 396323 9524076 73 122 42/5 21 396158 9524020 73 123 42/5 21 396193 9524154 73 124 43/5 21 394913 9527221 66 125 43/5 21 394143 9527783 66 126 44/5 2 393009 9528590 47 127 44/5 21 393973 9528316 47 128 44/5 7 393239 9528210 47 129 44/5 7 393822 9528984 47 Y = positive, unique find

PAGE 378

378 APPENDIX F SURFACE VISIBILITIES AND NUMBER OF SITES BY SURVEY UNIT AND A REA Table F 1. Pangani (Survey Area 1) Unit # Range % (200m 2 ) Visibility (%) Visibility Rank # Sites Sites Rank 1 20 80 58.4 1 13 2 2 10 50 33.2 6 7 3 3 10 50 30.4 7 16 1 4 10 70 50.0 3 5 5 5 30 80 54.4 2 3 7 6 10 60 46.4 4 5 5 7 20 60 29.2 8 0 8 8 10 60 35.2 5 6 4 TOTAL ~ 42 55 Table F 2. Lewa (Survey Area 2) Unit # Range % (200m 2 ) Visibility (%) Visibility Rank # Sites Sites Rank 9 10 30 16.8 5 1 5 10 10 50 21.2 2 2 3 11 10 20 15.6 6 13 1 12 10 60 21.2 2 0 8 13 0 30 15.2 8 2 3 14 0 40 17.2 4 0 8 15 0 20 8.0 10 0 8 16 0 40 10.8 9 4 2 17 0 50 15.6 6 1 5 18 0 70 26.8 1 1 5 TOTAL ~17 24 Table F 3. Korogwe (Survey Area 3) Unit # Range (%) (200m 2 ) Visibility (%) Visibility Rank # Sites Sites Rank 19 20 80 62.4 6 3 3 20 70 90 73.6 3 3 3 21 60 90 72.4 4 4 2 22 50 90 75.2 2 2 5 23 50 90 76.0 1 5 1 24 20 90 66.0 5 2 5 25 20 80 58.2 7 1 7 26 20 70 36.8 9 0 9 27 20 90 54.4 8 1 7 TOTAL ~64 21

PAGE 379

379 Table F 4. Mombo (Survey Area 4) Unit # Range (%) (200m 2 ) Visibility (%) Visibility Rank # Sites Sites Rank 28 60 90 70.0 1 34 1 29 20 80 41.2 3 1 7 30 20 70 42.0 2 17 2 31 20 70 36.6 4 5 4 32 10 40 26.0 9 0 7 33 20 50 36.0 6 16 3 34 20 50 32.0 8 5 4 35 20 60 36.4 5 3 6 36 10 60 35.2 7 0 7 TOTAL ~39 81 Table F 5. Gonja (Survey Area 5) Unit # Range (%) (200m 2 ) Visibility (%) Visibility Rank # Sites Sites Rank 37 30 70 44.4 7 3 3 38 10 70 39.6 8 2 4 39 40 90 72.4 3 0 7 40 20 90 72.0 4 4 2 41 60 90 76.1 1 1 6 42 20 90 73.2 2 2 4 43 40 90 66.0 5 0 7 44 20 70 47.2 6 8 1 TOTAL ~61 20

PAGE 380

380 APPENDIX G VISIBILIT IES OF SURVEY UNITS ( SU) (1 KM IN 200 M X 200 M BLO CKS)

PAGE 381

381

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382

PAGE 383

383

PAGE 384

384

PAGE 385

3 85

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386

PAGE 387

387 SA = survey area, X = not surveyed (restricted government property)

PAGE 388

388 APPENDIX H MASTER LIST OF SITE/OCCURR ENCE TYPES Type 1: lithics of quartz and/or chert and/or petrified wood (presumably pre -LSA) Type 2: quartz lithics (presumably MS A LSA transitional or LSA) (but see chapters 4 5) Type 3: quartz lithics and non -diagnostic ceramics (ending post 500 B.C.E.)155 (mixed) Type 4: quartz lithics and TIW ceramics (ending ~600 1000/1200 C.E.) (mixed) Type 5: quartz lithics and Maore ceramics (ending ~800 1500 C.E.) (mixed) Type 6: quartz lithics, Maore ceramics, and Group B ceramics (ending ~900 1500 C.E.) (mixed) Type 7: quartz lithics and Group B ceramics (ending ~900 1500 C.E.) (mixed) Type 8: quartz lithics, TIW ceramics, and Group B ceramics (ending ~900 1500 C.E.) (mixed) Type 9: quartz lithics and eighteenth to twentieth century ceramics (often with foreign artifacts) (ending post 1750 C.E. to early twentieth century) (mixed) Type 10: nondiagnostic ceramics (post 500 B.C.E.) Type 11: TIW ceramics (~600 1000/1200 C.E.) Type 12: TIW ceramics and eighteenth to twentieth century ceramics (with foreign artifacts) (ending post 1750 C.E.) (mixed) Type 13: Swahili ceramics (sometimes with foreign ceramics) (1200 1550 C.E.) Ty pe 14: Post -Swahili ceramics (often with other local and/or foreign artifacts) (~1550 1750 C.E.) Type 15: Group B ceramics and Group D ceramics (ending ~1200 1800 C.E.) (mixed) Type 16: Group D ceramics (~1200 1800 C.E.) Type 17: local, sometimes with Post -Post Swahili, ceramics (often with foreign artifacts) (post 1750 C.E. to early twentieth century) 155 All date ranges derive from the known culture history of eastern Africa as well as project discoveries, radiocarbon dates, and informed estimations (Chapter 9).

PAGE 389

389 Type 18: smoothed ceramics with hatched pendant triangles (often with foreign ceramics) (~1750 C.E. to early twentieth century) Type 19: Shambaa ceramics (of ten with foreign artifacts) (post 1750 C.E.) Type 20: Shambaa ceramics at bomas (often with foreign artifacts) (post 1800 C.E.) Type 21: smoothed ceramics (often with grindstones, graves, or foreign artifacts) (~post 1750 C.E.) Type 22: local, basket /corn cob -impressed ceramics (often with European glass or beads) (post 1850 C.E. )

PAGE 390

390 APPENDIX I EXCAVATED FINDS FROM MUHEMBO (SITE 37, SU RVEY UNIT 4, SURVEY AREA 1 PANGANI )

PAGE 391

391 Table I 1. Muhembo (Site 37, Survey Unit 4), Excavation Unit 1 Stratum Level (cm) Loc Crm Dg Crm Daub (g) Lithics Slag (g) Beads (gs/ot) Glass Shell (g) Bone (g) F Crm Other 1 1 (0 10) 46 1 117 8 0 1/0 0 1375 8 1 1 cw 1 2 (10 18) 86 7 141 0 5 0/0 0 1291 1 0 2 3 (18 28) 126 9 357 2 0 0/0 1 570 3 3 2 4 (28 38) 253 16 1814 1 47 2/0 1 106 14 4 2 5 (38 47) 264 27 5074 1 15 9/0 0 160 51 3 3 6 (47 57) 178 17 3407 0 37 6/0 0 173 218 3 3 7 (57 67) 196 15 1370 5 13 8/1 2 265 124 5 1 iv 3 8 (67 77) 104 15 681 3 7 3/0 0 202 83 0 1 mtl 3 9 (77 87) 87 9 360 0 0 1/1 0 238 15 2 3 10 (87 97) 44 6 295 0 22 3/0 0 73 1 0 3 11 (97 107) 24 3 435 0 13 0/0 0 31 0 0 3 12 (107 117) 22 1 74 1 0 1/1 0 49 3 0 3 13 (117 127) 54 6 906 28 4 0/0 0 102 0 0 3 14 (127 137) 48 8 825 0 0 0/0 0 38 0 0 3 15 (137 147) 31 2 214 0 0 0/0 2 49 0 0 1 cw 3 16 (147 157) 50 16 396 1 0 0/1 0 61 1 0 3 17 (157 167) 33 3 213 5 6 1/0 0 61 3 0 3 18 (167 177) 11 1 87 2 0 0/0 0 81 0 0 TOTAL 1657 162 16766 57 171 35/4 6 4925 525 21 cw = cowry, gs = glass, iv = ivory, mtl = metal (iron) ot = other (non -glass)

PAGE 392

392 Table I 2. Muhembo (Site 37, Survey Unit 4), Excavation Unit 2 Stratum Level (cm) Loc Crm Dg Crm Daub (g) Lithics Slag (g) Beads (gs/ot) Glass Shell (g) Bone (g) F Crm Other 1 1 (0 10) 49 2 839 0 0 0/0 0 456 4 3 1 2 (10 16) 24 1 773 0 5 0/0 0 243 0 4 2 3 (16 29) 64 10 3322 1 0 0/0 0 67 3 6 2 4 (29 39) 267 20 25163 2 0 0/0 0 146 6 1 2 5 (39 49) 284 21 1598 1 19 2/0 0 326 36 5 2 6 (49 59) 117 14 2147 0 0 3/0 2 109 15 3 2 7 (59 67) 20 0 171 1 0 0/0 0 97 5 1 3 8 (67 77) 64 8 836 0 0 2/1 0 87 91 0 3 9 (77 87) 28 2 1599 0 0 0/0 0 282 0 0 3 10 (87 97) 21 0 499 7 0 1/0 0 246 3 0 3 11 (97 107) 15 1 0 0 0 0/0 0 134 0 1 3 12 (107 117) 21 0 0 0 0 0/0 0 141 0 1 TOTAL 974 79 36947 12 24 8/1 2 2334 163 25 gs = glass, ot = other (nonglass)

PAGE 393

393 Table I 3. Muhembo (Site 37, Survey Unit 4), Excavation Unit 3 Stratum Level (cm) Loc Crm Dg Crm Daub (g) Lithics Slag (g) Beads (gs/ot) Glass Shell (g) Bone (g) F Crm Other 1 1 (0 10) 7 2 163 0 0 0/0 0 17 0 0 1 2 (10 16) 1 0 7 0 0 0/0 0 8 0 0 2 3 (16 26) 0 0 9 0 0 0/0 0 1 0 1 2 4 (26 36) 14 1 0 0 0 0/0 0 71 0 2 2 5 (36 46) 32 6 0 0 0 1/0 1 211 2 0 2 6 (46 56) 28 2 0 0 0 0/0 0 73 0 0 3 7 (56 66) 44 1 263 0 0 0/0 0 301 0 0 3 8 (66 76) 82 9 0 1 0 2/0 0 1020 101 0 3 9 (76 86) 36 3 91 0 0 2/1 1 363 51 0 3 10 (86 96) 32 3 17 0 0 1/0 0 473 5 0 3 11 (96 106) 54 5 43 1 0 4/0 0 652 2 1 3 12 (106 113) 39 3 227 0 0 0/0 0 592 6 1 1 cw 3 13 (113 123) 39 1 51 0 0 1/0 0 349 4 0 3 14 (123 133) 20 4 0 2 0 1/0 2 143 3 0 TOTAL 428 40 871 4 0 12/1 4 4274 174 5 cw = cowry gs = glass, ot = other (non -glass) Table I 4. Muhembo (Site 37, Survey Unit 4), Excavation Unit 4 Stratum Level (cm) Loc Crm Dg Crm Daub (g) Lithics Slag (g) Beads (gs/ot) Glass Shell (g) Bone (g) F Crm Other 1 1 (0 10) 67 8 0 0 1 0/0 0 17 2 0 1 2 (11 19) 149 26 359 2 0 0/0 0 169 29 0 1 mtl 2 3 (19 29) 97 18 200 0 0 9/1 0 398 8 0 1 mtl 2 4 (29 39) 61 10 275 0 0 22/1 0 455 89 0 1 bg 2 5 (39 49) 47 6 21 1 0 6/0 0 244 100 0 2 6 (49 59) 14 3 0 3 0 0/0 0 75 1 0 TOTAL 435 71 855 6 1 37/2 0 1358 229 0 bg = bead grinder, gs =glass, mtl = metal (iron) ot = other (non-glass)

PAGE 394

394 APPENDIX J MOLLU SK TYPES IDENTIFIED FROM EXCAVATIONS AT MUHEMBO (M) AND T ONGONI (T) Achatina sp [landsnail] M T Cerithium sp. M Cerithidae decollata M T Chicoreus sp. T Conus sp. T Cronia sp. M Cypraea tigris M Cypraecassis rufa T Drupa sp. #1 M T Drupa sp. #2 M Edentulina obese [landsnail] M Edouardia tumida [landsnail] M Neritina fulgetrum [brackish water] M T Neritina natalensis #1 [brackish water] M Neritina natalensis #2 [fresh water] M Loripes clausus T Meropesta nicobarica M T Melampus sp. [brackish water] M Melongena sp. M T Nassarius coronatus T Nerita albicilla M Nerita plicata M T Plueroploca filamentosa M Thapsia sp. [landsnail] M Thiara amarula [brackish to fresh water] M Terrebralia palustris M T Tropidophora letourneuxii [landsnail] M Bivalvia class #1 M Bivalvia class #2 M Prosobranchia sub-class M T Aanellidae family T Arcidae family M T Cardiidae family M T Fasciolaridae family M Mesodesmatidae family M Mitridae family M Mytilidae family T Ostreidae family M Tellinidae family M Trapeziidae family M Trochidae family M T

PAGE 395

395 Cypraeidae family #1 M Cypraeidae family #2 M Unidentifiable #1 [marine] M Unidentifiable #2 [marine] M

PAGE 396

396 APPENDIX K EXCAVATED FINDS FROM TONGONI

PAGE 397

397 Table K 1. Tongoni, Excavation Unit 1 Stratum Level (cm) Loc Crm Dg Crm Daub (g) Lithics Slag (g) Beads (gs/ot) Glass Shell (g) Bone (g) F Crm Other 1 1 (0 10) 82 3 0 0 110 0/0 0 59 1 0 1 2 (10 20) 638 31 0 0 52 3/2 0 160 16 6 1 3 (20 29) 853 77 0 0 1056 1/0 0 961 129 10 2 4 (29 39) 476 45 46 1 428 1/0 0 1360 42 9 1 mtl 2 5 (39 49) 439 43 0 0 313 7/1 (1 as) 0 2000 56 9 1 tyr 2 6 (49 57) 268 24 35 0 85 0/0 0 1492 10 4 1 cw 3 7 (57 67) 259 22 33 1 18 0/1 0 1759 42 1 3 8 (67 77) 171 20 29 0 26 5/2 0 1063 40 1 3 9 (77 87) 12 1 0 0 0 1/0 0 17 32 0 TOTAL 3198 266 143 2 2088 18/6 (1 as) 0 8871 368 40 as = shell pierced (bead as pierced shell), cw =cowry, gs = glass; mtl = metal (iron), ot = other (non -glass), tyr =tuyere, Table K 2. Tongoni, Excavation Unit 2 Stratum Level (cm) Loc Crm Dg Crm Daub (g) Lithics Slag (g) Beads (gs/ot) Glass Shell (g) Bone (g) F Crm Other 1 1 (0 10) 123 3 34 0 0 5/0 0 387 0 0 1 2 (10 18) 218 20 0 0 0 6/0 0 2222 12 6 2 3 (18 28) 417 47 0 0 314 3/0 0 4311 66 10 2 4 (28 38) 221 30 0 0 48 4/4 1 650 5 2 2 5 (38 48) 177 18 58 0 0 2/1 0 1003 31 1 1 rck 2 6 (48 58) 104 13 0 0 0 2/0 0 335 8 0 2 7 (58 66) 48 6 17 0 0 1/1 0 191 7 1 3 8 (66 76) 19 1 0 0 0 1/0 0 103 4 0 3 9 (76 86) 12 0 0 1 0 1/0 0 36 1 0 3 10 (86 96) 7 1 0 0 0 0 0 14 0 0 TOTAL 1346 139 109 1 362 25/6 1 9252 134 20 gs = glass, ot =other, rck = shaped rock

PAGE 398

398 Table K 3. Tongoni, Subunit 5, Excavation Unit 3 Level (cm) Loc Crm Dg Crm Daub (g) Lithics Slag (g) Beads (gs/ot) Glass Shell (g) Bone (g) F Crm Other 5 (4959) 105 22 0 0 141 6/1 0 224 9 2 in text 6 (5963) 99 20 0 0 336 6/1 0 308 11 1 in text 7 (63 73) 132 19 0 0 24 2/1 (1 as) 0 529 6 0 in text 8 (7376) 62 8 56 1 11 0/0 0 348 13 0 9 (7686) 29 1 0 0 0 0/0 0 370 6 0 1 sw, 1 cw 10 (86 96) 9 0 0 0 0 0/1 0 16 1 0 1 seed 11 (96100) 56 16 0 0 0 0/0 0 677 13 1 1 lp, 6 cw 12 (100110) 12 1 689 0 0 0/0 0 26 0 0 13 (110 113) 62 13 68 0 0 0/2 1 273 15 1 2 cw 14 (113123) 11 1 1751 0 0 0/0 0 25 0 1 1 cw 15 (123133) 116 19 237 0 13 0/0 0 312 60 0 1 hs 16 (133 138) 13 1 115 0 0 0/0 0 9 1 0 17 (138148) 15 1 0 0 0 0/0 0 0 0 0 18 (148158) 170 30 529 0 0 0/0 0 299 6 1 19 (158 160) 191 20 0 0 0 0/0 0 201 244 4 1 cw 20 (160170) 37 7 0 0 0 0/0 0 57 35 0 1 mtl, 1 gt 21 (170172) 19 2 0 0 0 0/0 0 28 76 0 22 (172 182) 29 3 0 0 0 0/0 0 96 38 0 23 (182192) 45 12 0 0 0 0/0 0 7 22 1 24 (192202) 25 2 0 0 0 0/0 0 13 1 0 25 (202 212) 30 3 0 0 0 0/0 0 36 15 0 26 (212214) 57 8 0 0 0 3/0 1 51 60 1 27 (214224) 83 12 0 1 0 0/0 1 86 29 0 28 (224 227) 86 8 0 0 28 0/1 0 164 10 0 29 (227237) 72 3 301 0 0 0/0 0 16 31 0 30 (237247) 92 9 109 0 0 0/0 0 104 16 0 1 gt 31 (247 257) 81 9 0 0 0 0/1 0 37 79 1 32 (257258) 111 13 0 0 0 1/0 0 111 20 2 33 (258263) 115 23 57 0 0 0/0 1 370 40 0 2 mtl

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399 Table K 3. Continued Level (cm) Loc Crm Dg Crm Daub (g) Lithics Slag (g) Beads (gs/ot) Glass Shell (g) Bone (g) F Crm Other 34 (263273) 123 18 0 1 0 0/0 1 89 8 2 36 (283293) 79 10 0 0 0 0/0 0 59 28 2 37 (293 300) 103 10 0 0 0 0/0 0 52 14 0 38 (300304) 34 5 0 0 0 0/0 0 5 1 0 TOTAL 2303 329 3912 3 553 18/8 (1 as) 5 4998 908 20 as = shell pierced (bead as pierced shell), cw = cowry, gs = glass, gt = grindstone, hs =hammer stone, lp = lamp, mtl = metal (iron), ot = other (non -glass), sw = spindle whorl

PAGE 400

400 APPENDIX L EXCAVATED FINDS FROM KUMBAMTONI (SITE 52A, SURVEY AR EA 1 PANGANI )

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401 Table L 1. Kumbamtoni (Site 52a), Excavation Unit 1 Stratum Level (cm) Loc Crm Dg Crm Daub (g) Lithics Slag (g) Beads (gs/ot) Glass Shell (g) Bone (g) F Crm Other 1 1 ( 10) 22 3 0 0 0 0/0 0 192 0 0 1 2 (10 20) 59 9 0 0 0 0/0 0 0 0 0 2 3 (20 30) 146 22 37 0 0 0/0 0 19 0 0 2 4 (30 40) 257 57 5 0 0 0/1 0 56 6 0 1 ss 2 5 (40 46) 394 71 41 0 0 0/0 0 365 67 0 1 cw 3 6 (46 56) 622 98 10 0 9 1/0 1 1055 68 0 3 cw, 1 gt, 3 bg, 1 sc 3 7 (56 66) 180 32 8 0 0 1/5 0 1251 20 0 1 cw 3 8 (66 76) 64 5 0 0 0 0/0 0 1321 14 0 3 9 (76 83) 38 2 0 0 0 0/0 0 1492 3 0 4 10 (83 92) 0 0 0 0 0 0/0 0 69 0 0 TOTAL 1782 299 101 0 9 2/6 1 5820 178 0 cw = cowry, bg =bead grinder, gs = glass, gt = grindstone, ot = other (non -glass), sc = shaped ceramic, ss = sharpening stone Table L 2. Kumbamtoni (Site 52a), Excavation Unit 2 Stratum Level (cm) Loc Crm Dg Crm Daub (g) Lithics Slag (g) Beads (gs/ot) Glass Shell (g) Bone (g) F Crm Other 1 1 (0 10) 19 8 0 0 0 0/0 0 79 0 0 1 2 (10 19) 42 16 0 0 0 0/0 0 150 3 0 2 3 (19 29) 19 4 8 0 0 0/0 0 109 4 0 2 4 (29 39) 169 144 501 0 12 0/1 0 482 23 1 1 cw, 1 gt 3 5 (39 49) 846 116 23 0 0 0/2 0 4188 211 1 2 gt, 1 hs, 1 sc, 1 bg, 4 cw 3 6 (49 59) 84 14 0 0 0 0/11 0 6897 15 0 1 cw, 3 gf 3 7 (59 67) 28 6 0 0 0 0/11 0 7792 6 0 4 8 (67 77) 3 0 0 0 0 0/6 0 1573 0 0 1 cw 4 9 (77 86) 1 0 0 0 0 0/1 0 319 3 0 TOTAL 1211 308 532 0 12 0/32 0 21589 265 2 cw = cowry, bg =bead grinder, gf = graphite, gs = glass, gt = grindstone, hs = hammer stone, ot = other (non -glass), sc = shaped ceramic

PAGE 402

402 Table L 3. Kumbamtoni (Site 52a), Excavation Unit 3 Stratum Level (cm) Loc Crm Dg Crm Daub (g) Lithics Slag (g) Beads (gs/ot) Glass Shell (g) Bone (g) F Crm Other 1 1 (0 10) 41 5 0 0 0 0/1 0 159 8 0 1 2 (10 20) 36 7 0 0 0 0/1 0 158 7 0 1 3 (20 29) 24 5 15 0 0 0/0 0 155 16 0 2 4 (29 39) 29 2 13 0 0 0/0 0 154 0 1 1 mtl 2 5 (39 49) 15 1 0 0 0 0/0 0 65 0 0 2 6 (49 59) 12 0 36 0 0 0/0 0 5 2 0 3 7 (59 69) 50 11 15 0 0 0/0 0 47 12 0 3 8 (69 79) 309 40 122 0 0 0/0 0 333 20 2 3 9 (79 89) 240 28 22 0 0 0/0 0 262 7 2 3 10 (89 99) 215 26 0 0 0 2/0 2 618 2 0 3 11 (99 109) 31 6 0 1 0 7/4 0 625 53 1 1 cw 4 12 (109 119) 89 11 29 0 0 0/0 0 1055 19 0 1 gp, 2 cw 4 13 (119 126) 3 0 0 0 0 0/0 0 181 0 0 1 sbg TOTAL 1094 142 252 1 0 9/6 2 3817 146 6 cw = cowry, gp = gaming piece (?), gs = glass, mtl = metal (iron) sbg =stone bead grinder ot = other (nonglass)

PAGE 403

403 APPENDIX M EXCA V A TED FINDS FROM KWA M GOGO (SITE 177, SURVEY UNIT 33, SURV EY ARE A 4 MOMBO )

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404 Table M 1. Kwa Mgogo (Site 177, Survey Unit 33), Excavation Unit 1 Stratum Level (cm) Loc Crm Dg Crm Daub (g) Lithics Slag (g) G Bds NG Bds M Shells LS Shell (g) Bone (g) HS Frag GS Frag Other 1 1 (0 10) 218 40 1454 18 4 1 4 0 20 99 0 5 2 2 (10 20) 538 107 1866 45 25 0 13 (2 as) 0 181 772 1 8 3rc, 1fc 2 3 (20 29) 441 94 2637 26 0 4 15 (1 as) 2 329 2291 0 1 1cpw 3 4 (29 39) 359 66 1758 28 48 3 30 1 256 1428 0 1 3 5 (39 49) 144 32 144 16 12 1 22 1 133 407 1 1 1cp 3 6 (49 59) 237 54 635 20 2 3 16 1 103 553 2 1 1sc 3 7 (59 69) 261 86 1078 32 69 0 5 1 84 1322 0 5 3 8 (69 79) 408 130 1165 36 44 1 23 1 91 1769 3 7 1sc, 1gl, 1sls 3 9 (79 89) 348 99 1012 23 101 2 10 (1 as) 3 132 2006 2 1 4 10 (89 99) 296 74 1134 34 123 1 9 1 96 2286 3 1 4 11 (99 109) 327 72 1319 29 81 0 8 2 146 3704 2 0 1sc, 1sb, 1cf 4 12(109 119) 94 18 842 13 28 1 9 (1 as) 1 121 2099 0 2 4 13(119 127) 79 15 179 4 12 0 3 (1 as) 0 20 519 0 1 5 14(127 137) 43 6 0 1 0 0 0 0 10 146 0 0 5 15(137 147) 0 0 0 31 0 0 0 0 1 4 0 0 5 16(147 157) 0 0 0 20 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 6 17(157 167) 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 6 18(167 177) 0 0 0 13 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 TOTAL 3793 893 15223 392 549 17 167 (6 as) 14 1723 19408 14 34 as = shell pierced (bead as pierced shell) bds = beads, cf = crucible fragment, cp = copper, cpw = copper wire, fc = foreign ceramic, g beads = glass beads, gl = glass, gs = grindstone, hs =hammer stone, ls = landsnail, m = marine, ng = non-glass, rc =rock crystal, sc = shaped ceramic, sls = shaped landsnail shell

PAGE 405

405 Table M 2. Kwa Mgogo (Site 177, Survey Unit 33), Excavation Unit 2 Stratum Level (cm) Loc Crm Dg Crm Daub (g) Lithics Slag (g) G Beads NG Beads M Shells LS Shell (g) Bone (g) HS Frag GS Frag Other 1 1 (0 10) 79 19 238 1 0 0 7 (1 as) 1 49 43 0 0 2 2 (10 20) 116 14 541 4 0 0 30 (1 as) 1 268 173 0 2 1 bg 2 3 (20 28) 217 37 542 17 28 0 54 (2 as) 4 888 631 3 9 1 fc, 2 sc 3 4 (28 38) 134 31 426 8 9 1 64 1 437 1177 2 1 2 sc, 2 bi 3 5 (38 48) 156 44 52 12 0 1 93 3 674 830 0 1 1 mtl, 1 fc 3 6 (48 58) 178 14 11 3 41 0 44 (1 as) 1 622 1079 0 1 1 sc 3 7 (58 68) 72 24 0 3 0 0 12 1 392 1057 0 1 1 sc 3 8 (68 78) 112 12 0 4 0 0 7 1 76 382 0 2 2 mtl 3 9 (78 85) 180 33 0 12 0 1 22 (1 as) 0 157 896 0 0 2 sc, 1 mtl 3 10 (85 95) 97 24 112 14 43 1 15 0 126 427 1 3 1 sc 3 11 (95 105) 45 9 70 15 6 2 6 0 37 112 0 0 3 sc, 1 mtl 3 12 (105 114) 30 6 53 4 0 0 1 0 8 55 0 0 4 13 (114 124) 53 11 118 8 25 0 7 0 0 63 0 0 4 14 (124 134) 98 20 0 6 0 1 1 0 3 109 0 2 4 15 (134 144) 185 32 107 1 19 0 1 0 6 310 0 2 5 16 (144 154) 88 25 0 3 0 2 8 2 5 113 0 0 1 sc 5 17 (154 162) 3 1 7 28 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 ss 6 18 (162 172) 1 0 43 25 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 6 19 (172 182) 0 0 0 12 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 TOTAL 1844 356 2320 180 171 9 373 (6 as) 15 3749 7459 6 24 as = shell pierced (bead as pierced shell) bg = bead grinder, bi = bone implement, fc = foreign ceramic, g bead = glass bead, gs = grind stone, hs = hammer stone, ls = landsnail, mtl = metal (iron) marine, ng = non-glass, sc = shaped ceramic, ss =sharpening stone

PAGE 406

406 Table M 3. Kwa Mgogo (Site 177, Survey Unit 33), Excavation Unit 3 Stratum Level (cm) Loc Crm Dg Crm Daub (g) Lithics Slag (g) G Beads NG Beads M Shells LS Shell (g) Bone (g) HS Frag GS Frag Other 1 1 (0 9) 120 25 46 1 0 0 2 0 9 23 0 2 2 2 (9 19) 223 40 86 2 0 0 0 1 24 250 0 1 2 3 (19 29) 159 26 174 1 0 0 1 1 58 205 0 0 2 4 (29 38) 58 10 23 1 0 0 0 0 8 62 0 0 F1 [31 63] 244 53 174 4 0 0 1 0 114 260 0 1 1 sc 3 5 (38 48) 108 23 0 1 0 0 0 0 47 78 0 0 3 6 (48 58) 73 7 45 0 0 0 2 0 176 163 0 0 1 bp 3 7 (58 66) 395 65 231 4 16 0 5 5 648 542 0 0 1 sc 4 8 (66 75) 390 111 2312 1 0 0 11 (1 as) 0 218 1157 0 1 1 mtl, 2 ty 5 9 (75 85) 307 26 10477 1 73 1 17 0 140 244 0 2 5 10 (85 94) 95 11 9156 0 0 0 6 0 36 39 0 1 6 11 (94 104) 12 3 5523 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 6 12 (104 114) 2 0 1384 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 0 2 F2 [112 122] 34 6 588 15 0 0 0 0 15 2 0 0 2 hs 6 13 (114 124) 1 0 16 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 TOTAL 2221 406 30235 31 89 1 46 (1 as) 7 1493 3029 0 10 as = shell pierced (bead as pierced shell) bp = bone point, f = feature, g = glass, gs = grind stone, hs = hammer stone, ls = landsnail, m = marine, mtl = metal (iron) ng = non -glass, sc = shaped ceramic, ty = tuyere

PAGE 407

407 Table M 4. Kwa Mgogo (Site 177, Survey Unit 33), Excavation Unit 4 Stratum Level (cm) Loc Crm Dg Crm Daub (g) Lithics Slag (g) G Beads NG Beads M Shells LS Shell (g) Bone (g) HS Frag GS Frag Other 1 1 (0 9) 114 11 78.5 0 0 1 0 0 10 10 0 0 2 2 (9 19) 40 5 21 0 0 0 2 0 12 5 0 1 2 3 (19 26) 70 20 12 0 0 2 2 0 20 25 0 0 3 4 (26 36) 170 25 11 0 0 0 0 1 60 79 0 1 3 5 (36 46) 83 18 34 0 0 0 1 0 24 61 0 0 3 6 (46 56) 267 52 0 0 0 0 4 (1 as) 3 23 362 0 0 1 ss 3 7 (56 66) 232 37 0 0 0 0 0 3 219 460 0 0 1 sc 3 8 (66 70) 292 46 239 0 0 0 5 1 108 392 0 0 1 ty, 1 sc 4 9 (70 80) 388 31 2703 0 0 2 5 1 92 381 0 2 4 10 (80 88) 188 25 48118 1 0 1 14 (1 as) 0 47 198 0 2 5 11 (88 98) 22 2 145 0 0 0 3 1 10 6 0 0 5 12 (98 101) 39 5 1591 0 0 0 10 0 41 44 0 0 6 13 (101 111) 35 2 330 5 0 0 7 0 35 49 0 0 2 rc 6 14 (111 121) 15 3 0 6 0 0 0 0 16 36 0 0 1 rc, 1 sb F [121 136] 12 5 0 1 0 0 11 0 49 54 0 0 1 sc TOTAL 1967 287 53282.5 13 0 6 64 (2 as) 10 766 2162 0 6 as = shell pierced (bead as pierced shell), f = feature, g = glass, gs = grind stone, hs = hammer stone, ls = landsnail, ng = non -glass, rc = rock (quartz) crystal, sb = shaped bone, sc = shaped ceramic, ss = sharpening stone ty= tuyere

PAGE 408

408 APPENDIX N LANDSNAIL TYPES FROM KWA MGOGO (SITE 177, SURVEY UNIT 33, SURVEY AREA 4 MOMBO )

PAGE 409

409 Table N 1. Kwa Mgogo (Site 177, Survey Unit 33), Excavation Unit 1 Stratum Level (cm) LS (g) UI (g) MNI Type/# 1 1 (0 10) 20 9 3 1/1, 2/2 2 2 (10 20) 181 104 14 1/1, 2/1, 3/4, 4/1, 5/7 2 3 (20 29) 329 197 26 1/6, 2/6, 3/13, 4/1 3 4 (29 39) 256 144 24 1/4, 2/4, 3/7, 5/9 3 5 (39 49) 133 39 8 1/2, 2/3, 4/1, 5/2 3 6 (49 59) 103 55 4 1/1, 2/2, 3/1 3 7 (59 69) 84 5 5 1/3, 2/1, 4/1 3 8 (69 79) 91 12 3 1/2, 3/1 3 9 (79 89) 132 4 2 1/1, 2/1 4 10 (89 99) 96 7 7 1/3, 2/3, 3/1 4 11 (99 109) 146 28 4 1/3, 2/1 4 12 (109 119) 121 13 5 1/4, 2/1 4 13 (119 127) 20 1 1 1/1 5 14 (127 137) 10 0 1 1/1 5 15 (137 147) 1 0 1 1/1 5 16 (147 157) 0 0 0 6 17 (157 167) 0 0 0 6 18 (167 177) 0 0 0 TOTAL 1723 618 108 1/34, 2/25, 3/27, 4/4, 5/18 LS = total landsnail shell, MNI = m inim um number of individuals, UI = u nidentifiable landsnail shell; Types: 1 = Achatina sp., 2 = Limocolota martensiana; 3 = Lanistes ovum 4 = Rachidina sp., 5 = Pila ovata

PAGE 410

410 Table N 2. Kwa Mgogo (Site 177, Survey Unit 33), Excavation Unit 2 Stratum Level (cm) LS (g) UI (g) MNI Type/# 1 1 (0 10) 49 31 11 1/1, 2/2, 3/1, 4/3, 6/2, 7/2 2 2 (10 20) 268 181 24 1/2, 2/4, 3/10, 4/6, 5/2 2 3 (20 28) 888 452 94 1/9, 2/6, 3/54, 4/2, 5/23 3 4 (28 38) 437 233 27 1/4, 3/14, 5/6, 8/3 3 5 (38 48) 674 379 23 1/9, 3/8, 4/1, 5/3, 8/2 3 6 (48 58) 622 250 49 1/19, 2/2, 3/20, 4/2, 5/6 3 7 (58 68) 392 124 33 1/3, 3/25, 5/5 3 8 (68 78) 76 21 7 1/2, 2/5 3 9 (78 85) 157 126 9 1/3, 3/5, 5/1 3 10 (85 95) 126 27 7 1/3, 2/1, 3/1, 4/1, 5/1 3 11 (95 105) 37 8 6 1/3, 2/1, 3/1, 4/1 3 12 (105 114) 8 0 1 1/1 4 13 (114 124) 0 0 0 4 14 (124 134) 3 1 1 3/1 4 15 (134 144) 6 0 1 1/1 5 16 (144 154) 5 0 1 1/1 5 17 (154 162) 0 0 0 6 18 (162 172) 0 0 0 6 19 (172 182) 0 0 0 TOTAL 3749 1834 294 1/61, 2/21, 3/140, 4/16, 5/47, 6/2, 7/2, 8/5 LS = total landsnail shell, MNI = m inim um number of individuals, UI = u nidentifiable landsnail shell; Types: 1 = Achatina sp., 2 = Limocolota martensiana; 3 = Lanistes ovum 4 = Rachidina sp., 5 = Pila ovata, 6 = Rachistia braunsi 7 = Tropidophora sp., 8 = Trochonanina mozambicensis

PAGE 411

411 Table N 3. Kwa Mgogo (Site 177, Survey Unit 33), Excavation Unit 3 Stratum Level (cm) LS (g) UI (g) MNI Type/# 1 1 (0 9) 9 3 2 3/2, 2 2 (9 19) 24 12 4 1/1, 3/2, 4/1 2 3 (19 29) 58 20 7 1/1, 2/3, 3/2, 4/1 2 4 (29 38) 8 6 3 1/1, 4/2 F1 [31 63] 114 68 13 1/2, 3/6, 4/3, 5/2 3 5 (38 48) 47 30 6 1/1, 3/5 3 6 (48 58) 176 162 8 1/1, 3/7 3 7 (58 66) 648 323 46 1/2, 2/1, 3/37, 4/2, 5/1, 6/1, 7/1, 9/1 4 8 (66 75) 218 91 23 1/2, 2/1, 3/17, 4/2, 5/1 5 9 (75 85) 140 88 5 1/3, 2/2 5 10 (85 94) 36 21 2 1/1, 3/1 6 11 (94 104) 0 0 0 6 12 (104 114) 0 0 0 F2 [112 122] 15 11 3 1/2, 3/1 6 13 (114 124) 0 0 0 TOTAL 1493 835 122 1/17, 2/7, 3/80, 4/11, 5/4, 6/1, 7/1, 9/1 F = feature, LS = total landsnail shell, MNI = m inim um number of individuals, UI = u nidentifiable landsnail shell; Types: 1 = Achatina sp., 2 = Limocolota martensiana; 3 = Lanistes ovum 4 = Rachidina sp., 5 = Pila ovata, 6 = Rachistia braunsi 7 = Tropidophora sp., 9 Pseudoglessula sp.

PAGE 412

412 APPENDIX O EXCAVATED FINDS FROM GONJA MAORE (SITE 20 9, SURVEY UNIT 44, S URVEY AREA 5 GONJA )

PAGE 413

413 Table O 1. Gonja Maore (Site 209, Survey Unit 44), Excavation Unit 1 Stratum Level (cm) Loc Crm Dg Crm Daub (g) Lithics Slag (g) G Beads NG Beads M Shells LS Shell (g) Bone (g) HS Frag GS Frag Other F 1 (0 10) 61 3 0 1 0 0 41 (1 as) 6 178 284 0 0 F 2 (10 20) 89 13 0 0 0 0 49 (2 as) 8 223 279 0 1 F 3 (20 30) 91 16 0 0 0 0 76 (3 as) 4 254 435 0 3 F 4 (30 40) 157 28 0 0 0 0 73 (7 as) 11 658 1053 0 4 F 5 (40 50) 72 11 0 0 0 0 72 (3 as) 10 363 565 0 2 F 6 (50 60) 78 11 0 0 0 0 59 (9 as) 15 407 481 0 1 F 7 (60 70) 67 13 0 0 0 0 38 (6 as) 2 297 478 0 2 F 8 (70 80) 110 14 107 0 0 0 54 (5 as) 4 524 563 0 1 1 s F 9 (80 90) 96 5 0 0 0 0 30 (1 as) 6 271 543 0 0 F 10 (90 97) 109 11 0 1 0 0 32 3 149 392 0 1 1 cu MF 11 (97 107) 70 6 0 0 0 0 7 1 40 27 0 2 1 si MF 12 (107 117) 71 12 0 1 0 0 1 0 7 21 0 1 1 rc MF 13 (117 123) 33 4 86 3 0 0 0 0 49 7 0 0 1 14 (123 133) 117 15 850 5 0 0 0 0 9 89 0 0 1 15 (133 143) 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 TOTAL 1224 162 1043 11 0 0 532 (37 as) 70 3429 5217 0 19 as = shell pierced (bead as pierced shell), cu = landsnail cut out, f = feature, g = glass, gs = grind stone, hs = hammer stone, ls = landsnail, m = marine, mf = mixed feature and stratum 1; ng =non-glass, rc = rock (quartz) crystal, s = shaped stone, si = ceramic with marine shell impression

PAGE 414

414 Table O 2. Gonja Maor e (Site 209, Survey Unit 44), Excavation Unit 2 Stratum Level (cm) Loc Crm Dg Crm Daub (g) Lithics Slag (g) G Beads NG Beads M Shells LS Shell (g) Bone (g) HS Frag GS Frag Other F 1 (0 10) 48 8 156 1 0 0 31 (1 as) 3 156 132 0 1 F 2 (10 2 0) 47 4 28 1 0 0 14 (1 as) 2 110 134 1 0 F 3 (20 29) 147 24 0 2 0 0 65 6 241 905 0 1 MF 4 (29 39) 76 13 0 0 0 0 38 2 167 340 1 1 MF 5 (39 49) 23 3 0 0 0 0 29 (2 as) 2 123 389 0 1 MF 6 (49 58) 17 3 0 0 0 0 13 (1 as) 1 44 227 0 1 1 7 (58 68) 2 0 0 0 0 0 4 1 1 21 0 0 1 8 (69 78) 2 1 0 0 0 0 2 (1 as) 0 7 5 0 0 1 9 (79 88) 0 0 0 4 0 0 1 0 1 20 0 0 TOTAL 362 56 184 8 0 0 197 (6 as) 17 850 2173 2 5 as = shell pierced (bead as pierced shell), f = feature, g = glass, gs = grind stone, hs = hammer stone, ls = landsnail, m = marine, mixed feature and stratum 1, ng = nonglass Table O 3. Gonja Maore (Site 209, Survey Unit 44), Excavation Unit 3 Stratum Level (cm) Loc Crm Dg Crm Daub (g) Lithics Slag (g) G Beads NG Beads M Shells LS Shell (g) Bone (g ) HS Frag GS Frag Other 1 1 (0 10) 19 5 320 4 0 0 1 0 9 0 0 1 1 2 (1 0 20) 16 2 0 1 0 0 1 0 16 11 0 0 1 3 (20 29) 35 1 321 0 0 1 13 0 98 58 0 1 2 4 (29 39) 29 6 621 0 0 0 17 0 148 118 0 1 2 5 (39 49) 33 4 16305 0 0 0 11 1 55 158 1 1 2 6 (49 59) 44 6 4469 0 7 0 14 3 114 226 0 0 cu 2 7 (59 69) 63 13 2238 7 0 0 16 (1 as) 0 127 195 0 1 1 rc 2 8 (69 79) 97 18 1649 2 0 0 20 5 60 297 0 0 1 mtl, 1 ss 3 9 (79 82) 43 11 3325 9 0 0 3 0 22 105 0 1 3 10 (82 92) 19 4 2515 6 0 0 7 0 6 81 0 0 3 11 (92 102) 34 3 1460 0 0 0 2 0 7 98 0 0 TOTAL 432 73 33223 29 7 1 105 (1 as) 9 662 1347 1 6 as = shell pierced (bead as pierced shell), cu = landsnail cut out, hs = hammer stone, g = glass, gs = grind stone, ls = landsnail, m = marine, mtl = metal (iron), ng = non -glass, rc = rock (quartz) crystal, ss = shaped stone

PAGE 415

415 Table O 4. Gonja Maore (Site 209, Survey Unit 44), Excavation Unit 4 Stratum Level (cm) Loc Crm Dg Crm Daub (g) Lithics Slag (g) G Beads NG Beads M Shells LS Shell (g) Bone (g) HS Frag GS Frag Other 1 1 (0 10) 70 14 1940 21 17 0 14 2 175 66 0 0 1 am 1 2 (10 2 0) 36 6 1923 3 0 0 20 1 98 30 0 2 1 cp 1 3 (20 30) 25 2 158 5 11 0 29 1 186 55 0 0 1 rc 1 4 (30 35) 24 5 837 8 0 0 18 (1 as) 2 192 125 0 0 2 5 (35 45) 40 4 287 11 0 0 1 1 98 203 0 0 2 6 (45 55) 22 4 0 7 0 0 2 1 30 448 0 1 2 7 (55 63) 28 5 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 97 0 0 3 8 (63 73) 12 1 0 12 0 0 1 0 24 110 0 0 3 9 (73 83) 6 1 0 3 0 0 0 0 7 69 0 0 3 10 (83 93) 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 20 0 0 TOTAL 263 42 5145 73 28 0 85 (1 as) 8 811 1223 0 3 am = amulet, as = shell pierced (bead as pierced shell), cp = copper, g = glass, gs = grind stone, hs = hammer stone, ls = landsnail, m = marine, ng = non-glass, rc = rock (quartz) crystal Table O 5. Gonja Maore (Site 209, Survey Unit 44), Excavation Unit 5 Stratum Level (cm) Loc Crm Dg Crm Daub (g) Lithics Slag (g) G Beads NG Beads M Shells LS Shell (g) Bone (g) HS Frag GS Frag Other 1 1 (0 10) 49 6 843 1 0 0 0 0 80 46 0 0 1 2 (10 20) 61 3 942 6 0 0 0 0 67 185 0 0 2 3 (20 29) 201 22 3250 8 46 0 3 2 21 247 0 3 1 ss, 1 mtl 2 4 (29 38) 97 8 946 13 0 0 21 3 64 257 0 0 3 5 (38 48) 134 23 1035 4 0 0 18 (1 as) 0 119 297 0 0 3 6 (48 58) 88 12 893 1 0 0 0 0 26 383 0 0 1 rc 3 7 (58 68) 55 10 858 0 0 0 0 0 2 15 0 0 3 8 (68 78) 4 0 29 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 TOTAL 689 84 8796 33 46 0 42 (1 as) 5 379 1430 0 3 as = shell pierced (bead as pierced shell), g = glass, gr = grind stone, hs = hammer stone, ls = landsnail, m = marine, mtl = metal (iron), ng = non -glass, rc = rock (quartz) crystal, ss = shaped stone

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416 APPENDIX P CITED ORAL INTERVIEWS Kilimanjaro Region Same District Gonja Maore (Town) Ali Lukwaro, March 4, 2006 Rashidi Mweta, March 7, 2006 Saidi Mungwana, March 9 and 13, 2006 Rashidi Ngulwi, March 10, 2006 Kalega Ali and Ali Athumani, March 15, 2006 Kizerui (Village) Bakari Kizerui a nd Amina Sefu, February 26, 2006 Muheza (Village) Katamba Sekondo, March 8, 2003 Fatuma Hemedi, March 1, 2006 Salehe Kilimbo, Daudi Mshamba, and Rajabu Mshamba, March 13, 2006 Muheza ya Chini (Village) Rashidi Changoma, March 14, 2006 Ndululu (Village) Eliaza Murutu, February 28 and March 14, 2006 Tanga Region Handeni District Handeni (Town) Zakayo Chabai, January 15, 2003 Korogwe District Gereza (Village) Blandina Mpina, August 28, 2002 Kilimandudu (Village) Keembwa Kiria, February 23, 2006 Kilole (Village) John Mntambo and Hussein Nzige, February 4, 2006 Korogwe (Town) Abdallah Daffa a nd Mary Mhina, February 3, 2006 Frank Mselemu, February 5, 2006 Korokonge (Village) Sefu Kilo and Athmani Ramadhani, February 11 and 12, 2006

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417 Tanga Region (continued) Korogwe District (continued) Kwasamagumbe (Village) Daudi Paula, February 7, 2006 Mkomazi (Town) Andrea Mhanda, June 2, 2000 Mlembule (Village) Mzee Nyange, February 9, 2003 Shabani Senyika, February 9, 2006 Mombo (Town) Iddi Guga, F ebruary 11, 2006 Old Korogwe (Town) Yusuf Abdallah, February 4, 2006 Mustafa Goda, February 5, 2006 Shekilago (Village) Daudi Lenyika and Paringo Olesululu, February 10, 2006 Muheza District Kibaoni (Village) Rashidi Kigoto, January 30, 2006 Lewa (Town) Rashidi (Rajabu) Janja, September 7 and 11, 2002 Maduma A (Village) Rose Lyabonga, January 26, 2006 Pangani District Mwera (Village) Kijakazi Halmisi and Mwanaisha Juma, February 3, 2003 Pangani (Town) Bakari Mshoro and Zuberi Safeni, February 4, 2003 Mohamed Saidi December 1, 2005

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461 Wynne Jones, Stepha nie 2005 Urbanisation at Kilwa, Tanzania. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Archeology, University of Cambridge. 2007 Creating Urban Communities at Kilwa Kisiwani, Tanzania, AD 8001300. Antiquity 81(312):368380. Wynne Jones, Stephanie, and Sarah Croucher 2007 The Central Caravan Route of Tanzani a: A Preliminary Archaeological Reconnaissance. Nyame Akuma 67:9195. Ylhisi, Jussi 2000 The Significance of the Traditional Forests and Rituals in Tanzania: A Case Study of Zigua, Gweno and Nyamwe zi Ethnic Groups. In Forests, Chiefs and Peasants in Africa: Local Management of Natural Resources in Tanzania, Zimbabwe and Mozambique edited by Pekka Virtanen and Matti Nummelin, pp. 194219. University of Joensuu, Finland. Young, David E., and Jean Gu y Goulet (editors) 1994 Being Changed by Cross -Cultural Encounters: The Anthropology of Extraordinary Experience Broadview Press, Peterbo rough, Canada.

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462 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Jonathan Richard Walz was born in Greensboro, North Carolina on November 26, 1971. The son of a college professor and a public school teacher, he grew up in a middle class home with his brother Kristopher in Richmond, Virginia. In 1990, he graduated from Monacan High School. As an undergraduate, Jonathan studied liberal arts at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. He earned a B.A. in Anthropology and African Studies in 1994. The following year Jonathan worked as an archaeologist in the eastern United States and France. Soon thereafter he entered the University of Flor ida as a Foreign Language and Area Studies (FLAS) Fellow at the Center for African Studies in Gainesville. Jonathans primary scholarly interests were the history and archaeology of eastern Africa and the western Indian Ocean. He completed his M.A. in Anthropology in 1997, later enrolling at the University of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania as a short term student. Jonathan eventually returned to Florida to pursue a Ph.D. In 2006, he finished his Fulbright Hays-funded doctoral fieldwork in the lower Pangani Basin in Tanzania. While writing his dissertation, he subsequently taught in the Honors Program at the University of Florida. After completing his degree in 2010, Jonathan continued teaching and learning about Africans, archaeology, and social history.