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1 IMAGETEXTING THE TRAIL OF TEARS NATI ONAL HISTORIC TRAIL: RECIPROCAL EXCHANGE, POSTCOLONIALISM AND MEANING By KENNETH G. WHALEN A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2009
2 2009 Kenneth G. Whalen
3 To Jordan and Joe.
4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS In the words, paragraphs and im agetexts, al ong the edges where decontextualized images and text touch, lay the invisible remnants of time, patience and energy, of cursing, laughter and camaraderie, of guidance, support and encouragemen t, of will and luck. K nowing this we can say that this dissertation depends on interactions and relationships among people. Some of these are more obvious and their remnants penetrate this dissertation more d eeply. My supervisory committeeMaria Rogal, Kay Williams and Ste phen Golantdeserve more than a simple acknowledgement. Thank you for responding to this effort in the ways you have. I am grateful for the time and energy Joan Mossa and Mike Binford spent qualifying me as a doctoral candidate. I came to the geography department at the Univ ersity of Florida because I knew there I had a kindred spirit by the name of Dutch Lamme We even ordered the same during our many lunches at the Copper Monkey: the Rueben, please. He often sa id, there is no reality, and each time he did I took flight across the di sciplinary boundaries between the humanities and geography, art and geographical re presentation. Where I landed makes all the difference. I cannot say how much and in all the ways I apprec iate our relationship. This my friend is the absence/presence. I would like to thank the Depart ment of Geography at the University of Florida for giving me a teaching assistantship, in particular Ni gel Smith, Abe Goldman and Peter Waylen, and Desiree Price and Julia Williams who sail the sh ip beautifully. The experience is unmatched among my peers because I was given the independ ence to develop and teach courses suiting my personality. I now teach in Afgha nistan a country which for several years was controlled by a regime that forbade most forms of entertainment, particularly film and imagery. It has been said that geography lives and dies by the image. I t ook that to heart when teaching at UF, and now
5 students in Kabul are enthralled by our discipli ne because of the visuality, intensity, and angularity of my presentations. Along the same line, I would like to thank Ray Oldakowski for allowing me to hone my teaching skills as adjunct professor in his fine geography department at Jacksonville University. My way to the University of Florida was paved by the latitude I was given by John Townshend and Robert T. Mitchell, at the Univer sity of Maryland, to extend my mind into new intellectual regions of cultural and historical geography. Thank you my sons, Jordan and Joe, for the sacrifices you have made. Before I moved to Florida I stumbled upon a striking question from one of the great books of literary art: for what will it profit a man if he gains the whole world, and lose his own soul? For the past few years I have tried to find its answer. The question marks this dissertation like th e Trail of Tears marks the American landscape. To my wife, and favorite geographer and arti st, Annant, who volunteered with me on the first day of geo-thought to bring in nosh for the next class session: you made my dream come true. I hope now I can do the same for you.
6 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...............................................................................................................4 LIST OF FIGURES.........................................................................................................................9 ABSTRACT...................................................................................................................................14 EPIGRAPHS..................................................................................................................................15 CHAPTER 1 AN INTRODUCTION TO IMAGETEXTI NG THE TR AIL OF TEARS NATIONAL HISTORIC TRAIL: RECIPROCAL EXCHANGE, POSTCOLONIALISM AND MEANING........................................................................................................................ .....17 Themes and Goals............................................................................................................... ....17 Framework of Interpretation...................................................................................................2 2 Method....................................................................................................................................24 Broad Perspective...................................................................................................................25 Plan of Work................................................................................................................... ........26 2 INTERPRETING A LANDSCAPE TEXT............................................................................29 Memorial landscapes, Postcolonialism and Innovative Form s of Geographical Representation.....................................................................................................................29 Memorial Site: Shadowed Grounds and Reciprocal Exchange ..............................................31 Shadowed Ground...........................................................................................................34 Reciprocal Exchange.......................................................................................................35 Memorial Setting: Roadside Montage and Signature Scale ...................................................48 Roadside Montage...........................................................................................................50 Signature Scale................................................................................................................57 Postcolonialism: Settler Societie s an d Visual Representation................................................64 Postcolonialism ................................................................................................................67 Settler Societies...............................................................................................................75 Geographies of Settler Societies......................................................................................82 Visual Representations....................................................................................................85 Innovative Forms: Creative Repr esentation and Im agetexting............................................101 Creative Representation.................................................................................................103 Culture and Imagetext...................................................................................................110 Montage and/or Imagetext.............................................................................................115 Visual Images in Human Geography.....................................................................147 A Roadway Aesthetic.............................................................................................150 Imagetexting the Trail of Tears National Historic Trail................................................157
7 3 APPROACHING THE SIGNATUR E SCAL E OF LANDSCAPE.....................................162 From Framework of Inte rpretation to Method......................................................................162 Landscape Interpretation......................................................................................................1 65 Qualitative Methods............................................................................................................ ..168 Visual Qualitative Methods..................................................................................................176 Specific Methods Used.........................................................................................................184 Imagetexting Reciprocal Exchanges at the Signa ture Scale of the Trail of Tears Natio nal Historic Trail.....................................................................................................................185 Enhancing Imagetexts...................................................................................................194 Index of Elements..........................................................................................................196 From Method to Framework of Interpretation......................................................................197 4 IMAGETEXTING THE TRAIL OF TEA R S NATIONAL HISTORIC TRAIL: A LANDSCAPE TEXT OF POSTCOL ONIAL PARADOX AND IRONY...........................198 Irony of Tears.......................................................................................................................199 Irony of Numbers..................................................................................................................201 Irony of Climate....................................................................................................................203 Irony of Lottery............................................................................................................... ......206 Irony of Charity............................................................................................................... .....209 Irony of Purity.......................................................................................................................211 Paradox of Confederacy.......................................................................................................214 Irony of Race........................................................................................................................217 Irony of Women....................................................................................................................219 Irony of Children.............................................................................................................. ....221 Paradox of Causes.................................................................................................................223 Paradox of Prayer.................................................................................................................226 Paradox of Mobility............................................................................................................ ..228 Paradox of Trails...................................................................................................................231 Paradox of Freedom..............................................................................................................233 Paradox of Survival..............................................................................................................235 Paradox of Memory I............................................................................................................238 Paradox of Memory II..........................................................................................................2 40 Paradox of Individualism......................................................................................................242 Irony of Security.............................................................................................................. .....244 Paradox of Security............................................................................................................ ...246 Irony of Silhouettes...............................................................................................................249 Irony of Memory...................................................................................................................253 5 CONCLUSION.................................................................................................................. ...255 Reviewing the Work............................................................................................................. 255 Implications for Future Research..........................................................................................274
8 APPENDIX A OFFICIAL HISTORIES OF THE TRAIL OF TEARS .......................................................278 Trail of Tears National Historic Trail, National Park Service, 1996 (TOT 1) .....................279 The Trail of Tears in the Southeast Mi ssouri Region, Southeast Missouri R egional Planning & Economic Developm ent Commission, 2002 (TOT 2)...................................281 Trail of Tears National Hist oric Trail, 2000 (TOT 3) ..........................................................283 National Trail Systems Map and Guide, National Park Service, 1993 (TOT 4)..................288 B THE TRAIL OF TEARS NATIONA L HISTORIC TRAIL TIMELINE ............................291 LIST OF REFERENCES.............................................................................................................305 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.......................................................................................................326
9 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 1-1 Andrew Jackson on a twenty dollar bill and Trail of Tears Art show poster (Cherokeee Heritage Center 2007) ...................................................................................18 1-2 Trail marker for the Trail of Tears Nationa l Historic Tra il. Photograph by Ken Whalen...............................................................................................................................21 2-1 Jefferson Memori al (Benton-Short 2007, 434) ..................................................................46 2-2 Street signs (Rogers 2001, 511).........................................................................................50 2-3a Photograph by David Mussington of Jaya (2005).............................................................51 2-3b Source of photograph unknown.........................................................................................51 2-3c Badge of Honor. Sons B edroom (Osorio 1995)................................................................51 2-3d The Million Dollar Homepage (Tew 2006). ......................................................................51 2-4 Poetics of a transitiona l landscape (Kam vasinou 2003, 183)............................................54 2-5 Trail marker and official literat ure. Im agetext made by Ken Whalen...............................57 2-6 Mighty Optical I llusions (2006).........................................................................................65 2-7 The Art of Hachivi Edgar Heap of Birds ( Brom ely 2005, 801)........................................90 2-8 The Art of Hachivi Edgar Heap of Birds ( Brom ely 2005, 802)........................................90 2-9a Photograph by Natalie R obertson (Message 2005, 456). ..................................................96 2-9b Photograph by Natalie Robe rtson (Message 2005, 457). ..................................................96 2-10 The Walking Man 1975-1978 and the Ar tists Dream (Breakwell 1982, 117)...............116 2-11 Pages from Allan Preds work (Pred 1995, 1997, 2007).................................................119 2-12 Allan Preds Time/Space Diagram (Gregory 1991, 32)...............................................122 2-13 Derek Gregorys imagetext of Srmla nds-Nisse life-world (G regory 1991, 34)............124 2-14 Photomontage of Londons Square Mile Fi nancial district by John Allen and Michael Pryke (Allen and Pryke 1994, 461)..................................................................................130 2-15 Photomontage of Londons Square Mile Fi nancial district by John Allen and Michael Pryke (Allen and Pryke 1994, 464)..................................................................................131
10 2-16 Photomontage of Londons Square Mile Fi nancial district by John Allen and Michael Pryke (Allen and Pryke 1994, 470)..................................................................................132 2-17 Photomontage of Berlin by Michael Pryke (Pryke 1997) ................................................133 2-18 Photomontage of the Berlin Wa ll by Michael Pryke (Pryke 2002 ..................................134 2-19a Photomontage of Los Angeles by Edward Soja (Soja 1996, 266)...................................138 2-19b Photomontage of Los Angeles by Edward Soja and Antonis Ricos (Soja 1996, 184) ....138 2-20 Sketch for a Cinematic Mural by Fernand Leger (Leger 1950) .......................................139 2-21 Painting by Richard Estes (Wilmerding 2006, 56)..........................................................139 2-22 Imagetext by James Corner (Corner 1999, 248)..............................................................144 2-23a Imagetext by Allen Berger (Berger 2002, 121)...............................................................146 2-23b Imagetext by Allen Berger (Berger 2002, 193)...............................................................146 2-24 Winter: A C ryogenic Consideration; or, Sounding One Horn of the Dilema by Jess (Auping 1983, 115)..........................................................................................................149 2-25 Drawings of crazily tilted facades by J. B. Jackson (Jackso n 1965, 5)..................153 2-26 Drawing of a highway overpass at night by J. B. Jackson (Jackson 1997, 184).............154 2-27 Drawing alluding to the abst ract world of the hot-rodder by J. B. Jackson (Jackson 1997, 198). .......................................................................................................................155 2-28 Photograph by J. B. Jackson (Jackson 1997, 18).............................................................156 3-1 Photographs by Tim Edensor (Edensor 2003, 264).................................................179 3-2a Photographs by John Wylie (Wylie 2006, 459)...............................................................180 3-2b Photographs by John Wylie (Wylie 2006, 464)...............................................................180 3-3 Photographs by Jane Henrici (Henrici 2002, 49).............................................................182 3-4a Photograph by Ken Whalen.............................................................................................187 3-4b Photograph by Ken Whalen.............................................................................................188 3-4c Photograph by Ken Whalen.............................................................................................189 4-1a Imagetext Irony of Tears by Ken W halen........................................................................199
11 4-1b Indexed imagetext Irony of Tears by Ken W halen..........................................................200 4-2a Imagetext Irony of Numbers by Ken Whalen ..................................................................201 4-2b Indexed imagetext Irony of Numbers by Ken W halen.....................................................202 4-3a Imagetext Irony of Clim ate by Ken Whalen....................................................................203 4-3b Indexed imagetext Irony of Climate by Ken W halen......................................................204 4-4a Imagetext Irony of Lottery by Ken Whalen .....................................................................206 4-4b Indexed imagetext Irony of Lottery by Ken W halen.......................................................207 4-5a Imagetext Irony of Charity by Ken Whalen ....................................................................209 4-5b Indexed imagetext Irony of Charity by Ken W halen.......................................................210 4-6a Imagetext Irony of Purity by Ken Whalen .......................................................................211 4-6b Indexed imagetext Irony of Purity by Ken Whalen.........................................................212 4-7a Imagetext Paradox of Confederacy by Ken Whalen.......................................................214 4-7b Indexed imagetext Paradox of Confederacy by Ken W halen.........................................215 4-8a Imagetext Irony of Race by Ken Whalen.........................................................................217 4-8b Indexed imagetext Irony of Race by Ken W halen...........................................................218 4-9a Imagetext Irony of Wom en by Ken Whalen.....................................................................219 4-9b Indexed imagetext Irony of Women by Ken W halen.......................................................220 4-10a Imagetext Irony of Children by Ken Whalen ..................................................................221 4-10b Indexed imagetext Irony of Children by Ken Whalen.....................................................222 4-11a Imagetext Paradox of Causes by Ken W halen................................................................223 4-11b Indexed imagetext Paradox of Causes by Ken Whalen ..................................................224 4-12a Imagetext Paradox of Prayer by Ken W halen................................................................226 4-12b Indexed imagetext Paradox of Prayer by Ken Whalen ...................................................227 4-13a Imagetext Paradox of Mobility by K en Whalen..............................................................228 4-13b Indexed imagetext Paradox of Mobility by Ken Whalen ................................................229
12 4-14a Imagetext Paradox of Trails by Ken Whalen ..................................................................231 4-14b Indexed imagetext Paradox of Trails by Ken W halen....................................................232 4-15a Imagetext Paradox of Freedom by Ken W halen.............................................................233 4-15b Indexed imagetext Paradox of Freedom by Ken Whalen ...............................................234 4-16a Imagetext Paradox of Survival by Ken W halen..............................................................235 4-16b Indexed imagetext Paradox of Survival by Ken Whalen.................................................236 4-17a Imagetext Paradox of Memory I by Ken Whalen............................................................238 4-17b Indexed imagetext Paradox of Mem ory I by Ken Whalen..............................................239 4-18a Imagetext Paradox of Memory II by Ken Whalen...........................................................240 4-18b Indexed imagetext Paradox of Mem ory II by Ken Whalen.............................................241 4-19a Imagetext Paradox of Individualism by Ken Whalen......................................................242 4-19b Indexed imagetext Paradox of Individualism by Ken W halen........................................243 4-20a Imagetext Irony of Security by Ken Whalen....................................................................244 4-20b Imagetext Irony of Security by Ken Whalen....................................................................245 4-21a Imagetext Paradox of Security by Ken W halen..............................................................246 4-21b Indexed imagetext Paradox of Security by Ken Whalen .................................................247 4-22a Imagetext Irony of Silhouettes by Ken W halen...............................................................249 4-22b Indexed imagetext Irony of Silhouettes by Ken Whalen .................................................250 4-23a Imagetext Irony of Mem ory by Ken Whalen...................................................................253 4-23b Indexed imagetext Irony of Memory by Ken W halen......................................................254 5-1a Gallery Exhibition by Barbara Kruger.............................................................................262 5-1b 12 HandsCollage with Postcards and Advert by Pierre Robins (Robins 2003) .........262 5-1c Imagetext Paradox of Security Im agetext by Ken Whalen.............................................262 5-2a Abielles by Joseph Cornell (Cornell 1940) ......................................................................264 5-2b Photomontage of the Berlin Wall by Michael Pryke ( Pryke, 2002)...............................264
13 5-2c Paradox of Memory II Im agetext by Ken Whalen..........................................................264 5-3a Dcollage (1972) by Jacques de la V illegle ( Bourriaud, N. and Bon, F. 2007) ...........267 5-3b Who is my E nemy by Sean Hillen...................................................................................267 5-3c Irony of Security Im agetext by Ken Whalen...................................................................267 5-4 Hurrah, the Butter is A ll Gone! (1935) Photomontage by John Heartfield (The 20th Century ArtBook, 1996)...........................................................................................271 5-5 Cut-Up by William S. Burroughs and Br ion Gysin (Burrou ghs and Gysin 2008).........272 5-6 Signatures on the Trail of Tears National Historic Trail Im agetext by Ken Whalen.....277
14 Abstract of Dissertation Pres ented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy IMAGETEXTING THE TRAIL OF TEAR NATI ONAL HISTORIC T RAIL: RECIPROCAL EXCHANGE, POSTCOLONIALISM AND MEANING By Kenneth G. Whalen August 2009 Chair: Ary J. Lamme, III Major: Geography For this dissertation I follow a memorialized space of forced migration in its quotidian setting to uncover-construct the uncanny paradox a nd irony that arise in cultural texts of postcolonial settler societies. I ve nture to uncover these predicaments at the signature scale of the Trail of Tears National Historic Tr ail by constructing a series of im agetexts. This visual form of representation can juxtapose the visual and text ual elements of the Historic Trail found in certified trail markers and tourist literature with the elements of ordinary roadway signagethe signature scale of landscapeto reveal these paradoxes and ironies These imagetexts also have an unconventional constructed qua lity that relies on subjective judgment and manipulation, and a creative impulse guided by a specific roadway aesthetic that expands on the observations, sensibilities and geographic repres entations of J. B. Jackson. His dream environment of space in motion justifies breaking the integrity of th e signature scale to mix and merge its elements within composites. These offer (sur)real glimpses of otherwise unpicturable tensions between a memorial site and its setting, between descende nts of American settlers and Indians whose histories, geographies and identities seem in place and out of place simultaneously. I believe these imagetexts resist the banalization and aesth eticizing of atrocity by being compelling and by inviting others to particip ate in the acute act of in terpretation and commemoration.
15 The road offered a journey into the unknown that could end up allowing us to discover who we were and where we belong. J. B. Jackson
16 Hey, you barbarian invaders! How much longer? You think colonialism lasts forever? Leslie Marmon Silko
17 CHAPTER 1 AN INTRODUCTION TO IMAGE TEXTING THE TR AIL OF TEAR NATIONAL HISTORIC TRAIL: RECIPROCAL EXCHANGE POSTCOLONIALISM AND MEANING Themes and Goals On the final page of the National Park Servic es official pamphlet f or the Trail of Tears National Historic Trail is a routine, almost inconspicuous subheading that cautions Remember that youre a guest. The intellectual process of remembering is the virtue of all memorial landscapes, for without it the past drops into oblivion. When on th e Historic Trail we learn to remember the forced displacement of thousands of Cherokee Indians from their homeland during the early nineteenth century. But we also must re member our identity as guests in this land, and on this Trail. Yet, such a caution begs the questio n: who is host? The question taps into a deeper cultural condition that now pervad es certain nation-states around the world. In these societies descendents of European settlers who gained political independence from their European homelands remain politically dominant over indi genous peoples and their homelands. This is tricky territory: European descendents also consid er such places as North America, Australia, and New Zealand their homeland because for cen turies they have w oven their cultures and bodies into the land. Such territory produces sticky answers to questions of host and guest. These answers characterize our contemporar y existential dilemma. Here we are all in place and out of place at precisely the same time (Taylor 1998, 139). The offspring of this paradox surfaces on the Trail of Tearsa scar with a silver lining. Andrew Jackson, seventh presid ent of the United States and leading protagonist in the Trail of Tears tragedy is now in place and out of place at precisely the same time. He too is a scar on American history with a silver lining (F igure 1-1). In a recent documentary aired on PBS called Andrew Jackson: Good, Evil and the Presidency its makers dared to conclude that Jackson is an atrocious saint. His saintliness descends from his various contributions to the
18 Figure 1-1. Andrew Jackson on a twenty dollar bill and Trail of Tears Art show poster. (Cherokeee Heritage Center 2007). formation of the United States of America as a modern society. He is a national war hero as celebrated as George Washingt on. He aggrandized the U.S. through territorial expansion. He stood-up for the common mana nationalistic idealby decreasing the power of corporate oligarchies. His name adorns cities, schools, pa rks and sports stadiums. His image graces our favorite dollar bill. His atrociousness ascends from his undying support for the Indian Removal Act of 1830 which set in motion the displacement, dispossession and death of thousands of Cherokees and other southeastern Indians. In Cherokee Nation v. Georgia (1832), the Supreme Court struck down the Act calli ng it repugnant. Jackson responde d to the ruling by saying let them enforce it. To many Jackson is a sanctified in sider; to others he is an evil outsider. In the documentary he is both, and more. The paradox of Jackson as atrocious saint sign ifies a recent shift in the U. S. from the celebration, comfortable acceptance and largely u nquestionable appropriateness of conquest and colonization of North America and its indigenou s peoples to predicaments associated with
19 moving through the illegitimate, uncomfortable, conf licted aftermath of an irreversible conquest (King 2000, 7). The Jacksonian paradox exemplifies one such predicament. At first glance this Jackson seems an ethical impossibility partic ularly from within a worldview bearing the assumptions that any action, thought or person is either good or evil right or wrong, this or that. We can hardly withstand the intellectual unse ttledness and emotional di scomfort induced by a character that seems to transcends the either/or logic and its in tellectual consorts of linearity, purity and absolutism. But withstand we must. Our c ontemporary postcolonial conditi on, not the least influenced by our present multi-mediated saturation of information and knowledge, thrives on an anguishing inscrutability (Coe tzee 2007) that keeps alive th e (ir)reconcilable cultural, economic and political relationships between American settlers and Indians. Any ethical stand concerning these issues can dissolve into para dox or irony. Our unique historical and cultural moment reinforces an existential dilemma of unsettled settledness that makes the Andrew Jackson of Good, Evil and the Presidency both saintly and atrocious. I argue that the paradoxes and ir onies of settler societies also manifest themselves in the cultural text of landscape. They can be read in shadowed grounds marked by past violence between European settlers and indigenous people. These grounds can become memorials reinforcing the dominance of sett ler culture, like Custer Battle field National Monument does in the U.S. They can be also gestures of reconciliation, a nascent cultural phenomenon seen in such settler nations as Australia and Canada where national governments ha ve publicly acknowledged and apologized for the violence and injustices pe rpetrated against indigenous peoples. In any case, when read carefully sha dowed grounds yield insight into how societies come to terms with violence and tragedy (Foote 1997, 5).
20 The Trail of Tears is one such shadowed gr ound and now a reconciliatory gesture that can be read carefully to gain insight into our contem porary relationship with this tragic event of the past. But the Trail of Tears is an unusual memorial and gesture that offers a unique opportunity to explore this relationship. The National Park Service ha s placed within the roadsid e montage (Rai tz 1998, 383) of billboards, traffic signage, church and business marquees, etc., or, to put it more poetically within a maddening gridlock of crass comm ercialism (Beach quoted in Copps 1995, 3); industrial-age folk art (Rogers 2001, 511); v isual pollution (Flad 1997, 117); irreverent chaos and anti-discipline (Rai tz 1998, 381); a luxuriance of colored and lighted signs (Jackson 27, 1997); a vulgarized public enviro nment (Flad 1997, 119); a dream environment (Jackson 1956, 35); and/or the soul of America (Raitz 1998, 363)trail markers commemorating what can be classified according to the United Nations Draft Code of Crimes Against the Peace and Security of Mankind, Artic le 18 (1996) as a crime against humanity. The national historic trail commemorates Cherokee removal from their homeland in the southeastern United States to Indian Territo ry west of the Mississi ppi River between 1838 1840 (Figure 1-2). 15,000 Cherokee Indians we re displaced. From 1816 to 1850 almost 100,000 American Indians were forced by the U.S. govern ment to migrate from the southeast to what today is the state of Oklahoma. Many died along the various rout es to the west. As the trail markers realign the millions of forced steps suffered by those on the Trail, it holds together over nine hundred miles of c oncrete and asphalt roadways linking eastern Tennessee, Kentucky, Illinois, Miss ouri, Arkansas, and Tahlequah, Oklahoma, the capital of the western band of Cherokee Indians. The Nationa l Park Service gives t op priority to funding production and distribution of a uniform trail-marker and then to publication of official maps,
21 Figure 1-2. Trail marker created by the National Park Service for Tra il of Tears National Historic Trail. Photograph by Ken Whalen. brochures and pamphlets all intend ed to give auto-travelers an hi storical account of this tragic event. The trail-marker and associated tourist literature bear the logo ce rtifying official status. The responsibility for production and distribution lies with st ate and local transportation departments. For 21 years the U.S. National Park Service along with ot her public agencies and private organizations have maintained and manage d this long distance auto-trail for the purpose of promoting public awareness of both the Tra il of Tears and the broader history of Native American displacement in the southeast. The memorial brings to light historical relationships between early Euro-American settlers and American Indians, the latt er settling in the Americas so me 30,000 years prior to European colonization. Recent studies based on DNA analys is offer evidence that American Indians are descendents of a small group of migrants from Eastern Siberia who crossed into North America
22 via the Bering Straits land-ice bridge. The popula tion grew and expanded into North, Central and South America. When Columbus reached San Salvador there were approximately 12 million American Indians in North America (excludi ng Mexico) (Waldman 1985). Today, just over 2 million Americans claim to be descendants of thes e original inhabitants, making-up less than one percent of the total U.S. population (Doyle 1994, 71). Contemporary relationships between American Indians and descendents of European settlers remain complex and contentious, paradoxical and ironic, all symptoms of the unsettled settledness of postcolonial settler societies. I argue that the Trail of Tear s National Historic Trail offe rs a unique window onto these paradoxical and ironic relationships when the signature scale of landscape is framed (Jakle and Sculle 2004). In other words, th rough an analysis and synthesis of the images and texts found in ordinary roadway signage, the trailmarker and official tourist literature of the Historic Trailall comprising the signature scale I uncover-construct the unsettle d settledness of postcolonial settler societies. However, to frame the signa ture scale and therefore see and read these relationships, I adopt an unconventional form of academic representation called imagetexting. This form of representation allows me to juxtapose and merge visual and textual elements of the signature scale which I photographe d, scanned and transcribed. Framework of Interpretation This unique spatialization of m e mory joins four themes of research relevant to cultural geography: memorial landscapes, roadways and ro adsides, postcolonial settler societies and, unconventional forms of analysis, synthesis and representation. Th e nexus between these led me to a form of repres entation I found most suitableimagetexting. From this framework of interpretation em erge specific questions. How does the Trail of Tears memorial relate to the ordinary roadway? What is said, what meanings are exchanged between this site and its settingbetween the past and pres ent, uncommon and common, atrocity
23 and quotidian? How can these exch anges of meaning be represente d? What can these meanings tell us about our contemporary culture as it confronts past atrocities committed in the name of nationalism, racial purity and ec onomic prosperity? I ch annel the answers into a pursuit of the paradoxes and ironies of postcolonia l settler societies that leads to what I believe is a plausible representation of th e Historic Trail. While there are a number of insightful geograp hical studies on memo rials and monuments, especially those examining contested landscap es where groups holding divergent values and beliefs vie for control of space and its meaning, few studies focus on the reciprocal exchange between visual and textual elements of a memorial site and its setting. Th ese exchanges can alter, relieve or exacerbate tensions in meaning between a site and its setting. My aim is to show how at the signature scale of this Historic Trail, which memorializes th e forced migration of American Indians, these tensions are simultaneous ly relieved and exacerbat edor (un)resolved. What is unusual about the Historic Trail is th at it memorializes an atrocity within the quotidian space of the roadside montage. When drivi ng, we see elements in the visual field of the roadway flit and flicker, collid e and converge, and even juxta pose against each other. And now that cars come equipped with TV and computer screens, these elements can mix and merge with images and texts from contemporary mass medi a, popular culture and advertising, creating a kind of total flow through the /7 information superhighway. On the road we piece together our own montages from elements of available me dia which includes roadsi de signage. At times our cognitive montages are constrained by linear pur pose, most times not. When we look into the car window screen, images and te xts of the signature scale emer ge and disappear, overlap and interpenetrate, and constantly juxtaposing against each other in the movement of space, initiating multiple but related lines of meaning.
24 I stay with the flow at the signature scale, exploit its experiential qualities, yet slow it down just enough to catch glimpse of the (un)resolved tensions that can also emerge in cultural texts such as novels, film and festivals of pos tcolonial settler societies. These texts can unwittingly or, as critical texts, wittingly decente r and displace Euro-ethnic history, culture and geography. However, it is not the inte ntion of the National Park Servic e to inscribe a critical text into the ordinary roadway. Rather the presence of the Trail of Tears, its trail marker and its official tourist literature in the roadway, only initiates a potential for decentering and displacement. I attempt to realize that potential by using a form of representation that maintains the montage of the roadside, but circumscribes its meanings within a postcolonial intellectual framework. Method To relate these geographies and histories, I construct m ontages or imagetexts which involves juxtaposing images and te xts so that reciprocal exchange between the Trail of Tears and roadside can take place. Imagetexting, an unc onventional mode of geographic representation, involves constructing composites that merge visual and textua l elements appropriated from photographs, scanned documents a nd pertinent literature. The el ements can be organized and merged to produce at least double meanings between the two different in the same geographies of the Trail of Tears and ordinary roadway. The exchanges at the signature scale uncover common themes such as security, private proper ty, Christianity, racial purity, and mobility. Within and between these themes lie the (un)reso lved tensions between s ite and setting, between descendents of American settlers and Indians whose histories, geogr aphies and identities seem in place and out of place at the same time. The simu ltaneously resolved and unresolved tensions that precipitate from this postcolonial existent ial dilemma emerge in the form of paradox and
25 ironythose uncanny implications (Taylor 199 8, 139), predicaments (King 200, 7), or uncanny predicaments as in eerie pr edicaments of settler societies. Though my aim is to uncover the paradoxes and ironies of settler societies, there is an unconventional constructed quality to these imagetexts. The or ganization and integration of visual and textual elements and the look and feel of these composite s rely on subjective judgment and manipulation, and a creative impulse guided by a specific ro adway aesthetic that expands on the observations, sensibilities and geographic representations of J. B. Jackson. He called the roadway a dream environment having m ystical qualities. This is an aesthetic based on rapid movement through the multivalent roadway. Jackson did not produce representations having dreamlike effects or atmospheres in which visual elements such as figures, symbols and landscapes of widely different a ssociations are brought together, pe rhaps arbitrarily, in streaming and (sur)real juxtapositions. His wr itten and visual representations were different, their style still unconventional in academic geography. The exposito ry essay was his expressive medium with which he crafted his mellifluous and synthetic la ndscape representations. His words and sketches offer preliminary steps to a roadway aesthetic that I attempt to develop in my visual representations. Broad Perspective By uncovering-constructing paradox and irony in the roadside montage of the National Historic Trail, I answer the recen t call by human geographers to engage with the humanities and fine arts to create innovative forms of representa tion that are both compelling and informative. I must insist here that my aim at your affec tive realm (Lamme 1996) is not insensitive to American Indian removal and genocide. I hope th at my unconventional cr eative approach, a very important aspect of this projec t, leads viewers and readers to confront the Trail of Tears on intellectual, emotional and critical levels so th at it can be deeply considered and felt. More
26 important, in confronting the Trail through these imagetexts, viewers and readers engage in the acute act of interpretation as they in turn arra nge and rearrange content and meaning. This active, inclusive participation in the meaning-making pr ocess not only resists the aestheticizing of atrocity but also its ba nalization. Furthermore, its works agai nst the formation of an absolute perspective, a final solution or closure on topics of such magnitude. I have the obligation as a scholar to remind people to never finish reading and re-reading lands capes of atrocity such as the Trail of Tears and considering our place in relation to them. Plan of Work This dissertation has five chapters, an d two appendices. The first chapter is this introduction. Chapter 2 is the literature review. In this ch apter I describe and merge ideas, theories and methods used in authoritative studies on me morial landscapes, roadways and roadsides, postcolonialism and creative representation. I thi nk more than the usual number of ideas has influenced this research project. For this reason I give a brief outline of the literature review in the final section in which I define th e exact purpose of this research. Chapter 3 explains the procedures I use to fu lfill the purpose of this dissertation. Thus it mainly involves a brief discussion of the im portant ideas supporting my framework of interpretation and how these intersect with visual qualita tive methods, the process of imagetexting and aesthetic enhancement. Chapter 4 presents the imagetexts. This chapter is divided into 23 sections each having a particular theme, such as the irony of secur ity or paradox of individualism that define reciprocal exchanges occurring between the Trail of Tears and ordinary roadway. Each section has an imagetext, a smaller duplicate image w ith numbers marking each visual and textual
27 element, and an enumerated index of elements describing their origins. For the index I use the following acronyms to represent four sources of offi cial literature mined to create imagetexts. Trail of Tears National Historic Trail, National Park Service, 1996 (TOT 1) The Trail of Tears in the Southeast Mi ssouri Region, Southeast Missouri Regional Planning & Economic Developm ent Commission, 2002 (TOT 2) Trail of Tears National Histor ic Trail, 2000 (TOT 3) National Trail Systems Map and Guide, National Park Service, 1993 (TOT 4) I also use this scheme in the literature review. In Chapter 5, I evaluate the results of my im agetexts and their relationship to the Historic Trail and offer conclusions drawn from these resu lts. This chapter also includes a discussion of the potential use of imagetexting in cultural geography, and some of its drawbacks. This discussion suggests considering other possible re search initiatives on th e Trail of Tears and perhaps on other shadowed grounds of American settler and Indian violence. Following chapter 5 are two very important a ppendices that I initia lly had as separate chapters until I realized they broke the rhythm of the disser tation. Appendix A consists of sentences, paragraphs, quotations and original subtitles taken from histories of the Trail of Tears published in four documents ce rtified by the U. S. National Park Service as official representation of the event. I select material based on their associati on to elements in the imagetexts. In my introduction to appendix A, I di scuss my reasons for presenting the history of the event in this way. Appendix B offers a timeline of the history of the Trail of Tears National Historic Trail. I embed this timeline in a more extensive chronolo gy of cultural, political and legislative events effecting relationships between American settlers and Indians, and influencing the making of the Historic Trail. The information in the timelin e comes from government documents, newspaper
28 and magazine articles and a scholarly report. This appendix provides easil y accessible, sufficient but tangential information that is more or le ss independent of the intended meanings of imagetexts. Here an original historical narrat ive on the development of the Historic Trail is unwarranted and I would imagine undesirable to readers given the scope and breadth of the literature review.
29 CHAPTER 2 INTERPRETING A LANDSCAPE TEXT Memorial Landscapes, Postcolonialism and Innovative Forms of Geographical Representa tion The characteristics of the Trail of Tears National Historic Tra il led me to three avenues of research relevant to cultural ge ography: (i) memorial landscapes (ii) roadways and road signage (iii) postcolonial settler societie s. These in turn lured me into considering unconventional forms of geographical representation. From this fr amework of interpreta tion I developed four significant questions: How does the Trail of Tears memorial relate to the ordinary roadway? What is said, what meanings are exchanged betw een this site and its settingbetween the past and present, uncommon and common, atrocity and quotidian? What can these meanings tell us about our contemporary culture as it confront s past atrocities comm itted in the name of nationalism, racial purity and economic prosperity? How can th ese exchanges of meaning be represented? This literature review assesses research undertaken within eac h of these three avenues of research. This will include assessing areas of research given less attention by scholars but which I will attempt to exploit for this dissertation. Once this is done, I will describe how they intersect with an experimental form of visual representa tion called imagetexting. In my literature review I develop the questions asked above and explain ho w I will answer them by using imagetexts. The answers to these questions helped me to produce a plausible interpretation of the Historic Trail that is uniquely impressi onistic and scholarly. My discussion of memorial landscapes begins with a brief descripti on of the origins and use of landscape as a geographica l concept of spatial organizati on. It is a fundamental concept in geography because it belongs to our horizonta l classification system or rather the areal
30 taxonomy of our discipline (de Blij and Muller 2006). It is a foundational concept in this dissertation. Landscape has been an important, fruitful and controversial spatial concept in both physical and human geography. A definition of la ndscape that might temporarily satisfy the concerns of both sides of the discipline is an area on the earths surface on which geophysical and/or cultural elements, patterns and process inter act to create a specific scene. It should be remembered however that geographers have ye t to reach a consensus over its definition. The concepts fluidity of meaning appears to be its strength since it can be applied to and complement different research frameworks (Roundt ree 1996); but fluidity is also its weakness since polysemy prevents consistency in re presentation and communi cation between the many subfields of the discipline which use this concept. Richard Hartshorne, an important figure in the history of modern academic geography, considered the concept too dainty and crafty for the rigors of a concrete discipline like geography. For Hartshorne, landscape could never se ver its historical rela tions with the visual arts; and, anyway, geography alread y had within its repertoire of spatial terms the affectless, unprepossessing categories of space and region. Fo r Hartshorne landscape was simply redundant. Not so for Carl Sauer, the father of modern cultural geography. He introduced the concept to the discipline in 1925 with th e most rehearsed phrase in cont emporary geographic scholarship: culture is the agent (through time) the natural area is the medium, the cultural landscape is the result (Sauer 1925, 36). Sauer proposed that the geographers main task was to describe and explain how human beings transform so called natu ral area on the earths surface. The tripartite of nature-culture-landscape w ould initiate the overthrow of the scientific paradigm of environmental determinism that reigned in geogr aphy for many years prior to Sauers decree.
31 Today scholars continue to debate the degree to which natural or cultural forces shape geographies. It is from within these debates that landscape continues to be a controversial concept not only in geography but also in othe r spatial disciplines such as landscape architecture and ecology. Within the last several years a number of acad emic books have been published that suggest a renaissance in landscape studies. They have t itles beginning with term s such as recovering, revisioning and re-thi nking (Corner 1999; Kirkwood 2001; Dorrian and Rose 2003; Wollscheid, Boyer, Bruder and Ellin 2004). Recent publications in academic journals also suggest a renaissance (Wylie 2007; Andrew 1999; Robertson a nd Richards 2003; Wallach 2005; Harris and Ruggles 2007). This trend has much to do with both the cultura l turn in academic research and a reactionary re-entrenchment of the positivist-materialist perspective. Keeping the argument over the value of the concept warm is the question of whether landscape is a textual construct, or an extra-textua l reality that would exist desp ite human signification and thought or, somehow an entity simultaneously textual and extra-textual. I will return to this issue of landscape as textual construct at different points throughout my review where I weave it into the va rious ideas that frame my interpretation of the Historic Trail. Memorial Site: Shadowed Ground and Reciprocal Exchange My aim in this section is to develop an initial conceptual la yer upon a foundation that defines landscape as text and/or image. This layer contains three strata of ideas. memorials and monuments on shadowed grounds. unresolved tensions in the shadowed grounds of violence between American settlers and Indians. reciprocal exchange between a me morial site and its setting.
32 This section should make clear the following assumptions. The Historic Trail is a landscape text. Within this text are two spaces: the shadowed ground of the Trail of Tears which has also become a memorial site, and its sett ing the ordinary American roadway. Reciprocal exchanges of meanings occur between the visual and textual elements of this site and its setting. They indicate unresolved tensions between descen dents of American settle rs and Indians within this shadowed ground of past violence. With these assumptions I begin to answer th ree of the four signif icant questions first presented in the introduction: How does the Trail of Tears memorial relate to the ordinary roadway? What is said, what meanings are exch anged between this site and its settingbetween the past and present, uncommon and common, atrocity and quotidian? What can these meanings tell us about our contemporary culture as it confronts past atrocities committed in the name of nationalism, racial purity and economic prosperity? A memorial landscape is a natural environmen t that has been shaped by human means in order to commemorate an event or a person, pl ace, thing or symbolic idea (Robertson and Richards 2003, 174). Memorials come in a variety of scales and materials, and can be subtle, inconclusive, or abstract. They are less a tribut e than an invitation to remember. The Trail of Tears National Historic Trail is a memorial landscape commemorating the forced migration, between 1838-39, of thousands of Cherokee Indi ans from the southeast U.S. to Indian Territory now the state of Oklahoma. Seve ral thousand Cherokee men, women and children perished in stockades located in Tennessee a nd Alabama, and later du ring their journey west. The trail-marker with its logo of certification is the most prominent and consistent material entity that stands to represent the commemor ation of this historical event.
33 The spatialization of memory in the form of concrete memorials and monuments is a popular research topic for geographers, anthropologists, historians, architects and art critics. Recent studies have focused on memorial str eet names (Alderman 2002); an AIDS memorial quilt (Capozzola 2002); Mount Rush more (Larner 2002); electronic memorials to Princess Diana (Helmers 2003); Camino de Santiago Pilgrima ge (Pingree and Abend 2004); and the National Mall (Freeman 2004; Benton-Short 2007; Butler 2007). Many scholars of memorials and monuments a im to understand the political, economic and social processes of memorial landscape produc tion (Peet 1996; Jacobs 1997; Rainey 1997; Atkinson and Cosgrove 1998; Cram pton 2001), and/or the social conflicts memorials incite between individuals and groups holding divergent po litical agendas or diffe rent cultural, ethnic or national identities (Heffernan 1995; J acobs 1996; Osbourne 1998; Gough 2000; Whelan 2002). Some geographers have even investigated the role memorials and monuments play in forming national and local iden tities (Withers 1996; Cooke 2000). The conventional methods of research are qua litative, primarily textual analysis, and statistical reasoning, both of whic h are applied to primary documen ts and collected data from survey questionnaires and structured intervie ws. Another approach to the topic is more impressionistic, relying on th e scholars knowledge, wisdom and insight to create fresh perspectives on a particular memorial or monument (Doel and Clarke 1998). These interpretations may include anomalies, marginal associations and anecdotal evidence that can enrich our understandin g of these cultural landscapes (Foot e 1997). Most scholars would agree that memorials and monuments tell us more abou t those who create them (and those who analyze them) than about those whom the memorial or monument purports to commemorate.
34 Shadowed Ground In his book Shadowed Ground (1997), cultural geographe r Kenneth Foote exam ines memorials that commemorate past atrocities, military battles, infamous murders, mortal rebellions, and lethal protests. He offers a fou r-stage theory of the memoralization process that culminates in the official sanc tioning of public memorials. Foote distinguishes memorial by location. There are those built on grounds where the historic event did not take place. He gives several examples, some of which other scholars have thoroughly studied such as the Vietnam Veterans Memorial (A llen 1995); holocaust Monuments in the U.S and Europe (Young 1993, 2000; Cooke 2000); the Salem Tercentenary Memorial (Wasserman 2003); and, monuments to the Irish Fa mine in the U.S. (Crowley 2007). There are those memorials right where the event occurred or presumed to have occurred such as Gettysburg National Monument (Rainey 1997; Upton 1997); Dachau (Marcuse 2001); Ground Zero-9/11 (Haskins and DeRose 2003); landscape s of the Holocaust (Charlesworth 2005); and roadside crosses and shrines (E verett 2002; Urbina 2006). Some of these in situ memorials also are studied in terms of dark tourism (Le nnon and Foley 1999; Miles 2002; Strange and Kempa 2003), a phrase used to describe a genre of res earch that seeks to unde rstand peoples attraction to spaces and places where horrific events have occurred such as homes where serial murders took place, Nazi concentrati on camps or notorious prisons. Nonetheless, all memorials, according to Foote yield insight into how societ ies come to terms with violence and tragedy (Foote 1997, 5). U.S. memorial sites commemorating the ofte n-violent relationships between American settlers and Indians such as at Wounded Knee in South Dakota and the Trail of Tears are also considered within the four-stage process of memoria lization. Most are only potential sites and remain in the initial stage the unmarked s ite. What makes Footes work relevant to my
35 research is not the process he outlines but rather his proposal that these sites .themselves demonstrate a sort of collective equivocation over public meaning and social memory (Foote 1997, 35). The events that they r ecall reflect tensi ons within our societys collective mind (Foote 296). These tensions are difficult to resolve, especially when they find expression in our landscapes because, as Foote says, to stress th e heroic aspects of the suppression of Native American cultures is to question other traditions that have already been marked in the landscape (Foote 294). I will again take-up this issue of unresolved tensions when reviewing postcolonial theory and contemporary research on sett ler societies both of which e xpand the notions of collective equivocation and tensions. Now I would like point to an area of research that has been somewhat neglected by those studying memorials on shadowed grounds. Reciprocal Exchange The m ost authoritative scholarly treatment of memorial landscapes is James E. Youngs The Texture of Memory: Holocaust Memorials and Meaning (1993). His work is considered a landmark study on memorials and monuments, and particularly of the Jewish Holocaust in Europe. Young garners, analyzes and integrates a host of primary sources such as newspaper articles, transcripts and archival documents in order to understand why and how Israel, the U.S. and countries and locales in Europe memoriali ze the millions of people murdered by the Nazis during World War II. He shows us through case studies that cultural traditions and ideals and past experiences always refract the memoria lization process and its relationship to public memory and art. In his introduction he reflect s on other ways scholars might study memorial landscapes. He describes one approach that concerns the relationship between the visual aspects of site and setting. He calls this .the reciprocal exchange between a monument and its space and
36 claims it is still too little studied (Young 1993, 7). This remain s true some fourteen years later (see Benton-Short 2008). Young describes the process of reciprocal exchange in this way: For a monument necessarily transforms an othe rwise benign site into part of its content, even as it is absorbed into the site and made part of the larger scal e. This tension between site and memorial can be relieved by seemi ngly natural extension of site by monument, or it can be aggravated by a perceived incongr uity between site and monument (Young 1993, 7). Youngs tensions, natural extensions and i ncongruity refer to the visual relationship between a monument and its surroun dings, that is, whether, for in stance, the colors, shapes and textures of each are compatible or inconsistent, which can either relieve or aggravate the visual tension between them. I believe Young bases thes e relationships on aesthetic values. And of course we know there are no universal standard s for combining these objective characteristics that would categorically determine the outcome of their tensional relationship. Whether green goes with black or circles with squares for instance are relative, cultural refinements. To understand this, one need only read the relative opin ions of various coteries about modern art or even the American roadway. Nevertheless, different cultures see different tensions and incongruities, and these can stimulate ideas and feelings abou t a particular memorial or monument. To human geographers reciprocal exchange may seem like an old idea in a not so new metaphoric clothing. After all, the raison dtre of geographical re search can be described as the reciprocal exchange between obj ects of perception which form spatial patterns on the surface of the earth. Geographers link thes e objects with the in-betweens of numerical values, physical properties, ecological necessities, historical contingencies and, of course, the paramount inbetween meaning. In other words, to be geogr aphical is to establish contact between things on earth through exchanges or correl ations however perceived.
37 In cultural landscape studies, the visual elements in landscape the seen in the scene is always the starting poin t of any research project. Yet, of course, every starting point has its own starting point(s), and here we should remember that the eyes are well connected to the brain where the unseen forces of language and culture reside, and conspire to create, contest and deconstruct cultural landscapes. The unseen is the methods, models and theories of geographers who set out to describe and expl ain cultural landscapes. The unseen is also the values, beliefs and identities of ordinary people who live in these landscapes. In general it has been the task of cultural geographers to recover the unseen conve ntions of meaning that connect people and landscape, and even to reflect on their ow n conventions of knowledge by which these connections are exposed. Yet, a problem with geographical studies of memorial landscapes is that many times the memorial structure is conceptualized as the cultura l landscape. Thus, most scholars, not all, seem content with their in itial setting the scene (Osborne 1998, 431), neutral spaces (Whelan 2002) so to speak, after which they proceed with revealing the in-betweensparades, protests, narratives, cultural codes, value, beliefs and lo cal, national and global expediencies, etc.that bring together people and memori al. Setting the scene is actually a conventional practice of human geography that involves pref acing essays with what seems to be a tangential description of the physical environment of area under study. In some cases, the spatialization of public memory (Yeoh 2001, 461) seems almost to take place on a universal plane of white light, or only on the black-and-white landscape of the page (Peet 1996; Doel and Clarke 1998). Perhaps this is a bit of an exaggeration, however, what is not a stretch is that many studies on memorial landscapes tend to stress the larg er social and political context and often ignore the reciprocal exchanges between visual qualities of site and setting (Benton-Short 2008).
38 Other spatial disciplin es whose objects of study can be analyzed in terms of site and setting have paid special attention to visual relationships. For instance, in the architectural subfield of museum studies where the site is artworks and artifact s and the setting is the interior space of the museum. Some scholars are re-evaluating the idea of the museum and investigating how its inte riors function to define art and hist orical artifacts and to legitimize artistic styles and genres, and narratives of historical development. The museums visual, tangible and semiotic qualities its wall colors and fixtures, pathways and interpretive texts along with the spatial organization of artworks and artifacts e ffect how they are understood by the public (Newhouse 2005). From this scholarly pe rspective artwork, for example, is no longer regarded as a thing unto itself, inherently meaningful, intrinsically art. Indeed, the critical literature on artists and artwork is substantial and research appro aches plethoric, all intending to answer the questions of what is ar t ? and how does it come to be ?. But this spatial approach is a recent development and a radical one too, paying ex clusive attention to the seen of the scene in which artworks and artifacts are placed, and surm ising that their significance and meanings are constituted within the walle d spaces of the museum. Another spatial discipline more akin to geogr aphy is landscape architecture. The primary function and aim of this discipline is to train st udents to design and manage functional and/or presentable landscapes preferably for paid clients. Its main object of study is the garden broadly defined, and its practical sensib ility insists that landscapes ar e neutral objects of innocent meaning to be designed and enjoyed. The recipr ocal exchange between a designed landscape and its physical setting is more or less th e central concern of the discipline. Landscape architects, particularly of the cr itical bent, are masters at writing grounded detailed descriptions of relations hips between elements within a designed site. These descriptions
39 more often than not extend into the spaces su rrounding designed landscape to reveal visual connections. There are various ways in which interi or and exterior relationships are analyzed and understood so that designers now have a variety of principles from wh ich to literally and figuratively draw their designs in order to satisfy the needs and desi res of different clients. These principles are based on for example, ecol ogy (McHarg 1969; Nassaue r 1995), horticulture (Woodward 1997), geomorphology (Halprin 1969; Lassus 1998), cultural traditions (Lassus 1998; Meyer 1997), and even the principles of ar t (dare I say, for art s sake) (Walker 1997; Schwartz 2005). All these principles, needless to say, provide for specific visual qualities that are transferred to designed lands capes that may or may not be c ongruent with their surroundings. Geographers have recently focused more sharply on memorial landscapes and the reciprocal exchange between s ite and setting, although they do not use this particular phrase (Leib 2002; Benton-Short 2007). This has become possible because space, place and landscape have been re-conceptualized as text and i mage. These metaphors have given geographers more thinking room because they are able to borrow theories and methods normally associated with the humanities such as art and literary cri ticism and apply them to the palpable landscape. To understand how these metaphors open the way for the notion of reciprocal exchange, I will briefly explain their use in cultural geography. Reading the landscape has a long tradition in geography (Jackson 1956; Meinig 1979; Tuan 1982). The advent of postmodern and poststructuralist theories in lite rature departments in the U.S. during the 1990s revived the idea and practice, although now it is deeply influenced by a new and complex terminology developed outsi de of geography. This has led to a more systematic understanding of how and what sensory data mean, and how these meanings are communicated between people. Semiotics, which is a sub-field of linguistics concerned with the
40 study of signs (not signage) became the intellect ual wellspring from which human geographers collected theories and methods to more thor oughly reshape landscap e into a medium of communication. To understand landscape in this way assumes a trip artite relationship that is central to the process of communication and meaning-maki ng. The relationship is between author (writer/speaker/producer), sign (image/text/landscape) and interpreter (reader/viewer/consumer). Many landscape scholars have focused exclusively on the authorship of landscape texts (Duncan 1990; Schein 1997). They describe and explain how meaning is intentionally generated by authors/producers through the material and non-material dimensions of landscapes. Other scholars are more attentive to readers/ viewers of landscape texts and have shown how intended meanings produced by authors escape interpretations (Duncan 1992). Such research demonstrates that la ndscape texts and their intende d meanings can be challenged. Readers, like authors, are bound by what James D uncan calls the textual context of their interpretations, or the process of intertextuality (Duncan 1992). All texts, including landscapes, are woven out of other texts. People see, read and understand their world through the various texts they consciously or unconsci ously bring to bear on it. The meaning of landscape texts will always be open to many different interpretati ons, which at times struggle with each other for supremacy. Concern for revealing the textual context of landscape is the primary motivation for the work of Denis Cosgrove and St ephan Daniels, cultural geogra phers who introduced the study of landscape iconography to the field. Theirs is an important contribution to the repertoire of research approaches cultural geographers can us e to read landscapes. Borrowed from semiotics and art criticism, iconology is th e study of pictorial images a nd the spatial organization and
41 meanings of the visual elements within. This definition suggests that intratextuality, that is, the way elements in an image interact with one a nother to create meaning, is also an important consideration in iconolo gical research. It no su rprise then that thes e authors would define landscape as a cultural image, a pictor ial way of representing, structuring or symbolizing surroundings. This is not to say that landscapes are immaterial. They may be represented in a variety of materials a nd on many surfacesin paint on canvas, in writing on paper in earth, stone, water and vegetation on the ground. A landscape park is more palpable but no more real, nor less imaginary, than a landscape painting or poem (Cosgrove and Daniels 1989, 1). To study less palpable forms of landscape is no longer the special provi nce of art critics. Certainly geographers attempting to understand and explain the existence and meaning of palpable landscapes must also consider th e variety of mediums on which landscapes are represented. Again, reading a landscape can also te ll us a great deal about its authors, and its intellectual and historical cont exts (Meinig 1979; Jackson 2 002). But this can only be done through an investigation of its web of textual relationships. Indeed the meanings of verbal, visual a nd built landscapes have a complex interwoven history. To understand a built landscape, say an eighteenth-century English park, it is usually necessary to understand written a nd verbal representations of it, not as illustrations, images standing outside it, but as constituent images of its meaning or meanings (Cosgrove and Daniels 1989, 1). Intertextual readings of cultural images is akin to the practice of reading landscape texts though the focus here is mostly on pictorial representationspaintings, maps, postcards, drawings, blueprints, etc.and th eir relationships to palpable landscapes and the elements within. The author of one of the recent articles on memorials that I mentioned above applies the iconographic method promoted by Cosgrove and Dani els. In Separate Times, Shared Spaces:
42 Arthur Ashe, Monument Avenue and the Politics of Richmond, Virginias Symbolic Landscape (2002), Jonathan Leib writes: The iconology of the Arthur Ashe statue ca nnot be discussed without understanding the cultural landscape, Monument Avenue, in which it was plac ed, and how meanings of the statue and the landscape were transformed by each other (Leib 2002, 289). Lieb specifically focuses on the in tratextual relationship between s ite and setting, or what I call, following Young, reciprocal exchange. This in itself marks the difference between all other previous research done by geographers on memorials and monuments. Nevertheless, his study centers on the cultural politic s of memorializing the history of contrary ideologies within the same public space. Between 1890-1920 monuments were built, parades marched, and celebrations marked al ong Monument Avenue in Richmond, Virginia, for the Civil War heroes of the Confederate States of America. Richmond, the former capital of the Confederacy, was considered the Mecca of th e lost cause, and Monument Avenue was the sacred road to it (Leib 287). In the 1990s, civic leaders deci ded to integrate the avenue by building monuments to heroes of the civil ri ghts movement. In 1995, a city councilman proposed erecting a monument commemorating the life of Arthur Ashe (1943), who was born and raised in Richmond, became the first African-Ame rican tennis player to win the U.S. Open Championship (1968) and Wimbledon (1975), and was an active supporter of the Civil Rights Movement. The proposal to build the Ashe monu ment on the Road sparked a heated debate among politicians and ordinary citizens. The majority of both white and African Americans did not want it built there. Despite this, the monu ment was erected in 1996, just a few slots down from perhaps the most celebrated statue on Monument Road, General Robert E. Lee. The cultural politics of Monument Road brought together issues of identity, iconography and landscape that were debated, mostly in the media, among community leaders, politicians, preservationists and ordinary citizens. These issu es raised particular questions that must have
43 been considered by concerned parties. Who is Arthur Ashe? What is an African American or a white southerner? What is the meaning of Monument Road? What do the Confederate monuments mean to the contemporary South? How does the Ashe monument represent African Americans? Does this representation cha nge depending on it placement in the Richmond landscape? How does the traditional meaning of Monument Road change with the addition of Arthur Ashe? Lieb finds that the answers to th ese questions vary according to the values and beliefs held by particular indi viduals or group. He shows how th ey intersect, contrast and constitute the meanings of the memorial and Monument Road. The study of the iconology of Monument Road reveals tensions between specific visual elements that both reflect and constitute the te nsions among specific peop le vying for control of public space and public memory. For many, the As he monument on the Road is, to put it in Youngs words, an incongruity that aggravates the tension between site and setting but also between individuals. For some, the tensions ar e relieved because the integration of these monumental pasts reflects the ideals and values of our multicultural, democratic society. In the recent article Bollard s, Bunkers, and Barriers: Securing the National Mall in Washington, DC (2007), geographe r Lisa Benton-Short follows Li ebs direction but offers a sharper focus on the reciprocal exchange of the iconographic el ements. Still, she builds these exchanges from the meanings that individuals, groups and organizations give elements within the landscape, in her case the Nationa l Mall in Washington, D.C. She too finds their expression in newspapers and magazines, but also in pe rsonal correspondences. However, she offers interpretations of meanings that sympathize with the sources she collects, but that also slightly stray from them, relying on ways of seeing a nd knowing that she assumes she shares with readers of her article. Impressi onistic? Hardly. Finally, what she reads in the contemporary
44 landscape of the National Mall is a visual para dox (Benton-Short 234) of hypersecurity and democracy (Benton-Short 424). Benton-Short sets the foundation of her argument by first citing Leib, and iterates, [d]ebates surrounding the design, construction, and location of me morials are significant for decoding iconographic images within a larger comp lex of cultural, social, and political values (Benton-Short 426). But also adds, [s]o too, I argue, are changes or alterations to these memorials via CCTV, fences, bollards, or othe r barriers, which also provide a glimpse of competing interpretations of memory as well as of the power relationships that can ultimately determine it realization (Benton-Short 426). The memorials themselves, and there are many on the Mall, have been visually a ltered but so have th eir surroundings. Therefore the meanings of this memorial landscapes have been altered. Th is alteration, described as the architecture of terror, which began to take shape in the mid1990s and gained cel erity after the 9-11 attacks, inscribed a hegemonic layer of war, fear and entrenchment on the Mall without democratic public consent, let alone input. During the 20th century, the National Mall evolved into an important arena for the expression of democratic values and national identity through memorialization, protests and demonstrations. The Lincoln Memorial and Wash ington Monument have always been cynosures where people came together to express their vi ews on issues such as women suffrage, the Vietnam War and Civil Rights. Mass gatherings at these icons reflect the ideals of freedom and inclusiveness that have shaped American civili zation and energized politi cal and social change. Although the Mall has a history of temporary wartime fortification, th e architecture of terror or paranoia (Benton-Short 424) seems a permanent fortressing of monuments and memorials with it gates, walls, CCTV surveillance, Jersey barrie rs and chain link fencing. Most of these were
45 installed in piecemeal and panic, without public comment or debate or discussion among the different agencies and organiza tions that oversee the various sp aces in and around the Mall area. Benton-Short describes in some detail the changing iconography of the Washington Monument that occurred after the 9-11 attacks. Initially the Monum ent, this beacon of freedom, was quickly surrounded by typical elemen ts of the architecture of terror mentioned above but with added police cars and a new visito r screening center. She points out a visual paradox: the Washington Monum ents size, its simple geom etry, its soaring symbolism honoring not simply a president but the historic moment on the nations founding, has been contrasted against an out-of-scale attempt to protect the monument (Benton-Short 434). Prior to the 9-11 attacks, the National Park Service, which maintains and manages the Mall, was having trouble convincing Congress to fund an underground visitors center from which a tunnel would lead to the base of the Monument. After 9-11 the plans were re-cast in terms of National Security and as a resu lt construction around the Monument expanded to include sunken concentric walkways that w ould lead to and from and surround the monument. Funding was all but allocated, yet without public participation wh ich is highly unusual for Park Service initiatives. Instability in the bedroc k beneath the Monument shelved the underground visitors center but the sunken walkways were a go ahead. Like the medieval ha-ha protecting the country estate from deprav ed cattle, these walkways woul d protect the monument from car bombs. As Benton-Short writes, some noted the paradox of approaching a soaring obelisk connoting freedom and openness in a manner that resembles a burrowing of a frightened animal (Benton-Short 439). Benton-Short reveals another visual paradox at the Jefferson Memorial. She illustrates her written descriptions with a phot ograph that shows the Memorial in the background, a parking lot
46 and jersey barriers mid-ground and a chain link fence with a sign reading MEMORIAL OPEN PARKING AREA CLOSED in the foreground (Fi gure 2-1). We should rememberand this I Figure 2-1. Jefferson Memorial (Benton-Short 2007, 434). insist not Benton-Shortthat th is memorial commemorates a man who wrote in one of the most cherished documents ever written by a human being: We hold these truths to be se lf-evident, that all men are cr eated equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. But, That to secure these rights. Her words sufficiently describe what is para doxical in the iconogr aphy of the Jefferson Memorial and its surroundings, but she also allows the photograph to speak for itself, which means she depends on what her readers know of Jefferson, his writing and ideas and their importance to American cultural id eals. She does not describe all the elements in the photograph, although it sufficiently illustrates what she has wr itten. However, I do not think she conveys the
47 tensions and contradictions well, and it is for this reason I offere d the excerpt of the Declaration of Independence that is inscribed on th e interior walls of the Memorial. I believe that if Benton-Short had not limited he r visual representations to a single frame of a photograph, and perhaps used instead collage to juxtapose the iconogr aphic elements, she could have delved deeper into the iconographic exchanges at the Mall and represented in more detail the related visual paradoxes subsumed by the overarching para dox of hyper-security and democracy. Geographic research on memorial landscapes, let alone on the shadowed grounds of the often violent relationship between American settlers and Indians, rarely focuses on the reciprocal exchange between site and setting. Cultural geographers who have adapted the semiotic approach to the study of memorial landscapes and their meanings have opened the way for research of this kind. In this section I have tried to articula te Youngs notion of reciprocal exchange with the semiotic approach of decoding the iconography of palpable landscape as carried-out by the geographers Leib and Benton-Short. What I have developed then is a conceptual starting point: the reciprocal exch ange of iconographic elements in memorial landscapes. I think however that geographic conventi ons of the expository essay and photograph constrain these authors analyses and represen tations of tensions between site and setting, particularly those which Bent on-Short describes as paradoxica l. Here we should remember Footes notion of unresolved tensions in the sh adowed grounds memorializ ing early relationships between American settlers and Indians. But it is ironic that Leib and Benton-Shorts studies of visual meaning have a dearth of visual representations, but more important, lack a form of
48 academic representation that could go deeply an d broadly into these landscapes to investigate these meaningful tensions between visual elements. Yet, perhaps more then the conventions menti oned above, it is the impressionistic quality (see Attoe 1978) that such a fo rm of representation might have that constr ains these authors. Their expert knowledge on these memorials stems from their understanding of what others say and believe and how they behave towards these memorial landscapes. There is a whole slew of methods that have been develope d specifically to get at others thoughts and practices and to recover the texts that shape them. A more s ubjective impressionistic account, one that might rely solely on a scholars knowledge, wisdom and insight is shunned because it seems less rigorous within the context of present-day met hodological trends. Later in this section I propose an innovative form of visual representation that can bring together in composite images the official iconography of the Trail of Tear s and the ordinary American roadway. Memorial Setting: Roadside Mo ntage and Signature Scale So far I have covered two concepts. The firs t is recipro cal exchange that refers to relationships between memorial sites and their settings. The second is shadowed grounds. The unresolved tensions of those landscapes in the sh adow of American settle r and Indian violence begin to tell us about the mean ings exchanged between a site and its settingbetween the past and present, uncommon and common, atrocity and quotidian, and about our contemporary culture as it confronts past atrocities committed in the name of nationalism, racial purity and economic prosperity. The purpose of this section is to describe th e setting in which the Trail of Tears memorial is situatedthe ordinary American roadway. I review the work of several scholars who have observed, described and defined the ordinary Amer ican roadway. Most see it as a postmodern landscape, saturated with signifying elements and replete with contradictions and ironies. Some
49 scholars claim that the roadway induces a collage or montage like v isuality or way of seeing that is similar to the way we view a television and the internet. It is these scholars that I pay most attention to. I use their descri ptions and ideas to support the following assertions. The Trail of Tears is embedded within a roadway setting of signage made of images, texts, icons and symbols. From the seat of a moving car, these elements flit and flicker, emerge and disappear, overlap and interpenetrate. Add to this excitement the iconography of the Trail of Tears by perusing a section of the official pamphlet that brie fly describes its history or by catching a glimpse of the Blue Cherokee on the trail marker, and we can imagine interactions, or reciprocal exchanges taking place that may transform the Trails meanings and meanings of ordinary elements in the roadway, which are known to express values, beliefs and ideals of many Americans. My aim in this section is to: define the roadside montage (Raitz 1998, 383) both its physical structure and visuality. introduce the signature scale of landscape. reveal an opening in research on roadways. At the end of this section, I propose to appl y the concept of recipr ocal exchange to the signature scale of landscape. More over, I suggest that th e structure and visuality of the roadside montage (Raitz 1998, 383) offers the possibility of a visual form of geographic representation that corresponds to this montage. To correspond to the ro adside montage, that form of representation must have a subjective and impressionistic quality because these are inherent to the roadway experience of space in motion. Slow dow n that motion a bit, let the various roadway signs intermingle and juxtapose, and you can see and read the contradict ions and ironies of meaning pervading this landscape.
50 Roadside Montage The Am erican road and its many offshoots highway, street, boulev ard, etc.,have been the subject of almost every form of expressi on from poetry to painting, and subjected to most academic epistemes from logical positivism to hermeneutics. Still, no significant consideration has been given to interactions between road si gnage or rather those taking place within the signature scale (Jakle and Sc ulle 2005) of the roadway la ndscape. Investigating these interactions can lead to an understanding of a cultural moment and space. The Trail of Tears National Historic Trail offers a unique opportunity to examine the surface of the roadway for these interactions but with a slight twist. Th e Historic Trail represents a violent atrocity committed by and against human beings. The Trail of Tears, some might say, is an event in our national history that defiles our blood and desecrates any pronoun cements of moral rectitude to the rest of the world. Yet, there it sits in the pastiche (Figure 2-2), a symptom of the hypertextuality of postmodernity (Figures 2-3 a, b, c, d). Figure 2-2. Street signs (Rogers 2001, 511).
51 Figures 2-3a. Photograph by David Mussington. 2-3b. Photographer Unknown. 2-3c. Badge of Honor. Sons Bedroom (Osorio 1995). Figure 2-3d. The Million Dollar Homepage (Tew 2006). Relph calls these geographies heterotopia which he claims is an accurate word to embrace the arbitrary geography of the juxtaposed elements. (Relph 154) of cities a nd suburbs in the U.S. Another geographer, Alan Pred, uses the word phantasmagoria to describe what he calls geographies of (hyper)modernity (Pred 1997, 125). These urban geographies in Europe and
52 the U.S. compose fantastic sequences of constantly changing scenes having numerous and haphazardly associative elements, where people participate in a multitude of practices and associated power relations. .and make a plurality of histories and construct a plurality of human geographies (Pred 1995, 14). Describing the presen t moment as (hyper)mode rnity indicates that Pred has not yet given-up on the modern proj ect that the term pos tmodernity would have suggested. After all, he is a Marxist leaning intellectual as his visceral description of (hyper)modern Stockholm suggests : Nowhere did many of the bourgeoisies sense mo re heightened apprehension or greater threat than amidst the welter of activities a nd bustling movement of the citys streets. There one might be cast adrift in a sea of pedestrian promiscuity, where the banker and the bum, the wholesaler and the whore, the reta iler and the rag-picker the respectable and the disrespectful, the high and the low, the cl ean and the dirty, flowed and jostled, side-byside, over the same spaces (Pred 1995, 129). The characteristics of heterotopia and phantasmagoria resonate in William J. Mitchells description of the urban fabric of Western cities. What this la ndscape critic sees and reads in these cities is a dense embedding of discrete me dia spaces like a film with jump cuts and flashbacks, which is experienced and understood as a sequence of spatially and temporally discontinuous scenes (Mitchell 2005, 14). Such a construction of place writes the architect Salah Fahmi, necessarily has a collagist charact er; it is revealed in a collisio n of signs and images rather than one narrative replacing another. It gives the experi ence of place a phantasmagoric character wherein the global and local, the fa miliar and the strange become inextricably intertwined (Fahmi 2002, 3). Although the authors above men tion nothing of the ordinary American roadway, when I read their descriptions of our contemporary ur ban or suburban geographies, I immediately place myself behind the wheel of my car from where I watch the familiar and strange jump-cut and flashback above the dashboard and across the windshield. In his popular book the Geography of Nowhere (1993), culture critic James Kunstler has compared my experience, or rather the generic
53 road experience to watching television. The road, he says, is now like television, violent and tawdry. The landscape it runs th rough is littered with cartoon buildings and commercial messages. We whiz by them at fifty-five m iles an hour and forget them (Kunstler 1993, 131). The violence and tawdriness that Kunstler speaks of reflect the collisions, discontinuities, and remixes of the postmodern scene, which he demands we forget. Kunstlers poignant characteriz ation of the roadway does much to disclose a field of extreme tensions (Gregory 1991, 34) pervad ing postmodern places and landscapes. These tensions are not unlike those f ound in the visual incongruities of memorial landscapes in which expressions of culture and memory vie for contro l of space and heritage, and in which elements interact and transform each othe rs meanings. Indeed, what distinguishes public spaces such as roads and memorials is that different interests, beliefs and values are continuously meeting and negotiating, and also creating cont radictory meanings (Wildner 2003, 1). It is for this reason that Relph asks geographers to perceive landscapes of postmodernity as a series of complex tensions and interactions rather than simple oppositions (Relph 163). The assumption that tensions of meaning imbue the postmodern roadway is import ant to the intellectual framework of this dissertation. Something else is very impor tant as well. Fahmi touches upon it when he describes the postmodern scene as collagist in character. His depiction posits a visuality of the postmodern roadway or, rather, a model for descri bing the visual experience from a moving car. The roadway is seen as collage. We perceive the new, ubiquitous visual field of the road in a moving vehicle that encapsulates human senses while at the same time magnifies sense of sight. When the car overtook walking as a rhythm of tr ansport, the ordinary seen cha nged for most people. The seen
54 was now rushed, and even disconnected from expectant smells, sounds and feelings of the preauto landscape. The increased motion of the seen even produces new kinds of objects in the roadways visual field as features blend, slant, and blur into on e another. Krystallia Kamvasinou, a geographer of the road, identifies them as the new poetics in the transitional landscapes (Kamvasinou 2005, 183) (Figure 2-4). The speed of the seen and forms created are visions induced by what Michael Raitz calls the opium of the American peoplelove of movement (Raitz 1998, 381). Figure 2-4. "Poetics of a transitional landscape" (Kamvasinou 2003, 183). Strangely, more and more of this motion take s place as the human body remains stationary in seat. We sit in the car, like we sit in front of the TV and computer, watching glass screens in
55 which the seen flits and flickers as it transports us from one thing or place to another. It seems the experience of movement through space is no longer manifested by individual movement through a single environment, but by countless environments whipping by the individual on countless screens (Olsen 2000, 10). Whether pressing with finger to change channels, surf the web, or with foot to speed-up the car, screens and screens within sc reens, merge and mix, overlap a nd juxtapose. One scholar calls the view of towns, suburbs and cities from the car window a mediascape of offices buildings and stores transformed by th eir corporate identities into the new language of consciousness: the sign mo lded in glass and light splashed over with the insignia or characters of logos build ings are no longer mass and weight, stone and iron, but an array of sentences spelling out the consciousness of a city, what a city means when we enter it and use its services, c onsume its goods. The language of buildings and streets, of glass and light, is a declaration of ideals which is achieved by transforming things into words, objects into signs, and th e dark of nature into neon abstraction and codes. The mediascape devours the literal materiality around it (Christensen 1993, 9). Bouncing back and forth between TV, comput er screen and roadway (and juxtaposing since many cars now come equipped with TV and computer) are the scenes and symbols from contemporary mass media, popular culture and advertising, creating a kind of total flow (Jameson 1991) through the /7 information supe rhighway (Phillips 2007, 5; see also Wood 2002; Collins 2004; Gentry 2007; Jonsson 2007). This flow has spurred cultural critics to acknowledge the ongoing reciprocity between fact and fictionas one becomes the other, and vi ce versathat transposes our contemporary realities. This cornucopia of screens, frames and visu al fields, and how we watch them, may be changing the hardwiring of the American psyche collective and individu albut they sure have put a fresh spin on the established conventions of seeing, prompting new ways of visually
56 enhancing our reading of space, place and landscape This new way of reading is collagist in character. The geographer Karl Raitz sees these symptoms of postmodernity within what he calls the roadside montage (Raitz 1998, 383) where signifying systems intermix, typographicalconfigurative surfaces abound (Wilk ens 2003, 2) and abrupt shifts in points of view are endemic (Olsen 2000; Wilken 2003). These qualiti es do not deny the role the roadway landscape plays in shaping collective identities and e xperience or national valu es and meanings, or reinforcing state order and disc ipline (Edensor 2003, 155). The ro adway is a realm of common sense (Edensor 165), but a postmodern sense struct ured as a veritable montage of discontinuous fragments of icons, texts, images, symbols and spaces emerging and disappearing, overlapping and interpenetrating, constantly juxtaposing themselves one against the other (Fahmi 2002, 14). It fosters an individualized visu al and intellectual experience, but while we stay seated and inbetween the painted lines of th e road. The same irony presents itself between TV and channel surfing, computer and hyper-linking, and even in the art of avant-garde collage and montage in which arises a tension between the constraining frame and the ideal of open meaning. The postmodern roadway montage is the setting for the Trail of Tears memorial. Within this pastiche of built forms and meanings stan ds the trail marker supported by officially sanctioned tourist literature in which the Natio nal Park Service and various individuals and organizations including those from the Cherokee Nations in North Carolina and Oklahoma have reconstructed a history of dispo ssession and forced migration. Here it is important to recognize that conveying this history and memorializing this event depends on images and texts printed on paper, and stamped onto a steel sign plate that is held-up by a post (Figure 2-5).
57 Signature Scale Public space and places are m ade and su stained by images and texts (Tuan 1992, 694; Duncan and Barnes 1992; Cosgrove and Daniels 1989). Roadway signage plays an important role in these processes. Although only a measure of the larger geographic scale of landscape, signage is an important part of American material and visual culture, and integral to landscapes production of meaning. Images and texts are ubiquitous in the roadwa ys visual field. They are displayed on, for example, billboards, facades, mailboxes, stores, and church signs. They are so pervasive and prominent in our perception that one scholar even claims that when we are on the road the Figure 2-5. Trail marker and official lit erature. Imagetext made by Ken Whalen.
58 countryside recedes from awareness (Raitz 1998, 386). While driving, images and texts not only pull us through the roadway gui ding our thoughts, feelings a nd behaviors but also create new spaces. Signs represent an attempt to graphically communicate, and in the excessively verbal world of contemporary America, they have become the ubiquitous artifact: from the bumper sticker to the billboard, words and images become our environments (Flad 1997, 122). While roadways are designed to reduce distance between regions, across their surface they maintain worlds upon worlds (Dumpelmann 2007, 253). Geographers have renewed their interest in the cultural and historical significance of images and texts that fill the roadways visual field. Signs in Americas Auto Age; Signatures of Landscape and Place (2004) by John A. Jakle and Keith A. Sculle, is the newest and now the most authoritative treatise on the topic. Their boo k lays out a terminology for the proper study of road signage and their geographical contexts. Signatures of landscap e is their principle coinage. According to these authors, signatures are any structure, device, [or] visual representation intended to advertise, identify or communicate information to attract the attention of the public for any purpose. More specifically, signatures are: symbols, letters, figures, illustration, or forms painted or otherwise affixed to a building, or structure or any beacon or sear chlight intended to attract the attention of the public for any purpose and also any structure or device the prime purpose of which is to border, illuminate, animate, or project a visual re presentation (Claus and Claus 1972 quoted in Jakle and Sculle 2004, xxxxxxi). Signatures of landscape endorse, verify a nd confirm social agendasthe active and collective support of a ca use, idea, or policy (Jakle and Sc ulle 2004). The National Park Service has placed its signature in th e form of the trail marker in the landscape of the ordinary American roadway. Its social agenda bolstered by a particular and inevitably selective interpretation of the past is expressed at the signature scale of landscape. Signatures can also
59 reinforce social norms of thinking and behaving. They are an important means by which social meaning is brought to and inserted into social life (Jakle and Sculle 2004). Jakle and Sculle propose that roadway signage be considered fully in their changing geographical contexts (Jakle a nd Sculle 2004, 168). This means that road scholars can consider signatures within, for instance, their changing mate rial and cultural milieus and historical eras. For example, research can focus on how signage is positioned in roads, in rules governing their location, typography, iconography, c onstruction and maintenance, a nd how these vary over time and place. However, for me, Jakle and Sculles proposal makes the signature scale a feature of the landscape as text. As I had mentioned earlier, readers, like authors of landscapes are bounded by the textual context of their interpretations, or, as you might recall, the process of intertextuality (Duncan 1992). All landscapes are woven out of other text s. People see, read and understand landscapes through the various texts they consciously or unconsciously bring to bear on them. Ethnicity, class, gender, education, religi on are all texts that influence individuals interpretation of landscapes and its signature scale. Like memo rial landscapes, signature s also have intended meanings put in place by authors-producers. However, these intended meanings can be challenged. The National Park Service wants tourists on the Trail to experience the real thing and unde rstand the political, cultural, economic and geographic history of the event (TOTNHT-IP 2003, 7). To accomplish this they must engage with the official account of the Trail of Tears presented in images and texts the Park Service has collected, created and then displayed in brochures and pamphlets. Here I will remind readers that today we have no access to a full an d authentic past, a lived material existence in the past (Montrose 1989, 20). All hi stories will forever be at best partial and incomplete. Thus,
60 intended meaningsintended historiesare open for challenged by a wide range of different readers. Geographers working with landscape as text me taphor have studied sign atures within their textual context. Studies on efforts to change stre et namesfor instance, renaming local streets in the southern U.S. after Martin Luther King (Alderman 2003); or erasing toponyms associated with former communistic regimes in Eastern Europedemonstrate how i ndividuals and social groups interpret landscapes base d on cultural and political id entities (Azaryahu and Kook 2002; Light, Nicolae and Suditu 2002). What these proj ects suggest is that individuals and groups approach texts with relatively st able contexts of interpretation, and that signatures can be contested, like memorial landscapes. But cultura l geographers have not fully realized the potential of considering signature s in their changing geographical contexts as Jakle and Sculle recommend, since they have not sought to reveal intratextual, if I may, relationships between visual and textual elements within the signature scale of landscape. Of course, this claim does not overlook the adventures of American geographys most renowned roadrunner J. B. Jackson who was not only one of the first scholars to consider landscape as a mode of communication but who made the study of roadways, a practice he called odology, a legitimate academic endeavor. His literary impressions prefigured many contemporary cultural critics who had something to say about the roadway and their experiences on it. Jackson constantly watched the American road, as most of us do now, but he studied it to unveil its deeper meanings that pointed to genera l cultural values, attitudes and beliefs held by Americans. He believed it expressed an existing order of cultural difference manifest in the roadways mosaic of visual patterns. This order-mosaic was threatened by modernisms drive towards homogenization and de personalization of the scene. His oeuvre of nuanced and
61 insightful descriptions of the roadway based on a lifetime of research remains one of the great achievements of modern landscape studies. Jackson scholar Timothy Davis recently pointed out in his article the American Highway Landscape (2003), that after almost a half a century of odological scholarship beginning with Jackson, the roadway landscape has been studied and written about to th e point of exhaustion (Jackson 1993, quoted in Davis 2003, 79). Most of these studies have dealt with the morphology of both physical features of roadways and roadsi de architecture, histor ical preservation and technical issues and normative aesthetics. Nevertheless, today there appears to be a renaissance in roadway studies. One manifestation of this is Catherine Gudiss hi story of modern commer cial signage titled Buyways (2005). In her book, she examines the history of roadway billboards within a broad national context. In a recent issue of the Annals of Am erican Geographers Wilbur Zelinsky (2006), the extant father of contemporary American cult ural geography, reviews he r book in conjunction with Jakles and Sculles Signs in Americas Auto Age. This event, I think, signals that the roadway and, in particular, its signature scale ha ve become once again a relevant topic in human geography. Certainly, this was inev itable since to understand what America has become, Raitz proclaims, one should study the road and the ki nd of places and behaviors it has nurtured [the road] reflects what Americans hold to be important and central to our being (Raitz 1998, 364). Yet, according to Davis, also a friend of J ackson who speaks for him in his article, what has been missing in roadway scholarship up to this point are studies focusing on the roles [roadways] play as a setting for social, politi cal and personal experien ces (Davis 2003, 80); and, especially new insights into the highways role as an evolving space (Davis 79).
62 My venturing along the surface of the road to see and read what meanings are formed in reciprocal exchanges between a memorial spac e representing what the United Nations would describe as a crime against humanity and ordinary signatures of the Ameri can roadway attends to the concerns raised by Davis. The roadway has now evolved into a space of memorialization, but more significantly, one that is now used to teach ordinary citizens ethics and morality, history and geography. The Trail of Tear National Historic Trail and similar herit age trails offer the potential for critical selfand social reflecti on, and reevaluation of na tional identity, history, culture and geography therefore givi ng rise to a new political as we ll as personal experience. In this section I have narrowed my focus to th e signature scale of la ndscape. This I believe is justified because the Historic Trail is a memorial made of an official road sign with accompanying tourist literature. Its setting is the ro adway pastiche of images and texts. I believe by carefully reading the Trail a nd its setting, or better, bringi ng and reading them together through an academic framework of interpretation, I can provide insight into American culture. Let me explain. If the roadway is a montage of signifying elementsa scene of disc ontinuous fragments of icons, texts, images, symbols and spaces emerging and disappearing, overlapping and interpenetrating, constantly juxtaposing themselves one against the otherthen reading it is subjective in both senses of the word. Readings are idiosyncratic since they are based on more or less subjective frameworks of interpretation. Bu t they are also constr ained or subjugated by shared patterns of meanings that direct action, such as driving between the lines on the road, and thoughts such as it is dangerous if I dont. My reading of the Trail of Tears National Historic Trail is subjective in both senses : idiosyncratic and constrained.
63 I have certainly not set-out he re to compose a poetics ala Kamv asinou of the Trail from the 900 mile delirium of images, texts and meani ngs, even though I aim to produce aesthetically pleasing juxtapositions and cont radictions which are hallmarks of poetry (Marlowe 2000). I too entered this landscape like millions of people do everyday from Tennessee to Oklahoma with frameworks of interpretation that could at least get me from point A to point B, or to a convenience store to satisfy a hunger or quench a thirst. I too ignore much of the in-between signage that helps us to fulfill our common in tentions and desires. But as an academic geographer, I inevitably add a level of abstraction composed of scholarly texts that both transcend common, everyday, taken-for-granted frameworks, and guide and constrain my reading of this landscape. This makes my re presentation of the Tra il less than poetic. The intellectual tools that I use to construct my abstract framework of interpretation are from the academic tradition of cultural geogra phy in which scholars study landscapes to uncover those values, beliefs, attitudes a nd behaviors that Americans hold to be important and central to our being. This framework helps direct my a ttention to specific signifying elements in the landscape, and enables me to distill meanings from within the potential of infinite meanings that seems to characterize the postmodern roadway, particularly at the signature scale. The question now is what meanings do I distil l from the Historic Trail? In other words, what is said, what meanings are exchanged betw een this site and its settingbetween the past and present, uncommon and common, atrocity and quotidian? In the last two sections the catchword has been tension: tensions between a memorial site and its setting; the unresolved tensions in the shadowed grounds of violence between American Indians and Euro-American settlers; and, the tension filled relationships in postmodern landscapes and places. Together these tensions (particularly Footes un resolved tensions of shadowed grounds) are a spri ngboard into a
64 more nuanced perspective developed by scholars of postcolonial studies who also see tensions in relationships between the (post)colonizer a nd (post)colonized, sett lers and indigenous. Interpreting the Historic Trail within this intellect ual context gives a more thorough and rich understanding of the tensions of meaning found in reciprocal exchange but also of our contemporary culture as it confronts past atrocities committed in the name of the United States. Postcolonialism: Settler Societ ies and Visual Representation In his book Postcolonial America (2000), anthropologist C. Ri chard King describes the postcoloniality of the United St ates as an ongoing process [t hat] entails a shift from the celebration, comfortable acceptance, and largely unquestionable appropriateness of conquest and colonization to the predicaments associated with living through the illegitimate, uncomfortable, conflicted aftermath of an irreversible conque st (King 2000, 7). What are these predicaments associated with postcolonial settler societies? What forms do they take? Where can they be found? The American Heritage Dictionary defines predicament as a complicated stalemate with numerous possibilities ( AHD 1985, 975). A paradox is a good example of a predicament because in paradox the meaning of an object or relationship is unsettled; contending meanings are simultaneously right and wrong, thus a stal emate (Figure 2-6). Another definition of predicament is a ludicrous situation ( AHD 1985, 975). A ludicrous situation is always created through an inco ngruity between what might be expected and what actually occurs. Many times these incongruities produce irony that will sometimes force a wry smile. In both paradox and irony a tension of meaning must be pr eserved otherwise there is no predicament. The predicaments of postcolonial societies appear in-between, or in the borderlands where contrary and competing cultures and historie s meet. In the case of settler societies, these borderlands and their predicaments, found for example in literary texts and visual culture, reflect
65 a collective consciousness tinged with uncertainty over history, cultural identity and geography. In many of these societies today, the postcolonized are answering back, even if only within the prescribed spaces of culture. This back talk so to speak, particularly if it offers a public mirror in which descendents of non-indige nous can see their forefathers perpetrating the savagery they projected onto the savages, tends to destabilize historical, cult ural and geographical foundations. In this moment of instab ility, nothing is settled. Figure 2-6. Mighty Opti cal Illusions (2006). A simple idea runs through ever y aspect of this review of postcolonial literature and its possibilities for this project. In a sense, the idea of in-betweene ss is the thread that holds together the variety of concepts and perspectives I deal with. There is an intellectual space where the predominant logic of either/o r gives way to that of both/and This is the logic of the grey area in-between that is eerie, off-balan ce and unsettling. It is the hijira, sunderkommando, Indian tracker, the cyborg. This secti on explores what is in-between
66 subjectivity and objectivity author and reader scholarship and art scholarship and commemoration critique and discovery uncovering and constructing in-place and out of place Only by strumming the tensions between the poles of these conventional binaries can we hear postcolonial paradox and irony in the National Historic Trail. In the final analysis of this section, I consider two critical geographical approaches that examine culture and meaning in settler societies. They hold out artistic forms of representation film and photographyas examples of postcolonia l critique and discovery that they believe cultural geographers should include in their repert oire of research methods and representations. It is through their logic that I be gin to fashion a method based on the simultaneous practice of uncovering and constructing geographic knowledge. Th is leads then to the final two sections in this chapter which discuss innovative forms of analysis and repres entation in cultural geography, and introduce a form of visual re presentation called imagetexting. What follows is a synopsis of the major id eas and practices of postcolonial studies, a review of the problems with theo rizing the U.S. as postcolonial, and a description of the cultural conditions of postcolonial settl er societies. The pertinent re sults of this review are: an understanding of the processes of decen tering and displacement that occur in postcolonial cultural texts. an appreciation of the existential dilemmaof being simultaneously in place and out of placeassociated with these processes. a definition of the uncanny (eerie, off-balanc e) predicaments of postcolonial paradox and irony that result from these processes. a description of visual representations that use the technique of juxtaposing images and texts to reflect and critique the conditions of contemporar y settler societies.
67 Postcolonialism As a research agenda postcoloni al studies is controversial. Th ere are th ree main reasons for this. First, scholars in the social sciences a nd humanities disagree over the use and meaning of the prefix post suggesting among other things that European Imperialism and colonialism has ended. Second, many question whether the term is a useful rubric under which to explain the contemporary social, cultural and environmental conditions of formerly colonized societies. Third, scholars, particularly from former co lonized countries, challenge the legitimacy and ethical rectitude of research ca rried-out in Western academic institutions in which developed the epistemological and ontological assumptions once used to rationalize Eu ropean Imperialism. Each of these contentions is briefly discussed below because they set a foundation from which to build an understanding of the particular issues pe rtaining to postcolonial settler societies. The matter of distinguishing when the temporal spatial, cultural, economic and political manifestations of colonialism receded across the globe is at the heart of the post colonial controversy. Early postcolonial theorists of the 1950ss designated the dismantling of European colonial administrative and economic in frastructures in Asia, Africa and the Caribbean during the mid-twentieth century as the beginning of the postcol onial era. Research on decolonization was Eurocentric and approached from either an historical or literary perspective. But the assumption that these regions of the wo rld experienced a clean break from colonial manifestations, which the prefix post in pos tcolonialism suggests, became a problem for many scholars particularly since evid ence suggested otherwise. In the 1980s, scholars began to examine mo re closely economic, political and cultural conditions in former colonized nations. Scholars in prestigious literature and history departments in Britain, France and the United States did the bulk of the research. By the late 90s, postcolonial studies had garnered a collection of fresh insights and critical concepts, a respected cadre of
68 thinkers and writers, and a canon of theoretical a nd empirical text, thus es tablishing itself as a legitimate approach to studying society, literature and even visual art. What scholars discovered in their research on former colonies was that colonial discourse, power structures and native forms of resistance still influence politics, economy and culture, and shape individual identities even after the dism antling of empires. Some even turned their academic observations towards imperial core coun tries to examine the ways colonialism changed contemporary Western cultures and societies. In th is regard, one productive topic of research has been the emigration of peoples from former col onies to Europe and the effects this has had on European culture and society. Nevertheless, in th eir closer examination of formerly colonized countries, scholars realized that European colonial structures still manifest themselves in different aspects and at various levels of society. The assumed clean break from the colonial past that was supposed to have occurred during decolonization never mate rialized, leading some scholars to denounce the postcolonial rubric altogether. Some moved to resolve the dilemma by adding parenthesis to the post in order to indicate that the col onial is still present in the (post)colonial moment, although Eur opean colonization has ended. Scholars of political econom y, particularly those worki ng from a critical Marxist perspective, argue that present day global patterns of human a nd environmental exploitation and Western military (mis)adventures belong to the new guise of colonialism. Although the old colonial machinery has been dismantled, a newer more penetrating neocolonialism has replaced it. So-called developing countries once of the col onial periphery are forced to play the political and economic game set-up by and favoring Western nations, especially th eir corporate business class. Therefore, there is no post in colonialism, only advanc ing stages of European and now American colonialism.
69 Others wonder: if postcolonialism is an era of world history, then what and where are its exact parameters indicating a begi nning and, more significant, specify ing an ending? Like in the former British Empire, the sun never sets in a postcolonial world. Therefore, everything under the sun can be considered a condition and an expression of postcoloniality. The rubric itself offers very little guidance for explaining br oad and detailed differences and patterns of economic, social and political phenomena unfolding in former colonized societies and imperial nations. European imperialism had obvious physical and ideological contours, and the dismantling of colonies occurred within specific time frames. But the temporal boundaries of the postcolonial era are so amorphous that it is difficult to isolate the specific cultural, economic and political characteristics that mark the beginning or end of the era. Therefore, for many scholars the rubric has little e xplanatory purchase. Others have tried to address the problems facing postcolonial studies. One interesting proposal re-conceptualizes postcolonialism as a process of disengagement from the whole co lonial syndrome, which takes many forms and probably is inescapable for all of those whose worlds have been marked by that set of phenomena. .this processual rendering of the postcolonial turns attention away from happy endings, tidy temporal schemes and progr essive irreversible ruptures to stress emergent formations shaped by social str uggles, persistent as ymmetries, and novel arrangements (King 2000, 5). Those favoring the processual nature of pos tcolonialism, a process that began since colonialism (King 4), incorporate late capital ism, hypermodernity and neocolonialism into the postcolonial condition of nations. Most attention remains on the peoples of the postcolonial periphery who are still in the process of restoring pre-colonial culture, assessing cultural, linguistic, legal and economic effects of col onial rule, and creati ng new governments and national identities (Childers and Hentzi1995, 234). It is here wher e emergent formations shaped
70 by social struggles, persistent asymmetries, and novel arrange ment are most pronounced (King 2000, 5). Another source of controversy in postcolonial studies is the issue of its origins. Western higher education and research is the matrix from which it came and from which it mostly operates. There its beadsmen, particularly thos e in the field of geography whose earth writing and mapping played no small role in the subj ugation of indigenous people and usurpation of territory, maintain specific assumptions concerni ng nature, knowledge and being that were once used to rationalize and justify Western imperialism and it excesses. Writers particularly from the post-colonies question whether these institutions, given their fundamental faith in the intellectual assumptions of universalism, objectivism, and pr ogress, can yield a proper perspective from which to gain understanding of the social conditi ons in former colonies. Some have gone as far as to claim that so called advances in et hnographic and geographic methods support a kind of academic neocolonialism because they extend the system of colonial surveillance onto their developing subjects. Through new technologies su ch as remote sensing and GIS, observations are keener. Through new classificati on schemes individual and social behavior is translated in ways that make them accessible to political and economic exploitation. To rectify the problem of academic neocol onialism, scholars propose to de-center the structures of Western forms of scientific knowledge by including in academic theory and method non-western indigenous ways of knowing, and by bring forward voices of the periphery unfiltered by Western categories. Indeed, the age nda has transformed postcolonial studies into part ideological critique that goes beyond the mission of descri bing and explaining the conditions of postcoloniality. Concepts meant to describe have turned into platforms positing normative
71 assumptions about how people should think and behave in order to enhance their individual and/or cultural survival. I would like to briefly discuss some of these concepts because I think explaining them here offers a starting point from which to begin to understand the tensions of paradox and irony in cultural texts of postcolonial sett ler societies. Jonathan Leib a nd Lisa Benton-Short have already shown how specific paradoxes and ir onies characterize the cultural landscape texts of Monument Road and the National Mall, respectively. Yet, th e paradox and irony of sett ler societies take on a somewhat different hue since they are colored by certain cultural and hi storical circumstances. Cultural essentialism, cosmopolitanism and transculturation are the primary concepts used by scholars to describe and understand ways in wh ich colonized and formerly colonized peoples have reacted to imperial power and knowledge regi mes, and how these reactions are expressed in postcolonial settings. Literary cr itics, for example, may find th e filaments of these heuristic concepts in novels and poems, or ethnographers in social relati ons. Taken together these three concepts not only reflect the cultural predicaments within former colonized societies, but also the intellectual predicaments am ong postcolonial scholars. Cultural essentialism describes an inclination towards pre-colonial cultural forms of thought and behavior. It is a defe nse against Western Imperialism and cultural homogeneity. It is a conservative ideology because its roots are nou rished by instincts of purity and absolutism. Ironically, this can lead to cult ural attrition when customs beco me maladaptive in the face of environmental change or foreign interaction. A lo gical conclusion of essen tialism is the violence of designating persons as insiders and outsiders which can lead to ethnic cleansing of a place or region.
72 Countering essentialism is cosmopolitanism whic h can be described as the assimilation of indigenous and other former co lonized people to Western cultural institutions and agendas (Cheyfitz 2002, 416). From this perspective, adhe rence to traditional culture may favor cultural survival but this does not necessarily enhance individual survivability, like in the case of traditional medicines versus modern medicine s. And, anyhow, since all cultures develop in relation to others, there really is no essential moment or meani ng for any cultural system, thus cultural authenticity is elusive. Assimilationists argue that by accepting and living within the paradigm of Western modernism, formerly coloni zed people have raised th eir standard of living and life expectancy. For many (modernists certai nly) these ratios indicate the well-being of individuals and societies. Essentialists consider cosmopolitan assimila tionists, be they academics or colonial subjects, sell-outs whose ideological posi tion not only trades-in a unique culture and fundamental identity for the tenuous advantages and shallow pleasures of modernism, but also works against cultural survival and eliminates cu ltural diversity. A world of diversity, according to the essentialists, is an important ideal becaus e it fills the repository for different ways of knowing and seeing the world whic h increases the probability of finding solutions to problems humanity may face in the future such as contagious disease or species extinction. Transculturation refers to the syncretic or hybrid process of cultural formation. Hence all cultures are relational meanings they form in re lation to other cultures. Historians and literary critics first used this term to describe the interactive, im provisational and often ambiguous strategies of resistance used by colonized peopl e against the power and authority of colonial agents. The concept has led theorists to see postc olonial settings as borderlands which, unlike
73 the violent political boundaries th at divide us and them and the safe and unsafe, are contact zones between cultures alwa ys in transition (Jay 1998, 2). It is this unobtrusive intermingling and co-existence of incommensurable beliefs that makes [borderlands] impossible to position a space of pure difference a disturbing presence that continuously interrupts the redemptive narratives of the West (West quoted in Watts 2003, 448). Again, critics in the humanities examining literature, film, photographs etc., and ethnographers studying traditional cultures inte rrogate the dynamic space between cultures and find emergent formations shaped by social struggles, persistent asymmetries, and novel arrangement (King 2003, 5). The postcolonial agenda of e xploring the spaces in-betw een cultures, usually through literary or ethnocriticism has penetrated into the very culture of knowledge that guides Western institutions of higher education. The motivation behind this chan ge is to both get beyond the premises and strictures of Western science which artificially c onstricts boundaries of knowledge and find suitable ideas and methods that could be used to examine these in-between spaces. The effect on these instituti ons has been profound. Disciplinary boundaries are vanishing which is why we now have traditional fields of knowledge delivering manifestos avowing interdisciplinary discipline. Moreover, theories and methods of research normally locked into disciplinary boxes or confined within the domain of either the hard sciences, soft sciences or the humanities are now free to trans-locate and trans-mogrify across the academic commons. Medical humanities, hermeneutic physics and digital rhetoric are all symptoms of the transcultural borderlands in the society of higher education. Literary critics and anthropol ogist studying borderlands have not only . taken up a position at the very site of th e production of cultures, but in habit an academic perspective
74 whose in-betweeness stands in metonymic relation to what it studies (Krupat 1992, 5). What is needed to explore and report from the cont act zones of culturest hat in-between spaceare tools that decenter dominant Western intellect ual assumptions thereby promoting critical modesty among researchers, and tools that destabilize academic representations thereby undermining surveillance science. The tools that break-through at contact zones are forged inbetween humanism and anti-humanism, essen tialism and anti-essentialism, objectivism and relativism, all traditionally oppos ing epistemologies of modern Western science (Jay 1998, 6). In the end, they offer a certain level or kind of empi rical accuracy about cultures but embodied in a critical discourse that is other than its subjects (Jay 7). Indeed, a number of human geographers have explored the notion of in-betweeness as both a reflection of cultural reality and as an academic standpoint su itable for geographic research. For some, in-betweeness describe s a human experience of place (Entrikin 1991; Pred 1997), or as a geographic research perspec tive that is anchored between the subjective and objective ways of knowing (Entrikin 1991; Soja 1996). These geographers recognize the unbridgeable gap between academic representation and real life, a gap that will always leave a way open for innovative forms of geographic representations. I w ill take-up this issue later in the chapter when I argue for an innovative form of representation. Concepts important to postcolonial studies have filtered into human geography where they are used to explain the spatia lization of social and envir onmental impacts of European colonialism on former colonizer and colonize d nations and cultures (Yoeh 1996; Nalbantoglu and Wong 1997; Jacobs 2003). De rek Gregory, the preeminent human geographer of our time, has invested his career in writing ab out what he calls the colonial pr esent and urges us all to do the same, putting the postcolonial at the center of the discipline. Many follow his lead. The result
75 is a substantial geograph ic literature on postcolonialism. One of the most noble of this literature is the book Postcolonial Geographies (2002), edited by Alison Blunt and Cheryl McEwan. Like most of the geographic literature on the topic, it focuses on the post-colonies in South Asia and Africa, and uses the fresh insights, theories, concepts and languages that have come to be associated with postcolonial thought (Morin 2002, 154). An extensive review of this literature is unn ecessary, mainly because of its international directions which I will pass over to survey the l iterature on a postcolonial category that is more pertinent to my topic: settler societies. Unti l very recently, few scholars in the humanities and social sciences, let alone geogr aphy, have applied postcolonial th eory to the cultural conditions in the U.S. I must say however that in so mewhat of an unusual move, the editors of Postcolonial Geographies include chapters whose au thors apply postcolonial theo ries to explain cultural conditions among indigenous and non-indigenous peoples in such countries as South Africa, Australia and the United States. But there are othe r literary theorists a nd geographers who have expanded on the concepts of postcolonial studies, particularly on the idea of in-betweeness, and have extended them to include the conditions of settler societie s. From these scholars I gain theoretical sustenance for this project. Settler Societies Postcolon ial societies are not all the same. Though they may share certain cultural, economic and political patterns, each has develo ped according to unique cultural conditions. In a move that seems counterintuitiv e, some postcolonial scholars ha ve now turned their insights, theories and concepts towards societies that traditionally have not been, and according to some, should never be, identified as post colonial. They too manifest pa tterns that are similar to those found among post-colonies of Africa, Asia and th e Caribbean, and yet they are distinct from
76 them. These scholars say that nations, such as South Africa, Australia, Israel, and the United States have developed into pos tcolonial settler societies. It should be stressed that there is no unambiguous line separating colonial, postcolonial, and settler societies. They share features and distinctions that exis t along a continuum (King 2003, 8). One common feature among postcolonial soci eties is of course a history of European settlement. But in settler societies it is the des cendents of European settlers who gained political independence from metropoles and remain politically dominant over indigenous peoples (Stasiulis and Yuval-Davis 1995, 3). Although Eur opeans still reside in recently decolonized nations, their numbers are small compared to the indigenous populations. In most settler societies the ratio is reversed. Also, populations in these societies are more ethnically diverse because of earlier importation and later migr ation of workers from other part s of the world. This diversity reflects one of the most unseemly aspects of many postcolonial nations, but particularly of settler societies. In the more severe cases, postcolonial states have, almost at their founding moments (a moment that cannot be contained, nor separate d from that which precedes it and which is always being re-enacted by independence days, constitutional amendments and the like as well as the presence of so many signs and signa tures of independence, flags, seals, anthems and so on), felt it necessary to deny the existen ce of minorities or to expel or murder large numbers of them, and subject their lands, cu lture and society to the enduring mode of internal colonialism (Sidaway 2002, 19). In some settler societies the decimation of indigenous peoples forced settlers to seek cheap labor from other regions of the world. Still, nonEuropean foreign migrants and their descendents have made these societies more heterogeneous in terms of class, ethnicity and race (Stasiulis and Yuval-Davis 1995, 3) than most ot her postcolonial societies. Few scholars apply postcolonial insights and ideas to contempor ary social conditions in the U.S. to understand how colonial discourse, power structures and native re sistance still influence politics, economy and culture, and even shape the individual identities of American Indians and
77 non-Indians. (Anderson and Domosh 2002; Harris 2002). Even fewer geographers have made use of postcolonial theory although historical geographers have produced important studies on American expansionism, empire building and co lonial dispossession a nd displacement (Meinig 1998; Mitchell and Groves 1990). The problem many have with postcolonial stud ies stems, once again, from the meaning of post and its specific applica tion to the American culture, history and geography. Many would argue that if the prefix designates a time after colonialism then it is unsuitable because the land occupied by the U.S. has not been decolonized. The sentiments of many American Indians is no wonder, Only a bastard government Occupies stolen land! Hey, you barbarian invaders! How much longer? You think colonialism lasts forever? (Silko 1991, 714) For many the colonial period has not ended. Yet, from a certain perspective it could be said that European imperial territories in North America did experience a period of decolonization, such as the British co lonies on the eastern seaboard that during the late 18 th century became a new nationthe U.S. But the contours of the U.S. experience are both similar to and different from those of countri es in Africa, Asia and the Caribbean which faced decolonization during the 20th century. For instance, the formal dismantling of empire necessarily involves economic and political disenfranchisement from imperial countries. But decolonization of the easte rn seaboard led to deeper and more favorable relationships with Europe than those formed dur ing the 20th century. This is because during the revolutionary period the original colonies were populated mostly with European or European descendents. These settlers held onto a cultural cache of Western ideas and practices that they
78 deemed superior to all others. All systems of language, law, culture, economy, and government came from the European country of origin and/or sponsoring so ciety (King 2000, 5). Like 20th century postcolonial societies, th e U.S. also went through a hyper phase of nationalism instigated by decoloni zation. This phase was particularly manifest in the fabrication of a national identity through the cultural disc ourses of art, religi on or politics. Citizens, particularly the elite, were compelled to expend much energy justifying and reinforcing territorial and ethno-nati onal integrity. A good part of this expended energy went to creating a complex of myths and symbols that reinforced settler ethnic and ra cial superiority, and distinguished the new nation from the Old World. For instance, the unique American symbols of pioneer and cowboy whose superi or European stock, so the myth goes, equipped them to conquer an American wilderness and its savages a nd in doing so created an exceptional race of human beings essentially rugged, self-reliant and innova tive. Moreover, elements of American Indian culture such as names, symbols and mythemes were appropriated then vaunted as both battle souvenirs and mystical totems. This lent depth and difference to Euro-American national identity; all while Indians remain ed at the margins of society su ffering high rates of poverty and violenceand waiting for treaties to be fulfilled. In a sense, cultural essentialism and transculturation work through 18th century postcolonial America as citizens struggled to create a national identity which assumes an essential nature, yet syncretizes aspects of We stern and Indian culture s. Scholars have even considered the U.S. as the first postcolonial society to establish a natio nal literature (Ashcroft, Griffiths and Tiffin 1989). Its formulas and lineaments, for example, those of the Leatherstocking Tales of James Fennimore Cooper could be used as models to identify and interpret all other postcolonial literature.
79 However, to many this view is problematic because by most accounts the U.S. is a Western civilization, one that years ago shed the yoke of yet another Western ci vilization. If anything, postcolonial studies is a critique of Western values and modernism, capitalist modernity, etc., and their economic, political and cultural eff ects on the Third World, unde veloped or developing countries, the other or subalt ern. To many, post colonial America is too much of a variation on a theme. This is especially true when considering, as many do, that the U.S. is not only a settler society but also an imperial nation. The territor ial expansion of the U.S. did not end at the western coast of North America. Throughout U.S. history expansion has skipped and jumped to various regions of the world partly manifesting itself in the spread of overseas military bases, but more significantly, in the less vi sible imperial machinery of gl obalization which is a catchword ideology that some say insidiously promotes Am erican neocolonialism. Its sophisticated and complex cultural and financial infrastructure be lies its unrelenting dr ive towards exploitation, domination and cultural disinteg ration of developing countries. Thus, there is nothing post colonial about the U.S. relationship with much of the world today. The academic uncertainties over labeling the U. S. a postcolonial society resonate with some of the general problems tied to the postc olonial academic perspe ctive which I touched on earlier. Richard King, proposes th at scholars accepts and work with (not overcome) these uncertainties by viewing the U.S., as emerge nt through its changing relations both with European imperialism and with its own imperi al endeavors (King 2000, 8). In this way, research might discern relationships between decolonization, and internaland neocolonialism. According to King, scholars of postcolonial Amer ica should direct their attention to the production of the U.S. as an imperial nation-st ate, which would thus foreground the narratives,
80 discourses, and myths that cente r the formation of America as an imagined community and nation (King 2000, 5). In these te xts scholars will find what dis tinguishes postcolonial America from other emergent postcolonial societies around the worldthe decentering and displacement of American history and cultural identity. As King writes, the displacements structured by and structuring postcolonial America turn on the decentering of Euro-American culture and history (King 2002, 5). Hence, we find profound alteration in American cultural practices, semantic fields and power relations (King 6). These alterations are marked by the emergence of novel narratives and pract ices that contest the asymmetry and inequality of relations between cu lture, races and langua ges. These novelties attempt to rectify culture and history. But these alterations provoke reactionary a nd recuperative discourse s and practices that aim to stymie the forces of cultural change, he terogeneity and justice fo r indigenous peoples, and promote Euro-ethnic homogene ity and national domination. Both contest and reaction takes place in the arena of public culture such as in popular music, art, TV sitcoms and, of course, memorial sites. It is at these sites of popular culture where narrative, discourse and myth flourishthat postcolonial America can be re-imagined in terms of change, decentering and displacement (King 2002, 7). The processes of decentering and displacement of history and identity, and I would add geography, can be a strategy for writing critiques of postcoloniality, or they are unwittingly written into texts by authors whose work is examined by critics who search for signs of postcolonial conditions. As you will see, my dissert ation carries out these processes that are only instigated by the National Park Services Trail of Tears. Therefore this dissertation uncovers a potential and constructs its outcome. As I move through what I believe to be the most important
81 and, in this case, most relevant geographical research on the topic of postcolonial settler societies, I show how geographers have various ly conceptualized these processes by assembling a spatial terminology around them. Though the meta phors they use are different, the processes seem to be the same. For most geographers exploring the topic of postcolonial settle r societies, the post in post colonialism represents not a celebration of the end of colonialism nor its simple reproduction in the colonial present, but th e mutated, impure and unsettling legacies of colonialism (Nash 2002, 225). In settler so cieties around the world the long reviled and humiliated groups, are beginning to recover someth ing of their history and identity (Terry Eagleton 1999 quoted in Relph 153). The postcoloni zed are answering back, but so are other ethnic groups living in these societies. As a resu lt, they have gained considerable influence, particularly in the U.S. Yet the plurality of an swers has broadly and deeply unsettled the cultural waters of these societies: The various movements for social transfor mation, for empowerment and resistance to colonial, racial and gender domination in set tler societies reflect th e complexities of these societies. The problems these movements f ace in establishing solidarity and mutual support with each other also reveal the limitations of binary notions of social oppressions (Stasiulis and Yuva l-Davis 1995, 31). In other words, the legacies of colonialism, wh ich are tied to the decentering and displacement of Euro-ethnic history, identity and geography, are not as obviously black or white, evil or good as essentialists and assimilationists would have us believe. The logic of both/and . seems as pertinent as that of either/or. Some geographers promote the both/and l ogic as a normative foundation for shaping cultural and national identity in settler societies. Thus, instead of advocating new models of ideological settlement for a postcolonial settl er nation, or resolvi ng the tension between ideas of national unity and division, they explore
82 the possibility of producing a postcolonial narrative which, rather than falling into a binary that either distinguishes us from them or brings us all together as the same, would think instead through the uncanny implicat ions of being in place and out of place at precisely the same time (Taylor 1998, 139). By refusing the language of reconciliation a nd resolution (Nash 2002, 226), these geographers hold a troublesome and unpopular perspective be cause the paradigm of purity, unity, and absolutism is difficult to fracture, perhaps even more so in settler societies. My intention here is not to support a norma tive agenda, but rather to uncover what one geographer refers to as the unsettled settle dness of settler societies (Gibson 1992 cited in Message 2005, 451) that is based on uncanny implications. In the next several paragraphs, I turn to the work of three scholars whose contributions to the geography of settler societies are seminal: Jane Jacobs, Kylie Message and Affrica Taylor. Although they focus on the former British colonies of Australia and New Zealand, these authors use concepts that iterate Kings notions of decen tering and displacement. They do so within the context of space, place and landscape. This leads them to consider the existential dilemma of being in place and out of place simultaneou sly. Message and Taylor not only expose the symptoms of unsettled settledness in certain pos tcolonial societies, but offer a postcolonial critique of visual art forms which they simu ltaneously promote as strategies of geographic representation that embody these symptoms. Geographies of Settler Societies I begin with Jane Jacobs, a well-known crit ical geographer who has published a num ber of articles and books on the topic of postcolonial settler societies. In many of these she combines ideas and methods of ethnography, textual anal ysis, and psychoanalysis to understand the unstable negotiation of meaning, identity and power (Jacobs 1996, xi) between settlers and aborigines. In perhaps her most important book, Edge of Empire: Postcolonialism and the City
83 (1996), Jacobs examines spaces and places of contemporary Australia such as the city of Brisbane where borderlands, to use a term we are familiar with, appear in-between representations of Euro-Australian and Austro-Aboriginal culture and history. She however calls these borderlands the edge. As She writes, th e edge is the unsafe margin which marks not only the space of openness but also the very negotiation of space itself between colonizer and colonized (Jacobs 1996, xi). The geographic literature of postcolonial studies frequently references her ideas in this book. But I would like to focus attention on a par ticular essay she wrote for the important book Geographies of Resistance (1997), edited by Steven Pile and Michael Keith, because the topic and the concepts she applies are more consistent with the aims of my project. The title of the essay is Resisting Reconcil iation: The Secret Geographies of (Post) Colonial Australia (1997). In it, Jacobs attends to s ites of new tourism that mark a geography in which centre and margin, self and ot her, here and there ar e in anxious negotiation where there is displacement, interaction a nd contest (Jacobs 1997, 101). More specifically, she describes how Australias national program of reconciliation that promotes a One Nation multicultural ideology shapes places and landscap es in contemporary Australia. She deals with one place and landscape in particular: the A nother View Walking Trail in Melbourne. According to Jacobs, the Walking Trail, which was organized by Aborigines and nonAborigines, counteracts or subverts the known trut h of the nation and the heroic history of colonization by re-inhabiting spaces in the modern city of Melbourne, displaying artworks that seize and reshape given symbols of authority, and by revising Aust ralian history on plaques and brochures.
84 Yet, at the same time, the orderly grid sy stem locating the Trail which reflects the colonial desire to replace the disorder of an unknown new land with the ordered spatiality of something familiar tempers its subversion (Jacobs 1997, 210). Moreover, subversion is subverted by the artworks created through co mmingling of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal perspectives. Finally, local authorities atte nuate the subversive power of the Trail by aboriginizing spaces to draw in tourist doll ars, and by enforcing regulations on the geography of artworks and plaques, making sure they a nd their counter-narrativ es are not placed near certain icons and symbols such as memorials cele brating heroes of the Euro-Australian past. The One Nation agenda has also galvanized di fferent forms of resistance each holding a combination of assumptions that in some cases seem to contravene. Many Aborigines and nonAborigines support a multicultural Australia and it s concomitant revisions of Australian culture, history and geography. But others who have pushed for these radi cal revisions resist the One Nation pledge and instead support Aboriginal sovereignty. The resistance by Euro-Australian settlers to the reconciliatory agenda is increasi ngly noticeable in Australia Jacobs describes this particular kind of resistance as a psychological form of defense against anxiety produced by recognizing some repressed truth which if acknowledged might badly shake or force an abandonment of the existing orde r of things (Jacobs 1997, 208). What is most relevant in Jacobs work is that her descriptions and ideas seem to speak for the processes of decentering and displacement, es pecially when she asserts that prevailing among Australians today is the existential dilemma of be ing in place and out of place at precisely the same time which necessarily has uncanny implications (Jacobs 1997 quoted in Taylor 1998, 139). With the recuperation and expression of Aboriginal culture and history in the national landscape, Euro-Australian culture and history now struggle to be at the center of
85 Australian national meaning and cultural iden tity. This has created great uncertainty among Australians over many issues such as land rights, which undermine their sense of belonging to a nation and continent. Jacobs academic postcolonial critique of a postcolonial interventionAnother View Walking Trailoperating at street level is an exploration of the cultural politics of meaning negotiated between text and contex t, that is, between the artifacts of the Trail and the buildings, monuments and statues of mode rn Melbourne. Indeed, the str uggle over meaning and potential meaning takes place between signifying elements of site and setting as the previous discussion on monuments and memorials hopefully makes clear. But, unlike the (in)congruities of meaning that Lieb uncovers along Monument Road or the visual paradoxes Benton-Short does in the iconography of the National Mall, postcolonial decentering and di splacement and its associated sense of in place/out of place fosters uncanny paradox and irony. Jacobs directs her analysis to ward the city streets where sh e finds the uncanny implications that descend from the decentering and displa cement of hegemonic cultures, histories and geographies. She then translates these streets into fifteen pages of words and sentences yielding a chapter having no illustrations, no maps. This is a fine example a geographers faith in the capacity of words and sentences to transport the seen and unseen geographies of one continent to another. That faith is also a prejudice. Visual Representations In the journal article T he Sun Always Shin es in Perth: a Post -colonial Geography of Identity, Memory and Place (2000), Affrica Taylo rs faith in geographic representation takes a leap into the visual arts. She offe rs a critique of a film called the Coolbaro Club which she deems an exemplary postcolonial text in its own right (Taylor 2000, 30). This is because the film decenters and displaces the white culture and history of Perth, Australia, and thereby its
86 perception as a naturally white place, by juxtaposi ng it with Aboriginal memories of pre-colonial and colonial Perth. Yet, according to Taylor, the film is not only a postcolonial intervention, but also can function as a model for those intere sted in developing postcolonial geographies (Taylor 31). To me this means that the film does three thi ngs: 1) resists colonial domination 2) offers a strategy for geographical repres entation that enlists visual juxtaposition as a means to decentering and displacing history, cultural id entity and geography, and 3) portrays the postcolonial conditions in Australia. Taylor classifies the filmnamed after Coolbaroo League, an activist organization established by Nyungah Aborigines of Perth to resist government racial policies, and celebrate cultural adaptation and survivala postcolonial text par excellence because it reveals real and symbolic territorial struggles between Euro-Australian settlers and a borigines over meaning and identity in a specific Au stralian place (Taylor 2000, 31). Her interpretation of the contents and struct ure of the film centers on the metaphor of landscape as palimpsest. Although the term has been used extensively in the field of historical and cultural geography (Hoskins 1955; Sopher 1972; Mitchell and Gr oves 1987; Harvey 1990; Lamme 1996; Holdsworth 1997; Shein 1997; Fa hmi 2001), she borrows a definition from the famous art critic Simon Schama who describes it as a cultural manuscript on which meanings are inscribed, erased and overwritten (Schama 1995 quoted in Taylor 28). These processes take place over time as cultural landscapes succeed one another. Evidence of palimpsests layering process can be found in artifacts and elements present in palpable landscapes, in archives of written texts, and in registry of oral traditions. We must not forget the intertextual nature of palpable la ndscapes (See Cosgrove and Daniels 1989; Duncan
87 and Barnes 1992; Lieb 2006; Benson-Short 2007). The makers of the Coolbaro Club did not forget when they re-inscribed Aboriginal culture and memory ont o the city of Perth. This re-inscription is etched in two mediums: the film, and subsequently onto the palpable landscape of Perth such as in advertisements for the film, and perhaps less substantially, in the minds of viewers of the film whose perspective on Perth will fo rever be changed. Together these events signal a break point in history conceived spatially the break point is like a se ismic rupturing of the palimpsest, one which pushes forgotten stories back up to the surface and at the same time expose strata of social memory. This double exposure provided interesting material for the project of cultural geography, as not only are places re-territorialized by the re-emergence of buried stories, but the strategic moves by which dominan t narratives have managed to reproduce themselves on the surface of social memory are also laid bare and open to critical examination (Taylor 2000, 31). The film brings together archiv al footage, historical descript ion, interviews, images, stories and dramatic reenactments to represent the dominant social memory of white Perth interrupted by different memori es that of the black Nyungah s Perth. Thus the iconography of sunny scenes of free white folk luxuria ting on beaches, water skiing on the river, and relaxing in their family mansions are seen a nd read together with black Nyungahs recalling their servitude and subsistence in makeshift black fringe camps, their harassment by white police, and their pre-colonial cultural myths affirming their sense of place (Taylor 2000, 33). Through these juxtapositions, Taylor writes, we are forced to confront the color-coded signs of privilege, wealth and leisure on the one hand and of deprivations, poverty and regulation on the other (Taylor 33). For Taylor, the red line scene in the film best illustrates the rupturing of the Perth palimpsest through juxtaposition of images and texts. The first time I saw the Coolbara Club, it was the photo of the map with the red line that firmly imprinted itself upon my memoryon the 1930s map of Perth, the red line drawn around the city centre denoted a pr ohibited area for aboriginal people under section 39 of
88 the Aborigines Act. The old Perth map was a stark reminder of how cartography can be used as a technology of power, how the map can so easily become an instrument of exclusion. The red line image stuck in my mi nd as a freeze-frame vignette of colonialism exposed by the force of its regulatory intent. It speaks unashamedly of racial segregation, of moral panic, of the racial demarcation of commercial and political centers of power, of apartheid. Even more revealing is the narrator s wickedly ironic tone when she casually comments: .what a joke there we were all cramped together in East Perth, a stones throw from town hall, hard up against the red line It wasnt gunna be easy to stay hidden. This is a great moment in the film. As the camera pans across the red line and zooms in to reveal the proximity of East Perth, the home of most Nyungahs, not only does it invite the audience to share the joke and enter the s ubversive space of Nyungah culture, it also demonstrates that Nyungahs have been living ri ght at the cente r of all-white Perth, all the time. This moment in the film signals the drawing of a new map of Perth, a black map superimposed upon the white map, a Nyungah palimpsest (Taylor 2000, 34). Taylors postcolonial geogra phies of the palimpsest espouse s a tactic of criticism she describes as a double movement of deconstructi on and re-inscription (Taylor 2000, 31) that is carried-out through the juxtapositions of images a nd texts in filmic montage. Poetic license also influences the order and structure of the elements within the montage, which ultimately leads to, using Kings terms, the decentering and displ acement of dominant unifying and totalizing narratives, in this case, that of white Perth. The Another View Walking Trail that Jacobs examines in Melbourne is also a postcolonial text that employs th e same tactic of juxtaposition though between elements in the palpable landscape but, as she points out, with results that are contradictory and ambiguous. Yet, Taylor requests we bear in mind that the Coolbaroo Club does not simply inscribe the true story of Nyungah Perth on top of a fallacious legend of sunny white Perth. Rather it functions as a kind of textual double geography, to explicate the highly political transcultural processes of identity in place. It does so through exposing the complex ways in which both ar e co-implicated and mutually constituted through their very struggles over meaning of place, identity and belonging (Taylor 2000, 36). This tactic of juxtaposing images, texts and dialogue to reveal a textual double geography offers a model for those interested in developing postcolonial geographies be they activists, landscape architects, graphic designers and even scholars including geographers. For the latter two, production of knowledge and re presentation are a pr imary responsibility.
89 Nevertheless, Taylor shows j uxtaposing different types of signifiersimage, text, sound representing opposing spaces of a double geography can uncover postcolonial struggles over meaning, identity and belonging, and expose what is predicted to lie in-between these spaces paradox and irony, which the red line scene makes clear. That scene, and the film in general, su ccessfully make clear postcolonial tensions through a form of representation that is unc onventional in academic geography. Taylor does make the issue of the red line clear in her expository description on page 34, but, I would add, does somewhat of an injustice to its depiction in the film. Still, the film not only relies on juxtaposition, but also on techniqu es of aesthetic enhancement and ce rtain rhetorical strategies to display the processes of postcolonial struggle and reveal its results. These techniques and strategies can effectively deepen our understand ing of the struggles and uncanny predicaments bedazzling settler societies. Therefore, as Ta ylor suggests, the Cool baroo Club should open the way for new forms of academic representations such as film, or maybe even other visual forms of juxtaposition such as pictorial montage and collage that can inhabi t and interrogate the dynamic space between cultures while simultaneous ly inhabiting a space between objectivism and relativism, the opposing epistemologies of modern Western scie nce (Jay 1998, 3). Before I move on to the work of Kylie Message and her geocri ticism of Natalie Robertsons photography of New Zealand, I think it is important that I consider Taylors conceptual framework in relation with the Trail of Tears National Historic Trail, and try to draw some intellectual sustenance from her work. It first must be said that the U.S. National Park Service, which promotes and manages the Historic Trail, is a ve ry different organization than thos e who ruptured the palimpsests of Melbourne and Perth. It is not th e intention of the National Park Service to rupture the roadway
90 palimpsests with a wickedly ironic tone, even if the Trail was created in collaboration with Cherokee and other American Indians who might have a vested interest in such expressions (Figure 2-7 and 2-8). Figure 2-7. The Art of Hachivi Edgar Heap of Birds (Bromely 2005, 801). Figure 2-8. The Art of Hachivi Edgar Heap of Birds (Bromely 2005, 802).
91 even though the Trail is a celebra tion of the distinctive heritag e of the Cherokees and honors the sacrifice of those who carried the burden of survival (TOT 1), the material and textual manifestations of the Historic Trail do not produce a double geography to reveal the uncanny predicaments associated with st ruggles over meaning of history, cultural identity and geography. Nevertheless, the very moment the story of the Trail of Tears appear s, or rather in the words of Taylor, reemerges from beneath the surface of th e roadway; it has the potential to rupture the roadway palimpsests, that landscape Raitz which, reflects what Americans hold to be important and central to our being (Raitz 1998, 364). This rupturing is another way of saying that the Trail of Tears has the potential to decenter and displace and therefor e precipitate the uncanny predicaments of settler societies. I am not satisfied with Taylors metaphor of rupturing the landscape palimpsest and its associated terms of submerge nce and reemergence of buried stories. As she writes: Contesting narratives force us to remember the differences and variati ons that have been forgotten, to confront those part s of the story that have been left out, to realize that that which was rendered invisible in order to be forgotten, was actually there all the time (Taylor 2000, 30). Maybe. But the reality of that which was the re all the time depends without exception on interpretation of words and images. These can never present a full or authentic past. The past is made significant only in the present as is the la nd on which all this takes place. I am not denying the legitimacy of indigenous claims, but rather fi ghting the good fight to pr event this thing called history from becoming a transcendental signifier that would stymie all de bate on issues of right and wrong. To be fair, Taylor does mention that the Coolbaroo Club does not simply inscribe the true story of Nyungah Perth on top of a fallacious legend of sunny white Perth. Yet, the notion of the palimpsest seems to maintain the as sumption that beneath the surface rock of the
92 present, lie the hard, immutable and timeless st rata of bygone cultures an d epics that with the right digging tools their essential truths can be exposed. I do not accept this assumption, and agree with Cosgrove and Daniels when they say that today: Landscape seems less like a palimpsest whose r eal or authentic meanings can somehow be recovered with the correct techniques, theo ries or ideologies, than a flickering text displayed on the word-processor screen whos e meanings can be created, extended, altered, elaborated and finally obliterated by the mere st touch of a button (Cosgrove and Daniels 1989, 8). If anything, we are today butt on pushing beings. This simple practice creates, extends, alters, elaborates and finally obliterates th e Trail of Tears National Historic Trail: Channel >
93 place to another. The experience of movement through space it seems is no longer manifested by individual movement through a single enviro nment, but by countless environments whipping by the individual on countless sc reens (Olsen 2000, 10). Betw een these so-called screens flickering and flitting, juxtaposing themselves one against the other in the visual field of the roadway that the double geographies of the pos tcolonial conditions appear, and without the rupturing of a palimpsesta metaphor that perhaps ha s become antiquated in th e age of the digit. I should say that like Cosgrove and Daniels, Taylors metaphors make apparent the critical modesty necessary for the interpretation of landscape, yet, a modesty that implies a methodological relativism. This is important because to bring to fruition the potential decentering and displacement of Euro-American culture, history and geography that the National Park Service initiated when they inscribed the signature of the Trail of Tears into the roadway montage, I must inhabit an academic space in -between the idealisms of objectivism and relativism, objectivity and subjectivity, art and sc ience. This space aspires to social scientific adequacy while taking into consideration the fra gmentariness, syntheticness and syncretism of postmodern-postcolonial culture (Krupat 1998, 26 ) evident within and beyond the academy. According to the critical ge ographer Kylie Message, the phot ography of the artist Natalie Robertson, particularly her images in Prophets Series (1998) and Whakatere Across the Great Ocean of Kiwa (2000), embody the kind of critical mode sty and methodological relativism necessary for representating th e conditions of postcolonial settler societies. Robertsons photographs of commemorative road signs bearing the dislocated names of places important to the Maoris of New Zealand evoke the feeling of unsettled settledness that is popular in descriptions of the postcolonial conditions of count ries, including New Zealand and Australia, where one can imagine being in place or at home only throug h the recognition that on e is also out of place or unfamiliar with it (Ross Gibson 1992 cited in Message 451).
94 Message bases her critique mainly on the ideas and insights of Paul Carter, and important postcolonial literary theorist fr om Australia, whose seminal book The Road to Botany Bay: An Essay on Spatial History (1987) has had a major internationa l impact on literary critics and geographers alike. At the risk of minimizing his scholarly contributions, his most important insight perhaps comes from Botany Bay which de scribes how European explorers and settlers made Australia into a European place through the symbolic construction and transformation of terra nullius. As Carter says, in the act of naming they made Australia visible and knowable: knowing and naming were iden tical (Carter 1987 quoted in Message 2005, 450). The act of naming began the process of filli ng space with history which le d to a European destiny. According to Message, contemporary road signs, even though stenc iled with Maori place names, extend this process of symbolic appropriation and domestication of land. Although the initial colonial processes of nami ng aimed to render the land familiar, in its more recent guise, the integration of place names (and the concurrent commemoration of places, events and people onto road signs) ha s in fact rendered the places, events and people commemorated by this naming invisible (Message 2005, 453). Message calls this irony double domesticati on (Message 453). These mass produced, state authorized and regulatory road signs function to mark land and provide geographic information, but they do so within the cont ext of an inst itutionalized mode of car tography based on the colonizers visual regimes, knowledge system s and signifying practices. Furthermore, the omnipresence of this bland, visible and mo st anodyne of commemorative forms (Message 452), tends to undermine their commemorative function: Even more so than other kinds of hi storical monuments and memorials, the commemoration of language in this formal, homogeneous way means that referents are almost entirely subsumed within the everyday and function simply and singularly therefore as road signs (Message 452). Through this double domestication, Maori oral tr aditions of naming and knowing, of story telling and place making are interpolated in a singul ar history with little contemporary relevance.
95 The original sources of these names, their point s of reference are writte n out of living memory by being reinscribed as offici al history (Message 452). Robertsons photographs counter this invisibility a nd banality brought on by double domestication by offering a series of images as antimaps which shift viewers attention away from the regular role as statee ndorsed authority of these road signs toward a realization th at the signs also work to acknowledge and commemorate an unofficial history that remainsparadoxical lyobscured by mainstream conceptions, understandings, and experience of place (Message 450). She does this by photographing each individual sign at night (Figures 2-9 a, b). The words glow by contrast with the dark background. This eff ectively decontextualizes the signs from their quotidian space and separates them from the instit utionalized infrastructu re of the roadway. The signs come to appear as luminous effigies of the past so that the names adorning their surface appear as strange and at times uncanny reminders to passerby of the lands original ownership and affiliationthere may be more to the well-manicured suburb of Waikaremooana Place, Auckland, than perhaps meets the eye (Message 451). The design of Robertsons photographs has th e effect of decentering and displacing the instruments of official discourse. This can inspire a multitude of heterogeneous and even competing counter readings (Message 456). By engaging with places and landscapes where cultural difference is inscribed, these images call upon viewers to res ponse with individual memories, stories and experiences that potentially re-enliven th e names referenced by the signs and contribute to the meaning of the antimap (Message 455). This is a mode of cartography consistent w ith Maori systems of mapping the land: every story is a travel storya spatial practice (Michel de Certeau 1984 quoted by Message, 454).
96 Figure 2-9a. Photograph by Natali e Robertson (Message 2005, 456) Figure 2-9b. Photograph by Natalie Robertson (Message 2005, 457). But these images not only present an unofficial mode of cartography that may make a land and its histories visible (again), but also a mode of commemoration that exemplifies and elicits a heterodoxy of re-membering [that] needs to be recognized and embraced (Carter 2004 quoted in Message, 452). Such heterodoxy insists that the singular aut horitative act of remembering
97 (commemorating) is not enough, and affirms the constructed and theref ore always debatable nature of mapping and representation. Scholars of shadowed grounds part icularly those associated w ith the Jewish Holocaust in Europe have also recognized the importance of interpretative heterodoxy in research and memorialization. Some have even conflated the two. Allusive realism is what Saul Friedlander, an important Holocaust historian, would call such he terodoxy (Friedlander 1992) and active remembering. He believes this can lead to fresh perspectives, particularly from the borderlands of art and science, which would re new public meaning and memory of these events and places, keeping them alive in human consciousness. It is not heterodoxy that forced the Cherokees to Indian Territory or the Jews to the gas chambers but rather social, intellectual and mora l absolutism. It permeates the infrastructures and discourses of official, national commemorations. It guides the modern scientific quest for the complete picture, the whole story, the all encomp assing perspective, the eternal grasp, the total understanding of every aspect of life on this pl anet and beyond. Absolutism aims to bring all endeavors of knowledge and meaning to a close. But closure on the topic of at rocity only leads to a macabre circularity that takes us to the very precipice where we may decide that the best representation of such events is a precise reconstruc tion. Human curiosity, we are taught, has no justifiable boundaries. Short of this precision we are left with re presentations and rerepresentations of atro cities that remain indeterminate, elusive, and opaque (Friedlander 1992, 5). Still, historical and social sc ientific analysis and representation strive to render this and other holocausts known, to finalize final solu tions, to terminate the interminable (Doel and Marcus 1998, 57), though through a highly refined almost clini cal terminology and exclusive
98 quantitative symbolism. This kind of nave historical positivism can lead to simplistic and self assured historical narrations and closures (Friedlander 1992, 20) In such discourses, forced migration and genocide becomes depopulati on; 10,000,000 pre-Columbians ruminates to 300,000. We risk forgetting our vulnerabilities w ith such banalities and normalizations (Milchman and Rosenberg 1994; Sidaway 2007). In response to these risks, some scholars of genocide studies have proposed that the burden of historical and geogr aphical reconstruction . is the fabrication of artworks powerful enough to compel remembrance of what cannot be reconstructed (Dintenfass 2000, 16). The aesthetic is important because it disr upts the conditions of absolutism by opening a margin in, for example, geographic repres entation where the aut hors voicehis/her subjective manipulations and inte rpretationscan be seen and heard at the site of academic reconstruction. This voice on the margins of representation is also a personal act of remembering that actively, critically and conspicuously engages with atrocity. Since we cannot speak with the dead of such events, much remains unspeakable and undecipherable. Therefore, each representation should strive to help us acknowledge and feel the incomprehensible magnitude and complexity of these events. The obligation of scholars of genocide is to keep watch over the absent meaning (Friedlander 1992, 22). Nevertheless, I must make clear here, Robe rtsons work does not disdain the official commemorations of Maori culture (and neither do holocaust scholars disdain rigorous and disciplined research). She recognizes their vital importance as an initial step in the commemorative process and asks us all to take th e next step by inserti ng ourselves into their spaces and histories. Her counterpoetics though represent the in-between spaces of
99 commemoration, of New Zealand postcolonial cult ure and, importantly, of knowledge that not only interprets the world but changes it (C arter 2004 quoted in Messa ge 458). Robertsons images and Messages analysis of them offer an option for interpreting the Trail of Tears National Historic Trail not seen before. Taylor and Message, postcoloni al scholars with a geographers bent, suggest two forms of visual representationfilm a nd photographythat can reflect and enhance the processes of decentering and displacement that takes place in cultura l texts of postcolonia l settler societies. The mechanism that induces these processes is th e juxtaposing of visual and textual elements. When this is done histories, geographies and id entities can interact. These interactions, or reciprocal exchanges, produce meanings that can undermine or at least ra ise questions about the truth and sanctity of dominant settler values, beliefs and perspectives. Like the Maori street names installed in th e landscape by the federal government of New Zealand, the U.S. National Park Service has only placed the Trail of Tears into the roadway montagethat crucible of cultural meaning (Lewis 1979, 12). Both governments have initiated a potential for decente ring and displacement that must then be realized by others. Robertson realizes it through her stylized photographs of Maori street names. The producers of the Coolbara Club did as well, although the varieg ated signifiers of bla ck Perth and white Perth they juxtapose were inscribed in the palpable landscape by s undry sources including the Australian government. Both these scholars point out that when rea lized decentering and displacement produces an existential sense of being in place and out of place at precisely the same time (Taylor 1998, 139). When the National Park Service cautions us all to, Remember that youre a guest while we are on the Trail of Tears, it inadvertently taps into this dile mma. Such an onus leaves many of
100 us to wonder just who is guest and who is host? American Indians? Irishmen? Cherokees? Federal government? The citizens of Kentuc ky? Mexicans? McDonalds and Pizza Hut? Africans? State governments? Afri can-Americans? East Indians? Chinese? Men? Women? Land and home owners? Tourists? The both-and logic comes in handy when tr ying to answer these questions. Are the Cherokees guests? Yes. Are they hosts? Yes. Ar e Irishmen Guests? Yes. Are they Hosts? Yes. African-Americans guests? Yes. Hosts? Yes. Federal government? Yes. Yes. The questions themselves reflect our postcolonial condition, their answers the unsettle d settledness pervading the histories, cultural identities and geographies of settler societies. For many living within the boundaries of this political entity known as the United States of American, the answers to questions of guest and host is re solvedyou are either with us or against us! Settler or Indian? Red or white? Good or evil? To others, the questions are left unresolvedtheir answers too mix-blood, too pink, too beyond good and evil. The both-and logic of postcoloni ality causes me to refine Foot es unresolved tensions in the shadowed grounds of past sett ler and Indian relations. Rather, these tensions are (un)resolved tensions, and from them spring the unsettling paradox and eerie irony of a landscape text that brings together a past space of extraordinary violence committed in the name of nationalism, racial purity and economic prosperity, and an ordinary space of contemporary life. In the seams of these spacesin the affinitie s of meaning uncovered by recipr ocal exchangelie the uncanny predicaments of paradox and irony. They are the (in)congruities between a memorial site and its setting. We now know what can be said, what meanings are exchanged between the Trail of Tears and ordinary roadwaybetween the past and present, uncommon and common, atrocity and
101 quotidian. We now understand what these meanings tell us about our contemporary culture as it confronts past atrocities. Now, how can I represent in this diss ertation the exchanges of meaning in the Historic Trail? In the final section of this chapter, I will discu ss the drive in cultu ral geography towards innovative and creative forms of analysis and representation. I will then narrow my focus on those forms that would permit us to see and read postcolonial reciprocal ex changes as they work through and in-between the Trail of Tears and ro adway montage. These forms must inherit the conceit to uncover and construct, and, by the way, dignify the visual field of the roadway montage. Innovative Forms: Creative Repr esentation and Imagetexting My fidelity to the m ethodological idea of uncover-construct as expressed above might sound a bit defensive. Perhaps this is unwarra nted. After all, to reduce explanation and knowledge to first causes, and, to circumsc ribe and purify knowledge through controlled experimentation that removes matter from its complex milieu of multitudinous and multifarious forces incessantly in teracting, constitute a pseudo-reality, a pragmatically irrational environment, no matter how disciplined these scie ntific practices may be Nevertheless, many if not most in the social sciences, material scie nces and geography, do not see it this way or would rather not acknowledge this. Within this state of denial, I feel it is incumbent on me to energetically justify my embrace of this academic perspective, and continue to do so especially since my approach borrows from the visual arts, which favor a mode of representation that many say lacks the precision and clarity of words a nd sentences, or numbers and algorithms. In geography, this prejudice is somewhat ironic given th at the fields most enduring form of representation is the map.
102 The challenge for this dissertation is to inhabit a methodological space in-between subjectivity and objectivit y, science and artnot to find a bala nce, but to seek an acceptable space in-between. This search is consistent with the newly oriented interdisciplinary nature of geography which allows me to pull away a bit from the fields traditional conventions of knowing. However, more important, only in this sp ace can the images and texts of Trail of Tears interact with the ordinary roadway, and embody the decentering and displacement that tend to permeate cultural texts of settler societies. Seeing and reading the consequences of this I think is a worthwhile academic endeavor and I hope others will think so too. In the first part of this section on innovative forms, I describe the desire by human geographers, particularly cultu ral geographers, to move beyond the fields conventions of analysis and representation in or der to make their work more compelling and memorable. Next I touch on early humanistic geography s notion of the self and s ubjectivity justified as the foundation for critical and creativ e impulses. I compare it to th e more contemporary notion of selves or subjectivities which drops all pret ensions to pure experi ence, thought and self by assuming that these are constituted through si gns, symbols and repr esentations that are negotiated and shared in communication with others. Such a perspective maintains the critical modesty espoused by postmodern-postcolonial geogra phies, but its criticism is more penetrating because without at least the auth ority of an essential and pure foundation of identity, the integrity of any system of thought or any cl aim to truth can be breached. The second part of this section examines forms of geographic repr esentation that would take into account the visual field and experi ential qualities of the American roadway, and synthesize the process of reciprocal exchange with postcolonial critique. As you will see, I settle
103 on a visual form of representation that geographers and other spatial schola rs variously describe as visual montage, photomontage or imagetext. Creative Representation Uncovering and constructing landscapes m ean ings are now an unabashed undertaking in human geography, but this does not mean it has become a norm. Those who have understood the implications of the crisis of representati on (stemming from the in tertwined forces of postcolonialism-postmodernism) that befell the modern academy, particularly in the social sciences and humanities, would recognize the relevancy of uncover-construct. In geography many now realize that representations do not mimi c real geographies, rather they create them. Geographies, be they academic or otherwis e, are constituted through regimes of knowledge which are situated in traditional societies as well as in the Western academy. These regimes structure ways of seeing and understanding the worl d. Still, American geographers remain some of the last academics in the social sciences to recognize and acknowledge this inevitable gap between seeing and knowing, and representation a nd reality which underlies this crisis (Harley 1992). Even today most geographers would consider the implications of the opening statement in this paragraph radical. To them geographies ar e discovered and measured, the more rigorous and numerical, the more real. The crisis of representation ha s affected geography in three ways. First, it has opened the door for a deconstruction of geographys most prized mimetic devicesphotos, maps, and essaysto reveal points at which regimes of knowledge c ontradict themselves thereby undermining their claims to truth. Second, it is erasing the boundaries separating academic disciplines so that the field of geography can now claim to be an inter disciplinary discipline. Third, the erasing of di sciplinary boundaries has given geographers the o pportunity to mingle in the humanities, not only by adopting theories and methods to interpret geographies of the world,
104 but also by engaging with practices of artis tic creativity. As Denis Cosgrove writes in Millennial Geographics : The space for creativity formerly occupied by the imaginative arts is thus enormously expanded, epistemologically and technically, and leaches into the humanities and sciences geographers feel freer to engage dire ctly in creative representation and the aesthetics of display (Cosgrove 2000, 111). Cosgroves Geographics has deep antecedents in American human geography. Prior to the spatial science of the 1960s, wr iters of human and even physic al geography were skillful wordsmiths whose mellifluous prose could e voke profound appreciation for landscapes and regions (Davis 1889; Sauer 1920; Semple 1931; Jackson 1957). Sin ce then, cultural geographers have tried to gain back some ground lost to the plain style of scientific writing and algorithmic symbolism. Several prominent geographers in the field have supported in theory and through example what D.W. Meinig calls descriptive synthesis. Through the synthesis of geography and the humanities geographers can express their work in creativ e as well as scholarly terms (Meinig 1983, 324; Hart 1983; Entrikin 1991; Lamme 1996; Soja 1996; Larson 2005). Meinig and others believe geographers should strive for the truth of the matter but also be free to discover and express our own truths (Meinig 1982, 158). Represen tations should be aimed at your affective realm (Lamme 1996, 48), and make the old appear new, and the banal appear fresh (Meinig 1983, 157). Earlier humanistic geographies promoting the convergence of art and science based their definition of creativity on the notion of the self (Meinig 1982; Lamme 1996; Dee 2004). This foundation of artistry evolved during the European age of Romanticism, and coincided with the development of the philosophical and social scien tific notion of rationa l subjectivity, out of which the human sciences were established and consequently the percep tual/cognitive model of
105 person. Subjectivity refers to the individual person, conceived as a unified being with a private consciousness and a unique self and identity (Ward 2003). During the middle-ages, this revolutionary idea helped unshackle individuals from authority and control of the C hurch and aristocracy. However, as the discourse of science matured, the autonomous, conscious and rational mind was of course neve r any one particular mind, but rather the mind of generic man (Sam uels 1979). Rational subjectivity which was to provide human beings with free-will or au tonomy, now, some say, has come to repress individual difference, spontanei ty, desire and power. This re action is made clear when we recognize that the task of the hum an sciences has been to furt her knowledge of human nature both in its material and behavi oral form, and, from this, extr apolate and promote norms of rational behavior. With the evolution of science, humanism and modernism beginning some five-hundred years ago, the human mind had become not only that which must be conceived of, but also that which is to be known (Foucault 345). Since mind now sat at the center of the universe, would it not be an ultimate kind of knowledge to discover the structures and processes of Lord Mans capacity to know? Yet, certainly mind can do mo re than just reason, it can emotionalize and imagine quite efficiently, and can easily be persuade d to accept as truth the prejudices of culture and fabrications of history. With such a mi nd, how could any one person or group of persons distance themselves from such certainties a nd see, describe and understand the true inner mechanics and working of their own mindsor of the mind? Well, there developed an i nstitutionalized mode of reason, practiced only by those scientists specializ ing in the act of reasoni ng. They purportedly could ab stract reality away from the impure prejudices and contingencies dwelling in their own minds via the critical
106 distance that purified reason would permit. The task of social scientists was to reveal once and for all by way of the abstract calculus of sciencethe purest of thoughtthe essence, the soul, the empirical core ingredients and pattern of the human mindits thou ghts and associated behaviors. Romanticists and humanistic geographers have allied themselves with this modern endeavor, although for them pure seeing and knowing, that is, the truth of the matter and our own truth is revealed through ar tistic creativity. They believe th at the conventions of culture and science obfuscate what is essential and pur e to human beingness and obscure our view and understanding of reality. When we transcend the categories, concepts an d logic of culture and science, experience is presented in its most raw state and the thing itself or thought itself or person itself is truly revealed. However, it s eems that it is only the exceptional few, the highly sensitive, creatively original pa inters, sculptors, or, most likely, literary artists who are the mediums and vanguards through which pure expe rience, thought and self might present themselves. In terms of humanistic geography, it is the artist who gives landscapes spectacle and the impressions of the soul before itin their purest presence (Brosseau 1994, 340). What humanistic geographers may have failed to realize is that a work of art is not pure experience, thought, or self presence but, at mo st, a discourse on these mediated by signs and symbols whose meanings are negotiated be tween individuals (B rosseau 1994, 340). The conventions of discourse restrict expression to that which has al ready been said between others. This undermines any claim to complete autonomy, uniqueness and self-control, to an essential self, or to pure thought or experience. Still, the self of geographical creativity wa s, during the 60s and 70s a powerful critical force against the so-called quantitative revol ution which linked enum eration with logical
107 positivism to create a geometric spatial science that was determined to uncover the laws of economic and social behavior. This is not to say that quantification and cl assification of spatial phenomena were not the modus operandi of previous geographic research What the revolution did was bring about a change in the techniques us ed to describe and analyze data and theories, and made those techniques central to the discip line. For quantifiers there was no question that their algorithms and models corr esponded to geographical reality, or rather the most relevant of geographical realities. Their arrogance caused many geographe rs, particularly cultural geographers, to question the universalism and economi sm of spatial science, believing that it not only diminishes the potential of geographic scholar ship, but devalues the plurality of human life, truth and meaning. Yet, it must be acknowledged that humanists he ld to the same values of modernism that included a strong anthropocentrism, and an unrelenting belief in tr uth and in social and moral progress through science and tec hnology (Oelschlaeger 1991). Thei r elevation of the creative impulse though is less totalitarian (apparently a tendency modernism) than it is elitist since the transcendental realm of pure e xperience and thought seemed accessible only to the self-contained and absolute awareness of the autonomous artist and, of course, to those who could interpret and understand their works such as humanistic geographers. Nevertheless, humanistic geography is a critic al orientation within human geography that loosely holds together various philosophies, critical theories and methods. These are combined and applied in a variety of ways leaving research always in a state of diverse and perpetual experimentation. This openness has given geogr aphers unprecedented intellectual opportunities to explore and debate the meaning and scope of geographic knowledge. Millennial Geographics
108 is one such exploration that c ontinues and expands both a critical and aesthetic orientation in human geography. Cosgroves Millennial manifesto, an outcome of the crisis of representation, replaces self, the modern foundation of th e aesthetic impulse, with the pos tmodern notion of selves or subjectivities. This notion has ope ned a productive avenue of resear ch for geographers interested in understanding how different social spaces and pl aces shape an individuals multiple identities. Its creative impulse carries no pretense of pure experience or thought made present by an exceptional awareness, no matter how mellifluous, symmetrical, colorful the art, or how in control an artist is of their medium. Selves exist on the surface, in between bodies in communication. They are not constituted from a si ngle interior source, emanating from a unique soul, but rather from meanings that already exis ts in language shared w ith others on the outside, so to speak. Whatever purity or essence may exis t on the inside stays on the inside, unless it is translated into a mode of communication that already exists on the outside between people. These elements of communication make the soul communicable, recognizable and knowable, but at the expense of its contortion and banalizati on. Unfortunately our unique identities, and pure experience and thought must succumb to the constraint we all sh are in common, the language at handwhich in many ways places ones id entity in the hands of others. The constraints of communication do not deny subjectivity however. It is rather a different kind of subjectivity, one which frees us from the obsessive-compulsive task of policing and securing boundaries around an essen tial, pure self, existing outside of language. This task may be maladaptive in the face of a postmodern-postcolonial era of rapid cultural change. This kind of subjectivity assumes we are all subjects of comm unication in negotiation with others, but capable of creating, extending, altering, elaborat ing and finally obliter ating our surficial
109 identities by the merest tough of a button (Cosgrove and Daniels 1989, 8). Participating in this process is an ultimate kind of freedom surely beyond what modernists ever imagined because the so-called extra-textual reality no longer anchors the self. Thus the subjectivity of Millennial Geographics maintains a critical, aesthetic orientation by claiming that all knowledge is simultaneous ly subjective and subjected to linguistic negotiation and openness of meaning (Lamme 1996; Dear 1997). This claim has justified selfreference in scholarship, which has allowed research and creative practices to move closer and share common ground (Lamme 1996; Dee 2004, 59). However, it is still unusual fo r a geographic research projec t to seriously consider the aesthetics of representa tion. But this may soon change given the recent efforts by the Executive Director of the Association of American Geograp hers who beseeches geographers to engage with the humanities and fine arts, and who has orga nized symposia to promote this courtship (Richardson 2006, 2007). My aim here is to represen t the Trail of Tears Na tional Historic Trail in a way that manages to enhance the activity of reciprocal exchange while making my findings aesthetically compelling, but which will not aestheticize atrocity. My aim at your affective realm (Lamme 1996, 48) is not insensitive to the horrors of Indian removal and genocide. Rather, I hope that my aesthetic impulse, a very important aspect of this project, leads readers and viewers to conf ront the Trail of Tears on intellectual, emotional and critical levels so that it can be deeply considered and felt. This is an event in American history that we in this country should consider over and over again. If my representations are compelling they have a better chance of transcen ding the hoary, mildewed corners of the archive and the specialized clique of professional scholars and reach into the minds of others where they can have the most impact. However, creative repr esentation is only part of what is needed to
110 confront a topic of such magnitude and understand its relationship to contemporary American culture. Culture and Imagetext As I have already shown, certain postc olonial scholars have suggested using unconventional artistic f orms of analysis and repr esentation to understand th e cultural conditions of settler societies. Other human geographers are also seeking innovative ways to provide information and knowledge about geographic phe nomena that are compelling. What spurs this pursuit is the recognition that conventional forms of measurement are limite d in their capacity to account for the contours of contemporary Western and non-Western cultures and their geographies (Soja 1989, 1996, 2000; Pred 1995, 1997; Lamme 1996; Pryke 1997; 2002; Cosgrove and Minca 2000; Relph 2005). Post-industrialism, postmodernity, hypermodern ity, post-civil rights, globalizationthese are just a few of the labels given to demarcat e particular cultural contours of the contemporary world. No matter the label, it appears that sp aces, places and landscapes of the U.S., (and I will use Relphs elegant quote here again) consist of people, things, and bits of geogra phies, histories, and cu ltures that have been uprooted, franchised, spin around above the earth, topologically transformed, remixed, deposited elsewhere, linked by electronic ne tworks, and given distinctive facades to distinguish them from all the other e qually confused places (Relph 2005, 155) It is interesting, though unsurprisi ng, that the spatial (dis)order of what cultural geographer Edward Relph describes as heterotopia, an accurate word to embrace the arbitrary geography of the juxtaposed elements (Relph 2005, 154), or what Derek Gregory calls the phantasmagoria, parallels the attr ibutes of individual cognition and social relations in the U.S.: Individual sense-making processes, dyadic a nd group relationships, and that which we call knowledge are increasingly composed of nonl inear sound bites, tr ansient connections, truncated texts, hyper-linked cognitive processi ng, multi-mediated understandings of what is real and meaningful (Markam 815, 2005).
111 Fragmentation, arbitrariness and juxtapositi onas opposed to unity, wholeness, truth and linearityare what characterize cultures, c onsciousness and geographies of contemporary society. These characteristic contours traverse the abstract worlds of academicians whose perspectives are also influenced by advances in communication technology, multi-cultural nationalism, high-speed transportation, informati on explosion, cultural di versity, and, I would add, the unsettled settledness of postcolonial cultures. As Relph writes, current geographies and their landscapes are no less indeterminate, dislocated, and perplexing than postmodern epistemologies (Relph 2005, 155). This situat ion is further fueled by an unprecedented academic reflexivity: Philosophers who have examined the progression of Western thought over the last century cannot find a logical way to question the conc lusion that there are no objective foundations for scientific methods, no a priori privileged me thods to sort things out, and no definitive readings of books and landscapes (Relph 2005, 153). Strangely enough, geographers in general have been reluctant to experiment with innovative forms that engage with these characteris tics of landscape and li fe that as Relph points out defy conventional description (Relph 2005, 154). Todays spatial analytics, Derek Gregory writes, are too unyielding to accommodate the contingencies of everyday life as they unfold in place (Gregory 1997, 29). The inconci nnity between conventional description and contemporary place and landscape has convinced some that the domain of human geography lays beyond the realm of conven tional logic (Lamme 1996, 44). What kind of innovative logic might be used to approach the geographies of the contemporary scene? Relph offers some guidance. First, he says we break our addiction to wh at he calls the illusions of linear time and social and moral progress (Relph 2005, 161). This narrow view of time and history has been
112 privileged and taken-for-grante d by most people in the Western world. They have in a selffulfilling way, made Western culture the epitome of progress. These illusions of linear time and progress were the ideological cornerstones fo r Western imperialism and colonialism, and remains so for international schemes of sustainability and development ideated and financed by Western countries. One form of expression that serves these illusi ons is the linearity of expository or textual narrative. Linear narrative is a central convention of expression for historians, geographers and other social scientists. Its se quential, seamless, inexorable fl ow of information produces an impression of reason and truth. What may be forgotten in the mesmerism of beginning, middle and end is that these totalities are constituted fr om selective bits of data and information that would seem arbitrary if not for a simulation of sequence that brings them together. In all academic narratives, much is left out conscious ly and unconsciously in order to satisfy the truth which comes out only through the rhetoric of sequential order. In the end, linear narrative always carries the implication of closure that fosters a sense of truthperhaps an addiction of the modern mind. There are other ways to make a geographical point than telling stories. Relph asks geographers to consider horizon tal time and associative thin king which could support a truly spatial perspective. Such a view of time does not deny the past but recognizes that it can only be read and made meaningful from the vantage point of the present. The past is not the past; the past livesin transformed and also in transf ormative fashion (Krupat 2005, 28). As you will see later in the chapter on methods, this view has a direct influence on how the Trail of Tears National Historic Trail is represented in this project.
113 Associative thinking, or what landscape architect Catherine Dee calls lateral thinking (Dee 2005, 29), adheres to a both/and. logic (Olsson 1992; Pred 1997) that would not reduce geographical knowledge and representa tion to the linearity of cause and effect or the either/or logic conventional in modern sc ientific research. In stead, it opens these up to excursions of associations (Dillon 2004, 21) where myriad relationships between phenomena in place and landscape are brought into constella tion. Such a way of thinking would allow for expression of the heterogeneous and stubbornly simultane ous geographies and meanings of the contemporary scene (Soja 1989, 1). Second, Relph recommends that geographical accounts be grounded in the subtleties of everyday places and specific situations (Rel ph 2005, 160), but with a particular focus on contradiction, change and difference. The world, according to Relph, should be approached by geographers as a series of complex tensions a nd interactions rather than simple oppositions (Relph 2005, 163). By approaching place and lands cape in this way, geographers learn to question surface appearances, and not be deceived by them, (Relph 162). Finally, to best uncover the complex tensions and interactions of place and landscape geographers should, according to Relph, embrace the reflective modesty of critical interpretation. Research should offer informed scholarly asser tions based on careful observation, necessary imaginativeness and intellectual discrimination. Fresh perspectives are important, as are representations that also include anomalies, marginal associati ons and anecdotal evidence, all which enrich understanding of these landscapes (F oote 1997). Postmodern epistemologies offer a plethora of concepts that allow geographers to work with the sub tleties of tension and interaction choose from them what ever ideas offe r some promise of clarity (Relph 2005, 161).
114 It is not difficult to grasp common threads be tween Relphs suggesti ons that would ground postmodern innovative forms of analysis and representation with the pos tcolonial geographies represented in the Coolbara Club and Natali e Robertsons photography. These commonalities should be expected since many scholars have claimed postmodernity the handmaid of postcoloniality, and academic postmodernism of postcolonialism (E agleton 1996; Gregory 1997). Yet, postmodernism is a term that subsumes an eclectic mix of academic perspectives that includes postcolonial theory, a nd maybe even the totalizing a nd authoritarian discourse of modernism. In any case, the most signifi cant though less obviously relevant of these recommendations is the associative knowledge of la teral thinking. If we agree that contemporary places a nd landscapes are a heterotopia, perhaps a phantasmagoria, even a constella tion of discontinuous and decont extualized fragments, or arbitrary geographies of juxtaposed elements, then we should seek forms of analysis and representation that best describe or embody these characteristics. This form must bring together in constellation the fragments of arbitrary elements, especially if we are to uncover complex tensions and interactions at pl ay in places and landscapes. Filmic montage, like that of the Coolbara Club would be one such form. In this film, the double geographies of white and black Perth, their representative signifiers in images and texts, are brought into constell ation or juxtaposed to uncover these stubbornly simultaneous geographies and their complex tensions and in teractions. Of course, double geography is conservative estimate of the possible number of stubbornly simultaneous geographies within heterotopia. Still, this specific intellectua l framework of postcolonialism unavoidably draws arbitrary and temporary boundaries around the pl ace of Perth with an aim to enrich our understanding of this city, its cu ltures and histories. Yet, so mu ch more could be said, written
115 and thought about this place in Australia. But, what is significant here is that the tool of analysis and display is the visual juxtapos ition of various meaningful elem ents related to Perth. Meaning is made in-between these elements, in the sutures of white a nd black Perth(s). Another form of analysis and representation co nsistent with lateral thinking is fragmented narrative. The Walkman 1975 and Artists Dream by Ian Breakwell, is a good example of this kind of writing which brings landscape to th e page (in the form of words and sentences) and allows its elements to interact in a non-linear fashion. This is consistent with the both/and logic of lateral thinking (Figure 2-10) This representation displays the here and there of the phantasmagoria of contemporary landscapes. It embodies the flittering and flickering, the this and that, the fragmentation of postmodern c onsciousness. It even iterates this form of consciousness by giving readers (a nd viewers) free-range of in terpretation that is mostly unconstrained by author(ity) or a dutiful quest for the complete picture, or total story. Of course, bringing such a landscape to a diss ertation defense or sending it to a refereed journal can only be a geographers and walkman s dreama dream that would seem to triumph over impossibility: What one sees when one looks at geogra phies is stubbornly simu ltaneous, but language dictates a sequential successi on, a linear flow of sententia l statements bounded by the most spatial of earthly constraints, the impossibility of two object s or words occupying the same place (as on one page) (Soja 1989, 12). Montage and/or Imagetexts The geographer Allen Pred has experimented with another more serious form of fragmented narrative that moves beyond the expos itory essay (Lamme 1996, 44). He calls this alternative style of thinking a nd writing, literary montage. Pred has produced a number of studies using this textual strategy, the most notable being Lost Words and Lost Worlds: Modernity and the Language of Everyday Life in Late Nineteenth
116 Figure 2-10. The Walking Man 1975 and th e Artists Dream (Breakwell 1982, 117).
117 Century Stockholm (1990), Recognizing European Modernities: A Montage of the Present (1995), Representing the Extended Moment of Danger: A Meditation on Hypermodernity, Identity and the Montage Form (1997) a nd Situated Ignorance and State Terrorism (2007). Pred has spent much time understanding Eur opean modernities and economic and social transitions from industrial modern to high modern and hypermodern. His montages yield critical, careful and rigorous analyses of these topi cs, although his interlac ing of fragments of information, ideas, theories, and multiple and opposing memories, voices and viewpoints are more integrated than mere juxtaposition. Still, his compositions are loose, allowing for multiple entry points, and encouraging multiple perspectiv es of places and landscapes (Figure 2-11). His literary montages shun authoritat ive narration, reductionism and clos ure on any of his topics of research. One particular work, Lost Words and Lost Worlds stands out as being most relevant to my project. The reason for this is no t so much the topics Pred deal s with or his method of literary montage. Instead, the reason is found in Derek Gregorys subsequent comparative analysis of this work, where he participates in Preds representation by extendi ng his word-pictures (Gregory 1991, 34) into the realm of creative visual re presentation. To my knowledge, this is the earliest example in human geography of images and texts intertwined in a single composite to create a non-liner montage that erases the the finely etched line between the academic and the artistic (Gregory 31). Here, it is not important that I review Gregor ys article Interventi ons in the Historical Geography of Modernity: Social Theory, Spat iality and the Politics of Representation (1991) in which he compares the theoretical thrusts and m odes of representation de scribed in selected writings of Pred, David Harvey and Walter Benjamin. Suffice it to say, Gregory explores how
118 these important scholars have attempted to groun d social theory in the spatial experience of place. Each of these authors articulates human geography and social theory, and develops his own politics and poetics of reconstruction and repr esentation of modern lif e in particular cities of Europe. In any case, I focus briefly on Gre gorys interpretation of Preds book and his visual intervention in the form of visual mont age, which I will later call imagetext. Pred uses literary montage to represent th e geographical and existential transformations that took place in fin-de-sicl e Stockholm, Sweden, as it emerged as a modern European commodity society. The carousel of consum ption and commodity fetishismthe merry-giddygo-round and around and around of money in circul ation [had] hailed the entrance of modernity in the capital cities of Europe (P red 1991, 51). Cities like Stockholm were pounded by waves of speculative investment and plunged into a maelstrom of creative destruction (Gregory 29). Capitalist modernity not only impacted the physical order and shape of cities but also the life world of city dwellers. Modernity was characterized by an increasingly fragmented social life and rapid changes in impressions and relationships, especially in the streets. Particularly in the case of Stockholm, the experience of modernity was by no means limited to the restless, phantasmagoric movement of people on the city s principle thoroughfar es. Social contacts around dwelling and workplace also frequent ly took on a fleeting, flickering quality because connections between both were so often short-lived. Those living of laboring beside a person, those people who one saw and interacted with on a daily basis, could disappear as quickly and suddenly as they appeared, could leave an unfilled void or be replaced by others who might also evaporat e with the same rapidity (Pred 1991, 186). As Gregory writes, Pred is interested in the way the modern grille [his italics] was imposed on the skeins of interaction which were spun, snapped and spliced together in the course of everyday life (Gregory 1991, 30). To understand this, Pred turns his analysis towards the vocabularies of different sphere of social life (Gregory 32). In these he sees how the transition to and effects of capitalist mode rnity play-out in language, which is always embedded in the
119 Figure 2-11. Pages from Allan Preds work (Pred 1995, 1997, 2007).
120 material flow of power and practice, the take n-for-granted categories of social life (Gregory 32). Traditional and modern, abstract and concre te, local and global, bourgeoisie and working classthese vocabularies intersected in a myriad of ways, creating in these urban dwellers a sense of fragmentation, displacement and urgency. Pred realizes that the spun, snapped and sp liced qualitie s of the micro-typographies (Gregory 1991, 32) of everyday life in Stockholm could easily escape linea r narrative. So he pursued a different form of repr esentation (Gregory 32). But Pred recognizes modernisms drive towards absolute and total knowledge and, more specifically, historical positivisms quest for overarching narratives that tended to flatten multitude and plural ity into the story of history, which, of course, ends in the lap of the bourgeoisthe cap italist class. There cannot be one grand history, one grand human geography, whose telling only awaits an appropriate meta-narrative. Through their participation in a multitude of practices and associated power relations, through their part icipation in a multit ude of structuring processes, people make a plurality of hist ories and construct a plurality of human geographies (Pred 1991, quoted in Gregory 29) To avoid the naturalization of capitalist hege mony, to resist its acceleration towards its end of history, Pred employs a relational style (Gregory 1991, 32) of writing by juxtaposing large and small fragments of philosophical and theoretical statements to reveal their interconnections and exploit their tensions. To help this along, he pastes here and there his own thoughts and play on words. Different starting points yield different pe rspectives and what appears as a secure conceptual apparatus from on e vantage point turns out to be partial and onesided from another (Pred 1991 quoted in Gre gory 1991, 32). Such a way of thinking and writing undermines the modern ontology of truth and progr ess, and opens the way for a plurality of history and knowing, less determinis tic, less fatalistic. Such a form of analysis and representation is consistent with the both-and logic of lateral thinking.
121 It should be said that Preds work exposes the dilemma of capitalist modernity. Although the economic super-structure favors the capitalist class who constantly strive to perpetuate their own power and domination, the existentia l conditions it fosters among individuals, particularly the working class is the ground on which lies the potential for capitalisms destruction. In his impressionis tic account of a popular geography which exists alongside, underneath and often in place of the official toponymy of th e city (Gregory 1991, 31), Pred pulls the urban consciousness of spun, snappe d and spliced into th e structuring of his representation, and then pushes hi s representation towards fractur ing the structure of modern capitalism, and the end of history. The poetics of my textual strategy are the politics of my textual strategy (Pred 1991 quoted in Gregory 34), he says. Most important here, is the way Pred repres ents on the landscape of the page the life world of ordinary people in fi n-de-sicle Stockholm. He creates a fictitious character named Srmlands-Nisse whose daily routine we follow through the city. His rou tine is mapped on linediagrams which make the structuration of soci al life seen/scene in the double sense of both making the processes visible and embedding them in place (Gregory 1991, 32) (Figure 2-12). The graphic reveals those pivotal points th at anchor Srmlands-Nisses life-world. At and between these routine points the vocabularies of different sphere of social life, of the local and non-local worlds are produced, negotiated and contested (Gregory 32). But the line-diagram is too crude to represent the simultaneities and conj unctures of these worlds; this is left to Preds poetics. Pred achieves this effect through a multi-layered series of overlapping images which assault the senses. The stench-drenched vi sit to the outhouse; the shopkeepers signs swinging above the street; the sm ell of sour beer and stale cigar smoke issuing from the open caf doors; the ships flags whipping in the breeze; the thrummi ng of the iron-ringed wheels over cobblestones; the eyes of the policemen, watching and waiting; the bodies dozing on the sun-warmed sacks of grain: all these word pictures hang flesh on the bare
122 bones of the line diagram and bring it explosivel y to life in an intensity of experience which is quite alien to most convent ional human geography (Gregory 1991, 34). Figure 2-12. Allan Preds Time/Space Diagram (Gregory 1991, 32). Pred interpolates a number of historical photog raphs into his literary montage helping us to see through the eyes of Srmlands-Nisse as he moves through the cit y. But these archival photographs are not interrogated or ma de to interact like the textual archive. If the experience of everyday life in Stockholm is lik e a montage, why not take geogr aphic representation a step
123 further and integrate photographs an d texts, that is, the visual and verbal that must have at least be spun, snapped and spliced in the mind of Srmla nds-Nisse as he traveled in the streets. Gregory tentatively takes this step and crea tes an image-text in which photographs and texts are made to talk to each other by sharing the same visual space (Figure 2-13). Visual meanings are conveyed as positions in fields rather than steps in a sequence (or narrative). The imagetext, according to its maker, discloses a field of extreme tensions. In quite another sense, once the implications of time geography are internalized, then I think it is possible to ac hieve something like a moment of profane illumination: to grasp the multiple ways in which the docker made this world meaningful to himself, sometimes on terms which replicated the dominant order (xenophobia, patriarchy), to be sure, but sometimes on terms which were hostile to and even, on occasion, subversive of it. (Gregory 1991, 34) In his writings, Pred seeks to represent the plurality of histories and human geographies. Yet, his particular depiction of the life-world of Srmlands-Nisse raises some important questions concerning his aims. For example, if plurality is his goa l, then why not also represent the perspectives of others such as the butcher, waitress and policeman? Are their microtypographies the same as Srmlands-Nisses? Ch ances are they are not. Are the photographs Pred retrieves from the archive representative of th e visual perspective of hi s fictitious character, and can they stand in as the visual regime of ordinary people in the quotidian setting of Stockholm? Preds use of these photographs un wittingly shows that they are not innocent reflections of reality in turn of the century Stoc kholm. Nevertheless, Pred s literary montage and Gregorys imagetext are models of lateral thinking because they di splay interactions, tensions and contradictions that appear when simultaneous histories, cultures, and geographies come together in place. Imagetexts can function like filmic mont age by bringing together at least double geographies. This is particularly so when simultaneous geographies express themselves,
124 Figure 2-13. Derek Gregorys imagetext of S rmlands-Nisses life-world (Gregory 1991, 34). or potentially express themselves, within the visual elements of landscape or place. In imagetexts these elements become as significanton their own termsas the geographers conventional textual descriptions and recons tructions of the seen and unseen of place and landscape. Yet, before I express my commitment to experimenting with this form of analysis and representation, it is important I explain how other geographers have used visual montage and imagetexts. Their reasoning coincides with th at of Pred-Gregory, but also expand s on it. The combinations of these
125 rationales makes imagetexts an appropriate to ol of analysis and re presentation to uncoverconstruct the uncanny predicaments of postcoloniality w ithin the visual fiel d of the roadside montage. After Gregorys experiment with visual montage, less than a handful of human geographers have attempted to do the same. In terestingly enough, those who haveJohn Allen and Michael Pryke, and Edward Sojahave done so only by first adopting and reworking the ideas of the French Marxist phi losopher Henry Lefebvre. These ge ographers test Lefebvre ideas concerning the production of social space within the context of globaliz ation and postmodernity. By using literary montage, Pred seeks to deli neate the production, negotia tion and contestation of social space and meaning within the onrush capita list modernity. Gregory created a visual image that illustrated the montage like character of the vi sual field and individual perception within a capitalist city. Allen, Pryke and Soja also expose the clash of social interests and spatial contradictions, and use visual montage but again only to illustrate these interactions. Below, I will explain why montage makes sense within a Lefebvrean theo retical context and why these geographers chose to illustrate th eir studies with this particul ar form of representation. In his book, The Production of Space (1991), Lefebvre sets out to describe the history of the social production of space which he associates with historical changes in the mode of production of goods, from primitive to capitalist modernity and urban life. For Lefebvre this history amounts to a gradual de-corporealizati on of space finding its apogee in capitalism, which, according to Lefebvre unfortunately promotes i ndividual and social alienation, and anti-humanist reification. Attending to th ese social conditions is the producti on of abstract space symptomatic of and constitutive of capitalist modernity (Johnston, Gregory et al. 2000, 769).
126 Abstract space, which Lefebvre calls rep resentations of space, is formal space, aggressive, repressive and tending to dominate the visual scene of modern societies. This is the space visualized by spatial science, surveillanc e, and urban and regional planning, which not only serve the logic of accumulation of capital, but also the logic of vi sualization through which human spatiality bore less and less relation to the human body (Johnston, Gregory et al. 2000, 645). Concrete space, which Lefebvre calls space of representation, is lived space, intimate and communal, grounded in layers of cultural and historical meaning. This is the space that humanistic geographers would call place and its a ssociated meanings a sense of place. Lefebvre uses neither of these terms. Lived space, accordi ng to Lefebvre, is both public and private, and has been colonized by abstract space through bu reaucratization, commoditization and extension of spatial grids of power (Johnston, Gregory et al. 2000, 646). Still, lived spaces may overlay or disrupt dominant spaces or take shape alongside them (Allen and Pryke 1994, 454). As a Marxist thinker and activist, Lefebvre hopes to transcend the dialectical unity of abstract (mental) space and lived (material) space by reconnecti ng spatiality with the human body. He believes critical art, in which abstract space is approp riated, re-contextualized and denaturalized, and counter-insurgent gatherings a nd festivals, through which abstract space is rehumanized, could help bri ng about this reconnection. Here we might recall Natalie Robertsons pho tographs of Maori street signs in New Zealand which Message calls antimaps. These an timaps change the context of these road signs thereby to some degree separating them from the institutionalized infrastructure of the ordinary roadway. This counters their invisibility and bana lity brought on by their inclusion in the abstract space of pure functionality. In a sense, her antimap s attempt to transcend the abstract space of
127 colonial domination by bringing to life the culture, history an d geography of the Maori people within this space. Yet, Lefebvre has nothing to sa y about European colonialism; his struggle is for the working class against the capitalists. In her photograp hs, Robertson disinters and reinvigorates Maori connections to the land. Her struggle is for indigenous identity and cultural recognition within a nation domi nated by the values and beliefs of non-indigenous European settlers. John Allen and Michael Pryke are the first human geographers to test Lefebvres social theory in an empirical case study. In their j ournal article the Produc tion of Service Space (1994), they apply his concepts of representation s of space (abstract) a nd representational space (lived) to disentangle the so cial spaces of a globalized London. These spaces form in relation to each other, and may contradict or be in te nsion (Allen and Pryke 1994, 454). This logic is the basis on which the authors constr uct a series of montages illustrating social differences and interactions in Londons Square Mile financ ial district. For Allen and Pryke, the space of representation is the abstract space of finance. Its foundation was laid during the 17th century when London began establishing imperial trading links and networks of international finance. From this, the citys dominant image of itself became one of gentlemanly capitalism distinguish ed by the emulous conversation of the deal that took place face-to-face in the backrooms, ch ambers and parties of the elite wheelers and dealers. Yet, the spaces that signified and generated the gentlemens economic and political power and dominance was the monumentality of hulking cathedral buildings such as coffee houses, the Royal Exchange, and Bank of England. As a monumental space, the financial district gave its member gentlemen an image of that membership (Allen and Pryke 1994, 460). That image was made and reinforced by the
128 chain of signs and symbols read from the a ppearance of certain buildings or sites, and by the prescribed use of the space and the manner a nd style in which it is used (Allen and Pryke 460). The districts formal meaning, secured t hrough the smothering of difference attributable to the spatial practices of the Citys institution, signified what may or may not take place in and around the various institutions that make up the city and who is out of place and indeed time (Allen and Pryke 459). In the late twentieth century, the abstract space of gentlemanly capitalismits signs, symbols and practiceslost its monumentality to a new more formal abstract space of globalized finance. The deregulation of the equities mark et brought on by U.S. competition diluted the power of the Bank of England and Stock Exchange. This initiated a qualitative shift in the way the financial markets operate and in the built form of the city (Allen and Pryke 1994, 463). Computer-screen trading has redu ced social relations to marvel s of technology and electronic information. Where once there were gentlemen now there are players, once reciprocity now brashness. The architecture shifte d too, from the more substantia l classic and gothic buildings and facades to the more geometric, faceless struct ures of steel and glass towers that better mask the traces of other social spaces (Allen and Pryke 463). The signs, symbols and practices of Londons globalized financial district overlap and overpower those of monumental space, yet restore homogeneity, though this time around a si ngle image of high-tec hnology trading (Allen and Pryke 463). However, interpenetrating the formal space of representation of Londons Square Mile is the representational space of the contract work forcecleaners, caterers and security guards. This working class lives and labors on the real surfaces of office buildings and trading houses.
129 This is the concrete space of the everyday, though smothered by th e formal and abstract, and the dominant class. Nevertheless, this lived space has the potential to disrupt rather than simply exist alongside abstract space because spatial practices that produce and secure a dominant space are never totally successful. As Allen and Pryke point out: Contradictions of space arise through the inabil ity of a dominant spac e to suppress entirely the diversity and difference within its bounds or mask the tra ces of alternative representations, formal or imaginary .. Cont radictory spaces may entail a challenge to or a subversion of a particular dominant coding of space by a less powerful user of that space (Allen and Pryke 1994, 465). Contradictions of space also emerge when less powerful users appropriate spaces by manipulating the dominant codes and practices to create alternative spaces that escape the rules of the system such as securing a personal space to read, smoke or listen to the radio. These spaces are not rejections of the system but rath er a manipulation that is, above all else, lived space. Through visual montage, Allen and Pryke illustrate the layers of soci al spaces overlapping the financial district of London. The first layer is a standard reference map of central London. The financial district is outlined in black. Th e second layer is made of photographic images containing the icons, symbols and players of the dominant social space of gentlemanly capitalism. The first montage displa ys these two layers (Figure 2-14). The second montage adds a third layer made from photographs representing the spaces of global finance that have now come to dominate the district (Figure 2-15). The final montage embeds the signs, symbols an d practices of contract workers within the formal spaces of representation so that they appear somewhat overwhelmed (Figure 2-16). The latter two montages in the seque nce provide an enhanced perspec tive of the interpenetration of these social spaces. When we view these comp osites distinct spaces emerge, vanish and
130 Figure 2-14. Photomontage of Londons Square Mile Financial district by John Allen and Michael Pryke (Allen and Pryke 1994, 461). re-emerge, yet the colossal, dehumanized, depers onalized, abstract space of modern capitalism smothers the lived space of the contract worker. One problem with Allen and Prykes visual juxt apositions is that they themselves do not show the strands of tension exis ting between capitalist a nd working class or between abstract and lived space. These contradictory spaces overlay but do not disrupt each other because there is no certain expression of conflict or contradiction within and between the juxtaposed spaces. These montages could actually be viewed and read as neutral, even harmonious panoramas of the activities that take place in the financial distri ct of London. But Allen and Pryke do not intend for these montages to stand alone and speak for th emselves. They only help illustrate Lefebvres theory and ground it in empirica l observation. These illustrations depend on words and sentences on the page. The montages represen t the codes and practices of these social spaces, but they give little insight into the ways signs, symbols and pr actices inscribe meanings into place and space,
131 Figure 2-15. Photomontage of Londons Square Mile Financial district by John Allen and Michael Pryke (Allen and Pryke 1994, 464). and how tensions and contradictions form in the struggle between social forces over space. The Production of Service Space contains Allen and Prykes in itial foray into the use of visual montage as a form of academic geogra phical representation. Pryke continues to use montage and Lefebvres ideas, although his most recent visual work is better categorized as imagetexts because they integrate photographic fragments of written text into composites. In a recent article on economic, spatial a nd experiential changes befalling Berlin, Germany, specifically, an area known as Potsdammer-P latz situated in part on the former death strip separating East and West Germany, Pryke gives a strai ghtforward description of the aptness of his form of representation: Photomontage offers a chance to sketch space in a way that disrupts views of the city by bringing into the frame not just different parts of a city but, notably in the case of a city like Berlin, recent pasts and th eir associations collections of memories. In this case photomontage thus helps to recover a feeling for the spaces/memories/pasts that were
132 Figure 2-16. Photomontage of Londons Square Mile Financial district by John Allen and Michael Pryke (Allen and Pryke 1994, 470). sidelined or selectively recalled in making pr esent the spaces of the future Berlin. The techniques can do this as it a llows objects that would not be seen together to be places along side one another, and this acts as a way of telling a ta le about the otherwise unseen ingredients that contribute to the making of space (Pryke 2002, 474). The article titled The White Noise of Capitalis m: Audio and Visual Montage and Sensing of Economic Change (2002), and published in the leading journal Cultural Geographies, reviews a website that Pryke and his colleagues cr eate to understand and represent the abstract structures and lived experi ence of economic change. The intellectual premise of the website stems ma inly from Lefebvres ideas put forth in his book Rhythmanalysis (1998) in which he proposes that scholars analyze atmosphere and mood of changeor rather the felt rhythms of changeas opposed to their spectacles and
133 images. Pryke and company immerse represen tation into the sights and sounds, and global money and cultural flows that are refashioning and re-rhythming Berlin into a world city. They want us to inhabit this ac tive production of spac e as they bring space alive in their description of space in the making (Pryke 1998 475). Audioand photo-montage together let us listen to and see the shifting aural and visu al environment brought on by economic change. Pryke composes photomontage to bring into v isual focus the effect of such economic rhythms on a built form now exposed to the crit eria of market networks (Pryke 1998, 475). I present two of his montages. The first is from his website called Tracing Economic Rhythms through Visual and Audio Montage (Figure 2-17). Figure 2-17. Photomontage of Ber lin by Michael Pryke (Pryke 1997).
134 The second montage (Figure 2-18) comes from his article in Cultural Geographies Figure 2-18. Photomontage of the Berlin Wall by Michael Pryke (Pryke 2002). He explains, by placing bar graphs showing revenue fl ows taken from the annual accounts of DaimlerChrysler, one of the major investors/o ccupiers of this site, in the centre of a photograph of a hole knocked through the former Wall, the idea is to provoke thoughts about the unseen rhythms that now connect the former East into the networks of global, finance capital. The attempt to make a suggestive link betwee n the networks and flowsand the rhythms they ferry the calculation s they transport, and the quality of spaces organized and produced through these moneti zed connection (Pryke 2002, 474). Photomontage (imagetext) allows Pryke to bri ng together and place in view the invisible geographies of Berlinthe power relations and discourse foster ing the monumental change in
135 the cityand the visible geographies of the built environment and human activity. Moreover, these images join together past and present in order to illuminate both. At the very end of the article he writes that his photoand audio-montage are simply part of what might be described as an ongoing chat about ways of writing time-space (Pryke 2002, 477). Urban geographer Edward Soja also particip ates in this ongoing chat. In his controversial book Thirdspace: Journeys to Los Angele s and Other Real-and-Imagined Places (1996), he uses both literary and visual montag e which he justifies th rough his particular extension of Lefebvres ideas concerning the production of space. According to Andy Merrifield, a critic of Sojas work, his juxtapositions in Thirdspace are quintessentially postmodern, not modern (Merrifield 1997, 345). Soja attempts to move beyond the dialectical unities of abstract space and lived space, labor and capital, agency and st ructurein fact, Soja wants to transcend all binaries (art and science, material and metaphorical, real and im agined, global and local, everyday and sublime) through his trialectics of being. To be trialectic one must ent husiastically immerse themselves into the spatial dimensions of experience which thrills, entertains and dazzles, bewilders, and overloads with images, rhetoric and vicarious in sights (Merrifield 1997, 345) or at least it does in Los Angeles, Sojas paradigmatic postmodern cit y. The process of trialectics impels us to recognize the inevitability of dualism in the produ ction of meaning, yet also to defamiliarize the ends of the poles, or oscillate between th em (Aitkin 1997, 151). Here one might hear echoes of Nietzches gay science in which the nihili sm of absolutism is overcome by that which is truly the nature of beingdifference and divers ity, the sources of creativity and vitality. In Sojas trialectics, spatiality intertwines with historical an d social forces nourishing what he calls a both/and also logic of human reality in Thirdspace (Soja 1996 quoted in Merrifield
136 1997, 345). As he writes: Everything comes together in thirdspace: subjectivity and objectivity, the abstract and the concrete the real and the imagined, the knowab le and the unimaginable, the repetitive and the differential, structure and agency, mi nd and body, consciousness and unconsciousness, the disciplined and the transdisciplinary, everyday life and unending history (Soja 1996, 56 original emphasis). Thirdspace promotes a progressive political agenda since disrupting binary ways of thinking that structure our lives is an emancipatory practice that can lead to new perspectives and human behavioran even new power struggles. Still, his literary and visual montages have led Merrifield to proclaim Ed Soja the CEO of MTV academic, the Thirdspace incarnate (Merrifield 1997, 345). Like Pred, So jas poetics is his politics. Soja intends to activate spatiality within the intellectual equilibrium of the social sciences. For too long geographic space has remained dormant The main reason, researchers see it only as a stage on or container in which historical and social processes simply take place. Spatiality, mind you, is a force that shapes human relations, realities and lives through its boundaries, borderlands, obstacles openings, textures, sounds symbols, typographies, meanings, etc., which all emerge, disappear, reflect, overlap, interpenetrate, merge, flit, flickering, etc. Moreover, social science research has placed too much emphasis on either the first space of the real material world, or the second space of imagined representation of sp atiality (Soja 1996, 6). Soja makes Thirdspace of the real -imagined or f ake-real the privileged space of social analysis for which there is no finality of knowledge. Every conclusion is a staging post on the way to somewhere else (Atkinson 1998, 138)another route, another perspective. This third way oscillates between first and sec ond space creating a space in between. Like the transcultural borderlands of postcolonialism, inbetweeness of Krupat and geographers such as Entrikin and Cressswell, like the edge of Jacobs postcolonial citi es, and the unsettled
137 settledness Message refers tothirdspace is anti-reductionist and can incorporate difference into contemporary social sc ientific geographic thinking and writing. Like Lefebvres lived space, Sojas Thirdspace centers on the spatia lity of everyday life. To takes us on a journey through this quotidian space, Soja assumes an identity that is simultaneously insider and outsider. Like Preds micro-typologies of Srmlands-Nisse, Sojas is a true view from below (Soja quoted in Aitk in 1998, 150), except that he is not a fictitious character but rather a kind of flneura French word for a person who walk s the city in order to experience it. The writer Charles Baudelaire firs t theorized on this subject position and wrote exceptional descriptions of his strolls through the streets of 19th century Paris observing modern urbanism and urbanity. But Sojas character is akin to the postmodern trickster whose aim is to play in and with the paradoxes a nd ironies of contemporary life. This trickster identity may be an inevitabili ty, given that the city he experiences and represents is mainly Los Angeles, the hyperreal exopolis where re -presentation of reality reach new heights and fantasy becomes more real than reality (Atkinson 1998, 137). This is a city without a center, where every spa ce is central and where multiple spaces co-exist (Figure 2-19 a, b). His paradigmatic windows of literary and vi sual montage bring together and interconnect fragments of experience. His phot omontages of LA blend differen t scales and viewpoints. Their cubist angularity (a view from nowhere a nd everywhere) and surface reflections effects displacement by breaking the images into planes as if viewed from several angles. Orientation is constantly shifting which makes the images seem energetic, even unsettling. Like a Fernand Leger painting of Los Angeles (Figure 2-20), or a Richard Estess painting of New York City (Figure 2-21), each frame contains various spaces that are in place and out of place at the same time.
138 Figure 2-19a. Photomontage of Los A ngeles by Edward Soja (Soja 1996, 266) Figure 2-19b. Photomontage of Los Angeles by Edward Soja and Antonis Ricos (Soja 1996, 184).
139 Figure 2-20. Sketch for a Cinematic Mural by Fernand Leger (Leger 1950). Figure 2-21. Near Time Square in New York (2002) by Richard Estes (Wilmerding 2006, 56).
140 As Merrifield says, Sojas voyeuristic gaze locates him in the same allusive Thirdspace he is adumbrating. We hear and watch him move somewhere between the material and the meta phorical, the global and the local, the real and the imagined, the everyday and the sublim e, straddling history and geography forever openly radical and radically open. Meanwhile we flash through the Citadel-LA, shift on into Orange County and journey inside the exopo lis. We are not sure if we are outside-in or inside-out, in a city or in a suburb or in both or neither, in hyperspace or outer spaceit is almost anybodys guess. Then, suddenly we ar e over in Amsterdam, immersed in its confusion, and from a window on the Spuista aat, high above the city (Merrifield 1998, 350). Sojas representations of a place where all pl aces are (Soja quoted in Atkinson 138) (think also of the Las Vegas Strip) are not only descriptive but made to provoke new ways of looking at and understanding contemporary Los Angeles a nd other postmodern cities of the world. Here, I am reminded of the attributes of indi vidual cognition in our contemporary culture: Individual sense-making processes and that which we call knowledge are increasingly composed of non linear sound bites, transient co nnections, truncated texts, hyper-linked cognitive processing, multi-mediate d understandings of what is real and meaningful (Markam 2005, 815). Again, fragmentation, arbitrariness and juxtapositi onas opposed to unity, wholeness, truth and linearityare what characterize the culture, consciousness and geogra phy of contemporary society. These characteristic contours cover the abstract worlds of academicians, which Soja shows in his map of Thirdspace. Other academics using visual montage or imagetext to represent place, space and landscape do so within the same theoretical cont ext as the various geographers I mentioned in this section. But they exploit its inherent charact eristics differently, and include very different discourses and symbolisms in their montages. Th ey aim to deconstruct landscapes, though not to reduce them to some kind of real essence. These scholars are also aw are of the textual and simulative constitution of reality. They deconstruct to seek new perspectives and human activities for places and landscapes. Every deconstr uction (in the sense of taking apart, rather
141 than Derridas differance and undecidability imminent in all texts) is a potential reconstruction. A small number of scholars in other spatially oriented disciplines such as landscape architecture and urban planning ha ve recognized the value of visu al montage in representing the complexity, dynamism, fluidity and hypertextual ity of American spaces and places, and culture in general. The two most outstanding of thes e are landscape architects James Corner and Alan Berger. Both are interpreters of cultural landscapes, but unlike the geographers mentioned above who delve into the scene, seen and unseen of modern, hypermodern or postmodern cities and with the theories of Lefebvre, they focus mos tly on rural and suburban landscapes. Yet, Corner and Berger also practice a form of spatial representation that is innovative but more importantly non-linear, integrative and open. Thes e intrinsic qualities parallel those that Relph proposed as guidelines for new forms of representation in human geography. These designers of geographic space call their form of representation mappings. For them, the map is a project in the maki ng (Corner 1999a, 216). This view is based on the simple assumptions that maps are never neu tral, passive or without consequences (Corner 216). These assumptions open up the practice and pe rformance of mapping to new or alternative forms that could communicate at least the c ontemporary conditions of space and society. As Corner says: Mapping is a fantastic cultural project, cr eating and building the world as much as measuring and describing it. Long affiliated with the planning and design of cities, landscapes and buildings, mappi ng is particularly instrumental in the construing and constructing of lived space. These revi sions situate mappings as a collective enabling enterprise, a project that both reveals and realizes hidden poten tial. Hence, in describing the agency of mapping, I do not mean to i nvoke agendas of imperia list technocracy and control but rather to suggests ways in which mapping acts may emancipate potentials, enrich experiences and dive rsify worlds. We have been adequately cautioned about mapping as a means of projecting powerknowledge, but what about mapping as a productive and liberating instrument, a wo rld-enriching agent? (Corner 1999a, 213).
142 After reading this quote, one cannot but help being reminded of Pred, Lefebvre and Sojas concern for emancipation, diversity and lived sp ace. Mapping is a symptom of the complexity and dynamism of contemporary conditions, a strategy to represent those conditions, and a form of resistance to the formal, dominant and constr aining representations of space, to use Lefebvre concept, produced by bureaucratic regimes and universalistic, economistic and technocratic planners and designers. Though what most draws me to Corner and Be rgers ideas and practices of mapping is their capacity to simultaneously reveal and realiz e or, to put it in familiar terms, uncover and construct. This is also made explicit in the above quote. Mapping is a tool for design disciplines to aid them in understanding and contending with the interrelations and interact ions between physical and human geographies and processes. As Corner explains, through rendering visible multiple and sometimes disparate field conditions, mapping allows for an understandin g of terrain as only the surfa ce expression of a complex and dynamic imbroglio of social and natural process (Cor ner 1999a, 214). Visualizing these allows designers and others to see cert ain possibilities in the complex ity and contradiction of what already exists but also to act ualize that potential and thereby participates in any future unfolding (Corner 214). Present-day instruments and tech niques of design are woefully inadequate to render the imbroglio of field conditions, though this remains unbeknownst to the manuf acturers of abstract and formal spaces and representations. In asse rting authority and clos ure, current techniques have also failed to embrace the contingency, improvisation error and uncertainty that inevitably circulate in the rich interp lay of processes that shape the world (Corner 1999a, 251).
143 This is not to say that designers should trade-in the analytical measure of factual objectivity for a nave and ineffective fr ee-form subjectivity (Corner 1999a, 251). Rather, measurement and objectivity must be embraced, co -opted and used to ta ke advantage of the social and orienting sway of th e cartographic enterprise (Corne r 248). In this sense mapping is not an indiscriminate, blinkered accumulation and endless array of data, but rather an extremely shrewd and tactical enterprise, a practice of re lational reasoning that in telligently unfolds new realities out of existing constraints, quanti ties, facts and conditions (Corner 251). This relational reasoning is synonymous with lateral thinki ng that maintains the both/and logic, and esteems the informed scholar who represents but first through careful observation, necessary imaginativeness and intellectual disc rimination. To be sure, mapping is a creative practice that precipitates its most productive e ffects through a finding that is also a founding; its agency lies in neither reproduction nor imposition but rather in uncovering realities previously unseen or unimagined, even across seemi ngly exhausted grounds (Corner 1999a, 213). Corner points to specific forms of compos ite imagery that fall under the rubric of mappings: ideograms, imagetexts, scoring, pictographs, indexes, samples, game boards, cognitive tracings, drifts, laye ring, rhizomes and scaling. Intere stingly, he acknowledges that imagetexts, in particular, which we know as visual montage, are conspicuously absent and underdeveloped at least in the design arts. Corner describes them, as s ynthetic and dialectical composites of words and pictures that together contain and produce an array of striking and otherwise unpicturable images (Corner 1999b, 166-67) (Figure 2-22). Although it is conventional for planners and de signers to combine words on drawings, and cartographers to do the same on maps (as labels, keys names, etc.), Corner insists that the sheer connotative power of imagetexts can break thr ough to the unseen and unimagined and actualize
144 the potential of seemingly exhausted grounds (Corner 1999b, 166-67). Imagetexts are more inclusive and suggestive because they have multip le and independent layers incorporated as a synthetic composite (Corner 1999a, 245). Again, t hose layers which can include pictures, maps, geometric symbolism, theoretical discourse, cult ural icons etc. are less fragmented and more integrated and synthesized in composites. Figure 2-22. Imagetext by James Corner (Corner 1999, 248). I think Allen Bergers studies Reclaiming the American West (2002) and Drosscapes: Wasting land in Urban America (2006) offer the sharpest pictur e of the process of imagetexting.
145 Of the two Reclaiming is most relevant to my project so I briefly describe his ideas and intentions in the book and give a coup le of examples of his composites. Berger re-visualizes the past, present and fu ture of western landscapes scarred by mining activity. His stylized composites bring together the communicative symbols of cartography, natural resource science and physic al geography in ways that allo w us to see and read these landscapes, but to also discover fresh attitude s and new perspectives of these scarred and reclaimed places. For Berger, representation and therefore communication is the springboard to innovation and change, hopefully for the better. Berger defines imagetexts as deconstruc tive devices assembled from fragments and pieces of various elementsvisual, graphic, a nd textualthat open up the conventional singular readings of landscape towards polyvocal and trans-locational understa ndings (Berger 2002, 118) (Figure 2-23 a, b). Perhaps it is the deconstructive potential of imagetexts that makes them unconventional and underutilized in the various spatial disciplines This potential exposes the (in)ability of imagetexts to relay accurate and precise information concerning geographic knowledge. This (in)ability flourishes in the inte llectual space between th e analytical measure of factual objectivity and fr ee-form subjectivity, between un covering and constructing, if you will. Still, Berger deconstructs these landscapes by using elements from distinct signifying systems such as images, maps and graphs that are used in the discourse s of geo-sciences and engineering. Obviously they resonate more with viewers and readers familiar with these discourses. He intentionally and artfully places th ese elements together in a frame, where they interact to produce meaning. They can pull apart these landscapes, seemingly bit by bit. Since there is no universally agreed-upon syntax or le xicon for composing and reading these because it
146 promotes reflexive reading, resi sts passive interaction and disc ourages closure on understanding and representation. Mapping is afte r all a project in the making, and what unfolds from these imagetexts in the eyes, minds and landscapes of designers and planners only the future will tell. Figure 2-23a. Imagetext by Allen Berger (Berger 2002, 121). Figure 2-23b. Imagetext by Allen Berger (Berger 2002, 193).
147 Visual Images in Human Geography Derek Gregory says, hum an geography is a disc ipline which deals in, even lives and dies by images. If this is so, then today we in geography are in a propitious position because academic research has, according to many, taken a pictorial turn, ev inced by the development of new sub-fields such as image studies, visual culture, and new media (Rose 2003; Mitchell 2003). There is a growing awareness of our disciplines pote ntial to contribute to or even lead in developing a visual discourse within and be tween the social and natural sciences and humanities. By fostering positive engagements between geogra phers and visual artists, such projects produce new understandings of visual art as a fo rm of conceptual and practical inquiry and academic geographical research as a creative prac tice. Such projects ar e perhaps especially fruitful given the location of the discipline of geography between different intellectual traditions in the arts and, hu manities and social sciences and natural sciences. Such a location should also enable geographers to take seriously the potential of a new expressive media, particularly those based on digital and computer technology, in the generation of new research methodologies and representati onal strategies (Gilbert 1995 in Ryan 2003, 236). One important aim of this endeavor is manufacturing visual images that are creative and fundamental rather then simply supportive or supplementary, illustrative or complementary. To produce these kinds of images, geographers acro ss the sub-disciplinary divides must recognize that, as Catherine Dee explains [i]mage making involves not onl y discovery but also the need to make individual decisions about what to add and take away to transform an image (Dee 2004, 25). The arbitrariness of crea tivity is an important part of the image making process. Nevertheless, new forms of academic repr esentation should still involve convergence, consistency, logic, coherence and clarity betw een makers intent and reception but these qualities should not be judged as so thr ough standards of linear writing (Dee 2004, 29). Geographers should not have any problem accepti ng these conditions given that the map, which is of similar importance to the geographic art as photographs and th e expository essay, is lateral
148 thinking incarnate particularly th e layered map. Yet, it seems most geographers have simply not understood, or perhaps not fully accepted map thinking, and its potenti al implications for geographic knowledge. Here I give an image, a ma p of places in place, though without lines, so that we can ponder those implications (Figure 2-24). As you can see, working visually stimulat es spatiality in th inking (Dee 2004, 28). Not only are we able to see and read patterning, uniformity and regularity, but I would say what is more obvious and true about this painting, and ge ographical matters in general, is irregularity, inconstancy, fragmentation, diffrance and even networking. If Soja is right that geographic space has become most important in (dis)structu ring our daily lives, then we geographers must seriously consider working visually to embody that spatialit y. We need todays unconventional modes of geographic representation that can ex press an appreciation for incongruities (Lamme 1996), and promote recognition of those stubbornly simultaneous spaces (Soja 1989, 1) across the surface of postmodern so cieties. Our world is also one made of those spatial conjunctions of otherwise disconne cted activities, and superim posed fragments of different cultures and histories, arranged in ways that defy conventional description (Relph 2001, 154). Montage making and imagetexting are visual work ing that not only arranges the world in a particular way like Jesss painting, but can embody and enhance these spa tial conjunctions of contemporary places and landscapes that defy co nventional description. This presumption is given more weight when we consider that the imagetext has become, according to the wellknown architect W. J. Mitchell, our central mode of expression and understanding (Mitchell 2005, 12). The contemporary multi-mediation of human perception and knowledge is unprecedented. Visual and textual signifying sy stems and practices predominate. Imagetexts mix and merge
149 Figure 2-24. Winter: A Cryogenic Consideration; or, Sounding One Horn of the Dilemma (1980) by Jess (Auping 1983, 115). them. They are prevalent in a dvertising, film, comics and TV. Think of how we travel through cyberspace on chains of imagetexts where we connect fragments of images and texts via hypertextual linkages. And, though we google w ith intention, often we stray into other categories and sidelights, enticed by pictures, phras es and words that flit and flicker, collide and converge, and even juxtapose themselves one against the other. Traveling through the roadside montage is a similar experience. The visual and textual elements in the visual field are polydimensional, fluid, ambivalent and labile and contains transgressive, sensual and incandescent qua lities (Gardiner 2000 quoted in Edensor 2003, 154). Imagetexts in the visual field emblazon the roadway with discrete media spaces which are experienced and understood as a sequence of spatially and tem porally discontinuous scenes
150 (Mitchell 2005, 14) that may even devour the literal materiality around it (Christensen 1993, 9). Even if our intention on the road is to move from point A to B, imagetexts in the field are nodal points that can instantly change stream of thought and/or phys ical direction, thus generating new experiences. And now, imagetexts from different mediums are converging on the roadway as more and more people surf the web on iPhones and laptops wh ile driving, or tune into the sequence of spatially and temporally discontinuous scenes on the TV screen hanging from the car ceiling. Turn your head slightly and you can see a sim ilar sequence of scenes displayed in the car window (screen). When moving thro ugh the roadway, imagetexts of palpable and virtual spaces interpenetrate one another creating a tot al flow (Jameson 14, 1991) through the /7 information superhighway (Phillips 2007, 5) that sustains a cultural consciousness steered by the fake-real or real-im agined (Soja 1996). A Roadway Aesthetic Many years ago J. B. Jackson, the quintessen tial road scholar, hi nted at a roadway aesthetic based on m ovement at a rapid, so metimes even terrifying pace through the multivalent deliberately bizarre (Jackson 1965, 4), though sometimes sterilized and dehumanized roadway landscape (Jackson 1954, 4). He recognized before others did the conflict ingrained in modernity between abst ractand lived space, between sameness and difference. With a few poetic twis ts and a little Marxist theorizing, Lefebvre s dialectic spaces could have been Jacksons much earlier. Ne vertheless, he called the roadway a dream environment having mystical qualities (Jackson 1997, 35). I see an opportunity here for me to base the organization and enhancement of my visual representations of the Trail of Tears on a justifiable aesthetic. I believe the dream environment
151 lets me deliberately break the integrity of individual photogra phs to mix and merge seemingly disparate elements within composites. I imagine this de-contextualization and then re-contextualization as being somewhat analogous to seeing and reading the roadway space in motion. In a sense, this experience, but more importantly, my representations of that ex perience can be likened to a cruising text in which pieces of things, many of which are imag etexts, seemingly overlap, and juxtapose in almost seamless constellations a nd figurations. My imagetexts st ay with the flow, exploit its experiential qualities, yet slow it down just enough to catch glimpse of the (un)resolved tensions that tend to arise in cultural texts of postcolonia l settler societies. Imagetexts shaped by this aesthetic would be different from say Alle n, Pryke and Sojas photomontages because the photographs they use to make mont ages maintain their edges and ar e more or less left intact. However, Jacksons representations of the roadway do not produce dreamlike effects or atmospheres in which visual elements such as figures, symbols and landscapes of widely different associations are brought together, perhaps arbitrarily, in streaming and fantastic juxtapositions. His written and visual representations are simp le, although his style was and remains unconventional in academic geography. The expository essay was his expressive medium with which he crafted his mellifluous and synthetic landscape representations. His wr iting is not ponderous, pedantic, sterile nor overweight with theory, thus making his work inappropriate for standard academic journals. Because of this, he launched the journal of Landscape which became an outlet for Jackson and like minded scholars across the disciplinary divi des who wanted to make geographic knowledge and understanding accessible to those outside th e institutionalized clique of scholars and
152 scientists. His populist inclinati ons filter into his roadway aes thetic, which reflected popular appeal and tastes developed through the functionality of the road. According to Timothy Davis, a friend of Jacks on and scholar of his work, the automobile dramatically expand[ed] the rang e of personal mobility enabl[ing] its operator to engage landscapes and social relations in exhilarating new terms. No longer a static observer or passive passenger, the modern motorist was an active participant in the construction of his or her own individual experience. The motorist sweeping along the curves of the modern highway abandoned conventional perspectives and static relationships to become the shifting focu s of a moving abstract world (Jackson 1997 quoted in Davis 2003, 69). For Jackson creative interaction w ith the roadway is not only visual but also visceral. Still, his most privileged sensory apparatus is vision, and I think this is so for ordinary people as well as the keen observer of roadways. Jackson offers a few visual images that hint at the kind of dreamlike feelings and visual stimulation that might be gained by the shifting focus caused by movement through the whimsical shapes and garish architecture of the roadway (Jackson 1965 quoted in Davis 65). The low ratio of images to words in his oe uvre does seem ironic especially given the title of the most celebrated anthology of his work Landscape in Sight: Looking at America (1997), which is a compilation of many of his writings between 1950-1996. Sometimes he embellishes his essays with phot ographs he snapped or illustrations he sketched. In the essay The Missing Motel (J ackson 1965) he sketches those crazily tilted facades of roadside architecture (Jackson 4) (F igure 2-25). As you can see, he distinguishes and isolates each building by taking them out of c ontext and placing them within a white abstract space. This pictorial practice is ak in to the lists and tables that descriptive scientists create to categorize natural phenomena, and akin to botan ical and zoological illu strations, a style of painting which developed during the age of Europ ean Imperialism and the scientific revolution and in which specimens materialize on a backgr ound of white space. These modern practices of
153 Figure 2-25. Drawings of crazily tilted facades by J. B. Jackson (Jackson 1965, 5). categorization, classification and representation are reductionist and essentialist, and underplay the malleability and porosity of the physical and classificatory boundaries that maintain the integrity of organisms. Ecological and holis tic thought counter these modern practices by emphasizing open systems. In Other Directed Houses (Jackson 1997), he draws a bats eye view of the highway plexus with its intersecti ng loops of overpasses and ramps. To J ackson, this resembles the tail of a comet a stream of concentrated, multi-co lored brilliance, some of it moving, some of it winking and sparkling the most beautiful a nd in a way moving spectacle the western flight can offer (Jackson 187) (Figure 2-26). But like so me of Corners and Bergers imagetexts and most of their photographs, this is a view fr om above. Though this view has become more accessible to the common person, and might add anot her scale and point of view to a scholarly
154 cruising text, it hardly reflect s the auto experience through the roadside montage. The image is dreamy nevertheless. Figure 2-26. Drawing of a highway overpass at night by J. B. Jackson (Jackson 1997, 184). Jacksons most relevant visual illustration pertaining to the roadway aesthetic is in his popular essay, the Abstract World of the HotRodder (Jackson 1997). He offers a simple sketch of a woman steering a motorbike with a man riding pillion (Figure 2-27). Motion lines suggest movement. I wonder why Jackson did not render this abstract wo rld in his visual representation. Why do we not see through the hot-rodders eyes thos e crazily tilted facades, whimsical shapes and garish architecture in motion? Jackson visuals offer only a static glimpse of the roadway. Perhaps he could have pi ctured different scales and viewpoints, cubist angularity and surface reflections like Soja did in his photomontages in which orientation is constantly shifting thereby making his images se em energetic and even unsettling. This would better reflect the abstract world of the hot-rodderits visuality a nd even its visceral impress.
155 It is ironic that Jackson, who once asked a friend: Why must landscape studies be so dull so lacking in insight and emotion? (quote in Davis 2003, 57) did not recognize the Figure 2-27. Drawing alluding to the abstract world of the hot-rodder by J. B. Jackson (Jackson 1997, 198). potential that Cubism and Abst ractionism, both prominent artistic movements during Jacksons time, held for geographical expression, particular ly for the roadway. The juxtaposing of images within composites was an ancient technique reinve nted by the Cubists during the early part of the 20th century (Dillon 2001). And, in cidentally, it was the Cubist s, along with Dadaists who introduced words inside the picture frame to hi ghlight the visuality of the written and printed wordits Janus-like double facing toward visual shape and abstra ct content (Dillon 2002, 56). It is interesting however that it is the art of early newspaper a dvertisement that inspired these avant-garde artists (H amilton 2001).
156 The Strangers Path (1957), gave Jackson an opportunity to visually represent movement through the hodge-podge of visual elements and, more significant, through the plethora of roadside imagetexts. However, he choses a di fferent path, one more conventional. For his description of ordinary American pathways traveled on foot or by car, he attaches a single photograph representing the itinerants persp ective through a city landscape (Figure 2-28). Figure 2-28. Photograph by J. B. Jackson (Jackson 1997, 18). Midway through the essay is an italicized stream of words and phrases that he finds in the luxuriance of colored and lighted si gns surrounding a suburban roadway: Chiliburgers. Red Hots. Unborn Calf Oxfords: Theyre New! Theyre Smart! Theyre Ivy! Double Feature: Bride of th e GorillaMonster from Outer Space. Gospel Evangelical Missions. Checks Cashed. Snooker Parlor. The Best Shine in Town! Dr. Logan and His Amazing Europathic Method. Coney Islands. Fortunes Told: Madame Lafray (Jackson 1997, 23).
157 I find this combination of words and implie d verbal imagery humorous and appealing. When we read this stream of text carefully, ir onies, interesting contrasts and contradictions emerge. This stream of verbal images is the language and composition of Thirdspace of postmodern fragmentation and incongruities at the spatial conjunc tions of otherwise disconnected activities, and superimposed fragme nts of different culture s and histories (Relph 2001, 154). But I think a visual representation of these signs with their icons, symbols and images colliding and converging, juxtaposing and integr ating themselves one against the other would truly be a dreamlike vision, and more consistent w ith the visual field of the roadway, and how it is seen and read in contemporary times, perh aps by many, but certainly by a geographer, who also assumes the identity of what might be ca lled a postmodern-postcolonial trickster attempting to uncover and construct the paradoxes and ironies of a settler society. Imagetexting the Trail of Tear s National Historic Trail In this final section, I estab lish a rationale and ju stification for interp reting the landscape text of the T rail of Tears National Historic Tra il by integrating the topics and ideas presented in this literature review. As I had mentioned in the introduction, this dissert ation brings together four topics of geographical research: memorial landscapes signature scale of roadway signage postcolonial settler societies creative visual representation Each of these topics embraces certain concepts and targets di stinct objects for study. I have selected ideas from each of these topics which I merge in order to understand the nascent cultural phenomenon of reconciliatory gestures offered to indigenous peoples by national governments of settler societies (Borrie 1 998; Friends Committee on Nati onal Legislation 2007; BBC 2008;
158 Young 2008). Memorial landscape can be considered such a gesture, although it has yet to be studied in this regard. The concepts I merge are: landscape as text shadowed grounds reciprocal exchange between memorial site and its setting roadside montage signature scale of landscape postcolonial settler societies decentering and displacing history, cultural identity and geography existential dilemma of in place-out of place uncanny predicaments of paradox and irony creative representation imagetexting dream environment of space in motion Each of the four topics above has less devel oped areas of research. Th is academic literature lacks studies devoted to: reciprocal exchange (see Benton-Short 2008) signature scale of landscape (Jakle and Sculle 2005) U.S. as settler society (King 2000; Stasiulis and Yuval-Davis 1995) creative-scholarly geographical representa tions (Lamme 1996; Richardson 2006) In the following few paragraphs, I offer a narrative that connects these topi cs and their relevant concepts. Spanning the territory of this narrative is a grey ar ea, so to speak, of unsettling tensions. This area covers a landscape text, a nd it seeps in-between a memorial site and its setting, the signatures in the road side montage, American settler and Indian, scholarship and art, and in-between banalizing and aestheticizing at rocity. In this grey area will also lay the paradoxes and ironies of the Tail of Tears National Historic Trail. The Historic Trail is a memorial landscap e that commemorates the event known as the Trail of Tearsa shadowed ground of past viol ence and tragedy. This landscape has two spaces. One is the Trail of Tears as represented by the National Park Service in the trail marker and
159 official tourist literature. The second is the roadside montage w ith its pastiche of meaningful visual and textual elements. I borrow the phrase reciprocal exchange in order to understand the relationships between a memorial site and its setting, between the Trail of Tearsits official images and textsand the roadside montage of discontinuous fragments, of symbols, texts, images and spaces emerging and disappearing, overlapping and interpenetrating and constantly juxtaposing themselves against each other. I apply the idea of reciprocal exchange to the signatures of the Trail of Tears and the roadside montage to see if meaningful affinities, or perhaps secret valences, arise in-between these si gnatures in reci procal exchange. By bringing together these spaces (Trail and roadway) through reciprocal exchange, I am not only attempting to uncover rela tionships between a memorial si te and its setting, I am also constructing a landscape text, more specifically, a postcolonial landscape text at the surface of ordinary roadways. The National Park Service has only initiated a potential for a postcolonial text by inscribing the signature of the Trail of Tears onto the roadway. Only through careful reading, analysis and participation in commemorati on can we realize this potential. I will do so in this dissertation, making it an academic, creative and critical representation of the National Historic Trail. The Historic Trail becomes a postcolonial text when the Trail of Tears is juxtaposed in reciprocal exchange with the roadside montage. Juxtaposing deconstructs the dominant history, culture and geography written into the landscape by Americ an settlers and their descendents, and effects their decentering and disp lacement. These processes can tr igger the existential dilemma of being in place and out of place simultaneousl y. This dilemma has a tendency to cause both settlers and indigenous people to at least reflect on their own values beliefs and identities, or at
160 most cling to essentialist, xenophobic or absolutist principles. What has proven to be the results of this reflection and reaction ar e tensions of meaning that pe rvade various cultural texts of postcolonial settler societies. We can empathize with both ends of this range of responses, and even with those inbetween. The existence of this range indicates that many issues between American settlers and Indians are both-and . resolved and not resolv ed, that is, left (un)resolved. This is the final condition that sets the stage for the uncanny pr edicaments of postcolonial paradox and irony. I venture to see and read these (un)resolved i ssues in the form of paradox and irony at the signature scale of th e Historic Trail. To activate a reciprocal exchange between th e Trail of Tears and roadside montage, to construct a postcolonial landscape text, to realize the Trail of T ears potential for decentering and displacement, to see and read th e uncanny predicaments of settler societies, I will use a form of analysis and representation that satisfies four criteria. This form will: display the visual field of the roadway; allow elements of the signature scale to juxtapose and interact; maintain an unconventional openness of meaning so that the both-and . logic guides interpretation; reflect the roadway experience of a dream environment of space in motion. The latter criterion is in line with the recent call for geographers to work with the humanities and fine arts to produces innovative forms of geographical analysis and representation. These forms should present geographical knowledge in a compelling or aesthetically pleasing way. The form I will use called imagetexting satisfies the above criteria, but without a schmeer of gratuitousness. I am not making imagetexts for the sole purpose of creating geo-art. Like the roadside montage with its visual language of advertising, marketing,
161 and the entertainment industry, all rushing in the total fl ow of the 24/7 information superhighway, my imagetexts and their conf igurations are a symp tom of the postmodernpostcolonial scene and seen. As a critical geographer on the road, I appropriate the elements of the scene and seen along the Historic Trail and recombine them into (s ur)real juxtapositions that are not unlike the roadways visual experience of space in motion, with its discontinuous fragments of symbols, texts, images and spaces emerging and disa ppearing, overlapping and interpenetrating, and constantly juxtaposing themselves against each other. The style of these advertisements are meant to slow the flow just enough so that the Tr ail of Tears potential can be realized, therefore making this dissertation a disc overy, yet also a critique. My hope is that before these imagetexts rush away with the total flow, they will have momentarily resisted the ba nalization caused by the hyper-consumption of heritage, memorialization, and victimhood and the saturation of images and texts within our virtual and not-so-virtual spaces and places. Yet, such styl ized imagetexts risk aestheticizing violence, tragedy and atrocity, which is an all too common occurrence in a civilization always striving for the edge of entertainment. But my appropriation and (sur)real configurations should also induce readers and viewers to penetr ate the veil of aesthetics and engage in the acute act of interpretation which involves a personal st ruggle with the paradoxe s and ironies of our postcolonial settler society.
162 CHAPTER 3 APPROACHING THE SIGNATURE SCALE OF LANDSCAPE From Framework of Interpretation to Method This disse rtation is an interpretation of the Tra il of Tears National Historic Trail. I view the Trail as a landscape text having two significan t spaces, one a memorial space commemorating the Trail of Tears, the other the roadside montage of visual and te xtual elements. My approach to reading this text proceeds from a particular concern of those studying memorials, monuments and shadowed grounds. For them relationships exist between visual qualitie s of a memorial site and its setting. They are said to be in reciproc al exchange. I direct this process of analysis towards the signature scale of la ndscape. The outcome is a synthesis of the Trails visual and textual elements into visual representations that uncoverconstruct the uncanny (eerie) predicaments of paradox and irony of postcolonial settler societies. Academic landscape interpretations require that scholars build from available ideas, theories and methods a framework of interpretation that empathizes with ordinary peoples relationship with landscape. Th erefore scholars of landscape interpretation aim to establish empathy between communicative elements that conve y meaning such as words, symbols, rituals, images, etc. The specific conjunctions of mean ing between academic frameworks, ordinary perspectives and visual field of landscape will de termine whether an interp retation is plausible or not. Cultural geographers and lands cape scholars use various qual itative methods to interpret landscape and therefore achieve em pathy of meaning. The most commonly used of these engage people through various communicative techniques su ch as survey and interview. A less common but no less relevant method of interpretation involv es associating specific written texts such as scared religious texts or political documents with specific geographical spaces. Though these
163 texts are unseen in the landscape, they relate to wh at is seen in the landscape. The term used to describe this method of relating text to lands cape is called in tertextuality. A ll landscapes are created from and are a part of a web of textual relationships. It is incumbent on interpreters to draw boundaries around those releva nt texts and meanings that le ad to an understanding of a landscape and determine the plausibility of interpretations. Most studies on memorial landscapes use a combination of these qualitative methods. But what is lacking is a method of inquiry that can analyze, synthesize and re present the visual and textual relationship between a memorial site a nd its settinga method th at stays close to the surface to interpret meaning. I venture to stay on the surface of the Trail of Tears National Historic Trail to see and read meanings in our most ordinary of landscapes: the roadway. Here I will admit that missing from my approach is face-to-face engagement with touris ts on or locals living near the Trail. However, I and the signatures on the Trail of Tears are prox ies for this type of engagement which aims to reveal the broader values and beliefs and more pr actical concerns of ordinary people and connect them to the Trail. My position as proxy is not unprecedented in geographical research. There are numerous examples of cultural geographers and landscape scholars who lear n about landscapes and places by collecting and synthesizing hist orical information, cultural ideas theoretical assumptions and anecdotal evidence and then use this synthesi s to inform and guide interpretations. The impressions of these academic flneurs (less loafer more go-gette r), which offer insight into the histories, cultures and mean ings of landscapes, are earnest and honest. Scholars often site their work because it remains no less relevant and important to academic geography than the results of more common methods of social scientific inquiry.
164 Although the more impressionistic work of the academic flneur, or critical geographer on the road, is less common in academia, even less common in this work are qualitative visual methods. Most impressionistic work relies on the written essay, and some on quantitative methods, tables and graphs. While prominent cu ltural geographers have urged scholars to open their research to creative visual methods, few ha ve responded. In this di ssertation, I venture to interpret the Trail of Tears National Historic Trail through a visual method that results in unconventional visual representations of the Historic Trail. Reciprocal exchange is a central idea in my method of interpretation. I apply reciprocal exchange to understand relationships between a memorial site and its setting, that is, the signatures of the Trail of Tears and roadside m ontage. Meaningful affinities arise in-between these signatures on the surface of the roadway. Reci procal exchange is not intertextuality, but more like intratextuality by whic h thematic links occur on and acr oss the Historic Trail as icon, inscription, gesture and other elem ents variously combine to present multiple but related lines of interpretation (Foys 1998). This term is not used in landscape research. I do not wish to coin or introduce another term here I only mention this to draw reci procal exchange into the ambience of textualism. To activate recipr ocal exchanges between the Trail of Tears and roadside montage, I must use a form of analysis, synthesis and repr esentation that satisfy f our criteria. This form must: display the visual field of the roadway; allow elements of the signature scale to juxtapose and interact; maintain an unconventional openness of meaning so that the both-and logic guides interpretation; frame the roadway experience of a dream environment of space in motion. Imagetexting meets these qualifications. Postcol onial scholars, partic ularly those studying
165 settler societies, claim that uncanny predicaments of irony and paradox characterize cultural text of settler societies. With reciprocal exchange and imagetexting as part of my framework of interpretation, I aim for a plausible representation of the Trail of Tears National Historic Trail, but one that compels viewers and readers to (re)consider this historical event and their place in relation to it. Landscape Interpretation This dissertation begins with the assum ption that landscape is a medium of communication having visual and textual elements rife with m eaning. By necessity we a ll constantly interpret landscapes surrounding our daily lives. Different in terpretations coexist a nd even compete with others. Academic interpretations of landscape aim for understanding of how ordinary people read landscapes and how broader cultural, economic a nd political forces shape these readings and influence the production and appearance of lands capes. To achieve these aims scholars compose frameworks of interpretation based on academic ideas, theories and knowledge and match them to specific methods of analysis and representation. Like the interpretations of ordinary people, academic interpretations coexist and even compete with others, but for academic plausibility. In 1979 the well-known historic al and cultural geographer Donald Meinig wrote: Even though we gather together and look in the same direction at the same instant, we will notwe cannotsee the same landscape. We may certainly agree that we will see many of the same elementshouses, roads, trees, hillsin terms of such denotations as number, form, dimension, and color, but such facts ta ke on meaning only through association; they must be fitted together accord ing to some coherent body of ideas. Thus we confront the central problem any landscape is composed not on ly of what lies before our eyes but what lies within our heads (Meinig 1979, 33). Meinig raises two very important issues concerning both ordinary and academic interpretations of landscapes. The first is that landscapes gain meaning through association with entities or things that are other than landscap e. Our sensations in landscapes, the words we use to describe
166 them and the ideas we have of them are not la ndscapes. Yet, all meaning and knowledge of them are derived from these other things. They are combined and recombined in various ways and degrees to produce perspectives enabling us to make practical and academic sense of the world. The second issue Meinig raises concerns th e assumed gap between eyes and mind. We can have sensations that do not affect thinking, and thinking that has little consequence on sensations. This suggests that ey es and mind are somewhat independent of each other. This gap guarantees the coexistence of different and compe ting perspectives. It is no exaggeration to say that the history of Western philo sophy centers on various attempts to solve this conundrum better known as the mind/body dualism which is said to influence every aspect of human life. To solve it is to establish once and for all the veri table link(s) between these two essential entities. Once established everything about the human condition, reason and reality will be known. Proposed links are abundant. Some twenty years after Meinigs published insights, landscape scholar Dell Upton iterates the issues that Meinig broached but refashions the terms and specifies the concerns. He directs two very important questions to scholars What is the relationship between the seen (what lies before our eyes) and unseen (what lies within our heads) in the landscape? What unseen ought we to include in our analysis of the scene? (Upton 1997, 174). These are the core questions of academic landscape interpretation (and they hint at the central conundrum besetting Western philosophies). Like other contemporary landscape sc holars, Upton believes that . the goal of good landscape analysis is both seei ng and thinking (Groth 1997, 16). In contemporary landscape studies meaning is the stop gap that scholars put in place to fasten together their frameworks of interpretation, with patterns of ideas, beliefs, and values that influence ordinary peoples rela tionship with landscapes. Therefor e the objects of analysis for
167 landscape interpretation are th e elements of communication that convey meaning. Words, images, behaviorsthese and other signifying elem ents stand to relate the eyes and mind or unseen and seen of landscape. Yet, to get at meaning is difficult. Any el ement of communication has the potential to mean almost anything. This is for three reasons : 1) things and ideas can never fully present themselves to the mind or the senses, 2) all thin gs and ideas need something other than the thing or idea to make them known, and 3) representa tions make things and ideas known but their forms are arbitrary and non-mimetic unless one is convinced or for ced to believe otherwise. This world promises the potential of an unbounded va riety of reflections and meanings, and an immanent exponential propagation of difference. However, to survive here and among people, we all must be selective of and partial towa rds meaning. The results of our partiality and selectivity must not fool us into thinking that they reflect the reality, or the r eal reality that shapes meaning in its image. Instead the result s momentarily halt the e ndless, self-consciously creative process of organizing different meani ngs around the same object, sensation or idea. When we are selective and partial, when they are selective and partial, power is exerted. For ordinary people culture, politics and economics both circum scribe and create meaning. For scholars, theories, schools of thought, lines of research and funding do the same. For example, I adopt and adapt postcolonial theory and imagetexting to build my framework of interpretation. These ideas and concomitant methods of analysis and representation circumscribe the kinds of meanings I uncover-construct from th e signature scale of the Trail of Tears National Historic Trail. This frame is also a boundary th at forces me to include and exclude meanings. The boundaries I draw momentarily block the flow of signification, but do so with a critical modesty.
168 Prediction, control and generaliza tion are not the properties of interpretative investigation of landscapes. Instead interpretation aims for em pathy of meaning between the academic and the lay person, between the unseen and seen of landscape. On my jour neys along the Trail of Tears I have seen and read a plethora of meanings and streamed innumerable associations. However, in developing my framework of interpretation I have come to see and read the unseen and unpicturable paradoxes and ironies th at empathize with a broader cult ural condition in the U.S. It is this empathy of meaning between communicative elements of the unseen and seen that determine the plausibility of landscape interpretation. Qualitative Methods Landscape scholars and cultural geographers us e various qualitative m ethods to uncoverconstruct empathy of meaning. I believe it is ap propriate here to use the term uncover-construct because of the subjective and relativistic quali ties of academic and cultural frameworks of interpretation. These methods ar e separated into three general types, although researchers mix them to produce appropriate technique for th eir specific topics, concerns and goals. One type of method promotes interaction betw een researchers and subjects through direct questions and answers. In-depth, open-ended or st ructured interviews of individuals or groups and/or survey questionnaires are the primary means of inte raction. The former method is common among sociologists and political econo mist who seek to understand group dynamics and identity, links between scales of social behavior, and relationships be tween political activity and economic behavior. Usually dialogue between researcher and subjec t is electronically recorded, answers then transcribed and encoded and decoded for meaning. Coding is a technique designed to systematize the subsequent analysis (Jackson 2001). It invol ves carefully reading through words and images and labeling them with meaningful codes. Th e scholars framework of interpretation which may include ideas as sociated with sociobiology, neoliberalism,
169 globalization, poststructuralism, cost-benefit an alysis etc., determine what meanings are significant. The survey questionnaire is an efficient way to collect a large amount of relevant information. Although producing questionnaires can be complicated, collecting them taxing, and deand en-coding and organizing results time consuming, the method remains the most economical way to collect information from indivi duals and transform it into social scientific data. Another method involves a scholar or group of scholars observing and pa rticipating in the life-world of a culture or s ubculture under study. Most anth ropologists use this method of analysis on their studies of non-modern, non-West ern cultures inhabiting less access ible regions of the world. Better known as et hnographers, these anth ropologists immerse themselves into the language, rituals and practices of a cultural gr oup while simultaneously distancing themselves through observations that could only be made through abstract academic frameworks and cultural conventions they bring to bear. When in situ they scribble notes and later systematize them to draw out the essential aspects of a trad itional culture. In geography the sub-field of cultural ecology, the genuine offspring of Carl Saue rs work, uses this method with quantitative analysis to measure and understand energy flows li nking cultural practices and group survival. The final method involves the interpretation of texts. Scholars in the humanities such as new historians, literary and art critics, and critical geographers use this method almost exclusively. A whole host of th eories and ideas are availabl e for scholars to build their frameworks of interpretation to a pply to historical events, literat ure, visual arts and now place and landscape.
170 In the next several paragraphs I focus on the text metaphor and its use in cultural geography because it is an important component of my framework of interruption. My overview iterates what I have said about th is issue in my literature review but also extends the relevant ideas so that I can transfer the text metaphor into my framework. This discussion will lead to two pivotal points: (1) reciprocal exch ange is a useful approach to interpreting a landscape text and (2) interpretations of text can be impressionistic. Like all interp retations, this dissertation aims for plausibility, this while rec ognizing that explorer Louise Antonio de Bougainville dictum geography is facts has been superceded by Friedr ich Nietzsches facts ar e what there is not, only interpretations. One way the notion of landscape ha s been re-conceptualized in the scholarly literature is as a text. As such . landscapes can be read as texts as confi gurations of symbols and signs, which can be decoded, or interpreted. .that allows them to be read as a social document (Robertson & Richards 2003, 176). Geographic work on landscape as text looks at how landscapes are constructed on the basis of a set of texts, how they are read, and how they act as a mediating influence shaping behavior in the im age of the texts (Duncan and Barnes 1992, 12). Moreover, geographers can now utilize theories normally associated with the humanities such as art and literary criticism to reveal the cultura l forces that shape meaning and structure of landscapes, highlight landscapes agency in th e production of culture, and to understand how landscapes communicate ideas and naturalize tho ught and behavior (Cosgrove and Daniels 1989; Duncan and Barnes 1992; McGreevy 1992; Schein 1997). Reading landscapes is a traditional practi ce in geography (Jackson 1956; Meinig 1979; Tuan 1982). But conceptualizing landscape as text changes the picture a bit. The text metaphor applies to landscape a tripartite relationship that is central to the process of communication and
171 meaning-making. The relationship is between author (writer/speaker/producer), sign (image/text/landscape) and interpreter (reader/v iewer/consumer). Many landscape scholars have focused exclusively on the authorship of lands cape texts (Duncan 1990; Schein 1997). They describe and explain how meaning is intenti onally generated by aut hors/producers through the material and non-material dimensions of landscapes. Other scholars are more attentive to readers/ viewers of landscape texts and have shown how intended meanings produced by authors escape interpretations (Duncan 1992). Such research demonstrates that la ndscape texts and their intende d meanings can be challenged. Readers, like authors, are bound by what James D uncan calls the textual context of their interpretations, or the process of intertextuality (Duncan 1992). All texts, including landscapes, are woven out of other texts. People see, re ad and understand landscap es through the various texts they consciously or unconsci ously bring to bear on it. Often interpretations of a particular landscape struggle for supremacy. James Duncans The City as Text: The Politics of L andscape Interpretation in the Kandyan Kingdom (1990) is the earliest and perhaps the mo st important work in cultural geography applying the landscape as text metaphor. The topi c of his book is pre-colonial Kandy, Sri Lanka, where rulers reinforced their authority by shapin g the built environment in the image of sacred texts. Figures of speech such as metaphor and sy necdoche are the textual in-betweens that link the sacred myths and stories of Sri Lankas s ynthetic form of Buddhism and Hinduism to the architecture and spatial patterns of Kandy, and then to the political behaviors of rulers and their minions. At the end of his book, Duncan provide s lengthy appendices that categorize words, phrases and landscape elements by figures of speech. This also makes transparent the
172 connections that relate text, la ndscape and behavior. His study is the first in American cultural geography to apply theories of communications st udies and semiotics to a cultural landscape. His approach to landscape has influenced a number of studies though these lack the methodological intricacy of Duncans semiotic analysis in City Contemporary research that posits landscape as a vehicle of communication ha s been fruitful because scholars rework and apply other concepts from comm unications studies such as discourse and representation. Their objective remains the same however: to link spatial patterns and behavior s to specific written, oral and/or pictorial texts. In these more re cent studies, scholars demonstrate how religious, academic and intellectual texts that contain ideals, prejudices, bi ases and beliefs manifest in landscapes. For example, religious texts can determine the location of homes for different castes within villages in northern India (Singh and Khan 1999). Or, texts advancing certain aesthetic values are called upon to justify the preservation of both open space and social exclusivity of a well-to-do community in suburban New York (Duncan and Duncan 2003). Or, texts espousing an academic, intellectual paradigm determine the location of living quarters and work spaces for various racial groups involved in constr ucting the Panama Canal during the early 20th century when environmental determinism was all th e rage in academic circles (Frenkel 1992). Duncans method of interpretation is rigorous, though critics of his appr oach often site his appendices and claim that it is excessive, even unnecessary for understanding landscape meanings. Furthermore, his approach seems limited to traditional societies where links between mythology, landscape and behaviors appear more obvious than they do in secular, modern societies. In The Place of Landscape: A Conceptual Framework for Interpreting the American Scene (1997), R. H. Sheins tries to overcome the limitation s of Duncans approach to
173 landscape interpretations by making it more conducive to non-t raditional societies such as a suburban neighborhood in the U. S. He exam ines how city, county, state and national institutional texts such as county zoning laws and state heritage di rectives mark the landscape of Lexington, Kentucky. Undergirding these more concre te texts are broader regenerative values and meanings such as individualism and property rights. What makes Sheins approach novel is his recognition that modern secular texts (t hough he prefers to use the word discourse), predominantly concerned with legislative formalities and regulations, concretize in landscapes and shape behavior as sacred text s do in traditional societies. Concern for revealing the textual context of landscape is the primary motivation for the work of Denis Cosgrove and St ephan Daniels, cultural geogra phers who introduced the study of landscape iconography to the field. Theirs is an important contribution to the repertoire of research approaches cultural geographers can us e to read landscapes. Borrowed from semiotics and art criticism, iconology is the study of pictorial images and spatial organization and meanings of the visual elements within images. This definition suggests th at intra-textuality, the way elements in an image interact with one another to create mean ing, should also be an important consideration in iconol ogical research. No surprise then that these authors would define landscape as a cultural image, a pictorial way of representing, structuring or symbolizing surroundings. This is not to say that landscapes are immateri al. They may be represented in a variety of materials and on many surfaces in paint on ca nvas, in writing on paper in earth, stone water and vegetation on the ground. A landscape park is more palpable but no more real, nor less imaginary, than a landscape painting or poem (Cosgrove and Daniels 1989, 1). To study less palpable forms of landscape is no longer the special provi nce of art critics. Certainly geographers attempting to understand and explain the existence and meaning of palpable landscapes must also consider the va riety of mediums used to represent landscapes.
174 Images and texts link histories and cultures of every palpable landscape. To understand the meaning(s) of any landscape scholars must uncov er and examine its web textual relationships. Indeed the meanings of verbal, visual a nd built landscapes have a complex interwoven history. To understand a built landscape, say an eighteenth-century English park, it is usually necessary to understand written a nd verbal representations of it, not as illustrations, images standing outside it, but as constituent images of its meaning or meanings (Cosgrove and Daniels 1989, 1). Intertextual reading of cultura l images is akin to the practi ce of reading lands cape texts though the focus here is mostly on pictorial repres entationspaintings, maps, postcards, drawings, blueprints, etc.and their relationships to palp able landscapes and their signifying elements. Intertextual reading exposes inner worki ngs. As a consequence no longer can academic geographies with their omniscient narrator or Gods eye view of the world hide their intellectual plumbing. Intertextuality goes hand-in-hand with the philosophical perspectivism underlying much work in human geography which asserts the perspectival character of all thinking and the merely provisional character of all knowing and rejects the idea of the very possibility of absolute knowledge transcendi ng all perspectives (Audi 1999, 615). Yet, this philosophy not only applies to geographic texts and representa tions produced outside of academic geography by the lay personbut also within. Today human geogr aphers, particularly those with a critical bent, probe the way things seem to be with a critical modesty because they know their geographies are in the end intertextu al, rather than extra-textual. In the past, geographers who specialized in for example landscape interpretation read landscape to find patterns of meaning that would reflect on its inhabitants. Many of these distinguished scholars were somewhat naive belie ving as they did in the impartiality of their empirical approach. They rarely considered thei r own frameworks of assumptions guiding their interpretations, or how their representations br ought geographies into being, or simply left another layer of meaning upon landscape.
175 Today as cultural geographers uncover-cons truct relationships of meaning between ordinary people and their landscapes, they also demand from themselves a disciplined reflection on the textual nature of their own interpretations, and the acknowledgment that representations may uncover, but certainly constitute geographies. Some see this as a more honest approach to geographical scholarship (Lamme 1996). Over the last several years, intertextuality, pers pectivism and reflexivity have produced reasonable, insightful and evocative scholarship. As a result the reigns held by absolutism, objectivism and quantification on geographical theory and methods are loose. This has led geographers to push the envelope so to speak to make geography a tr uly interdisciplinary discipline by including methods of analysis and representation norma lly reserved for the fine arts and design. This is not to say that the expositions of masters like J. B. Jackson and Yi-Fu Tuan were not pushing the envelope some few decades ago. Rather it is to say that geographical scholarship in general can now be less sheepishly impressionistic. In the impressionistic approach to interpreti ng memorial landscapes the scholar stands as proxy to the relationships between ordinary people and their landscapes. Empathy of meaning between academic and ordinary interpretations a nd the seen in landscape is still vital to a plausible interpretation. Impressioni stic interpretation re lies on the scholars knowledge, wisdom and insight to create fresh perspectives on a particular memorial or monument (Doel and Clarke 1998). These interpretations may include anoma lies, marginal associations and anecdotal evidence that can enrich our understanding of these cultural landscapes and the people that produce and read them (Foote 1997). The landscape as text metaphor is pertinent to my project because it: leads to methods of uncovering-cons tructing empathy of meaning;
176 presumes palpable landscapes contain signi fying elements made meaningful only in relation to other texts and elements; assumes knowledge is also subjective and constructed, and not simply objective and uncovered; makes impressionistic interpretations more acceptable within the interdisciplinary discipline of geography. Although my framework of interpretation is well-informed and focused on relationships between signifying elements in the palpable landscape of the Trail of Tears National Historic Trail, my interpretation is more impressionist ic since it lacks the experimental rigor and systemization of conventional scientific rese arch. The geographical knowledge I offer on the Historic Trail is subjective and obj ective, uncovered and constructed. What has been lacking though not absent from impressionistic interp retation of memorial landscapes, and landscapes in general, are visual forms of analysis, synt hesis and representation. However, we may be at the cusp of an explosion (or, as some see it, an implosion) of innovative, evocative, dynamic and edifying forms of visual representations manu factured through new multi-media technologies. This explosion will re-format the geographi es on the page we geographers transfer to one anot her within our academic settings. But we are just at the edge where only few have consid ered the possibilities. Visual Qualitative Methods In the Museum of Modern Art in New York City there is now an exhibition called Design and the Elastic Mind also presented on the museums website. The exhibition has a large number of works intended to tap into the potential of new media technologies that harmonize method, knowledge, and visual graphics. One section of the exhibit called Mapping subsumes such works as Flight Patterns, Cabspotti ng, Architecture and Justice and One Tree Project Map. Various scientific organizations, university departments, design institutions and individuals not
177 associated with academic geography produced these graphic works. These mappings are scintillating, illuminating and downright fascinating, and represent only what is yet to come from the interface of new media, graphi c design and geographic knowledge. Some geographers though are aware of this potential. For example, Michael Ryan whose career in geography centers on visual analysis and geographical representation writes: By fostering positive engagements between geogra phers and visual artists, such projects produce new understandings of visual art as a fo rm of conceptual and practical inquiry and academic geographical research as a creative prac tice. Such projects ar e perhaps especially fruitful given the location of the discipline of geography between different intellectual traditions in the arts and, hu manities and social sciences and natural sciences. Such a location should also enable geographers to take seriously the potential of a new expressive media, particularly those based on digital and computer technology, in the generation of new research methodologies and representationa l strategies (paraphr asing Gilbert 1995 in Ryan 2003, 236). My method and representational strategy, though unconventional and experimental, are more modest. Apropos so is my review of the visual qualitative methods. I cannot in this forum give a comprehensive and complete review of th e many ways social scient ists, graphic designers and visual artists use and tweak visual methods. What I can offer is a brief description of the ways human geographers approach the subject, and how they use phot ography as a research tool. Visual research methods may be divided into three broad activities : 1) making visual representations (study ing society by producing images); 2) examining pre-existing visual representations (st udying images for information about society); 3) collaborating with social actors in the production of visu al representations (Banks 1997, 14; Crang 2003; Ryan 2003). In geography studying images for information about society is the most common form of visual analysis (Ryan 1994; Dodds 1998; Ro se 2001; Kelly 2003; Kennedy 2003; Jakle 2004; Cosgrove 2007; Doel and Clarke 2007). Next is collaboration with social actors in the production of visual representations (Wood 1992; McKoski 2000; Sheffer 2004). Finally, studying society by producing images is the least common practice, though this neglect is now
178 being addressed (Gregory 1991; Allen and Pryke 1994; Soja 1996; Jackson 1997; Pryke 1997; Pryke 2002; Edensor 2003; MacDonald 2003; Dee 2004; Wylie 2006). In my literature review, I make a strong case for using imagetexts to activate reciprocal exchanges between the Trail of Tears and the ro adside montage. Photographs of the signature scale of the Historic Trail are the building blocks of my imaget exts. Therefore photography is the central research tool of this dissertation. Photography is a skill shar ed by most human geographers. However, in research photographs support or supplement, illustrate or complement words, grap hs or algorithms. A geographers photographs are rare ly essential or primary. If as Jakle says, ours is a postmodern world in which seeing, looking and representing things visually has assumed important centrality, photography be ing at the hub of the wheel of social change (Jakle 2004, 228), then geography nevertheless is in a favorable position among the research disciplines. Still, many geographers feel it is time to encourag e a fuller and more sophisticated embrace of photography throughout the discipline (Jakle 2004, 221). Some geographers have made photography cen tral and primary, thereby making their embrace more sophisticated. Here I give some ex amples only to establish a coterie of like minded scholars. Each study experiments with ph otographs in unique ways to achieve certain research objectives. In my view they are less so phisticated and tamer than imagetexts but still encourage innovation in ge ographic representation. I have already mentioned in my literature revi ew the work of Krystallia Kamvasinou. This geographer of the road photographed the visual field of the roadway at multiple frames per second to reveal new objects of perception, or what she calls the new poetics in the transitional landscapes (Kamvasinou 2005, 183). Her im ages create a sense of movement, speed
179 and even a feeling of vertigo as the field bl urs and objects blend, bend and leave afterimages before our eyes. Tim Edensor photographs disused industrial wast elands that are so marginal they cannot even be gentrified, or made into heritage sites or shopping malls. In their heyday, they epitomized the banal order of patterned movement of people and things. In their doomsday these ruins display unplanned juxtaposition. Explora tion of these sites invoke s alternative stories which decenter commodified, official and sociol ogical descriptions, producing an open-ended form of knowing which is sensual and imagina tive, which resides in chaotic arrangements, fragments, indescribable sensations and inarticulate things (Edensor 2004, 267) (Figure 3-1). Figure 3-1. Photographs by Ti m Edensor (Edensor 2003, 264). Some of his photographs displa y eerie juxtapositions, most express tetanus textures and haunting discolorations. Edensor ar ranges his photographs in film se quence. This is unusual for a geographic study, although I am not sure of its significance. John Wylie harmonizes his photographs w ith quotes from philosophers. His phenomenological interpretation of Smoothlands on the north De von coast of Britain is an attempt to intuit the crossings, remnants, and disq uiet of this landscape. These characteristics of
180 landscape do not relate or connect to mind but are rather of mind. The pictures not only display landscapes but express the funda mental constructs of percep tion (Figure 3-2a and 3-2b). Figure 3-2a. Photographs by John Wylie (Wylie 2006, 459). Figure 3-2b. Photographs by John Wylie (Wylie 2006, 464).
181 Jane Henricis use of photographs relates in some ways to my method of imagetexting. Her focus is the NAFTA corridor of interstate highway 35 that runs between northern Mexico and south-central Texas. It prim arily functions to increase spee d of movement and contact and transaction between Mexico, the U.S. and Canada. Her photographs represent technologies such as interregional highways, satellite dishes, internet cables, and pager towers and activities such as driving and politicking that support these functions, and deepen and widen the significance of the corridor. This vigorous landscape also overrides the unique characteristics of places on its borders, and diminishes city, state and na tional borders and power (Figure 3-3). Henrici juxtaposes photographs within a composite or frame that is in this case a standard page in a journal article. Her composite is unconventionally styli zed since many of the photographs overlap each other ther eby breaking the integrity of each photo-frame. This disrupts and fragments the visual elements within the scenes depicted in each photograph. Since each photograph correspond to a real land scape, the disruptions in her stylized repres entation deand re-contextualize the seen in the scene by making some elements appear in places where they were not. Disrupting the photographs in this wa y simultaneously creates and reflects places and landscapes. Henricis composite is engaging and appealing but the effect of disrupting the photographs is less relevant to her ob jectives than it will be to mine. Photography is my means to an end that is to uncover-construct the uncanny predicaments of postcolonial settler societies along the Trail of Tears National Historic Trail. However, these predicaments are otherwise unpicturable if th e signatures in separa te photographs are not juxtaposed, this even though these signatures were not located near one another, and were photographed at various times. In other words, th ese signatures are de-contextualized from their GPS locations and re-contextualiz ed regardless of their GPS lo cations. This process lets me
182 Figure 3-3. Photographs by Jane Henrici (Henrici 2002, 49). consider the nine-hundred-mile-long and several-feet -wide Historic Trail as a wholeas a whole landscape textand its parts simultaneously. I break the integrity of the photo-frame more thoroughly than Henrici. I fragment the scene by cutting-up the image. My justification fo r doing this is nothing other than the common roadway experience of space in motion which also conditions how the Historic Trail is read and made meaningful from the windows of an automobile. Visual elements emerge and
183 disappear, overlap and interpenetrate, and constantly juxtapos e against each other. This experience can initiate multiple but related lines of meaning. Space in motion also conditions how the National Historic Trail is seen. J. B. Jackson called the roadways visual field of space in mo tion a dream environment. Like a dream, the roadway experience can produce (sur)real juxtapositions of visual elements that emerge and disappear, overlap and interpenetrate, and constantly juxtapos e against each other. These elements come together across space and time regard less of GPS. This is how we see, read and know the roadwayin motion, in fragments, in juxta position, and now within the atrocity of the Trail of Tears. This is what makes the experience (sur)real. The manipulation of photographs through imag etexting enables reciprocal exchanges between a memorial site and its setting. When activated along the Trail of Tears reciprocal exchanges brings the past into tension-filled co nstellation with the present moment (Pred 1997, 135). Allen Pred, master of literary montage, calls this heretical empiricism. From reciprocal exchanges between the Trail of Tears and the ordinary American roadway come tension-filled constellations or juxtapositions of paradox and ir ony that scholars of postcolonial studies refer to. I enhance these juxtapositions guided by th e idea that the roadway experience is a dream environment. Imagetext juxtapositions in th e dream environment produc e (sur)real windows onto the Historic Trail that speak to the here a nd now in strikingly unexpected but potentially meaningful and politically charged ways (Pred 1997, 134). Imagetexting is an innovative form of analys is, synthesis and repres entation that emerges from and merges with contem porary cultural conditions whose landscapes and places Edward Relph says defy conventional description (Relph 2001, 154). We are lucky that human geography is a discipline located between diffe rent intellectual tradi tions in the arts and,
184 humanities and social sciences and natural scie nces (Ryan 2003). From this propitious location we can emphatically say the domain of human geography lays beyond the realm of conventional logic (Lamme 1996, 44). Beyond this realm lies the inhere nt richness of our intellectual tradition which lets us bring t ogether the unseen and seen in landscape in extraordinary, insightful, and interdisciplinary ways. Specific Methods Used From within the domain of qua litative research, I adopt a met hod of visual analysis posed by anthropologists John and Malcolm Collier (1986) so that I can begin to build a process of analysis that works with reciprocal exchange. Geographers using imagetexts give few specifics on their method of analysis, synthesis and repres entation. As Pred famously writes method of this work: literary montage. I have nothing to say, only to show (Benja min 1982 quoted in Pred 1995, 11). Collier and Colliers visual analysis a pplies to past and present photographs, film and video made by the subjects of research. The various forms of pictorial representation can be analyzed to understand patterns of thinking a nd behaving among small communities and social groups. Although these authors suggest we write from the images (Collier and Collier 1986, 58), they do not explain how to w rite with images, that is, to synthesize them and represent findings using images instead of expository essa ys. In spite of this irony, I take the following practical steps to begin the process of imagetexting. start visual research collection organize data file examine content and character of images inventory images according to meanings assisting in research goals layout images to view in entirety compare images to uncover contrasting and recurrent elements identify possible patterns of signi ficance within content of images shuffle layout seek patterns through repetitive viewing connect findings to concrete visual evidence
185 Since culture is a system of signs connected by systematic but arbitrary meanings, Collier and Collier write it is reasonabl e to assume that, when you discover and confirm patterns within a collection of images, film and video, those patterns may have significance among people in the culture under study (Collie r and Collier 1986, 58). One thing should be made clear here: I apply these steps to the photographs I made of the signatures along the Historic Trail and to the certified tourist l iterature published by the National Park Service. However, the process of landscape interpretation always begins with a tactile and textual reconnoitering of the landscape under investigation. Th e ideal is to first approach landscape with an open-mind, so that it can impart ideas and questions which can lead to the discovery of connecting or contra sting patterns. Note taking during this time is an important part of the process of interpretation. Subsequent fora ys can be informed by academic frameworks of interpretation that can include historical information, social theory, postcolonial theory, etc. These frameworks help inventory photographs and reveal and connect meaningful patterns in landscapes. In the following several paragraphs, I show how I applied these steps to my specific topic, and then discuss how I synthesize these photographic images into vi sual juxtapositions and then enhance them to create (sur)r eal windows onto the postcolonia l paradoxes and ironies of the Historic Trail. Imagetexting Reciprocal Exchanges at the Sign ature Scale of the Trail of Tears National Histo ric Trail I opened the landscape text of th e Trail of Tears National Histor ic Trail in the summer of 2004. This was my first trip on the Hi storic Trail. With expectations high, I soon rea lized that the trail marker was the most prominent and relevant aspect of the memorial, followed by the official tourist literature which was, by the way, difficult to find. As we drove along the Trail, I began to
186 see and read conjunction s of meaning between the trail marker, narratives in the official literature and plethora of signage in the roadside. These conjun ctions of visual and textual signifying elements brought the past into tensio n-filled constellation with the present moment. For the most part these conjunctions of meaning between the Trail of Tears and roadside signage were unpicturable. In only two instan ces and spaces along the trail could I photograph the trail marker and road signage in juxtapositions that reve aled common meanings. In these cases, the conjunctions yielded iron ies (Figures 3-4a, 3-4b and 3-4c ). One problem was distance; although markers and signage were in the vicinity of each other they could not be captured in focus within a single photograph. An other problem was that the orie ntation of signs located near the trail marker made it impossible to frame these conjunctions within a single photograph. In any case, standstill snap shots of signage beli e the roadway experience of space in motion in which visual and textual tend to emerge and disa ppear, overlap and interpenetrate, and constantly juxtapose against each other. The standard capacities of a snaps hot camera cannot represent this experience, although Krystallia Kamvasinou technique does show some promise. Furthermore, many of these conjunctions of meaning appeared between the images and texts in the certified literature, an integral part of the memorial auto-trail, and ordinary signage. These conjunctions were not location dependent. I r ead the trail literature and recalled its facts at different points and times throughout my journeys. At certain times and in certain places I would recall and relate this information to what I sa w and read in the landscap e. These relationships were in those moments unpicturable. Nevert heless, I began a collect ion of photographs of roadside signage, or what I would later call th e signature scale of landscape after Jakle and Sculle, during my first trip along the Historic Trail.
187 Figure 3-4a. Photograph by Ken Whalen.
188 Figure 3-4b. Photograph by Ken Whalen.
189 Figure 3-4c. Photograph by Ken Whalen. Between May 20 and June 2, 2007, I went on a second and third trip covering the full length of the Trail from east to west, then from we st to east. This time I read the landscape text with both sides of the eyes (Lamme 1996) in the sense that I narro wed my focus to the signature scale of landscape, built a framework of interpretation from the notion of reciprocal exchange and from postcolonial theory, and discovered imagetextinga form of representation that could juxtapose and merge the signatures of the Trail of Tears and ordinary roadway, making picturable conjunctions of meaning, wh ich I now call reciprocal exchanges. These exchanges yield the paradoxes and ironies of postcolonial settler societies. Overall, I spent almost 19 days walking or driving just under 3,000 miles on the Historic Trail. I snapped 1,821 photographs of the signature s in the roadside, including a number of the trail markers in different locations on the Trail. Photographs were taken with two cameras: a
190 Canon 28-80mm EOS ELAN IIE (35 mm) and Minol ta Dimage E323 (3.2 mp digital camera). The photos were transferred into a digital archive as JPEG images. I also collected four documents certified by th e National Park Service as official travel literature of the Trail of Tears. These were s canned using a document scanner then stored as JPEG images into another archive. I have many pages of notes, some re-inscribing many of the quotes found on church signposts, but most reco rding the locations where photographs were taken and thoughts invoked by the landscape. Trail no tes were reinscribed then archived as well. The photographs as well as documents were categor ized according to a shared characteristic such as trail markers, historic trails, mailboxes, convenience stores etc., Digital folders were created for each category and photogr aphs placed in folders. A total of forty seven folders were saved on my computers hard drive. I examined my visual research collecti on over and over again to uncover reciprocal exchanges between the signatures of the Trail of Tears and roadway, and to confirm those I had seen and read during my trips. This is key to the process of analysis. At times, I shuffled, layered and rotated the original photogra phs on the floor and carefully read their contents. At other times I viewed and read the signatures in the digital collection. Repetitive viewing of collected material also involved forming constellations of photographs around specific themes, or denotative meanings. Denotative meaning is the literal meani ng of word, symbol or image. For instance, the word SECURITY literally means freedom from risk or danger; safety (American Heritage Dictionary 1985), and does so whether it is placed between words on this page, or, more relevantly, on a sign for Homeland S ecurity, or on a bank marquee. As I viewed these constellations of photographs, each anchored by a theme, I simultaneously read and examined the information in the certified tourist literature. This
191 activated the process of recipro cal exchange between a memorial site and its setting, that is, between the elements of the Tra il of Tears and ordinary roadwa y. Reciprocal texts and images from the literature were scanned and made into JPEG files. These were added to constellations of juxtaposing elements. Each constellation wa s then organized and transferred into a Windows folder for a total of twenty one folders togeth er having a total of five hundred and forty four images. The themes are: irony of drops irony of numbers irony of climate irony of lottery irony of charity irony of purity paradox of Confederacy irony of race irony of women irony of children paradox of causes paradox of prayer irony of mobility paradox of trails paradox of liberty paradox of survival paradox of memory I paradox of memory II paradox of individualism irony of surveillance irony of security irony of silhouettes irony of memory Each of these folders contains a set of juxtaposed images that ar e in a sense draft imagetexts for later more enhanced composites. In this format the elements in the photographs can exchange meanings at the level of denotation. However, re ciprocal exchange not only works on denotative meanings of visual and textual elements, but also on connotative meanings which are social, cultural and historical meanings embedde d in words, symbols, and images.
192 Skilled researchers can intentionally decode conn otative meanings of signs (in the semiotic sense) and their broader significance through intert extual analysis. The wo rk of James Duncan and Denis Cosgrove are good examples of this. So me critics decode cult ural sign-objects less formally such as Roland Barthes Eiffel Tower (1984), or Mona Domoshs phallic skyscrapers (1994). Many scholars reject these kinds of interp retations saying they lack rigor and are highly subjective. But critics engaged in this work inhabit a culture sy stem of meaning and understanding that they share with readers. Their decisions to a dd or take away meaning from their interpretations do not happen in a vacuum but rather through an in terplay between their search to reveal what is trut hful for the purpose of their inte rpretation and its resonance with others who share their culture. Convergence between intent, m eaning and reception determine plausibility of interpretations. The relationship between imagetexting, connotativ e meanings and reader reception is a bit trickier. My imagetexts do not spell-out or point to connotative meanings formed in reciprocal exchanges, yet, the intended meanings of each of these imagetexts depend on them. The pivot of this method is once again empa thy of meaning. I assume that viewers and readers of these imagetexts may understand my intended meanings because we share cultural knowledge mediated through various and familiar forms of media includi ng roadway signatures, taken-for-granted assumption, experiences, and habits of mind, which are all sources of connotative meaning. Moreover, imagetexting is a form of writing consistent with contemporary sense-makingor interpreta tion (Soja 1996; Markha m 2005; Relph 2005; Phillips 2007). In fact our way of making sense of the world is reinforced by this omnipresent form of popular media expression (Mitchell 20 05). A good part of our everyday visual field
193 contains streams of juxtaposing images and text s that seem unrelated. Streaming imagetexts are the bedrock of the /7 information super highway (Phillips 2007, 5). The non-linear relationships that imagetexts produce between el ements in proximity foster the interpretative interp lay between denotative and connotativ e meanings. Therefore imagetexts have a degree of openness of meaning and can ha sten a cascade of thoughts in readers. No doubt the desire for comprehension will compel readers to reach into their bag of cultural knowledge to test-try ideas and memories of past experiences against the elem ents in composites in order to settle meaning. Many will see these imagetexts as presenting propositions that are right or wrong, good or bad, red or white, so to speak. But th e inherent characteristics of imagetexts and wont of the postmodern-postcolonial mind fa vors an unsettled settledness of meanings. As readers attempt to compre hend the meanings of imagetexts they should discover a constant shifting of perspectives as elem ents and meanings move from foreground to background, this way and that. This shifting of perspectives allows meanings to play off each other to produce double-meanings, meanings in tensions, contradictions and conflicts paradox and irony. As I mentioned in the literature review, it is the uncanny predicaments of settler societies, those eerie paradoxes and ironies that I intend to uncover-construct for this dissertation. To iterate, a paradox offers a predicament because in paradox the meaning of an object or relationship is unsettled; contending meanings are simultaneously right and wrong. Irony can be defined as an incongruity between what mi ght be expected and what actually occurs (American Heritage Dictionary 1985, 975) which can sometimes produce ludicrous situations or predicaments. There is something unsettling about irony.
194 The predicaments of postcolonial societies a ppear in-between, or in the borderlands where contrary and competing cultures and historie s meet. In the case of settler societies, these borderlands and their predicaments, found for example in literary texts and visual culture, reflect a collective consciousness tinged with uncertainty over history, cultural identity and geography. In many of these societies today, the postcolonized are answering back, even if only within the prescribed spaces of culture. This back talk so to speak, particularly if it offers a public mirror in which descendents of non-indige nous can see their forefathers perpetrating the savagery they projected onto the savages, tends to destabilize historical, cult ural and geographical foundations. In this moment of instab ility, nothing is settled. The shadowed ground of the Trail of Tears Nation al Historic Trail is one such postcolonial mirror. Its reflection is troublesome for descendents of American settlers a nd Indians alike. Here I can only writerepresent in black and whitet hat imagetexts provide an opportunity to see and read along the Historic Tra il the irony of security, for exam ple, in which victims become victimizers and vice versa, or the paradox of memory in which the memorialization of the murdered postcolonized depends on the memorialization of dead and otherwise postcolonizers. Enhancing Imagetexts Each folder of juxtaposed photographs is a draf t im agetext. If I were to arrange each set into a composite they would resemble Henr icis photographic conste llation of juxtaposed photographs. But my photographs contain signatures of the roadway montage photographed at varying distances and at different times. So metimes signatures were close by, just off the roadway. Other times they were at a distance in a field or up a hill slope. In some photographs signatures fill the frame, in others they are a small feature of a larger scene. A telephoto lens or a digital camera with more mega-pixels may have solved the problem of pictorial non-uniformity, but research funding for this project was limited. To resolve this problem I break the integrity of
195 the scenes photographed and draw the signatures forward to make them prominent. For this I used a popular computer software program called Adobe PhotoShop. This software program also lets me combine photographs into pictorial co mposites like Henricis and manipulate them by cutting, inserting, sh ifting, rotating, shuffling, layering, overlapping and coloring. Henricis stylized representati on deand re-contextual izes the seen in the scene by layering and overlapping photographs. This disrupts scenes and even makes some elements appear in landscapes contrary to reality. She did not intend for her constellation to have this effect, which she ignores. Like the pictorial juxtaposition of photographic travel souvenirs that geographers fashion for journal articles and lecture adverts to illustrate place of research and add truth-value to their proposition by evidencing they were there, Henricis photographs must correspond to the spatial reality she de scribes in her writing. In my method I take another step away from simple juxtaposition of photographs to create representations that aim at your effective realm (Lamme 1996, 48). My experiment with artistic creativity not only permits me to foregr ound signatures thereby in some ways erasing the scene, but to use the capacities of Photoshop to fragment photographs then synthesize their elements in such a way that gives my imagetexts a (sur)real quality. This unusual, unconventional synthesis of signa tures, and their parts and pieces, is not willy-nilly or contrived. My creative impulse is guided by a specific roadway aesthetic that expands on the observations, sensibilities and geographic representations of J. B. Jackson. I believe his dream environment of space in mo tion also justifies br eaking the integrity of photographs, and therefore signatures, to mix and merge their elements within imagetext composites. These produce (sur)re al windows onto otherwise unpict urable tensions between a memorial site and its setting. The dream environmen t is one inhabited by streams of juxtaposing
196 and fragmented objects, symbols and meanings. Similarly, the Trail of Tears is commemorated and the roadside montage experienced within a moving automobile, and from its windows the signatures emerge and disappear, overlap and interpenetrate, a nd are constantly juxtaposing against each other. Enhancement of imagetexts through Photoshop helps to uncover-construct the (sur)reality of the dream envir onment along the Historic Trail. The roadways dream environment certainly justifies my experimentation with the look and feel of imagetexts. And, besides answeri ng the call for creative representation in human geography, this experiment finds justification in the magnitude of the event memorialized. The Trail of Tears is an atrocity that furthered th e genocide of North American Indians. We must keep this in mind if only to remind ourselves of our vulnerabilities. My creative representations resist the Eichmann effect of bureaucratic displacem ent and banality of historical and scientific discourse. They undermine linear thinking, disturb ab solutist principles a nd defile obsession with purity, all ingrained in the modern paradigm, by opening a margin in geographic representation where my voicemy subjective mani pulations and interpretationscan be seen and read at the site of geographical knowledge. Index of Elements On the page after each im agetext is its sma ller duplicate studded with numbers marking each visual and textual element. Beneath each du plicate is a corresponding list of numbers each associated with a description of the origin of each element. This is an index of elements. Included in some of these descriptions are quot es from recent newspaper articles, scholarly books, magazines, television shows, politic al speeches, and brochures. Although these intertexual fragments of information are not from the surface of the Historic Trail, they assisted me in finding denotative conjunctions and connot ative associations displayed in particular imagetexts. Similarly, the myriad of photomontages collages, visual artworks and imagetexts
197 made by various artists, designers and geographers over the last 100 years influenced the look of my (sur)real configurations. The quotes offer readers a deeper context to aid them in comprehending the ironies and paradoxes in ea ch imagetext. But comprehension does not depend on these contexts. My ideal is to have th ese representations stand-alone as the visual results of my framework of interpretation. From Method to Framework of Interpretation To activate recipro cal exchanges between the si gnatures of the Trail of Tears and roadside montage, I use a visual qualitative method called imagetexting. In my case, this method relies on still photography and manipulation of photographs through Photoshop 7. I use imagetexting to uncover-construct the uncanny predi caments of postcolonial settle r societies because it can 1) display the visual field of the roadway, in particul ar the interactions at the signature scale, 2) maintain an unconventional openness of meaning so that the both-and logic guides interpretation, and 3) reflect the roadway expe rience of a dream environment of space in motion. The ideas of postcolonial studies, particularly those associat ed with settler societies, are a central aspect of my framew ork of interpretatio n. These ideas offer a perspective on the conditions of our contemporary society and its pl aces and landscapes. Therefore the results of this visual method are creative re presentations that render an u nderstanding of our contemporary culture and its geographies.
198 CHAPTER 4 IMAGETEXTING THE TRAIL OF TEARS NA TIONAL HISOTRIC TR AIL: LANDSC APE OF POSTCOLONIAL PARADOX AND IRONY In this section I presen t the imagetexts I have created for this dissertati on. The chapter is divided into sections each having a particular theme, such as th e irony of security or paradox of individualism that define reciprocal exch anges occurring between the Trail of Tears and ordinary roadway. Each section first presents an imagetext, followed by a smaller duplicate image with numbers marking each visual and text ual element, and then an enumerated index of elements describing their origin s. For the index I use the follo wing acronyms to represent four sources of official literature mined to create imagetexts. TOT 1 for Trail of Tears National Histor ic Trail, National Park Service, 1996 TOT 2 for The Trail of Tears in the Sout heast Missouri Region, Southeast Missouri Regional Planning & Economic Development Commission, 2002 TOT 3 for Trail of Tears National Historic Trail, 2000 TOT 4 for National Trail Systems Map a nd Guide, National Park Service, 1993 Beneath some of these duplicate imagetexts are quotes and bits of information from various sources that offer readers a broader c ontext to aid in comprehending the ironies and paradoxes in each imagetext. The font and styl e for these fragments follow a specific scheme. Italicized: poems, pres idential speeches, titles of books, arti cles and art, and text from the Trails official literature Italicized with quotation marks: quotes from people mentioned in the official literature Quotation marks: texts taken di rectly from other sources Bold font: emphasis
199 Irony of Tears Figure 4-1a. Imagetext Irony of Tears by Ken Whalen.
200 Figure 4-1b. Indexed Imagetext Irony of Tears 1. This phrase, written in Cherokee script, means the place were they cried. No one knows for sure who coined this phrase and when a nd how it was linked to the Cherokee removal. 2. Drops from logos of various organizationsbus inesses, public utilit ies, health care servicesadvertising along the Historic Trail. 3. This teardrop is part of a small, sad memori al placed in the Trail of Tears Commemorative Park, Hopkinsville, Kentucky. 4. This photograph of an empty highway just west of Woodbury, Tennessee, was taken a week after to the deadly car accident that is signified by the wh ite marks and streaks referencing the trajectories and fina l orientations of the cars involved. 5. In the image, the contrails in the sky over Nashville, Tennessee hold th e different elements together thereby establishi ng continuity in meaning. There are no first-hand written accounts by any Cherokee who experi enced the horror of the Trail of Tears. This makes it a truly uns peakable atrocity. The white symbols that mark the roadway recount a deadly crash. Most of us are familiar with this kind of trauma. Every year over 24,000 people die in car accident on U.S. roadways. In this image, the horrors of the past and present meet in the ro adside montage and its pastiche of signifiers bleeding into other signifiers. Once these white symbols are weathered away, who will remember what happened here a week earlieror 170 years ago?
201 Irony of Numbers Figure 4-2a. Imagetext Irony of Numbers by Ken Whalen.
202 Figure 4-2b. Indexed imagetext Irony of Numbers. 1. Numbers are omnipresent al ong the Historic Trail. 2. TOT 1, 2, 3, 4. Numerical values re ferring to people and distances. 3. Body counts! 4,000 (Butler TOT 1) 840 (Higginbotham 1955, 19) 2,000 (Ehl 1973, 390) 6,000 (Thorton 1984, 76) Research Agenda: How many people jumped from the upper floors of the World Trade Center on Sept. 11 (see Flynn and Dwyer 2004)? Not everything that can be counted counts, and not everything that counts can be counted (Albert Einstein). Modern social science, when it does not neglect genocide, is blinded by a concern with methodology in its search for a more scientific, rigorous, systematic and empirical approach. This has a banalizing and numbing affect empathy, vigilance and resistance as we are faced with surplus information and data, and numbers elbowing each other for a place (Hirsch 1995, 100). 4. TOT 1. 5. Route numbers of the Historic Trail.
203 Irony of Climate Figure 4-3a. Im agetext Irony of Climate by Ken Whalen.
204 Figure 4-3b. Indexed imagetext Irony of Climate 1. Brummett Echohawks Trail of Tears (1957) on the front cover of a certified booklet called Trail of Tears National Hist oric Trial. Several phrases from the official literature of the Trail are worth mentioning here. below zero deep winter stifling heat January blast January wind torrential rain viciously cold viciously cold distant thunder inclement season withering drought heavy autumn rains chill of drizzling rain hottest part of the year temperatures plunging rain, snow, freezing cold unseasonably heavy rains hottest and driest su mmers of the century
205 2. An advertisement for B & D Storage Compa ny in Rogers, Arkansas, emphasizing climate control storage spaces. 3. Digital temperatures helping us to see and re ason what it feels like outside in an age of climate control. 4. Cracked sidewalk in Ca pe Girardeau, Missouri.
206 Irony of Lottery Figure 4-4a. Imagetext Irony of Lottery by Ken Whalen.
207 Figure 4-4b. Indexed imagetext Irony of lottery 1. Advertisement for a car dealersh ip in Farmington, Missouri. 2. A shirt left at the side of the road in McMinnville, Tennessee. 3. TOT 1. 4. Life-size wooden likeness of Lewis and Clark who in 1803 passed through Golconda, Illinois, on the Ohio River. 5. An advertisement for a casino owned by Ch erokee Indians in Tahlequah, Oklahoma. 6. An advertisement for a real esta te company in Jackson, Missouri. Indians were pagans having few rights, certainly not to their lands, which must be entrusted to a Christian prince (Wright 1999). In God We Trust! The gold standard for mismanagement by the federal government for more than a century (Files 2004) said a federal judge re ferring to General Allotment Act of 1887 in which reservations lands were divided and gi ven to individual Indians who could sell or lease their parcels. Money made from leas ing was entrusted to the federal government who would gradually distribute it to Indians.
208 While the Indians owned allotments and sometimes lived on them, the government retained title and generated income from use of the land. The proceeds were put into a trust to be paid out to Indian holders of indivi dual trust accounts whose numbers grew as the allotments were passed down to family memb ers. The Interior Department managed the fund. In 1994, Congress passed the American Indian Trust Reform Management Act, which required the Interior Department to account for all the money in the fund. Litigation revealed that the department lost track of the beneficiaries and that many of the account records were in a state of disr epair or lost (Files 2004). At least 10 states and the Distri ct of Columbia are considering privatizing their lotteries, despite assurances decades a go that state involvement woul d blunt social problems that might emerge from an unregulated expansion of lotteries. These trends fly in the face of marketing campaigns that often emphasize lo tteries educational benefits, like a South Carolina lottery slogan, Big Fun, Bright Futu res, or an ad campaign in North Carolina featuring a thank-you note passed through sc hools and signed The Students. The New York Lotterys Web site includes the taglin e, Raising billions to educate millions (Stodghill and Nixon 2007). Predatory lending is defined by inequitable market practices that result in charging inflated fees and interest rates for loans that borrowers might not be capable of repaying. Refinancing loans over a short time period results in the borrowers inability to improve his/her financial situation in the long run. Borrowers are also misinformed about the terms of the loan, which forces them into a financia l contract that devalues their credit history and jeopardizes their financial future. Predat ory lending is dispropor tionately common in populations with low-incomes or those with poor or no credit histories. (United States General Accounting Office, 2004) Many of these [subprime] mortgages were sold by unscrupulous and little regulated mortgage brokers, who received handsome commissions for selling expensive and unsuitable product (Schifferes 2005). There has been less attenti on paid to the concentration of these loans in neighborhoods that are largely black, Hispanic, or both. This pattern, documented in federal loan records, holds true even when comparing white middle-income or upper-income neighborhoods with similar minority ones (Bajaj and Fessenden 2004).
209 Irony of Charity Figure 4-5a. Imagetext Irony of Charity by Ken Whalen.
210 Figure 4-5b. Indexed Imagetext Irony of Charity. 1. TOT 2. This painting by Bother Mark Elder is called Charity along the Trail of Tears. In the background is the Mississippi River. 2. The names of various convenience stores located throughout the Trail. 3. Quotation from TOT 2. In Missouri, as elsewhere along the Trail of Tears, the Cherokee endured sickness, cold, hunger, and the curious and sometimes hostile reaction of settlers along the way. Sometimes greeted with kindness and gifts of clothing or blankets, they were often taken advantage of by landowners charging tolls or merchants ready to sell goods or whiskey. Quotation from TOT 3: On November 21, 1837, Cannon recorded in his journal: A considerable number drunk last night, obtai ned liquor at Farmington yesterday; had to get out of bed about midnight to quell the disorder; a refusal by several to march this morning. 4. TOT 2. Perhaps the most notorious phrase associated with the Trai l of Tears, spoken by U.S. Army soldiers. Connections between convenien ce stores, underage drinking and car accidents are well documented in scientific literature. Police departments throughout the country continuously monitor stores to prevent the sale of alcohol to minors.
211 Irony of Purity Figure 4-6a. Imagetext Irony of Purity by Ken Whalen.
212 Figure 4-6b. Indexed imagetext Irony of Purity 1. TOT 2. Section headings in the certified booklet and official pamphlet of the Trail of Tears National Historic Trial. 2. Signage on the Trail. 3. TOT 1. Map of Federal Indian Removal Policy in the official pamphlet. 4. All the phrases in the le gend can be found in the certified literature. 5. Red Devils is a derogatory term for Native Am ericans. It is also the nickname of a High School in Cedar Hill, Tennessee. On the Trail, just over 100 miles southeast of the Red Devils is Martin Van Buren Head Start Program in Spencer, Tennessee. Van Buren is the eighth President of the United States ( 1837). He oversaw the enforcement of Cherokee removal from the Southeast. In 1839, Joseph Smith, the founder of the Later Day Saints Movement visited Van Buren to plead for the U.S. to help roughly 40,000 Mormon settlers of Independence, Missouri, who had been attacked, killed, raped, and run out of the state from their lands (eventually settling in Utah). It author ized Missourians to extermi nate Mormons and encouraged them to do so. Smith and his party begged Van Buren to intercede for the Mormons (Wikipedia accessed October 26, 2007). President Van Buren did not intercede.
213 According to a Cherokee shop owner I spoke with in Tahlequah, citizenship is being revoked because the blood fraction of some do es not meet tribal racial criteria. Fullblooded Cherokees can now gain a larger share of total earni ngs the Nation receives from the federal government and reservation enterprises such as casinos. (Also see an article written by the Associated Press entitled Pur ging Tribal Rolls a National Trend (2007), and an editorial entitled Can a DNA Test Give You and Edge (2007) written by Perry W. Payne Jr. MD for the New York Times).
214 Paradox of Confederacy Figure 4-7a. Imagetext Irony of Confederacy by Ken Whalen.
215 Figure 4-7b. Indexed imagetext Irony of Confederacy 1. Entering Woodbury, Tennessee, one catches sight of this booster on a large steelmesh rack for signage welcoming visitors. The Sons of Confederate Veterans are orga nized to honor and memorialize the principles, sacrifices and history of our ancestors. This is our Southern heritage, history and culture which is threatened by some who wish to deny us our rights. Some in this land of the free would enforce their will to eliminate all hist orical reference to th e Confederacy. In doing so they would remove all symbols and monume nts to brave men. Revisionist historians have distorted our ancestors lives and we wish the truth to be known. We are an organization based on heritage, not hate. Membership in the Sons of Co nfederate Veterans is open to all male descendants of any veteran who served honorably in the Confederate armed forces. Membership can be obtained through either direct or collateral family lines. Kinship to a veteran must be documented genealogically. The minimum age for membership consideration is age 12 (Sons of Confederate Veterans). In both the eastern and west ern theatres of the U.S. Civil War (1861), Cherokee regiments led by Cherokee commanders were the last of the Confederate States of America to surrender to the Union.
216 2. Woodbury, Tennessee. Nathan Bedford Forest (1821): general in the Army of the Confederate States of Ameri ca (1861), brilliant guerrilla fighter, war criminal, Grand Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan. 3. These intersecting streets are near McMinnvi lle Tennessee. Sequoyah is the most famous Cherokee. He invented the Cherokee writing system put into use by the Cherokee Nation in 1828. Robert E. Lee, the most celebrated of Co nfederate generals, had his Arlington plantation home confiscated by Union troops at the beginn ing of the Civil War. When the war ended the land became part of the Arlington National Cemetery. In 1882, the U.S. Supreme Court decided that the home was taken illegally without due process and a year later the federal government purchased the property from L ees son for $150, 000.00 (Arlington National Cemetery website). 4. Woodbury, Tennessee After removal to the West, Cherokees who owned slaves found it far easier to resettle than those who had no slaves. Slave labor bui lt their new homes, cleared their land, fenced their gardens, and pastures, cultivated their fields, planted and gath ered their crops, and tended their herds of cattle, hor ses, and sheep (Mcloughlin 1993, 125). 5. Unknown author and title. In March 2007, the Cherokee tribe in Oklahom a voted on the constitutional amendment that would revoke the tribal citizenship of the descendant s of black slaves who had formerly been considered Cherokee citizens. 76.6% of voters supported disenfranchisement (BBC 2007). More than 160 years after Georgia officials i gnored a direct order in 1862 from the U.S. Supreme Court to stop actions leading up to th e infamous Trail of Tears, the state is admitting it made a mistake (Associated Press 1992).
217 Irony of Race Figure 4-8a. Imagetext Irony of Race by Ken Whalen.
218 Figure 4-8b. Indexed imagetext Irony of Race 1. Tanning salon in Missouri. 2. TOT 3. Subheading. 3. Icon in certified logo. 4. Standard icon for pedestrian. 5. Dairy company in Nashville, Tennessee. 6. Blood collection agency in Cleveland, Tennessee. 7. Skin color as metaphor in certified literature. 8. Skin color as metaphor in certified literature.
219 Irony of Women Figure 4-9a. Im agetext Irony of Women by Ken Whalen.
220 Figure 4-9b. Indexed imagetext Irony of Women 1. Part of a large mural entitled Cherokee RemovalTrail of TearsOhio River Xing 1838. The mural, in Golconda, Illinois, is painted on a tall wall that is adjacent to the roadway and surrounds a very old cemetery. 2. These billboards advertise a red light district just off of Interstate 44 in Rolla, Missouri. The front loader was under the billboard rack. 3. Sign on a bench in Springfield, Missouri. 4. Kum & Go is the name of a franchise of convenience store in Missouri. 5. A bumper sticker on a pickup truck in Fayetteville, Arkansas. 6. A blank billboard with a support frame having an Art Nouveau design. More than one in three American Indian and Alaska native women would be raped in their lifetime, almost double the national average of 18 percent In 86 percent of the cases, the report said, the perpetrato rs were non-Indian men, while in the population at large, the attacker and victim are usually from the same ethnic group (Blumenthal 2007). Scholars have read imperia lism as not only actively supp ressing the more feminist and egalitarian of indigenous instit utions and cultural practices, bu t also as driving indigenous patriarchy to increasing reactionary excesses agai nst women and subalterns in an effort to maintain its strength vis--vi s the colonizers (Payne 1999, 425).
221 Irony of Children Figure 4-10 a. Imagetext Irony of Children by Ken Whalen.
222 Figure 4-10b. Indexed imagetext Irony of Children. 1. Quotation from TOT 3 Quotation from TOT 1: No one knows how many died throughout the ordeal, but the trip was especially hard on infants, children, and the elderly. Quotations from TOT 3: One military estimate of the death toll in one of the parties was put at 17.7%, with half of the dead being children. It should be remembered that while death was a constant companion during the forced march, there was also new life. Some 71 children were born alongside the trail. 2. Detritus on the ground below a curb. 3. Highway railing. 4. Signage concerned with childbirth an d safety and protection of children. I look forward to working with Congress to ensure that no child is left behind (George W. Bush 2007).
223 Paradox of Causes Figure 4-11 a. Imagetext Paradox of Causes by Ken Whalen.
224 Figure 4-11b. Indexed imagetext Paradox of Causes 1. Icon of Cherokee Indian on the Trail marker. 2. This homeless Vietnam veteran on an over pass in St. James, Arkansas, was giving away his poems for a gratuity. The Story of the Flags By Jim Bean II A Poet from Boston, Massachusetts .Flags were raised just half the way? The biggest bombs now sit in place. Who knows the day when they will say, Was there a flag that won? 3. Let My Children Go! Journey on the Trail of Tears (June 20July 29, 2004), Sponsored by Kourts for Kids, Inc. Quotations from Kourts for Kids, Inc.: One Horrific Example: In 1999 two young girls in Cobb County Georgia re ported that their father was sexually molesting them. The abuse was substantiated by several renowned abuse experts, and an eyewitness testified to the a buse. The court ignored the a bundant evidence of abuse and
225 gave the father sole custody of the girls. Because the mother, Kourts for Kids founder Wendy Titelman, insisted that her daughters be protected, the court punished her by refusing to allow her to see or communicate with her children. A jury who heard the evidence decided the girls had been abused a nd that court official s were covering up the abuse. Still, the children remain in the custody of their father, and Wendy had not been allowed contact with them for over 3 years. I finished my walk today in Goodlettsville, Tennessee and have walked over 215 miles starting in Cape Girardeau, traveling through southern Illinois, Kentucky and into Tennessee. The blisters on my feet are numerous and deep. I have lost one toenail, and it appears that I w ill lose another. The sun has blistered us even though we wear sun block. The ticks in Illinois were so numerous that we were constantly flicking them off of us, even though we had sprayed bug repellant from head to toe. It was not uncommon that after walking we found ticks we had missed and were under our clothing or on our heads. They had to be very carefully remo ved for fear of leaving their heads in our skin. I mostly walked alone th rough Kentucky. The Japane se Beetles were so numerous that they beat against my face and got tangled in my hair. They were like pellets hitting a sign that I carry which reads, C hildren should be heardN ot Hurt! Many people stopped their cars on the road and asked, Are you the woman who is walking the Trail of Tears for abused children? We heard about you in Church and are praying for you and the children. I also heard this several times: Weve seen you wa lking for the past 3 days and want you to know that we think what you are doi ng is wonderful. Peopl e ministered to me as I walked giving me food and drink and encouraging me with their words and prayers (Kourts for Kids 2004). 4. Trail crossing emerging from Vienna Community ParkTrail of Tears Memorial Site but referring to the Tunnel Hill State Trail, a 45 mile former train track bed that has been converted to a hiking and biking trail. 5. Drainage pipes. 6. An advertisement for advertising on a billboard.
226 Irony of Prayer Figure 4-12 a. Imagetext Irony of Prayer by Ken Whalen
227 Figure 4-12b. Indexed imagetext Irony of Prayer 1 Three photographs compose the Jackson moon. The background is a section of a steel mesh from a towns welcome sign. Mid-ground is a logo for a trucking company blazed on a semi-truck. The foreground is an image of An drew Jackson from a large, old sign that greets you upon entering the town of Jackson, Missouri. 2 Phrases were found on various church marqu ees and signboards on the Trail of Tears. 3 Roadways constituting the Trail of Tears National Historic Trail. 4 Icon of a Cherokee Indian embellishing the certified Trail marker. Jacksons image adorns the U.S. twenty-dollar bill, and behind it, on the other side of the bill are the words In God we trust. While on the Trail of Tears, Cherokees woul d sing Amazing Grace, using its inspiration to improve morale. The song has since become a sort of anthem for the Cherokee people (Turner 167, 2003).
228 Paradox of Mobility Figure 4-13 a. Imagetext Paradox of Mobility by Ken Whalen.
229 Figure 4-13b. Indexed imagetext Paradox of Mobility 1. TOT 2. Front cover of official pamphlet for Missouri section of Trail. 2. TOT 1, 2, 3. The Trail of Tears (1942) by Robert Lindneux. 3. Interstate 44 in Missouri fram ed by dashboard and windshield. 4. From Jack Kerouacs On the Road (1957). The dialogue in th is imagetext is the only element within all the imagetexts that was not from either the pastiche of road signage or certified literature. I listened to the CD vers ion of the novel read by Matt Dillon. Doubtless it will be painful to leave the graves of their fathers; but what do they more than our ancestors did or than our children are now doing? To better their condition in an unknown land our forefathers left all that wa s dear in earthly objects. Our children by thousands yearly leave the land of their birth to seek new ho mes in distant regions. Does Humanity weep at these painful separations from everything, animate and inanimate, with which the young heart has become entwined? Far fr om it. It is rather a source of joy that our country affords scope where our young population may range unconstrained in body or in mind, developing the power and facilities of man in their highest perfection. These remove hundreds and almost thousands of miles at their own expense, purchase the lands they occupy, and support themselves at their new homes from the moment of their arrival. Can it be cruel in this Government when, by ev ents which it can not control, the Indian is made discontented in his ancient home to purchase his lands, to give him a new and extensive territory, to pay the expense of hi s removal, and support him a year in his new
230 abode? How many thousands of our own people would gladly embrace the opportunity of removing to the West on such conditions! If th e offers made to the Indians were extended to them, they would be hailed with gratitude and joy. And is it supposed that the wandering savage has a stronger attachment to his home than the settled, civilized Christian? Is it more afflic ting to him to leave the graves of his fathers than it is to our brothers and children? Righ tly considered, the policy of the General Government toward the red man is not only liberal, but generous. He is unwilling to submit to the laws of the St ates and mingle with their popula tion. To save him from this alternative, or perhaps utte r annihilation, the General Gover nment kindly offers him a new home, and proposes to pay the whole exp ense of his removal and settlement (From Andrew Jacksons Second Annual Speech, 1830). Quotation from TOT 3: [I] witnessed the execution of the most brutal order in the history of American warfare. I saw the helpless Cherokees arrested and dragged from their homes, and driven at the bayonet point into the stockades. And in th e chill of a drizzling rain on an October morning I saw them loaded like cattle or sheep into six hundred and forty-five wagons and headed for the West (Pvt. John G. Burnett, 1838).
231 Paradox of Trails Figure 4-14a. Imagetext Paradox of Trails by Ken Whalen.
232 Figure 4-14b. Indexed imagetext Paradox of Trails 1. An overhead structure of a gas station. 2. Ways and trails on the Trail. 3. Trail markers For More Trail(s) of Tears see: Europes Trails of Tears (Lief 1992) Chechnyas Trail of Tears (Nivat 2000) Timors Trail of Tears (Sprague 1999) Sharons Trail of Tears (Olympia Movement for Justice and Peace 2002) Agonized Trail of Tears (In me mory of cleansing of Austra lian Aborigines) (Ray 2002) Trail of Tears from Grozny to Nowhere (Cooperman 1995).
233 Paradox of Freedom Figure 4-15 a. Imagetext Paradox of Freedom by Ken Whalen.
234 Figure 4-15b. Indexed imagetext Paradox of Freedom 1. Memorial to U.S. War Veterans in Guthrie, Kentucky. Fronting this stone monument are three flagpoles. 2 Plates like these are attached to the back of all government -authorized signage such as speed-limit or place-name signs They are the most ubiquitous yet unseen road signs on the Trail. 3 Bank in Missouri. 4 TOT 1. Words on brick wall from offi cial pamphlet of the Trail. 5 TOT 1. Violence is not simply material force: It is the use of force as a tool for some human purpose, individual or social. We are social actors and we are bodies vulnerable to pain. Every society exploits the po ssibility that our actions can be controlled by the fact, memory, and anticipation of pain inflicted by others. We hurt children to make them behavesometimes with blows and sometime s with words, but equally with pain. Theories of child development make it easy to forget how often parents make children cry and how basic this violence is to the soci alizing process. Theories of economic and ideological domination, likewise, can obscure how the powerful exploit the powerless through pain. Violence exerts its social effects as much thr ough what it means as through what it physically does (Lemke 2007). 6 Logo on Trail marker. to break-up whatever is rigid, to undermine comm only accepted systems, to open rifts for venturing into the unknown (Milan Kundera 1996).
235 Paradox of Survival Figure 4-16a. Imagetext Paradox of Survival by Ken Whalen.
236 Figure 4-16b. Indexed imagetext Paradox of Survival 1. This quote engraved on a stone plate on a war me morial in Guthrie, Kentucky is from John F. Kennedys inaugural addre ss given on January 20, 1961. Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledgeand more (Kennedy 1961). 2. On a billboard promoting Christianity. 3. On a back window of a pickup tr uck in Rosiclare, Illinois. 4. A ferry ramp on the west bank of the Oh io River at Cave-in-Rock, Illinois. 5. Quotations from TOT 2:
237 Some say we are leaving at our own choi ce We found ourselves lie a benighted stranger following false guides, until he wa s surrounded on every side by fire and water. A distant view on the opposite s hore encouraged the hope; to re main would be inevitable annihilation. Who would hesitate or who would say that this his plunging into the water was his own voluntary act ? (Chief Harkins). Weve managed not just to barely hang on, Weve managed to move forward in a very strong, very affirmative way (Wilma Mankiller).
238 Paradox of Memory I Figure 4-17 a. Imagetext Paradox of Memory I by Ken Whalen.
239 Figure 4-17b. Indexed imagetext Paradox of Memory I. 1. This painting by Murv Jacob called The Book of the Lamentations by Jeremiah (1995) is in the certified pamphlet for The Trail of Tears in the South east Missouri Region. 2. The walls are built of bricks from the Tra il of Tears Memorial Site in the Vienna Community Park, Vienna, Illinois.
240 Paradox of Memory II Figure 4-18 a. Imagetext Paradox of Memory II by Ken Whalen.
241 Figure 4-18b. Indexed imagetext Paradox of Memory II 1. Bricks from the Trail of Tears Memorial S ite in the Vienna Co mmunity Park, Vienna, Illinois. 2. Wrought iron silhouettes atop the sign for the Tra il of Tears State Park Visitor Center in Jackson, Missouri. 3. Icon of a Cherokee Indian set in the Trail marker.
242 Paradox of Individualism Figure 4-19 a. Imagetext Paradox of Individualism by Ken Whalen.
243 Figure 4-19b. Indexed imagetext Paradox of Individualism 1. This sign hung in an abandoned gas station a few miles east of the Ohio River. 2. The Cherokee icon found on the Trail marker. The Dawes Act or General Allotment Act (1887) written soon after the end of the Indian Wars resulted in privatization of all Indian land and compelled Indian persons to become individuals through the socialization proce ss of property ownership (Cheyfitz 2002, 409). Indian relations to land depended on family and tribal ties. The notion of property relates land to the market-place irrespective of kinship by defining it as material and commodity. The Act displaced Indian communalism with west ern individualism, a cultural construction considered by Marx and Freud to be the apot heosis of alienation. In Indian vocabulary words like we and us were replaced with I (Cheyfitz 412). Indian Citizens Act (1968) reinforced the sove reign rule of federally recognized tribes and constitutions within Indian country. Tribes a nd its members retain immunity from lawsuits brought on from outside the reservations, unle ss waived by tribe or congress, and tribal laws takes precedent over civil rights of the individual that are guaranteed to every U.S. citizens by the Constitution (Cheyfitz 2002, 412). In other words, the ICA empowers one as an individual, but only when operating beyond the reservation, the home community. In Indian country, individuals and their families are constrained to live under federal Indian law without constitutional guarant ees of his or her US citizenshi p or rights as an individual (Cheyfitz 413).
244 Irony of Security Figure 4-20 a. Imagetext Irony of Security by Ken Whalen.
245 Figure 4-20b. Indexed imagetext Irony of Security 1. Security and surveillance signs are co mmon in our national landscape. 2. The Trail of Tears Junction convenience store in Benton, Illinois, is one of two commercial establishments with the Trail of Tears name. 3. This mural on a tall wall adjacent the roadwa y surrounds a very old cemetery in Golconda, Illinois. 4. Certified literature covers this wall. 5. Marquee in front of a convenien t store in Eldon, Oklahoma. 6. Side of a building in Nashville, Tennessee. In the field of surveillance technology, the holy grail for scientists and engineers is a device that can read peoples thoughts (Wood 20 07). The search is undertaken in the name of national security. Concerns for security in fluenced Thomas Jeffersons idea of a buffer zone of American Indian tribes between the U. S. and European colonial territory in North America. Andrew Jackson and Martin Van Bu ren forced the Creek, Choctaw, Cherokee, Chickasaw and Seminoles to Indian Territory to secure U.S. lands east of the Mississippi River. Buffer zones, forced migration and now mind reading. Nietzs che once wrote: If you gaze for long into an abyss, the abyss gazes also into you.
246 Paradox of Security Figure 4-21 a. Imagetext Paradox of Security by Ken Whalen.
247 Figure 14-21b. Indexed imagetext Paradox of Security 1. This is a photograph of cracks in a sidewalk located in Golconda, Il linois, a quiet town on the banks of the Ohio River. The white li nes are drawn-in to represent the roadway. 2. A Homeland Security sign at the boundary of Woodbury, Tennessee. The department of Homeland Security was established in 2002 to protect American citizens from foreign terrorism. Placed across the sign are major road ways forming the Trail of Tears National Historic Trail. 3. The portraits that surround the Homeland S ecurity sign are taken from the certified literature published by the Nati onal Park Service, murals depicting Cherokee removal as well as from various billboards and advertisements. 4. Quotation from TOT 2: A brilliant Cherokee silversmith, Sequoyah (G eorge Guess), developed a tribal syllabary. Using it, the first American Indian newspaper, the Cherokee Phoenix, began publication in 1828. The Cherokee also developed a written constitution. 5. Quotation from TOT 1: Just after the Supreme Court of the United States ruled (Cherokee nation v. Georgia, 1831 and Worcester v. Georgia, 1832) that removi ng the Cherokees from their Homeland in Georgia was unconstitutional, (calling it repugnant to the Constitution), Andrew
248 Jackson, the 7th U.S. President (1829), said; They made their decision, now let them enforce it!. He then proceeded with the remo val of Indians from the southeastern U.S. 6. Quotation from TOT 1: John Ridge led the minority factions that si gned the Treaty of Ne w Echota, leading to the Cherokee removal. Quotation from TOT 3: More than 15, 000 Cherokees protested the ille gal treaty. Yet, on May 23, 1836, the Treaty of New Echota was ratified by the U.S. Senate by just one vote. Ridge later wrote in a letter written in Indian Territory John Ridge signed his death warrant when he signed that treaty. And no one knows better than he John Ridge may not die tomorrow but sooner or later he will have to yield hi s life as the penalty of signing. 7. Quotation from TOT 2: In late spring of 1838, Major General Win field Scott arrived with five [U.S. army] regiments. Helped by four thousand militia and volunteers, he was to seize all Cherokee and confine them in stockades until they coul d be taken to Indian Territory. Squads swept rough the hills. Families took only what th ey could carryclothes, valuables, a few precious mementos. Everything else the fruits of generations of laborwas left behind. Quotation from TOT 1: Every possible kindness must be shown by the troops. General Winfield Scott. 8. Quotation from TOT 1: John Ross was elected Principle Chief in 1828. Quotation from TOT 2: Once Ross saw his only option was removal unde r armed guard, he contracted with the government to oversee th e rest of the exodus. 9. Quotation from TOT 2: Reverend Jesse Bushyhead led a detachment of Cherokees to Indian Territory. WHO IS SUSPICIOUS?
249 Irony of Silhouettes Figure 4-22 a. Imagetext Irony of Silhouettes by Ken Whalen.
250 Figure 4-22b. Indexed imagetext Irony of Silhouettes 1. TOT 1. I saw the Cherokees dragged from their homes, and driven at the bayonet point into the stockades I saw then loaded like cattle into the wagons. M any of them had been driven from home barefoote. Priv ate John G. Burnett, U.S. Army. The consequences of a speedy removal will be important to the United States, to individual States, and to the Indians them selves. The pecuniary advantages which it promises to the Government are the least of it s recommendations. It puts an e nd to all possible danger of collision between the authorities of the General and State Go vernments on account of the Indians. It will place a dense and civilized population in large tracts of country now occupied by a few savage hunters. By ope ning the whole territor y between Tennessee on the north and Louisiana on the south to the se ttlement of the whites it will incalculably strengthen the southwestern frontier and render the adjacent States strong enough to repel future invasions without remote aid. It will relieve the whol e State of Mississippi and the western part of Alabama of Indian occupancy, and enable those States to advance rapidly in population, wealth, and power. It will separat e the Indians from immediate contact with
251 settlements of whites; free them from the power of the States; enable them to pursue happiness in their own way and under their own r ude institutions; will retard the progress of decay, which is lessening their numbe rs, and perhaps cause th em gradually, under the protection of the Government and through the infl uence of good counsels, to cast off their savage habits and become an interesting, civilized, and Christian community (Andrew Jacksons Second Annual Speech, 1830). 2. Silhouettes from numerous signs along the Historic Trail. Andrew Jackson, known as the first peoples president because he represented the common man. The deeds were monstrous, but the doer was quite ordinary, commonplace, and neither demonic nor monstrous (Arendt 1978, 4). 3. One of a series of signs pl aced in a grassy field. More recent and more honest studies estimate th at precontact civilizations to have been between nine and eighteen million. This standard of measure puts the ra te of attrition of indigenous populations [in Nort h America] at between 98 and 99 percent that is, near total extermination (Freidberg 2000, 358). [Many see as] a justifiable sacrifice made in the name of progress (Freidberg 2000, 363). Of course our whole national history has been one of expansion that the barbarians receded or are conquered, with the attendant fact that peace follows their retrogression or conquest is due solely to the power of the mi ghty civilized races wh ich have not lost the fighting instinct, and which by their expansi on are gradually bringi ng peace to the red wastes where the barbarian peopl es of this world hold sway (T. Roosevelt quoted in Nash 1982, 142). Ghost Dance Only a bastard government Occupies stolen land! Hey, you barbarian invader! How much longer? You think colonialism last forever? Res ipsa loquitur Cloud on title Doubtful title Defective title Unquiet title Unclear title Adverse title Adverse possession Unlawful possession!
252 We say, Adios, white man, to Five hundred years of Criminals and pretenders Illicit and unlawful governments, Res accedent lumina rebus, One thing throws light on another. Worchester [sic] v. Georgia Ex parte Crow Dog! Winter v. United States! Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock! Pyramid Lake Paiute Tribe v. Morton! Village of Kake, Alaska v. Egan! Gila River Apache Tribe v. Arizona! Breach of close Breach of conscience Breach of contract Breach of covenant Breach of decency Breach of duty Breach of faith Breach of fiduciary responsibility Breach of promise Breach of peace Breach of trust Breach of trust with fraudulent intent! Breach of the Treaty of the Sacred Black Hills! Breach of the Treaty of the Scared Blue Lake! Breach of the Treaty of Guadeloupe Hidalgo! Res judicata! We are at War. (Silko 1991, 714). No one need think that the world can be ruled without blood. The civil sword shall and must be red and bloody (Jackson 1830). 4. No passing.
253 Irony of Memory Figure 4-23 a. Imagetext Irony of Memory by Ken Whalen.
254 Figure 4-23b. Indexed imagetext Irony of Memory 1. In the Trail of Tears Commemorative Park in Hopkinsville, Kentucky, near a small bridge over a creek that separates the memorial from playing fields is a misplaced splotch of concrete with a foot imprint. 2. Stop sign in Tahlequah, Oklahoma, the capital city of the Western band of Cherokees. Most Cherokees of the Trail of Tears sett led in this area of eastern Oklahoma. 3. Foot clinics advertised th roughout Tahlequah. 4. An advertisement for a traveling exhibit called Memory: An Exhibition to be Remembered, at the Discovery Center in Springfield, Missouri.
255 CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION Reviewing the Work The results of this project revolve on specifi c questions form ed from a synthesis of four avenues of research relevant to cultural geography: (i) memorial landscapes (ii) roadways and roadsides, (iii) postcolonial settler societies, and (iv) creative geogra phic representation. The questions are: how does the Trail of Tears memorial relate to th e ordinary roadway? What is said, what meanings are exchanged between th is site and its settingbetween the past and present, uncommon and common, atrocity and quo tidian? How can these exchanges of meaning be represented? What can these meanings tell us about our contemporary culture as it confronts past atrocities committed in the name of nationalism, racial purity and economic prosperity? The answers to these questions come together in my representations of the paradoxes and ironies of postcolonial settler societies that I uncover-construct from the signa ture scale of a landscape. I do this using an unconventional form of academic visual representation called imagetexting. In this conclusion I answer each of these que stions. But before I do, I would like to remind readers of the Trail of Tears unique spatialization of memory. The Trail memorializes through trail markers and associated touris t literature all bearing the logo certi fying their official status an atrocity committed in the past by citizens and government of the United States of America. The marker links nine-hundred miles of roadway and is embedded in the pastiche of road signage, or as one scholar calls it the roa dside montage (Raitz 1998, 383). Th ese characteristics directed my research agenda towards memorial and road way/roadside landscapes. But the nature of the Trail and roadside which together seem to main tain binary oppositions of past and present, uncommon and common, atrocity and quotidian gi ve rise, at least in my mind, to vague unsettling feelings and thoughts. The followi ng questions and their answers attempt to
256 understand the cultural conditions that give rise to these feelings and thoughts, and set the stage or rather justification for interpreting the Tra il through creative re presentation. How does the Trail of Tears memorial relate to the ordinary roadway? The fundamental premise of this study is that landscape is a text having elements which we by necessity interpret for meaning. The Trail of Tears and roadway consis t of visual and textual signifying elements, or signifiers constantly manufactured and interpreted through our vari ous frameworks of interpretation. Since the Trail markera roadway signconcretizes the memorial, I focus on the signature scale of landscape and its signifiers. By synthesizing landscape as text with the notion of reciprocal exchange, I can juxtapose the si gnatures of the Historic Trail and roadway to discover what Young described as tensions between a memorial site and its setting that can be relieved or exacerbated. I refashion Youngs terminology to mean (in)congruities. This refashioning coincides with Footes clai m that the meanings of shadowed grounds commemorating violence between American Indians and settlers create tensions left unresolved, but are perhaps better read as (un)resolved. What is said, what meanings are exc hanged between this site and its setting between the past and present, uncommon and common, atrocity and quotidian? Denotative meanings initiate and anchor reci procal exchanges between the visual and textual elements of the Trail memorial and ordi nary roadway. Connotations are as consequential to exchanges of meanings as denotations. The mean ings that arise in reci procal exchange depend on an interpretative interplay between denotative and connotative meanings. Postcolonial scholars call attention to the uncanny predicam ents of paradox and irony in cultural texts of settler societie s. These meanings arise in the interplay between denotation and connotation, an interplay laid ba re in all sorts of cultural te xts interpreted by postcolonial
257 scholars. The search to uncover for instan ce the uncanny implications (Taylor 2000) or postcolonial predicaments (King 2000), or what I call uncanny predicaments of settler societies within contemporary cultural texts includ ing expressive media and palpable landscapes. Juxtaposing indigenous and domina nt settler history, culture a nd geography can wittingly or unwittingly decenter and displace se ttler knowledge, power and iden tity, but, also, doubles back to undermine indigenous constructs. These cultural texts reflect a broader existential dilemma of settler societies, that is, of being in place and out of place at precisely the same time (Taylor 1998, 139). This dilemma has a tendency to cause both settlers and indigenous people to at least reflect on their own values, belief s and identities or, at most, c ling to essentialis t, xenophobic or absolutist principles. We can empathize with both ends of this range of responses, and even with those in-between. That we can do so indicates that many issues between American settlers and Indians are both-and . resolved and not resolved, that is, left (un)resolved. These (un)resolved issues create tens ions in the form of uncanny pa radox and irony that become the (in)congruities between a memorial site and it s setting, between the Tr ail of Tears and the ordinary roadway, that crucible of cultural meaning (Lewis 1979, 12). How can these exchanges of meaning be represented? To analyze, synthesize and represent the mean ingful relationships between the signatures of the Historic Trail and ordi nary roadway, my method must: display the visual field of the roadway; allow elements of the signature scale to juxt apose and interact in reciprocal exchange; maintain an unconventional openness of meaning so that the both-and . logic guides interpretation towards paradox and irony. I use the method of imagetexting because it sa tisfies these criteria. Yet, imagetexting is unconventional in geographic scholarship because of its intrinsic visual qualities. Although the
258 meanings of my imagetexts aim to conform to a geographical reality, they nevertheless maintain an openness of meaning that may shad e into ambiguitythe bte noir of rigorous scholarship. It is precisely this openness that is necessary to represent and understand our contemporary condition of unsettled settledne ss and its paradoxes a nd ironies that work through the landscape and are reflected in these imagetexts. However, the imagetexts in this disserta tion go beyond mere juxtaposition of photographs taken of the signatures s cale of the Trail. We commemorate th e Trail of Tears and experience the roadside montage mainly in motionfrom the seat of a moving car. This effects how we see and read the signatures in landscape which seem to emerge and disappear, overlap and interpenetrate, and constantly juxtapose against each other. Stil l photographs of signature s and scenes belie the common roadway experience of space in motion. But breaking the integr ity of photographs and integrating the fragmented pieces into composite s at least alludes to the roadway experience, though in my case one guided by the interplay of signifiers that fo ster a postcolonial interpretation of the Trail. Breaking the integrity of signatures and mi xing and merging their elements within imagetext composites mimics visual methods of advertising and hyper-media. The roadside montage moving across the car window screen might even be considered a form of hyper-media. J. B. Jackson called the roadway scene a dream environment of space in motion. I interpret his description as a roadway aesthetic that just ifies my manufacturing (sur)real glimpses of otherwise unpicturable tensions between a memorial site and its setting, between descendents of American settlers and Indian s whose histories, ge ographies and identities are simultaneously in place and out of place.
259 No doubt these imagetexts have an aura of subjective judgment and manipulation. Their content and the arrangement of th at content reflects a synthesis of Jacksons dream environment with the stylized imagetexts, and photoand literary montage made by geographers, landscape architects, graphic designers and artists. But my creative impulse, always guided by what I have experienced in the past, is ne ither gratuitous nor tangential to the geographical knowledge I impart in this research project. As I mentioned above, and described more thor oughly in the literature review, the visuality of imagetexts in many ways coincides with our cultural manner of seeing, reading and understanding. Imagetexting is a process of contemporary consciousness reinforced by a hypermediated visual field saturated with images and texts, and expressed in the vernacular of advertising, marketing, and entertainment industr ies. Fragments from the /7 information superhighway are everywhere, as are tensions, contradictions and ironies. They permeate our visual field, and therefore our consciousness. They are the source of (sur)realitydreamlike visions that appear in sur (add ition) to reality In this dissertation, I self -consciously and purposefully engage with this cultural manner only to uncove r-construct the paradoxes and ironies of settler societies in the landscape text of the Trail of T ears National Historic Trail. At this point, I would like to reflect on and di scuss how the visual works of others such as graphic designers, artists and coll agists influenced the making of my own imagetexts. During the last few years I immersed myself in the knowle dge of art history by reading and viewing books, academic journals, popular magazines, and documen tary film, most found in the Universitys Fine Arts Library. I scanned websites for information and pictures, clicking on Yahoo or Google images perhaps hundreds of times. The result of th is journey is an archive of favorite artworks my harvest of visual delicacies. I meandered through the archive regula rly often gazing at the
260 same pictures over and again. I suspect many st amped their contours and colors onto my mind without much conscious exertion on my part. In others I saw potential models for my own imagetexts. As I look back through the archive I can see which works of art, collages, and photomontages had a direct impact on the look of my imagetexts. The look of these works which is determined by color and texture of elem ents and their arrangements within frames not only influences the aesthetic of my imagetexts but function to uncover-construct postcolonial paradox and irony along the Trail. I want to make it clear that Jacksons dr eam environment of space in motion, along with the philosophical and theoretical insights of various geog raphers espousing poststructuralist, postcolonial and postmodern perspectives give ju stification for picturi ng and re-picturing the roadway as I have, or rather recontextualiz ing the elements photographed along the Trail of Tears. I have stepped through the door these geog raphers have opened to exploration of visual representations; but they offer no visual style or voice that demands to be mimicked by all those creatively representing the geographies of the world. So I have allowed many styles to be expressed and many voices, to use a term from the literary arts, to be heard in my imagetexts. These styles and voices were e xpressed both consciously and s ubconsciously. As a result there appears little consistenc y of style or an overarching visual voice among my imagetexts. I aimed to make these images provocativewhich given th e nature of the subject was not too difficult but more importantly make visible the uncanny paradox and irony in this landscape text. In the next few pages I will juxtapose the work s of others with three different imagetexts. This will show how the construction of each imagetext was influenced by particular elements in and structures of certain works of art and/or cr eative geographical repres entations. After each set of images I describe how these elements and st ructures are used and refashioned in my own
261 imagetexts to represent postcolonial paradox and irony. The imagetexts representing paradox raise questions, the answers for which remain indecidable. Those representing irony show (in)congruities of meaning that may provoke uneasy reflection and perhaps a self-conscious smile. The first imagetext I made was Irony of Numbers (Figure 5-1c). To begin with, the idea for this imagetexts links many personal and professi onal experiences: my fathers inpatient algebra lessons (I still see the hard, sh arp numbers etched into the ye llow pad); my aversion towards academic economism, particularly of the Marxian kind, that seemed all the rage when I was an undergraduate student; my leaning towards humanis tic geography mainly because of its critique of quantitative reasoning; and, my romanticist revulsion towards vulgar materialism that reduces human communication to numerical phonemes and symbols. Then, the recent inte llectual knot inextricably tying quantification to atrocity which makes numerical values primary in determining the (im)morality of such events. How many murderedjust 1,000 or 1,000,000 just 600,000 or, my goodness, 6,000,000? Toting up and rank-orderi ng atrocities (Fish 2009) is now a popular intellectual endeavor. The focus on numbers has even tu rned the genocide of Native Americans into a depopulation of Nort h America, a term coming right out of the discourse of demography. The literature for the Trail of Tears National Historic Trail uses numbers to describe various story motifs, for example, the number of Cherokees who traveled, died and were born along the northern route. Some of the numbers for the same motifs vary among the various pieces of literature. Against th is, one can easily imagine the abundance of numbers contained in the 900 mile long road text. The a bundance of numbers at the signa ture scale of landscape seems to visually and mentally overlap or even flow in to each other. The arrangement of elements in
262 Figures 5-1a. Gallery Exhibition by Barbara Kruger (Kruger 1991). 5-1b. 12 Hands Collage with Postcards and Advert by Pierre Robins (Robins 2003). 5-1c. Irony of Numbers by Ken Whalen.
263 Pierre Robinss collage (Figure 5-1b) creates the illusion of movement or flow, depth or distance because of the tapering shape of the strips of images and text, and the tension between opposite colors. When we view this image our eyes move along the diagonal axis. The photograph of Barbara Krugers exhibition (Fi gure 5-1a) also gives an illusi on of depth. Kruger a postmodernfeminist artist is famous for creating montag es critiquing consumerism and social identities. What catches my eye in the photograph is the pr ominence of the written word, and particularly their placement on the floor. If we were standing in the exhibit hall we would be immersed in words. We would even walk on them. To see and grasp the meaning of words on the floor and on the walls, we would have to constantly m ove. But no matter where we move to words will always be beneath us and meanings always changing, always incomplete. Irony of Numbers combines the structures of these designs to suggest an endless road of numbers flowing together towards meaningful and/or meaninglessness, significance and/or banality. When on the Trail of Tears, I worry about the price of gas, or whether the road we are on has the right number, or whether the speedomet er arm is pointing to a value beyond the speed limit. What is the speed limit, by the way? F ive buried here! the Tears respond. The second imagetext I discuss is Paradox of Memory II (Figure 5-2c). One of my favorite pieces of artwork is Joseph Cornells Abiellies (Figure 5-2a). Cornell is well known for his beautifully crafted boxes which he decorates with a mlange of objects to create fascinating designs. I promised myself I would make an im agetext that would mimic the design of this particular work. The red memorial bricks cemented in the ground in a small area of the Trail of Tears City Park in Hopkinsville, Kentucky, offered the perfect opportunity to do this. Michael Prykes photomontage of the Berlin Wall (Figure 5-2b), previously discussed in the literature review, plays into the idea of building a wall with these bricks that names the individuals,
264 Figures 5-2a. Abeilles by Joseph Cornell (Cornell 1940). 5-2b. Photomontage of Berlin Wall by Michael Pryke (Pryke 2002, 475). 5-2c. Paradox of Memory II by Ken Whalen.
265 families, and companies who contributed money to build the memorial. The names are legible and prominent. Both sponsors and Cherokees are in foreground and background. The Cherokees follow a designated route that does not desecrat e the sanctity of the sponsors bricks. The Billboard reads, Its all about you. But who is this commemorati on about? Should the dead and suffering of an atrocity committed by the US government be memorialized along side the recently dead and suffering, or remembered in the same breathe of the happy-go-lucky of Hopkinsville, Kentucky? Who of the dead and living is in place and who is out of place in this city park? E Pluribus Unum? But, Atrocity? Will colonialism in North America last forever? The third imagetext I discuss is Irony of Security (Figure 5-3c). The assemblage of elements is similar to the other two imagetexts above and, in fact, to most of the imagetexts made for this dissertation. The asse mblage or structure of the elements creates a single space or scene. The image seems realistic, but the illusi on of realism breaks when one begins to see the unexpected locations of some of the elements. In Paradox of Security (page 244) or Irony of Climate (page 201) for example, elements juxtapose and inform each other, but they do not cohere into a single space that immediately gives the illusion of a real landscape on the surface of the earth. The work of collage artist Sean Hillen is a major inspiration for many of the imagetexts I have made not only because of the illusion of r ealism his work conveys and undermines, but also because of the streak of whimsy (Dillon 2004, 23) that pierces his collages of contested landscapes in Northern Ireland, a region previ ously under high survei llance and occupation. I find Hillens political satire amusing, but also penetrating. For instance, in Who is my Enemy? (Figure 5-3b), we see a man in an ordinary street scene with the image of a sentry guard-house found out along the road to the city, cr eating an extraordinary image of life under occupation. Again,
266 the third figure addedthat of the movie-poster bad guy pointing a gun at usdisplaces us from a polemical stance, pointing perhaps to a culture of violence in which we are all implicated rather than resting in a denuncia tion of the British occupiers (Dillon 2004, 23). In Irony of Security I attempt to transmogrify the gun poi nter into the marquee which has a red arrow with three glowing lights. The arrow poin ts to the ordinary roadway, what Raitz calls the soul of America (Raitz 1998, 363). Evil thought s are projected onto the road otherwise why would our soul be constantly warned, cau tioned and monitored? We can also easily project evil thoughts onto people and places. We have seen over and over again the realimagined crime scenes. We continue to concoct scenarios depicting how the so called terrorists will strike againwe may be better concocters than them. I think, there for I am said the famous rationalist philo sopher Ren Descartes. On the top right of the imagetext, there is a section from the official literature of the Historic Trail. The capital T begins the subt itle to the paragraph which reads The Growing Crisis. This refers to the various treaties signed and laws enacted that initiated the deeds of rounding-up Cherokees and other ea stern Indians to place them into concentration camps and then forcing them to migrate from their homela nd to Indian Territory we st of the Mississippi. European settlers and their desce ndents were insecure with having American Indians east of that river. Eventually Euro-Americans pushed th eir way to the Pacific Ocean consigning the American Indian to oblivion, or rather depopulating the Americas of indigenous peoples. But, this is old hat? The official Trail literature pas ted on a side a wall like advertisements on a kiosk is ripp ing away. The atrocity is forgotten, or perhaps remembered but with the histories and geographies exposed along its edges. The tear s, which give an edgy feel to the imagetext, mimics the decollage (French for to take off or become unstuck) technique of Jacques Villegl (Figure 5-3a). He does not me rge elements appropriated from images to
267 Figures 5-3a. Dcollage (1972) by Jacques de la Villegle (B ourriaud, N. and Bon, F. 2007). 5-3b. Who is my Enemy by Sean Hillen (Hillen 1987). 5-3c Irony of Security by Ken Whalen.
268 construct collage; he rips and la cerates pre-existing images. His me thod is to walk the streets, mostly those of Paris, and find walls or poste r boards thickly layere d with advertisements, announcements and miscellaneous messages. He pu lls down agglomerations takes them to his studio and rips, cuts and pulls at the layers to reveal posters beneath. The obscure and marginal reappear, but blend with elements of other layers to make hybrid shapes and forms. For Villegl and other decollagists of the 1950s, these fo rms are psychogeographical hypergraphics (Taylor 2006, 152) that were to begin the proces s of genuine cultural and social change in Europe by creating new forms of communication at street levelor rather new forms from within a common scene of the streets, which ironically now hang in galleries, museums and foyers. Other well-known decollagists seek, like Barbara Kruger, to critique consumer culture. They tear and lacerate advertisements, in eff ect, destroying them but leaving remnants on view for the public to contemplate. T he growing crisis and its outcom ethe Trail of Tearsis such a remnant. But this remnant is a reminder that after moving the otherthe so called civilized tribes of Native Americato the margins so that our Euro-American ancestors would feel secure in their homeland, the (in)visible hand of (in)securitynurture d by the bond between evil thoughts and deedscontinues to usher us along the road. Perhaps we are one nation under surveillance for fear of violence. The issue of a roadway aesthetic raises a profound and complex dilemma when that roadway is imbued with the horror of atrocity. The U.S. National Park Service reconstructs a colonial reality once sustained by a culture of terror (Taussig 1992). I am re-presenting the words and images of their reconstruction, which ties me closely to this dilemma. The problem
269 the National Park Service and I face is how to re present and re-represent this terror avoiding, on the one hand, banalization and nor malization, and, on the other, the aestheticizing of horror. What can these meanings tell us about our contemporary culture as it confronts past atrocities committed in the nam e of nationalism, racial purity and economic prosperity? From the car seat, the official Trail of T ears can collapse into the formal, homogeneous infrastructure of road signs that function mainly to inform and advertise. When it does, understanding of and empathy w ith the plight of those who were forced to migrate are undermined. This potential for banal assimilati on points to a broader cultural paradox concerning our contemporary obsession with history, heritage and memorialization, tre nds the cultural critic Andreas Huyssen calls the hypert rophy of memory (Huyssen 2003, 10). The paradox is that memory discourse themselv es partake in the detemporalization process that characterize a cult ure of consumption and obsolescen ce. Memory as re-presentation, as making present, is always in danger of collapsing that constitutive tension between past and present, especially when the imagined past is sucked into the timeless present of the all-pervasive virtual space of c onsumer culture (Huyssen 2003, 10). Contrarily, relocating the Trail of Tears and its culture of terror in the dream environment of the roadway bears a risk for the National Park Service and consequently me. As the anthropologist Michael Taussig explains: The danger here lies with aesthe ticizing horrorwe must realize that just to the side lurk the seductive tropes of fascism and the imagin ative source of terror and torture embedded deep within us all. The political and artistic problem is to enga ge with that, to maintain that hallucinatory quality, while effectively turning it against itself (Taussig 1992, 140). Neither the National Park Service nor I can re solve this dilemma faced when representing atrocity. How the Park Service dealt with this may be gleaned from examining the politics of representation that shaped the visu al culture and interpretation of the Trail of Tears. I approach the dilemma by producing imagetexts that ma intain the dream environment (Taussigs hallucinatory qualities) of the roadway through their surf ace organization and (sur)real vision,
270 but while subverting it by awakening readers to paradoxes and ironies in the roadway text. This can induce critical reflection that may lead to a consideration of an individuals place in relation to the atrocities of the past. As I said elsewhere, we have today no immediate access to authentic historical pasts. They become accessible only through representations (image s and texts) that are inevitably selective, incomplete and abstract. Representations and thei r meanings are themselves inherently unstable. In our culture of hyper-media and sales-pitch discour se this quality of repr esentations is further enhanced by our unprecedented ability to invert si gns and symbols, to recy cle them in different context and thus transform what they refer to (Cosgrove 1989, 8). This speeds-up changes in meaning and increases the number of perspectives from which to view and construct the past. These imagined pasts can be bought and sold on the market, be all the rage one-day, pass the next. Commercialism can appropriate difference and make it common, the avant-garde and make it kitsch, atrocity and make it ordinary. In this wa y, the threat of difference is contained, edginess of art blunted, and the unspeakable suffering of others banalized as it is sucked into the virtual space of consumer culture, or in the case of th e Trail of Tears, assimilated into a maddening gridlock of crass commercialism (Beach 1992 quoted in Copps 1995, 3). Actualizing the Historic Trails potential to decenter and displace dominant American history, culture and geography so that paradox and irony of settler societies can emerge, not only uncovers previously unseen meanings in the landscape, but challenges the contemporary ideology and experience of consumer commem oration while recognizing the importance of keeping spaces such as the Trail of Tears in public circulation on th e surface of the earth. Through imagetexting I appropriate the space rec onstructed by the National Park Service and turn it against consumer commemoration that s eems to etiolate the commemorative function of
271 the Trail of Tears. I represent it in a way that reinvigorates the tension between the constitutive past and present. This process is similar to how advertisers appropriate cultural phenomena and remake them as commercial products by inverting signs and symbols and changing their contexts to give them new meanings. But this method also can be used for social critique, thus to fight fire with fire so to speak. Cultural critics of Western cons umerism and imperialism such as Dadaists Hannah Hoche, Raoul Hausman and John Heartfield (Figure 5-4), a nd Situationists of the early 20th century appropriated and recombined popular, everyday imag es and text from advertisements, magazines and newspapers. Figure 5-4. Photomontage by John Heartfield, Hurray, the Butter is All Gone! (1935) Depicts Heartfields response to wh at Goering said Iron ore has made the Reich strong. Butter and dripping have at mo st made the people fat ( The 20th Century ArtBook 1996, 194).
272 They gave their method names like counter-bricollage, guerrilla semiotics, detournement or cut-ups. The radical write r William T. Burroughs used this technique during the revolutionary 60s in the U.S. to protest against the Vietnam War (Figure 5-5). Troublesome re-representations like these can now be seen in collage art, popular music posters, and in underground zine and mail art netw orks. They are socio-political statements meant to disrupt the trance-indu cing powers of the total flow of mass media and advertising and now of the roadway. What is most significant about these critical appropriations and recontextualizations is that they can induce a tem porary re-evaluation of m eanings before they are assimilated back into the total flow. Figure 5-5. Cut-up by William S. Burroughs and Brion Gysin (Burroughs and Gysin 2008).
273 Disrupting the institutionalized mode of consumer commemoration and the colonization of time and space by official representations of history, culture and geography in this way repoliticizes sites by introducing ex change and dialogue into the co mmemorative act. This kind of aesthetic impulse based on the intrinsic characte ristics of imagetexts can lead viewers and readers to confront the Trail of Tears on intellectual, emotional and critical levels so that it can be deeply considered and felt. Scholars of shadowed grounds recognize the importance of interpretative heterodoxy in memorial landscapes and academic research. Heterodoxy can lead to fresh perspectives, particularly from the borderlands of art and science, which rene w public meaning and memory of these events and places, keeping them alive in human consciousness. Some have gone so far as to propose that the burden of historical and geographical reconstr uction, whether done by private or public organizations or academics i s the fabrication of artworks powerful enough to compel remembrance of what cannot be r econstructed (Dinte nfass 2000, 16). Creative representation is important because it disr upts the conditions of absolutism by opening a margin in, for example, geographic repres entation where the aut hors voicehis/her subjective manipulations and interpretationscan be seen and heard at the very site of academic representation. This voice on the margins is a personal act of remembering that actively, critically and conspicuously e ngages with the shadowed grounds of atrocity. Nevertheless, we should not disdain official histor ies, geographies and commemorati ons but rather recognize their vital importance as an initial step in th e commemorative and educational process. In confronting the Trail thr ough these imagetexts, viewers an d readers will engage in the acute act of interpretation as they in turn arra nge and rearrange content and meaning. This active, inclusive participation in the meaning-making pr ocess also works against the formation of an
274 absolute perspective, a final solution or closure on topics of such magnitude. Such an aesthetic disruption in the form of cri tical imagetexts is nevertheless a symptom of our contemporary culture (i.e., imagetexts advertisement, hypertexting, multi-mediated consciousness, roadway aesthetic). It is a stra tegy of representation that can uncover a cultural geography. It is a form of resistance to both the banalizing and aestheticizing of the horrors of atrocity be cause it invokes visual stimulation and intellectual evaluation by making readers and viewers work just a bit to produce meaning by linking images and texts. Implications for Future Research The im plications for future research in cultura l geography are threefold. First, the results of my project participate in the recent endeavor to diversify the language of academic geographic representation. Some cultural geog raphers view this as an opportunity to develop a visual discourse in the field that would promote experimentation with hybrid forms of visual representation. Of course their aim is to make images such as sketches, photographs and video, particularly those produced by geog raphers, primary in research rather than secondary, essential and not merely illustrative or decorative. Such an endeavor furthers geographys goal of becoming a truly interdisciplinary discipline. In an interesting development, the geogra pher Gillian Rose republished her seminal book Visual Methodologies (2001, 2008 ) but with three new chaptersone entitled Making Photographs as Part of a Res earch Project. This developmen t indicates a burgeoning interest among of geographers to not only work with premade images but also to manufacture visual representations that are central to the purpose of thei r research. Roses new edition is timely. If our contemporary visual field is filling with im ages and texts (or even imagetexts as a few cultural critics describe), and th eir tensions, contradictions, and ironies, then human geographies do lie beyond the realm of conventional logic (Lamme 1996, 44) and therefore defy
275 conventional [academic] description (Relph 2005, 154). Other methods and forms of geographic representation must be considered when analyzing and interpreting our places and landscapes so that we can appreciate their incongruities (Lamme 1996). Second, my research enters the field of Amer ican cultural landscap es studies carrying a postcolonial framework of interpretation. Traditi onal scholars in the field have shown little interest in this perspective. Most cannot get arou nd the notion that the United States is a settler society having certain social a nd geographic characteri stics. I believe my dissertation offers a plausible interpretation of an American landscape albeit through a rather unique perspective that contributes to a field of sc holarship energized by innovative and diverse perspectives. The implications for traditional postcolonial studies are similar to those in cultural geography where the expository essay has been th e primary currency of knowledge exchange. As you might recall, the studies done by geographers Affrica Tayl or and Kylie Message only focused on and critique the creative representati on of other artists. These geographers did not produce images themselves, although Taylor exhorted us to do just that. I have taken the next step and have, as Meinig would say presente d a geography in creative as well as scholarly terms (Meinig 1982, 324). Mine is an ideal move for postcolonial scholarship which bases itself on terms such as borderland, hyb ridity and transculturation. Third, the results of this dissert ation help develop what Jakle and Sculle call in a recently published article the new subject of how signs on the move structure and enable use of the humanized landscape (Jakle and Sculle 2008, 57). Su ch a topic has been generally unseen in the scholarly agenda (Jakle and Sculle 57). It is interesti ng that in their article titled Signs in Motion: A Dynamic Agent in Landscape and Place, they compose a full gallery of photographic images or rather still shots to illustrate the dynamism of signs in motion. The irony here
276 should not be missed. Imagetexts and the idea of dream environment of space in motion would broaden their agenda and enrich it with a bit of, shall I say, (sur)realism. In a subsequent project, I plan to research the politics of representation that determined the visual culture of the Trail of T ears National Historic Trail. This project would require that I use various qualitative methods includ ing textual analysis and interv iews. I would like to combine the methods and findings of this study with t hose of my dissertation. Such a combination can structure a research agenda which can include other recognized historic trails. For example, another trail of Indian dis possession and displacement insc ribed into the landscape and maintained by the U.S. National Park Service is the Nez Perce National Historical Trail. Initial forays into the topic suggest th at a comparative study with the Tr ail of Tears would yield much insight into this countrys postcol onial struggles, particularly since the official narratives are so different from each other.
277 Figure 5-6. Signatures on the Trail of Tears Nati onal Historic Trail. Imagetext by Ken Whalen.
278 APPENDIX A OFFICIAL HISTORIES OF THE TRAIL OF TEARS In this appendix I re-ins cribe the official his tories of the Trail of Tears represented in the certified tourist literature. This literature cons ists of four brochures. Below are their titles each followed by a parenthetical acronym and number used as reference. Trail of Tears National Historic Trail, National Park Service, 1996 (TOT 1). The Trail of Tears in the Southeast Mi ssouri Region, Southeast Missouri Regional Planning & Economic Developm ent Commission, 2002 (TOT 2). Trail of Tears National Histor ic Trail, 2000 (TOT 3). National Trail Systems Map and Guide, National Park Service, 1993 (TOT 4). In the final section of this appendix are st ated observations made by various people during or after the forced removal. The reference sc heme identifies the source of each of these statements. I present the selected fragments from these so urces as precisely as I can. The narratives are drawn from an authorized generi c template so some of the descriptions overlap. Rather than repeat paragraphs and sections I leave out overlapping informa tion. My re-inscriptions include subtitles, sub-headings, and will be edited for grammar and spelling A double space separates paragraphs not consecutive in the official literature. There are two reasons for presenting a history of the Trail of Tears in this way (see Krupat 2005). First, the re-inscription gives readers enough in formation to gain familiarity with this past instance of forced migration. This information le nds sufficient context for reading my imagetexts the primary source of evaluation and expression in this diss ertationespecially since I use these official texts to construct them. Second, a separate, academic history composed of secondary sources plumbed from creviced libraries or joggled from dusty books helves, or bought from Amazon.com would seem
279 in the context of this dissertati on to transcend the historical info rmation offered at the surface of the Historic Trail. This adde d layer of narrative and meani ng, would be more selective and biased, and inevitably set-up a false dichotom y between heritage (f allible) and history (infallible). As the eminent hist orical geographer David Lowenthal writes, history differs from heritage not, as people generally suppose, in telling the truth, but in trying to do so despite being aware that truth is a chameleon and its chr oniclers fallible beings (Lowenthal 1996, 119). This dissertation is not an hist orical geography in search of a past truth or an exercise in writing historical narratives, but rather a glimpse into relatio nships between the surface of popular history and the ordinary roadwaybetween site and sett ing, between intentions and outcomes. Let us stay close to the surface of this landscape text. TRAIL OF TEARS NATIONAL HISTORIC T RAIL, NATIONAL P ARK SERVICE, 1996 FEDERAL INDIAN REMOVAL POLICY Early in the 19th century, the Un ited States felt th reatened by England and Spain, who held land in the Western continent. At the same time, American settlers clamored for more land. Thomas Jefferson proposed the creation of a buffer zone between U.S. and European holdings, to be inhabited by eastern American Indians. This Plan would also allow for American expansion westward from the original colo nies to the Mississippi River. Between 1816 and 1840, tribes located between the original states and the Mississippi River, including Cherokees, Chickasaws, Creek s and Seminoles, signed more than 40 treaties ceding their lands to the U.S. In his 1829 inaugural address, President Andrew Jackson set a policy to relocate eastern Indi ans. In 1830, it was endorsed, when Congress passed the Indian Removal Act to force those remaining to move west of the Mississippi. Between 1830 and 1850, about 100,000 American Indians liv ing between Michigan, Louisian a, and Florida moved west after the U.S. government coerced treaties or us ed the US army against those resisting. Many were treated brutally. An es timated 3, 500 Creeks died in Alabama and on their westward journey. Some were tr ansported in chains. In 1830the same year the Indian Removal Act was passedgold was found on Cherokee lands. Georgia held lotteries to give Cherokees land and gold rights to whites. Cherokees were not allowed to c onduct tribal business, contract, te stify in courts against whites, or mine for gold. The Cherokees successfully challenged Georgia in the U.S. Supreme Court. President Jackson, when hearing of the Courts decision, reportedly said, [Chief Justice] John Marshall has made his decision; let him enforce it now if he can. The Cherokees played a decisive role in Andrew Jacksons victory at Horseshoe Bend during the Creek War. As president, Jackson implemented the U.S. Indian removal Policy.
280 THE CHEROKEES Historically, Cherokees occupied lands in seve ral southeastern states. As European settlers arrived, Cherokees traded and intermarried with them. They began to adopt European customs and gradually turned to an ag ricultural economy, while being pressured to give up traditional homelands. Between 1721 and 1819, over 90 percent of their lands were ceded to others. By 1820s, Sequoyahs syllabary brought literacy and a formal governing system with a written constitution. THE TREATY OF NEW ECHOTA Most Chero kees opposed removal. Yet a minority felt that it was futile to continue to fight. They believed that they might survive as a peop le only if they signed a treaty with the U.S. In December 1835, the U.S. sought out this minor ity to effect a treaty at New Echota, Georgia. Only 300 to 500 Cherokees were there; none were elected officials of the Cherokee nation. Twenty signed the Treaty, ceding all Cherokee territory eas t of the Mississippi to the U.S., in exchange for $5 million and new homelands in Indian Territory. More than 15,000 Cherokees protested the illegal treaty. Yet, on May 23, 1836, the Treaty of New Echota was ratified by the U.S. Senateby just one vote. General Winfield Scott was placed in charge of the Cherokee removal. Most Cherokees, including Chief John Ross, did not believe that they would be forced to move. In May 1838, Federal troops and state militi as began the roundup of the Cherokees into stockades. In spite of warnings to troops to treat the Cherokees kindly, the roundup proved harrowing. Families were separatedthe elderly and ill forced out at gunpointpeople given only moments to collect cherished possessions. White looters followed, ransacking homesteads as Cherokees were led away. Three groups left in the summer traveling from the present -day Chattanooga by rail, boat, and wagon, primarily on the Water Route. But the river levels were too low for navigation; one group, traveling overland in Arkansas, suffered three to five deaths each day due to illness and drought. Fifteen thousand captives sti ll awaited removal. Crowding, poor sanitation and drought made them miserable. Many died. The Cherokees asked to postpone removal until fall, and to voluntarily remove themselves. The delay was gr anted, provided they remain in internment camps until travel resumed. By November 12 groups of 1,000 each were trudging 800 miles overland to the west. The last party, including Chief Ross, went by water. Now, heavy autumn rains and hundred of wagons on the muddy route made roads impassable; little grazing and game could be found to supplement meager rations. Two-thirds of the ill-equipped Cherokees we re trapped between the ice-bound Ohio and Mississippi Rivers durin g January. Although suffering from a cold, Quatie Ross, the Chiefs wife, gave her only blanket to a child. She died of pneumonia at Little Rock. Some drank stagnant water and succumbed to disease. One survivor told how his father got sick and died; then, his mother; then one by one, his five brothers and sisters. One each day. Then all gone. By March 1839, all survivors had arrived in the west. No one knows how many died throughout the ordeal, but the trip was especially hard on infants, children, and the elderly.
281 Missionary doctor Elizur Butler, who accompanied the Cherokees, estimated that over 4,000 diesnearly a fifth of the Cherokee population. AFTER THE TRAIL OF TEARS In August 1839, John Ross was elected Princi ple Chief of the reconstituted Cherokee nation. Tahlequah, Oklahom a was its capital. It remains tribal headquarters for the Cherokee nation today. About 1,000 Cherokees in Tennessee and No rth Carolina escaped the roundup. They gained recognition in 1866, esta blishing their tribal government in 1868 in Cherokee, North Carolina. Today, they are known as the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians. THE TRAIL OF TEARS THROUGH TH E SOUTHEAST MISSOURI REGION, 2002 Later, from his new home on Honey Creek in the Indians Territory, John Ridge, one of the signers of the Treaty of New Ec hota, would write in a letter, John Ridge signed his death warrant when he signed that treaty. And no one knows it better than he John Ridge may not die tomorrow but sooner or later he will have to yield his life as the penalty for signing. A Cherokee law, originally drafted by ridge himself and passed by the National Council in 1828, specified the death penalty for any Cherokee who agreed to sell or dispose of tribal lands. Most Cherokees, including Chief John Ross, did not believe that they would be forced to move. In May 1838, federal troops and state m ilitias began the roundup of the Cherokee into concentration camps. In spite of warnings to troops to treat the Cherokee kindly, the roundup proved harrowing. Families were separatedelderly and the ill forced out at gunpointpeople given only moments to collect cherished posse ssions. White looters followed, burning or occupying homesteads as Cherokees were led away. The Cherokee had historically occupied la nds in eight southeas tern states. Calling themselves Ani Yunwiya, which means the prin ciple people, they had developed a system of social order and participatory de mocracy based on sacred law l ong before the white man arrived. Cherokee society was organized through seven moth er-descent clans. It was through the mother that children gained clan identity, which afforded them citizenship. Meeting in a seven-sided structure, both men and women participated in th e general council. Principle chiefs were elected, and the beloved woman was speaker for the wo mens council. As the number of European settlers increased, many Cherokees inter-married with them, adopting and adapting to European customs, including the disenfranchi sement of women. Gradually, the people as a whole turned to an agricultural economy while being pressured to give up traditional homelands. During the time of French and Spanish occupation of the Louisiana Territory, some Cherokees had already begun to migrate to what is now northern Arkansas and southeastern Missouri and to other areas west of the Mississippi. Their kinsmen who remained in the east referred to them as the lost Cherokees. Before the forced removal of the Cherokee was ordered by General Winfield Scott on May 23, 1938, several groups of Cherokees had already started voluntarily for Oklahoma. Late in 1837, a party numbering 365, with B.B Cannon as c onductor, left Tennessee and set out on what is now called the Northern Route, which passed through Missouri. During the forced removal in
282 1838, twelve of the thirteen detachments of Cherokee passed through Missouri, all but one entered the state in Cape Girardeau County. That detachment, headed by John Benges, left Fort Payne, Alabama and traveled northwest through Tennessee and Kentucky. Crossing the Mi ssissippi River in Mi ssissippi County, the party continued northwest to Benton then north almost to Cape Girardeau before turning southwest and continuing through Bollinger County. It should be remembered that, while death was constant companion during the forced march, there was also new life. Some 71 children were born alongside the trail. In Missouri, as elsewhere along the Tail of Tears, the Cher okee endured sickness, cold, hunger, and the curious and sometimes hostile reaction of settlers along the way. Sometimes greeted with kindness and gifts of clothing of blankets, they were often taken advantage of by landowners charging tolls or merchant s ready to sell goods or whiskey. Eleven detachments of Cherokees made thei r way to Oklahoma over the Northern Route charted by Cannon. Traveling in wagons and on hor seback, they crossed from Willards Landing in Illinois to Moccasin Springs on horse ferryboats at Greens Ferry at Bainbridge, several miles south. They crossed the river during the dead of winter in December, 1838, and January and February of 1839. Rain, Snow, freezing cold, hunger and disease to ok their toll on the Cherokee emigrants as they waited to cross into Missouri. Falling temper atures caused the surface of the river to freeze before all of the detachments could be ferried across. The ice prevented both boat and horses from moving. Many Cherokee died in camps on bot h sides of the river while waiting for the journey to resume. Reverend Daniel S. Buttrick accompanied the detachment led by Elizah Hicks which had crossed at Smiths Ferry. From his camp in Bainbridge, he wrote, We are told the detachments would probably be able to proceed on the journey tomorrow. Its will then have been three weeks since our arrival on the other (west) bank of the riverDuring this time five individuals have died. One old Cherokee woman, one black man, and three Cherokee children, making in a ll since we crossed the Tennessee River twenty six deaths. SURVIVING THE TRAIL OF TEARS It is d ifficult to imagine the hardships wh ich faced the people of the Cherokee Nation who made the forced march to the Indian Territo ry. They had already lost their homes and possessions. Most felt that thei r government would not force them from their homes and made no plans for the long, arduous journey. When th e government roundup of Cherokees began, many were forced from their homes w ith only the barest possessions. The detachments which left in June of 1838 found themselves making the journey in the hottest part of the year during drought. Sickness and death plagued the exodus, most of it caused by a combination of bad water, bad diet a nd physical exhaustion, particularly among the children. Some refused government food; others were given foodstuffs that were not normally part of their diet, such as wheat flour, which th ey did not know how to use. One military estimate of the death toll in one of the parties was put at 17.7%, with ha lf of the dead being children. Because of the heavy death toll, Chief John Ross and the National Council asked General Scott to allow the rest of the Cherokee to wait until fall to move, and to supervise their own removal. General Scott approved the plan, provided that all mu st be on the road by October 20.
283 The remaining detachments which left in the fa llmost of the exodusmet different hardships. Unseasonably heavy rains turned the primitive roads to mud. Wagons became mired axle or beddeep in the muck, and the Cherokee were repeat edly forced to manually drag the wagons free. Those who were forced to halt beside the fr ozen Mississippi River st ill remembered a halfcentury later the hundreds of sick and dying in wagons or lying on the frozen ground with only the single blanket provided by the government to each Indian for shelter from the January wind. Besides the cold, there wa s starvation and malnutrition. Sometimes the funds for food were embezzled by those hired to provide it along the route. The later detachments often found that all of the wild game had been depleted by hunters from the first detachments which passed through. Weakened by hunger and exertions of th e trip, the Cherokee be came easy victims of disease, particularly cholera and smallpox, but even measles, whooping cough, pleurisy and dysentery. Stragglers were sometimes preyed upo n by wild animals. Few of the travelers were waylaid by frontier rogues and beaten or murdered after they were robbed. TRAIL OF TEARS NATIONAL HISTORIC TRAIL, 2000 Clusters of fam ilies gathered the last of th eir belongings and set them in wagons already teamed up along the road. The thick woods were hazy with smoke from the blazing camp of ramshackle board-and-bark huts where they had b een held captive for three months. The sky had the bright blue of autumn in the southeastern Tennessee, but an observer in the crowd thought that every face showed gloomy t houghtfulness over all that was being left behind and all that lay ahead. With this call to move on, the eighty-year old chief Going Snake mounted his horse and led the column of several hundred Cherokees on th e first steps of their to rtuous journey to a new home they had never seen. Suddenly, the observer la ter wrote, nature itself seemed to speak from the clear sky: At this very moment a low sound of distant thunder fell upon my ear. In almost an exact western direction a dark spir al cloud rose above the horizon sending forth a murmur. This mummer echoed through the sky as though a voi ce of divine indignation for the wrong of my people and unhappy country-men, driven from all they loved and cherished in the land of their fathers, driven by brutal power to gratify the crav ings of avarice. It was a fitting symbol for an American trag edy. In the 1830s uproot ed by a terrible storm of change, tens of thousands of American Indians representing five great tribes were taken from their homes in Georgia, North Carolina, Tenne ssee, Alabama, Mississippi, and Florida and removed tom Indian territory (now Oklahoma). Many walked, some as much as eight hundred miles. Others were carried in wagons, steamboats, and barges. Some marched in chains. Thousands marked the way west with graves. Se veral routes they followeda snarl of lines across the mapmark a common ordeal known as the Trail of Tears. LAND OF DIVERSITY AND CHANGE In 1800 m ore than eighty thousand American Indi ans lived in the Southeast. Their cultures varied. All lived in permanent villages suppor ted by hunting, gathering, trading, and farming. They practiced religions with intricate beliefs and rituals.
284 The regions five most populous tribes we re the Choctaw, Chickasaw, Creek, Cherokee and Seminole. The Choctaw lived in central and southern Mississippi a nd western Alabama. The Chickasaw lived in northern Mississippi and in parts of Alabama, Tennessee, and Kentucky. The Creek occupied eastern Alabama. Cherokee land s straddle parts of four states: northeast Alabama, northwest Georgia, southwest North Carolina, and southeast Tennessee. The Seminole lived primarily in the Florida panhandle. Initial contact with Europ ean-Americans came from Spanish conquistadores, then from French posts in the Mississippi va lley and Gulf Coast. English trad ers reached the territory of the Indians from the east by the early 1700s. By th e American Revolution the first white settlers were in eastern Tennessee. Indians eagerly traded for European goodstha t became vital to their economies and life ways. As white traders and frontiersmen ma rried native woman, a growing mixed-blood population was found in all tribes. European cust omsblended with traditional practices. Some tribal leaders practiced plantation ag riculture and acquired black slaves These changes deepened old divisions within tr ibes. Some factions resisted contact with whites and bitterly opposed any accommodations. Th ese groups tended to be full-blood tribal members. Mixed groups, which over time became in creasingly wealthy, usually favored closer white relations. Tensions among the factions tangle d tribal politics, occasio nally turning violent. THE GROWING CRISIS After the war of 1812, the pressure of white e xpansion increased enorm ously. Settlers and planters of the young United States craved rich farmland east of the Appalachian, ideal fro growing cotton for the insatiable markets of E ngland and the northeastern U. S. By the time Alabama and Mississippi gained statehood in 1817 and 1819, respectively, demands were heard to open Indian lands for whites. For years many whites, including Thomas Jefferson, called for the removal of Indian peoples westward. They argued that in the hilly woodlands and prairies west of Arkansans, American Indians would be free to live without pressure from white neighbors. In time they might assimilate into the white mainstream. Stat e officials increased the pressure on tribes to surrender their lands to white farmers. By th e 1820s a few thousand Choctaw and Cherokee had emigrated to Arkansas, Texas, and wh at would become Indian Territory. Except for Seminoles living in Spanish Florid a, however, all tribes had treaties that seemingly guaranteed they would keep their homel ands east of the Mississippi. When told to move westward, they answered that they had ke pt part of those bargai ns. Many could point to their past support of Am erican interests. Choctaw and so me Cherokee had supported colonists during the American Revolution. Choctaw had bat tled bravely alongside Ja ckson and the battle of New Orleans. The tribes allowed and even we lcomed white missionaries. Most of all, they argued, their lands were sacred to their meani ng as a people. Leaving that country was like leaving themselves. Still the pressure grew. By the mid-1820s t housands of white settlers encroached onto Indian lands. Complaints brought no relief. In fact, southern states encouraged this intrusion and demanded that more land be surrendered. The federa l government, wary of stets rights issues did nothing to uphold treaty obligations. Re sistance among Indians stiffened. In 1819 the Cherokee council formally announced that no fu rther land cessions would be considered.
285 Andrew Jacksons election as President in 1828 brought matters to a head. There was no doubt where he stood in this confrontation. He ha d made his reputation partly as an Indian fighter (often with the aid of American Indi an allies) and had campaigned as a passionate supporter of removal. In 1830 Congress gave him what he wantedthe Removal Act. The act authorized him to negotiate surrender of eastern lands in exchange for other lands in Indian Territory. The government would pay for property left behind, assist with the move westward, help the tribes settle, and protect them in thei r new homes. For all assurances, the implication was clear: the tribes would emigrateor else. ORDEAL: THE CHEROKEE As the easternm ost tribe, the Cherokee for years felt pressure to open their lands to outsiders. With Jacksons elec tion, tribal leaders knew demands would intensify. Then came news in July 1829 that gold had been discovere d in creeks around Dahlonega, Georgia. Hundreds of gold seekers flooded the area, seizing promisi ng sites and building ramshackle camps in what was to become the richest gold strike west of th e Mississippi. Georgian o fficials acted quickly to wrestle this land away from its native people. Their strategy was simple. They would make it impossible for the Cherokee to live as they wished. In 1829 the Georgia legislature declar ed Cherokee land confiscated and promised to hand it over to whites. Ni Cherokee would be allowed to mine gold. The Cherokee tribal government was abolished and its laws declared void. Any Cherokee th at discourage another from emigrating westward would be imprisoned. Cherokees could not testify against whites in courts, and they were forbidden to hold any ki nd of meeting, even for religious services, unless they were assembling to surrender their land. The tribal council responded w ith a law of its own, putting in writing the dictate that any Cherokee who disposed of not a single acre w ithout council consent wo uld be put to death. Facing the tribes dilemma, an elderly chief, Wo man-killer spoke for many others. He said that his people were bound to whites by the golden ch ain of friendship. Now many said that national and state governments were determined to act the tyrant and kill the Cherokee for their land. Even death was better than abandoning their home: My sun of existence is now fast approaching to its setting, and my aged boned will soon be laid underground, and I wish them laid in the bos om of this earth we have received from our fathers who had it from the Great being above. When I sha ll sleep in forgetfulness, I hope my bones will not be deserted by you. The council appealed to the courts of the na tion that now threatened them. The Cherokees argued that a state had no right to interfere with national governme nt treaties guaranteeing Indian peoples land and independence. Washington, the Cherokees said, mu st step in and protect them from Georgias assault. In two crucial decisions ( Cherokee Nation v. Georgia, 1831 and Worcester v. Georgia 1832) the U. S. Supreme Court agreed that Georgias laws against the Cherokee were repugnant to the Constitution. President Jackson refused to protect the Cher okee from Georgias laws. Instead he took advantage of a bitter division among tribal leaders and sent agents to negotiate with the treaty party, whose leaders included Elia s Boudinot, former editor of the Cherokee Phoenix. Although the group had opposed removal for years, they now argued that the Cherokee had no other practical option.
286 Other leaders and the great majority of the Cherokees still opposed removal. The Cherokee identified intimately with the forested hills and green valleys that had been their home for scores of generations. Principle Chief John Ross argued that his people had every right to stay and be protected. He knew moving thousands of fam ilies hundreds of miles would be a tremendous ordeal. Jacksons negotiators drew up ma removal tr eaty. In October 1835 th e Cherokee council at red Clay rejected it. Even Ridge and Boudinot joined the majority against it. Jackson then tried another strategy, announcing that his agents woul d negotiate another tr eaty at the Cherokee capital of New Echota in December 1835. Thos e Cherokee who failed to appear would be counted in favor of any treaty made. Only th ree hundred to five hundred attended. At the conclusion of negotiations, not more than one hundred personsout of a population of approximately seventeen thousandvoted on the treaty. Under its terms, the Cherokee surrendered a ll land east of the Mississippi River. The government was to pay $5 million (although it never did) and provide land for resettlement in Indian Territory near the Osage people along the Arkansas and Grand Rivers. The federal government agreed to finance the exodus. Emigra tes were promised support during their first year building new homes although this pledge w ould be largely ignored. The entire operation had to be completed within two years of the tr eaty ratification. Ross and other leaders reacted with outrage, as did prominent whites. Nonetheless, after heated debate the Senate approved the treaty by a single vote in May 1836. Jackson ann ounced that no further challenges would be heard. In fact, he said, the Cherokee government would not exist until reorganized west of the Mississippi. All tribal members who failed to leave by April 1827 would violate the law of the land. CHEROKEE EXODUS As the deadline approached, only about two thousand Cherokee people had em igrated. The rest, about sixteen thousand pe ople with about sixteen hundred slaves and some free blacks, remained on their land while Ross pled their case. He traveled to Washington, D. C., carrying petitions with 15, 665 names repudiating the tr eaty, but the Senate would not receive it. Meanwhile, white Georgians pressed closer against Cherokee land, eyeing cabins and plantations. General John Wool, sent to guard against Indian insurrect ion, found instead the whole scene has been nothing but a heart-re nding one, with peaceful Cherokee families threatened by whites who were like vultures, ready to pounce upon their pr ey and strip them of everything they have. In the spring of 1838 major Gene ral Winfield Scott a rrived with five regiments. Helped by four thousand militia and volunteers, he was to se ize all Cherokee and confine them in stockades until they could be taken to Indian Territo ry. The roundup began on May 26, 1838. Squads swept through the hills. Families took only what they c ould carryclothes, valuables, a few precious mementos. Everything elsethe fruits of generations of laborwas left behind. Scott sternly ordered every possible kindness be shown to the deportees. Soldiers generally complied, but others, drawn mostly from locals who had sp ent years waiting the chance, turned immediately to looting. Cherokee memories were often horrific Years later one of the volunteer s looked back: I fought th rough the Civil War and saw men shot to pieces and slaughtered by the thous ands, but the Cherokee re moval was the cruelest work I ever knew.
287 The uprooted, including hundreds of slaves, were taken first to thirty-one temporary camps near Cherokee towns. Later they were moved to eleven internment centers, one in Alabama and the rest in Tennessee, to await removal. Conditions in these places became nightmarish. Crowded together in filthy condi tions, plagued by alternating heat and rain, the Cherokee suffered from whooping cough, measles, pleuris y, fever, and other maladies. Dysentery was rampant. By late June deaths were mounting, wi th children and elderly most at risk. Many army officers tried to lessen the sufferingto no av ail. The dying continued throughout the summer. Survivors were weak and demoralized. Removal spread out over nearly a year. The first families began their trip in early June 1838. The last straggled into Indi an Territory in mid-March 1839. The thousands of exiles moved along several routes by different means. Some fared better than others. All would look b ack on the passage as their peoples greatest ordeal. For about twenty-eight hundred people, the way west was by water. At Rosss Landing (now Chattanooga), they boarded flatboats, fo llowing their winding course of the Tennessee River through northern Alabama, Tennessee, and Ke ntucky to the Ohio River. They traveled by steamboat down the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers, then up the Arkansas River toward the hillier [sic] country of eastern Indian Territory. Their circuitous route covered more than 1, 200 miles. During one of the hottest and drie st summers of the century, the Arkansas River dropped so low that hundreds covered the last stage by foot and wagon. The sick a nd elderly suffered terribly in suffocating heat and choking dust along rocky, primitive roads. Every day there were new graves to dig. Seventy died from dysentery along L ees Creek, close to the journeys end, when famished marchers gorged on green corn and peaches. Once Ross saw his only option was removal under armed guard, he contracted with the government to oversee the rest of the exodus. The remaining captive Cherokee were organized into thirteen groups. In the hol ding camps, their livestock and be longings were seized by whites as payment for debts, often bogus. Property was r obbed of us in open daylight, a leader wrote Ross, by thieves who know we are in a defenseless situation. The first part y left at the start of October, the last in early December. Overland removal followed three main routes. Th e oldest, youngest, and sickest rode in the wagons, crowded among supplies and possessions. Confinement in camps left many weak and ill. Some travelers, notably in the treaty party, received more support than others, but the general government allocation of sixteen cents a day per person fell far short of even basic needs. By postponing departure, Ross avoided the awful heat and fevers of summer, but by cruel luck, winter 1838 began with torren tial rains, leaving emigrant s slogging through deep mud. The weather then turned viscously cold. A wealthy few traveled in carriages Perhaps the worst time was at Greens ferry on the Mississippi, where exhausted crowds waited, often for two weeks, to cross the ice-choked river into Missouri Mal nourished by a diet of cornmeal, beans, a nd a little salt pork, travelers suffered from dysentery, pellagra, pneumonia, and a range of other diseases. Government doctors, one per every thousand travelers, did thei r best, but they could barely keep up. At virtually every camp Cherokee were left behind in poorly marked graves as family and friends continued the march By the end of March 1839 the last of the tw elve thousand Cherokees straggled in. John Ross traveled most of the way by boat. Along th e way he buried his wife, Quatie. She was far from along. Missionary doctor Elizno Butler estimated that more than four thousand Cherokee diednearly a fifth of the Cherokee population.
288 WE ARE STILL HERE. The great m ajority of Indian peoples west of the Mississippi suffered removal to the west. Each had its own story of dispossession and depriv ation. Dozens of tribesfrom as far away as New York and the upper Great Lakeswere crowde d into India territory. Removal however was never completed. In the Southwest, besides the Se minole remaining in the Everglades, about four hundred Cherokees in the North Carolina Moun tains eluded capture. This groupcalled the Oconaluftee Cherokee or the Easter n Band of Cherokeetrace their or igin to an 1819 treaty that gave them American citizenship and an allotm ent of land not belonging to the Cherokee nation. In 1866 they were granted state citizenship. A bout ten thousand now live on a reservation in western North Carolina. For those who walked the trail, the ordeal was far from over. In the decade that followed, the government embarked on a direct effort to obl iterate tribal cultures. Religious rituals and dances were banned. Enormous pressure was exer ted to convert them to Christianity. Agents rigorously regulated social and personal customs, clothing styles, and th e length of mens hair. Persons were given Anglicized named, striking at both family and indivi dual identity. Tribal governments were undermined and tribal laws subverted. Children were required to attend school s where native languages were forbidden and native customs were punished. Between the 1880s and 1930s the governments allotment progr am attempted to eliminate the tribes communal land holdings, with some land given individually to tribal members and the rest open to settlement. These efforts to control the collecti ve and personal lives of American Indians have no parallel in the nations history. Yet, Choctaw, Chickasaw, Creek, Cherokee and Seminole have persisted and flourished. The Cherokee alone have more than 180, 000 registered members, with 65,000 living on Oklahoma land still under tribal jurisdiction. All five nations retain their ow n tribal governments. Weve managed not just to barely hang on. Weve managed to move forward in a very strong, very affirmative way, said Wilma Mankill er during her inaugural speech as Principle Chief of the Cherokee nation. Accomplishments made by all tribes in clude travel centers, gaming centers, clinics, programs of educati on and economic development, scholarships and hospitals. All five tribes work to ensure that their culture s will remain vital and resilient, as they were in the past. Classes in tribal languages are taught in schools, including the University of Oklahoma. Museums and archives preserve and display the history and traditions of these remarkable people. Such efforts celebrate distin ctive heritage and honor the sacrifice of those who carried the burden of survival over the long miles and terrible tribulations of the Trail of Tears. NATIONAL TRAIL SYSTEMS MA P AND GUIDE, NATIONAL PARK SERVICE, 1993 After m any years of pressure from white settlers, 16,000 Cherokee Indians from the southeastern states were moved by the U.S. Ar my in the late 1830s to lands west of the Mississippi River. Various detachments followed diffe rent routes west to the Oklahoma territory. Thousands died along the way. Today, the designated trail follows two of the principle routes: a water trail (1,226 miles) along the Tennessee, Ohi o, Mississippi, and Arkansas rivers; and an overland route (826) from Chattanooga, Tennessee, to Tahlequah, Oklahoma.
289 QUOTATIONS Long tim e we travel on way to new land. Pe ople feel bad when they leave Old Nation. Women cry and make sad wails. Children cry and many men cry but they say nothing and just put heads down and keep on go to wards West. Many days pass and people die very much. Recollections of a survivor (TOT 1) Every possible kindness must be shown by the troops General Winfield Scott, May 17, 1838 (TOT 1) I saw the Cherokees dragged from their homes, and driven at the bayonet point into the stockades. And in the chill of a dr izzling rain on an October morning I saw them loaded like cattle or sheep in to six hundred and forty-five wagons and started towards the west. Private John G. Burnett, U.S. Army (TOT 2) many of them had been driven from home barefooted. Private John G. Burnett, U.S. Army (TOT 1) The sick and feeble were carried in wagons about as comfortable for traveling as a New England ox cart with a covering over ita gr eat many ride on horse back and multitudes go on footeven the aged females, apparently nearly ready to drop into the grave, were traveling with heavy burdens attached to the backon the sometimes frozen ground, and sometimes muddy streets, with no covering for the feet except what nature had given them. A Native of Maine Traveli ng in the Western Country (TOT 2) One each day. Then all are gone. Recollections of a survivor (TOT 2) She could only carry her dying child in her arms a few miles farther, and then, she must stop in a stranger-land and consign her much loved babe to the cold ground, and that without pomp or ceremony, and pass on with the multitude. When I past the last detachment of those suffering exiles and thought that my native countrymen had thus expelled them from their native soil and thei r much loved homes, and that too in this inclement season of the years in all their suffe ring, I turned from the sight with feelings which language cannot express and wept like childhood then. A traveler who witnessed a passi ng mother holding her dying child (TOT 2) During the present week 1900 Cherokee Indian s passed through town on their way; some of them have considerable w ealth and make a very respecta ble appearance, but most of them are poor and exceedingly weak. Jackson Advertiser, December 26, 1838 (TOT 2)
290 The last detachment of emigrating Indian s (Cherokee), consisting of about 1000, passed through this place yesterday on th eir way to their new home. The largest detachment in which there were 1800 passed the day before. Jackson Advertiser, February 16, 1839 (TOT 2) There were about 2,000 Indians in this di vision. All the others had gone by way of Farmington, but the roads were so bad that this last division had to come this way along the Fredericktown Road and such a road at that time! Theodore Peace Russell, 1838 (TOT 2) I saw a group of girls playing at a sort of battledore. When I heard the laughter of the boys and girls, I could hardly r ealize I was in the Indian cam p, among people who have been called savages. Theodore Peace Russell, 1838 (TOT 2) A considerable number drunk last night, obtai ned liquor at Farmingt on yesterday: had to get pout of bed about midnight to quell the di sorder; a refusal by several to march this morning. B. B. Cannon, November 21, 1837 (TOT 2) Some say we are leaving of our own c hoiceWe found ourselve s like a benighted stranger following false guides, until he was surrounded on every side by fire and water. A distant view on the opposite shor e encourages the hope; to remain would be inevitable annihilation. Who would hesitate or who would say that his plunge into the water was his own voluntary act? Chief Harkins, 1838 (TOT 3) Families at dinner were startled by the sudden gleam of bayonets in the doorway and rose up to be driven with blows and oaths along the weary m iles of trail that led to the stockade. Men were seized in their fi elds or going along the road, women were taken from their [sinning] wheels and children fr om their play. In many cases, in turning for one last look as they crossed the ridge, they saw their homes in flames, fired by the lawless rabble that followed on the heels of the soldiers to loot and pillage. Anonymous May, 1838 (TOT 3) The multitudes go on footeven aged females, apparently nearly ready to drop into the grave, were traveling with heavy burdens at tached to the backon the sometimes frozen groundwith no covering for the feet except wh at nature had given themSome carry a down cast dejected lookothers a wild frantic app earance as if about to burst the chains of nature and pounce like a tiger upon their enemies. Anonymous May, 1838 (TOT 3) The lapse of over half a century [has] not suffi ced to wipe out the memory of the miseries of that halt beside the fro zen river, with hundreds of sick and dying penned up in wagons or stretched upon the ground, with only a blanke t overhead to keep out the January blast. Scholar James Mooney who spoke with survivors much later (TOT 3)
291 APPENDIX B TIMELINE FOR THE TRAIL OF TEARS NAT IONAL HISTORIC TRAIL In this appendix I piece together a chronology of events in American history that relate to the forced migration of Cherok ee Indians along the Trai l of Tears and to th e National Historic Trail created in its wake. I aim to give a suffici ent description of the hi story, geography of the National Historic Trail and the in tentions of the organizations a nd individuals involved in its inception and realizations. This description sits be tween a selection of dated entries that together present a broad history of gove rnmental policies and legislat ion, court decisions, wilderness conservation and recreation statutes, cultural innovations and histor ic events affecting relationships between American Indians and non-Indians in the United States. This chronology offers a straightforward, easy to read description that is more suitable for this dissertation than an in-depth historical analysis and/or criti que in the form of an expository essay. We know that a number of articles and books have been written about the event known as the Trail of Tears. However, a thorough histor y or geography of the Trail of Tears National Historic Trail has yet to be written even t hough roadways, heritage and memorial space have become popular topics of resear ch among contemporary scholars. I considered integrating into this disserta tion an historical account of the auto-trail, specifically one that would include an analysis of the politics of representation that determined its design, meanings and visual re gime. I decided against it for tw o reasons. First, any analysis would stand outside the aims a nd procedures of my method of imagetexting and therefore break the integrity of the dissertati on. Second, an analysis and its fi ndings would at best be of tangential significance to the reci procal exchanges of meaning ta king place at the surface of the auto-trail. Chronology, though also tangential, by contrast allows readers to access basic information more readily and to jump from one date and concomitant entr y to any other without
292 the burden of having to read too much about a nd into the National Historic Trail. And, not wanting to make too much of this, chronologys characteristic linear no n-linearity does have much in common with the production and reading of imagetexts. Nevertheless, my aim here is to convey sufficient information in a condensed form. Surrounding what I presume to be a sufficient amount of information on the Historic Trail is a history composed from se veral secondary sources that compresses centuries of human activity. While my main intention is to give an outline describing the development of the Historic Trail, I offer an historical context that allows but does not require read ers to discern historic patterns and trends, and discover re lationships between the Trail of Tears, its official inscription in the roadway, and American historythis for the sake of enriching our u nderstanding of all of these. This chronology depends on several secondary sources. Atlas of the North American In dian (1985) by Carl Waldman. American Environmentalism (1990) edited by Roderick Nash. Trail of Tears National Historic Trail Certification Guide (1994). The Trail of Tears National Historic Trail (1996) by Da vid M. Gaines and John L. Krakow. American Nations: Encounters in Indian C ountry, 1850 to the Present (2001) edited by Frederick E. Hoxie, Peter C. Mancall, and James H. Merrell. Trail of Tears National Histor ic Interpretive Plan (2003). Comprehensive Management and Use Plan, Trai l of Tears National Historic Trail (1992). Information directly associated with the historical event know n as the Trail of Tears and with the development and management of the National Historic Trail is in bold type. This foregrounding of information will make it more accessible to readers who may find it necessary to re-focus on these specific facts and figures.
293 TIMELINE 12, 000,000 BC Paleo-Siberians cross a land bridge formed across the Bering Straits and spread into the Americas. 1,400 BCAD 1500 Woodland cultures devel op in the eastern portion of North America. 700 Mound building culture appears in the Mississippi basin and in other parts of the southeast. 985 Norsemen temporarily settle in Greenland and North America. 1492 Exploration and colonization of the New World begins with the arrival of Columbus who calls the people of North America Indians. 1512 Pope Julius II proclaims American Indians descendents of Adam and Eve. 1539 Spanish Conquistador Hernando De Soto explores the interior of the southeast making contact with Creek, Chickasaw, Choctaw and Cherokees and other Indian Nations. 1565 First permanent European sett lement erected in St. Augustine, Florida. 1568 Jesuits open first missionary school in Havana to civilize and educate Florida Indians. 1607 First permanent English sett lement founded in Jamestown, Virginia. 1621 First treaty signed between I ndians and Europeans at Plymouth, Massachusetts. 1638 New Haven, Connecticut desi gnates New Haven first Indian reservation. 1675 The use of European glass bead s in place of porcupine quills to decorate apparel spread s among eastern tribes. 1730 Seven Cherokee Indian Chiefs visit London and form an alliance with King George II. 1738 Smallpox epidemic kills many Cherokees.
294 1760 Cherokees and colonists war along the Carolina frontier. 1763 King George III proclaims Indian country west of the Appalachian Mountains and forbids displacement without tribal or crown consent. 1776 Declaration of Independence. 1778 First of 370 treaties si gned between the United States and Indian Nations. 1781 Articles of Confederation affirm that the federal governments has sole authority to regulate Indian affairs and trade. 1783 Continental Congress issues a proclamation warning against squatting on Indian land. 1789 Department of War is established and its secretary is given control of Indian Affairs. US Constitution grants federal government power to regulate commerce with foreign nation including Indians. 1802 Federal law prohibits sa le of alcohol to Indians. Congress appropriates funds to civilize and ed ucate Indians. 1803 Louisiana Purchase. 1804 Louisiana Territory Act indicates the intent of federal government to move eastern Indians west of the Mississippi River. 1809 Sequoyah creates a Cherokee alphabet making Cherokee a written language. 1813 Andrew Jackson defeats Creek Indians in Southeast dispossessing them of their homeland. 1816 US government obtains much of the Indian land in east by signing over 40 treaties. 1817 Andrew Jackson invades Florida igniting the First Seminole War. 1824 Bureau of Indian Affairs opens in the Department of War.
295 1825 Federal government redefines Indian Country west of the Mississippi River. 1827 Cherokees adopt a constitution which the state legislature of Georgia subsequently nullifies. 1828 Cherokee Phoenix newspaper is printed weekly and uses Sequoyahs syllabry. 1830 Congress endorses Indian Removal Act. 1830 US government forces over 100,000 Indians living between Michigan, Louisiana and Florida to migrate west. 1831 Five Civilized Tribes re located to Indian Territory. 1831 Worcester v. Georgia. 1832 Cherokee Nation v. Georgia. Supreme Court rules in favor of Cherokees and calls Georgia laws promoting dispossession and disp lacement repugnant; President Andrew Jackson responds: Let them enforce it. 1834 Congress passes the Trade and Intercourse Act which redefines Indian Territory, the permanent frontier and gives US army the right to quarantine Indians. 1836 Congress ratifies Treaty of New Echota. 1838 Cherokee Trail of Tears. 1844 Federal soldiers conf iscate firs t issue of Cherokee Advocate published in Indian Territory. 1848 Treaty of Guadeloupe Hidalgo cedes to US Spanish territory in the southwest. 1849 US Department of Interior esta blished. Bureau of Indians Affairs transferred to Department of Interior. 1853 The Federal government confiscat es the northern portion of Indian Territory to form the states of Kansas and Nebraska. 1853 US gain 174 million acres of Indian land through 52 treaties all broken by whites.
296 1861 American Civil War. 1862 Indian insurrection leads to the largest mass execution in US history. Thirty-eight Indians were ordered by Abraham Lincoln to be hung. 1863 Navajos Long March. 1864 White militia kills 300 Indians during what is called the Sand Creek Massacre. 1864 Indians determined competen t to testify in court trials. 1865 Five Civilized Tribes relinquish western porti on of Indian Territory to Indians from Kansas and Nebraska as punishment for supporting the Confederate States of America during the War. 1866 Railroad Enabling Act requires that land be taken from Indians. North Carolina grants state citizenship to the Eastern ban of Cherokee Indians. 1867 US purchases Alaska. 1868 14th Amendment denies Indian voting rights. 1871 Congress passes laws that e nd promulgation of Treaties. Indians burial grounds throughout the country are dug-up by those seeking bones for manufacturing buttons. 1872 Yellowstone National Park is established. 1876 Battle of Little Big Horn near Black Hills of South Dakota. 1885 Major Crimes Act gives federal courts jurisdiction over cases involving major crimes on reservations. The last great buffalo herd exterminated. 1886 Geronimo surrenders. 1887 General Allotment Act (Dawes Act) divides reservation lands into parcels for individual ownership an d sale. Millions of acres are bought by corporations and the mone y is placed in federal trust.
297 Effectively undermines communal land ownership and tribal governments. 1890 Wounded Knee massacre of 350 Indians by federal troops. US consensus announces the end of the frontier as a definable line. 1890 250, 000 American Indians live in the US. 1895 American Scenic and Histor ic Preservation Society founded. 1898 Curtis Act extends allotment to Five Civilized Tribes in Indian Territory and breaks-up tribal governments. 1902 Federal government makes first o il and gas leases on Indian land in Oklahoma. 1906 Antiquities Act preserves areas of scientific and historical interests as national monuments. Federal government annexes 50, 000 acres of sacred land from Taos Pueblo of New Mexico and converts it to a national park. 1907 Oklahoma Territory, which containing Indian Territory, becomes a state. 1908 Grand Canyon of Colorado becomes a national monument. 1909 Before leaving office Teddy Roosev elt decrees thousands of acres of Indian reservation land national forest. 1913 Buffalo Head nickel is issued. 1916 National Park Service Act. 1917 Last Indian reservation establish in Arizona for Papago Nation. 1921 Department of Interior becomes responsible for Indian education, medical and social services. 1924 Citizenship Act grants citizensh ip to all American Indians. 1925 Mount Rushmore National Memorial in the Black Hills of South Dakota which are sacred to th e Lakota Sioux opens to public.
298 1934 Indian Reorganization Act revers es allotment and provides federal support such as loans and agricu ltural technology for Indians on reservations. 1936 Congress officially recognizes Indi an culture with the creation of the Indian Arts and Crafts board. 1946 Congress creates the Indian Clai ms Commission to reconcile tribal land claims with financial compensation. 1948 Museum of Cherokee Indian opens in Cherokee, North Carolina. 1950 Bureau of Indian Affairs proposes a program of cultural assimilation which would lead Indi ans off reservations and into major cities. 1953 Indian prohibition repealed by Congress. Public Law 280 allows certain states to take over criminal and civil jurisdiction of Indian reservat ion without tribal consent. 1959 Congress authorizes the surgeon ge neral to provide sanitation for Indian communities. 1961 Modern Indian movement begins. 1963 Bureau of Outdoor Recreation formed in Department of Interior. 1964 Civil Rights Act prohibits discrimi nation for reason of color, race, religion, or national origin. 1965 Land and Water Conservation Fund allocate money to state and federal organizations to preserve park land and open space. The Bill of Rights gives trib al governments law and order jurisdiction on reserva tions while restricting these governments in the same manner as federa l and state authorities. Voting Right Act guarantees equal voting rights. 1966 National Historic Preservation Act. 1968 National Wild and Scenic Rivers Act. National Trails System Act establishes national recreation trails, national scenic trails, and national historic trails.
299 National Historic Trails designated by Congress must meet all of the following criteria. 1) It must be established by historic use and must be historically significant as result of that use. The route need not currently exist as a discerna ble trail to qualif y, but it location must be sufficiently known to permit evaluation of public recreation and historic interest poten tial. 2) It must be of national significance with respect to Amer ican history such as trade, commerce, exploration, migration and settlement, and must have had far-reaching effect on broad patterns of American culture. 3) Must have significant potential for public recreational use or historic interest based on historic interpretation and appreciation. 1969 Dr. N. Scott Momaday, a Kiowa, receives a Pulitzer Prize for literature. Cherokee Heritage Center ope ns in Tahlequah, Oklahoma. 1970 Sacred land of the Blue Lake is returned to Taos Pueblo. 1971 The Appalachian Trail is permanently marked. 1973 Marlon Brando refuses Oscar for be st actor to protest negative portrayal of Indians in Hollywood films. 1974 Indian Financing Act makes available to Indian communities low interest government loans. 1975 Federal government proposes polic y of Indian self-determination to replace policies of assimilation. 1977 Indian Activists attend the Inte rnational Human Rights Conference in Geneva and asks the UN to rec ognize Indian tribes as sovereign nations. 1978 American Freedom of Religi on Act protects Indian religions. Indian Claim Commission ceases to exist. Tribes prevail in sixty percent of all claims and are compensated a total of about 800 million dollars. Tennessee designates the Trail of Tears with roadside trail markers. 1980 American Indian population is 1,418,195.
300 Congress asks National Park Service to determine appropriate way to commemorate the Trail of Tears. The Park service decides on an auto and water tra il, the former to be designated along existing highways. The route would parallel the approximate route of the national historic trail, keeping in mind traveler convenience and ye ar around safety. All roads would be paved and open year-round. The auto-tour route would be marked with an identifying symbol and the official trail marker (TOTNHT-CMUP 1993, 103). 1983 Congress passes Public Law 98-11 amending the National Trail Systems Act by authorizing the Department of Interior to conduct a feasibility study for the Trail of Tears National Historic Trail. 1986 National Park Service comp letes feasibility study and determines that the Trail of Tear s can be designated a National Historic Trail because it meet s the following criteria: 1) established by historic use and is historically significant as a result of that us 2) is nationa lly significant with respect to American history 3) has signific ant potential for historical interest based on historic int erpretation and appreciation. 1987 Public Law 100-192 amends the National Trail Systems Act designating the Trail of Tears auto-route a National Historic Trail. Santa Fe Trail becomes a National Historic Trail. 1988 Congress approves American Indian Gaming Regulatory Act. 1989 National Trail of Tears Advisory Council forms. National Park Service begins composing a comprehensive management and use plan required by National Trails Systems Act. Park Service begins identificati on and inventory of historic sites, road segments and preexis ting interpretive facilities. Park Service sets standards for education, interpretation, resource protection, trail development and marking. It will provide technical assistance and limited financing for planning, designing and environmental compliance. They aim to bring together local state, federal and private citizens and organizations in cooperative agreement to develop,
301 administer, manage and protect the Trail. Emphasis is on grassroots initiatives a nd voluntary efforts. 1989 National Trail Advisory Council holds three scoping meetings and thirteen public workshops in various locations along the potential Trail route. They bring together Cherokees from both tribes, government representatives from nine different states and federal age ncies, historians, geographers, members of Cherokee National Historic Society and of local and national conservation and historic societies to answer their questions and listen to suggestions and concerns. The Principle chiefs of th e Cherokee Nation were most concerned with the issue of respecting the removal by appropriately limiting potent ial tourism. The removal was a supreme sacrifice for the tribethe supreme sacrifice for its victims and any commercial denigration of this legacy would be unthinkable. Cherokee trib al members requested that, while the visitor experience should include a variety of learning opportunities, recreation activi ties not sensitive to the Cherokees would not be pursu ed (Gaines and Krakow 1996, 163). 1990 Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act. 1991 Draft Plan of Trail of Tears National Historic Trail made available for public viewing and comment. 1992 Cherokee artist Gary Allen of Tahlequah creates Trail of Tears (NHT) logo. Advisory council approves logo though not without protest. Some complain of insufficient ti me to solicit artists to broaden selection. The logo will be placed at sites, on roadside markers and sale items meeting standards and specifications set by National Park Service. Comprehensive Management and Use Plan accepted. Long Distance Trails Group Office in Santa Fe, New Mexico begins implementing policies. Major goals are to preserve open space, historic buildings, and develop auto and water trails. Proposed annual budget is $250,000.
302 1992 Multiple agreements reached between Long Distance Trail Group and interested parties such as state governments, Cherokees Nations, US Forest Service and Army Corps of Engineers, etc. National Park Service negotiate s with highway departments of six states. Each will manufacture, install, maintain and replace the trail markers according to Park Service specifications. Trail markers promote public knowledge of the Trail of Tears and will mark the Trail every five miles in each direction. Signs will be supplemented with maps, brochures, and guides at appropriate locations (TOTNHT-CMUP, 47). First certified Trail marker for auto-tour is places on Route 11 in Charleston, Tennessee. The auto-tour will closely parallel the Northern Route which was traveled by 11 consecutive detachments of 1,000 or more Cherokee Indians between 1838 39. The Trail ends in Tahlequah, Oklahoma, capital of the Western Cherokee Nation. The auto-route is 993 miles and passes through federal forests and parks, and major metropol itan areas of Fayetteville, Arkansas, Nashville, Tennessee, and Springfield, Missouri. Water route is 1,226 miles. It begins in Chattanooga, Tennessee, follows the Tennessee, Mississippi and Arkansas Rivers and ends near Fort Gibson, Oklahoma. Mashantucket Pequots open Foxwood Casino on Connecticut reservation. 1993 The non-profit Trail of Tears (NHT) Association is chartered. As a liaison between all interested parties, leads implementation process. Responsibilities include, monitor development of trail, collect funds, publis h reading materials telling the Trails story, gu ide research, offer technical assistance and protect resources. Their motto is echoes of the past calling forth a future of understanding (Gaines and Krakow 1996, 166). 1994 National Park Service issues the Trail of Tears National Historic Trail Certification Guide Sites, road segments and complimentary or interpretive facilities can be certified.
303 Forty-six historic sites have po tential for certification. They include fords, ferries, struct ures, natural landmarks, mark grave sites, campsites and rural landscapes (TOTNHTCMUP, 21). Most are unmarked and not directly adjacent to the auto-trail. Park Service es timates 400 unmarked graves in the vicinity of the Trail. To preserve historic sites and open space along the Trail, the Association uses various instruments such as easements, feesimple acquisition, preservatio n zoning, resource protection laws, and building and subdivision ordinances. Protecting resources will make the landscape reminiscent of what the Cherokees saw when they traveled the Trail (TOTNHT-CMUP, 25). According to the Trail Associat ion, the physical route of the Historic Trail and historic sites associated with the Trail and removal must reflect the lifestyles of Indian peoples at the time of removal, the harshness of the journey west, and their remarkable adaptation to their new surroundings (TOTNHTIP, 10). All certified sites must provide in formation that is historically accurate, foster the qualities of contemplation and education and must not perpetuate stereotypes or mythic connotations. Cherokee Tribes must be consulted before a property is certified. President Clinton holds an unprecedented meeting at the White House with representati ves of all federally recognized tribes. 1996 The Historic Trail actual operating budget is $42, 000, threequarters of which pays for th e manufacturing and placement of trail markers. Trail of Tears Association hold s its first general membership conference in Little Rock, Arkansas. 1998 Museum of Cherokee Indian is completely renovated. 2002 Strategic Plan developed by the Trail Association, Advisory Council and Park Service defines significance of the Trail of Tears (NHT): 1) preserve the history of southeastern Indian removal brought on by the Indian removal Act 2) protect historical and natural resources such as artifacts and
304 landscapes for the enjoyment of future generations 3) promote recreation 4) promote understanding associated with historic appreciation. They want the real thing a multi-sensory experience, and an experience that is enlightening and educational without having to do a lot (or all) of reading (TOTNHT-IP, 7). 2003 Trail of Tears National Historic Trail Interpretive Plan revised every 5 years, proposes an interpretative program that includes wayside exhibits, multimedia presentations, off-site educational projects, and maps and brochures. Interpretive Plan defines principle mean ings and values of the Historic Trail to be conveyed to the public. For example, the history of the Trail of Tears warns how a nation founded on the principles of equality and guaranteed protection under the law fell prey to greed, racism, and disregard for human rights to serve special interestand cautions us to be eternally vigilant to prevent this from happening again (TOTNHT-IP, 5). 2004 Museum of the American Indian opens on the National Mall. 2005 Cherokee Heritage Center installs $3.5 million exhibit describing 12,000 years of Cherokee history. 2008 National Trails System includes se venteen National Hi storic Trails.
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326 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Ken W halen was born in the Bronx, New York, raised in Melbourne, Florida. Ken earned his undergraduate degree in geography from CUNY, Hunter College, in 1992. In August of 1992, he entered the graduate program in the De partment of Geography at the University of Maryland at College Park where he applied th e novel ideas of postmodern and poststructural geographies in his research. In August 2001, he began work towards a doctorate in geography at the University of Florida. While as a gradua te student in the depa rtment of geography, he developed and taught geography cour ses as a teaching assistant. Al so during this time he was adjunct professor at Jacksonville University and Florida Community College at Jacksonville, and served as Graduate Student Representative for the Cultural Geography Specialty Group of the Association of American Geographers from 2004 to 2006. In 2008, he accepted an assistant professorship in geography at the American Universi ty of Afghanistan, in Kabul.