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RESCUING OUR PAST
THE ROLE OF SENSE OF PLACE IN THE PRESERVATION OF RESIDENTIAL
INTERIORS
By
NALO ALEXANDRA MCGIBBON
A MASTER'S THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF INTERIOR DESIGN
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
2009
2009 Nalo McGibbon
To my Mom
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
It takes a village to write a thesis and I would like to thank everyone involved in helping
me write mine.
First I would like to thank my thesis advisor Professor Maruja Torres-Antonini for keeping
me on topic when I wandered. I would also like to thank my co-chair Professor Roy Graham for
first getting me interested in the field of historic preservation. I would also like to thank
Professor Peter Prugh, it is because of the lectures in Nantucket that I became aware of the effect
of gut rehabs on historic houses.
Next, I would like to thank all of the employees of the various State Historic Preservation
Office's and Easement organizations who took time to answer my questions. Special thanks to
Kate Ryan at the Georgia Trust for helping me arrange interviews.
To my friends, thank you for laughing with me and sometimes at me over the years. I
would especially like to thank both Christie Moore-Yonover and Jenifer Ruske for their
friendship, love and laughter since college. Also, I would like to thank Greg Fortner, Amanda
Zenteno and Vanessa Schneller for their years of friendship. Lastly, I want to thank Danielle
Palow, Iris Patten, James Wall, and Ryan Thompson for attempting to keep me sane throughout
the thesis process.
I would like to thank my adopted parents, Liz and Lee Synder, for their love and support.
Lastly, I would like to thank my mom for everything. I would not be the person I am today
without your love and support
TABLE OF CONTENTS
page
A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S ..............................................................................................................4
LIST OF TABLES ......... ........... .............................................. 8
LIST O F FIG U RE S ................................................................. 9
ABSTRACT ........................................... .. . ...... .......... 10
CHAPTER
1 IN TR OD U CTION .......................................................................... .. ... .... 12
W hy Preserve the Past? ....................... ..... .. ...... ................................... 12
Preservation for Practical vs. Emotional Reasons.........................................................13
P ra ctic a l re a so n s ................................................................... ...................................14
Emotional reasons ......................... ...................................16
Factors that Impact Historic Preservation..................................................................... 17
S ty le ................... ............................................................ ................ . 1 7
C raftsm an ship ................................................................................................. . .... 19
P ro p erty rig h ts ............... .... ... .. ...............................................................2 0
How are Historic Residential Interiors Being Lost? ...........................................................21
Insensitive rehabilitations ............................................. .. ...... ................. 22
M arket-driven teardow ns............................. ........................................................ 23
Interior shell viewed as being of secondary importance .............................................24
H historic P reserve action T ools ....................................................................................................24
Legislation ........................................................................ 25
N national Register for H historic Places ........................... ... ..... ............... ... 26
Secretary of the Interior Standards for Treatment of Historic Proprieties ....................28
H historic interiors vs. recreated interiors ........................................ ....... ............... 29
A availability of Financial Incentives................................................ ............................ 31
F federal incentives ..................................................................... ................. 3 1
State rehabilitation tax credit for homeowners.....................................................33
E asem ents ..............................................................................................34
2 THEORETICAL FRAM EW ORK .............................................. .............................. 38
E nvironm ental B ehavior............ .... .............................................................. ........... .. 38
S en se o f self ............................................................................... 3 9
S o c ia l id e n tity ......................................................................................................4 0
P la c e id e n tity .............................................................................4 1
T territorial m parking .............................. ........................ .... ........ .... ..... ...... 42
P e rso n a liz a tio n ................................................................................................... 4 3
Place attach ent ................................................................. ........ 44
Fam iliarity, security, em otional com fort............................................................... 44
D destruction of interiors .............................................. ........ ......................... 45
N nostalgia ....................................................................................................... ..... 46
N narrative ....................................................................................................... ....... 47
S u m m ary ................... ...................4...................8..........
3 M E T H O D O L O G Y ........................................................................................................... 4 9
Sen se of self ........................................................................................................ 5 1
W o rth in e ss ................................................................................................................. 5 1
Place attach ent ...................................................................... ........ 53
N o stalg ia ............................................................................... 5 4
4 C A SE ST U D Y .....................................................56
Case Study Background ............................................. 56
Case Study 1 G ainesville, FL .............................................................. 59
C ase Study 2 G ainesville, FL ................................................................................... 62
Case Study 3 Lithonia, G A .......................................................... 64
C ase Study 4 A tlanta, G A ............................................................66
Case Study 5 Carnesville, G A ............................................................. 67
Environmental Autobiographies..................... ......... .......... 69
C ro ss C a se A n aly sis ............................................................................................................... 7 4
5 CON CLU SION .... .................................................83
APPENDIX
A NUMBER OF SINGLE FAMILY HOMES BY AGE ...................................... ...............87
B LEGISLATION FOR STATE REHABILITATION TAX CREDIT FOR
H O M E O W N E R S ........................................................................................88
C NUMBER OF HOUSES THAT USED STATE REHABILITATION TAX CREDIT
FOR HOMEOWNERS BY STATE ............... ............... ......... 91
D NUMBER OF SINGLE FAMILY HOUSES (2006) COMPARED TO TOTAL
NUMBER OF APPROVED SINGLE FAMILY HOUSES THAT HAVE USED
STATE REHABILITATION tax credit, by state ........ .......................... 93
E STATES WITH EASEMENT ENABLING LEGISLATION AND NUMBER OF
EASEMENT HOLDING ORGANIZATIONS ..........................................94
F EASEMENTS BY ORGANIZATIONS BY STATE.................................. ............... 96
G TOTAL NUMBER OF SINGLE FAMILY HOUSES (2006) COMAPERD TO TOTAL
NUMBER OF RESIDENTIAL EASEMENTS .............................................. 108
H PARTICIPANT CONSENT LETTER.......... ... ........... .................. 110
I INTERVIEW QUESTIONS ........................................................... .. ............... 112
L IST O F R E F E R E N C E S ..................................................................................... ..................116
B IO G R A PH IC A L SK E T C H ......................................................................... ........................ 123
7
LIST OF TABLES
Table page
5-1 Case Study House Status Historic or "Historic"... ........................ ..........59
5-2 Case Study Subjects Treatment of House............................ ..... ................... 59
5-3 Cross Case Analysis Finding of Role of Sense of Self............... .... ...............76
5-4 Cross Case Analysis Role of W orthiness........................... ..... .... ............... 77
5-5 Cross Case A analysis Role of Sense of Place ...................................................................78
5-6 Cross Case Analysis Role of N ostalgia ........................................ ......................... 79
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure page
3-1 Role of sense of self in decision making for homeowners. .................. ...............52
3-2 Role of worthiness in decision making for homeowners .............................................53
3-3 Role of Sense of Place Attachment in decision making for homeowners......................54
3-4 Role of Nostalgia in decision making for homeowners............................................... 55
5-1 Case Study House Interiors. Photographs of Subject 1's house.....................................61
5-2 Case Study House Interiors. Photographs of Subject 2's house.......................................63
5-3 Case Study House Interiors. Photographs of Subject 3's house.....................................65
5-4 Case Study House Interiors. Photographs of Subject 5's house.........................................69
5-5 Environmental Autobiography drawing Subject 1 ................................ .................70
5-6 Environmental Autobiography drawing, Subject 3 ................................. ............... 71
5-7 Environmental Autobiography drawing Subject 4 ................................. ............... 72
5-8 Environmental Autobiography drawing, Subject 5 ................................. ............... 73
Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Master of Interior Design
RESCUING OUR PAST
THE ROLE OF SENSE OF PLACE IN THE PRESERVATION OF RESIDENTIAL
INTERIORS
By
Nalo Alexandra McGibbon
August 2009
Chair: Maruja Torres-Antonini
Major: Interior Design
Historic residential interiors are being lost due to multiple causes. There are several
strategies for fighting this loss including government supported financial incentives for
rehabilitation or restoration as well as individual efforts to recreate "historic" interiors. The
purpose of this thesis is to examine some of the reasons that might explain the restoration,
preservation or reconstruction of residential interiors. Despite of the wide availability of
financial incentives for their preservation, these initiatives are rarely used and historic residential
interiors continue to be lost. Counteracting this phenomenon, some individuals are motivated
enough to attempt saving interiors of the past on their own terms, and chose to create interiors to
match their own interpretation of the history of their house.
Case study research was conducted to describe and help explain individual choices in
rehabilitating or restoring residential interiors. Case studies are well suited to examine
contemporary phenomena within their real-life context. Cases were controlled for single family
house owners living in houses generally referred to as "historic." Semi-structured informal
interviews following approved protocols inquired about homeowner reasons for rehabilitating or
restoring their house interiors. The case study participants emotional attachment, and
identification with, their house were examined through interview questions and use of
environmental autobiography methods. The information was then interpreted and a cross-case
analysis was generated to identify recurring connections between psychosocial factors and the
interpretive recreation of house interiors.
This thesis summarizes the theoretical background, method and results of this study, and
findings from the case studies suggesting possible answers to the question: Why do people
preserve, through rehabilitation, restoration or reconstruction, residential interiors of the past?
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Why Preserve the Past?
What preservation is really about is the retention and active relationship of the buildings of
the past to the community's functioning present. You don't erase history to get history; a
city's character and quality are a product of continuity. (Huxtable, 1986, p.62)
Preservation is about maintaining an active relationship between the past and present. As
Huxtable mentions, the history of a town can be seen in the various building types that survive to
the present. Preservation saves the historic and architectural legacy of our culture.
Documentary evidence, such as photographs and blue prints, may allow for examination of
historic structures but they do not capture the spirit of place. One reason to preserve buildings is
to safeguard these tangible links to the past and help individuals recognize who we are, how we
became so, and to serve as an anchor for society's memories (Bathel, 1996; Stipe, 2003). The
goal of historic preservation is neither to mothball, closing up a building to protect it while it is
vacant, nor make every "historic" structure into a museum; but to maintain an interactive
relationship with these structures so they are in use and relevant to the present. The historic
buildings and interiors that surround us as part of our daily life also become part of our identity;
as individuals are part of a continuous exchange through which our surroundings create our
identity and our identity creates our surroundings (Stipe, 2003). So, historic preservation helps
create a bond between the community and the individuals who live there (Rypkema, 2005).
Some buildings are preserved because of their association with either significant events or
people of the past. Preserving these historic buildings protects the irreplaceable memories
connected to historic events. However, historic buildings are preserved for reasons beyond their
association with famous events or people. Some buildings are saved because they exemplify the
distinctive characteristics of a type or period; some because of their intrinsic artistic value (Stipe,
2003). Some people may preserve for feelings of nostalgia for the past and others may choose to
preserve historic buildings because they regard modern construction as uniform and therefore an
inadequate means for maintaining the individuality and identity they seek (Stipe, 2003). Finally
some may preserve historic buildings out of pragmatic or economic needs. In general, the
decision to preserve historic buildings is affected by social motives and these motives are
themselves shaped by social structure and experiences with the historic building (Bathel, 1996).
Preservation for Practical vs. Emotional Reasons
In the modem world, the idea that houses can be loved and beautiful has been eliminated
altogether. For most of the world's housing, the task of building houses has been reduced
to a grim business of facts and figures, an uphill struggle against the relentless surge of
technology and bureaucracy, in which human feeling has almost been forgotten. (Franklin,
2001, p.79)
For many centuries, houses have been viewed primarily as a shelter from the elements and
little attention was paid to their aesthetic design (Rybczynski, 1986). Originally houses were just
a shelter for sleeping but during the middle ages the house evolved to also be the primary
location of a family's business (Rybczynski, 1986). These buildings were simply designed and
could be either one large room where furniture was moved to suit individual needs, or a building
of several stories where business was conducted on street level and the upper level was where the
family and apprentices slept (Rybczynski, 1986). Today such buildings would be classified as
mixed use. As the Industrial era began business began to move out of private houses and into
commercial buildings, thus allowing residential buildings to be used for a single purpose.
Residential interiors began to change to accommodate newly developing notions of family and
privacy.
The idea of home as a place that reflected individual identity, privacy and comfort began in
Europe in the late 17th and 18th Centuries and in America in the late 18th/early 19th Centuries
(Matt, 2005, p. 16). The concept of the family home developed with the removal of business
activities from the house (Rybczynski, 1986). Prior to this time, the idea of a close knit nuclear
family did not exist since children were frequently sent to work as apprentices or servants as
soon as they were old enough (Rybczynski, 1986). Once houses were no longer the main
workplace, households grew smaller and contained only an individual family. This change
caused for houses to shift from being one or two large rooms to being further subdivided which
coincided with developing ideas of boundaries between the public and private realms in a
person's life (Rybczynski, 1986). Over the centuries, these ideas developed into rooms for
specific purposes and the arrangement of rooms to suit the intimacy gradient that developed
(Alexander, 1977). These layouts are part of the physical evidence reflecting the time they were
built and society's views on privacy. Historic residential buildings are evidence of the
progression of the ideas of family and privacy.
Practical reasons
One of the main reasons to rehabilitate and reuse historic structures besides emotional
reasons is the financial and environmental benefits of preservation, which are closely tied. The
financial benefits of reusing an historic building reside in their potential for creating direct jobs
and indirect revenue, for example from visitors to historic houses and districts (Rypkema, 1994).
First, preservation or rehabilitation of a house is labor intensive process that not only creates
construction jobs but also uses more highly skilled labor than traditional construction work.
These jobs help boost the local economy where the work is taking place by increasing the
income base which then affects the community as a whole as individuals spend their earned
money in their community (Rypkema, 1994). Another financial benefit is cultural heritage
tourism, which is defined as "traveling to experience the places, artifacts and activities that
authentically represent the stories and people of the past and present. It includes cultural, historic
and natural resources" (NTHPa, 2008). Cultural tourism is a growing industry. It includes
visiting properties listed on the National Register of Historic Places as well as other historic
neighborhoods, districts, towns and villages. Cultural tourism attracts visitors to both large cities
and small towns (NTHPa, 2008). Studies have found that cultural heritage visitors "spend more
per day, stay longer, and visit more places than tourists in general" (Rypkema, 1994, p.2).
Individuals visit these places to experience "a place first hand using all of their senses" in order
to be "where history occurred" (Rypkema, 2005, p.78).
Historic preservation has many environmental benefits from reduction of materials in
landfills, the reuse of the embodied energy in buildings, the reduction of suburban sprawl, and
the conservation of energy. First, preservation of historic buildings reduces the amount of debris
entering the waste stream (Rypkema, 2005). According to the National Trust for Historic
Preservation, construction debris accounts for at least 25% of waste stream each year (NTHPb,
2008) this figure does not take into account the transportation costs for debris removal or
construction of new landfills (Rypkema, 2005).
Secondly, preserving a building saves embodied energy. Embodied energy is defined as
the total expenditure of energy involved in the creation of the building and its constituent
materials (Rypkema, 2008). The average embodied energy in existing buildings is 5 to 15
gallons of gasoline per square foot and it takes approximately 65 years for an energy efficient
new building to save the amount of energy lost in demolition of an existing building (NTHPb,
2008). According to the National Trust for Historic Preservation, the amount of energy used to
demolish and rebuild 82 billion square feet of space could be used to power the entire state of
California for 10 years and if 10% of the 82 billion square feet was rehabilitated it would save
enough energy to power the state of New York for well over a year (NTHPb, 2008).
Third, historic preservation contributes to more compact development patterns and reduces
suburban sprawl by increasing density and promoting infill (Rypkema, 2005). Most historic
neighborhoods were designed for pedestrians so residents rely less upon cars for local
transportation. Also, historic neighborhoods generally tend to be near public transportation and
within walking distance of basic goods and services and employment (Rypkema, 2005).
Fourth, historic buildings were for the most part constructed to be compatible with the
environment in which they were built, thus reducing energy consumption. According to the
National Trust for Historic Preservation, buildings constructed prior to 1920 are as or more
energy efficient than buildings constructed through the year 2000 (NTHPb, 2008). Historic
buildings, especially houses, were constructed with natural materials and considered the local
climate and the building siting.
Emotional reasons
The emotional reasons for the preservation of residential buildings include the connection
the physical evidence provides to the past and the aesthetic impact of the spaces. The buildings
a society chooses to preserve or destroy reflect its values; as the evolution of building style
illustrates specific variations that respond to the circumstances and the needs of that community.
Buildings consist of series of sequenced spaces that have specific uses that provide context for
social activity and framework for individual and social identifications (Alexander, 1977).
Environments therefore reflect the time and society in which they were built; in turn, individuals
views towards their environment are determined by the meaning they attribute to it (Wilson &
Mackenzie, 2000).
Historic buildings and especially historic residential buildings not only convey a
community's self image but also help differentiate communities (Rypkema, 2005). The
perceived importance of buildings is thought to lie in their aesthetic impact. One condition for
preserving an historic building is that it exemplifies high artistic values and skilled craftsmanship
(Weeks, 1995). The aesthetic impact of a building is "comprised of the various elements of a
building; size, scale, proportion, massing and volume, relationship of parts to each other and to
the whole, ornamentation, rhythm, light and shadow, texture, decoration and color" (Sudjic,
2005, p.85). Some claim that an individual's desire to live in a given space depends on the
beauty attributed to it. A study found that, aesthetically, individuals prefer rooms that are
familiar, warm, stimulating and orderly, not decorative, fancy, complex, formal and stimulating
(Ritterfeld & Cupchik, 1996). The study does not however state what characteristics make a
room feel one way or another but does state that people associate aesthetic characteristics to, and
develop aesthetic preferences for, specific room types.
Factors that Impact Historic Preservation
There are many different issues that impact on whether a building and its interiors will be
preserved, a few factors are: style, quality of craftsmanship, property rights. The negative
impact of these factors on a building's interior can lead to insensitive renovations and market-
driven teardowns.
Style
Public perception of architecture styles is one obstacle that historic preservation must
overcome. Popular or vernacular styles are what people encounter on a regular, long-term basis
in their daily lives (Nasar, 1989; Purcell & Nasar, 1992). Popular styles commonly encountered
in the United States include Mediterranean, Prairie School, Craftsman, Period/French,
Contemporary, Farm, Colonial or Tudor (Stamps & Nasar, 1997). Popular styles are so
prevalent that little importance is placed on them because they are viewed as ordinary or
pedestrian. This applies equally to architectural shell and the interior. The interior in popular
styles is what most individuals are exposed to on a regular basis throughout their lives. Due to
this constant exposure these spaces are not viewed as special so less importance is placed on
protecting them.
Vernacular buildings such as the Sears Roebuck and Levittown houses are examples of
historic buildings that are viewed with less importance. Over a 32 year period, starting in the
1908 season, Sears Roebuck and Co. sold over 70,000 mail order houses in a variety of styles
(Sears, 2008). Few, if any, Sears Roebuck houses are considered landmarks. In 2007, the city
of Washington, D.C. bulldozed a 1925 Sears Roebuck house with cheers from neighbors who
viewed it as blight due to lack of maintenance (Foster, 2007). The house was relatively intact
and was one of the few examples of a Sears Roebuck house remaining in Washington, D.C. Of
the remaining Sears Roebuck homes few retain original elements like windows, doors, or siding
(Thorton, 2002).
Levittown, NY began in 1947 as a community of mass produced houses built for returning
G.I.s from WWII (Matarrese, 1997). In the four-year building boom ending in 1951 a total of
17,447 Levitt houses were built; nearly all of which today have either been expanded or
remodeled (Matarrese, 1997). While people may not rate either a Levitt home or Sears mail order
house as "significant" structures to preserve they are vitally important. These houses represent a
shift in technology with the use of mass production that made houses affordable for more
individuals (Arieff, 2002).
High style architecture can be defined as buildings that are designed by an architect (Nasar,
1989). These face the opposite problem of popular styles as an architect designed building is
either created for a specific client or in a unique style, or are site specific, or appeal to the client's
psychological and emotional impact. Buildings commissioned by architects are built with better
quality materials than vernacular buildings since they are constructed to last and usually on a
larger scale. These buildings are shaped by the egos of those who commissioned them as well as
those who designed them; the building is thus used as a symbol of their wealth and power
(Sudjic, 2005).
However, even houses built by famous architects are threatened. An example of this is
Phillip Johnson's "livable" Glass House built in 1953 for Alice Ball in New Canaan, CT
(Newman, 2008). The Ball House is considered as one of the progeny of Johnson's famous
Glass House constructed in 1949 almost entirely of sheet glass. In the Ball House, Johnson
explored many of the same ideas of "separation of public and private spaces, open and closed
volumes, the linkages between these opposition, and the relation of the whole to the surrounding
natural environment" that he had in the original building (Jenkins & Mohney, 2001, p.96). The
threat of destruction to the 1,773 square foot house ties to its current owner's lack of use and
prospective buyers for the house (Newman, 2008). New Canaan had over 90 modernist
buildings designed by famous architects, including Johnson, however, over the years two dozen
have been torn down in favor of large "McMansion" style buildings, bulky, out-of scale new
houses on small parcels that do not fit the existing character of a community (Newman, 2008).
Craftsmanship
A building maybe an excellent example of superior craftsmanship and not be designed by
an architect. Individuals rate older buildings higher on having physical features contributing to
visual richness such as decoration, natural materials, curves, articulated walls, distinctiveness,
and mystery (Herzog & Shier, 2000). In responding to the requirements of industrial processes,
the mass production of homes has lead to a lack of details and features which are identified as
important in a home: prospect and refuge, enticement, peril, and complex order, which enhance
the experience of home (Gallagher, 2006, p. 6; Hiss, 1990). Not surprisingly, most people think
older homes are more beautiful and are more charming and have a sense of history when
compared to new standard houses (Gram-Hanssen & Beth-Danielsen, 2004).
However, some people will not purchase an old house because of the maintenance work
that is necessary for its upkeep (Gram-Hanssen & Beth-Danielsen, 2004; Herzog & Shier, 2000;
Rowe, 2004). But, for those who do purchase an older home, the individual investment and
sweat equity used to maintain and improve their house creates a special feeling of being at home.
This may partly explain why some people spend so much time and money on their house. These
homeowners not only maintain and decorate a house but in their eyes their efforts equal to
building a home and family (Gram-Hanssen & Beth-Danielsen, 2004).
Property rights
Private property rights give the owner the right to the unrestricted and exclusive use to the
property and exclude interference from everyone else (Black, 1983). They ensure that an
individual has the right to do what they wish with their property as long as it causes no harm to
others. Property rights extend to the effects of listing a building on the National Register of
Historic Places. While no property can be listed on the National Register without consent of the
property owners, the owner still maintains the right to intervene the property as they wish
provided no federal funding is involved. However, there is no responsibility upon the owners to
restore or maintain their buildings (Tyler, 2000).
The rights of the individual versus those of the greater population are at odds when
discussing historic preservation. According to Black's Law Dictionary (2004), historic
preservation falls under "police power" which encompasses community values and aesthetics as
well as the power to make laws to preserve the public security, order, health, morality, and
justice". This power grants the government the right to designate buildings or districts as
historic properties without the owner's approval (Black's, 2004). The Supreme Court has ruled
that this power is not deemed a taking, a government appropriation of land where the owner is
not fairly compensated, as the designation does not result in the property being beyond
reasonable use but is another form of land use regulation (Black's, 2004; Leichenko, 2001;
Ziegler, 2008). The strength of historic preservation lies in local government since they have the
power to require private property owners to preserve their properties (Mallard, 2002).
The preservation of the exteriors of homes is commonplace with the use of city, state and
national ordinances that create historic districts. Impact of private buildings on a historic district
is limited to what may affect the public. As the majority of historic buildings are privately
owned, it is only the exteriors that can be seen by others. As a consequence, historic
preservation has a tendency to put greater emphasis on the preservation of facades. This means
historic interiors are either overlooked or treated as being of secondary importance to the exterior
(Andrus, 1988; Sidwell, 1, 2006). While the interiors and exteriors of buildings are interrelated,
the significance of some buildings is based more heavily on their interiors either because of
craftsmanship or relationship with a historic figure.
How are Historic Residential Interiors Being Lost?
Like people, houses are created, live and grow old. Like us, they eventually
disappear. Houses that survive to be studied, explored, and admired by distant
generations should be regarded as emissaries from another time, as gateways into
our past. (Larkin, 2006, p. 4)
The difference between the loss of the architecture of a building and its interior is
significant. House interiors include material culture and social customs handed down from
previous generations (Lawrence, 1987). Interiors are socially constructed environments whose
form relates partly to the social qualities of the time and place that created them (Wilson &
Mackenzie, 2000). Because of this, the history of a house can be told through its interior
renovations. There is a logical progression in houses from public to private areas which is a
reflection of the time and era in which the interior was built.
Insensitive rehabilitations
Insensitive rehabilitations, where the historic character of the interiors are damaged or
destroyed, are another reason why interiors of historic buildings are lost. During rehabilitations,
the interiors of buildings in general receive alterations. The Secretary of the Interior's Standards
for Rehabilitation's set a threshold at which replacement rather than repair of historic materials,
such as moldings and windows occurs. However, this threshold is set very low (Fisher, 1998).
Historic character is defined as "tangible architectural components that... convey the
building's sense of time and place" (Jandl, 1988, p. 1). These tangible elements of a building's
past which may include the building's floor plan, spaces and volumes, individual architectural
features, as well as the finishes and materials, are vulnerable because owners of a historic house
are private property owners and are under no obligation to preserve or maintain these elements.
"Gut rehabilitations", or "gut rehabs", are defined as the "removal, or gutting, of the
interior elements in a structure, leaving only the structural elements standing (Burden, 2004).
This trend is on the rise, as the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development estimates
that 1.8 million houses will be demolished nationwide during this decade due to redevelopment
efforts involving residential demolition and gut rehabilitation of older substandard housing.
However, it is not just substandard housing that is affected by gut rehabilitations. An example of
this can be seen in the historic district ofNantucket, MA. In 2000, Nantucket was placed on the
National Trust for Historic Preservation list of "America's 11 Most Endangered Places" because
of the increased threat to the island's houses due to development (National Trust for Historic
Preservation, 2007). Acknowledgement of this issue has prompted the National Park Service to
recommend a study to measure the impact of gut rehabilitations and poor restorations on the
District compared to the conditions a decade or two ago. It also calls for the inventory of the
condition of 800 identified pre-Civil War structures to determine what has been lost due to
economic changes (Landmarks, 2008).
Market-driven teardowns
A teardown is the trend of demolishing an old building to build a new building on the same
site. The houses that replace these older houses are frequently out of scale with the rest of the
buildings in the community, which affect the fabric of the neighborhood (NTHP, 2008a). The
trend has been driven by a thriving economy where land values increase sharply and individuals
look to live in urban or close suburban neighborhoods, however the large homes they are looking
for are not available in these older neighborhoods (NTHPc, 2008). In 2002, 100 communities in
20 states were identified as suffering market-driven teardowns; as of March 2008 over 500
communities in 40 states were reporting the trend (NTHP, 2008). Since states track data
differently, it is difficult to find out exactly how many houses are being destroyed each day.
Nonetheless if they aren't facing teardown it is conceivable that they may be undergoing
insensitive renovations removing the historic fabric of the home leaving only a shell. An
example of the teardown trend is the case of John Henry, owner of the Boston Red Sox, who
purchased a 1930s Georgian revival with seven bedrooms and 11 bathrooms on a 7-acre property
in Brookline, MA(Reed, 2007). A month after purchasing the property, paperwork was filed to
demolish the house. The Brookline Historic Preservation Committee delayed the paperwork for
nine months but finally gave Mr. Henry permission to tear down the house, after he agreed to
give the town some photographs and artifacts from house (Press, 2008). Another example of the
regularity of teardowns is Westport, Connecticut, where the trend is documented by the local
newspaper in a "Teardown of the Day" interactive map that follows the progression of teardowns
from demolition permit to destruction (Matlow, 2008). Claims are that 7746 houses were torn
down in 2007, ranking it second in building demolitions in the state of Connecticut (Boynton,
2008).
Interior shell viewed as being of secondary importance
Architecture over time "takes on the patina and the resonance of the events that have taken
place inside it, and of the people who have occupied it. Buildings are historical markers that
show the passing of time..."(Sudjic, 2005, p.13). However, the historic character of an interior is
frequently viewed as secondary to facade. An example is Washington, D.C. where because of
height limitations developers keep the facade of a building but build to maximum height limit
behind the facade (Tyler, 2000). The exterior of a building may give the observer cues about
how to behave but it is the interior of a building which contains symbolic elements that inform
people about whom and what to expect (Cherulnik & Wilderman, 1986; J. L. Nasar & Devlin,
2000). The interior with its physical and symbolic qualities is central to the human experience
(Rullo, 1987). Without interiors, all that remains are facades where the sense of the past is lost
once a person enters inside of a building (Mallard, 2001-2002).
Historic Preservation Tools
Are there any tools available to help preservation and encourage rehabilitation of
residential interiors? A brief examination of historic preservation tools in America show that
two major tools are the Secretary of the Interior's Standards for the Treatment of Historic
Properties and the National Register for Historic Places.
The early preservation efforts in America were mainly conducted by private non-profit
organizations that were dedicated to purchasing and preserving buildings (Tyler, 2000). The
Antiquities Act of 1906 was the United States first preservation legislation which beyond
designating parks as national landmarks also established "historic landmarks, historic and
prehistoric structures, and other objects of historic or scientific interest" (Mallard, 2001-2002;
Tyler, 2000). During the early part of the twentieth century, however historic significance was
perceived as being associated with a famous person or event, not with architectural significance.
After World War II, returning soldiers dreamt of owning "the American dream" of a newly built
single family house on an individual lot in the suburbs. In order to meet these needs the
government issued programs such as slum clearance and urban redevelopment (Lea, 2003).
These programs were aided by government policy making based on the idea that it was cost
effective to destroy entire (historic) neighborhoods to make way for modern buildings and
highways (Lea, 2003). These policies continued across the country but it was the destruction of
New York City's Pennsylvania Station which brought the issue of lost architectural heritage to
light. In 1963 McKim, Mead and White's Pennsylvania Station was destroyed partially due to
pressures from urban renewal policies, however when the issue was placed before New York
City's Planning Commission all they could vote on was the proposed use of the land and not on
its existing use or importance (Huxtable, 1986, p. 47). Writing about the ruins of Pennsylvania
Station in the Secaucus Meadowlands, architectural critic Ada Louise Huxtable said, "... They
pose disturbing questions and touch problems that go to the core of a culture in which destruction
and regeneration, art and nihilism, are becoming indistinguishable" (Huxtable, 1986, p.52).
Legislation
Before 1966, some states had already passed their own historic preservation ordinances
which took one of two forms-registration of landmarks and enabling legislation. However, in
1966, the National Trust for Historic Preservation published their report With Heritage So Rich
which documented what had been lost of American architectural heritage (Tyler, 2000). This
report called for an expanded role for preservation supported by the federal government (Tyler,
2000). The report's recommendations included:
1. A comprehensive survey of historically and architecturally significant buildings, sites,
structures, districts, and objects, and their inclusion in a National Register.
2. A partnership of federal, state, and local governments to deal specifically with
preservation, including the establishment of a national advisory council on historic
preservation and the designation of preservation officers in every state.
3. A program of financial incentives for preservation to balance the incentives for new
construction. (Tyler, 2000, p 45)
The same year Congress passed the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 (NHPA),
which stated that "preserving historic sites is a benefit to the cultural, educational, aesthetic,
inspirational, economic and energy needs of America". One of the first actions taken following
the Act was establishing the National Register of Historic Places (Mallard, 2001-2002), the
nation's inventory of recognized historic districts, sites, buildings, structures, and objects that are
significant in American history, architecture, archeology, and culture (Tyler, 2000).
The passage of the NHPA has lead to development of many preservation initiatives; one of
the most influential being the Tax Reform Act of 1976. This act removed the incentive for
demolishing older commercial buildings and provided a tax write-off for certified rehabilitations
(Tyler, 2000). In order to qualify for the Federal Tax Incentives under this act, the project must
meet several different criteria, the most important being that the work must follow the Secretary
of the Interior Standards for the Treatment of Historic Properties. It should be noted that this
power was placed with the Secretary of the Interior due to its in charge to coordinate the internal
growth of the country and protect the welfare of the people.
National Register for Historic Places
The process for a building or district to qualify for the National Register for Historic Places
is related to the structures historical significance. In general, the property should be of a certain
age, usually over 50 years old, or have established cultural significance.
The application for listing a building on the National Register requires scholarly research.
First, a physical inspection of the property should be conducted to check property's historic
integrity because the property should retain its "historic appearance, as well as physical
materials, design features, and aspects of construction dating from the period when it attained
significance" (McClelland, 2008). Next historical research needs to be conducted with the
applicants gathering facts regarding the property's "physical characteristics, date of construction,
changes to the property over time, historic functions and activities, association with events and
persons, and the role of the property in the history of the community, State, or the nation"
(McClelland, 2008). This documentation is used for evaluating the historic worth of the
property.
There are four criteria that are used for evaluation of an historic structure or site for the
National Register for Historic Preservation which are: Criterion A applies to properties
associated with significant events; Criterion B applies to properties associated with the life of a
significant person; Criterion C applies to properties of significant design and construction;
Criterion D applies to properties or sites that have or are likely to yield archeological information
pertaining to history or prehistory (Tyler, 2000). Furthermore, the property's significance relates
to its integrity of both material and place. The property should be close to original condition and
not have been greatly altered over time or relocated from its original site. However, if an altered
structure has historical significance then that becomes the criterion for its evaluation.
Criterion C as mentioned includes "distinctive characteristics" which are physical features
or traits that commonly recur in individual types, periods, or methods of construction. To be
eligible, a property must clearly contain enough of those characteristics to be considered a true
representative of a particular type, period, or method of construction. Interior characteristics can
be expressed in terms such of the buildings form, the rooms proportions, the plan, period/style,
or materials (Andrus, 1990). Nonetheless, while listing buildings on the National Register
encourages preservation by documenting its significance, it does not restrict the rights of private
property owners to alter the interiors if any important interior elements are not clearly described
in the statement of significance (Tyler, 2000). Beyond removal from the National Register, there
are no penalties to altering or destroying a building listed on the National Register.
Secretary of the Interior Standards for Treatment of Historic Proprieties
The Secretary of Interior Standards for the Treatment of Historic Properties, developed in
1979, was created as design guidelines for appropriate interventions for preservation and
rehabilitation work (Tyler, 2000). The Secretary of Interiors Standards is the prevailing
guideline used by every state for any historic preservation work to be done on a certified historic
restoration. While the Standards are "...neither technical nor prescriptive, but intended to
promote responsible preservation practices" (Weeks, 1995), if a project is to receive federal tax
credit or be included on the National Register for Historic Places the work must comply with the
Standards (Sidwell, 2006, p 15). The Standards identify four treatment options for buildings:
preservation, rehabilitation, restoration and reconstruction, which are described as follows:
Preservation is defined as the retention of the greatest amount of historic fabric, along
with the building's historic form, features, and detailing as they have evolved over
time.
Rehabilitation acknowledges the need to alter or add to a historic building to meet
continuing or new uses while retaining the building's historic character
Restoration is defined as allowing for the depiction of a building at a particular time
in its history by preserving materials from the period of significance and removing
materials from other periods
Reconstruction establishes a limited framework for re-creating a vanished or non-
surviving building with new materials, primarily for interpretive purposes.(Weeks,
1995)
These treatments are designed to work with a variety of historic resource from buildings,
sites, structures, objects and districts. The Standards recommend examining the relative
importance of the building to history by asking, is it an example of the work of a master builder
or did a historic event occur in it? A property's historic significance affects which treatment
Standard should be followed. If a building is highly significant then a Preservation or
Restoration approach would be recommended (Weeks, 1995). Other questions posed are, what is
its physical condition or degree of material integrity? Is the building largely intact or has it been
greatly altered and are these alterations part of the building's history? If period materials,
features and finishes are present then the Standards recommend Preservation; however, if the
building requires extensive repairs, replacement or alterations then Rehabilitation would be
recommended (Weeks, 1995).
The Standards require the preservation of interior and exterior elements characteristic of
the building's style and period of construction. Interiors include everything from the finishes
and materials on the floors, walls and ceilings, the building's plan and spaces such as the
sequences of spaces and rooms and their volumes as well as individual architectural features
(Jandl, 1988). Interior elements could include spaces that interrelate functionally and visually or
floor plans which could be distinctive and characteristic of a style of architecture or a region or
fixtures and finishes (Jandl, 1988). Frequently historic interiors are lost to allow for new use
even though the Standards state that character-defining features and materials are not to be
negatively impacted (Sidwell, 2006).
Historic interiors vs. recreated interiors
The interiors of a building, whether simply detailed or richly ornate, convey important
information about its early inhabitants (Jandl, 1988). Some interiors have undergone extensive
renovations through the years leaving little of the original fabric. There are several options of
how to treat spaces where there is little left of the original interior--to update the interior, to
preserve the existing fabric, or to recreate the period (Volz, 1993). Similarly, there are several
different approaches for recreating period interiors.
One approach involves first listing the building on the National Register. Due to the
scholarly research involved for listing a building on the National Register the merit of the
building is examined to determine whether it truly is a historic building. First this requires
research on the building's history. This archival research entails examination of historic
documents such as tax records and deeds which may provide information on changes to the
building (Quenzel, 1993). Maintaining historic status involves completing work according to the
Secretary of the Interiors Standards. The next step is a thorough investigation of the rooms to
search for clues of what fixtures and finishes were originally in the space. This includes
examining the walls and woodwork for hardware holes, searching for remains of old wallpaper,
paint colors or floor covers (Volz, 1993). The Standards encourage analysis of samples to reveal
information about composition of the elements, such as plaster, paint and mortar, and any
replacement elements should be constructed using the same techniques as the original elements
(McDonald, 1993). Remaining original materials are not to be destroyed in order to replace
them with a replica (Seale, 1993). This academic approach following the Secretary's Standards
confirms the appropriateness of the intervention and the continued authenticity of a certified
historic structure.
Restored or rehabilitated interiors, where the building has not been certified by the
National Register or rehabilitation work does not follow the Secretary of the Interior's Standards,
may involve the same degree of scholarship as that demanded by a historic interior. Whereas
interior restorations or rehabilitations technically involve research to rebuild spatial components
and features, the more frequently found rehabilitations recreate or reintroduce "missing"
elements with varying degrees of accuracy. To assess missing components or features, this
approach relies on conjecture over research. In the absence of original elements, reasonably
styled reproductions and approximations are used. The resulting interior spaces are
manufactured replicas of a chosen period that may look appropriate to the period of significance
of the building but may not be historically accurate to it. It should be noted that recreated or
reconstructed interiors contain elements of a desired style or period; however, they make no
attempt at going back to earlier technology but integrate contemporary technology with the
period elements (Rybczynski, 1986).
Availability of Financial Incentives
An examination of two financial incentives for homeowners which requires the use of
either the Secretary of Interior's Standards or listing on the National Register will provide a look
into the extent of the certified historic housing stock. Among others, federal and state
governments have created rehabilitation tax credits and other legal instruments such as historic
preservation easements to conserve the nation's architectural heritage.
Federal incentives
The Federal Rehabilitation Tax Credit, perhaps the most well known financial incentive
available for Historic Preservation, is only available or commercial or income producing
residential structures and not for residential homeowners. In order to qualify for the federal tax
incentives, the project must meet several criteria the most important of which is that the work
must follow the Secretary of the Interior Standards for the Treatment of Historic Properties.
Certified historic structures are eligible for a Federal Rehabilitation Tax Credit equal to 10 20
percent or of the cost of rehabilitation depending on which criteria the building meets (Kass,
1993).
There are several other federal programs that are currently available for building or
neighborhood restoration or revitalization including the HOPE VI, 203 K Rehab Loans and
Community Development Block Grant program.
HOPE VI is a program developed by the Department of Housing and Urban Development
(HUD) to provide funding to Public Housing Authority's, not individuals. The Public Housing
Authority, created by an act of Congress in 1937, currently provides affordable housing to 1.3
million households (HUD, 2008). This program does provide revitalization grants for major
rehabilitation and other physical improvements for existing housing but is not directly designed
for historic preservation, (HUD, 2008).
The Community Development Block Grant (CDBG) is a program overseen by HUD to
provide monies to cities or communities with citizen involvement (HUD, 2008). The program is
designed to help low and moderate income persons prevent or eliminate blight by making certain
that decent affordable housing is available. It also aims to create jobs through the expansion and
retention of businesses (HUD, 2008). While not specifically designed as a historic preservation
program, CDBGs help maintain the fabric of neighborhoods by keeping the neighborhood viable.
Another program offered by the Federal Housing Administration is the 203K Rehab Loans
which provides single family mortgage insurance programs (HUD, 2008). The program is to be
used for rehabilitation and/or improvement of an existing one -to four-unit dwelling (HUD,
2008). The program allows one of the following options: to purchase a dwelling and
rehabilitate, to purchase a dwelling on another site and move it onto a new foundation on a
mortgage property and rehabilitate, or refinance existing properties indebtedness and rehabilitate
(HUD, 2008). The loan is only approved for such things as painting, room additions, decks and
other items also all health, safety and energy conservation items must be addressed (HUD,
2008).
Two main incentives that are available for homeowners are the state rehabilitation tax
credit and/or placing a preservation easement on the house.
State rehabilitation tax credit for homeowners
State rehabilitation tax credit (SRTC) allows for a percentage of the cost of rehabilitation
of a structure to reduce the tax liability instead of a deduction which reduces taxable income by a
percentage (Kass, LaBelle, & Hansell, 1993). The State Rehabilitation Tax Credit is similar to
the Federal policy in that it allows for a credit on eligible rehabilitation expenses. However, each
state establishes their own criteria for which buildings may qualify for credit, ensuring that
rehabilitation preserves the historic and architectural character of the building through
submission of plans before the project begins and documentary evidence of the work once
completed. Additionally the majority of states require homeowners to meet the Secretary of
Interiors Standards (Schwartz, 2007). While each state's tax credit programs vary in
effectiveness; some keys have been identified as contributing to a good State Rehabilitation Tax
Credit program. These are: eligibility of buildings, use of the Secretary of the Interior's
Standards for Rehabilitation as a guideline, and transferability of the tax credit (Schwartz, 2007).
Of the 50 states, 22 states have a state rehabilitation tax credit for homeowners as of
November 2008. These states, as listed on Appendix B, are Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware,
Georgia, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Michigan, Mississippi, New
Mexico, New York, North Carolina, North Dakota, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Utah,
Virginia, West Virginia, and Wisconsin. State Rehabilitation Tax Credit for Homeowner
(SRTC) vary from 10% 30% but they all require the rehabilitation work to comply with the
Secretary of Interior's Standards for Treatment of Historic Properties (Appendix A). The
Secretary of the Interior's Standards for Rehabilitation and Guidelines for Rehabilitating Historic
Buildings require the preservation of interior and exterior elements characteristic of the
building's style and period of construction. Homeowners seeking to use their state SRTC are
required to preserve or be sensitive to the interior of their house.
As shown in Appendix B, in all 22 states that have a State Rehabilitation Tax Credit for
Homeowners as of November 2008 only 11,397 projects have been approved. This total number
of houses that have been approved for SRTC is relatively a small amount. According to
Appendix A from the US Census bureau, there are approximately 75,647,000 single family
houses from 2009 to earlier than 1919; this figure includes attached and detached houses.
Approximately 23,098,000 or 30% of these homes were constructed prior to 1959. Only .05% of
properties eligible by age, not by any other of the National Register criteria such as condition or
historic significance, have used the State Rehabilitation Tax Credit for Homeowners. This also
does not factor the number of single family house owners who preserved their houses and did not
apply for the SRTC.
Easements
There are two different types of easements under English Law, which is the basis for
American Law; easements appurtenant and easements in gross. These two types of easements
allow for owners to relinquish part of the "bundle of rights" which is purchased with the property
(Butler, 1985). Appurtenant easements benefit an adjoining landowner and subsequent owners
are bound by restrictions while easements in gross are conveyed to a third party other than an
adjoining landowner and subsequent owners are not bound by it (Morgan, 1999). Historic
preservation easements can be used to protect a range of property types. Scenic and open space
easements protect open spaces, historic and scenic views as well as the surroundings of
significant buildings; exterior and facade easements protect the outside appearance of buildings
by controlling alterations and requiring maintenance; and lastly interior easements protect all or
part of building interiors (Maddex, 1990).
The fundamental concept of property ownership is the idea of fee-simple title which is the
legal right to ownership of land. A property owner's land rights include the ability to treat the
property as a marketable commodity (Morgan, 1999). However, a property owner can grant a
portion of their property rights in the form of an easement to an organization. The grantor and
grantee share stewardship of historic property under an easement agreement which is granted in
perpetuity so all subsequent owners are also bound to honor the easement agreement (Morgan,
1999). In the case of historic preservation easements, if the property is a "certified historic
structure" then the property owner is eligible for federal income and estate tax deductions
(Morgan, 1999). The property must be assessed by a qualified appraiser to determine the fair
market value before and after the easement is placed on the structure to determine the value of
the easement (NPS, 2008). The easement must meet certain qualifications put forward by the
IRS: the building or structure must be listed on the National Register of Historic Places or
located in an historic district and certified by the U.S. Dept of the Interior as being historically
significant. Also, the property must be made accessible to the public for a minimum of two days
a year. Lastly, to qualify for the annual federal tax deductible of up to 50% for the donation of a
preservation easement, the easement must cover the entire exterior of the building ("Pension
Protection Act of 2006," 2006).
Preservation easements can be written to cover either the exterior or the interior of a
building. They can help to protect buildings from demolition, neglect or insensitive alterations
as well as help ensure that property owner will maintain a certain level of maintenance on
property. Easements can help protect interiors when significance of the interiors is not fully
stated on the National Register nomination. An interior easement is written specifically to
protect the character defining or significant features of a certified historic building. Typically, an
interior easement contains restrictions that regulate activities such as the change of use that may
have an adverse impact on significant historic or decorative features found throughout the
building (Morgan, 1999).
Forty Six states have easement enabling legislation for historic preservation easements
with only Iowa, Maryland, Missouri and Ohio without legislation. Maine, Massachusetts and
North Carolina have legislation that states interiors are to be included in a historic preservation
easement (Appendix E).
Background research found that at the time of this research there were 9,398 commercial
and residential easements held by the 100 local or state wide easement organizations and 8
regional or national easement organizations. Only 2,616 easements covered interiors, 1241 were
residential, and 165 covered residential interior (Appendix F). Nationally, only about 6% of all
interior easements are residential interiors and only approximately 13% of all historic
preservation residential easements include interiors. These numbers appear to be extremely
small and beg a comparison to the national residential housing stock. As shown in Appendix A,
approximately 23,098,000 houses are over 50 years old; this number does not consider housing
conditions or historic significance. Of the residential housing stock constructed prior to 1959,
only 0.005% is protected by a residential easement. Of that only 0.0007% of the housing stock
by age is protected by residential interior easements. These figures do not calculate the number
of individuals who have preserved or restored their historic residential interiors and without
using an easement as a financial incentive. Nonetheless, this is an insignificant number of
historic residential interiors being protected.
Since neither of these incentives are greatly used this indicates that people are not being
driven by incentives to preserve their historic residences. The number of certified historic
residences that are preserved through these methods is very minimal. The number of recreated
or reconstructed period interiors is unknown since this data is not tracked; however, experience
suggests that this number may not be negligible. In light of this evidence, the question is, Are
there perhaps psychosocial factors that drive people to preserve-through rehabilitation,
restoration or reconstruction-residential interiors of the past?
CHAPTER 2
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
A search of the literature established that few articles looked into the psychological
reasons for why people choose to restore, rehabilitate or reconstruct interiors of old houses. This
issue may be approached from the environmental behavior psychology which examines the
"transactions between individuals and their physical settings" (Gifford, 2002, p.1). While the
field of environmental psychology is broad this study particularly examined its sense of self,
social identity, place identity and place attachment theories as possibly issues bearing on
individual decisions in favor or against preservation of historic houses and the interpretive
reconstruction of historic interiors.
Environmental Behavior
The meaning of residential interiors has changed in response to the ideology of the times
(Sparke, 2004). Environmental behavior literature review suggests that the choice to preserve
historic residential interiors, or not, may be attributed to several factors, including perceptions of
sense of self, social identity, place identity, and/or place attachment. How individuals appraise
their environment is based on personal impressions of place which is related to how individuals
see themselves and how they want others to see them (sense of self and social identity); these
impressions then directly affect how the place makes them feel (place identity and place
attachment) (Gifford, 2002). The place that a person feels attached to is where they feel
comfortable and safe to reveal their inner self; similarly the place reflects and reinforces their
sense of self (Cooper Marcus, 1997). Environmental behavior offers some insights into these
issues. The underlying theme is that home represents more than just the physical setting-the
domestic residence-but also encompasses emotional connection. The feeling of security creates
a feeling of having a home which creates in individuals a sense of control over their fate (Steele,
1981). How individuals choose to live in their homes reflects, expresses and forms the "the
social relationships among household members, kin, neighborhoods, and even more distant
social partners" (Saergert, 1992, p. 293).
Sense of self
An individual's sense of self is the answer to the question "Who am I?" (Myers, 2008)
Sense of self is how individuals identify with certain environments, form attachments, and define
themselves by their experiences with those environments (Kopek, 2006); and focuses on the
individual's "beliefs, interpretations, and evaluation of oneself' (Proshansky, Fabian, &
Kaminoff, 1983, p.58). Identity is not static but is affected by different variables. Social identity
and place identity are all factors that affect an individual's sense of self (Twigger-Ross,
Bonaiuto, & Breakwell, 2003), however, individuals adjust their sense of self in relation to
situations and the environment (Manzo, 2003). Sense of self both defines "the unique person at a
certain stage in life and it expresses conformity to social norms or self conscious challenges to
those norms" (Saegert, 1992, p. 291).
Another factor in sense of self is the individual's personal preferences. These preferences
are the result of who they are and also guide their decision making process. Preference types can
be separated into three categories which Steele calls things-, people-, and place-people ()(Steele,
1981). Things-people are concerned with the things they do such as work or other activities.
People-people relationships are mainly concerned by such as friends and family. Finally, place-
people are more likely to feel attachment between their sense of self and their place (Steele,
1981). Place-people are more likely to be drawn to the architecture and interiors of buildings as
part of their self and social identity. Place-people may be more likely to be attracted to older
buildings since they are more likely than the other preference types to have their sense of self
become entwined with a place.
Individual's sense of self is reflected in their choices of dwellings. People search for a
congruence between the symbolic image of their dwellings and their sense of self. On a
conscious or unconscious level, individuals may feel congruence with popularly held ideals and
meanings associated with certain architectural features and furnishing. When this occurs, they
may see their sense of self reflected in certain architectural styles and identify with it. Some
argue that moveable objects are more accurate symbols of self than the physical fabric of the
house (Cooper-Marcus, 1995). However, that argument does not seem to consider the
importance of personalization and adaption of the physical space to match an individual's sense
of self.
Social identity
One factor affecting how people view themselves and their surroundings is social identity.
Social identity is defined by the social groups or categories an individual belongs to and their
social identification of who they are and who they are not (Twigger-Ross et al., 2003) However,
social identity, as with all forms of identity, is not static and individuals may have multiple social
identities which relate to their relationships with their house, neighborhood, state or country.
Communication of an individual's identity requires that social cues are able to be read and
understood. As American society has undergone a high degree of intensive mobility over time,
the home has taken the role as a marker of acquired social status and is viewed as a reflection of
self(Busch, 1999; Cherulnik & Wilderman, 1986; Cooper Marcus, 1997; Gallagher, 2006;
Gram-Hanssen & Beth-Danielsen, 2004). The interior of a house is a place where social
aspirations can be expressed in terms of aesthetics (Sparke, 2004). The rooms of a house are
empty stages where individuals enact the rituals and improvisations of their identity and social
identity (Moore, Allen, & Lyndon, 1974). The home is considered the primary symbol of self
and its interior design is a representation of an individual's identity. Houses have through time
obtained cues about the previous inhabitant's social status, which may or may not be read the
same at the present. Some individuals may choose to align their social identity with older
residences as a tribute to what they perceive the social cues to represent.
The choice of a house to in live reflects how individuals ideally like to see themselves. The
motivation for choosing where to live is affected by several variables such as cost, location, and
socioeconomic status of neighborhood, style and upkeep but maybe the most important is the
symbolic role of the house as expression of social identity (Cooper Marcus, 1997; Gram-Hanssen
& Beth-Danielsen, 2004; Sirgy, Grzeskowiak, & Su, 2005; Wilson & Mackenzie, 2000). The
greater the match between home and neighborhood image, and the individual's actual and social
image of self, the more likely the homebuyer is to purchase the home (Sirgy et al., 2005).
Neighborhoods have a tendency to attract people of similar background and values, social-
economic status, stages of family life cycle, and career patterns. People have a tendency to
choose homes in neighborhoods that have people with similar self and social identity (Wilson &
Mackenzie, 2000).
The style of a house is a symbol that has social meaning that is continuously in flux. Every
material can be manipulated to express identity however exteriors can be misrepresentative due
to regulations while interiors are where individuals have the most freedom to express themselves
and create a sense of place identification (Kron, 1983). Individuals may choose to live in a old
house because of the congruence between the neighborhood and their image of self or perhaps
because of congruence between the interior shell of the house and their image of self.
Place identity
The difference between social identity and identification with place resides in the emphasis
placed on place and social groups (Twigger-Ross et al., 2003). Place identity is defined as how
"people incorporate a place into the larger concept of their own identities of senses and self"
which usually provides a sense of continuity and so reinforces self identity (Kopek, 2006). An
individual's identity is partially derived from place since "places embody social symbols"
(Twigger-Ross et al., 2003, p. 210). Places are a repository for accumulated memories, values
and preferences for generations of users (Proshansky, Fabian, & Kaminoff, 1983). Since place
identity evolves from the past experiences with places, the individual is able to adapt these prior
experiences to behavior and expectations in the present. It should be noted that place identity,
like sense of self and social identity, is fluid and complex and is modified and changed with each
experience.
Place can refer to any environment a person encounters in their lives whether natural or
man made. As stated earlier, place is the backdrop against which people's lives are enacted.
Individuals are usually unaware of the attitudes and preferences which influence their response
to the physical world (Proshansky et al., 1983). Individuals may be unconscious of why they
choose to live in a older building. Some theories posit that place identity refers to home as the
center point of existence and involves the degree to which important activities revolve around the
home (Proshansky et al., 1983). Then old houses may, conscious or unconsciously, become a
way to convey information about the individual to themselves and to others through territorial
marking and personalization (Steele, 1981).
Territorial marking
The main aspect of a personal place is that it is viewed as the domain of an individual
who is in control of the space; it is also a place where the individual feels confident and has
altered the place to reflect his or her identity (Gifford, 2002; Steele, 1981). The places where
individuals most identify have clearly defined boundaries; one of architecture's goals is to
establish a territory for an individual or group which they can use to set them apart from others
(Moore et al., 1974). Territoriality also serves to control privacy by limiting access to the
individual. It implies that the ordering of rooms in a house responds to individual needs for
separation of public and private spaces (Moore et al., 1974). It is through the appropriation of
space that children learn about their identity and social relationships (Saegert, 1985). The
appropriation of space is part of both personalization and territoriality since both require the
individual to exercise control over the space (Giuliani, 2003).
Personalization
Possessions are another way of marking appropriation of spaces; they also increase an
individual's sense of being in control and security of their environment (Belk, 1992; Gifford,
2002). Possessions are generally objects whether small or large, from a paperweight to a house,
that an individual feels control over. Perhaps for some being in possession of an old house
provides a sense of control over their environment whether through rehabilitation or renovation.
Throughout history humans have modified their homes to ease burdens. Humans are the
only species which repeatedly transformed their surroundings to increase their understanding and
accomplishments (Hiss, 1990). Personalization is a way of marking a space with the individual's
identity (Gifford, 2002). Personalization through home improvement is a way of psychologically
creating spaces to meet the individual's needs. As stated earlier, personalization of the home is a
way of expressing an individual's identity. Home can also become part of an individual's
identity with the merging of person and place so that either person reflects place or place reflects
person. Individuals both give and receive their identities from their homes (Dovey, 1985). An
individual unites the material possessions of their life together with their dreams to make a house
their own (Moore et al., 1974). The interior of a house is a material manifestation of an
individual's personal identities as well as a mirror of the individual (Sparke, 2004). While
people choose surroundings that are congruent with their identity, they also modify their settings
increase congruency with their self image (Manzo, 2003). Individuals may rehabilitate or
renovate older residential interiors because of their desire for a match between where they live
and self image
Place attachment
Attachment to place consists of social relations so that the meanings and experiences in a
place are usually connected to relationships (Low & Altman, 1992). Place attachment is defined
as a "person's bond with the social and physical environments of a place" they have deep
meaning because their identities are woven intricately into those places (Kopek, 2006). Place
attachment involves the relation of affect, emotions, and feelings in reference to a place (Low &
Altman, 1992). The intensity of place attachment is affected by the "congruity between needs
and the physical and social resources" (Giuliani, 2003, p. 149).
Individuals identify themselves with their houses and use this symbolic identity to
differentiate themselves from others (Steele, 1981). This attachment is understandable since
home is the key expression of identity and a source of security for individuals (Belk, 1992). The
desire for "hominess seems to result in feelings of attachment to home" (Belk, 1992, p. 39),
however, increased mobility is undermining place attachment in modern society because places
are viewed as functional and lack emotional significance (Giuliani, 2003). People may not be
aware that they are attached to a place until that bond is threatened (Giuliani, 2003). Perhaps the
desire to live in an old residence may be an attempt to reestablish that bond.
Familiarity, security, emotional comfort
A house is an object while a home means different things to different people. Home is
defined as a preferred space and a fixed point of reference, a social network and a reflection of
individual's ideas and values (Kron, 1983). Home can be viewed as either a recreation or a
reaction against the childhood home (Busch, 1999; Cooper Marcus, 1997). Home can be so
defined as "ties to the land and nature, and memories of extended family, prove stronger than the
mere number of days spent in a particular dwelling" (Cooper Marcus, 1997, p. 2). Lastly, home
can be a private refuge that provides comfort, meaning, privacy and beauty (Gallagher, 2006).
Home encompasses many different meanings and roles in a person's life but home is metaphor
for an individual's relationship to place, familiarity, security, and comfort (Manzo, 2003).
Destruction of interiors
Houses are commodities but they are also where personal and social identities are formed
and shaped (Saegert, 1985). People impact their environment through how they care for and
design their settings; this impact can be positive or negative (Steele, 1981). Home is a socio-
cultural artifact of the customs and beliefs of their inhabitants. However, it is in the interior of
houses that the cyclical events of domestic life are conducted (Lawrence, 1985; Saegert, 1985).
Over the years, as construction and design of houses has shifted from individuals to corporate
organizations some of the forms of housing were lost (Saegert, 1985). House environments have
acquired values and meaning through the ages. The preservation of domestic spaces should take
into account the time and period the house was built however the house should be frozen in that
era but should be a livable space for current residents (Lawrence, 1985).
Individuals evaluate classic examples of buildings the quickest and prefer small
discrepancies from a known style; people's expectations affect how they view objects since
individuals learn through prior experiences (Ritterfeld, 2002). It is through prior experiences
that an individual can understand the environment and be able to use, change or maintain the
environment to increase congruence and lessen discrepancies of identity (Proshansky et al.,
1983). Discrepancies from the known structures influence judgment (Purcell & Nasar, 1992).
Recognition of the relationship of a place to the observer is dependent on previous experience
with other places (Hershberger, 1970). This relationship informs the individual of what
appropriate behaviors are and what their expectations are for the place, as well as what is right
and wrong with the physical setting (Proshansky et al., 1983).
Nostalgia
The relationship between building form, its use, meaning and time is a transactional
process between physical and affective factors. The loss and destruction of places leads to
nostalgic feelings (Kopek, 2006). Nostalgia refers to a general longing for the past rather than a
specific place (Matt, 2005). Buildings maybe reconstructed in an attempt to capture the past the
feel of the spaces can never be recreated since "the way rooms looked made sense because they
were a setting for a particular type of behavior which was conditioned by the way people
thought" (Rybczynksi, 1986, p. 219). The concept of nostalgia entered the English language
during the 1750s and was considered a physical disease not a psychological condition (Matt,
2005, p. 96). During the period of westward expansion in America, writers criticized the
tendency for people to move and began creating a romantic image of "cozy homes with white
picket fences, green yards, and colorful gardens" and this image also became the ideal for
morality (Matt, 2005, p. 91). This image remains part of the American Dream part of the
cultural mythos for what individuals should strive.
As modern nations and economies developed and the more transient people became, like
the colonists, the settlers, and those that left rural areas moved to cities, homesickness became
more apparent. The speed and scale of changes that occur make it difficult when a person's
identity is rooted to a place; a sense of continuity is required to assimilate changes and sense of
identity to new images (Dovey, 1985). Individuals want homes that appear to be permanent even
if they are living in new homes to try to create a sense of rootedness in a mobile society (Matt,
2005).
Narrative
Narrative is defined as the attachment to a place through a romantic or idealistic stories
(Kopek, 2006). If dissatisfied with the present, people attach their ideals to the intangible
memories of the past; some use possessions to strengthen the attachment (Belk, 1992). People
want homes that reflect their lifestyle and values and hope architecture will help them create
them (Matt, 2005 p. 108; Dovey, 1985). Part of narrative is connected to the concept of
rootedness which is "an unconscious state of deep familiarity with a place, which implies long
continuous residence". It is argued when this is not possible then sense of place which is a
"conscious force of creation or conservation of 'places' through words, actions, and the
construction of artifacts" is all that is left for modern society (Giuliani, 2003, p. 146). Due to the
quality of architecture, buildings are built for permanence and represent society's heritage
(Lawrence, 1985). Most buildings imitate some past or distant style of architecture in an
attempt by the designers or clients to associate themselves with the values which they felt that
period or architectural style represented (Hershberger, 1970). An individual's desire to return to
the past is not possible because both the individual and setting have both changed (Proshansky et
al., 1983).
The mythology of the single family home away from the corruption and unhealthy
atmosphere of the city has been part of the culture since the founding of America (Saegert,
1985). "The Old-House Journal" sells house plans from all periods in American architectural
history and while these floor plans do not acknowledge changes in society or economics
affecting modern lives they are still desirable (Busch, 1999). The intangible qualities of home
are often identified once lost. Matt in her article describes Wallace Nutting, who in the early
twentieth century tapped into people's beliefs about home as a representation of self popularizing
the "countrified suburban home with the picket fence as the American dream house". Nutting
manufactured products, furniture to pictures, so the average American could purchase objects to
not only create a genteel colonial feel to their homes but also purchase a piece of the American
dream. People may not necessarily want a genuine old home but want its appealing details and
features such as woodwork and fireplaces (Gallagher, 2006). Part of homelessness comes from
viewing the house as a commodity; a house can be purchased but the experience of home cannot
(Dovey, 1985).
Summary
Perhaps some individuals are more apt to rehabilitate, restore or reconstruct older
residences because of congruency between their sense of self and social identity and place
identity and place attachment. While research has not been conducted into the link between
historic preservation and these concepts, they do present an insight into why people may choose
to rehabilitate, restore or reconstruct period residences. Sense of self seems to indicate that
people whose preference type is place-people are more likely form attachments with their
environs and perhaps this is a factor in why some people preserve or reconstruct their residences.
Social identity seems to indicate individuals choose houses and neighborhoods based on the
congruence between the location and their sense of self; this maybe a reason why some people
choose to live in older neighborhoods and houses. It seems that through place identity people
incorporate places as part of their identity that is congruent with their sense of self. It would
seem that people who choose to live in a old house do so because what they believe the house is
symbolizes or represents. Place attachment seems to indicate that individual's attachment to
place is affected by their emotional connection to the location. Perhaps individual who live in
older houses are nostalgic.
CHAPTER 3
METHODOLOGY
The need for this study arose from hypotheses suggested from the literature review, which
might yield answers as to why people rehabilitate, restore or reconstruct the interior of their old
houses. Answering this question required the use of qualitative research methods. The
qualitative research approach describes the "variation in a phenomenon, situation, issue, etc"
(Kumar, 2005), or the potential explanations for why individuals preserve residential interiors.
Stemming from the literature review, as described in chapter 2, psychosocial reasons, such
as sense of self, place attachment, and nostalgia were isolated as potential explanations of why
individuals may rehabilitate, restore or reconstruct residential interiors. Case study strategy was
chosen as the best way to explore these issues. More adequately than others, the case study
research strategy allows for uncovering the real-life contextual conditions surrounding the issue
under investigation and to examine the evidence in light of predicted response patterns to the
research question (Yin, 2003).
The case study research followed Yin's methodology (2003) to describe and potentially
explain individual choices in rehabilitating, restoring or recreating residential interiors. Cases
were controlled for single family old houses and owners were chosen for convenience. Two of
the houses were located in Gainesville, FL and three were located around Atlanta, GA. The
houses ranged in age from 1830 to 1940 and were not of comparable size. Two of the houses
had undergone restorations, another two had undergone interpretive reconstruction and one had
gone through rehabilitation.
Interviews were conducted to obtain information for the case studies. Information
collected through these interviews aimed to uncover possible reasons for the rehabilitation,
restoration or reconstruction of their residential interiors. Interviews were to be conducted in the
homeowner's residence at their convenience and photographs were taken with homeowner
consent (see Appendix H). The interview was audio taped and documentary photographs were
taken of the interiors of the house. Audio tapes once transcribed were erased. References to the
homeowner's identity were removed from photographs as needed. A copy of the interview
transcript and photographs were sent to the homeowner for corroboration ensuring faithfulness
prior to its publication in the thesis.
Semi-structured interviews following approved protocols inquired about homeowner
reasons for rehabilitating, restoring or reconstructing their houses. The questions examined
homeowner's sense of self, sense of place, and nostalgia in the loss of historic residential
interiors. The interview questions covered reasons for purchasing a "historic" house as well as
reasons for rehabilitating, restoring or reconstructing it (see Appendix I). Additional questions
dealt with residents' definition of their own identity and how it is expressed in their residential
environment. Also, homeowner's emotional attachment to, and identification with, their house
were examined through interview questions and use of environmental autobiographies.
Environmental autobiography is a "method of bringing out a person's conscious and unconscious
affective ties" to their environments (Allen, 2008, p. 39) by eliciting verbal, written, and graphic
responses to emotive questions. Exercises drawn from Cooper Marcus' environmental
autobiography methods (1997) were used to partially answer these questions. Participants were
asked to write about and do simple drawings about feelings they have for their house. The
transcripts were evaluated using cross-case analysis which "forces investigators to look beyond
initial impressions and see evidence through multiple lenses"(Eisenhardt, 1989).
Four criteria emerging from the literature review were used to interpret the data. In order
to understand why people preserve, the initial hypothesis is that owners will rehabilitate, restore
or reconstruct the interior of an old residence to a chosen period if the house reflects their sense
of self, they deem the house as worthy, they feel a sense of place attachment with the house, are
nostalgic for the past, or a combination of these factors.
Sense of self
The first factor examined an individual's sense of self and whether people would
rehabilitate, restore or reconstruct the interior of their house if there was congruence between the
house and their sense of self. The premise in this case is that the rehabilitation, restoration or
reconstruction of either the exterior or the interior of an old residence implies that the
architectural and design features in some way reflect the homeowners' sense of self. Four
conditions as listed in Figure 3-1 could exist for why this could occur: 1) owner rehabilitated,
restored or reconstructed the architecture and the interior of their house because they both reflect
their sense of self; 2) owner rehabilitated, restored or reconstructed the architecture and the
interior of their house but they do not feel that the residence reflects their sense of self; 3)
owner rehabilitated, restored or reconstructed the architecture of the house but does not
rehabilitate, restore or reconstruct the interior of the house because they feel it does not match
their sense of self; or lastly, 4) owner does not rehabilitate, restore or reconstruct either the
architecture or the interior of the residence because neither match their sense of self. This
matrix, illustrated in Figure 3-1, looks at sense of self as playing a role in homeowners' decision
to rehabilitate, restore or reconstruct their house, but not at the extent to which sense of self is a
decisive factor.
Worthiness
The second factor examined was whether the structure was considered worthy of
rehabilitation, restoration or reconstruction, the criteria for assigning worthiness to a building
was either it was designed by a famous architect or exhibited exceptional craftsmanship. There
Figure 3-1. Role of sense of self in decision making for homeowners.
were four possible conditions as listed in Figure 3-2 that could exist which were: 1) either the
house was considered worthy of rehabilitation, restoration or recreation and both the architecture
and interior are rehabilitated, restored or reconstructed; 2) the house was considered worthy of
rehabilitation, restoration or recreation but the only the architecture of the house was
rehabilitated, restored or reconstructed not the interior; 3) the house was not considered worthy
of rehabilitation, restoration or recreation but the architecture and residential interiors are still
rehabilitated, restored or reconstructed; or finally, 4) the house was not considered worthy of
rehabilitation, restoration or recreation and the homeowners rehabilitated, restored or
reconstructed neither the architecture nor the interior.
These conditions may shed light on whether people rehabilitate, restore or reconstruct
structures based on their view of a structure as valuable. The premise behind this is that if a
house deemed worthy by virtue of its style, decor, or other architectural characteristics,
homeowners are more likely to rehabilitate, restore or reconstruct it.
,__WHOEELSTHIR SENSE OF = IS REFLECTE
HOMECWNER DOES NOT
FEEL THEI R S EN S E 0 F SELF
IS KEP LEU LL) b Y I HhIK
HOUSE BUT REHABILIATES,
RESTORES OR RECONTRUCTS
THE EXTERIOR AND INTE.IORS
OFTHEIR HISTORIC' HCUSE
HI0 M OlN ERF li-L TH l Rl
SIE SEl FS LF lIS RELECTEDll
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REFLECTEDiBYTilll--U
AND DCESilOTliti
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I------"HISTORIC' ---HOUSE-
Figure 3-2. Role of worthiness in decision making for homeowners
Place attachment
The third possible reason why people might rehabilitate, restore or reconstruct their house,
examined if homeowners felt a sense of place attachment to their home were more likely to
rehabilitate, restore or reconstruct the interior of their house. As shown in Figure 3-3, four
conditions could exist to answer this question either: 1) the owner feels a sense of place
attachment and chose to rehabilitate, restore or reconstruct interior of their house; 2) the owner
has a sense of place attachment to the architecture or other external factors, like neighborhood,
but feels no sense of attachment to the interior of the building and chose to rehabilitate, restore,
or reconstruct the interior of their house ; 3) the owner feels no sense of place attachment but
decides to rehabilitate, restore or reconstruct the architecture and interior of the residence; or 4)
the owner feels no sense of attachment and decides to rehabilitate, restore or reconstruct neither
the architecture nor interior of the residence. These conditions examine to what extent place
attachment plays a role in people's decision to rehabilitate, restore or reconstruct their
HOMEOWNER VIEWS HOUSE
AWORTHYAND
REHABILITATES. RESTORES
OR RECONSTRUCTS THE
INTERIOR AND EXTERIOR
STORIC" HOUSI
HOMEOWNERil VIEWSI HOUSE AS
WORTHY~ ANDEHAILITATE,
RESOREiRRCONTRUT
T4nmFnwmF.R T)nF..q mnT
VIEW HOUSE AS WORTHY
BUT REHABILITATES
RESTORES OR
RECONSTRUCTS
THE INTERIOR AND
EXTERIOROFTHEIR
"HISTORIC" HOUSE
hUMEUVNEK DUES
NOTVIEWTHEHOUSE
AS WORTHYAND DOES
NOT REHABILITATE,
RESTORE
ORRECOHSTRUCTS THEIR
"HISTORIC" HOUSE
residences. The premise is that if people feel a sense of place attachment to their residence then
they will rehabilitate, restore or reconstruct their residence the interiors.
Figure 3-3. Role of Sense of Place Attachment in decision making for homeowners
Nostalgia
The final condition examined refers to the nostalgic feelings that may underlie people's
desire to rehabilitate, restore or reconstruct their house. The premise for this is if homeowners
feel a sense of nostalgia they are more likely to rehabilitate, restore or reconstruct the interior of
their house. As shown in Figure 3-4, four conditions could exist to explain this were: 1) either
the owner rehabilitates, restores or reconstruct s the interior of the house because they are
nostalgic for the past; or 2) the owner rehabilitates, restores or reconstruct s the interior of their
house but is not nostalgic for the past; 3) the owner does not rehabilitate, restore or reconstruct
the interior of their house but is nostalgic for the past; or lastly 4) the homeowner is not nostalgic
for the past and hence does not rehabilitate, restore or reconstruct the interior in their house.
The premise of these questions is to determine what if any role nostalgia plays in people's desire
to rehabilitate, restore or reconstruct the interior their house.
nn Ou n HOL AEC T N
Ia N Dd VI~l DlmI iAL FEL A S E
I FPLA-l CET'i llOTH iRi
HISTOICi OUSE AND~
EIiTHER REA IT ES
RESTORES IIOR~
INIV ID IIIUALIII FEELS A ISE I
OF iICEO TIARCITECTii
IIOR OTHE EXTERNAI~LI FACTORS
BUTIIIIII~I FEELS NOSENSE O
INDIVIDUA DOES NOTI FEEII!!i lI ] LIi
A SENSE OF PLACETO~ THE~iIR~II
"IITO-C"HOUSE BUTI~
IND:VIDUAL DOES NOT FEEL
ASENS--OFPLACEAND
DECIDES TO REHABILITATE,
RESTORE OR RE'ONSTRUCTS
NEITHER THE ARCHITECTU_.,E
NOR THE INTERIOR OF THEIR
HOUSE
Figure 3-4. Role of Nostalgia in decision making for homeowners
=----- .-ELY-TO--EA I-T-T-RESTRE
HOMEOWNER IS NOSTALGIC
F-)RTHF,0Aq-AND
REHA3ILITATE, RESTORE OF
RECONSTRUCTSTHE
INTERIOROFTHE[R
"HISTORIC" HOUSE
HOMEOWNER IS NOT
H03TALGIC FOR TEE PAST
BUTREFIABILITATES,
RESTORES OR
RECID14STRUCTSTHE
INTERIOR OFTHEIR
"HISTORIC'HOUSE
HOMEOVVIITER IS NOSTALGIC
FORT-HE PASTBU7 DOES YOT
R --H ARTTTTATF,, R --,qTnRF. -)R
R.ECO.1TST__1=TSTHE
NTER"OR OFTHEIR "HISTORIC
HOUSE
HOMEOWNER IS NOT
NOSTALGIC FOURTH PASTAND
DOES
NOT REH-ABIL-TATE, RESTORE
OR RECONSTRUCTS THE
INTERIOR OFTHEIR "HISTORIC'
HOUSE
CHAPTER 4
CASE STUDY
Interviews for the case studies were conducted between November 2008 and January 2009.
Two interviews were conducted in Gainesville, FL and three interviews were conducted in and
around Atlanta, GA. Criteria emerging from the literature review were used to formulate a series
of interview questions examining each interview subject's reasons for purchasing an older house
and for rehabilitating, restoring or recreating the interior of their house to a chosen period. The
interviews examined whether owners rehabilitate, restore or reconstruct the interior of their
house if the residence reflects their sense of self, or view of the worthiness of the house, or they
felt a sense of place with the house, or if they are nostalgic for the past, or if perhaps a
combination of these factors influence individuals to rehabilitate, restore, or reconstruct their old
house. Additional questions focused on the residents' definition of their identity and how it was
expressed in their residential environment. Cases were then analyzed using cross-case analysis
examining the four criteria to see if there was a consensus of opinion between the interview
subj ects.
Case Study Background
The first two case studies took place in Gainesville, FL. The town was founded on
September 6, 1853 when Alachua County residents voted to create a new town on the Florida
Railroad line. Within seven years, the town's population had reached 269. The town grew
quickly to meet the needs of the arriving passenger trains with a general store and three hotels to
serve visitors. Two skirmishes occurred in 1864 since Gainesville was the site of a Confederate
Army storehouse during the Civil War. It was during Reconstruction that Colonel Dutton helped
make Gainesville become one of the largest shipping stations in the state. Gainesville benefitted
from the land boom that occurred throughout the state from WW I to the Depression with new
neighborhoods being developed. In 1925, M.M. Parrish began development of several
neighborhoods including Highland Heights (the "Duck Pond Neighborhood") (Alachua County
Library, 2009). Both of the interviews conducted in Gainesville, FL were in the Duck Pond
neighborhood which is located in Northeast Gainesville.
The third interview took place in Lithonia, GA which is part of the Greater Atlanta area.
Lithonia, located 20 miles east of Atlanta, was one of the first three cities founded in DeKalb
County (DeKalb History Center, 2009). According to the DeKalb History Center (2009), the
early settlers were of English, Scotch and Irish descent and were poor, hardworking small
farmers coming from Virginia and the Carolinas. This area was never part of the plantation
system as other parts of the state were (DeKalb History Center, 2009).
The fourth interview took place in Atlanta, GA. The city originally began as the terminal
point for the Western and Atlantic Railroads in 1837 (NPS Atlanta, 2009). Eight years later, the
city was renamed Atlanta. During the Civil War, Union General William Sherman burned about
70% of the city (NPS Atlanta, 2009). The city rapidly rebuilt and grew after the Civil War.
During this time Grant Park, one of Atlanta's oldest neighborhoods, was founded. Colonel
Lemuel P. Grant owned vast land holdings in the city and in 1883 he donated 100 acres toward
what was the city's first large scale park (NPS Atlanta, 2009). The Olmstead Brothers helped
plan the park's landscape. The neighborhood that developed from the late 19t to early 20th
century includes commercial clusters, schools and churches, as well as Victorian mansions
overlooking the park, modified Queen Anne houses, one story Victorian cottages and Craftsman
bungalows (NPS Atlanta, 2009).
The fifth interview was conducted in Carnesville, GA which is located approximately 85
miles northeast of Atlanta, GA. Carnesville is the seat of Franklin County which was created in
1784 (Franklin County, 2009). Carnesville was named after Judge Thomas Peter Carnes, a
Revolutionary War lawyer and Congressman (Franklin County, 2009). There is not much else
known about this rural city.
The houses were divided into two categories to describe them. They were considered
either historic-the house is a certified historic structure either listed individually on the National
Register or has a preservation easement, or "historic"-the house is old but of no real historic
significance Per Table 5-1, the subject's houses were listed by criteria. Subject l's house was
previously listed individually on the National Register but appears to have been removed as it is
not listed in the National Register database; however, the house is still part of the Northeast
Gainesville Residential District. Subject 2's house is also part of the Northeast Gainesville
Residential District. Subject 1 and 2's houses will be referred to as "historic". Subject 3's house
has a preservation easement on the house and immediate yard. While there is no listing of the
house on the National Register, in order for the house to have qualified for any tax benefits it
would have had to receive a certificate of significance from the Department of the Interior.
Therefore Subject 3's house will be referred to as historic. Subject 4's house is located in the
Grant Park Historic District, which is listed on the National Register. However the house is not
listed individually, thus by the criteria laid out Subject 4's house will be referred to as "historic".
Lastly, Subject 5's house is individually listed on the National Register hence it will be referred
to as historic.
Subjects were also divided into categories depending on which preservation method they
used on the interior of the house, which can seen in table 5-2. Secretary of the Interior Standards
for the Treatment of Historic Properties definitions were the basis for this classification. Subject
1 undertook a rehabilitation of her house as she altered the "historic" building to meet continuing
uses while retaining the building's exterior historic character. Subjects 3 and 5 undertook
restorations of their historic houses as they removed materials from other periods bringing their
interiors back to their respective period of significance. Subjects 2 and 4 both did period
reconstructions of the interiors of their "historic" houses. Through conjecture both have
reintroduced missing elements, with varying degrees of accuracy, for the perceived period of
significance which they are attempting to recreate.
Table 5-1 Case Study House Status Historic or "Historic"
House listed House in district House has
individually on on the National preservation
National Register Register easement
Subject 1 No Yes No
Subject 2 No Yes No
Subject 3 No No Yes
Subject 4 No Yes No
Subject 5 Yes Yes Yes
Table 5-2. Case Study Subjects Treatment of House
Rehabilitation Restoration Recreation
Subject 1 Yes
Subject 2 Yes
Subject 3 Yes
Subject 4 Yes
Subject 5 Yes
Case Study 1 Gainesville, FL
Subject 1 lives in a 105 year old "historic" house. Subject 1 is a woman in her late 30s
who lives in the house with her husband, their 3 children: an infant son and toddler daughters,
and Subject l's mother. She is a realtor but she and her husband also own a business located in
Gainesville, FL. According to Subject 1, the house was originally built as a barn in 1892 and
was in the 1920s modified into a Mediterranean Colonial house. The author conducted
additional research and discovered the building was originally a barn which was cut into two
sections and moved from its original location (Burton & Gowan, 2002). The split barn became
the basis for two different houses; one is a shingle style and the other, the case study house, was
stuccoed and converted to Mediterranean Colonial style.
The house was in extreme disrepair in 2007 when Subject 1 purchased the house with her
husband. The house had extreme termite damage, wood rot and structural issues. However,
since the house used to be a barn the beams are approximately 3 ft x 3 ft in section and were able
to withstand damage. The house has undergone extensive rehabilitation: it was stripped to the
wall studs and frames and was rebuilt. The house was lifted so new footers and perimeter beams
could be installed; also all of the systems (electric, plumbing, and HVAC) were replaced as well.
However, the owners have kept the original floors and windows. While the level of intervention
on the house appears severe, the owners actually removed years of inappropriate divisions made
to it. Subject 1 said she had an image of an open Mediterranean villa as the best way to
maximize the space, light and openness of the house, illustrated in Figure 5-1. Subject 1 did no
research on any specific period or style and purposefully chose not to use reproductions of
finishes. For her, those things make the home more about the individual's ego and take away
from it being a home; since she has small children she was concerned that the house not feel
formal or museum-like.
Subject 1 views the idea of sense as place as relating to concept of home as sanctuary. For
her, her house is a barrier acting as both protection and a way of controlling who she comes into
contract with. Subject 1 believes that when people see her house they see it as a reflection of her
success. First and foremost though, she views her house in terms of her family. When asked
about her feelings towards her house, Subject 1 felt that her house represents how connected her
family is. She said, "We are a big family and this is a big house. We have a lot that we want to
accomplish and this house has a lot of the space to accommodate all of us and our imaginations
and journeys and dreams and hopes".
The house had an "untapped beauty" which is what made Subject 1 want to preserve the
house. She also thought the house had enough architectural style that it was worth preserving.
The house gave her an opportunity to express her and her family's creativity. The design of the
house has been a group effort as each person's bedroom is a reflection of their style.
Figure 5-1. Case Study House Interiors. Photographs of Subject l's house. A) Subject l's
kitchen B) view of Subject l's living room C) view from front door into house.
Photographs provided by homeowner.
Subject 1 wanted to live in an old house. She and her husband looked at houses in this
specific neighborhood because they liked the location and the fact the houses were in general
larger than in some of the other older neighborhoods in Gainesville. When she was asked how
she would describe nostalgia, she said it is "the emotional recall you experience from past
memories that bring back a certain feeling". While she views herself as nostalgic she does not
attach nostalgic feelings to her house. Rehabilitating the house for her was not out of nostalgia
or attempting to recreate the past but about taking a "sad, sagging house that had very little
appeal and bringing it back to life". Subject 1 said she never considered purchasing a new house
because for her they are lacking character and feeling. She states that she likes the flaws in older
homes because it gives them character which reminds her of humanity since nothing is perfect in
them. For Subject 1 restoring the house was a personal mission since "there are already plenty of
things in the world already so you restore and bring vitality back to something that had lost it".
By rehabilitating an existing building, Subject 1 felt that house has become a symbol of hope.
Case Study 2 Gainesville, FL
Subject 2 lives by himself in a 68 year old house. He is in his early 60s and owns a
business located in Gainesville, FL. According to Subject 2, the house was originally built in
1940. The house was originally platted as part of the Highland Terrace neighborhood in 1925.
Little is known about the history of the house except that the original family lived in the house
from 1940 -1979 and owned a small department store downtown in Gainesville. Another family
lived in the house from 1979-1991; then Subject 2 purchased the house in 1991.
Describing the "historic" interior spaces of his house, Subject 2 says they are Colonial
Williamsburg and the exterior is Southern Georgia style. It should be noted that, rather, the
house architecture corresponds with the Colonial Revival style. When asked what made him
purchase the house, Subject 2 said that he was driving around and saw the "for sale" sign and
thought that the house was beautiful. No major alterations had been made to the house since its
construction in 1940. However, the original paint and wallpaper were chipping and falling off
the walls and the hardwood floors needed to be stripped. He spent years restoring every square
inch of the house. The house is a "historic" reconstruction. Subject 2 has added Colonial style
elements that he felt were missing from the house, such as crown molding, chair rails and
wainscoting, seen in Figure 5-2, that were not originally in the house. The interiors of the house
are recreations of Colonial Williamsburg style. Subject 2 did research reading books on the style
Figure 5-2. Case Study House Interiors. Photographs of Subject 2's house. A) View of Living
Room. B) View of Dining Room. C) View of Kitchen
to ensure that new features such as the wainscoting and built in cabinetry were designed to be
true to the Colonial period. He also used reproduction paints and wallpapers. When recreating
the interiors of his house, he wanted it to be beautiful and attempt to bring out the original
designer's intent however the finishes chosen are true to the Colonial Williamsburg style but not
Colonial Revival style.
Subject 2 believes that sense of place is means being comfortable at home. When asked to
define nostalgia, he thought it referred to remembering past times. While he never lived in an
older house, his grandfathers were craftsmen and his mother loved Colonial Williamsburg style.
Perhaps because of this he feels nostalgic towards his house.
Case Study 3 Lithonia, GA
Subject 3 is in his early 40s. He owns a 100 year old house and property located in
Lithonia, GA. He purchased the house as an investment and runs a plant nursery from there. An
employee rents the house. However, Subject 3 answered the questions regarding sense of place,
place attachment and nostalgia thinking about the "historic" house he lives in Atlanta, GA. The
Lithonia house was constructed sometime in the 1890s with various older outbuildings located
on the property: a log cabin and corn crib built between 1830s and 1850s, and a barn that is
about 100 years old. According to Subject 3, the house was originally owned by a family called
the Housworth's who received the land in a grant in the 1790s. After the Civil War, the family
lost the land but was able to purchase it back into the family in the 1880s (Georgia Trust, 2009).
The Housworth family lived in the house until they sold it to Subject 3.
The house is a four square Carpenter Gothic or Folk Victorian style house. Originally the
front porch had more Queen Anne wood features which have since been removed. The exterior
has Queen Anne features but the interior of the house is southern vernacular. When Subject 3
purchased the house he said it looked like a "rental house" floors were carpeted, acoustic tiles
had been installed and there was faux wood paneling on the walls. Since purchasing the house,
Subject 3 stripped the interiors back to their historic state. Subject 3 describes the interiors of the
house as "very simple and very stark" with everything being handmade and "no frills". This is
illustrated in Figures 5-3.
The term sense of place is very important Subject 3, since it relates to his work as a garden
designer. To him, sense of place is about honoring the site by letting the land and materials
speak for themselves. Raised on a farm in rural Tennessee, the first time Subject 3 saw the
property in Lithonia he immediately felt that the place reminded him of growing up.
Professionally Subject 3 is required to visit other people's houses but he generally feels
uncomfortable when in most people's houses. The houses he feels the most comfortable in are
quirky and odd and reflect the individuals who live there; they feel "lived in". Subject 3
appreciates good design whether new or old. He has lived in an "historic" house in Atlanta for
15 years and currently owns another historic property. Subject 3 admits that older buildings are
burdens to maintain and he would at some time in the future love to live in a "glass, steel and
cement box in the middle of the woods".
Figure 5-3. Case Study House Interiors. Photographs of Subject 3's house.
Subject 3 has complicated feelings towards nostalgia; he feels that nostalgia is something
to be carefully avoided. To him nostalgia is a "revisionist version of the historical truths that
may or may not be accurate". He sees it as a fear-based reaction to the rapid changes in society
adding that the comfort it brings is at the expense of preparing for the future. While he does not
view himself as nostalgic he admits he has been nostalgic in the past. "Nostalgia is not
interesting to me anymore. Too many people suffered to live that way. The only guy that won
was the man, the white man. Everybody else suffered so he could live comfortably. Nostalgia is
not that fun and people need to look back at and be honest". Subject 3 states he has grown to be
less nostalgic about his house and respect and honor it for what it is, and likes it aesthetically.
Case Study 4 Atlanta, GA
Subject 4 lives in a 106 year old house located in the Grant Park historic district in Atlanta,
GA (NPS Atlanta, 2009). Subject 4 is an attorney in her mid 40s and lives in the house with her
husband and her father. The interview was not conducted at Subject 4's house so photographs
were not taken. According to Subject 4, the house was built in 1903 in Grant Park which was
part of the first suburban neighborhood in Atlanta. She describes her house as a Victorian
Foursquare Bungalow, the house has an 8 ft wide central hall with 14 ft high ceilings and the
rooms located off of the central hall. The house has Victorian features such as wood moldings
and tall ceilings, wooden floors, double sliding doors for the salon, and four fireplaces.
The interiors of Subject 4's house are "historic" recreations. When she saw the house, she
was surprised to find that the house had not been subdivided into smaller rooms. The house
survived years of insensitive rehabilitations: the front porch had been removed, the original wood
roof shingles had been covered over the years with four different roof layers, and the walls were
covered with sheet rock, but all of the original woodwork was in place. The house had to have
all of its systems replaced. The support for the house and retaining walls for the basement also
had to be redone.
Subject 4 views sense of place in terms of connections, for her it is about being "part of
something that is larger than you, however which is also a part of you". She has always been
attracted to and more interested in things that were from the past. Subject 4 grew up in a
Spanish Colonial town in South America where houses surrounded the town center. The lack of
modern conveniences, creaking sounds and imperfections in older houses are not seen by Subject
4 a drawback but as benefit, since they are part of the character of the house. Subject 4 respects
tradition and sense of history; she feels that when other people visit her house they can tell that
she has a great appreciation for traditional beauty and architecture. While she sometimes enjoys
visiting other people's houses; Subject 4 is more comfortable at her own house. In her opinion,
taking care and improving her house is a way of caring for her family.
When asked what made her purchase her home Subject 4 said it was her love of older
architecture and how it is perfect yet imperfect. The thought of living in modern house has been
fleeting when there is a list of repairs to make to the house, however, she would never choose to
live in a newly constructed house. "Historic" buildings give her a sense of permanence if each
generation they will be there for the next to appreciate. She likens historic preservation to links
in a chain "Your job is to make sure that you do not break your link. You build your link
strongly, like the people before you did, then it will be up to the next person to put the next link
on."
Nostalgia for Subject 4 is about linkage of the past to the future, "nostalgia is a connector
to the past and to your future." She views herself as nostalgic. To her nostalgia is about
"honoring the labor and dedication of what was built in the past. There was a tremendous
amount of love and dedication [that went into making it] and it is good to honor it". Subject 4
believes that "historic" houses and antiques belong to the community of people who see beauty
in the objects, not necessarily to any specific family if they do not appreciate their beauty.
Continuity matters in the honoring the past.
Case Study 5 Carnesville, GA
Subject 5 lives in a 180 year old house in Carnesville, GA. She is an economist in her mid
50s. This house is Subject 5's weekend house but this is what she defines as her home,
weekdays she works and lives in Atlanta. Subject 5 lives in a Federal/Greek revival transition
house that was built sometime between 1820 and 1830. The house originally was built by
Marcus Strange who came to Georgia from South Carolina after the Revolutionary War with his
son. Eventually, he and his son put together about 2,000 acres and a saw mill and built this
house. The family stayed until 1864 when they sold it to the Duncan family at the end of the
Civil War and went back to South Carolina.
Subject 5 describes her historic house as Federal/Greek revival transitional since it shows
features of both styles. Subject 5's restoration of her house removed elements that had been
added in the 1960s. The trim had been removed from the interior and a few windows had been
rearranged in the back of the house but otherwise the ceilings were still the same height, the
walls were still plaster. She always wanted to restore an old house, "I've always liked to fix
things that were messed up and broken and see the potential in them".
When asked what sense of place meant, Subject 5 said it was about belonging to a
community. She feels a strong sense of place with her house and the community. The area she
lives in is surrounded by bicentennial farms, farms that have been in the same family for two
hundred years, and she believes that most of the people in the area also feel a strong sense of
place. When asked where she feels the most comfortable in her house is in her kitchen which is
where she spends most of her time. While she would consider moving into a new house, she
would like to live in a new house built of salvaged goods.
To her, the age of the building is not as important as the quality of the design, construction
and materials. Subject 5 likes the Federal/Greek Revival style because of the attention to
symmetry and sense of light incorporated in the design. The design of her house brings a sense
of harmony to her. The house is sited so that there is always sunlight somewhere in the house.
She appreciates things that are handcrafted with quality materials, usually wood or stone.
When asked what nostalgia meant to her, Subject 5 said "nostalgia is a longing for the past
that might not reflect a reality". To her nostalgia is more than trying to recreate a period, she
found it interesting that when people did not have things available to them they took what they
had and were incredibly creative. While she does not view herself as nostalgic she appreciates
the spirit of the period. Subject 5 says she would feel uncomfortable if everything in her house
was a recreation. She likes things for their artistry and creativity and the mix of styles.
A
Figure 5-4. Case Study House Interiors. Photographs of Subject 5's house.
Environmental Autobiographies
Environmental Autobiography examines people's feelings toward their surroundings.
Subject 2 asked to be excused from participating in this section. The drawings created by the
other four subjects were examined to see what the participants viewed as important. The core
symbol for Subject 1 of what her house means to her was a heart (see Figure 5-5). Her drawing
included children playing and wrote the words "family", "love", "playing" and "happy". She
also drew smiling faces around the picture as for her house is vibrant and full of warmth and
comfort. One of the important things to her was the happy memories that her children will grow
up with living in this house; as she said this she drew a jungle gym. She drew wings on the
heart, because "the whole point of a home is so that your kids can get confidence and fly away."
Then across the heart with wings she wrote "memories for children". Subject 1's drawing
reflects her love of her family and the importance of creating a space for her children to develop
happy memories of childhood.
Figure 5-5. Environmental Autobiography drawing Subject 1
The core symbol for Subject 3 was a box within a box (see Figure 5-6). He was thinking
of his house in Atlanta which he feels a very personal connection to, for him, he feels kindred
with the house as though it is a second skin. However, the house is located in an unsafe
neighborhood and now that he has young children he worries about them since the neighborhood
keeps him feeling threatened. However, Subject 3 drew a heart in the middle of the box because
"when I am home I feel like I am the nucleus of something". He then wrote the following words
under his image: comfort, personal, home, kindred, second skin, private and warm. Subject 3's
drawing reflects his feelings of he is as he said the "nucleus" of his house and it is a second skin
or protective shell around him.
Figure 5-6. Environmental Autobiography drawing, Subject 3
The core image that came to Subject 4s mind when thinking about her house was a heart.
She then drew ornate frames around the heart (see Figure 5-7). Everything is symmetrical in her
drawing as she drew a shape around the edge that could be the profile of a house and four
triangles at each of the corners. For Subject 4, her house to her is vibrant, happy and central. At
the bottom of the drawing she wrote "home is happiness". Subject 4's drawing speaks of her
love for her house as expressed by her writing "home is happiness" The symmetry of the
drawing could reflect the symmetrical floor plan or the stability she feels her house represents.
The ornate frame she drew around the house may be symbolic of the Victorian details in her
house.
Figure 5-7. Environmental Autobiography drawing Subject 4
Lastly, the central image that Subject 5 drew when thinking about her house was a small
hand. When masons were working on the chimney they found a brick with a small child's hand
print. The brick had come from a plantation approximately 10 miles away and so it might have
been the hand print of a slave child. Finding this brick had a great impact on Subject 5, "It
started me thinking about houses in the south and who built the houses. It totally rotates your
way of thinking. There is a whole legacy but you only think of the owners". She also drew
images of her house including her stove. Subject 5 said she spent most of her time in the kitchen
but she added the caveat that it was the only room of the house that had been completed. She
drew an image of roof beams that were scribed with roman numerals and put together with
mortise-and-tenon construction. Subject 5 also drew an image of the wood ceilings that she had
stripped of previous layers of paint by hand, injuring her shoulder. Lastly, she drew a snake.
Subject 5 recounted the story of going underneath the house to examine the chimney she ran into
a rat snake under the house with no place to go. Subject 5's drawings are related to the stories
she uncovered while working on renovating the house.
*\ \ ...... ... ...
/ ,',, l ....
S/
Figure 5-8. Environmental Autobiography drawing, Subject 5
When examining the drawings for similarities, a theme that surfaces in the drawings is the
concept of home as sanctuary. Three of the subjects (Subjects 1, 3, and 4) mentioned variations
on the words warmth, comfort, happiness. Their respective houses provided them with
protection and emotional solace. These three subjects also drew the same central image of a
heart (see figures 5-5, 5-6 and 5-7). This core image of love was directed toward their families
and to their houses. Subject 5's drawing was unique as she drew isolated images showing
experiences she had while working on her house and reflected mainly on the elements of the
house such as the roof, the ceiling or the bricks. As opposed to the other subjects, she did not
draw a comprehensive image of "home." However, all of these individuals felt a deep emotional
connection with their houses. These drawings explored the link between the past and present
which can create a meaningful sense of place. (Allen, 2008, p. 39)
Another topic that came out of the drawings is the concept of "historic" as a museum.
Subject 2 did research to ensure the "historic" recreation of the interiors was true to historic
Colonial Williamsburg style and used reproductions of Colonial Williamsburg wall papers and
colors. Subject 3 thinks it is not practical to maintain a historic property as a museum piece. He
believes that historic residences need to be places where people live amongst historic
architecture but still can have a modern lifestyle. Subject 4 did not raise this issue in the
interview; however, her interiors are "historic" recreations. Lastly, Subject 5 said she wanted to
bring the spirit of the period back however she would feel uncomfortable if everything in the
house was a period recreation. While the paint colors she has chosen are similar to the ones that
were originally used she said "I think you can have contemporary furnishings that have the feel
of the period through the quality or the sense of formality". It should be acknowledged that
while acknowledging the past, revivals of past styles are not necessarily meant to be authentic
replications of past living conditions but an adaptation of the style to contemporary conditions
(Rybczyknski, 1986) It would appear that an individual's feelings towards the rehabilitation,
restoration or reconstruction of period interiors are mostly related to their attitudes to nostalgia
and their sense of self.
Cross Case Analysis
Several similarities surfaced when examining each case study in terms of the subject's
views towards sense of self, worthiness of architecture, sense of place and nostalgia. Other
themes emerged which appear to affect why homeowner's rehabilitate, restore or reconstruct
their interiors. These unexpected themes were: homebuyers seeing the inherent potential in a
house, narrative, and their perception of reconstructed interiors.
The case study subjects were asked a series of questions to try and determine if they had
rehabilitated, restored or reconstructed either the interior and/or the architecture of their house
because they felt it matched their sense of self. As defined before, sense of self is reflected in
how individuals identify with certain environments and define themselves by their experiences
with those environments (Kopek, 2006). Subject 1 rehabilitated her house. She saw the
potential in the house and wanted to bring out its inner beauty; "I guess from a psychological
standpoint, I saw the potential in myself and I saw the potential in the house." Subject 2 said
when he drove by the house he was immediately attracted to the house. Subject 3 said that he
too was immediately attracted to both his house in town and the rental property he owns.
Subjects 4 and 5 made no specific comment about immediately feeling a connection with their
houses but each felt their house was a reflection of their personality. All of the subjects felt the
most comfortable in their own house. It appears that some individuals do choose historic or
potentially historic houses because the building matches their sense of self as seen in Table 5-3.
However, it appears that there is also an impetus for some individuals to purchase them because
the exterior speaks to their sense of self, and then modify their residential interiors to achieve
even better congruence.
Another topic of interest in this study is the view of the worthiness of the house as an
influence on the subjects' choice to rehabilitate, restore or recreate the architecture or the interior
of their house (see table 5-4). As stated earlier the worthiness of residential interior has been
linked to physical features contributing to visual richness such as decoration, natural materials,
curves, articulated walls, distinctiveness, and mystery. Subject 2 said he had always liked the
Colonial style and his view of the house's worthiness influenced him to recreate the interiors.
Subject 3 claimed his house in Atlanta and his farm property in Lithonia were worthy of
recreation and restoration respectively because each has been relatively unchanged by time.
Subject 4 said she was very driven to live in a Victorian house which inherently made the house
worthy. She feels her role is as caretaker of the past for future generations. What made Subject
5 want to preserve her house was that she saw the worthiness in the house and wanted to
preserve the interiors. Subject 1 rehabilitated the first floor, but kept the second floor as it was
with few changes and also kept the original wood floors throughout the house. She thought the
house had enough architectural style to preserve but the interiors had to be modified so they
better matched her sense of self.
Table 5-3. Cross Case Analysis Finding of Role of Sense of Self
Subject
1 2 3 4 5
Homeowner feels their sense of self is reflected by the house and X X X X X
rehabiliates, restores or recreates the exterior and interiors of
their "historic" house
Homeowner does not feel their sense of self is reflected by their
house But rehabiliates, restores or recreates the exterior and
Interiors of their historic house
Homeowner feels the exterior of the house reflects their sense of
self and does not rehabilitate restore or recreate the interiors of
their "historic" house
Homeowner feels their sense of self is not reflected by the house
and does not rehabilitate, restore or recreate the exterior or the
interiors of their "historic" house
It appears that how the individual views the worthiness of a residence does affect whether
they are likely to preserve or historically reconstruct its architecture, interior or both. However,
definitions of"worthiness" widely varied across subjects.
The next topic that was discussed with the case studies was sense of place. Questions were
asked to determine if they felt a sense of place with their house. Sense of place is a combination
of place identity and place attachment. Place identity is how "people incorporate a place into the
larger concept of their own identities of senses and self;" place attachment is defined as a
"person's bond with the social and physical environments of a place." Such places have deep
Table 5-4. Cross Case Analysis Role of Worthiness
Subject
1 2 3 4 5
Homeowner views house as worthy and rehabilitates, restores or X X X X
reconstructsthe interior and exterior of their "historic" house
Homeowner views house as worthy and rehabilitate, restore or X
reconstructs the exterior of their "historic" house not the interior
Homeowner does not view house as worthy but rehabilitates
restores or reconstructs the interior and exterior of their
"historic" house
Homeowner does not view the house as worthy and does
not rehabilitate, restore or reconstruct their "historic" house
meaning to individuals because their identities are woven intricately into those places (Kopek,
2006). Case study subjects were asked what the term "sense of place" meant to them and if they
felt a sense of place with their house (see table 5-5). Subject 1 viewed sense of place as having a
"private sanctuary" because "when you walk out the door you are forced to deal with people you
do not want to deal with. In your home you can control what you have to be confronted with on
a daily basis". For Subject 1, her home acts like a marked territory protecting her and her family
where they can feel safe. When asked why she chose to live in a historic house, Subject 1 said it
was because they have character and are the sort of environment where she wants to raise her
children. Subject 2 defined the phrase sense of place as being "comfortable at home". He said
he found his house to be "warm, safe, quiet and peaceful." While Subject 3 defined sense of
place as honoring the site and letting the space speak for itself. Subject 3 was attracted to both of
his "historic" properties. He felt that they were special because they are still very similar to how
they were when constructed. Subject 4 defined sense of place as "being part of something that is
larger than you, but that is very much. It is someplace you feel roots coming out of your feet."
Subject 4 wanted to live in a "historic" house because of the connection to the past. Lastly,
Subject 5 defined sense of place as belonging to a community. She actually feels more a sense
of connection to her house in Carnesville than her house in Atlanta.
Sense of place is a very complicated issue since it is difficult to separate elements of the
individual's house and the neighborhood they live in. It seems that sense of place is a motivator
for people to rehabilitate, restore or recreate the interiors of their historic houses. However, it
appears that an individual can feel a sense of place with the architecture of their house and still
rehabilitate or recreate their house to be in congruence with their sense of self.
Table 5-5. Cross Case Analysis Role of Sense of Place
Subject
1 2 3 4 5
Individuals feels a sense of place to their "historic" house and X X X X
either rehabilitates, restores or reconstructs the interior of
their house
Individual feels a sense of place to the architecture or other X
external factors but feels no sense of attachment to the
"historicresidential interior and does not rehabilitate, restore or
reconstruct the interior of their house
Individual does not feel a sense of place to their "historic" house
but rehabilitates, restores or reconstructs the architecture and
interior of their house
Individual does not feel a sense of place and decides to
rehabilitate, restore or reconstructs neither the architecture nor the
interior of their house
A final topic discussed with the case study participants was nostalgia. As defined earlier,
nostalgia refers to the relationship between building form, its use, meaning and time; it is a
transactional process between physical and affective factors. The loss and destruction of places
leads to nostalgic feelings since nostalgia in general refers to a longing for what is gone rather
than a specific place. The case study participants were asked what nostalgia meant to them and
if they viewed themselves as nostalgic people and if they had nostalgic feelings associated with
their house (see table 5-6). Subject 1 defined nostalgia as the emotional recall experienced from
past memories that bring back certain feelings. She defined herself as nostalgic but she said she
does not have nostalgic feelings associated with her house. While she acknowledges that
nostalgia might be a factor for some individuals. Her motive for rehabilitating her house is the
idea of making the world a better place. Subject 2 defined nostalgia as remembering past times
and views himself as nostalgic. He does acknowledge he has nostalgic feelings towards his
house. His grandfather restored antiques and his mother was an interior decorator who loved
colonial style architecture. He believes that this family history may have given him his interest
in historic houses. Subject 3 defines nostalgia as a revisionist version of the historical truths that
may or may not be accurate. Subject 3 does not view himself as nostalgic but he acknowledges
that he is developing his own nostalgia for when he first moved in Atlanta 15 years ago.
However, he says he is learning to be less nostalgic about his house and honor it for what it is.
Subject 4 defined nostalgia as a connector to the past and to the future. Subject 4 admits she is
nostalgic and has nostalgic feelings associated with her house. For her, "my reality is the one
with the link and the continuity". Subject 5 defined nostalgia as a longing for the past, however
a past the individual has in the mind that might not reflect reality.
Table 5-6. Cross Case Analysis Role of Nostalgia
Subject
1 2 3 4 5
Homeowner is nostalgic for the past and rehabilitate, restore or X X
reconstructs the interior of their "historic" house
Homeowner is not nostalgic for the past but rehabilitates, X X X
restores or reconstructs the interior of their "historic "house
Homeowner is nostalgic for the past but does not rehabilitate,
restore or reconstructs the interior of their "historic house
Homeowner is not nostalgic for the past and does
not rehabilitate, restore or reconstructs the interior of their
"historic house
Three unexpected issues came out of the case studies-the role of potential and effort in
the view of worthiness, the role of narrative and nostalgia, and finally the perception of recreated
interiors.
First, it seems that whether homeowners deem a house worthy is resides in part in their
appreciation of intrinsic beauty and effort that went into making the house. Subject 1 said she
appreciated the structure of the house with the large number of historic windows and the historic
24 ft long wood floors in the house. Subject 4 felt that an individual cannot make something
beautiful without putting their self into it. For her, rehabilitation, restoration and recreation are
about respecting the effort someone put into making a house. Previous research indicated that
individuals were more likely to purchase a historic house if it had been maintained (Gram-
Hanssen & Beth-Danielsen, 2004). Both Subjects 1 and 5 said they saw the potential in the
house. When Subject 1 was speaking of her house she elaborated on the untapped beauty and
potential she saw in the house and which was what made her want to rehabilitate the house. For
her it was about bringing out the potential in her house and giving something back to the
neighborhood. For Subject 1, the idea was that an individual can repair rather than replace a
house and "restore and bring vitality back to something that had lost it". Subject 5 said she has
always liked to fix things that were "messed up and broken and see the potential in them".
Narrative, as defined earlier, is an individual attaching ideas to their intangible memories
of the past; some use possessions to strengthen this attachment. Both Subject 3 and Subject 5
were aware of individual's propensity to believe a narrative and that people have a tendency to
look at the past but they do not seem to take into account its realities. Subject 3 stated it most
succinctly "...Nostalgia is not interesting to me anymore. Too many people suffered to live that
way. The only guy that won was the man, the white man. Everybody else suffered so he could
live comfortably. That nostalgia is not fun and people need to look back at the past and be
honest." When Subject 5 found physical evidence of a child's handprint in a brick it made her
realize that there was more to think about than who owned and lived in the house. She started
thinking about how these houses were built by slaves but how the legacy is about the owners and
not the individuals whose labor built this culture. Nostalgia is a double edge sword for while it
can elicit feelings of comfort and security these feelings are often in lieu of a willingness to face
the changes of the future (Kopek, 2006). It appears that both nostalgia and narrative may play an
active role in why some individuals rehabilitate, restore or recreate the interiors of their house.
Subjects 1, 3, and 5 said they did not view themselves as nostalgic yet they were all attracted to
historic buildings. Subjects 1 and 5 mentioned seeing the potential in the interiors of their house
which may relate more directly to sense of self since neither saw this self as nostalgic. Perhaps
sense of self and place have a more active role in preservation than nostalgia.
While each case study participant appreciated various aspects of the "historic" houses they
lived in, the "historically" reconstructed interiors made some participants think of a house
museum. Subject 1 for example didn't want a period renovation of her house since she viewed
them as sterile; she didn't want to do anything she felt was "ostentatious or pretentious" which to
her meant using vintage wall paper. For her, the idea of historically recreating the interiors using
period finishes would have made her house feel staged and inaccessible, as in a museum. While
Subject 2 did research to ensure the "historic" recreation of the interiors was true to historic
Colonial Williamsburg style. He used reproductions of Colonial Williamsburg wall papers and
colors. Subject 3 thinks it is not practical to maintain a historic property as a museum piece. He
believes that historic residences need to be places where people live amongst historic
architecture but still can have a modern lifestyle. Subject 4 did not raise this issue up in the
interview; however, her interiors are "historic" recreations. Lastly, Subject 5 said she wanted to
bring the spirit of the period back however she would feel uncomfortable if everything in the
house was a period recreation. While the paint colors she has chosen are similar to the ones that
were originally used she said "I think you can have contemporary furnishings that have the feel
of the period through the quality or the sense of formality". It would appear that an individual's
feelings towards the rehabilitation, restoration or recreation of period interiors are mostly related
to their attitudes to nostalgia and their sense of self.
CHAPTER 5
CONCLUSION
Psycho-social factors appear to influence people to rehabilitate, restore or reconstruct
historic or period interiors. Five case study subjects were identified and asked a series of
questions to see if sense of self, the perceived worthiness of architecture, sense of place and
nostalgia may have been conscious or unconscious factors playing on their choice to preserve or
not preserve the architecture and interiors of their residences.
Sense of self does appear to be a factor in why some individuals rehabilitate, restore or
reconstruct their residence. All of the case study participants modified the interiors of their
residences from the state they were in when they purchased their house. However, only one
individual gutted the house to completely remodel it. The rest removed additions that, in their
views, were inconsistent with the period in which the house was constructed, and either restored
or recreated the interiors to a chosen period. It appears that there is a need for individuals to
modify their interiors to create a greater congruence between their residential environment and
their sense of self. However, it seems that for individuals who purchase a "historic" house the
impulse is to rehabilitate the house back to its original state and not completely modify it.
The perceived worthiness of the residence also appears to be a factor. Part of what
individuals deemed worthy of preservation in their residences was the quality of materials used
in the construction. Several subjects mentioned the quality and artistry of the materials used in
constructing the house. It appears that how the individual views the worthiness of a residence
does affect whether individuals are likely to preserve the architecture, the interior or both. While
previous research indicated that individuals were more likely to purchase an older house if it had
been maintained (Gram-Hassen & Beth-Danielsen, 2004), the subjects in the case study suggest
that for some individuals the ability to see the potential in a rundown house is as also an
important a factor. It seems that the individuals were attracted to houses that still had the
majority of their original features. However, the appraisal of a "historic" period residence as
being worthy of preservation appears to relate directly back to self identification issues. Further
research needs to be conducted to assess this relationship.
The concept of sense of place as related to the preservation or historic reconstructions of
historic residences does appear to be a factor in why individuals preserve them. Almost all of the
individuals in the case study mentioned at some point how they liked "historic" period residences
for the connection to and sense of history the houses embodied. It appears that while some
individuals feel a sense of place with the architecture and interiors of their historic house, they
rehabilitate or reconstruct the interiors so they are consistent with the style and period it
represents. Other individuals feel a greater sense of place with the architecture or other external
factors, such as the neighborhood in which the house is located, and renovate the interior of their
house to be greater congruence with their sense of self.
It was difficult to appraise how great a role nostalgia and narrative played in whether
individuals were likely to preserve or reconstruct the interiors of their historic residences. Three
of the case study participants admitted that they were not nostalgic. Two of the participants
appreciated their residences for their artistry but they tried not to glorify the past. The other two
individuals admitted they were nostalgic for the past. While each of their houses were filled with
pieces of the past, both seemed to collect these items out of respect for their craftsmanship and
aesthetics, nonetheless their interpretation of the historic narrative was not clearly understood.
It should be noted that this is a small case study and the results do not carry enough weight
for the findings to be generalized, so the data should be considered preliminary findings
suggesting further research. However, individual's sense of self, perception of the worthiness of
the historic house and sense of place arise as potential indicators of whether individuals will
preserve historic residences.
Preservation is an attempt to maintain the tangible connection between the past and present
through saving the buildings of previous eras. It is important to safeguard the past for future
generations. "Historic" period buildings were constructed to endure since to waste valuable
resources, such as money and effort, were inconceivable in the past (Kunstler, 1996). Since
technology such as electricity and air conditioning were not available these buildings were
designed to suit their environment. These earlier construction approaches which were once
viewed as outdated are experiencing a revival as individuals look at the environmental impact of
what they build. Historic period buildings are physical representations of a society's beliefs,
including its approach to the use of earth's resources. Historic buildings provide an example of
successful strategies that should inspire our quest for more sustainable ways of building.
A good house is a created thing made of many parts economically and meaningfully
assembled. It speaks not just of materials from which it is made, but of the intangible
rhythms, spirits, and dreams of people's lives. Its site is only a tiny piece of the real world,
yet this place is made to seem like an entire world. In its parts it accommodates important
human activities, yet in sum it express an attitude toward life.
(Moore et al., 1974, p. 49)
Why people preserve residential interiors is a complicated issue. However, this study has
uncovered several areas for possible future research, from research into individual's preferences
for historic residential interiors to more comprehensive research on why individuals preserve
historic residential interiors. A commonly used research strategy uses images of interiors to
assess people's perceptions of them; however often the images used have been taken from
current house design magazines and do not clearly describe the style or period or contents of the
interiors that are being judged (Nasar, 1989; Purcell & Nasar, 1992; Stamps & Nasar, 1997).
Future research could use Clare Cooper Marcus' Environmental Autobiography techniques to
examine different reactions to residential interiors and comparing new construction versus
historic structures. Further research could be done into how sense of self and sense of place
affect individual's willingness to preserve historic residential interiors. Another potential
research area is the concept of worthiness: How does an individual determine the worthiness of
a historic structure and what role does it play in their decision to rehabilitate a house? Lastly, the
role of worthiness of a historic residence for preservation could be examined in terms of its
existing condition and its effect on its possible purchase.
APPENDIX A
NUMBER OF SINGLE FAMILY HOMES BY AGE1
Year Structure Built
2005 to 2009
2000 to 2004
1995 to 1999
1990 to 1994
1985 to 1989
1980 to 1984
1975 to 1979
1970 to 1974
1960 to 1969
1950 to 1959
1940 to 1949
1930 to 1939
1920 to 1929
1919 or earlier
Total
Total
2,964,000
6,344,000
6,189,000
4,988,000
5,267,000
4,198,000
7,860,000
5,759,000
8,979,000
8,382,000
4,423,000
3,062,000
2,676,000
4,555,000
75,647,000
1 family detached
2,471,000
5,029,000
4,492,000
3,775,000
3,899,000
2,955,000
6,408,000
4,453,000
8,099,000
8,015,000
4,062,000
2,688,000
2,265,000
3,901,000
62,512,000
1 family attached
235,000
449,000
336,000
347,000
479,000
349,000
424,000
266,000
185,000
167,000
156,000
162,000
185,000
301,000
4,042,000
1 Data taken from American Housing Survey Table 3-25. Units in Structure by Selected Characteristics--Owner-
Occupied Units. Information compiled for U.S. Census Bureau
American Housing Survey (2008). Units in Structure by Selected Characteristics-Owner Occupied Units. Retrieved
from http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/housing/ahs/ahs07/tab3-25.pdf on November 1, 2008
APPENDIX B
LEGISLATION FOR STATE REHABILITATION TAX CREDIT FOR HOMEOWNERS
State Name State Rehabilitation Tax State Rehab Tax Credit Percent of State
Credit for Homeowners includes Interior Rehab Tax Credit for
and Year of Enactment Preservation homeowners
Alabama
Alaska
Arizona
Arkansas
California
Colorado
Connecticut
Delaware
District of
Columbia
Florida
Georgia
Hawaii
Idaho
Illinois
Indiana
Iowa
Kansas
Kentucky
Louisiana
Maine
Maryland
No rehabilitation tax
credit
No state income tax
No rehabilitation tax
credit
No rehabilitation tax
credit
No rehabilitation tax
credit
YES (1991)
YES(2000)
YES (2001)
No rehabilitation tax
credit for homeowner
No state income tax
YES(2002)
No rehabilitation tax
credit
No rehabilitation tax
credit
No rehabilitation tax
credit
YES (2000)
YES(2000)
YES(2001)
YES (2005)
YES (2006)
No rehabilitation tax
credit for
homeowner
YES (1997)
NA
NA
NA
NA
20%
30%
30%
NA
DOI
DOI
DOI
NA
NA
DOI
NA
25% non target areas
30% target areas
NA
DOI
DOI
DOI
DOI
DOI
20%
25%
25%
30%
10% 25%
dependent on
owners adjusted
gross income
NA
DOI
20%
1 DOI Department of Interior Standards
State Name State Rehabilitation Tax State Rehab Tax Credit Percent of State
Credit for Homeowners includes Interior Rehab Tax
and Year of Enactment Preservation Credit for
homeowners
Louisiana
Maine
Maryland
Massachusetts
Michigan
Minnesota
Mississippi
Missouri
Montana
Nebraska
Nevada
New Hampshire
New Jersey
New Mexico
New York
North Carolina
North Dakota
Ohio
Oklahoma
Oregon
Pennsylvania
YES (2006)
No rehabilitation tax
credit for homeowner
YES (1997)
No rehabilitation tax
credit for homeowner
YES(1999)
No rehabilitation tax
credit
YES (2006)
No rehabilitation tax
credit for homeowner
No rehabilitation tax
credit for homeowner
No rehabilitation tax
credit
No state income tax
No state income tax
No rehabilitation tax
credit
YES (1984)
YES (2007)
YES (1988)
YES (2000)
No rehabilitation tax
credit for homeowner
No rehabilitation tax
credit for homeowner
No rehabilitation tax
credit
No rehabilitation tax
credit
DOI
10% 25%
dependent on
owners adjusted
gross income
NA
DOI
NA
DOI
NA
DOI
NA
20%
NA
25%
NA
25%
NA
DOI
DOI
DOI
DOI
NA
50%
20%
30%
25%
NA
State Name State Rehabilitation Tax State Rehab Tax Credit Percent of State
Credit for Homeowners includes Interior Rehab Tax
and Year of Enactment Preservation Credit for
homeowners
Rhode Island YES (1989) DOI 20%
South Carolina YES (2003) DOI 25%
South Dakota No state income tax NA NA
Tennessee No state income tax NA NA
Texas No state income tax NA NA
Utah YES (1993) DOI 20%
Vermont No rehabilitation tax credit NA NA
for homeowner
Virginia YES (1997) DOI 25%
Washington No state income tax NA NA
West Virginia YES (2001) DOI 20%
Wisconsin YES (1989) DOI 25%
Wyoming No state income tax NA NA
APPENDIX C
NUMBER OF HOUSES THAT USED STATE REHABILITATION TAX CREDIT FOR
HOMEOWNERS BY STATE
State Name
Alabama
Alaska
Arizona
Arkansas
California
Colorado
Connecticut
Delaware
District of Columbia
Florida
Georgia
Hawaii
Idaho
Illinois
Indiana
Iowa
Kansas
Kentucky
Louisiana
Maine
Maryland
Massachusetts
Michigan
Minnesota
Mississippi
Missouri
Montana
Nebraska
Nevada
New Hampshire
New Jersey
New Mexico
Number of homes that
have used SRTC
0
0
0
0
0
440
253
41
0
0
425
0
0
0
82
16
600
59
0
0
2500
0
600
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
580
State Name
New York
North Carolina
North Dakota
Ohio
Oklahoma
Oregon
Pennsylvania
Rhode Island
South Carolina
South Dakota
Tennessee
Texas
Utah
Vermont
Virginia
Washington
West Virginia
Wisconsin
Wyoming
Total
Number of homes that
have used SRTC
3
871
0
0
0
0
0
unknown
58
0
0
0
827
0
Unknown
0
42
4000
0
11397
APPENDIX D
NUMBER OF SINGLE FAMILY HOUSES (2006) COMPARED TO TOTAL NUMBER OF
APPROVED SINGLE FAMILY HOUSES THAT HAVE USED STATE REHABILITATION
TAX CREDIT, BY STATE
STATE Total Number of Total Number of Percentage of Single
Single Family SRTC Family Houses that
Houses1 successfully have used
SRTC
Colorado 1,474,000 440 .03%
Connecticut 924,000 253 .027%
Delaware 270,000 41 .015%
Georgia 2,689,000 425 .002%
Indiana 2,077,000 82 .0039%
Iowa 1,018,000 16 .0015%
Kansas 934,000 600 .065%
Kentucky 1,310,000 59 .0045%
Maryland 1,678,000 2500 .015%
Michigan 3,420,000 600 .0017%
New Mexico 575,000 580 .104%
New York 3,684,000 3 .00008%
North Carolina 2,744,000 871 .032%
Rhode Island 266,000 Unknown Unknown
South Carolina 1,271,000 58 .0046%
Utah 661,000 827 .13%
Virginia 2,356,000 Unknown Unknown
West Virginia 641,000 42 .0066%
Wisconsin 1,790,000 4000 .228%
1 Data retrieved from American Community Survey Tables. U.S. Census Bureau
American Community Survey Tables (2006). U.S. Census Bureau Housing Units by Units in Structure and State
2006. Retrieved from www.census.gov/compendia/statab/2008/tables/08s0952.xls on November 1, 2008.
APPENDIX E
STATES WITH EASEMENT ENABLING LEGISLATION AND NUMBER OF EASEMENT
HOLDING ORGANIZATIONS
State Name Has Enabling Enabling Legislature that Number of
Legislature allowing for allows Preservation of Easement
Historic Preservation Interior Spaces Holding
Easements Organization
s in State
Alabama Yes No 2
Alaska Yes No 0
Arizona Yes No 0
Arkansas Yes No 0
California Yes No 1
Colorado Yes No 4
Connecticut Yes No 1
Delaware Yes No 4
District of Yes No 2
Columbia
Florida Yes No 2
Georgia Yes No 5
Hawaii Yes No 1
Idaho Yes No 0
Illinois Yes No 1
Indiana Yes No 2
Iowa No NA 1
Kansas Yes No 0
Kentucky Yes No 4
Louisiana Yes NA 3
Maine Yes Yes 3
Maryland No NA 4
Massachusetts Yes Yes 3
Michigan Yes No 1
Minnesota Yes No 0
State Name
Mississippi
Missouri
Montana
Nebraska
Nevada
New Hampshire
New Jersey
New Mexico
New York
North Carolina
North Dakota
Ohio
Oklahoma
Oregon
Pennsylvania
Rhode Island
South Carolina
South Dakota
Tennessee
Texas
Utah
Vermont
Virginia
Washington
West Virginia
Wisconsin
Wyoming
Has Enabling
Legislature allowing for
Historic Preservation
Easements
Yes
No
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
No
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Has Enabling Legislature Number of
that allows Preservation of Easement
Interior Spaces Holding
Organization
No 2
No 1
No 0
No 0
No 1
No 4
Yes 2
No 1
No 8
Yes 5
Yes 1
No 3
No 0
No 1
No 2
No 1
No 6
No 1
No 3
No 4
No 1
No 1
No 3
No 4
No 0
No 1
No 0
TOTAL
APPENDIX F
EASEMENTS BY ORGANIZATIONS
BY STATE
State Name of Total Total Total Total
Easement Number of Number of Number of Number of
Holding Easements Interior Residential Interior
Organizations held by Easements Preservation Residential
Organization held by Easements Preservation
Organization Easements
AL The Alabama 85 25 58 19
Historical
Commission
Mobile
Historic
Development
Commission
None
None
None
San Francisco
Architectural
Heritage
Colorado
Historical
Foundation
Historic
Denver, Inc
Historic
Georgetown,
Inc
Yampa Valley
Land Trust
Connecticut
Trust for
Historic
Preservation
NA1
1 NA Not Available
State Name of Total Total Total Total
Easement Number of Number of Number of Number of
Holding Easements Interior Residential Interior
Organizations held by Easements Preservation Residential
Organization held by Easements Preservation
Organization Easements
DE Delaware Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown
Natural
Resources &
Environmental
Control
First State
Preservation
Revolving
Fund, Inc
Preservation
Delaware, Inc
State of
Delaware
Foundation for
the
Preservation of
Historic
Georgetown
The L'Enfant
Trust
Dade Heritage
Trust
Preservation
Foundation of
Palm Beach
Athens-Clarke
Heritage
Foundation,
Inc
1107
1064
2 NR No Response
State Name of Total Total Total Total
Easement Number of Number of Number of Number of
Holding Easements Interior Residential Interior
Organizations held by Easements Preservation Residential
Organization held by Easements Preservation
Organization Easements
GA Easements 41 0 1 0
Atlanta
Georgia Trust
for Historic
Preservation
Historic
Columbus
Foundation,
Inc
Historic
Savannah
Foundation
Historic
Hawaii
Foundation
None
Landmarks
Preservation
Council of
Illinois
Historic
Landmarks
Foundation of
Indiana
Historic
Madison, Inc
Clayton
County
Conservation
Board
None
The Bluegrass
Conservancy
307
Unknown
State Name of Total Total Total Total
Name Easement Number of Number of Number of Number of
Holding Easements Interior Residential Interior
Organizations held by Easements Preservation Residential
Organization held by Easements Preservation
Organization Easements
KY Jefferson NR
County Office
of Historic
Preservation
& Archives
Kentucky 8 8 4 4
Trust for
Historic
Preservation,
Inc.
River Fields, 22 1 6 1
Inc.
LA Louisiana NR
Division of
Archaeology
Preservation 115 0 64 0
Resource
Center of
New Orleans
Vieux Carre 19 0 16 0
Commission
ME Harpswell NR
Heritage Land
Trust
Maine NR
Historic
Preservation
Commission
Maine 25 3 7 3
Preservation
MD Historic 150 15 139 9
Annapolis
Foundation
State Name of Total Total Total Total
Easement Number of Number of Number of Number of
Holding Easements Interior Residential Interior
Organizations held by Easements Preservation Residential
Organization held by Easements Preservation
Organization Easements
MD Maryland 961 21 Unknown Unknown
Environmental
Trust
Maryland NR
Historic Trust
Peerless 4 2 1 0
Rockville
Historic
Preservation,
Ltd.
MA Cambridge 45 1 18 1
Historical
Commission
The Trustees 322 0 100 0
of
Reservations
MI Michigan 104 25 14 2
Historical
Center
MN None 0 0 0 0
MS Mississippi 913 913 Unknown
Department of
Archives and
History
Vicksburg 3 3 3 3
Foundation for
Historic
Preservation
MO Landmarks NR
Historic Trust
Corporation
MT None 0 0 0 0
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