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Intercultural Qualitative Communication Research in Latin America

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0024074/00001

Material Information

Title: Intercultural Qualitative Communication Research in Latin America The Impact of U.S. American and Bolivian Culture in International Development Projects in Bolivia
Physical Description: 1 online resource (263 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Pena Ochoa, Karine
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2008

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: acdi, america, american, bolivia, bolivian, children, communication, concern, cultural, culture, development, execution, hall, hofstede, impact, intercultural, international, latin, leadership, lewis, management, managers, mujer, ngo, orientation, pro, procurement, project, projects, qualitative, save, studies, time, us, vision, voca, world
Journalism and Communications -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Mass Communication thesis, M.A.M.C.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: As national, international, and cultural boundaries are constantly being crossed and even erased through globalization, nations, governments, and people need to first understand, and then learn how to effectively communicate with each other in order to remain competitive in the international arena. To contribute to this understanding, this qualitative international communications study analyzed the impact of U.S. American and Bolivian culture in the procurement process and execution of development projects in Bolivia. The author interviewed nine U.S. American managers and nine Bolivian managers who work on such projects with five different international non-government organizations (NGOs). The author also examined specific cultural aspects such as their communication patterns, management and leadership styles, and their time orientation, and found that both cultures had positively and negatively impacted the procurement and execution process of development projects in Bolivia. The author derived suggestions as to how both sets of managers (U.S. American and Bolivian) could overcome the cultural differences that negatively impacted these projects.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Karine Pena Ochoa.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.M.C.)--University of Florida, 2008.
Local: Adviser: Molleda, Juan Carlos.
Electronic Access: RESTRICTED TO UF STUDENTS, STAFF, FACULTY, AND ON-CAMPUS USE UNTIL 2009-06-30

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2008
System ID: UFE0024074:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0024074/00001

Material Information

Title: Intercultural Qualitative Communication Research in Latin America The Impact of U.S. American and Bolivian Culture in International Development Projects in Bolivia
Physical Description: 1 online resource (263 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Pena Ochoa, Karine
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2008

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: acdi, america, american, bolivia, bolivian, children, communication, concern, cultural, culture, development, execution, hall, hofstede, impact, intercultural, international, latin, leadership, lewis, management, managers, mujer, ngo, orientation, pro, procurement, project, projects, qualitative, save, studies, time, us, vision, voca, world
Journalism and Communications -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Mass Communication thesis, M.A.M.C.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: As national, international, and cultural boundaries are constantly being crossed and even erased through globalization, nations, governments, and people need to first understand, and then learn how to effectively communicate with each other in order to remain competitive in the international arena. To contribute to this understanding, this qualitative international communications study analyzed the impact of U.S. American and Bolivian culture in the procurement process and execution of development projects in Bolivia. The author interviewed nine U.S. American managers and nine Bolivian managers who work on such projects with five different international non-government organizations (NGOs). The author also examined specific cultural aspects such as their communication patterns, management and leadership styles, and their time orientation, and found that both cultures had positively and negatively impacted the procurement and execution process of development projects in Bolivia. The author derived suggestions as to how both sets of managers (U.S. American and Bolivian) could overcome the cultural differences that negatively impacted these projects.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Karine Pena Ochoa.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.M.C.)--University of Florida, 2008.
Local: Adviser: Molleda, Juan Carlos.
Electronic Access: RESTRICTED TO UF STUDENTS, STAFF, FACULTY, AND ON-CAMPUS USE UNTIL 2009-06-30

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2008
System ID: UFE0024074:00001


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1 INTERCULTURAL QUALITATIVE COMMUNICATION RESEARCH IN LATIN AMERICA: THE IMPACT OF U.S. AM ERICAN AND BOLIVIAN CULTURE IN INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT PROJECTS IN BOLIVIA By KARINE ELIZABETH PE„A OCHOA A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN MASS COMMUNICATION UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2008

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2 2008 Karine Elizabeth Pe–a Ochoa

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3 To God, my family and the love of my life

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4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This research study would have not been possi ble without the help of several wonderful people. First and forem ost, I thank God for gui ding me through life and for giving me the inner strength to overcome all the challenges that have come my way. I would also like to acknowledge the Coca-Cola World Citizenship Pr ogram for providing me with the opportunity to intern with an international NGO in Bolivia, from which this study emerged. I thank the outstanding faculty at the Universi ty of Florida's College of Journalism and Communications. I thank Dr. Les lie for introducing me to the in ternational and intercultural communications field and for challenging my own cultural mindset. I thank Dr. Molleda, for having been so patient and kind to me. As my mentor and thesis chair, Dr. Molleda not only taught me about international public relations an d about formally executing research, but most important of all, he taught me about how to deal with life through hi s great example. I will always remember his feedback and his advices. My sincere thanks go to him. I also thank Dr. Martinez for showing me the real-life applicati on of my Masters' degr ee in communications for the purposes of development and social change. My deepest appreciation also go to Jody Hedge who made me feel right at hom e in the department from day one, and who always treated me with high respect. I thank her for always been so sweet to me and for allowing me to make use of her candy-jar; without the sugar rush, I would have of ten not made it to class. I also want to thank Ryan Winget, Residence Life Coordinator at th e Murphree Area, for making my time at the Murph truly unforgettable. By being so flexible with me in moments of stress, and by always cheering me up when I needed it the most, he helped me succeed in graduate school. I would also like to thank all the participan ts from: ProMujer, World Vision, Save the Children, Project Concern International and ACDI/VOCA for giving me their time to participate in this study.

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5 My time in graduate school and work would not have been worthy if not for the company of my awesome friends. I tha nk Kathy for her ever-lasting frie ndship. From Day one, she was always ready and willing to help me. Thanks to her, I always had a roof over my head. The allnight conversations with her and with Keith proved thought-provoking and at times revolutionary. I also want to thank Jody for helping me find a job with UF Housing, and for encouraging me to get my work done when I had no motivation whatsoever. My sincere thanks also go to Myriam. If not for her drive and he r encouraging words, I would not have finished anything. Seeing her working so energetically inspir ed me to get my work done as well. I also want to thank Alexandra and Meylincita for sh aring many meals and great conversations with me. The fun that I spent together with all "the gi rls" were truly the best part of graduate school. Most importantly, I want to thank my family. Heartfelt thanks go to my parents. Both mami and papi have always been excellent ro le models, and have al ways believed in me. Through their support and encouragement I am soon to hold a master's degree. I owe all that I am to them. In the same way, Jhoanna has always been a great role model for me. I have to admit, I am, and will always be her lifelong copycat Anything that I can do just like her, will only make me a better person. I also thank Keith for all the wonderful ti mes we spent together and for always encouraging me to keep on going. Special thanks go to the best brother a sister could ever have, David. With his humor, his kindness and his willingness to share his candy with me, he helped me achieved a ll of my goals. I want to give some big thanks also to my nona who always prayed for my safety and for my succe ss. Without her faith in me, I would have not made it. I also want to thank JosŽ for en couraging me to keep going and for giving me incentives to reach my goals. I am very happy that Jhoanna chose you as her husband.

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6 Last but definitely not least, I give tons of tha nks to the love of my lif e, Karthik. If not for his love and affection, I woul d have not survived a single day of graduate school. He encouraged me and advised me every day. Above all, he was my biggest motivation to get anything done. Whether it was papers, presen tations, or work, the number one reason I did anything was so that I could see him over the week end, or so that I could talk to him over the phone, and so that I could finally move to New York and be close to him. I truly thank him for always believing in me and for his never-ending love.

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7 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ............................................................................................................... 4 LIST OF TABLES .........................................................................................................................10 LIST OF FIGURES .......................................................................................................................11 ABSTRACT ...................................................................................................................... .............14 CHAP TER 1 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................. 15 History of U.S. Philanthropy ..................................................................................................15 Defining Development .......................................................................................................... ..17 History of Development Projects ............................................................................................ 17 Procurement Process of Development Projects ...................................................................... 19 Background .................................................................................................................... .........20 Study Overview ......................................................................................................................22 2 LITERATURE REVIEW .......................................................................................................24 Non-Governmental and Inte rnational Organizations .............................................................. 24 Background of Bolivia ............................................................................................................25 Culture ....................................................................................................................... .............28 Culture and Communication ................................................................................................... 31 Culture and Management ........................................................................................................ 33 Culture and Leadership ........................................................................................................ ...38 Culture and Time Orientation ................................................................................................. 40 Research Questions ............................................................................................................ .....43 3 METHODOLOGY ................................................................................................................. 50 Questionnaire Construction ....................................................................................................51 Sampling Technique ...............................................................................................................52 Sample Description .................................................................................................................53 Research Design .....................................................................................................................54 Data Analysis ..........................................................................................................................54 Limitations ................................................................................................................... ...........54 4 FINDINGS ...................................................................................................................... ........57 Responses of U.S. American Managers ................................................................................. 57 Question 1: Traits of Bolivian Managers ........................................................................ 57 Question 2: High-Context Cultu re of Bolivian Managers ...............................................61

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8 Questions 3-4: Bolivian Managers' Comm unication Patterns and Meeting Style .......... 63 Question 5: High-Power Distan ce of Bolivian Managers ............................................... 65 Question 6: High-Uncertainty Avoi dance of Bolivian Managers ................................... 69 Question 7: Collectivistic Cultu re of Bolivian Managers ............................................... 71 Question 8: Vertical Collectivistic Culture of Bolivian Managers .................................74 Question 9: Bolivian Managers' Leadership Style .......................................................... 75 Question 10: Long-Time Orienta tion of Bolivian Managers .......................................... 77 Question 11: Polychronic Time Orientation of Bolivian Managers ................................ 79 Question 12: Communication between Na tional and International Offices .................... 82 Question 13: Communication with the Boliv ian Office: Easy or Challenging? ............. 82 Question 14: Language Barrier ....................................................................................... 82 Question 15: Overall Impact of Cultural Differences ..................................................... 84 Responses of Bolivian Managers ............................................................................................ 88 Question 1: Traits of U. S. American Managers .............................................................. 88 Question 2: Low-Context Culture of U.S. American Managers ..................................... 91 Question 3: U.S. American Ma nagers' Communication Patterns ................................... 95 Question 4: U.S. American Managers' Meeting Style ....................................................97 Question 5: Low-Power Distance of U.S. American Managers ...................................... 99 Question 6: Low-Uncertainty Avoidan ce of U.S. American Managers ........................ 102 Question 7: Individualistic Culture of U.S. American Managers .................................104 Question 8: Vertical Indi vidualistic Culture of U.S. American Managers .................... 107 Question 9: U.S. American Ma nagers' Leadership Style .............................................. 109 Question 10: Short-Time Orientatio n of U.S. American Managers .............................. 111 Question 11: Monochronic Time Orienta tion of U.S. American Managers ................. 112 Question 12: Communication between Na tional and International Offices .................. 114 Question 13: Communication with U.S. Amer ican Office: Easy or Challenging? .......115 Question 14: Language Barrier ..................................................................................... 115 Question 15: Overall Impact of Cultural Differences ................................................... 117 5 INTERPRETATIONS AND CONCLUSION ...................................................................... 119 Introduction .................................................................................................................. .........119 Culture ....................................................................................................................... ...........119 Culture and Communication ................................................................................................. 122 Culture and Management ...................................................................................................... 126 Culture and Leadership ........................................................................................................ .129 Culture and Time Orientation ............................................................................................... 130 Answer to Research Questions .............................................................................................132 Proposed solutions ................................................................................................................132 Future Research ....................................................................................................................133 Conclusion .................................................................................................................... ........134 APPENDIX A INTERVIEW QUESTIONNAIRE FOR U.S. AMERICAN MANAGERS ........................ 144 B INTERVIEW QUESTIONNAIRE FOR BOLI VIAN MANAGERS .................................. 148

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9 English Version ............................................................................................................... .....148 Spanish Version ............................................................................................................... .....152 C U.S. AMERICAN MANAGERS INTERVIEWS ................................................................156 D BOLIVIAN MANAGERS INTERVIEWS .......................................................................... 204 LIST OF REFERENCES .............................................................................................................260 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .......................................................................................................264

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10 LIST OF TABLES Table page 3-1 List of International NGOs ................................................................................................56

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11 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 2-1 Latin American communication pattern. ...........................................................................45 2-2 U.S. American communication pattern. ............................................................................. 45 2-3 Latin American meeting style. ........................................................................................... 46 2-4 U.S. American meeting style. ............................................................................................ 46 2-5 Latin American management style. ................................................................................... 47 2-6 U.S. American management style. ..................................................................................... 47 2-7 Latin American leadership style. ....................................................................................... 48 2-8 U.S. American leadership style. ......................................................................................... 48 2-9 Latin American perception of time. ................................................................................... 49 2-10 U.S. American perception of time. .................................................................................... 49 5-1 Bolivian managers's culture suggestions for U.S. American managers on how to deal with it................................................................................................................... .....136 5-2 Bolivian manager's communication style suggestions for U.S. American managers on how to deal with it....................................................................................................... 137 5-3 Bolivian's management style suggestions for U.S. American managers on how to deal with it................................................................................................................... .....138 5-4 Bolivian managers' leadership style s uggestions for U.S. American managers on how to deal with it............................................................................................................ 139 5-5 Bolivia manager's time orientation s uggestions for U.S. American managers on how to deal with it............................................................................................................ 139 5-6 U.S. American managers' culture suggestions for Bolivian managers on how to deal with it................................................................................................................... .....140 5-7 U.S. American managers's communi cation style suggestions for Bolivian managers on how to deal with it ...................................................................................... 141 5-8 U.S. American manager's management style suggestions for Bolivian managers on how to deal with it............................................................................................................ 142

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12 5-9 U.S. Americans managers' leadership st yle suggestions for Bolivian managers on how to deal with it............................................................................................................ 143 5-10 U.S. Americans managers' time orientation suggestions for Bolivian managers on how to deal with it............................................................................................................ 143

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13 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS INGO International non government organizations ITB Invitation to bid NGO Non government organizations RFP Request for proposal RFQ Request for quotation SOW Statement of work TOR Terms of reference UN United Nations UNDP United Nations Development Programme USAID United States Agency for International Development

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14 Abstract of Thesis Presen ted to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Mast er of Arts in Mass Communication INTERCULTURAL QUALITATIVE COMMUNICATION RESEARCH IN LATIN AMERICA: THE IMPACT OF U.S. AM ERICAN AND BOLIVIAN CULTURE IN INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT PROJECTS IN BOLIVIA By Karine Elizabeth Pe–a Ochoa December 2008 Chair: Juan-Carlos Molleda Major: Mass Communication As national, international, and cultural boundaries are consta ntly being crossed and even erased through globalization, nati ons, governments, and people need to first understand, and then learn how to effectively communicate with each other in order to remain competitive in the international arena. To cont ribute to this understanding, th is qualitative international communications study analyzed the impact of U. S. American and Bolivian culture in the procurement process and execution of development projects in Bolivia. The author interviewed nine U.S. American managers and nine Bolivian managers who work on such projects with five different international non-government organizations (NGOs). The author also examined specific cultural aspects such as their comm unication patterns, management and leadership styles, and their time orientat ion, and found that both cultures had positively and negatively impacted the procurement and ex ecution process of deve lopment projects in Bolivia. The author derived suggestions as to how both sets of managers (U.S. American and Bolivian) could overcome the cultural differences that negatively impacted these projects.

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15 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION One of the biggest challenges to developm en t in Latin America is overcoming cultural differences when carrying out development project s or doing business in the region with foreign actors. This aspect is partic ularly important to Latin Ameri can countries since most of the funding for its development proj ects comes from people and/or organizations outside of the region, predominantly the United States. As Ga ray expresses in Valderrama Le—n (2000), the number one source of aid to Latin America in 1998 was the United States with an incredible 1.093 million dollars. History of U.S. Philanthropy The United States has a long hi story of philanthropy dating back to the 1800s. It dates back to th e Nineteenth century when "more than half of New York's richest 1 percent were involved in voluntary associations before the Civil War (1861-1865) [They also] used a major portion of their leisure time to fulfill civi c activities" (Barnes, 2004, p. 110). This rapidly changed as wealth increased in the region. It produced a shift from just giving "time and effort" to giving "financial gifts" (Barnes, 2004, p. 110). This tradition continue d until the middle of the Twentieth century when it was realized that fe w individuals could not be the sole financial sources for these types of projects/causes and thus "mass fundraising was born" in the United States (Barnes, 2004, p. 111). According to Kelly (2005), "philanthr opy is voluntary action for the public good, including voluntary giving, voluntar y service, and voluntary associa tion" (p. 617) which involves civic improvement and social change. Phila nthropy basically encompasses the "love for humankind." Charity, on the contrary, refers to just "helping the poor or needy" (Kelly, 2005, p. 619). It is important to note that, "the term charity was re placed by philanthropy after World

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16 War I", as explained by Cutlip (as cited by Kelly, 2005, p. 619). Nowadays, the word philanthropy is much more commonly used, even though these two terms are sometimes interchanged. Alexis de Tocqueville was one of the first to notice U.S. American s' orientation towards philanthropy and towards organizing themselves. For the purposes of this study, the term "U.S. American" will be used to denote people from th e United States and the term "Latin American" will be used to denote people from countries encompassing the region between Mexico and Argentina along with those from Cuba, Domini can Republic, and Puerto Rico. Alexis de Tocqueville observed and noted U.S. Americans' pa rticular ability to form associations "for countless political, civic, and charitable causes" (Beuttler, 2003, p. 316) and argued that "this propensity was a significant factor in the vital ity and success of American democracy" (Kelly, 2005, p. 619). Kelly also remarked that "philanthr opy is a unique characteristic of American society" (p. 617). There are many suggestions as to where doe s this U.S. American philanthropic tendency originates. Kelly (2005) believes th at it is rooted in religion, in the predominant Christian values and traditions of the U.S. American people, and on the cultural belief that some issues are better off been handled by voluntary associations ra ther than by the government. Beuttler (2003), on the other hand, believes that it comes from the U.S. political culture. He explains how: The development of a third sector' of priv ate, nonprofit organizati ons results primarily from the separation of church and state, a pol itical arrangement that has given rise to hundreds of thousands of voluntary organizatio ns, all seeking thei r own vision of the public good (Beuttler, 2003, p. 315). Even Kelly (2005) agrees with this sugge stion to some extent by saying how: "the nonprofit sector, also known as the voluntary or third sector of the U.S. economy, is grounded on the First Amendment of the Constitution, which guar antees the right to form associations" (p.

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17 618). Regardless of where this philanthropic tenden cy originated from, the fact of the matter is that "in 2002, Americans gave a total of $241 billion, of which 84 percent came from individuals, 11 percent came from foundations, and 5 percent came from corpor ations" (data taken from the AAFRC Trust for Philanth ropy, 2003, as cited by Kelly, 2005, pp. 618-619), which truly shows the strong philanthr opic nature of U.S. Americans. This aspect is of particular relevance to Latin America, as all of these philanthropic organizations, such as non-governmental or ganizations (NGOs) and international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) working in Latin America are highly dependent on funds coming from the United States. It is for this re ason, that it is essentia l that people working on both ends (with U.S. Americans and Latin Am ericans) understand and accept their cultural differences in order to assure a successful impl ementation of development projects in the region. Defining Development When discussing developm ent projects one ne eds to first understand what is meant by development. Cambridge (2002) defines develo pment as: "a complex, integrated, participatory process, involving stakeholders and beneficiaries and aimed at improving the overall quality of human life throughout improvements in a range of social sectors in an environmentally responsible manner" (p. 144). When he talks about stakeholders he refers to "national governments and politicians, in ternational agencies [UN, USAID], the private sector, nongovernmental organizations and cultural leaders" (pp. 144-145), and when he talks about the beneficiaries, he refers to those "who need impr ovement in their quality of life" (p. 145). History of Development Projects Developm ent projects originated in the late 1940s right af ter World War II ended. The 1950s were characterized by the United States' beliefs "that newly independent and other new countries had great needs, governme nts could socially engineer be tter societies, and development

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18 assistance could be a way to poli tically influence other countries in the context of the Cold War and waning colonial ties," as explained by Snyder (2002, p. 458). It is for this reason that the United States came up with the Marshall Plan and implemented throughout Europe. The success of this plan motivated the United States to used it in other parts of the world such as Latin America, which was also struggling at the time. Cambridge (2002) criticizes this approach by saying that: "In retrospect, it was na•ve to think that the model could be transferred with similar success to other parts of the world" (p. 143). The 1960s became the "development decade," as it was accompanied by an incredible number of development campaigns and de velopment activities (Snyder, 2002, p. 458). Unfortunately, these projects di d not yield good results; "popul ation growth remained high, campaigns widened knowledge and resource gaps between the wealthy and poor and men and women, projects ignored and sometim es threatened local cultures, dependency on industrialized nations and multinational cor porations was increasing, and environmental degradation accelerated" (pp. 458-459). The 1970s were all about changing the strategies used in order to address these issues. The effectiveness of thes e development projects st arted declining in the 1980s as the governments of the countries where th ese projects were been implemented became extremely indebted and their economies cras hed. The 1980s soon became known as the lost decade'. "By the late 1980s and into the mid 1990s, budgets for international development programs became tighter in many less de veloped nations" (Snyder, 2002, p. 459). Today, development projects around the worl d focus on the following goals designated by the United Nations in the Millennium Develo pment Goals back in 2000. These include: 1. Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger; 2. Achieve universal primary education; 3. Promote gender equality and empower women; 4. Reduce child mortality;

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19 5. Improve maternal health; 6. Combat HIV/AIDS, malari a and other diseases; 7. Ensure environmental sustainability; and 8. Develop a global partnership for development. ("Millennium Goals", 2008) Additionally, when it comes to philanthropy and development projects in Latin America an aspect that should always be kept in mind is the fact that Lati n America is "the world's most unequal region" (Coatsworth, 2005, p. v). Coatswor th (2005) denotes how "modernization itself intensified pre-existing inequalities by facilitating the concentration of wealth, disproportionately rewarding knowledge and skills and enabling aut horitarian regimes of s till recent memory to suppress demands for social inclusions" (p. v). He then added that "the top 20% of income earners receive roughly 15 times that of the bo ttom 20%" and "close to 40 % of Latin America's population live on less than $2 per day, and 20% earns under $1" (Coatsworth, 2005, p. vi). In the case of Bolivia, the per centage of people living under $1 "may be 30% or higher" (Coatsworth, 2005, p. vi). It is easier to unders tand how development projects and philanthropy work in Latin America by having these figures in mind. Sanborn (2005) explains how different s ponsors have encouraged philanthropy in the region. Some of them include: Th e Catholic Church and Christia n charity, the State and central governments, the economic and social elite, migr ants and immigrants, weak liberal political traditions, and international cooperation. Sanborn (2005) then calls for today's philanthropic efforts to focus on "closing the gap between rich and poor, and empowering the latter" (p. 3). As Cambridge (2002) indicates, th is is very important in toda y's society since "development projects have become synonymous with purposive social change" (p. 145). Procurement Process of Development Projects There is a very im portant process that needs to be understo od when it comes to starting development projects, and that is the procurement process. According to the United Nations

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20 Development Programme (UNDP), the procurement pr ocess consists of a variety of steps. It begins with a funding organizati on announcing that it has resources to fund certain development needs already identified by them. It does so w ith a document specifying the terms of reference (TOR) and the statement of work (SOW). The SO W clearly states in its TOR: Who the project's beneficiaries should be, how many people should be hired and if outsourcing of these funds is permitted. A procurement method is then chosen by the funding organization and it could either be a request for quotation (RFQ), an invitation to bid (ITB) or a request for proposal (RFP). It also asks organizations to provide them with their orga nizational assessment, th e type of research they will use to identify the beneficiaries, th e programming process with goals and objectives, and the tactics and the evaluation of such projec t. The RFQ, ITB or RFP is then submitted by the competing organizations, and after receiving th e project proposals th e funding organization analyzes them and chooses the best offer. The contract is then awarde d and negotiated with the wining organization. The contract is closely managed and once it is over, the whole procurement is evaluated. Background After seeing how philanthropy plays an im portant role in the development of Latin America and how most of the funds supporting de velopment projects in the region are provided by people or organizations in the United States this study focuses on how culture impacts the development of these projects. The study of culture and its influence on pe ople's behavior at ho me, work, and during their everyday life only began to be studied since the late 50s. Some pioneers in this area were: Edward T. Hall (1959), Clifford Geertz (1973), and Geert Hofstede (1979). Though there have not been numerous studies about culture, there are many reasons why it is important to study this topic today as Schmidt, Conawa y, Easton, and Wardrope (2007) sugge st. Some of these reasons

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21 include: globalization; people moving out to diffe rent countries in the world; corporations, business, organizations, NGOs and INGOs worki ng transnationally; and simply because these studies help individuals become aw are of their own cultural identity. Even then, an area that has not been extensivel y explored is that of the impact of culture on managers' communication, management, and leadersh ip styles, as well as its effect on their time orientation. In this study, the term managers' refers to thos e in charge of the procurement process for development projects in Latin Amer ica, as well as those overseeing the actual execution of those development projects on site and their corresponding partners in the United States. The study of the impact of culture on th ese managers is particularly important because they are the ones who ultimately make the decisi ons about these projects and because they are the ones who are leading today's multicultural a nd multinational workforce. As Hofstede's study establishes: "Managers had to adjust the corp orate management philosophy to fit the beliefs, values, and behaviors of the country in which they are working if they hoped to be successful in a complex global arena" (as cited in Schmidt et al., 2007, p. 28); or as Schmidt et al. (2007) conclude, "the combination of a global workforce and multinational organizations means that managers and employees must be able to work effectively with more and more people with differing cultures, customs, values beliefs and practices" (p. 5). With these remarks, one can conclude that the study of the impact of cultu re on managers' communi cation, management, and leadership style, as well as its effect on time orientation is crucial for Latin America's development. Furthermore, the author became interested on this topic after her e xperience working with an INGO (based in the United States) in Bolivia. During this time, the author was able to work under two different managers (one from Bolivia and one from the United States) in developing

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22 several grant proposals for major development projects throughout Bolivia. The outcomes of these were very different (some succeeded and so me failed) and the author attributes these results to the lack of understanding between bot h cultures. She witne ssed how conflicts in communication, management, and leadership styl es along with opposing perceptions of time, hindered the success of many of these projects. As a result, millions of dollars were wasted and the needy groups in Bolivia never received the resources they neede d. It is for this reason that the author has chosen this South Americ an country as the focus of her study. In addition, Bolivia is of pa rticular interest because it "h as the largest proportion of indigenous people [in Latin America], who ma ke up around two-thirds of the population [and] is one of South America's poorest countries" ("Country Prof ile: Bolivia," 2008). The fact that Bolivian society is sharpl y divided between the rich and wealthy (most of whom are of Spanish decent) and the poor and needy (most of whom are of indigenous decent) is another factor that motivates the author to explore it. Moreover, Bolivia is a fascinating country when it comes to politics. Historically, there has been a clear division of who is in charge of power. Usually those from Spanish descent were the ones in charge, until it all changed in December 2005 when Evo Morales became the first indigenous person to become a president of the country. Since his election, "his controversial strategies have exacerbated racial and economic tensions between the Amerindian populations of the Andean west and the non-i ndigenous communities of the eastern lowlands" ("The World Factbook: Bolivia," 2008). Study Overview Overall, this thesis starts by defining NGOs and INGOs and giving a brief account of their history in Bolivia. The literature then fo cuses on reviewing how culture in Bolivia and in the United States could impact the communication, management, and leadership style as well as

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23 the time orientation of managers in charge of de velopment projects in Latin America. With this background information it is hoped that some key aspects, which make development projects successful in Latin America be identified. By learning how managers can understand and handle their cultural differences, this study hopes to he lp and encourage future researchers and current practitioners to use this information in order to have victorious devel opment projects in Bolivia.

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24 CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW This literature review begins by summ ariz ing the origins and differences between nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and interna tional non-government or ganizations (INGOs). After that a brief historical background on Boli via is given. This is then be followed by the definition of culture and its influence on communi cation, management, and leadership styles, as well as on people's time orientation. Last, th e research questions driving this study are introduced and discussed. Non-Governmental and International Organizations Before analyzing how m anagers working for INGOs based in the Un ited States and doing fieldwork in Bolivia play a pivotal part in the development of Latin America, it is important to understand the difference between NGOs and INGOs Iriye (1999) defines NGOs as "voluntary and open (non-secret) associations of individuals outside of the fo rmal state apparatus (central and local governments, police and armed forces, legislative and judicial bodies, etc.) that are neither for profit nor engage in political activ ities as their primary objective" (p. 422). Iriye (1999) also points out that NGOs can also be re ferred to as "non-profit organizations (NPO) or private voluntary organizations (PVO)" (p. 422). As for INGOs, Iriye (1999) explains how they flourished from NGOs during the twentieth century. He refers to them as simply "NGOs that are internationally oriented" (p. 423). More specifically he de fines them as such: Organizations that are engaged in pursuing cross-national agendas, such as providing humanitarian relief to victims of earthquakes, famine, or war in some part of the world, establishing schools and orphanages abroa d, engaging in educational and cultural exchanges with other countri es, cooperating across nationa l boundaries to cope with pollution and other instances of environmenta l degradation, or safe guarding the rights of women, children and persecuted minorities. (p. 423)

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25 Iriye (1999) explains how I NGOs have constantly multiplied during the twentieth century and gives a historical numerical account of how they grew throughout the years: 1910-1930: from 135 to 375 1930-1940: from 375 to 427 1940-1950: from 427 to 755 1950-1960: from 755 to 1,321 1960-1970: from 1,321 to 2, 296 From the 1970s on there has been "an explosion in the numbers of NGOs, both of domestic and international vari eties today they are over one million NGO in the United States alone" (Iriye, 1999, p. 434). Additionally, he explai ns that with more than twenty thousand INGOs, "the whole globe is linked together by the networks establishe d by INGOs" (Iriye, 1999, p. 434). Background of Bolivia Bolivia's official nam e is Republic of Bolivia. The country was named "after independence fighter Sim—n Bol’v ar, [who] broke [Bolivia] away from Spanish rule in 1825" ("The World Factbook: Bolivia," 2008). Accord ing to UN (2007) statis tics there are around 9.5 million Bolivians (as cited in "Timeline: Boli via," 2008). Bolivia's population is made up of: Three groupsIndians (the indi genous peoples), mestizos (o f mixed Indian and European descent), and whites of European (mainly Span ish) descent it is estimated that Indians form nearly three-fifths of the total, mes tizos nearly one-third, and whites one-seventh. The largest Indian groups are the Aymara, Qu echua, and Guaran’. Aymara and Quechua are now official languages in Bolivia, along with Spanish. ("Bolivia", 2008, ¦ 1,2) Corr (2006) considers Bolivia "the most auth entic American country [because it was] the seat of the strongest civilization at the time of the Spaniards' arrival and because of its remoteness, it was penetrated less by European culture" (p. 34). Bo livia uniqueness is also seen in the fact that it has two cap itals as stated in "Timeline: Bolivia," (2008). Sucre is the constitutional capital where the legislative branch resides and La Paz is it s administrative capital

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26 where the executive and legislativ e branches reside. Currently, those who oppose President Evo Morales' mandate want Sucre to be the only capital of Bolivia. In regards to religious beliefs, the major re ligion is Roman Catholic (95%) and Protestant Evangelical Methodist (5%), according to "The World Factbook: Bolivia (2008), and regarding its economy, Bolivia has "the sec ond-largest reserves of natural ga s in South America [and] is one of the world's largest produc ers of coca, the raw material for cocaine" ("Country Profile: Bolivia," 2008). This has caused many political problems to Bolivia as the United States has been trying to fight the production of the co ca leaves with a crop-eradication program. Bolivia's political history has been very unstable. According to "The World Factbook: Bolivia" (2008) since its indepe ndence from Spain in 1825, there have been more than 200 coups and countercoups. Throughout its ea rly history as an independent country, Bolivia lost territory to all of its neighbors during different wars. "After five hundred ye ars of domination and colonialism the coca grower leader and head of the Movement Toward Socialism (MAS) Evo Morales" became the first indige nous President in the history of Bolivia on January 22, 2006 (Fuentes, 2007, p. 95). His election came at a perf ect time as Bolivia was at the pinnacle of a political disaster. As Corr (2006 ) explains "by January 2006 Boliv ia had six presidents in six years" (p. 32). Moreover, Bolivia's history has been char acterized by high levels of poverty, which in turn have caused high levels of violence and social distress. The "Country Profile: Bolivia" (2008) refers to Bolivia "as one of South Americ a's poorest countries". According to Bolivia's Map of Poverty 2001, 58.6% of the population is poor. It is then explained how poverty is unequally distributed among different departments (t hese are equivalent to states in the United States). The statistics shows the following:

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27 The Department of Santa Cruz shows th e lowest poverty rate (38.0%). In the Department of Potos’, 79.7% of the populati on is poor, followed by Beni (76%) and Pando (72.4%). The difference the departments with the highest level of pove rty (Potos’) and the lowest level of poverty (Santa Cruz) is 41.7 pe rcentage points. ("Boliv ia: Mapa de Pobreza 2001", 2001, p. 5) Petras (1997) discusses the main reason for these high levels of poverty. He explained how Bolivia's economic and social situation beca me worse right after th e Bolivian government decided to implement the New Economic Policy (NEP) in 1985. This new policy froze "the wages for four months while infl ation raged at a 15,000 percent annua l rate" (p. 17). As a result, Bolivian citizens went into strikes and proteste d against the government until "the World Bank, European and U.S. governments provided massive aid to fund a poverty alleviation program'" (Petras, 1997, p. 18). Consequently, The number of NGOs in Bolivia grew rapidly in response to internati onal funding: prior to 1980 there were 100 NGOs; by 1992 there were 530 and growing. Almost all the NGOS are directed towards addressing social pr oblems created by the World Bank and the Bolivian government's free market policies. (Petras, 1997, p. 18) Ever since, NGOs and INGOs have been crucial for the country's survival. Due to the fact that these two organizations are indispensable for Bolivia's development, managers play a fundamental role in this dynamic. Additionall y, since "one of the characteristics and most powerful assets of NGOs has been their ability to establish multiple connections locally, nationally, and intern ationally" (McDaniel, 2002, p. 380), the emphasis of this study on managers and their communication, management, lead ership style, and thei r time orientation are essential for Bolivia's future. Today, Bolivia's success will also depend on how well its leaders can handle different domestic and foreign sectors or actors in societ y. As Fuentes (2007) explains on one hand, there are "the pro-imperialist business elites from the eastern department of Santa Cruz, with direct ties to gas transnationals, large agribusiness, and the U.S. embassy" and on the other "the

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28 combative indigenous and social movements rooted in the western highlands and the center of Bolivia" (p. 97), both which have very di fferent agendas for Bolivia's future. Culture Culture is considerably important for the study of managers (in the United States and Bolivia) who are currently working in developmen t projects in Bolivia b ecause it impacts their communication, managerial, and leadership style, as well as their time orientation. For this reason, we need to first define this term. Culture has different meanings and it a very complicated term to define as discussed by many scholars. One of the first attempts to define it was by Kluckhohn ( 1951) who explains that culture "consists in patterned ways of thi nking, feeling and reacting, acquired and transmitted mainly by symbols, constituting the distinctive achievements of human groups the essential core of culture consists of trad itional (i.e. historically derived and selected) ideas and especially their attached values" (as cited by Hofstede, 1980, p. 25). Hofstede (1980) then simplifies this idea by calling it a "collective pr ogramming of the mind" that diffe rentiates people of one group from another (p. 13). In addition, Edward T. Hall (1959) discusses how culture forms a part of our every day life and touches all aspects of it. He also talks about culture having differe nt levels. There is a technical level which is the most evident part of a culture and it "includes the artistic, technological, and materialistic components" ( p. 22); the formal level which "includes the norms, rules, roles, traditions, rituals, customs, and communica tion patters of a group" (p. 23); and the informal level which "includes the cultu ral history and core values and beliefs that shapes a culture's worldview and influence cultural identity" (p. 23). Moreover, Schmidt et al. (2007) mention that there are other terms such as nation, ethnic group, race, and subcultures or co-cultures that are often used in the place of culture or al ong with the word culture.

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29 For this study, the more general definition of culture that is emphasized is the one provided by Richard Lewis (2006, 1999, 1996). Lewis operationalizes culture into the following aspects: (a) Culture, which entails religion, cultural classification, languages, values and core beliefs, cultural black holes, concept of space, concept of time, and self-image; (b) Culture and Communications including communication patterns, body lan guage, listening habits, and audience expectations; (c) Culture and Interaction, which refers to concept of status, gender issues, leadership style, management, motivati on factors, meetings, ne gotiating, contracts an commitments, manners and taboos, and how to empathize with them. Regardless of how scholars define culture, si nce the purpose of this study is to analyze how culture impacts managers from Bolivia a nd the United States working in development projects in Bolivia and how this influences the outcomes of such projec ts, this section of the review of the literature will focus on the cultures of these tw o countries only. Nonetheless, it is important to remark that although cultural char acteristics cannot be gene ralized, there were no studies specifically about manageme nt or business practices in Bolivia that could be used for this study, therefore, the author decided to use th e literature on Latin American for Bolivia. The author is aware that there may be many differences between the general Latin American culture' and the Bolivian culture; how ever, because she was born and raised in Venezuela and since she lived and worked in Boli via, she believes that the literature about Latin America is the one that best rese mbles that of Bolivia. By using this literature as a benchmark, she will be able to draw a better picture of the Bolivian culture. On another note and as explained earlier, there are different terms that will be used to identify these cultures. As stated before, the term U.S. Americans' will be used to denote people from the United States; the term Latin American' will be used to denote people from countries encompassing the region between

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30 Mexico and Argentina along with those from Cuba, Dominican Republic, and Puerto Rico; finally Lewis (2006, 1999, 1996) uses his own term Hispanic Americas' to denote people from Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Nica ragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Puerto Rico, Uruguay, and Venezuela (Lewis, 2001-2007). As it can be noticed the last two terms, Latin Americans' and Hispanic Americans' are used to denote the same type of people. Thus, in order to remain consistent and keep the terminology in this study simple, the author will use the term Latin American throughout this whole stud y when referring to U.S. Hispanic Americans and Bolivians specifically. Readers should be aw are of the similarities and differences in meaning among all of these terms. When it comes to describing Latin Amer ican and American cultures Lewis (2006, 1999, 1996) first defines Latin American culture as multi-a ctive and American culture as linear active. According to Lewis (2006, 1999, 1996), "multi-active pe ople are very flexible and think they get more done their way not very in terested in schedules or punctu ality. They pretend to observe them, especially if a linear-active partner insists. They consider realit y to be more important than man-made appointments" (p. 30). Additionally, multi-active cultures are said to share some but not necessarily all of the following traits : gregarious, plans gra nd outline only, does several things at once, not punctual, timetable unpredicta ble, changes plans, juggles facts, peopleoriented, gets around all department s, pulls strings, seeks favors, delegates to relations, talks for hours, rarely writes memos, seeks out (top) key person, has ready excuses, unrestricted body language, interrupts frequently, a nd interweaves social/personal, just to mention some (Lewis, 2006, 1999, 1996, pp. 33-34).

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31 On the other hand, Lewis (2006, 1999, 1996) desc ribes U.S. Americans as having a linear active culture. They "do one thing at a time, concentrate hard on that thing and do it within a scheduled time period. These peopl e think that in this way they are more efficient and get more done" (p. 30). Some of the tra its that linear-active cultures share are: introvert, patient, quiet, minds own business, likes privacy, plans ahead methodically, does one thing at a time, works fixed hours, punctual, dominated by timetables and sche dules, sticks to plans, sticks to facts joboriented, unemotional, works within the depart ment, follows procedures, likes fixed agendas, brief on telephone, uses memoranda, limited body la nguage, rarely interr upts, and separates social/professional (Lewis, 2006, 1999, 1996, pp. 32-34). Finally, Lewis (2006, 1999, 1996) suggests that when people from multi-active cultures work with people from linear-a ctive cultures, problems usua lly arise. Although there are exceptions to both of the definitions explained earlier, they do provide us with a general picture of how both of the cultures in Bo livia and the United States are. Now, the following literature will focus on how culture affects communication, ma nagerial, and leadership styles as well as time orientation. Culture and Communication First of all, Schm idt et al. (2007) emphasi ze the fact that "comm unication is uniquely suited to study the global workplace [because it] concentrates on the dyna mic unfolding relations among people and their organizations" (p. 4). Ha ll (1990) then starts ex plaining the relationship between culture and communication by dividi ng cultures in two different communication patterns: high or low-context cultures. In high-context cultures "communication or message is one in which most of the information is already in the person, while very little is in the coded, explicit, transmitted part of the message" (p. 6). As Schmidt et al. (2007) restate: "information and rules are implicit" because they "draw upon intuition and utilize an indirect style of

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32 communication" (p. 25). Gudykunst and Ting-Toom ey (1988) describe how "people using highcontext communication tend to be extremely rese rved, with much being taken for granted and assumed to be shared, thus permitting an emphasis on understatement and nonverbal codes" (as cited in Schmidt et al., 2007, p. 25). What this m eans is that high-context cultures feel that the meaning of things is more often implied and vary depending on the situations. Low-context cultures, on the other hand, use linear logic and a direct style of communication, according to Hall (1981). In a "low-context communication the mass of the information is vested in the explicit code" (Hall, 1990, p. 6). Schmidt et al. (2007) then discusses how "the emphasis is placed on the individual, with the bonds between people being more tenuous and the extent of involvement and commitment to long-term relationships being lower" (p. 25). In these low-context cultures "m eaning is explicit and de pendent on verbal codes and group memberships change rapidly with individualism being valued" (p. 25). On an interesting note, Hall (1990) suggests that, "high-context people are apt to become impatient and irritated when lo w-context people insist on giving them information they don't need. Conversely, low-context people are at a loss when high-context people do not provide enough information" (p. 9). At the end, after re viewing these two concepts and analyzing the different characteristics that hi ghand low-context cultures have Schmidt et al. (2007) conclude that Latin American (Bolivian) culture uses high-context communication pattern and the United States' culture uses a lowcontext communication pattern. Another way to analyze how culture is embedded in communication is by using the website: www.cultureactive.com (2001-2007) developed by cultural studies scholar Richard D. Lewis. This tool com pares cultures based on hi s cultural studies and cultural model. In this regard, communication patterns of Latin American s and U.S. Americans are dialogue oriented.

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33 One of the main differences though is that Latin Americans begin with a small talk, and expect the listeners to acknowledge, rec ognize, and respect th eir national honor. Then they move to random proposals and finally they reach to an agreement, which may not always be fulfilled. Figure 2-1 at the end of this chapter is an adaptation of Richard's Lewis' diagram, which portrays the communication pattern of Latin Americans as explained above. Contrary to this, the United States has a ve ry different communication pattern as shown on Figure 2-2 at the end of this chapter. Lewis ( 2001-2007) explains how they are direct, concise, and quick. He points out that this may be rega rded as impolite by other cultures, but explains that this is due their open and trut hful nature about thei r intentions. He adds that U.S. Americans do not put their heart on business. In the end, as far as meetings go, Lewis (2001-2007) shows how Latin Americans do an extensive small talk before any meeting and th en they proceed to discuss important topics randomly. Finally after discussing all the possibl e issues, they will reac h to a conclusion. See Figure 2-3 at the end of this chapter for the La tin American meeting styl e. On the other hand, U.S. Americans will start with minimal talk, th en go to specific points one by one, followed by a brief discussion of each point, until a conclusion is achieved. See Figure 2-4 at the end of this chapter for the U.S. American meeting style. Scholars along with these diagrams demonstrate how culture affects the Latin Americans' (B olivians) and U.S. Americans' communication styles. Culture and Management Silverthorne (2005) highlights the importance of cu lture in m anagement by explaining how "cultural norms influence a manager's behavior, as well as an employee's behavior and reactions to managerial and organizational actions" (p. 7). He also remark s that managerial styles vary even within the same culture a nd that management techniques do not necessarily work and/or are

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34 efficient across distinct cultures (Silverthorne, 2005, p. 7). This l eads us to conclude that there are important cultural aspects th at might influence management. Among these aspects that a manager working in a multicultural environment should be aware of are the dimensions proposed by G eert Hofstede (2001, 1984, 1980): power distance, uncertainty avoidance, individualism-collectivism, and masculinity-feminin ity. For the purposes of this study only power distance, uncertainty av oidance, and individualism-collectivism will be discussed. Power distance is significant because it focuses on the issue of human inequality. "Inequality can occur in areas such as prestige, wealth, and power this inequality is usually formalized in hierarchical boss-subordinat e relationships" (Hofstede, 1980, p. 92). Power distance can then be defined as "the extent to which the less powerful members of institutions and organizations within a county expect and accept that power is distributed unequally" (Hofstede & Hofstede, 2005, p. 46). In other words, society accepts power inequality in institutions or as Schmidt et al. (2007) explain, it focuses on th e "appropriateness or importance of status differences and social hi erarchies" (p. 26). In this re gard there are then two types of cultures: high-power-distance and low-power-d istance cultures. "People from high power distance cultures accept a particul ar social order or hierarchy. In contrast, people in low power distance cultures believe in the im portance of social equality" (p. 26). From these two definitions, Schmidt et al. ( 2007) conclude that Sout h American countries such as Venezuela (and therefore most likely Bo livia as well) are an example of high-power distance cultures and the United States is an ex ample of a low-power-distance culture, which prefers egalitarianism. These assumptions agree w ith the fact that "high power distance cultures

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35 tend to be collectivistic, whereas low power distance cultures tend to be individualistic" (Schmidt et al., 2007, p. 27). Uncertainty avoidance refers to "the exte nt to which the members of a culture feel threatened by ambiguous or unknown situations. This feeling is expressed through nervous stress in a need for predictability: a need for written and unwritten rules" (Hofstede & Hofstede, 2005, p. 167). Uncertainty about the future varies significantly "among people in subsidiaries in different countries; the three indicators are ru le orientation, employment stability, and stress" (Hofstede, 1980, p. 153). Just as the last dimens ion, cultures can have high and low uncertainty avoidance. "People in high uncertainty avoidan ce cultures demand consensus and do not tolerate dissent in the behaviors of members. Rather, they try to ensure certainty and security through rules, regulations and rituals; they have higher levels of a nxiety as well as intolerance for ambiguity" (Schmidt et al., 2007, p. 27). On the c ontrary, "people in low uncertainty avoidance cultures live day-to-day, regarding the uncertainties of life as natural, and they are more willing to accept change and take risks" (p. 27). With these concepts in mind, South American countries such as Venezuela (and thus Bolivia as well) ar e considered to have high-uncertainty avoidance culture with a low tolerance for ambiguity, a nd the United States is an example of a low uncertainty avoidance culture with a high tolerance for ambiguity. Next, individualism-collectivism "describes the relationship between the individual and the collectivity which prevails in a given society" (Hofstede, 1980, p. 213). Hofstede & Hofstede (2005) further explain that "individualism pertains to societies in which the ties between individuals are loose: ever yone is expected to look after hi mself or herself and his or her own immediate family. Collectivism as its opposite pertains to societies in which people from birth onward are integrated into strong, cohesive in-groups, whic h throughout people's lifetimes

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36 continue to protect them in exchange for unquest ioning loyalty" (p. 76). In this sense, for individualistic cultures "the autonomy of the individual is paramount, with personal motivation and personal goals taking precedence over group or co llective concerns or interests" (Schmidt et al., 2007, p. 25). Triandis (1995) defines individualism as: A social pattern that consists of loosely linked individuals who view themselves as independent of the collectives; are primarily motivated by their own preferences, needs, rights; give priority to thei r personal goals over the goals of others; and emphasize rational analyses of the advantages and disadvanta ges to associating w ith others. (p. 2) Opposing this way of living are "collectivistic cultures [which] require an absolute loyalty to the group, and groups to which a person belongs are the most important social units" (Schmidt et al., 2007, pp. 25-26). Triandis (1 995) defines collectivism as: A social pattern consisting of closely linked individuals who s ee themselves as parts of one or more collectives (family, co-workers, tribe, nation); ar e primarily motivated by the norms of, and duties imposed by, those collectives; are willing to give priority to the goals of these collectives over th eir own personal goals; and em phasize their connectedness to members of these collectives. (p. 2) Schmidt et al. (2007) also point out that decisions in these two types of cultures are made very differently, with individua listic cultures ju st looking out for themselves (meaning for each individual) and with coll ectivistic cultures looking out for what is best for the group as a whole. Trompenaars and Hampden-Turner (2000) also had a similar cultural dimension, but they called it: individualism-communitarianism. Triandis (1995) brings a partic ular dimension to these two types of culture. He brings the idea of four kinds of self: inde pendent or interdependent and sa me or different. These four concepts can be combined and give rise to the following: Horizontal individualism (inde pendent/same): emphasizes that people should be similar on most attributes, especially status (same self image); Horizontal collectivism (inter dependent/same): emphasizes that people should be similar on most attributes, especially status (same se lf image) and it includes a sense of social cohesion and of oneness with members of the ingroup;

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37 Vertical individualism (independent/different ): accepts inequalities, and rank has its privileges (different self image); Vertical collectivism (interdependent/differe nt): accepts inequalities, and rank has its privileges (different self im age). It also includes a se nse of serving the ingroup and sacrificing for the benefit of th e ingroup and doing one's duty. (p. 44) Looking at the definitions of these two types of cultures, it can be concluded that the U.S. American culture is an example of individualisti c culture with vertical individualism, and Latin American (Bolivian) cultures ar e collectivistic with family been the most important group in these societies with vertical collectivism. In addition, to analyzing the influence of culture on management through Hofstede's cultural dimensions, we can also ta ke a look at some examples of studies that have explored how management intertwines with culture. One of them is Project Globe conducted by Javidan and House (2001). This project studied 18,000 middl e managers from 62 countries and found that "people from different cultures vary in the way th ey value assertive work behaviors, adhere to established gender roles, rely on procedure and policies, view authority figures, emphasize group affiliations, and emphasize performance, among others" (Chrobot-Mason & Ruderman, 2004, pp. 114-115). On a more specific study about managers in the United States, Peterson (1993, p. 20) describes some of the dominant managerial va lues. These include: ach ievement and success, hard work, efficiency and pragmatism, optim ism, Puritanism, scientific orientation, impersonality in interpersonal work relationshi ps, equality of opportuni ty for upward mobility and acceptance of competition as a fact of life. As for Latin America, Silverthorne (2005) points out that "few studies have explored managerial behaviors and values (p. 132) in this region. He only describes one study that investigated "different sets of values combined into four va lue groupings: civility (how well

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38 people behave toward each other), self-direc tion (including imagination and independence), integrity (honesty and responsibility), and dr ive (ambition and courage)" (Silverthorne, 2005, pp. 132-133). As he explains this st udy was conducted in Argentina, Bo livia, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, Puerto Rico, Venezuel a, and Uruguay. When managers from these countries were asked to rank these four aspects in order of importance, the answers were almost unanimous. All agree that integrity was first and 11/12 agreed that civility came second. Drive and self-direction were the last two. Hofstede's cultural dimensions highlight the aspects that could represent a problem when culturally different managers come together. Additionally, the projects discussed above demonstrate a direct correlation between manage ment and culture. Lastly, Figure 2-5 and Figure 2-6 at the end of this chapte r show the way in which Lewis (2001-2007) explains these cultural differences in management styles between Latin Americans and U.S. Americans. Latin American management style shown in Fi gure 2-5 "tends to soft en the delivery and the message, conveying in the gentleness of the language forms the compassionate style of an Amerindian-influenced continent which understands and accompanies human problems and suffering" (Lewis, 2001-2007). On the other hand, the U.S. American management style shown in Figure 2-6 emphasizes making the objectives very clear and then they have a tendency to "hyperbolize, exaggerating chances of success, overstating aims or ta rgets etc." (Lewis, 20012007, under U.S. management tab) in order to pump up their employee, this usually causes the objectives to be achieved in a fast manner. Culture and Leadership Silverthorne (2005) notes that, "leadership pl ays an im portant role in management and organizational success" (p. 96). Leadership according to House a nd Wright (1997) "is the ability to influence, motivate, and cont ribute towards the effectiveness of the organization of which they

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39 are members" (as cited by Silverthorne, 2005, p. 59) In describing culturally aware leaders, Schmidt et al. (2007) describe how: Culturally alert cosmopolitan leaders are open an d flexible in approach ing others, can cope with situations and people quite different from their own background, and are willing to alter personal attitudes and perspectives. Such leaders acquire knowledge about cultural influences on behavior, cultural patterns, themes or universals and integrate this understanding of macroc ultures and microcultures with in ternational business experiences. (pp. 8-9) Furthermore, Chrobot-Mason and Ruderman (2004) emphasize the fact that today's leaders need to know about cultural differences, a bout themselves (self-awareness), and have multicultural skills including: conflict management, interpersonal communication, feedback seeking, and role modeling. These cultural skills are very useful especially when leaders have to fulfill the following duties: assembling a team, developing others, and enhancing teamwork. They also pointed out that: Effective leaders of diversity must understand differences in values, customs, beliefs, and norms across various cultures. Global leader s, those who work overseas or who manage employees from different countries, must be aware of the extent to which people from different cultures vary in the way they conduct business. (Chrobot-Mason & Ruderman, 2004, p. 114) Even though the comments by Schmidt et al (2007) and Chrobot-Mason and Ruderman (2004) refer to international busine ss, these ideas are eas ily applicable to ma nagers working with INGOs in development projects in Latin America. On a different note, there are many theories that have been used to explain leadership as Silverthorne (2005) mentions. He actually review ed some of these theories, which included: the situational leadership theory, the path-goal theory of leadership, implicit leadership theories, and transactional/transformational theori es of leadership. Silverthorne (2005) then concludes that all of these theories have failed to be consistent with rese arch analysis and that they do not take into

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40 account the cultural factor in leadership. The only ones that ha ve been the closest to explaining this factor have been the ones proposed by project GLOBE (mentioned earlier). To address the cultural issue, project GLOBE came up with general frameworks for leadership in: Europe, Chinese cultures (mainl and China and other Asian countries), Arab countries, Turkey, and Africa. In order to brin g all of these theories or frameworks about leadership, Morrison (1992) declar es that "effective organizationa l leadership is critical to achieving organizational success, since a causal link has been demonstrated between leadership and employee and organizational performance" (a s cited by Silverthorne, 2005, p. 57). Figure 27 by Lewis (2001-2007) at the end of this chapte r shows how the Latin American leadership style has been surrounded by the figure of a dictator or the military. "Nepotism is common and staff are manipulated by a variety of persuasive methods ranging from (benign) paternalism to outright exploitation and coercion," Lewis (2001-2007) explains (under Bolivian management tab). On the other hand, the U.S. American leadersh ip style on Figure 2-8 at the end of this chapter shows a pyramidical management structur e with bosses driving a nd motivating people or employees under them. "Managers are capable of teamwork and corpor ate spirit, but value individual freedom more than company welfar e. [They] also followed command-and-control style leadership," Lewi s (2001-2007) states (under U.S. leadership tab). Culture and Time Orientation The last relationship that would be explored in this section of the lite rature review is that between culture and time orientation. This is ac tually the most important relationship and factor of all, since the differences in time notion can basically impede or push forward the completion of development projects in Latin America.

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41 Hall (1981) first discusses this idea by saying that time in cultures can be regarded as either monochronic or polychroni c. Cultures who are monochronic are careful in doings things one at a time. Polychronic cultures enjoy doi ng many things at once. Moreover, Trompenaars and Hampden-Turner (2000) define time in culture s as either been sequential or synchronic. Sequential time is describe as "clock time" or "time as an arrow" or as a "bunch of passing events", and synchronic time is view as "recurre nt" or "cyclical time" or "good timing" meaning that the past, present, and future are taken into account (p. 295). Hofstede and Hofstede (2005) indicate this as pect as one of his cultural dimensions and called it longand short-term orientation. He firs t defines long-term orient ation as "the fostering of virtues orientated towards future rewards in particular perseveran ce and thrift" and shortterm orientation as "the fostering of virtues related to the past a nd present in particular respect for tradition, preservation of f ace' and fulfilling social obligations" ( p. 210). As denoted by Schmidt et al. (2007), the United States has a sh ort-term orientation and Bolivia can be argued that it is long-term oriented culture. Finally Lewis (2006, 1999, 1996) has been the on e looking at this aspect more recently. He first explains how Eastern a nd Western cultures have a very different and often conflicting notion of time. He then points out that even when countries belong to the same region, the United States and Mexico for instance, they still face many problems because of the very different ways in which they view time. Lewis (2006, 1999, 1996) then classifies cultu res into different categories depending on their notion of time. In this sense, Latin Ameri cans and Bolivians in particular, are devoid of the ma–ana behavior, and their perception of time is "multi-active". What he means by this is that they are characterized as follows:

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42 The more things they can do at the same ti me, the happier and the more fulfilled they feel. They organize their time (and lives) in an en tirely different way from [U.S.] Americans. They are not very interested in schedules or punctuality. They consider the present reality to be more important than appointments. In their ordering of things priority is gi ven to relative thrill or significance of each meeting. Completing a human transaction is the be st way they can invest their time. Time is eventor personality-related, a subjective commodity which can be manipulated, molded, stretched, or dispensed with, irre spective of what the clock says. (p. 55) For a diagram on the Latin American multi-active perception of time please refer to Figure 2-9 at the end of this chapter. Contrary to this, Lewis (2001-2007) describes on his webs ite how U.S. Americans are time-dominated and "always appear to be impatient and in a hurry". He explains how in the United States time is considered "linear", which means that: Time is truly money. Time is precious, even scarce, commodity. It flows fast. [U.S.] Americans are peopl e of action; they cann ot bear to be idle. [U.S.] Americans talk about wasting, spending, budgeting and saving time. They are monochronic: they prefer to do only one thing at a time, to concentrate on it and do it within fixed schedule. (pp. 53-54) For a diagram on the U.S. American linear concept of time please refer to Figure 2-10 at the end of this chapter. After reviewing how the concept of time and culture have been studied by Hall, Trompenaars and Hampden-Turner, Hofstede, and Lewis it is obvious that this is the most

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43 important aspect which managers working with INGOs in development projects in Latin America have to overcome in order to have successful outcomes. The reason why it is important to study th e issue of how culture influences the communication, management, and leadership style along with the time orientation of managers, is because as Schmidt et al. (2007) remark: "M ultinational organizations [such as INGOs] will come to depend upon competent communicators who can bridge cultural di fferences and achieve the desired international objectives (p.18). This is particularly important for countries such as Bolivia who depend on foreign aid for its su rvival. Managers working for INGOs on development projects in Latin America will need to become competent in these areas in order to get the best result from the proj ects. As seen on the literature, culture does affect the manager's communication, management, and leadership styles as well as their time orientation. The degree to which these managers understand and accept these differences will determine whether such projects succeed or fail. Research Questions Af ter reviewing the literature about the cultura l differences that exist between Bolivians and U.S. Americans regarding communication, mana gement, and leadership styles, as well as their perception of time; after understanding th e importance of the procurement and execution processes of development projects, and after the author's experi ence working with an INGO in Bolivia, the study aims to answer the following questions: RQ1: How do cultural differences expr essed by the Bolivian and U.S. American managers' opinions concerning their communication patterns, management style, and leadership style impact the procurement process and ex ecution of development projects in Bolivia?

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44 RQ2: In specific, how does the perception of time addressed in the literature and viewed by Bolivian and U.S. American managers imp act the procurement process and execution of development projects in Bolivia?

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45 Figure 2-1. Latin American communication pattern Figure 2-2. U.S. American communication pattern

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46 Figure 2-3. Latin American meeting style Figure 2-4. U.S. American meeting style

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47 Figure 2-5. Latin American management style Figure 2-6. U.S. Ameri can management style

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48 Figure 2-7. Latin Ameri can leadership style Figure 2-8. U.S. American leadership style

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49 Figure 2-9. Latin American perception of time Figure 2-10. U.S. American perception of time

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50 CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY The m ethodology used to conduct this study is qualitative in nature. The units of observation of this analysis are the U.S. Amer ican and Bolivian managers working with INGOs headquartered in the United Stat es and performing development pr ojects in Bolivia. In-depth, semi-structured interviews were used to gather data from the research participants. Interviews were conducted through phone as the re search participants were either in Bolivia or all scattered throughout the United States. Participants were offered confidentiality through an informed consent form approved by the University of Flor ida Institutional Review Board. In this way, research participants were able to freely speak about their experiences and any risks of them sharing their opinions about possi ble sensitive issues that coul d come up during the interviews were avoided. The author chose to do a qualitative resear ch since it "is especially appropriate to study attitudes and behaviors best understood within their na tural setting" (Babbie, 2007, p. 287). Babbie often refers to this qualitative rese arch as "field research" since "it offers the advantage of probing social life in its natural habitat" (p. 289). The researcher interviewed the participants from their work place, and thus it was assured that participants were in their natural habitat.' Furthermore, the researcher chose to do in-d epth, semi-structured interviews because as Babbie explains, "less-structured interviews are more appropriate" to qua litative research (2007, p. 305). He also mentions how "Herbert and Rien e Rubin (1995: 43) descri be the distinction as follows: Qualitative interviewing design is flex ible, iterative, and continuous, rather than prepared in advance and locked in stone'" (as cited by Babbie, 2007, p. 305).

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51 The qualitative interview proceeds with the interviewer using the questionnaire as a guideline but been flexible in changing the order of the questions and allowing follow-up questions when necessary. The interviewer thus had a general idea of what to ask and what topics to explore. As pointed out by Babbie, the strength of using qualitative field research is the depth of understanding that it pr ovides and its flexibility. The a dvantage of using this type of qualitative method above all is th at it "provides measures with gr eater validity than do survey and experimental measurements, which are often cr iticized as superficia l and not really valid" (Babbie, 2007, p. 313). Questionnaire Construction The research questionnaire consisted of 20 open-ended questions. The questions were drawn from the litera ture about the cultural differences on communication, managerial, and leadership styles, as well as on their time orie ntation of managers from Bolivia and the United States. Therefore, the questions were divided in four categories. The first category consists of one question addressing general cultural differences: multiactive vs. linear activ e cultures (Lewis, 2006, 1999, 1996). The second category includes three questions that address differen ces in communication styles and refer to the following concepts: (1) high-context and low-cont ext cultures (Hall, 1990); (2) communicatio n patterns (Lewis, 2001-2007); and (3) meeting styles (Lewis, 20012007). The third category includes four questions that address differences in managerial styles: (1) powe r distance (Hof stede, 1980); (2) uncertainty avoidance (Hofstede, 1980); (3) indi vidualism vs. collectivism (Hofstede, 1980); and (4) vertical individualism vs. ver tical collectivism (Tri andis, 1995). The fourth category has one question about the differences in leadership st yles (Lewis, 2001-2007). The fifth category has two questions about time orientation: (1) long vs. short-term orientation (Hofstede, 2001); and (2) polychronic vs. monochronic time orientat ion (Hofstede, 2001) along with some extra

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52 characteristics regarding this aspect (Lewis 2001-2007). Finally, there were four general questions and five demographic questions. Two different questionnaires were develope d, one for U.S. American managers asking them questions about Bolivian managers, and a nother one for Bolivian managers asking them questions about U.S. managers. They were both written in English first, and then they were translated into Spanish by the author. Afterwards, a third person translated them back into English. She was able to do so, since she is a fully multilingual professional. Sampling Technique The author chose the res earch participants through a purposive sampling technique. A total of 18 interviews were c onducted. One of the INGO was selected because the author did an internship with them. Due to confidentiality issu es, the author will not disclose which out of the five INGOs she did her internship with. The ot her four of INGOs were selected on the following basis: 1) Their headquarters had to be based in the United States. 2) Their Bolivian office had to be based in La Paz. By searching for INGOs that met these criteria on the Internet, the following INGOs were selected: World Vision, Pro Mujer, Project Con cern International, Sa ve the Children, and ACDI/VOCA. Additionally, these were found to be the largest INGOs currently working in Bolivia. Table 3-1 shows these INGOs along with their contact information. From these INGOs the researcher selected participants based on the following criteria: 1) Two participants have to be working in Bolivia per INGO. 2) Two participants have to be working in the U.S. office per INGO. 3) These participants have to be involved in the procurement process or execution of development projects in Bolivia.

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53 The researcher contacted each INGO via email and/or phone in order to select all of the participants that met these criteria. Sample Description Eighteen m anagers working in international development projects in Bolivia participated in the study. Nine were Bolivian and nine were U.S. Americans. Out of those eighteen, six were women and twelve were men. Pa rticipants reported an averag e age of 42 years old (ranging from 25 to 60) with the exception of one res pondent who refrained from sharing his age. Participants averaged 18 years of experience (ranging from 2 to 32) in the international development field. As for the level of education, all participants have a Bachelor's degree. Eight out of the nine U.S. Amer ican managers have a Master's degree, and of the Bolivian participants: three do not have a Master's degree, two have one Master's degree and four have two Master's degrees. Overall, th e language skill of all participan ts was very high. Of the U.S. American managers: three are bilingual, five ar e trilingual and one is a polyglot. All U.S. American managers are fluent in Spanish. A dditionally, of the Bolivian managers: one is monolingual, four are bilingual, th ree are trilingual and one is a pol yglot. Three out of the nine Bolivian managers reported having di fficulty communicating in English. In respect to their ethnic b ackground: 7 U.S. Americans identi fied themselves as either: white, Caucasian, American, or Anglo-Saxons and only two identified their ethnicity as European. All Bolivian managers acknowledge having difficulty answ ering this question, as it is not common to classify onesel f under any category in Bolivia. Nonetheless, seven declared themselves as mestizos (two specified that they were a mix between a Quechua and a Spaniard), one identified himself as: Bolivian, Quechua and American, and another one as: American, White and Hispanic.

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54 Research Design The resea rcher developed a questionnaire and submitted it to the Institutional Research Board (IRB) for approval. After approval, th e questionnaire was used for in-depth, semistructure interviews, which were conducted thro ugh the phone. Each interview lasted between 30-45min in average. Data Analysis The researcher transcribed the interviews in English and Spanish. The data were analyzed according to the quali tative literature by narrating the findings in a detached thirdperson voice. The author then selected quotes fr om these interviews that show agreement and disagreement, as well as the major points of views regarding cultural differences in communication, managerial and leadership styles as well as time perception of Bolivian and U.S. American managers. Edited quotes are used to illustrate the findings, according to the methods section. In the case of the inte rviews conducted in Spanish, releva nt quotes were translated into English by the author. Limitations One of the main limitations is the fact that there are no cultural studies about work environment in Bolivia and thus the author had to use the literature for Latin America instead in order to fill this gap. Babbie (2007) also sugge sts that one of the bi ggest limitations with explanatory cross-sectiona l studies is that "alth ough their conclusions ar e based on observations made at only one time, typically they aim at understanding causal pro cesses that occur over time" and of course, there is always a "problem of generalization about social life from a snapshot'" (p. 102). Moreover, according to Molleda (2008) by doing a qualitative in terview there is always the risk that the interviewer may have communicated information that biased the interviewee's

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55 opinions. The fact that the researcher is both U.S. American and South American could have influenced the way in which participants res ponded. For instance, U.S. American managers could have responded cautiously to make sure they did not offend the researcher. On the other hand, Bolivian managers could have answered open ly because they felt a familiarity with the researcher. In this sense, the bicultural nature of the researcher might have been both a limitation and an advantage for this study. Future studies should be careful about this and take this aspect into consideration. Molleda (2008) also mentions how the length of the questionnaire could have also affected the quality of these interviews and of the answ ers to each question. As he explains, with so many variables and concepts, participants coul d have not fully grasped the depth of each question. In the case of this st udy, U.S. American and Bolivian ma nagers definitely seemed to have difficulty understanding the concept of uncertain ty avoidance; therefore, this aspect should be further analyzed in future studies. Additionally, it is also important to remark that the Bolivian managers that were interviewed worked in La Paz, Bolivia (the admi nistrative capital) thus there could have been some differences between their opi nions and the opinions of those working in other parts of the country. Finally, there might have been issues "regarding accurate and precise representation of populations" (Babbie, 2007, p. 187) since the sample was not taken using probability. "Field research can pose problems of reliability although they are in-depth, field research measurements are also often very personal" (Babbie, 2007, p. 314).

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56 Table 3-1. List of International NGOs International NGO Contact Information (USA) Contact Information (Bolivia) World Vision (Visi—n Mundial) http://www.worldvision.org/ 34834 W eyerhaeuser Way So. Federal Way, WA 98001 Tel: +1 253-815-1000 http://www.worldvision.org/content.ns f/learn/world-vision-bolivia Av. Hernando Siles No. 6023 esq. Calle 15 Obrajes, La Paz Tel: +591 2 2783214 2 27831912 2782948 2 2783904 Fax: +591 2 2783804 Pro Mujer https://promujer.org/ 240 W 35th Street, #404 New York, NY 10001 Tel: +1 212 952 0181 Fax: +1 212.952.0183 https://promujer.org/index.tpl?NG_Vie w=65&NG_Id_Country=2 Calle 6 esqu ina Costanerita Piso 3 #100 Obrajes, La Paz Tel: +591 2 278 8654 Fax: +591 2.278.8019 Project Concern Intern ational (PCI) http://www.projectconcern.org/site/P ageServer 5151 Murphy Canyon Rd Suite 320 San Diego, California 92123 Tel: +1 (858) 279-9690 Fax: +1 (858) 694-0294 Toll Free: 1-877-PCI-HOPE http://www.pci-bolivia.org/ Calle Roberto Prudencio No. 835 Entre calles 14 y 15. Casilla 4678 Calacoto, La Paz Tel: +591 2 794738 2 111825 Fax: +591 2128717 Save the Children http://www.savethechildren.org/ 54 W ilton Road Westport, CT 06880 Tel: (203) 221-4030 (800) 728-3843 http://www.savethechildren.org/countri es/latin -america-caribbean/bolivia/ Calle HŽroes del Acre 1725-San Pedro La Paz, Bolivia ACDI/VOCA http://www.acdivoca.org/ 50 F Street NW Suite 1075 Washington, DC 20001 Tel: (202) 638-4661 Fax: (202) 783-7204 http://www.acdivocabolivia.org/ Calle 11 # 480, Esq. Sanchez Bustam ante, Calacoto La Paz, Bolivia Tel./Fax: (591-2) 279-3206 Email: info@acdivoca.org.bo

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57 CHAPTER 4 FINDINGS Eighteen people who work on international developm ent projects in Bolivia were interviewed over a period of two months: fr om April 2008 May 2008. Since half of the respondents were U.S. American managers and the other half Bolivian managers, the findings are divided into two sections. The first section contains the answers of the nine U.S. American managers in regards to the communication, manageme nt, and leadership style, as well as the time orientation of the Bolivian managers. The sec ond section contains the answers of the nine Bolivian managers concerning the communication, management, and l eadership styles, as well as time orientation of the U.S. American managers. Responses of U.S. American Managers This section presents the opinions of the U.S. American m anagers working in development projects in Bolivia in regards to the culture of their Bolivian counterparts. Two out of the nine interviewees were women and seven were men. Their reported average age was 39 years and their combined work experience averaged 16 y ears. Seven identifie d their ethnicity as white/Caucasian/American/Anglo-Saxon and two as Europeans. All U.S. American managers have a bachelor's degree, and all except one have a master's degree. They are all fluent in Spanish and know at least one more language. Question 1: Traits of Bolivian Managers All excep t one of the participan ts agreed that Bolivian managers share similar traits. Problems with keeping up with timetables were wi dely discussed, as well as the importance of personal relationships for Bolivian managers. Th ere were even some suggestions made as to why these characteristics were prevalent am ongst Bolivian managers. In addition, other problems were identified and some participants expressed disagreements to few traits. Overall,

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58 77 percent of participants agreed that these tra its negatively affect the procurement and execution of development projects in Bolivia. One of the most discussed Bolivian traits was their timetable management and how difficult it was for them to keep up with d eadlines. Though one partic ipant pointed out how timetables are not as high priority in Bolivia as they are in the U.S. or Western culture, another participant expressed her frustration by stating: It just has been difficult regardless of th e fact that we make a task list for proposal development and have people's names right next to each task, it seems like we still find challenges in meeting those deadlines. We are not communica ting clearly there is this wall in our communication styles, and we are not connecting, we are not able to agree on a plan and then actua lly stick to that plan. (In-d epth interview, April 5, 2008) Two participants further explained how th is issue had a negative impact in the development of project proposals to the extent that one of their multimillion-dollar-project proposal had to be cancelled because the Bolivia n managers were not sending the required information on time. In the same way, anothe r interviewee ta lked about how one of their projects was highly affected by this because the Bolivian team was not responding to their inquiries on a timely manner. As he explained, he had to go dow n to Bolivia in order to get things moving. After this experience, he concluded: "it seems like there was a lot of contending minds and a lot of disorganization; basically all of these things have delayed the project" (Indepth interview, April 18, 2008). At the end, one interviewee summed it all up by saying: "I wouldn't say that their timetables are unpredictable, I would just say that they are not good at keeping timetables so I guess that is the sa me thing" (In-depth in terview, May 28, 2008). The other aspect that was frequently men tioned by participants was the importance of relationships in the Bolivian culture. Collectivel y, they agreed that: "the time orientation is much more people oriented, than fact oriented" (In-depth interview, May 29, 2008), therefore, an interviewee remarks: "[it is] more likely to see people not n ecessarily completely punctual

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59 because again the interaction with people is more important than what the clock says" (In-depth interview, May 2, 2008). The importance of rela tionships in Bolivia and by Bolivian managers was so high that it could have tu rn up a culture of corruption and made it difficult to "work 100 percent clean" (In-depth inte rview, May 29, 2008), as expres sed by the concerns of two respondents. To these two characteristics of Bolivian ma nagers, having trouble maintaining deadlines and of having a high regard for personal relations hips, almost all of the respondents gave reasons or suggestions as to why, they believed, thes e traits were present amongst Bolivian managers. One of these was their polychronic behavior. As one respondent explained: "Bolivia tends to be polychronic in their time management, and that just means that they are more interested on whatever they are doing at the moment is the most important thing" (In-depth interview, May 2, 2008). He further explained how this manifested itself during meetings: So if it is a meeting with someone or th ere is something happening that needs their attention, a Bolivian will not stop what they were doing, cut short an interaction with another person or meeting in order to stay on time, where an American would. (In-depth interview, May 2, 2008) The fact that most Bolivian managers were not punctual was also attributed to this polychronic nature. Because Boliv ian managers did too many things at once, "it made it difficult to prioritize [since] management got pulled in too many different di rections" (In-depth interview, May 28, 2008). Moreover, when it came to not been able to turn in project proposal on time, some suggested that it is due to their inability to manage time properly along with the fact that most proposals have to be writ ten in a high level English, which most Bolivian managers do not possess. Other participants suggested that the reason why Bolivian managers have trouble maintaining deadlines was because they have a ve ry positive attitude and are very optimistic in

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60 life. Some referred to many instances where Boli vian managers were having trouble in trying to meet a deadline and did not let them know that they needed help. In this case, Bolivians felt that they could still accomplish it. As one interviewee putted it: One of the worst ways that it would manifest itself is that when there is a problem and there is going to be a delay, there is a tendency not to say anything about it. Just to ignore it. Maybe it is that they are optimistic or th at they have a positive attitude, but rather than identifying the real problem there is a tendency to say: Oh we are working on it, it is going to get fixed and it just sort of never happens. So it is kind of a general optimism maybe, or just not wanting to admit once things are not working. (In-depth interview, May 28, 2008) It is important to note that all participants expressed their willingne ss to be flexible and work around, adjust or extent deadlines if necessa ry and when possible, in order to help Bolivian managers meet their goals. Even then, Bolivian managers di d not let the U.S. American managers know when a deadline was not working for them. Other factors also added to the problems men tioned above. For instance, the fact that currently Bolivia is undergoing a period of politic al instability was seen as a factor that contributed to delays in the procurement a nd execution process of projects. Bolivia's infrastructure was also an important aspect th at was considered. A respondent explained how Bolivia is a difficult place because transportatio n, infrastructure, access to Internet, to goods, and services is limited. In addition to this, there are road blockades and problems at the port, which he concluded, made it "not an easy operational environment that you can necessarily compared to the U.S. or Western Europe" (In-depth interview, April 18, 2008). Furthermore, there were other communication challenges such as U.S. American managers requesting specific information in bullet points via email to their Bolivian counterparts and never receiving all answers back, or Bolivian manage rs planning the grand outline only when writing proposals. It was described how they often do a rough sketch of project proposals w ithout having too much regard for whether they could fulfill the things they state they are going to do or not. Lastly,

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61 only one respondent pointed out the complexity of the Bolivian culture. He noted that before talking about the Bolivian culture one needed to understand how th e Bolivian culture is made out of many different groups, such as the Aymaras, th e Quechuas, the Latinos, the Guaran’s, and the Guarayos just to mention few. Finally, there were some aspects mentioned in this question that some respondents found erroneous. For example, one interviewee did not ag ree with the aspect that Bolivians frequently interrupt. He clarified: "I fi nd Bolivians to be extremely polite, very well mannered, very professional, and very polite" (In-depth intervie w, May 2, 2008). Another participant remarked that even though all of these char acteristics were true, he did not see how they actually affected the procurement or execution of development proj ects in Bolivia. At the end, however, there was only one interviewee who did not agree with a ny of the aspects mentioned in this question. The reason for this, as he explained, was because: [Our] NGO works with different municipalities and also work s with community groups [and] when partnerships are deve loped at the municipal level, when they are part of what's called here the PALO -Annual Op erating Plan (Plan Anual de Operaci—n) the problems that you mentioned are minimized and less like ly to occur. [Additionally,] what you do have in Bolivia overall is good popular particip ation which drives money to rural areas. (In-depth interview, April 1, 2008) For this participant, the key to not having these problems or diminishing them was by having partnerships with the local government and the communities, along with having a good popular participation in the place where the NGO is working. Question 2: High-Context Culture of Bolivian Managers Eight out of nine interv iewees agreed that Bolivian manage rs have a high-context culture. As one participant remarked: "context is more importa nt in Bolivia than it is in the United States where it is essentially unimporta nt, and it is really much more what people say" (In-depth interview, May 2, 2008). Additionally, there was a ffirmation by the majority of respondents that

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62 the Bolivian managers have an indirect communi cation style. One of the ways in which this manifested itself was when Bolivian managers tr ied to give input and share ideas with their supervisor. As one respondent recounted, her Bolivian counterparts often asked her to give their ideas to their supervisor and act as a liaison between them because they felt they could not directly do it. This caused problems, as e xpressed by the respondent's concerns, because it delayed progress and made it difficult to know ho w the word gets passed along to management when U.S. American managers are not in tow n. Moreover, this indi rect communication style caused problems of compliance. For instance, one of the interviewees pointed out how Bolivian managers would often tell him that they were goi ng to do something when in reality they neither had the capacity nor the intention to actually do it. This shows the subtleties that come along this indirect communication style. On another note, other participants recalled feeling occasionally lost during conversations with Bolivian managers. Implicit rules and understa tements seemed to be the reason for this. As one interviewee described: "I definitely think th at there are some norms, some rules that I feel like I am not understanding. It's just such a challenge for us to agree on something and to move forward" (In-depth inte rview, April 5, 2008). Shari ng the same feeling, another interviewee added: "I definitely have gotten that vibe that they assumed that you catch the subtleties of the conversation a nd sometimes you don't" (In-dept h interview, April 18, 2008). To all of this, U.S. American managers desc ribed been concerned for having come across as pushy in the eyes of the Bolivian managers beca use they were not understanding or getting the information from them accordingly. This create d misconceptions as sugge sted by a participant, "Bolivians see many of the Americans been a little bit pushy and rude and unrealistic, and the Americans are thinking like the Bolivians aren't managing it correctly" (I n-depth interview, May

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63 2, 2008). The only two exceptions to this issue we re when the country director or managers were either expatriates from the United States or Canada or when the Bolivian managers had studied abroad in the United States. It was only then that these problems were resolved because in that case they understood the cultural norms of both countries. There was only one participant who strongly rejected the aspects mentioned in this question. As he explained, none of this occurred in the NGO where he worked because they had many partnerships with the local government and with the communities, and because the community participation was very high. He went further to explain that, When we have partnerships with munici palities or other NGOs we also draw up memorandums of understanding where we spell out: what would this NGO do? What would the municipality do? What would people do? So every one of these roles are defined so I think this reduces misunderstandings. It doesn't mean you don't have misunderstandings but it means that things are mapped out a little more carefully when they start. (In-depth interview, April 1, 2008) Likewise, another interview ee thought that utilizing and choosing specific communication strategies when working together could decrease these misunderstandings. He described one of these strategies as simply been "sensitive to the cultural aspects of communication" (In-depth interview, April 14, 2008). Even though he did agree with all th e concepts brought up in this question, he just did not think th ey affected the procurement or execution of projects in Bolivia. This just shows that even if communication styles are not the sa me, differences can always be worked out. Questions 3-4: Bolivian Managers' Co mmunication Patterns and Meeting Style The m ajority of respondents agreed that Boliv ian managers usually be gin conversations or meetings with a small talk, but clarified that it does not affect in any way the development or execution of projects in Bolivia. They mentioned that this aspect is just part of their culture and that it is something that they have to follow. It is also something that varies from person to

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64 person. Only two respondents discussed having to lead conversations during meetings in order to stay on track, and only one respondent seemed to have problems with it: It seems that to actually move towards a goal on e of us at the international office really needs to lead the meeting and needs to ask th e same question like 10 times. It is like our Bolivian counterpart will talk in circles and he'll address the issu e but never actually answer the question and so then we have to ask again, which can be difficult when we are dealing with language barriers. (In-depth interview, April 5, 2008) Overall, however, U.S. American manage rs thought that this question was an overgeneralization, and that these aspects did not impact projects because "decisions are made at all levels" and because "the most important th ing is that project leaders and managers are sensitive to those cultural aspe cts" (In-depth interview, Apri l 14, 2008), as explained by one of the participants. In addition to this, when it came to the point about Bolivians expecting U.S. American managers to acknowledge and recognize their national honor, all except one, disagreed with it. They said that Bolivians are not very nationalistic at all, especially as compared to people from other countries. One example of this is their lack of respect for their President Evo Morales. During many conversations that a responde nt had with his Bolivian counterparts about President Evo Morales, he found that they felt that he was "a conk and an embarrassment" (Indepth interview, May 2, 2008) to Bolivia. This was very shocking to him because he thought that being the first indigenous president of Bolivia people would respect him and look up to him more. Lastly, the majority of interviewees disagreed with the aspect that when Bolivian managers reach an agreement, they do not often fulfill it. As explained by most of them, Bolivians are very committed and stick to what they say as much as U.S. Americans. They also believed that Bolivians have a different timeframe and thus it might not always match with the U.S. Americans' timeframe, except when there is a very important deadline to which they usually pull through. Only one respondent saw a slight change in this behavior and it was during meetings or

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65 conversations with actual donors. In this cas e, she noted, "there is a tendency to make commitments that I don't really think that they ever had any intention of fulfilling [and] instead of under promising and over delivering it 's the opposite they over promise and under deliver" (In-depth interview, May 28, 2008). Question 5: High-Power Distance of Bolivian Managers In total, the m ajority of pa rticipants (89%) found that Bo livian managers have a high power distance culture. This c onclusion was reach after discussi ng all of the different aspects that make up this characteristic. Among these we re: the fact that Bolivian managers rarely challenge U.S. American managers, that everythi ng has to be approved by Bolivian directors or managers, the importance of education and the us e of honorifics, and the lack of organizational trust. All of these negatively affected the pr ocurement and execution of projects in Bolivia. However, there was hope given by a respondent w ho suggested that this would no longer be the case within the next couple of y ears and also by those who offered solutions to this issue. At the end, only one respondent did not think this aspect applied to Bolivian managers. One of the ways in which this high power di stance characteristic portrayed itself was when it came to Bolivian managers sharing their ideas, agreements, and disagreements with their U.S. counterparts. The consensus among participants wa s that Bolivian managers do not often share, challenge, or questioned their decision-ma king. As one interviewee explained: In the U.S. people feel very comfortable and it's quite healthy to challenge your boss with different ideas. And what I find in Bolivia is that people are very accepting of whatever the boss says. They have this believe that the boss is the boss because he or she knows the best. There is not as much of a healthy challenge. (In-depth interview, April 1, 2008) The interviewee went further to explain that there was this attitude of acceptance emphasized by "My jefe me dijo" (My boss told me ) mindset. This was also attributed to the evident hierarchy in Bolivia. As one respondent remarked, this was obvious in his organization's

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66 every day decision-making and processes and in their management style because Bolivian managers only made decisions according to this hierarchy. In this hierarchy, U.S. American managers were perceived to be at the top of the la dder and thus Bolivian managers were very accepting of their decisions. As a nother participant noted: "if you ar e in a superior position [or] even technical positions you are not questioned as they would be questioned in a European or North American context where it is much easier to criticize your boss" (In-depth interview, May 29, 2008). This added to the fact that there are not many flat organizations in Bolivia (including the INGOs) further proved this point. High-power distance as also seemed in the way in which everythi ng needed to go through the top personnel in Bolivia (i.e. directors, manage rs, etc.) before it was assigned or sent to the right person within the organi zation. One interviewee explai ned this issue as follows: Definitely it does seem like everything n eeds to be checked off and approved by the country manager, always needs to be copied and everything has to go through him, and it does seem difficult because I feel like projects can often get bottle in that If we could just connect with someone else we could probably move things forward much faster. (In-depth interview, April 5, 2008) She then illustrated how this could cause a lo t of problems for development projects. For instance, she once had to collect project report s from the Bolivian office and it took her several months before she got them all. At one point, she had 25 outstanding report s. Only by talking to her supervisor, the country director was finally able to delegate this task and contact the right people from each department. The problem ended up being that she was not able to bypass the country manager and asked for the reports directly to each department because of the hierarchy that is in place in the Bolivian office. Problem s delegating tasks also seemed to be an important factor of this problem. As another interviewee remarked: If you are going to run a project you have to delegate some authority for some level of decision-making power at other le vels or else you are not going to get anything done. It is almost as if the actual concept of dele gation it is not actually understood. Like

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67 delegation is giving people th ings to do, not empowering them with the responsibility and the decision-making authority. (In -depth interview, May 28, 2008) The hierarchical structure al ong with difficulty in delegati ng tasks definitely ended up being an issue. The departments were not able to send her the reports because they needed the country's director approval firs t and thus bottlenecks were create d. As it was understandable and as pointed out by the interviewee, she would have save so much time if she had been able to get the reports from the right people directly from the beginning. Another aspect, which was a proof of the hi gh-power-distant Bolivian culture, was the importance of education and the high use of honorific s. Education is highly regarded in Bolivia. People with a bachelor's, a master's, or a Ph.D. de gree were seen as having higher societal status than the rest of the population. On e of the ways in which this is manifested is by how they were referred to with an honorific title. Engineer, professor, doctor, li cenciado, or licenciada were just some of these. One respondent noticed how even amongst themselves they called each other with these honorifics, even when they have been working together for years at a time. "Whenever I talk to the office ma nager in Bolivia, she always refers to the country manager by his degree title, like engineer, which is weird because everyone he re at the international office calls him by his nickname" (In-d epth interview, April 5, 2008). In the same way, Bolivian managers use these honorifics to refer to their U.S. American c ounterparts. As one respondent explained: "I do not consider myself a superior or a boss, but I get emails from people who I actually interacted with, and I don't expect, some sort of hierar chy to this, but I get emails saying "Estimado Jefe" [Dear Boss]" (In-depth interview, April 18, 2008). One of the fallbacks of been this formal and proper was that it created bottle necks, as another respondent suggested. By respecting so many lines of seni ority, she explained, things ju st did not get done efficiently.

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68 Additionally, this hierarchical structure result ed in lack of organizational trust. One respondent expressed how there wa s not enough "confianza" or trust due to this high respect for hierarchy; as he said: "it is resp ect, but they do not have that trus t or that confianza to come and talk to me if there is a problem (In-depth interview, April 18, 2008). This definitely inhibited the participatory environment within the organi zation. As another inte rviewee pointed out: In hierarchical structure you ha ve people who do not feel like part of the decision-making process and you have a greater chance that they would sort of not buy into the program or whatever. So hierarchy can be good if you are trying to get a lot of stuff done quickly but it is not sustainable on the long term (In-depth interview, May 20, 2008) This lack of trust could have also been a reflection of f ear to their superiors. One respondent remarked: "if you fear your supervis ors, then you are not going to provide key information" (In-depth interview, May 20, 2008). Organizational trust is needed to obtain high participation and involvement from coworkers and communities. Although, an interviewee expressed optimism in that this hierarchical structure is disappearing and that it will no longer be in place for the next couple of years in Bolivia and in the rest of the world due to high technological advancements and the empowerment of people through widely available information, the bottom line was that this structure is currently affecting negatively the procurement and executi on of projects in Bolivia. This high-powerdistant culture slow these processes down and in a development environment where deadlines are a key issue, this can be critical This type of culture also inhi bits high levels of participation, as a participant explained: People who are not high in that power order just don't participate to the fullest extent so I think the consequences is that the full va lue of the human potenti al is not realized. Because you have a whole segment of population or staff that doesn't feel that is their place to contribute and so you end up not benefiti ng from the full potential of the staff. (Indepth interview, May 28, 2008)

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69 Nevertheless, there were many suggested solu tions to this problem. First, bosses, managers and directors have to make sure they are seeking out input. Un less, they seek it out, they will never get it. Additionally, Bolivian managers [have to] foment participat ory relationships with their team members, that way they are not perceived as been a hi erarchical person in terms of they make the decisions and they make their teams feel like thei r input is valuable and they are part of the decision making process. (In-depth interview, April 14, 2008) Other participants opted to establish a protocol in their Bolivian offi ces where they did not have to go through the national director only to ge t things done. The key was to always copy the director on the emails, and in that way he/she did not feel that anybody wa s stepping over his/her boundaries/hierarchical position. In their attempt to reduce the issues that came along with a high-power-distant culture, some even went as far as to restructuring their whole Bolivian office. They are changing their Bolivian office to a mu ch flatter structure, "more kind of matrix management type structure" (I n-depth interview, May 20, 2008). Finally, one respondent begged to differ with th is aspect of the Bolivian culture. He found Bolivians to be "very questioning of authority and power structure and much more so than some other countries" (In-depth interv iew, April 18, 2008). Evidence of this, was the massive quantity of protests, and the power struggl e that continuously takes place in Bolivia, especially along the political lines. He attributed this to the complexity of Bolivia, and the fact that there are so many different groups of people, with different interests and agendas. His observation referred to Bolivia's macro level. Question 6: High-Uncertainty Avoidance of Bolivian Managers All interviewees agreed that Bolivian manage rs have a high uncertainty avoidance culture with low tolerance for ambiguity and one refraine d from answering this que stion due to his lack of experience in the subject. To the majority of respondents, Bolivia is on e of the most uncertain

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70 places in the world. Proof of this are the many coups that have taken place within Bolivia's recent history, as well as with the fact that th ere have been so many different presidents who have taken office during the last couple of years. One intervie wee explained that, "there is tremendous uncertainty, conceptual instability, economic instability because of the dependency of Bolivia on extractive indus tries like tin" (In-d epth interview, May 2, 2008). There is, however, a positive side to this, as one responde nt denoted: "people are used to changes people here in Bolivia learn to live with this kind of social unrest and with certain higher level of unrest compared to a lot of other countries" (In-depth interview, May 29, 2008). Participants across the board believed that Bo livians manage uncertainty well. It is due to this uncertain environment th at Bolivian managers were cautious and liked rules and regulations. They liked to know exactly what their responsibilit ies were and preferred people to be clear with them. Bolivian managers were found to try to ensure certainty through rules and regulations. In referri ng to their Bolivian office, one of the interviewees noticed that "they really have very clear structures with in their office, who does what, how the general system is, sort of like the rules for their o ffice" (In-depth interview, April 5, 2008). Another interviewee supported this observation by expres sing how "our national office in Bolivia likes stability, they like clarity in roles and responsib ilities" (In-depth interview, May 20, 2008). The only downside of this trait, as discussed by a pa rticipant, was that Bolivian managers spent a disproportionate amount of time on work plan and annual plans. He described how: There is a tendency here that if we do e nough planning, we are going to avoid corruption and everything will be fine. So there is this undue obsession with documents and rules and I'm not talking about procurement rules or rules that guarant ee transparency, I'm talking about their own rules. (I n-depth interview, April 1, 2008) This excessive amount of time spent in prepari ng and procuring is though t to be harmful to any organization, especially when it came to its financial situation.

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71 Another downside of this was that it caused a lot of frustration amongst U.S. American managers. Though Bolivian managers were well equipped with managing uncertainty that was not the case for U.S. American managers and thus conflict emerged. "When there is some unique situation that arises, or the rules have not yet been well defined they [U.S. American managers] tend to struggle [especially] with so me unique accounting situ ations, and some unique procurement situations" (In-depth interview, Ap ril, 18, 2008). This in turn slowed processes down because then the U.S. American managers needed to establish some rules and develop a system, which did take some time. In this re gard, the participant be lieved that Bolivian managers need a lot of guidance. To illustrate this, he recounted how: There have been situations where they seem like they just can't or aren't able to get through without getting more guidance, and so th at tends to push work on to other people, which slows things down and it has some certain effects. (In-depth interview, April 18, 2008) On the contrary, one respondent did not think that uncertainty affected the outcome of the procurement and execution processes of projects but just the way in which these processes got accomplished. As he described, "the uncertainty and political or social aspects in Bolivia affects what priorities are given to procurement and it affects what activitie s are implemented in different ways in terms of strategies and overa ll tactics" (In-depth interview, April 14, 2008). Overall, both U.S. American and Bolivian manage rs have to learn how to deal with uncertainty, as it is a reality, an ev eryday issue in Bolivia. Question 7: Collectivistic Culture of Bolivian Managers All excep t two of the interviewees confirmed that Bolivians have a collectivistic culture. The two other interviewees did no t know if this aspect was tr ue or not. This collectivistic characteristic was very obvious to all particip ants. Social capital was unquestionably more

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72 important in Bolivia than it is in the United St ates. One of the ways in which this would manifest itself was through project request s. As one interviewee pointed out: Requests for community improvement or soci al and economic conditions usually come from groups as opposed to individuals. Most decisions are made as groups. They are not always necessarily community-level decisions, bu t they are made with the intent to have community input. (In-depth interview, April 14, 2008) Moreover, this trait was notori ous by the length in which people stay working for the same organizations and/or companies. Long-term employment is very common in Bolivia and the turn out rate is very low as described by one particip ant. "People stay with the organization for a long long period of time, and if th ere are opportunities to move peopl e to other projects or bring people back later, that happens frequently" (In-depth interview, May 2, 2008). Organizations are loyal to the employees and employees are loyal to the organizations. On the other hand, in the United States people would usuall y stay 2-3 years with the same organization and then move on to the next one. This is due to the fact that "in the U.S. people do not f eel very loyal to their company, and the other thing is that companie s are not loyal to their employees" (In-depth interview, May 2, 2008). In this case, Bolivia is a country where loyalty to companies, collective attainment of goals, and success is mo re important than individual success. This feature was definitely more accentuated in rural areas than urban areas where communities share practically everything. However, it is important to note that since there are many different ethnic groups and rural communities in Bolivia, this did not necessarily mean that they share this collectivistic characteristic with each other. This trait was certainly more emphasized among one's own community, such as indigenous (Quechua, Aymara, etc), lower, middle, or upper class and others. In this sens e, the country did seem divided as expressed by one participant.

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73 Nonetheless, this collective f eature was beneficial for projec ts on the long run. The fact that people worked closely toge ther for long periods of time crea ted a family-feel atmosphere, as noted by an interviewee. This social structure was positive becau se it helped projects to be successful. Another respondent remarked how "t hey can really get thi ngs done and they can really work effectively with communities and other organizati ons because again their philosophy is built on long-term relationships (In-depth interview, May 2, 2008). Collectivism in Bolivia also had some negative aspects. One of them was the fact that "there is a tendency [of Bolivians] to protec t people who may have done something wrong" (Indepth interview, April 1, 2008). Nobody wanted to blame anybody because of loyalty to the group and "nobody takes full responsi bility for things" (In-depth interview, May 28, 2008). This made it difficult for U.S. American managers to hold people accountable for their actions, as expressed by an interviewee. This loyalty was also evident when it came down to hiring personnel. As one respondent recalled, in many pl aces in Bolivia people get hired because they are friends or family members of the peopl e already working for the company and/or organization rather than because of their capacit y. Nonetheless, he was quick to point out that this does not happen in his NGO since they have rules against it. Another downside of this collectivistic cu lture was that in the Quechua and Aymara cultures, for instance, this collectivistic nature was very prominent and thus it made it difficult to move forward with anything. As noted by an in terviewee, "it is a challenge in developing programs because it is difficult for people to stay [move] forward outside of the comfort zone of the community" (In-depth interview, May 29, 2008) Additionally, it was challenging to reward individual performances in collectivistic societies as described by one respondent: There are some issues with employing cente r plans that reward sort of individual performance because there is sort of a strong emphasis on a team. Sometimes the

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74 individual reward system backfires because it can destroy sort of the kind of natural tendency [of Bolivians] to work together in teams. (In-depth interview, May 28, 2008) Above all, the most important aspect wa s that all of these examples proved the collectivistic nature of Bolivian managers. Question 8: Vertical Collectivis t ic Culture of Bolivian Managers All except one interviewee believed that Boliv ian managers have a ve rtical collectivistic culture. Only one interviewee did not know whether th is was true or not. This vertical structure was apparent between U.S. American and Boliv ian managers. One participant noticed how "there is a perceived vertical structure of the in ternational office (IO). Like working at the IO were somehow above in some hierarchy" (In-dep th interview, April 5, 2008). For this reason, she explained how most Bolivian managers were obliging to the U.S. American managers' requests. Even if they were not going to fulfill those requests, they would still say that they were going to do it. In addition to this, this vertical structure was also detected between Bolivian managers. As one participant described: Bolivians feel entitled to respect, and they feel themselves that they deserve respect from their underlings, [especially] proj ect directors. They have a hierarchical attitude, that they are above the masses, and that they dese rve respect and honor. Pe ople sort of have to go out of their way to do things for them. (In-depth interview, May 20, 2008) Bolivians managers were found not only to have a vertical culture, but also to share a collectivistic nature. To illustrate this, a part icipant described an experience she had while working in Bolivia for a couple of months. A Bolivian manager and she had to make some changes to a manual and present it to the rest of the Bolivian team. The Bolivian team was not happy with the changes that they had made, and she took full responsibilit y for it. Afterwards, her Bolivian co-worker called her aside and told her that she did not ha ve to take individual responsibility for their work, that since both of them had worked on the project together, they

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75 should have both received the blame as a team. To her, this was an obvious case of this collectivistic nature of the Bolivian culture. These vertical and collectivistic traits of the Bolivian culture were attributed to Bolivia's history and tradition. The fact that Bolivian ma nagers accept inequality, and believe that ranks have their privileges is rooted in the government's long history of corruption. As one respondent described, continuous corruption within the Bo livian government has created a distrusting national environment that promote these types of traits. Moreover, this vertical collectivistic culture perpetuates because of tr adition. As explained by anothe r interviewee, this type of system where one has to go through a lot of pa in and work before attaining a high rank and authority often persists because those who have already gone through the process are reluctant to let it go. "That kind of mentality is very common. If you sort of have to go through a process to get to somewhere, and it is long and painful, th en you are reluctant to le t other people bypass it" (In-depth interview, May 2, 2008). Finally, U. S. American managers found that Bolivian managers have a sense of serving the in-group. According to one interviewee, Bolivian managers always made decisions thinki ng on the group's overall benefit first. Question 9: Bolivian Managers' Leadership Style The m ajority of interviewees agreed that leadership in Bolivia is characterized by nepotism. However, the extent to which this is true was highly debated. Some saw nepotism within their organizations, othe rs saw it in the public and pr ivate sector but not in the NGO sector, and few did not see it anyw here. There were some reasons given as to why this Bolivian trait is so complex and finally Bolivian leadership was redefined. Those who found this nepotistic leadership of Bolivian managers to be eminent in their organization described a mani pulative organizational environment. As one respondent described:

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76 I have definitely seen lots of manipulation in ways that don't seem to be constructive or healthy. I have seen leadersh ip styles where the approach is very charismatic and relationships are based on l oyalty and trust. There [is a] strong element of loyalty that even when someone leaves the organization, that expecta tion of loyalty is still held there. (In-depth interview, May 28, 2008) As she further explains, this manipulative lead ership style affects the efficiency of the procurement and execution processes of project s in Bolivia because "rather than taking everyone out in their merits and assigning role s and responsibilities ba sed on that, sometimes things are assigned based on who is loyal, rather than who is real ly competent to do the job" (Indepth interview, May 28, 2008). Additionally, anot her participant expressed how there are many people in his organization who are relatives (i.e husband and wife, or father and son) and who constantly watch out for each other. "If they hear about an opening they say: Oh you know my son isn't working right now, and maybe he coul d do that" (In-depth interview, April 18, 2008). Nonetheless, he affirmed that these coworkers were not hired because of nepotism but because they were competent for the job. On the other hand, some interviewees saw this nepotistic trait in the public and private sector but not in the NGO sector. As one interv iewee pointed out this is normal because: "any government that wins an electi on hires their own people" (In-depth interview, April 1, 2008). In addition, the reason why this is not the case for NGOs, as explained by another interviewee, is because the processes in which they pursue gran ts, and execute projects are extremely regulated by the donors' guidelines. With grants and pr oposals donors require NGOs to submit the best resumes and CVs possible of the people who will be working in the project. This in turn eliminates the possibility of having nepotism. Conversely, it is important to remark some of th e aspects that make this nepotistic behavior difficult to understand and determine. For instan ce, an interviewee explained how the talent pool in Bolivia is much smaller than that of the Un ited States. Thus, Bolivian managers might seem

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77 somewhat more nepotistic than U.S. American ma nagers when it comes to hiring. In reality, he explained: There is a smaller pool of people who are qua lified and there is a higher likelihood that those people know each other. So it is not ne cessarily that they are hiring someone who is not qualified. It is just th at whoever would be qualified is your friend, or you would probably know them. (In-depth interview, April 18, 2008) Another reason given for this nepotism in Boliv ia is that Bolivians have a collectivistic culture, therefore this "sense of belonging to a social group encourages you towards nepotism" (In-depth interview, May 2, 2008). This interviewee goes as fa r as outlining some of the benefits of nepotism. According to him, nepotism is good because "you can trust people with whom you have these other linkages with, because you know them, and they will not necessarily violate your trust because of these other strong ties" (In-depth interview, May 2, 2008). In all, he believed that nepotism in Bolivia not only reinforces their collectivistic nature, but also prevents people from not fulfilling their duty since the social pressure is very hi gh. Finally, he defined Bolivian leadership as follows: It is definitely more hierarchic al or vertically oriented than in the United States. There is less horizontal discussion of what is going to be done. The organizational chart is more vertical than horizontal and that is not n ecessarily a bad thing as long as the blaze of people from lower down the work-chart is able to effectively more up and down the chain. (In-depth interview, May 2, 2008) An important aspect to remember, however, is that the family atmosphere that exists in Bolivian offices allows people in lower rankings to share their opinions with their supervisors. In conclusion, an interviewee believed that "lead ership style defines what level of nepotism will be tolerated" (In-depth interview, May 2, 2008). Question 10: Long-Time Orientation of Bolivian Managers Participants had opposing views re garding Bolivians' tim e orient ation. In total, 44 percent of the interviewees t hought that Bolivian managers have a long-time orientation, 33 percent

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78 disagreed, and 22 percent were not sure. Thos e who agreed saw how Bolivian managers were focused on building and maintaining relationships in order to obtain long-term benefits. As one respondent mentioned, Bolivian managers do a bette r job when they have a long period of time to plan things out before they actually have to execute them. In this sense, she believed that Bolivian managers have a long-term orientation ra ther than a short-term orientation. Another participant noticed how Bolivian managers: Seemed to be very interested in savin g, getting a home, and building a future for themselves. They are less worried about if th ey have 10 bucks on thei r pocket, instead of going to spend it right away, they are more likel y to go and save it. They make sure that they are securing their future rather than ju st enjoying the present. (In-depth interview, April 18, 2008) Even when planning or executing projects, he explained that Bolivians are always looking for ways not only to benefit the communities at the present moment but also how to make them more durable and sustainable. He believed that "Bolivians are very interested in securing their present but also making sure that they have a mo re secure future as well" (In-depth interview, April 18, 2008). On the contrary, some respondents thought th at Bolivians' time orientation was more geared towards the past rather than the future. As explained by an interviewee, "they are very much formed by their past and it is still a ve ry present reality" (In-depth interview, May 20, 2008). For example, when executing health campa igns, people would not even think about the future of their children, they would just think about how to make it to the next day. This, according to another participant shows that th e Bolivians' time orientation depends on which social class they belong to. In this sense, the lower class tends to have a short-time orientation based on the past and the upper middle class tends to have a long-tim e orientation geared towards the future. The remaining two participants were not able to tell the difference in the Bolivian's time orientation.

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79 Question 11: Polychronic Time Orientation of Bolivian Managers The m ajority of interviewees agreed that Bolivian managers have a polychronic time orientation. Only one participan t disagreed, and another one did not know whether this was true or not. Lack of punctuality was definitely a pparent among Bolivian managers. "In regards to time management people are very unpunctual and not very res ponsible" (In-depth interview, April 1, 2008). This was especially seen during meetings. As one respondent said, "whenever they say that they are going to be somewhere at six they really mean seven or 7:30" (In-depth interview, May 20, 2008). U.S. American manage rs definitely noticed how Bolivian managers were neither interested in punctuality nor sche dules. This was a problem as one of the participants expressed: "it is no t just been late for things, but completely changing them without paying attention to the fact that there are other people involved, and that they need to be notified" (In-depth interview, May 28, 2008). This distinctive time orientation of Bolivia n managers was also characterized by their "ma–ana" behavior. A great example of this ha d to do with calendars. As one interviewee reported, he received 10-15 January to December 2008 calendars just in the month of March. The problem with this, as he discussed, was th at: "calendars are some thing that you prepare every year, you can prepare calendars for the next 10 years because you know what the dates are, so this is a perfect example of lack of pla nning" (In-depth intervie w, April 1, 2008). This anecdote best exemplified the Bolivian culture relaxed perception of time. The polychronic time orientation of Bolivian ma nagers did affect proj ects in Bolivia. For instance, there was a project proposal that was never submitted to a donor because the Bolivian managers did not turn it in on time to the U. S. American managers. Even though the U.S. American team had been pressing and reminding th e Bolivian team of the deadline, they did not deliver and ended up turning ever ything the day after the proposal was due. Missing deadlines

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80 and delayed processes are definite ly a problem that comes with th is polychronic time orientation. As one respondent remarked, even during meetin gs this polychronic behavior was obvious: When you are in a meeting they are constan tly answering their cell phone or constantly accepting interruptions. So a meeting that w ould have taken half an hour ends up taking one hour and a half, because they just don't focus on what they are doing. They are willing to take any interruption. (In-depth interview, May 28, 2008) Additionally, Bolivian managers will not start a meeting until everyone has arrived. This could take up to one hour after the meeting was s upposed to start, which is a total waste of time according to one interviewee. This problem of constant delays also extends to many other processes. One participant mentioned how hi s NGO does a lot of publications, and explained how these are often delayed because people from different ministries a nd/or donors take a long time in signing them off. In general, this polyc hronic nature produces many setbacks to projects. Nevertheless, there was a very interesting obs ervation made by one interviewee in regards to how this Bolivian characteristic affects mos tly the procurement rather than the execution process of projects in Bolivia. "Over a long time horizon" he explained, "it all evens out because if it doesn't get done today it gets done tomorrow or next week, and eventually it will be ok" (In-depth interview, May 2, 2008). However, when it comes to a short period of time such as project proposals and the procurement process which has such a short-time turn around, "it could be a problem, because things have to be done at a certain time and in a certain way and if they are not done you lose something" (In-depth interview, May 2, 2008). Above all, U.S. American managers found this polychronic behavior to be rooted in the Bolivian managers' perception of time. "Deadlines are very relative to people here in Bolivia they are more kind of orientations than real ly deadlines" (In-depth interview, May 29, 2008). This provokes a lot of frustration among U.S. Am erican managers. As one respondent remarked,

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81 most Bolivian manager would not even let them know if they are going to miss a deadline. She argued that: Maybe it doesn't even occur to them to let you know because the deadline is just there. It is not really set in stone. It is just kind of somethi ng that is part of th e project but it doesn't carry a lot of weight. (In-dep th interview, May 28, 2008) According to another interviewee, this might be attributed to the fact that the Bolivian culture is not a culture dictated by deadlines, and that it is not the norm fo r most people to follow or meet deadlines. Therefore, there is no incentive for anybody to follow them. As he expressed: "If I do not respect deadlines, and I do not have any negative impact on my performance, or on my salary then what is the incentive for working with deadlines? (Indepth interview, May 29, 2008). The point is that this is the way in which Bolivian do things and thus U.S. American managers have to adjust to it, as pointed out by another participant. In order to tackle this problem, many res pondents gave some suggestions as to how to approach it. First and forth mo st, U.S. American managers have to be extremely clear with Bolivian managers when giving th em instructions on project propos als and/or project deadlines. A participant gave the following advice: I would say that they have to be extremely clear in what your deadlines are, reinforce it about three times, reinforce it on paper, reinfo rce it orally, and then follow up every single day. Otherwise they are not going to pursue th ose deadlines as actual deadlines. They are just going to perceive them as flexible ideas instead of hard and soft deadlines. (In-depth interview, April 5, 2008) Then, many interviewees suggested tricking Bo livian managers with deadlines. The majority of U.S. American managers admitted telling Bolivian managers that the deadlines were due before they were officially due in order to actually get things done on time. "You really run into these kinds of problems because people are a little bit optimistic in what can be achieved" (In-depth interview, May 29, 2008). Likewise, U.S. American managers emphasized the idea of

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82 "la hora Inglesa, o la hora Americana" (English ti me or U.S. American time) (In-depth interview, May 20, 2008). This means that things are due on the date that they are said to be due. Question 12: Communication between National and Intern ational Offices All respondents communicate mainly through em ail and instant messaging but also use fax and phone. Most respondents communicate in both Spanish and English, with a preference for using English with the headquarter office and Span ish with the Bolivian office. There were only two interviewees who said that all of their communications were in Spanish. Question 13: Communication with the Bo livia n Office: Easy or Challenging? In total, 77 percent of the interviewees f ound communicating with the international office easy. However, there were many of them w ho found communication thro ugh email challenging. As one respondent recounts: "Ans wering emails promptly is not something that you can depend on but if you could find somebody who is on chat is pretty easy to get their attention probably because they are willing to interrupt whatever they are doing" (In-depth interview, May 28, 2008). In this case, the respondent explained how this "negative characteristic" can be useful because they are ready to answer even if they are in the middle of a meeting. Instant messaging was definitely a device that all of them agreed facilitated communication between both offices. Finally, two interview ees found communication challenging depe nding on the person they were talking to and because of language differences. Question 14: Language Barrier The m ajority of respondents di d not think there wa s a language barrier with their Bolivian counterparts. The main reason for this is that a ll U.S. American managers are fluent in Spanish. However, many noted that the English capacity in Bolivia is low, even though Bolivian managers are highly educated in Spanish. This brings some issues since Bolivian managers cannot always rely on the U.S. American manage rs to translate all the time. Not only is

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83 translation a concern for many because things get easily lost in the process, but also it makes it difficult to coordinate meetings when not all invit ees are fully bilingual. This lack of high-level English also prevents many Bolivian managers from taking important professional development opportunities, such as internationa l training as it would be too e xpensive to send them and then have to hire a translator just for that event. Even worse, sometimes they have to send the same person over and over to all the in ternational trainings, as one respondent shared. Nonetheless, still the majority of respondents found it more of an issue for the Bolivian managers than for them. Now, when it came to writing project proposal s respondents were divided on the issue. Some said they did not have a problem at a ll as they would receive the whole proposal in Spanish and they would personally translate it into English, and others expressed similar thoughts as the following interviewee: There is definitely a language barrier for written communication, verbal communication and in email. But again in the high-ord er proposal preparati on when you are dealing with very complicated themes and ideas in English, which 90 percent of Americans would not be able to do well [because it is] very fiel d specific, it is not easy and so if it is not easy for me in English, then it is definitely not easy for non-native English speakers. (Indepth interview, May 2, 2008) More than the language barrier, however, one re spondent discussed a cultural barrier. She says that it is just not a problem with the la nguage, "like we can use words that we think are representative and that are conveying certain messa ges, but that is not ho w it is interpreted" (Indepth interview, April 5, 2008). She concluded by stating that: "we [Bolivians and U.S. American managers] are not operating on the same set of norms or ideas of how things should and should not be" (In-depth interview, April 5, 2008) It is because of th is, that all respondents highly encouraged having people who are not only bilingual but also bicultural in the Bolivian offices.

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84 Question 15: Overall Impact of Cultural Differences Collectively participants agreed that all of the cultural differences discussed during the interview affect the procurement and execution pr ocess of development projects in Bolivia. Nonetheless, they were clear to mention that the degree to which these were affected varied notably. Some said that these differences do not affect Bolivia much more than other countries where these projects also take place, and that it is just part of wo rking in international development projects. Others said that ther e were much bigger probl ems than these cultural differences. However, most f ound some common factors that aff ect these processes, namely: language and culture, logistical challenges, protests and delays, and over promising and under delivering. Finally, many expressed their optim ism in overcoming all of these cultural differences by working closely together with the Bolivian managers and by offering many solutions to these problems. Two of the most widely believed factors th at impact the procurement and execution processes of projects in Bolivia are language and culture. As one participant remarked: "language is culture and in this case, it is true" (In-depth interv iew, May 2, 2008). The fact that language is different and that ma ny Bolivian managers are not all fluent in English did seem to cause delays and to slow proce sses down. Language barrier was es pecially critical during "highorder processes" such as proposal preparation an d/or report writing. An interviewee recalled a time when these processes were slowed down so much because of these two factors, that unfortunately they were not able to submit the pr oposal on time. In this case, Bolivian managers were not answering and providing the required information to the U.S. American managers on a timely manner. She argued that: "proposals are put on the back of the room and sort of forgotten about and [that] it hurt s their financial s ituation" (In-depth intervie w, April 5, 2008). Missing

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85 deadlines for project proposals or execution/update reports was hi ghly attributed to language and cultural differences. To further illustrate this, sh e explained how Bolivian managers are able to submit their own proposals to PROCOSI (which is a Bolivian dono r) without a hitch becaus e "it's in the local language, it's in the culture that th ey understand, and so they are ve ry successful at it" (In-depth interview, April 5, 2008). On the contrary, when it came to U.S. American and European donors, they always had trouble submitting proposals by the deadline. The reason for this is that they were dealing with different languages and cultures, which have different time orientation. Deadlines for Europeans and U.S. American donors are much stricter than Bolivian deadlines. As seen by these experiences, language, and cultu ral differences do affect the procurement and execution processes of projects in Bolivia. This cultural issue also provokes logistic al issues. As explained by one of the interviewees, one of the major logi stical problems in Bolivia is trying to implement international policies and regulations within a Bolivian cont ext. As it is known, INGOs are subject to international standards, which in this case, do not always matc h the Bolivian standards. He described how: We have certain appropriate standards from an audit stand point and from an effective management stand point, and then the issue be comes more of a cultural issue and more of a logistical issue ar ound just been able to effectively implement them [the standards] in all cases. (In-depth interview, April 18, 2008) In addition to having to follow these interna tional standards, INGOs also have to make sure they follow donor standards, which may include U.S. American, European, or United Nations standards. This just a dds another layer of l ogistical problems, which affect all of these processes of projects in Bolivia.

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86 Furthermore, protests are one of the main cu ltural issues that affect development projects in Bolivia. These delay and slow down the procurement and execution processes of such projects. As one respondent e xplained, road blockades and work stoppages impede people from getting to work, it causes many businesses to clos e down, it causes private investors to doubt the market and not invest in Bolivia, which all t ogether just end up damaging the whole economy. He described how Bolivians have "that type of cultu re that is so accepting of street protests and what I would consider economic terrorism, which does terrible damage to the country as a whole" (In-depth interview, Ap ril 1, 2008). This cultural char acteristic, which gives way to "economic terrorism" and causes delays, negatively affects development projects in Bolivia. Another factor that triggers problems is the Bolivian tendency to "over promise and under deliver" when procuring or execu ting projects. As one interv iewee explained, all of these cultural issues, especially "promising more th an you can deliver" (In-depth interview, May 28, 2008), have caused detrimental damages to the orga nization's reputation. For instance, "in terms of executing the project, there have been times when we had to write report s and just admit that we didn't do what we said that we were going to do" (In-depth interview, May 28, 2008). This has produced such an atrocious damage to thei r reputation that it has even "caused some donors to question when we submit a propo sal whether or not is somethi ng that we can actually do" (Indepth interview, May 28, 2008). Hierarchical structure was one more factor that seemed to still be in place in Bolivia and which affects projects' prepar ation and implementation according to one interviewee. Though they respond better to a flatter st ructure, she argued that this hierarchical structure makes them long for guidance. For instance, when ta lking about their future she remarked: I don't necessarily think that they think of the future so you need to give them something to think about for their future, you need to give them real hope a nd real opportunities both

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87 for the future and for today in order to be e ffective and you need to be practical. (In-depth interview, May 20, 2008) She went further to explain this need fo r guidance when discussing the procurement process. As she pointed out, they do not need help in designing and implementing programs; however, they do need help in making sure th ey are following the donor's standards. For example, with all the regulations and rules that come with U.S. government grants, Bolivian managers need a lot of guidance from their U.S. American counterparts. The most important aspect of a ll is that altogether U.S. American managers felt that all these cultural differences could be overcome if they work closel y together with their Bolivian counterparts. The need to have culturally sens itive U.S. American managers was emphasized. It was suggested that this could be achieved ei ther through having "on the job experience" or through training. Additionally, involving Bolivia n managers from the beginning of projects helped reduce these misunderstandings and pr oblems tremendously. One interviewee even proposed that U.S. American managers should know how to effectively communicate directly and indirectly at the international, nationa l, and sub regional level with their Bolivian counterparts. Another participant reminded that U.S. American managers have to keep doing checks and balances on Bolivian managers and ge tting updates from them continuously in order to reach deadlines on time as well as factoring in the environment of the country when planning programs. Moreover, a respondent pointed out that U.S. American and the Bolivian culture are much more similar to each other than other cultures. "Despite all of our differences, there are not tremendous differences between the United States a nd Bolivia. We are all sort of Americans in some weird sense" (In-depth interview, May 2, 2008). In that way he felt that Latin Americans and U.S. Americans understand each other intuitiv ely better than when compared to other

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88 cultures. Remembering the similarities rather th an the differences between both cultures seemed to help overcome these issues. Lastly, one particip ant disagreed with the fact that these cultural differences could negatively impact projects. He attributed delays to different cultural expectations from both sets of managers but beli eved that Bolivian and U.S. American managers could always work these differences out. Responses of Bolivian Managers This section presents the opinions of the Bolivian m anagers working in development projects in Bolivia in regards to the culture of th eir U.S. American counterparts. Four out of the nine interviewees were women and five were men. Their repor ted average age was 44 years and their combined work experience averaged 18 years. Seven identified their ethnicity as Mestizos (mostly a mix between Quechuas and Spaniards) one as Bolivian/Quechua/American, and one as White/Hispanic/American. All Bolivian manage rs have a bachelor's degree, two have one master's degree and four have two master's degree s. All except one said they spoke at least one other language besides Spanish (including Eng lish) but three recogni ze having trouble with communicating in English. Question 1: Traits of U.S. American Managers The m ajority of participants agreed that mo st of these characteris tics were evident among U.S. American managers with the exception of th em being introverts. They were found to be outgoing, talkative, active, and impatient. Th ere was a noticeable di fference between U.S. Americans managers who had lived and traveled outside of the United States and those who had not. Those who had traveled were found to be more cultural sensitive and flexible to the Bolivian culture. Likewise, those who work in development projects were found to be more understanding and open-minded than any other U.S. Americans.

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89 Overall, U.S. American managers were found to be concise, concrete and precise. Their communication style was found to be direct and at times defiant. These traits were apparent through their writing style as ex emplified in their proposals a nd reports. Such tendency was attributed to the fact that U. S. American managers have a formal and methodological mindset. They are organized, work better by doing one thing at the time, have a high respect for schedules and timetables, and their culture is based on fact s and focused on results. One of the ways in which this methodological characte ristic was seen was through di fferent donor's guidelines. For instance, according to one interviewee USAID's logical framework is a good representation of how the U.S. American culture is centered on results. Even the fa ct that they are punctual shows this methodological trait, because it emphasizes pla nning in advanced. In all, they are practical. Another aspect of the U.S. Amer ican managers' culture that wa s of particular interest was the management of their privacy. It was noted th at U.S. American manage rs highly value their privacy and thus leave emotions outside work. Most of them made a clear separation between their professional and personal lif e. However, as one respondent explained, some interrelated both with the hope of future job opportunities and for networki ng purposes. In this sense, relationships were found to be oriented toward s the future, as they were looking on how to benefit from such relationships. Aside from the fact that all of these char acteristics were eminent in U.S. American managers, it is worth noting that respondents saw how they were able to easily adapt to the local culture. As expressed by a respondent, once they ar e on-site they realize that their ways are not necessarily the ways of the communities where they work. This cultural clash along with Bolivia's political and economic situation forced U.S. American managers to be flexible.

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90 The impact that these traits have had on the procurement and execution processes of projects in Bolivia varied significantly according to the respondents' opinions. One interviewee did not think that they had any impact over thes e processes. Another one saw how they caused problems between team members and in the work e nvironment, but not in the actual outcome of the projects. Others observed that the U.S. American managers' tendency to separate their personal from their professional life was perceived by Bolivians as a way for U.S. Americans to position themselves in a higher hierarchy. Above all, culture did have a clear impact over these processes. As an interviewee explained, the U.S. American culture influe nces how things get done and how they are represented. He mentioned that proposals are a good example of this as they are very methodological, systematical, and ve ry concrete just like the U.S. American culture. Along the same lines, another participant illustrated this issue and shows how it can generate a problem: Proposals are focused on specific issues. This shows how their culture is oriented towards very specific objectives, goals, numbers, and results. Thus whenever we [Bolivians] use language that is less objective it does not have as much valu e at the moment the proposal gets evaluated. We Latin Americans have a very fragmented way of thinking. We have trouble defining specific issues and thus our explanations are much vaguer and not so direct. (In-depth interview, May 8, 2008) The fact that both U.S. American and Bolivian managers have very different approaches to writing proposals creates a big problem as the pr ocurement process gets delayed and conflicts arise among people. The interviewee remarks how Bolivian managers are always asked by U.S. American managers to shorten up the narrative in pr oposals and/or reports and to be more specific with the objectives, strategies, and results. This frustrates the Bolivian team as they feel they are being limited to express themselves and that U.S. American managers are being insensitive with them. When it comes to writing, the clash in mindsets between U.S. American and Bolivian managers create conflicts between both groups as they are interpreting and

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91 executing projects very differently. On a positive note, one of the interviewees pointed out how these U.S. American traits help Bolivians stay on track and get things accomplished. Bolivians' relaxed and careless behavior is juxtaposed with U.S. Ameri can strict and methodological behavior. Additionally, some of the particip ants mentioned how they like U.S. American managers' structured way of thi nking because they knew what was going to be the next step and knew to where they were headed. Question 2: Low-Context Culture of U.S. American Managers All Bolivian managers agreed that U.S. Amer ican managers have a low-context culture. They were found to have a direct communication style through which they would go straight to the point in an explicit manner during conversations, meetings, a nd even in reports. It was suggested that these characteristic s originate not only from their U.S. American culture but also from their educational training in internationa l development. In addition, this direct communication style was seen as coming straight from the English language. "In the English language one cannot be digressive so the language itself ma kes people have this direct communication style" (In-depth interview, May 6, 2008). Another respondent added: "language is not only a representation of th e culture, but it also shows thr ough the way in which people act. I think language influences the way in which pe ople carry themselves out" (In-depth interview, May 13, 2008). These two observations support th e general belief that language is culture. Furthermore, it was clarified that U.S. American managers knew which communication style to use depending on which audience they were addressing. For instance, when they were in their NGO office and with their NGO staff, they would always use this direct communication style; however, when they were in a meeting with communities or project's beneficiaries they did not use it because they knew it was inapprop riate. According to one interviewee, most Bolivian communities have their own protocol when it comes to meetings. For these

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92 communities, "there needs to be an introducti on and a bunch of other things before you can discuss the actual problem" (In-depth interview, April 24, 2008). In th is sense, Bolivians thought that U.S. American managers had the ability to switch back and forth from both communication styles depending on their audience. Above all, every one of the interviewees saw how the U.S. American managers' lowcontext culture had negatively impacted the proc urement and execution processes of projects in Bolivia, with the exception of a few positive thin gs. From an administrative and management point of view, the positive side of this characteris tic was that U.S. American managers gave clear and explicit orders that made staff member s become more productive, according to one respondent. There are no doubts in what ever yone has to do and t hus the processes run somewhat more efficient. "It helps achieve conc rete goals" (In-depth interview, May 6, 2008). Nevertheless, there were more negative than positive aspe cts related to this direct communication style. First and forth most, the fact that U.S. American and Bolivian managers have opposite communication styles proved to be a problem when it came to working together in projects. As a respondent observed: "we [Bolivians ] like to taste the pill before swallowing it, but the fact that the communication from U.S. American managers is very direct can cause issues with us Bolivians" (In-depth interview, May 2, 2008). Addi ng to this, another par ticipant described how Bolivian managers like to be broad and not go st raight to the point, and on the other hand the U.S. American managers like to be very precise and go straight to the poi nt. This, in her view, caused many Bolivian managers to feel very frustr ated because they felt that they had to over simplify everything, especially proposals and reports. Direct ness caused oversimplification.

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93 Having to deal with simplifying and summarizi ng proposals and reports was a big problem for Bolivian managers. The majority of respondents suggested that this had to do in part with the English language as mentioned earlier. In contra st to English, which is very precise and concise, Spanish has many words that can have many different meanings. "There are words whose meaning depend on the context" (In-depth in terview, May 13, 2008) and if one does not understand the context then misunderstandings arise. This affect projects as a whole because at the end Bolivians feel that they are doing doubl e the work, the same task over and over. For instance, a participant described how Bolivian ma nagers write 20 pages or more when they do a report or a proposal because that reflects their Latin American way of thinking. As he points out, that is unacceptable to U.S. American manage rs because proposals and reports are too long, which means that they would not read it. Th ey rather have two pages instead of 20. The problem in doing so expands because "it is not ju st about writing and translating them, but also about writing them from the Western point of view, which in the end makes us [Bolivians] do double the work and we end up with two proj ects" (In-depth interview, April 15, 2008). Another aspect of this low-c ontext communication st yle of U.S. American managers that negatively affected projects in Bo livia is the fact that they are too focused on results. As one respondent remarked, "U.S. Americans are very focused on this because they are paid to do so, and if they do not achieve these goals, then th ey are not good professionals (In-depth interview, May 6, 2008). On the other hand, Bolivians are mo re interested in doing things and reaching goals just to show off among their peers and be cause they want to nur ture their personal relationships. They are more concerned about what people might think or say instead of the actual goals and results of the projects. In this sense, he explained, Boliv ians are drawn more to the personal side than the fact ual side. Along these lines, Boli vian managers perceived U.S.

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94 American managers as blunt. To illustrate th is, one of the interviewees explained how U.S American managers: Separate their personal relationshi ps from work relationships ve ry well. At work, they can tell you things in a very direct way, whic h can affect you, but which you know they are doing from a professional perspect ive. Then when you get out of work, it is as if they had never told you anything, like that did not happen. You are still their friend and they do not have a problem with you. To us, Latinos, that affects us a lot because we mix our personal and professional life. (In-dep th interview, April 15, 2008) Additionally, U.S. American managers were ofte n perceived as rude. The fact that their low-context culture focuses so much on direct communication and verbal codes, limits their ability to perceive and understand other types of communication. For instance, they do not pay attention to non-verbal codes a nd implicit language. According to one respondent, in Bolivia body language is important. The fact that U. S. American managers do not even notice it frequently creates issues. This happens comm only during meetings. Starting from the point when they have to greet each other, Bolivians noticed that U.S. Americans established a great distance between them. This formal greeti ng was a high contrast to the emotional and affectionate Bolivian greeting. As a consequence, Bolivians feel that U.S. American managers are distancing themselves from them and thus feel awkward. To be more specific, the interviewee denoted: "We need ti me to get close to them and to build up trust before going directly to the verbal comm unication to discuss whatever the issue might be" (In-depth interview, May 8, 2008). Other occasions where Bolivians also thought that U.S. American managers were rude was at the moment of wrapping up meetings. Quite frequently, U.S. American managers, especially the young ones, would leave mee tings without saying goodbye to the Bolivian team. This was particularly disrespect ful to Bolivian managers In all, the direct and low-context culture of U.S. American managers affected more negatively than positively the

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95 procurement and execution of projects in Bolivia. They just focus too much on verbal rather than non-verbal or other types of codes and communication styles. Question 3: U.S. American Managers' Communication Patterns Collectively respondents found U.S. Am erican mana gers to be direct, concise, and quick. Some attributed this communica tion style to the Eng lish language and explained how they speak in a very direct and concrete manner because the language is direct and c oncrete. This trait was also seen in the way in which they separate thei r professional from social life and in the way in which they are more factual than personal orient ed people. First, one respondent denoted how U.S. American managers were not careful with what they said due to of this direct communication style, which often harmed people's feelings. On the other hand, Bolivians were very careful in what they said because they di d not want to hurt or offend anybody's feelings. As she explained, Bolivian's work relationships extended to their personal relationships. "In Latin America, whatever you do at work affects your social life. Because those who are your friends at work, are also your friends outside of work" (In-dep th interview, April 15, 2008). Second, when it came to being factual vs. bei ng people oriented, U.S. American managers' communication style was focused towards facts a nd figures. As another participant denoted, when there was a failure to reach a goal, U.S. American managers did not look at and were not interested in what the causes of this fa ilure may have been. As she explained: For them, excuses and justifications do not ma tter. They are too focused on results and are not interested on how we got there. So there is this gap between the cause and the effect. They do not like to deeply analyze the negative causes of why something did not work out. It is a culture focused on rewarding accomp lishments only. (In-depth interview, May 8, 2008) In addition, interviewees found that this direct communica tion style caused U.S. American managers not to put their heart on business. On e of the ways in which this was evident was through daily communication. As one respondent remarked, U.S. American managers do not

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96 leave space in conversations to reflect and anal yze the actions taken by the organization through its projects. There is this lack of retrospection. "It is always about what is tangible or about what directly affects projects" (In-dep th interview, April 4, 2008). Ho wever, the respondent explained how U.S. American managers do not take into c onsideration that Bolivia is undergoing a historic moment and that NGOs who work in Bolivia and fo r Bolivians play an impor tant role during this time. This, in her view, clearly shows how U.S. Americans do not put their heart onto business. Moreover, U.S. American managers are often too technical and forget about the human side of issues. According to another part icipant, this makes Bolivians perceive U.S. Americans as cold in nature. Having their heart on business, sh e explained, means knowing about the cultural, economic, political, and social aspects of the Bolivi an culture and in this sense the majority of U.S. American managers do not know nor unde rstand any of these. These observations confirmed that U.S. American manage rs do not put their heart on business. U.S. American managers' direct, concise, and quick communication style along with the fact that they do not put their heart on business negatively and positively affected the procurement and execution of projects in Bolivia. First, this communicat ion style made Bolivian managers perceive U.S. American managers as apathetic, close-minded, and even mean because of the way in which they expressed themselv es. Communication often seemed one way. "We understand them, but sometimes they do not understa nd us. It is not a two-way communication" (In-depth interview, May 13, 2008). Then, the fact that they do not put their heart on businesses affected the evaluation of projects. As an interviewee explained, U. S. American managers would often think that projects have failed because they are just looking at the results and the numbers; instead Bolivians would think that the project was successful b ecause of its impact on communities. In this case, U.S. American ma nagers were more interested in knowing if

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97 everyone who was supposed to participate in projects attended, rather than if the ones who came were truly impacted and learned from these projects. On the contrary, this communication style had some positive effects on projects. The fact that U.S. American managers know how to se parate personal from pr ofessional life helped develop projects faster and in a more efficient manner than if they were headed by Bolivian managers. Furthermore, this direct, concise, and sharp communication styl e proved to be helpful when drafting, editing, and working on proposals. Since proposals have to be written in a concrete language, this helps Bo livian managers clarified their id eas, goals, and strategies for projects. Lastly, only on e participant did not think these characteristics affected the procurement and execution of projects in Bolivia. Question 4: U.S. American Managers' Meeting Style All excep t one interviewee agr eed that U.S. American managers start meetings with a minimal talk and then go to specific points on e by one, followed by a brief discussion of each point until a conclusion is reached. U.S. Am erican managers were found to know how to conduct meetings efficiently. Their meetings we re well structured with rules, schedules and agendas. This practice was attr ibuted to the fact that their perception of time revolves around focusing on: efficiency, efficacy, and results, and to the fact that they ar e very methodological. They like to be concise and precise because th ey do not have too much time. Having well structure meetings allowed them to discuss all the points one by one. In this sense, U.S. American and Bolivian managers have opposite cu ltural practices, as noted by a respondent. The only interviewee that disagreed with this said that U.S. American managers who work in international development projects are much more culture sensitive than the majority of U.S. Americans and thus they are more flexible to these cultural differences. For this reason, he explained, they try to give m eetings in a Bolivian style.

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98 The impact that the U.S. American meeti ng style had on projects proved to be more negative than positive according to almost all participants. First of all, the fact that U.S. Americans followed meetings' agendas very strictly undoubtedly lim ited participation, discussion and debate among all parties involved, as expressed by many interviewees. There were several occasions where other important issues came up during a meeting, and U.S. American managers disregarded them and moved on with the meeting because they were not on the agenda, as recalled by one participant. One of the problems with this is that it "endangers creativity. Anytime you have so mething that is so inflexible you limit creativity" (In-depth interview, May 8, 2008). The U.S. American mee ting style also caused processes to be too mechanical. As many participants argued, the hum an side of projects often gets forgotten. Bolivian managers called for U.S. Americans to re member that in development projects, they are dealing with people from a variet y of cultural backgrounds, and that they not only need to adapt to these cultural differences but also show thei r understanding th rough their actions. The counter consequence of not doing so is th at projects will not be sustai nable because Bolivians are not buying into them. Additionally, there was another problem that often occurred during meetings and it was due to the U.S. American managers' tendency to break up a dialogue in Span ish in order to start speaking with another U.S. American manager in English. This according to one interviewee completely stopped communication during a meeting and made it difficult to get back on track to whatever they were discu ssing. According to him: They exclude everybody from the conversation and take advantage of certain moments to ask questions to one another without having a ny respect to the fact that we are in the middle of a meeting. This just shows their bad manners and lack of respect for us. More than us thinking that they might be telling secr ets or talking about one of us, I think it is just plain disrespectful. (I n-depth interview, April 3, 2008)

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99 This clearly upset many Bolivian managers as they saw this as a purposeful attempt from the U.S. American managers to be rude to them. As pointed out, U.S. American managers know very well that many Bolivian managers do not sp eak English. In addition to this, there were other things that also angered Bolivian managers. One of them was the fact that U.S. American managers would greet Bolivian managers in a very distant and cold manner, and some times they would not even greet them. Moreover, there was a concerned among Bolivians that "not everything is shared during meetin gs. There are decisions that are very fundamental to projects and which are made directly by them" (In-d epth interview, April 24, 2008) without the consensus and the opinions of Bolivian managers. Lastly, the only positive impact that the U.S. American meeting style had on projects was that it produced more productive and efficient meetings according to one respondent. Question 5: Low-Power Distance of U.S. American Managers All together interview ees found U.S. Am erican managers to have a low-power distance culture in which they tried to be as egalitaria n as possible with Bolivian managers and Bolivian communities. This U.S. American trait was especially obvious to all interviewees because it was such a big contrast with their Bo livian culture. As pointed out by a participant: "we [are the ones who] assume that just because they are coming from the North, they have more power than us" (In-depth interview, April 3, 2008). However, it was described how th is is not the case at all for U.S. American managers. All respondents saw ho w they would give everyone the right to speak to express their opinions, and noticed how they were given eq ual treatment and equal set of rights as their supervisor s. Bolivians felt empowered to sp eak up and remarked that the notion that "the boss is always right" did not apply with U.S. American managers. These actions truly showed their egalitarian nature. Collectively, participan ts thought that this low-power distance

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100 trait was one of the U.S. Americans' strongest characteristics for helping them achieve high levels of efficiency a nd productivity at work. An interviewee illustrated this low-power dist ance trait with a variety of anecdotes. For instance, she explained how whenever they had to go to a project site by car, Bolivian managers would usually sit in the front seat because they we re the supervisors, that was their spot and that is how it is understood to be. On the other ha nd, U.S. American managers did not mind seating anywhere as long as they got to th e project site. This to her was a clear prove of this egalitarian trait. In the same way, U.S. American managers would greet everyone in the Bolivian office in the same way, whereas Bolivian managers would greet everyone differently. U.S. American managers did not make those distinctions when greeting the staff. From the watchman to the country's director, U.S. American managers gr eeted everyone in the sa me way and with the same respect. This showed how U.S. American management was horizontal, in contrast to the Bolivian management which was vertical. This U.S. American characteristic was also evident in their hiring process. Bolivian managers noticed how U.S. American managers earned their positions within the organization by assiduously working instead of by nepotism, whic h is very common in Bolivia. A respondent described how U.S. American managers achieved high-ranked positions because of their merit and dedication to work. He remarked how: U.S. Americans know who they are. They know what they stand for and know how much authority they have. They also know what the rules of the game are and recognize that their authority comes from their experience They have reached those high-power positions because they have truly earned it. (In-depth interview, April 15, 2008) The only time when this egalita rian trait was not seen was wi th U.S. American donors such as USDA or USAID. As expressed by the major ity of participants, donors often showed a highpower distance with Bolivian managers and commun ities. They had an authoritative attitude and

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101 were ignorant about the Bolivian culture. As re marked by an interview ee, "being the donor, they have the power', and since they are arriving to a third world country' then you have to more or less follow their norms and rules. They make you feel as if they are do ing you a favor" (In-depth interview, April 30, 2008). Even when it came to writing methodologies fo r projects, USAID for instance, was extremely vertical to the point that they even told Bolivian managers what to write in all the messages. In this sense, this highpower distance attitude did not have anything to do with the U.S. American themselves but with the actual institution. This low-power distance trait of U.S. American managers had both a positive and a negative impact on the procuremen t and execution process of development projects in Bolivia. Some of the positive effects included the fact that Bolivians felt part of the projects. They were made part of the decision-making process and thus they bought into th e project's ideas from early on in the process. As an interviewee shared : "the fact that Bolivians can participate and are able to contribute a solution to any problem, make s them feel part of the project" (In-depth interview, May 2, 2008). This trait was also good because it prevented the abuse of power within institutions. This trait also had some negative effects on projects and one of them was not being able to hold people accountable for their acti ons. As described by a particip ant, since everyone gets to participate in the procurement and execution pro cess, it makes it difficult to figure out who messed up in the project once something goes wrong. This participant recounted how: At the moment there is a problem with a proj ect or an activity, th e fact that many people have participated in the decision-making process makes it sometimes impossible to identify who is the one responsible for the proj ect or activity. This frequently happens and at the end, we do not know whose head we n eed to behead. (In-depth interview, May 2, 2008) Basically, this trait made it difficult to take corrective measures once things go wrong in projects. In a way, it ends up being nobody's re sponsibility or nobody's fault because the work

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102 has been achieved and carry out as a group. Another downfall of this trait is that sometimes U.S. American managers failed to recognize that Bolivian communities had a high-power distance structure. This would sometimes cause problems between both groups because U.S. American managers would often failed to respect such hierarchies. Question 6: Low-Uncertainty Avoidance of U.S. American Managers Interviewees had dividing opinions about this aspect. Half of the respondents thought that U.S. Am erican managers had a low-uncertainty avoidance culture with a high tolerance for ambiguity and the other half disagreed. Those who agreed saw how U.S. American managers easily adapted to the uncertain environment in wh ich Bolivia lives. As a respondent remarked: "U.S. American managers are willing to take risks without a problem. They are definitely people who take risks, and do not have a pr oblem with changes and with dealing with uncertainty" (In-depth interview, May 2, 2008). This certainly s eemed to be a trait among U.S. Americans who work in the development sector, according to one respondent. The rest of the participants who agreed that U.S. American managers have a lowuncertainty avoidance culture with a high tole rance for ambiguity noticed how they would always remain calm in moments of ambiguity. An interviewee described how they took all these uncertainties very lightly, especially those in hi gh positions like directors. They were never as worried as the rest of the Bolivia n team. It was suggested that th is may be the case because they have much more experience in these types of situations within the development field. Also, "if something bad happens here in Bolivia, the world does not end for them. They can just go somewhere else because they have other opportu nities" (In-depth interview, April 4, 2008). As a matter of fact, U.S. American managers were found to be more oriented towards changes and innovation than Bolivian managers. For example:

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103 When our new director arrived, the first thing he did was to change our strategies and change the way in which we were structur ed. Everything was turned upside down and everyone here was afraid about what was going to happen. We all thought we were going to get fired. But of course that was not the case. What he wanted to achieve was functional structures where resources would be moved to places where they would be the most productive. He was interested in producti vity and not so much on the camaraderie or the old structures that were in place before he came. (In-depth interview, April 15, 2008) This is an obvious example of how U.S. Am erican managers are much more willing to change and take risks in order to obtain more results and be much more productive. In this case, they were very different from Bolivians who we re much more focused on personal relationships and the social aspect of projects. On the contrary, the other half or respondents did not think U.S. American managers had a low-uncertainty avoidance culture with a high tolerance for ambiguity. They very practical in this sense, and they knew when there was certainty or uncertainty in the projects. "We Bolivians instead like to disguise uncertainty with dreams. We are big dreamers, we are idealists" (In-depth interview, April 3, 2008). U.S. American manage rs handled uncertainty with absolute truths. They were willing to make changes easily in order not to fall into any trap. Most of the times U.S. American managers liked to be sure of things in order to avoid uncertainty. A good example of this was: Whenever there is an issue with a project we [Bolivians] timidly offer solutions to fix the problem even if that means ending up an activ ity that has not been working out. For us, it is very difficult to take that decision because we have faith and hope that something might change for the better. They [U.S. American managers] instead are much more direct. They make sure they have taken some steps before making the decision and then make it right away. (In-depth interview, April 3, 2008) Interviewees who disagreed with this aspect, thought that unc ertainty was more common to Bolivians than to the U.S. Americans. The major ity of Bolivians were us ed to living their lives on a day-to-day basis, however, U.S. American managers' culture was is much more structured

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104 and technical. For this reason, they liked to plan things out in advanced so that there was not uncertainty. They did not have a high tolerance for uncertainty. U.S. Americans managers liked certainty instea d, because that is how their culture works. They are used to having more stability in their en vironment. In this sense, they way in which they dealt with this uncertainty was by preparin g exit plans, exit strategies, imaging scenarios, making Bs, having cards under sleeve, and Bolivians were just not us ed to this. U.S. American managers were always thinking about what hypot hetical scenarios. Th is aspect according to those Bolivians who disagreed with this characteristic had a negative impact on the projects. As an respondent explained: We follow just because is part of the prot ocol, but we do not actually follow through with it, because it is not part of our daily lives. Besides we know that we could make plans for scenario A, B, and C and at the moment of tr uth, they are not going to work in our country. We are used to living our lives thinking short-term, being more spontaneous, more than by having preventive plans. We often feel that we are just wasting time by making all of these plans. In a way, not only do we have to deal with our every day conflicts but also with all of these theoretic scenarios which we do not know if they will happen or not. (In-depth interview, May 8, 2008) For those participants who thought that U.S. American managers did not have a lowuncertainty avoidance culture saw delays in progress as a negative consequence of this characteristic. The problem that came with U.S. American managers not being tolerant of uncertainty or ambiguity was that they are no t that accepting of uncer tainties or unexpected situations. This was the case U.S. American donors. They were not understanding of these unexpected situations and thus there were many problems between the donors and the NGOs. Question 7: Individualistic Cult ure of U.S. American Man agers In total, 77 percent of the interviewees agr eed that U.S. American managers have an individualistic culture. However, only two participants disagreed with this because they did not think this was true for U.S. American managers who work in development projects. As one of

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105 them pointed out: "it is difficult to think they are individualist because they are always worrying about the team with whom they work with. They make a commitment with the people that they are working with" (In -depth interview May 2, 2008). Th e participant went further to explain his point by explaining th at even though U.S. American managers hold master's degrees and could have been working in the United Stat es and making more money, they still choose to work in Bolivia where they were not able to even live under the same life standards. Nevertheless, the majority of participants saw this individualistic trait in U.S. American managers. They were found to have their person al goals very clear with their own agenda and plan to achieve these goals, and they had a pa ssion for growing professionally as quick as possible. As one respondent denoted, They believe that time is gold and that if they do not take advantage of an opportunity that might come up that then they will automatically stop growing professionally and then they start questioning themselves. Th eir main goal is always to achieve their personal goals, and maybe that is why they are so inde pendent. (In-depth interview, April 3, 2008) The participant further illustrated this by expl aining an incident that happened within his organization. One of their monitoring and evalua tion specialists left his organization and went to a bigger organization, after she had gained all of her monitoring and evaluation experience from his organization. He expressed how unpleasant this experience was since this specialist would have gotten to that same position in just a matter of time. She just needed to wait a little longer. Instead she picked a higher salary over loyalty to the organization. In this case, the interviewee explains how her "priority was to keep growi ng professionally and reac h her professional goals forgetting the commitment she had to the organi zation" (In-depth interv iew, April 3, 2008). Additionally, this individualistic trait was also seen in the way in which U.S. American managers did not socialize with Bolivian managers. It was suggested that th is was due to the fact

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106 that U.S. American managers did not want to compromise their work li fe in any way by mixing it with their personal life. As a respondent explained: The fact that I am a friend of the director gives me many advantages. I can get to work late. I can take some hours off. I am talki ng from the Bolivian culture's perspective. For this reason, the U.S. American managers pref erred to remain indi vidualistic. (In-depth interview, May 6, 2008) In this sense, U.S. American managers were perceived as antisocial. As another respondent added, it was difficult for U.S. American managers to adapt to the Bolivian collectivistic culture because they were not used to this type of family oriented atmosphere. She described how: There are still parties where not only your whole family co mes, but also everyone who works in the office with you. That scares U.S. Americans because they feel that if they go to that party, then they lose their leadership power in the organization. (In-depth interview, May 6, 2008) According to the majority of interviewees, this individualistic characteristic of U.S. American managers only had negative effects on the procurement and execution process of projects in Bolivia. First, since they were so focused on themselves they rarely stopped to think about why it was that they were doing what th ey were doing. They barely allowed time for retrospection about their work. This lack of retrospection and communication putted the sustainability of projects at risk. Furthermore, since U.S. American managers did not hang out outside of work with Bolivian managers they were not able to fully understand their culture. This proved to be detrimental to projects as they were always plan ning them from an outsider's perspective. As an interviewee explained, this attitude: Impeded them from getting a better apprecia tion of reality, of pe ople's lives, and it hindered them from having a better knowledge of the communities. In this way, whatever results they obtained, whatever analysis, interv entions and observations are not going to be very real and not precise at all because they do not have this level of understanding that can only be obtain by socializing with pe ople. (In-depth interview, April 15, 2008)

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107 Finally, when working on proposals Bolivians managers thought that U.S. American methodologies were inappropriate for Bolivian co mmunities, as they were much more focused on the individuals. This often made projects fa iled because they were been executed in rural areas where the orientation was colle ctivistic. In this case, an interviewee denoted the difference between projects' methodologies depending on the U.S. American donor. For example, USDA gave Bolivian managers a lot of flexibility to propose their own strategies, but USAID told Bolivian managers exactly how they wanted project s to be done. Overall, this individualistic characteristic of U.S. American managers prov ed to have negatively impacted the procurement and execution process of projects in Bolivia. Question 8: Vertical Individualistic Culture of U.S. American Managers All interviewees believ ed that U.S. American managers have this vertical individualistic culture. The idea of accepting inequality and be lieving that ranks have their privileges was found to be true. As an interviewee explained, although they tried to be as fair and equal as possible, the inequalities were easily seen with in the organizations. For instance, when it came to benefits, the U.S. American managers always got more benefits than the Bolivian managers, even if both managers held the same-level position. U.S. American managers were also found to be achievement oriented. This was obvious in the practice of evaluating staff pe rformance. As denoted by a part icipant, in Bolivia there is no such thing as staff evaluations therefore focusing on how many achievements the Bolivian staff had made portrayed this characteri stic to its maximum. U.S. American managers preferred those staff members who showed a lot of results and wh o were very productive. This trait was also evident in the way in which U.S. American managers and U.S. American donors planned projects out. A participant described how:

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108 We see that they are better listeners when we talk about possible achievements, but when it comes to discussing things that are not related to achievements, they do not like to hear it. They are not going to listen about things that might imply questioning the way in which we are executing projects or th e consequences that our actio ns might bring. They do not listen to this. (In-depth interview, April 4, 2008) In this sense, U.S. American managers were much more interested on results and achievements rather than on the actual activities or the beneficiaries themselves. Moreover, this vertical individualistic trait was seen in how much U.S. American managers worked to keep their high-level supervising positions. In this way, they were very careful to not make any mistakes that would lead them into losing their jobs. "S ince U.S. Americans start their careers from zero and worked very hard to get to those high-rank ing positions, they are very careful when it comes to making decisions" (In-dept h interview, April 15, 2008). This vertical individualistic culture of U.S. American managers had both positive and negative effects on projects. The positive effect of this trait was that this vertical individualistic nature allowed Bolivian managers to obtain opport unities for professional development. On the negative side, the problem with this trait was that since U.S. American managers were too focused on results, thus they would often lie abou t the results of a project in order to appear successful in the eyes of the donors or the orga nization's supervisors. As explained by a participant, reports got fixed and sometimes information was accommodated in a way that would seemed like the NGOs obtained lots of results, when in reality this was not true. At the end of the day, this ended up harming pr ojects because Bolivian teams were not working with real facts and decisions were made based on those imagin ary notions. This was counterproductive for projects because even budgets, which were exacer bated at the moment of the proposal, were not fully utilized. As a participant expressed, this was a big waste of resources as this money could have been used for a totally different a new project instead.

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109 Question 9: U.S. American Managers' Leadership Style All participants found that U.S. Am erican manage rs have a participatory leadership style. They granted freedom to Bolivian managers to manage their own work individually, they allowed Bolivian managers to empower themselv es and to grow professionally, and they were committed to involving people in the decision-making process. "They involve us [Bolivians] in the development of proposals and in the superv ision and execution of pr ojects more so than Bolivian managers would do" (In-depth interv iew, April 3, 2008). This according to one interviewee is one of the U.S. American managers greatest assets. Additionally, "they gave us the freedom to make our own decisions, to de velop proposals following th e international office style. They even gave us freedom in the project 's execution process. They trust in our abilities as an office" (In-depth inte rview, May 13, 2008). Overall, U.S. American managers highly encouraged participation. This participatory leadership st yle is rooted in the U.S. Am erican history. According to one interviewee, long time ago both U.S. Am erican and Bolivian leadership were both authoritarian and vertical. Then, as the ec onomy of the United States started doing well, companies and organizations got bigger and l eaders realized that they could not manage everything. It was for this reason that their leadership style became more participatory and horizontal. As she described, this was not th e case for Bolivia because their economy did not do well so they ended up with dictator ships and authoritarian leaders. Bolivian managers also found the U.S. Amer ican managers' leader ship style to be extremely organized. "Every person, every unit ha s their own set of goals, their action plans, and they complement each other well. They respect each other and respect competitiveness and opinions" (In-depth interview, May 13, 2008). Besides being orga nized their leadership style was also meticulous. As expressed by an interviewee, this was easil y seen in their hiring

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110 process. They were very meticulous when hiring new personnel. They were also quick to make a decision and take action to move someone either to a higher position or to just fired them depending on their efficiency at work. U.S. American participatory leadership st yle had a positive and a negative impact on development projects in Bolivia. On the positiv e side, this leadership style was good because it contradicted the Bolivian leadership style, whic h was more authoritative. This was highly beneficial because things got done faster. As a respondent remarked, if the U.S. American leadership style was not implemented, then th ere would be many problems in trying to get anything done because the Bolivian leadership style has many issues. As he explained, in Bolivia: Whenever I needed information for a particular project, instead of getting it directly from whoever had it in order to speed up processes, I had to wait until the leader authorized it. Then, I waited until another leader authorized it too, I did the same process over and over until everyone was finally satisfied. Finally, wh en I got the information, it was already too late. The deadline had gone by and I did not need it anymore. This process perpetuated bureaucracy. (In-depth inte rview, April 15, 2008) As it was clear in this case, U.S. American ma nagers leadership style was more beneficial as they did not required any of these steps in order to pass information around within the organization. Nevertheless, there were some negativ e aspects about this lead ership style as well. The main downside of this trait was apparent when the U.S. American managers granted freedom and trust to the Bolivian staff to do th eir own work. This di d not always work out because the U.S. Americans would give Bolivians just a general outline of what they had to do and then Bolivians would be waiting to receive mo re details about what it was that they had to do. As explained by a respondent, this create d a problem because in one side the U.S. Americans were wondering why their Bolivian counterparts were not turning in their work, and on the other side the Bolivians were wondering what was it that they were supposed to do.

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111 In order to solve this issue, U.S. American managers needed to learn how to determine who could be trusted with independent work and who could not. They needed to learn how to give out more specific and deta iled instructions if they wa nted to get anything done with Bolivian managers. Additionally, there was another suggestion given to U.S. American managers and it was that they needed to make sure they recognized the efforts of the whole Bolivian staff, not only once the project was fini shed but also along all the middle steps that helped accomplish them. Also, U.S. American managers were encouraged to recognize that leadership style in Bolivian rural areas and even in the Bolivian offices was more hierarchical. Thus, it was suggested that out of respect, they first needed to learn by looking and analyzing these cultural behaviors befo re implementing their own leadership style on site. Question 10: Short-Time Orientation of U.S. American Managers Participants had opposing views regarding U.S. Am ericans' time orientation. In total, 67 percent of the interviewees di d not think that U.S. American managers had a short-time orientation, and 23 percent disagreed. The majo rity of participants found U.S. American managers to be more oriented towards the future rather than the past and present. Evidence of this was the fact that they were constantly ma king plans for the future and they always had a mission and a vision in mind for projects. In ad dition, "they highly value technology and all that things that are practical" (In-dep th interview, May 8, 2008). As one interviewee suggested, this futuristic time orientation could be seen in how they are not attached to their past, to their traditions and to their ancestors. She explained how they do not go through life thinking about the past and how they have a very clear future fo r themselves and for projects. They are always thinking about what comes next' in projects. Th ey have a more futuris tic outlook of life than the Bolivians who are more focused on their pa st and present. As remarked by another

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112 respondent "Bolivians face the future backwards; always looking at th eir past which totally affects how they view time" (In-depth interview, April 15, 2008). Nonetheless, the only time in which U.S. Amer icans looked at the past was whenever they were planning for future projects and did not wa nt to make the same mistakes as they have previously done in other projects. They did so in order to make sure that they were being more efficient and effective in the present. They valu e time tremendously, thus they tried to be as efficient as possible. Additionally, the preserva tion of face' trait was found to be true. U.S. American managers were always taking care of their image and their re putation. They worked diligently to preserve their face and this ac tually had a positive impact on projects, as transparency was highly sought. As denoted by a respondent, U.S. American culture gives a lot of incentives for transparency in projects. Finally, the only negative impact of this U.S. American short-time orientation on projects was the fact that projec ts were executed within such a short period of time that it did not allow for real changes to occur. According to a participant, in order to get dramatic results and changes, projects need to have more time and should be executed over a long period of time, not doing so, she thought, was ju st not realistic. Question 11: Monochronic Time Orientation of U.S. American Managers None of the interviewees t hought that U.S. Am erican managers had a monochronic time orientation, they thought that U. S. American managers were good at doing many things at once and multi-tasking. However, all except one part icipant saw how U.S. American managers were time-dominated. U.S. American managers were found to worry tremendously about time. Some were even obsessed with it. As an interviewee remarked "there is a tendency to want to get things done now, or urgently, or tomorrow, or yesterday the fam ous it was due by yesterday' phrase" (In-depth interview, April 4, 2008).

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113 A reason for this, as some participants suggest ed, was the fact that in the United States they live very far from work and the distances are long, therefore this made them conscious and concerned about time. "For that reason, they needed to earn time in the fastest way possible and that is why time is a commodity for them not a be nefit. They have to ea rn it and administer it" (In-depth interview, April 15, 2008) In addition, "they know that tomorrow may never come, so they prefer to do everything today and as fast as possible even if it means that they have to sacrifice themselves in order to gain time" (In-d epth interview, April 15, 2008). U.S. American managers thought that time was scarce, and worr ied about losing time because that would mean losing money. They believed in th is notion that time is money. Nevertheless, when it came to timelines and deadlines for projects, it was clarified that U.S. American managers working in development projects were much more flexible than U.S. American donors such as USAID or USDA. In th is sense, it was explaine d that there were two types of deadlines in the development field. Firs t, there were those internal deadlines set by the NGOs themselves, which tended to be flexible, a nd then, there were thos e external deadlines, which were imposed by the U.S. American donor s organizations which were very strict. Another way in which this U.S. American ma nagers' time-dominated culture was reflected was through salaries. As explained by an intervie wee, U.S. American managers were able to tell how much they made an hour, whereas Bolivia ns never knew how much they made an hour. Bolivian managers instead knew how much they ma de a month. In this sense, the interviewee believed that U.S. Americans work less than Bolivians. They valued time more than Bolivians do because of the fact that they work based on an hourly-rate. The positive side of this U.S. American timedominated culture was that it made projects and processes more efficient and productive, esp ecially in the case of projects which had scarce

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114 resources and which required high levels of prod uctivity. On the contrary the negative side of this trait was that it often conflicted with the tim e orientation of the Bolivian culture, both at the national office and at the community level. As a participant remarked, there are many rituals and traditions involved in the Bolivian culture and ofte n U.S. American managers would not have the patience to sit through them. In this regard, they saw it as a waste of time and as been unproductive. By not acknowledging the importance of these rituals to the communities, U.S. American managers were often perceived as disr espectful. It is for this reason that the interviewee suggested that U.S. Ameri can managers need to understand that: Rural Bolivian cultures do not perceive dist ances or time in the same way as U.S. Americans. So there are still some rural co mmunities where their time orientation is based on annual events such as the sowing and harv est season. Their time orientation is based around these events and thus they do not pe rceive what August 28 means. (In-depth interview, May 8, 2008) In this sense, the difference between the time perception between U.S. American managers and Bolivian managers and Bolivian communities caused many conflicts, which were more evident during the project's execution process. Finally, it is important to remark that only one participant thought that U.S. American managers working in development projects did not have any of these characteristics mentioned above. Question 12: Communication between National and Intern ational Offices All respondents communicate mainly through email but also use chat, Skype, VoIP (Voceover-Internet protocol), and phone. In regards to digital communication, one respondent pointed out the negative side of comm unications in this way: Replying fast via email is being related to be ing efficient. The faster you answered an email, the more efficient you are There is not much time to think about stuff, and so many times we respond just to respond quickly. Like the importance of the message is about sending it quickly rather than giving a good answer. (In-depth interview, April 4, 2008)

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115 Despite the negative effects of communicating digitally, half of the respondents said that they communicate with the international office in both Spanish and Eng lish, and the other half said that they communicate either in Spanish or English. Only one respondent said that he did not have direct contact with the international office. All the communication he had, went through his boss. Question 13: Communication with U.S. American Office: Easy or Challenging? Across the board, all Bolivian m anagers found it easy to communicate with the U.S. American office. This was attributed to the fact that most U.S. Americans working in the international office spoke Spanish and to the f act that most Bolivians had some knowledge of English. Communication is facilitated because U.S. American managers work very closely with the Bolivians managers, according to one interv iewee. Overall it is easy to communicate between both offices because both set of managers understand and respect each other. There was only one respondent who shared discontent with the way in which U.S. Americans managers communicate with Bolivian managers. As she rec ounted, she had to go to the United States to take a course in English, and while she was ove r there she would often sp eak in Spanish to her U.S. American colleagues because her English was too technical. This resulted in "a lack of respect from the U.S. Americans. However, once I started communicating in English, I gained their respect" (In-depth in terview May 6, 2008). The problem with this, as she expressed, is that: "For [U.S.] Americans who do not have a knowledge of other languages, it is very difficult to understand why not every body speaks their lang uage" (In-depth interview, May 6, 2008). Question 14: Language Barrier According to all interviewees, the extent to which there was a language barrier with their U.S. Am erican counterparts depended on different factors. For instance, there was no language barrier when some of the U.S. American and Bo livian managers spoke each other's language.

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116 This was the case of four interviewees' NGOs. Th is was also depended on how fluent managers were in each other's language. For many Bolivians, "language is definitely a barrier especially because it is very difficult for Hispanics to lear n English" (In-depth interview, May 6, 2008). Many interviewees pointed out that being able to communicate and understand English did not necessarily mean that they had the ability to write project pr oposals in English. Language was definitely an issue when it came to writing project proposals. As one interviewee denoted, even though they did not usually have communication barriers with the U.S. American office, they always had issues wh en it came to writing proposals. This temporary barrier, as he called it, was exacerbated by th e fact that Bolivian manager's knowledge of English was not very technical and by the fact that the translators who were hired to do this job did not have the adequate knowledge of English either. As he e xplained, it is di fficult to find translators that know the right terminology for speci fic projects, especially since the jargon used in an educational program is tota lly different from that used in a health program. Nevertheless, there was another interviewee who said that they had not had any problem s with the translators that his organization has hired throughout time. Moreover, there was another prob lem with writing proposals and it is the fact that it is just not about translating information but also about unders tanding the context in which things are being said. As an in terviewee remarked: There have been cases in which we understand a proposal in a certain way and we write it in that level, but then the U.S. team has unde rstood it in a different way. Then we often have to clarify, rewrite parts of the proposal and even adjust it to a level which can be easily understood by the U.S. American donors. Truthfully, things do not mean the same thing for all of us (In-depth interview, April 15, 2008). Some interviewees overcame this problem by choosing to write proposals in Spanish and then have someone translate it for them into En glish. Having project pr oposals written in both languages, benefited both U.S. American and Bo livian managers. In this way, both set of

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117 managers were able to participate in the procurem ent process. In all, the extent to which there was a language barrier between the U.S. American and Bolivian managers depended upon all of these different aspects. Question 15: Overall Impact of Cultural Differences All respondents agreed that the U.S. American culture had a substantial impact on developm ent projects in Bolivia. One of the positive effects that it had on the procurement and execution processes was that the U.S. American culture, which is centered around results, helped counterbalance the Bolivian culture, which is centered around personal relationships. As a Bolivian respondent denoted: "that is helpful because we get to combine results with the human aspect, which is important for us" (In-depth interview, may 6, 2008). Nonetheless, there were a lot of issues that came along in d ealing with different cultures. For example, one interviewee pointed out that currently there is an indigenous discourse sweeping across Bolivia, which opposes all that is U. S. American. As she described, there is an Anti-Americanism sentiment that is questioning th e role of the U.S. American NGOs in Bolivia. "Now more than ever, there is a discourse about i ndigenous people as something pure, which I do not believe there is such a thing; but in any case, whatever is not i ndigenous is not welcomed" (In-depth interview, April 4, 2008). For that reason, she believed th at it is important that U.S. American managers leave time and space during work to discuss their actions in the Bolivia and to do some retrospect analysis wi th the rest of the Bolivian team. Another problem that came up when dealing with different cultures was that it just took a long time for both teams to understand each other. For instance, when it came to proposal preparation, it took a long time for Bolivians to fully understand what the proposal was, then it took them a long time to write it and finally it to ok a long time for U.S. American managers to translate it. In all, it just delayed the procurement process of development projects in Bolivia.

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118 Additionally, Bolivian managers found the U.S. Am erican culture to be rude at times. This caused issues, especially during the execution pro cess of projects at th e project's site. As explained by an interviewee, U.S. American mana gers often did not greet the Bolivian managers and the head of the Bolivian rural communities prope rly. More so, they di d not accept food that was offered to them by the project's beneficiaries. He pointed out that it is fine to not eat the food if they were concerned about the food's pr eparation; however, not even accepting it was described as simply disrespectful. The same was felt by Bolivians once U.S. Americans went directly into business without allo wing for the local protocol to take place. In this sense, he suggested that U.S. American managers needed to adapt to the local culture and make sure they asked lots of questions before engaging with them. Not doing so only damaged the U.S. American's reputation. Every time U.S. Americans did not pay attention to these cultural differences, the projects failed miserably as stated by the majority of responde nts. In this regard, projects ended up been a waste of money, time, efforts and trust in each ot her's abilities. As one interviewee pointed out the key for development projects is to have a: Deep understanding of each other's culture becau se the logic is different, the perception of life is different, the perception of time is diffe rent, so we cannot pretend that what we think development is, means the same thing to a very traditional community. (In-depth interview, May 8, 2008) At the end there was hope, as one interviewee remarked: "as long as all of us put the other one's culture first, then we will be all right and we will continue to progress" (In-depth interview, April 30, 2008). All participants note d, that as long as there was an open line of communication and all of these aspects were disc ussed then the projects would be successful.

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119 CHAPTER 5 INTERPRETATIONS AND CONCLUSION Introduction This study analyzed the impact that the Boliv ian and U.S. Am erican cultures had on the procurement and execution processes of internati onal development projects in Bolivia. By interviewing nine Bolivian managers and nine U.S. American managers who work on such projects, the author found that differences in the Bolivian and U.S. American culture, communication patterns, management, and leadership style, as well as on their perception of time had both positive and negative impacts in the procurement and execution of development projects in Bolivia. The study of such cultural aspects is critical to the international development field as these differences can determine whethe r development projects get executed or not. The following five sections explain th e impact that each and every one of these aspects had on these processes. Culture Culture definitely had an im pact on the procurement and execution processes of development projects in Bolivia. When asked about the Bolivian culture, U.S. American managers saw many of the Bolivian characteristic s having a negative effect on such processes. In this regard, the most widely discussed trait was time manageme nt. According to the majority of interviewees, Bolivian manage rs did not know how to effectiv ely manage time due to their polychronic time orientation. Because of this, they were not able to prioritize accordingly, which caused a lot of setbacks. This is especially detrimental in the international development field since it involves a vari ety of continuous deadlines. Th is made it difficult, and at times impossible for them to turn in project proposals a nd reports or just meet any deadlines on time.

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120 Some participants even mentioned losing a multimillion-dollar-project proposal due to this factor. As it was expected, this caused many conflic ts between U.S. American and Bolivian managers as they often ended up frustrated w ith each other. Not only were many of these processes delayed but also some did not even happen. These delays and failures were also attributed to the difference in language and to Bolivian managers optimistic nature. As stated by all participants, Bolivian managers' knowledge of English was more conversational than technical; thus, they were unabl e to write their own project pr oposals. Whenever they wrote proposals, they wrote them in Sp anish and they tended to be broad and only described the big picture without adding the details requested in such documents. They would also over promise and under deliver. Having proposals written in Spanish caused many delays as Bolivian managers needed to allow time for U.S. American managers to translate them into English. In addition, their positive and optimistic attitude prevented them from letting U.S. American managers know when they were going to be delayed in a process. Bolivian managers hoped for the best; therefore, they always thought that they were going to ma ke it. Furthermore, there were constant challenges because of the political situation in Bolivia along with problems in infrastructure and technology. In addition, di fferences between inte rnational', donors', and Bolivian's standards for development projects, a nd the Bolivian culture's acceptance of protests and delays made it tough to get any of these processes done on time. On the other hand, when asked about the U.S. American culture, Bolivian managers found many traits that also had both negative and pos itive impacts in the procurement and execution processes of projects in Bolivia. The main U.S. American trait that caused a lot of problems with Bolivians was their direct communication style. This was most evident when both teams were

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121 working on project proposals. When U.S. Amer ican managers worked on proposals they made them short, concise, and precise, and when Bolivian managers worked on them, they made them lengthy and elaborate. This cont rasting difference caused a lot of frustration between both set of managers, but especially among Bolivian managers since they were the ones who kept being asked to shorten up their work. Many expresse d discontent in doing so as they had not only worked assiduously on them, but also because th ey thought that shortening them up would just leave them incomplete according to their writi ng style. In all, opposing writing, thinking, and communicating styles delayed proces ses by making them take a longer time than usual. As some participants suggested, this affected the work environment but not the actual results of the project. Overall, the proposal writin g process just proved to be chaotic. Additionally, there were other factors of the U.S. American culture that negatively impacted the procurement and execution proce ss of development projects in Bolivia. For instance, U.S. American managers clearly separa ted their professional fr om their personal lives and this made it difficult for Bolivians to conne ct with them. It made Bolivian managers perceived them as stuck-up, as if U.S. American managers were trying to position themselves in a higher level than them. This often hindered participation, debate, a nd challenge from the Bolivian managers about the U.S. Americans deci sions and opinions. Moreover, U.S. American managers did not allow time in the organization to discuss the impact of their jobs as a NGO in this historic time in Bolivia. Many interviewees complained about the lack for retrospection of their actions as an organizati on working in Bolivia, for Bolivians. At last, U.S. American managers' lack of manners and high respec t for Bolivian managers and for project's beneficiaries damaged their reputation, as they were considered to be rude. This had an obvious detrimental effect on U.S. Am erican managers' reputation.

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122 Finally, there were some U.S. American trai ts which Bolivian managers found to have a positive impact on the procurement and execution process of projects in Bolivia. First of all, U.S. American managers who had previously travel ed abroad were believed to be more sensitive and open-minded to the cultural differences between Bolivians and themselves. Then, the fact that the U.S. American culture is centered on facts and results complemented well the Bolivian culture, which is more concentrated on the human aspect of projects. Lastly, Bolivians thought that U.S. American managers' direct communicati on style was beneficial because it helped them stay on track with project proposals and deadlines and because it helped them be prepared for the next step in projects, as they were always informed about them. Culture and Communication Bolivian and U.S. Am erican managers' comm unication styles impacted the procurement and execution processes of projects in Bolivia. U.S. American managers thought that Bolivian managers' indirect communication style stopped them from fully expressing themselves and from reaching their outmost potential. They were not willing or eager to come up with suggestions or participate in discussions. In this way, they were very complaisant of U.S. American manager's decisions, which is not good for development pr ojects as the locals opinion's on projects are without a doubt the most valuable ones. This indirect communication style also caused a lot of mis understandings with U.S. America managers. As described by a participant, "it's just such a challenge for us to agree on something and to [actually] move forward" (In-depth interview, Ap ril 5, 2008). In addition, this i ndirect communica tion style also caused many misperceptions among both set of manage rs. As expressed by another interviewee, Bolivians are seen by U.S. Americans as not able to manage projects properly because they are not constantly communicating with them, a nd vice versa "Bolivians see many of the

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123 Americans as been a little bit pushy and rude and unrealistic" (In-depth interview, May 2, 2008) because U.S. Americans are be ing so direct with them. Now, when it came to Bolivian managers' communication style during meetings, U.S. American managers complained about Bolivian mana gers talking in circles for quite some time before actually getting to the point of the meeting. In this sense, some U.S. managers felt that they had to keep bringing Bolivian managers back to the point in order to get things going and they also felt that they had to keep asking the same questions over and over before actually getting an answer to them. Furthermore, U.S. American managers did not have a problem with language during meetings as communications were ei ther in Spanish or in English. As all U.S. American interviewees stated, this was not a prob lem as they were all fluent in Spanish. The only problem they did seem to have during co mmunications was getting responses form them through email and working on project proposals. The communication issue with project proposal s was that most Bolivian managers would write the proposal in Spanish and then the U.S. American managers had to translate them in English. The problem with this is that it delayed the procurement process a lot. As a respondent mentioned, it is not just about translating, but also expressing ideas right depending on the context, which in general just took a long time. Above all, U.S. American managers found that the procurement and execution processes were ne gatively affected beca use Bolivians did not have a high knowledge of English. Therefore th ey did not only have problems in writing proposals and reports, but also missed great prof essional development activities in the United States' offices. On the other hand, Bolivian managers reaffirm ed that U.S. American managers have a direct communication style. This trait had both positive and negative effects on the procurement

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124 and execution process of development projects in Bolivia. Some of the positive included the fact this direct communication style was found helpful by Bolivian managers as orders, projects, and plans were clear. There was ne ver a doubt on what to do, and thus people were more productive and efficient. This was partic ularly beneficial during project proposal preparation. It helped Bolivian managers have their own project proposal 's goals clear in thei r heads and in their writing. The same positive effect was seen during meetings, which always ended up being very fast and efficient. This trait of always wanti ng to be productive and efficient was attributed in part, to the fact that U.S. American managers knew how to separate well their personal from their professional life. Nonetheless, this direct communication st yle of U.S. American managers had many negative effects in the procurement and execution pr ocesses of projects in Bolivia. For example, when writing proposals, Bolivian managers felt frus trated as they were always asked to shorten up the narrative and think more from a Western point of view. Ther e were many issues with this. First of all, by asking them to shorten up the narrative, it delayed the procurement process and made Bolivian managers do double the work, as e xpressed by most participants. This is particularly difficult and almost impossible b ecause they would usually write proposals in Spanish. Writing and communicating in Spanish ha s its own rules and its own way of thinking; thus, it was very complicated and challenging fo r Bolivian managers to think in a different mindset. In this case, it has to do with two different languages and two different ways of thinking. This direct communication styl e also limited U.S. American managers from noticing and understanding other types of communication styles, such as non-verbal, body, and implicit language, which caused them to be perceived as r ude and disrespectful. As some interviewees

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125 commented, even when greeting or during meetings U. S. American managers would forget to stand up or to greet everyone, or to go to an issue directly during a meeting without having a small talk at the beginning, which were all rega rded as bad manners by the Bolivian managers. As described by a participant, some U.S. American managers would leave a meeting at the end of it without saying goodbye to everyone. They we re also considered very rude when in the middle of a meeting or a conversation with Bo livian managers they would break up and start speaking in English with each other. This was obviously seen as di srespectful as it cut the flow of meetings and it made Bolivian managers f eel awkward. What is more, this indirect communication style also made them seem blunt. This was predominantly the case when they had to give criticisms to Bolivian managers. Criticisms were always given in a bluntly and sharply without having much regard of how Bolivian managers might receive the message. In most occasions, Bolivian managers felt offended as they felt that U.S. American managers had harmed their feelings. Because of all the issues mentioned above, this direct communication style hindered the Bolivian managers from participating, debati ng, discussing and giving suggestions during the procurement and execution process or projects. As a participant remarked, this had a tremendous damage on projects since it limits creativity. Th e other problem too is that Bolivian managers and the communities in which they are working do not often buy into the ideas of these programs because they are not included from the beginning in the procurement process. The fact that U.S. American managers do not seek involvement fr om the communities and the Bolivian managers from the beginning endangers the sustainability of projects. Another issue that came with th is direct communication style was that it showed how U.S. American managers did not put th eir "heart into business." They were so direct and so focused

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126 on facts and figures that they often forgot about the human side of projects. This caused them sometimes to determine that a project had failed, wh en in reality, or at least in the Bolivian's reality it was successful. This was also seen in the fact that th ey do not take time out of their busy schedules to analyze and question their actions. As many Bolivian managers suggested, there was never time for retrospection, which they believed is critical, especially during Bolivia's current moment in history. This direct communication style led them to be perceived as too technical, too mechanical, and cold by Bolivian managers. Lastly, Bolivians found it easy to communicate with U.S. American managers as all of them spoke Spanish, and as most Bolivian managers had some knowledge of English. Only during proposal prep aration both set of managers thought that comm unication was challenging. Culture and Management The fact that Bolivian and U.S. Am erican managers had opposing management styles had a substantial impact on the procurement and ex ecution process of development projects in Bolivia. First of all, U.S. American managers found Bolivian managers to be complaisant with them. They had such a high-power distance cult ure that they rarely challenged or questioned U.S. American managers and their decisions. U.S. American managers observed that Bolivian managers had this "mi jefe me dijo" (my boss to ld me) mindset. For instance, in most cases nothing could get done in the Bolivian offices unl ess it had the approval of the director. Requested information had to go through the supervisors before it was handed down to the person that actually needed it. This trait cause d many problems. It created bottlenecks, it slowed processes down to the point that often they did not get done on time, processes and projects did not run smoothly and were not as efficient and productive as they could have been. Additionally, the lack of organization trust due to this highpower distance culture, wh ich respects hierarchy tremendously, inhibited participation.

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127 Another trait of the Bolivian manager that impacted projects was their high-uncertainty avoidance culture with a low-tolerance for am biguity. This trait had a negative impact on projects as it caused Bolivians to spend an excessive amount of time in making sure they secure they had carefully devised plans and projects that did not encourag ed corruption. Though, avoiding corruption to the maximum was good for pr ojects, the fact that they spend so much time worrying about it negatively affected projects overall, as mentioned by an interviewee. This definitely caused a lot of fr ustration among U.S. American ma nagers. However, this trait allowed them to be able to work under any circ umstance because they were used to so much uncertainties in life. Furthermore, Bolivian managers' collectivistic natu re proved to be beneficial for projects. This collectivistic culture led to long-term em ployment through which staff members showed a lot of loyalty to the organization. This in tu rn was favorable to proj ects because long-term relationships were created and therefore a family-like atmosphere was evident not only in the organizations Bolivian' office, but also with the actual projects' beneficiaries. This certainly helped projects be successful. The only problem with this was that Bolivian managers tended to watch for each other's back and thus it was diffi cult to hold people accountable for their actions. On the contrary, U.S. American managers had a very different management style. Bolivian managers found U.S. Americans to ha ve a low-power distance culture which was egalitarian and which gave everyone the right to speak up and to give ideas and suggestions. They always sought participation and this made processes run smoothly. Bolivian managers and communities felt empowered as they were able to speak up and debate or challenge U.S. American managers. This in turn helped projec ts to succeed and be sustainable as people felt part of the project from the beginning. This U.S. American managers' characteristic was good

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128 because it prevented the abuse of power. The downside of this trait, however, was that by allowing everyone to participate in the decisi on-making process it made it difficult to take corrective measures on ce something had gone wrong in the projects. U.S. America managers were also found to ha ve a low-uncertainty avoidance culture with a high-tolerance for ambiguity, which helped them remained calm most of the time. This trait allowed them to make any changes and to take any risks in order to be more effective and productive in projects. They handl ed uncertainty with absolute trut hs therefore they were willing to make any changes to projects in order not to fall in to a trap. The positive side of this was that they were ready to face uncertainties because they had exit strategies and "Plan Bs" already planned out. The negative, though, as Bolivian managers saw it, was that they wasted time by making all those plans that in reality were never used. Finally, U.S. American managers were found to have an individualistic culture. This trait had a negative impact on projects. Since U.S. Am erican managers tended to be so focused on their own personal goals, they usually forgot about doing the best for everyone's benefit and often failed to question themselves about their ac tions in projects. This individualistic nature also caused them not to be able to socialize well with Bolivian managers. This proved to have a detrimental impact on projects, as they never got to fully underst and the Bolivian culture. As expressed by a participant, this attitude Impedes them from getting a better appreciati on of reality, of peopl e's lives, and hinders them from having a better knowle dge of communities. In this way, whatever results they obtain, analysis, interventions and observations are not goin g to be very real and not precise at all, because they do not have this level of understanding that can only be obtain by socializing with people. (In-d epth interview, April 15, 2008) As stated, this individua listic trait could endanger the sustai nability of projects. Lastly, the fact that this trait made them so focused in results, usually made them overlook the overall human-impact that the project had on the actual communities. This was also damaging to

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129 projects, as U.S. American managers would some times lie in reports, in order to look good in front of donors. In all, they just base d project's success on facts and figures. Culture and Leadership Differences in lead ership styles between Bo livian and U.S. American managers affected the procurement and execution processes of proj ects in Bolivia in good and in bad manners. First, the U.S. American managers saw how the Bolivian leadership style was nepotistic. This was found to be both positive and negative. As one interviewee believed nepotism is good because "you can trust people with whom you ha ve these other linkages with, because you know them, and they will not necessarily violate your tr ust because of these othe r strong ties" (In-depth interview, May 2, 2008). He also believed that nepotism in Bolivia not only reinforced their collectivistic nature, but also prevented people from not fulfilling their duty as they had a lot of social pressure to do their job well. On the contrary, some U.S. American managers saw how this negatively impacted projects. They found this nepotistic leadership to be manipul ative, to the point that even if someone were to leave the organization, they woul d still need to be loyal to it. This also affected the efficiency of the procurement and execution processes of proj ects in Bolivia because "rather than taking everyone out in their merits and assigning role s and responsibilities ba sed on that, sometimes things are assigned based on who is loyal, rather than who is real ly competent to do the job" (Indepth interview, May 28, 2008). It is important to remark howev er, that nepotism was found in the private and public sector bu t not in the non-profit sector. Bolivian managers on the other hand, thought the U.S. American ma nagers' leadership style was positive to projects as it encouraged Bo livians to participate in both the procurement and execution processes of projects. They ga ve the opportunity to Bolivian managers to be empowered and to grow profe ssionally. They involved Bolivian managers in the decision-

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130 making process and thus everyone won as everyo ne was on the same page in regards to the projects. Bolivian managers also benefited from this as U.S. American managers gave them a lot of responsibilities and freedom to do their job, which in turn gave them a chance to prove themselves. When Bolivian managers were successf ul at doing so, then both the individual and the organization had a win-win situation. Moreov er, this leadership is a good balance to the strict Bolivian leadership style. The only negative side of U.S. American leadership style is that giving too much freedom to Bolivian managers so metimes proved to be counterproductive. As explained by some respondents, Bolivian managers need a lot of guidance in what they have to do, and U.S. American managers only give the gene ral idea of what they have to do. This in many instances caused both parties to be frustr ated with each other because U.S. American managers thought that there was progress being ma de in certain tasks, and Bolivian managers were just waiting for U.S. American managers to give them more instructions. Culture and Time Orientation Bolivian and U.S. Am erican time orientati on proved to have both positive and negative impacts in the procurement and execution processes of projects in Bolivia. First, U.S. American managers found Bolivian managers to have a rela xed time orientation. They lacked punctuality and they were not responsible in this sense. According to one interviewee this caused a lot frustration among U.S. American managers because "i t is not just about been late for things, but completely changing them without paying atten tion to the fact that there are other people involved and that they need to be notified" (In-depth interview, May 28, 2008). U.S. American managers definitely noticed the "ma–ana behavior in Bolivian managers and discussed how this negatively affected projects as it caused many deadlines to be missed. Many respondents explained how they lost projects because they we re not able to submit proposals on time. It was concluded that the Bolivian cultur e is just not a way of life rule d by deadlines or timelines.

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131 Additionally, U.S. American managers found that Bolivian managers had a polychronic time orientation and thus they were able to do many things at once. This trait proved to be counterproductive for projects as Bolivian managers were not able to prioritize accordingly because they just have too many things going on at once. This trait was evident during meetings where Bolivian managers would allow interrupt ions to go on throughout the whole meeting. This trait slowed and delayed processes down. It frustrated U.S. American manager as they just saw it as a waste of time. Nonetheless, when given a long period of time, Bolivian managers were able to meet all the deadlines on time and th ey worked effectively and efficiently. In this case, this time orientation did not seem c ounterproductive. Bolivian managers' long-time orientation made them look projects not only from the past and pres ent point of view, but also in the future. They were always thinking on how to make them sustainable on the long run. Now, U.S. American managers' time orientatio n was definitely geared towards the future. They only looked at the past in order not to make the same mistakes they have previously done in other projects. Obviously this had a good im pact on projects. Boliv ian managers found U.S. American managers to be focused on being e fficient and productive; thus, whenever they focused on a task they would carry it out perfec tly. This obsession with being efficient and productive was considerably benefi cial when resources in a projec t were scarce. In this case, U.S. American managers managed to get the be st results from whatev er they had at hand. Another positive effect was that U.S. American mana gers were interested in preserving their face or keeping their reputation, therefore transp arency was encouraged and corruption was diminished. The U.S. American culture was found to give a lot of incentive s for transparency in projects.

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132 On the negative side, this U.S. American short-time orientation did not allow projects' success to be evaluated on the long run, and thus often projects woul d seem as if they have failed when in reality this was not the case. As a re spondent remarked, projects are executed within such a short-time period that no time is allowe d for real changes to occur. Finally, U.S. American managers need to avoid applying thei r time orientation to Bolivian managers and Bolivian communities as it only proves to be damaging to projects. This was predominantly the case when working with rural comm unities that have a lot of ritu als and protocols before starting a project. Since U.S. American managers have a short-time orientation th ey saw this as a waste of time. In order to have sustainable projects U.S. Americans need to work under the Bolivian communities' time orientation. Answer to Research Questions The findings of this study offer evidence tha t the Bolivian and the U.S. American managers' cultural differences in communication pa tterns, management and leadership styles, as well as on their time perception had both positive and negative impacts in the procurement and execution processes of development projects in Bolivia. Proposed solutions After finding out how culture, communication patte rns, m anagement and leadership styles, and time orientation of Bolivian and U.S. Am erican managers positively and negatively impacted the procurement and execution processe s of development projects in Bolivia, the author decided to make suggestions on how each set of managers could tackle each and everyone of the aspects that caused problems. The follo wing figures are a representation of each of the problems faced under each of the different cultur e aspects mentioned above, along with their suggested solution right next to it. There are five figures for U.S. American managers on how to

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133 deal with the Bolivian managers' culture. In the same way, there are fi ve figures for Bolivian managers dealing with the U.S. American manager's culture. The first five figures at the end of this chapte r illustrate suggestions for the U.S. American managers on how to deal with conflicting cultura l characteristics with the Bolivian managers. Figure 5-1 shows some suggestions on how U.S. Americans managers should deal with the Bolivian managers' culture; Figure 5-2 on how to deal with Bolivian managers' communication pattern; Figure 5-3 on how to deal with Bolivia n managers' management style; Figure 5-4 on how to deal with Bolivian managers' leadership st yle; and Figure 5-5 on how to deal with their time orientation. The second five figures at the end of this ch apter illustrate suggestions for the Bolivian managers on how to deal with conflicting cultura l traits with the U.S. American managers. Figure 5-6 shows some suggestions on how Bo livian managers should deal with the U.S. American managers' culture; Figure 5-7 on how to deal with U.S. American managers' communication pattern; Fi gure 5-8 on how to deal with U.S. American managers' management style; Figure 5-9 on how to deal with U.S. Amer ican managers' leadership style; and Figure 5-10 on how to deal with th eir time orientation. Future Research Future studies should explore the im pact of cultural aspects su ch as communication patterns, management and leadership styles, as well as time perception in the procurement and execution processes of projects being carried out by the Bolivian public and private sector along with U.S. American counterparts. Additionally, other studies should focus on the impact of all of these cultural aspects in the procurement and execution processes of development projects in other Latin American countries.

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134 Future research should look at the uncertain ty avoidance aspect as it caused confusion among participants. Perhaps the definition of uncertainty avoidance should be redefined and low-uncertainty avoidance should be equivale nt to high-tolerance for ambiguity and highuncertainty avoidance should be eq uivalent to low-tolerance for am biguity. In the same way, the concept of vertical individualistic and collect ivistic nature and the hor izontal individualistic and collectivistic nature should be further anal yzed. These concepts may also have to be redefined. Furthermore, future studies should ta ke into account the cu ltural diversity of the researcher. In the case of this study, the researcher was both U.S. American and South American, which could have influenced the respons es of the participants in some way. At the end, this could have been both a lim itation and an advantage to the study. Conclusion After review ing the literatur e on how culture affects the way people think, communicate, and act, and after the author's experience in seeing how some in ternational development projects failed because of problems caused by such cultural differences, this study was aimed to determine which cultural aspects produced these i ssues and attempted to give some solutions for them. This study then proved evidence that th e Bolivian and the U.S. American managers' cultural differences in communication patterns, ma nagement and leadership styles, and on their time perception had positive and negative impact s on the procurement and execution processes of development projects in Bolivia. In order to avoid issues that come along with these cultural differences NGOs, Bolivian and U.S. American managers should consider th e suggested solutions for such problems. U.S. American managers in particular should recons ider the timelines and deadlines given to the Bolivian managers and to the Bolivian communities, as they were often unrealistic and detached from the Bolivian reality. U.S. American funding institutions are also highly encouraged to

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135 make this adjustment in both the procurement a nd execution process of development projects in Bolivia in order to obtain better results in pr ojects, which would eventu ally make them last longer and become more sustainable. Although, having a cultural traini ng in both the Bolivian and U. S. American offices would be the ideal strategy to overcome these problems, this study made a contribut ion to the field, as it first identified what the problem was. Identifyin g the problem is always the first step towards fixing it. As expressed by all in terviewees, this study was benefici al to them, as they never had time within their organizations and in the developm ent field to talk about these cultural issues, which often prove to be detrimental to development projects.

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136 Figure 5-1. Bolivian managers's culture: suggestions for U.S. American managers on how to deal with it Procurement and execution process of development projects Culture Legend: Issues Suggested solutions Time management Polychronic time orientation Different languages Positive and optimistic behavior Make sure to take into consideration Bolivian communitiesstandards Writing style Train Bolivians on how to write in a short, concise, and precise manner Use language training as professional development activities Show Bolivians how to prioritize by delegating tasks and ma king priority lists Encourage Bolivians to make and use to-do and task lists International, national, government, and donor standards Tell Bolivians to be real istic and give continuous updates on their work even if they have not finished

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137 Figure 5-2. Bolivian manager's communication style: suggestions for U.S. American managers on how to deal with it Procurement and execution process of development projects Culture & communication Legend: Issues Suggested solutions Indirect communication style Bring Bolivians back to the topic Talk in circles during meetings Problems responding emails Difference in language Professional development training Encourage Bolivians to give out suggestions, to participate in debates, and to challenge supervisors Use chat instead as they do not mind being interrupted Have some professional development workshops in Spanish Allocate resources in office's budget to give out English language training to Bolivians

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138 Figure 5-3. Bolivian's management style: suggestions for U.S. American ma nagers on how to deal with it Procurement and execution process of development projects Culture & management Legend: Issues Suggested solutions Challenge Bolivians to speak up and give their opinions Make sure that Bolivians do not have to go through the boss all the time to be able to send information. Copying bosses on email should be sufficient Encourage Bolivians to question U.S. Americans decisions Build trust among staff by allowing them to come up and express themselves without being reprimanded Minimize excessive amount of time spent in preparing documents High-power distance "Mi jefe me dijo" (my boss told me) mindset Bureaucratic processes Lack of organizational trust High-uncertainty avoidance Collectivistic nature Point out the benefits to the whole group of identifying members who are not doin g their j ob

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139 Figure 5-4. Bolivian managers' leadership style: suggestions for U.S. American managers on how to deal with it Figure 5-5. Bolivia manager's time orient ation: suggestions for U.S. American managers on how to deal with it Culture & leadership Legend: Issues Suggested solutions Procurement and execution process of development projects Nepotistic behavior Make sure Bolivians are working on the ri g ht de p artment based on their ca p abilities Nepotistic behavior Promote and recognize the value of accomplishments, merits, and abilities of staff members Culture & time orientation Lack of punctuality Emphasize the importance of deadlines in order to g et funds for p ro j ects to benefit lotsof p eo p le "Ma–ana behavior" Give incentives for people to be punctual Polychronic behavior Procurement and execution process of development projects Issues Suggested solutions Legend: Teach Bolivians how to p rioritize

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140 Figure 5-6. U.S. American managers' culture: suggesti ons for Bolivian managers on how to deal with it Culture Legend: Issues Suggested solutions Direct communication style No time for retrospection Separation of personal from professional life Lack of manners Centered around facts and figures Learn how to be short, concise, and precise as this communication style is the one required in proposals Encourage U.S. Americans to be more social and to mingle with the locals Demand time for internal analysis and questioning of the U.S. Americans managers' actions Explain U.S. American about Bolivian etiquette and protocols Teach U.S. American managers how to value and appreciate the human aspect of projects Procurement and execution process of development projects

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141 Figure 5-7. U.S. American managers's co mmunication style: suggestions for Bolivia n managers on how to deal with it Procurement and execution process of development projects Culture & communication Legend: Issues Suggested solutions Direct communication st y le Direct communication st y le Direct communication style Use of English language at inappropriate times Blunt criticisms Try to think from a Western point of view when writing Learn how to be short, concise, and precise as this communication style is the one re q uired in p ro p osals Point out non-verbal, body, and implicit language to U.S. Americans Point out what ac tions that are regarded as bad manners, rude, and disrespectful in Bolivia Do not take everything U.S. American managers say personally Facts, figures, and not putting heart on business Have U.S. American managers experience the human aspect of projects

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142 Figure 5-8. U.S. American manager's management style: su ggestions for Bolivian managers on how to deal with it Culture & management Legend: Issues Suggested solutions Procurement and execution process of development projects Low-power distance Teach U.S. Americans how a large amount of "exit plans, strategies, and Plan Bs" are not necessary and often us eless in Bolivia. Bolivians' high-uncertainty avoidance helps them get through uncertainties without a glitch Low-uncertainty avoidance Individualistic culture Problems socializing Obsession with results, facts, and figures Take advantage of this trait and speak up your mind as much as possible without reservations Encourage U.S. Americans not to forget about the purpose of their work in the larger context Remind U.S. Americans about the human side of projects Encourage U.S. Americans to socialize and mingle with the locals to get a better perspective of their culture

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143 Figure 5-9. U.S. Americans managers' lead ership style: suggestions for Bolivian managers on how to deal with it Figure 5-10. U.S. Americans managers' time orientation: su ggestions for Bolivian managers on how to deal with it Culture & leadership Legend: Issues Suggested solutions Procurement and execution process of development projects Freedom to people to work independently Ask for detailed instructions on what to do and make sure to clarify any discrepancies Culture & time orientation Short-time orientation Short-time orientation Ask U.S. American managers to give more time durin g p ro j ects to see real chan g es Short-time orientation Teach U.S. American about Bolivian cultures, rituals, and protocols Legend: Issues Suggested solutions Remind U.S. Americans not to impose their time orientation on Bolivian communities, as theirs is different Procurement and execution process of development projects

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144 APPENDIX A INTERVIEW QUESTIONNAIRE FO R U. S. AMERICAN MANAGERS [I am going to read the following questions in order to have consistency throughout my interviews]. (The following are my abbreviations: C culture, CC culture and communication, CM culture and management, CL culture and leadership, CTO culture and time orientation) The questions that I am about to ask are ma inly related to how culture influences the procurement process of development projects in Bo livia. There are going to be different sets of questions and the first one is about the Bolivian culture. 1. C: It is said by scholars that the Bolivian cult ure is multi-active, meaning that they share the following traits: gregarious, plans grand outline only, does several things at once, not punctual, timetable unpredictable, changes plan s, juggles facts, pe ople-oriented, gets around all departments, pulls strings, seeks fa vors, delegates to rela tions, talks for hours, rarely writes memos, seek s out (top) key person, has r eady excuses, unrestricted body language, interrupts frequently and interweaves social/personal. In general, do you think this is true? Have you seen any of these tr aits when dealing with Bolivian managers? a. Could you name some of the ones that you have seen? b. Do you think these affect the procurement process and execution of development projects in Bolivia? Please explain. c. Could you give me an example? [If an example is provided, ask for another one] The next set of questions is about how the Bolivian culture influences their communication style. 2. CC: Scholars have found that Bolivians have a high-context culture. What this means is that information and rules are implicit, that they draw upon intuition and have an indirect communication style, that they tend to be extremely reserved with much being taken for granted and assumed to be shared, thus permitting an emphasis on understatement and nonverbal codes. In other words, that the m eaning of things is more often implied and they varied depending on situations. In genera l, do you think this is true? Have you seen any of these traits when dea ling with Bolivian managers? a. Could you name some of the ones that you have seen? b. Do you think these affect the procurement process and execution of development projects in Bolivia? Please explain. c. Could you give me an example? [If an example is provided, ask for another one] 3. CC: It is also said that when Bolivians co mmunicate they begin with a small talk, and expect the listeners to acknowledge, recogni ze and respect their na tional honor. Then they move to random proposals and finally th ey reach an agreement, which they do not often fulfill (or at least not in the desired tim e matter). In general, do think this is true? Have you seen any of these traits wh en dealing with Bolivian managers? a. Could you name some of the ones that you have seen? b. Do you think these affect the procurement process and execution of development projects in Bolivia? Please explain. c. Could you give me an example? [If an example is provided, ask for another one] 4. CC: Now, when it comes to communicating during a meeting, Bolivians are believed to do a small talk before the meeting, then th ey proceed to discuss im portant topics randomly, and finally after discussing all the possible issues they will reach to a

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145 conclusion. In general, do you think this is tr ue? Have you seen any of these traits when dealing with Bolivian managers? a. Could you name some of the ones that you have seen? b. Do you think these affect the procurement process and execution of development projects in Bolivia? Please explain. c. Could you give me an example? [If an example is provided, ask for another one] The next set of questions is about how Bolivian culture influences their managerial style. 5. CM: The first aspect about management that w ill be explored is Power Distance. It refers to the extent to which a society accep ts the fact that power in institutions is distributed unequally and also to the appropriateness or impor tance of status differences and social hierarchies. It is assumed that Bolivians have a high power distance culture and thus they accept a particular social order or hierarchy. In general, do you think this is true? Have you seen any of these traits when dealing with Bolivian managers? a. Could you name some of the ones that you have seen? b. Do you think these affect the procurement process and execution of development projects in Bolivia? Please explain. c. Could you give me an example? [If an example is provided, ask for another one] 6. CM: The next aspect about management that w ill be explored is Uncertainty Avoidance. It refers to the extent to which a societ y feels threatened by uncertain and ambiguous situations by providing greater career stab ility, establishing more formal rules, not tolerating deviant ideas and beha viors, and believing in absolu te truths and the attainment of experience. Bolivians are believed to have a high uncertainty avoidance culture, which demand consensus and do not tolerate dissentin the behaviors of members. Rather, they try to ensure cer tainty and security throughrul es, regulations and rituals; theyhave higher levels of anxiety as well as intolerance for ambiguity. In general, do you think this is true? Have you seen any of these traits when dealing with Bolivian managers? a. Could you name some of the ones that you have seen? b. Do you think these affect the procurement process and execution of development projects in Bolivia? Please explain. c. Could you give me an example? [If an example is provided, ask for another one] 7. CM: The next aspect about management th at will be explored is IndividualismCollectivism. Bolivians are believed to be a collectivistic culture, which means that they require an absolute loyalty to the group, a nd groups to which a person belongs are the most important social units. They see themselves as parts of one or more collectives (family, co-workers, tribe, nation); are prim arily motivated by the norms of, and duties imposed by, those collectives; and are willing to give prio rity to the goals of these collectives over their own personal goals. In general, do you think this is true? Have you seen any of these traits when dealing with Bolivian managers? a. Could you nam e some of the ones that you have seen? b. Do you think these affect the procurement process and execution of development projects in Bolivia? Please explain. c. Could you give me an example? [If an example is provided, ask for another one] 8. CM: Bolivians are believed to have a vertical collectivistic culture. This means that they have a sense of serving the ingroup and sacrificing for the benefit of the ingroup and doing one's duty, and it also means that they accept inequality and believe that ranks

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146 have their privileges while still maintaining their collectivistic nature. In a sense, they tend to be dutiful. In general, do you think th is is true? Have you seen any of these traits when dealing with Bolivian managers? a. Could you name some of the ones that you have seen? b. Do you think these affect the procurement process and execution of development projects in Bolivia? Please explain. c. Could you give me an example? [If an example is provided, ask for another one] The next set of questions is about how the Bolivian culture influen ces their leadership style. 9. CL: Leadership in Bolivia is believed to be characterized by nepotism, where staff is manipulated by a variety of persuasive met hods ranging from (benign) paternalism to outright exploitation and coerci on. In general, do you think th is is true? Have you seen any of these traits when d ealing with Bolivian managers? a. Could you name some of the ones that you have seen? b. Do you think these affect the procurement process and execution of development projects in Bolivia? Please explain. c. Could you give me an example? [If an example is provided, ask for another one] The next set of questions is a bout the difference in time orient ation of the Bolivian culture. 10. CTO: Bolivian culture is believed to have long-time orientation, meaning that the fostering of virtues orientated towards future rewards, in particular perseverance and thrift. In general, do you think this is true? Have you seen any of these traits when dealing with Bolivian managers? a. Could you name some of the ones that you have seen? b. Do you think these affect the procurement process and execution of development projects in Bolivia? Please explain. c. Could you give me an example? [If an example is provided, ask for another one] 11. CTO: Bolivians are also classified polychro nic, meaning that they enjoy doing many things at once. Additionally, they are devoid of the ma–ana behavior and are characterized for not been interested in sc hedules or punctuality. They consider the present reality to be more important than appoi ntments. In other words, they believe that time is an eventor personality-relate d, a subjective commodity which can be manipulated, molded, stretched, or dispensed with, irrespective of what the clock says. In general, do you think this is tr ue? Have you seen any of thes e traits when dealing with Bolivian managers? a. Could you name some of the ones that you have seen? b. Do you think these affect the procurement process and execution of development projects in Bolivia? Please explain. c. Could you give me an example? [If an example is provided, ask for another one] The next sets of questions are just some general questions. 12. CC: How do you usually communicate with the international office? 13. CC: How do you find comm unicating with the inte rnational office: easy or challenging? 14. CC: Do you feel there is a language barrier with your Bolivian co -manager? [Keep the outcomes of successful proposals in mind] 15. Above all, how do you think that these cult ural differences impact the procurement process and execution of deve lopment projects in Bolivia? Finally, the last questio ns are on demographics.

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147 16. How old are you? 17. What do you consider as your ethnic background? 18. What is your native language? 19. Do you speak any other language s? If so, which ones? 20. What is your educationa l and work experience?

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148 APPENDIX B INTERVIEW QUESTIONNAIRE FOR B OLIVIAN MANAGERS English Version [I am going to read the following questions in order to have consistency throughout my interviews]. (The following are my abbreviations: C culture, CC culture and communication, CM culture and management, CL culture and leadership, CTO culture and time orientation) The questions that I am about to ask are ma inly related to how culture influences the procurement process of development projects in Bo livia. There are going to be different sets of questions and the first one is a bout the U.S. American culture. 1. C: It is said by scholars that the U.S. American culture is linear-active, meaning that they share the following traits: introvert, patient quiet, minds own business, likes privacy, plans ahead methodically, does one thing at a time, works fixed hours, punctual, dominated by timetables and schedules, sticks to plans, sticks to facts, job-oriented, unemotional, works within the department, follo ws procedures, likes fixed agendas, brief on telephone, uses memoranda, limited body lan guage, rarely interrupts, and separates social/professional. In general, do you thi nk this is true? Have you seen any of these traits when dealing with U.S. American managers? a. Could you name some of the ones that you have seen? b. Do you think these affect the procurement process and execution of development projects in Bolivia? Please explain. c. Could you give me an example? [If an example is provided, ask for another one] The next set of questions is about how th e U.S. American culture influences their communication style. 2. CC: Scholars have found that U.S. Americans have a low-context cu lture. What this means is that information and rules are vested in the explicit code, meaning is explicit and dependent on verbal codes and gr oup memberships change rapidly with individualism being valued. In other words, they have a direct style of communication. In general, do you think this is true? Have you seen any of these traits when dealing with U.S. American managers? a. Could you name some of the ones that you have seen? b. Do you think these affect the procurement process and execution of development projects in Bolivia? Please explain. c. Could you give me an example? [If an example is provided, ask for another one] 3. CC: It is also said that when U.S. Americans communicate they are direct, concise, and quick. This is due to their open and truthful nature of their intentions. Additionally, they do not put their heart on business. In general, do think this is true? Have you seen any of these traits when dealing with U.S. American managers? a. Could you name some of the ones that you have seen? b. Do you think these affect the procurement process and execution of development projects in Bolivia? Please explain. c. Could you give me an example? [If an example is provided, ask for another one] 4. CC: Now, when it comes to communicating during a meeting, U.S. Americans are believed to start with minimal talk, then go to specific points one by one, followed by a

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149 brief discussion of each point, until a conclusion is reached. In general, do you think this is true? Have you seen any of these traits wh en dealing with U.S. American managers? a. Could you name some of the ones that you have seen? b. Do you think these affect the procurement process and execution of development projects in Bolivia? Please explain. c. Could you give me an example? [If an example is provided, ask for another one] The next set of questions is about how th e U.S. American culture influences their managerial style 5. CM: The first aspect about management that w ill be explored is Power Distance. It refers to the extent to which a society accep ts the fact that power in institutions is distributed unequally and also to the appropriateness or impor tance of status differences and social hierarchies. It is assumed that U.S. Americans have a low power distance culture and thus they believe in the importance of social e quality. In general, do you think this is true? Have you seen any of these traits when dealing with U.S. American managers? a. Could you name some of the ones that you have seen? b. Do you think these affect the procurement process o and execution f development projects in Bolivia? Please explain. c. Could you give me an example? [If an example is provided, ask for another one] 6. CM: The next aspect about management that w ill be explored is Uncertainty Avoidance. It refers to the extent to which a societ y feels threatened by uncertain and ambiguous situations by providing greater career stab ility, establishing more formal rules, not tolerating deviant ideas and beha viors, and believing in absolu te truths and the attainment of experience. U.S. Americans are believed to have a low uncertainty avoidance culture, through which live day-to-day, regarding the uncertainties of life as na tural, and they are more willing to accept change and take risks. In general, do you think this is true? Have you seen any of these traits when de aling with U.S. American managers? a. Could you name some of the ones that you have seen? b. Do you think these affect the procurement process and execution of development projects in Bolivia? Please explain. c. Could you give me an example? [If an example is provided, ask for another one] 7. CM: The next aspect about management th at will be explored is IndividualismCollectivism. U.S. Americans are believed to be an individualistic culture, which means that the autonomy of the indi vidual is paramount, with personal motivation and personal goals taking precedence over group or collectiv e concerns or interests. They view themselves as independent of the collectives; primarily motivated by their own preferences, needs, rights; gi ving priority to their personal goals over the goals of others; and emphasizing rational analyses of the adva ntages and disadvantages to associating with others. In general, do you think this is true? Have you seen any of these traits when dealing with U.S. American managers? a. Could you nam e some of the ones that you have seen? b. Do you think these affect the procurement process and execution of development projects in Bolivia? Please explain. c. Could you give me an example? [If an example is provided, ask for another one] 8. CM: U.S. Americans are believed to have a ver tical individualistic culture. This means that they have a sense of serving the ingroup and sacrificing for the benefit of the ingroup

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150 and doing one's duty, and it also means that th ey accept inequality and believe that ranks have their privileges while still maintaining their individualistic nature. They tend to be achievement oriented. In general, do you thi nk this is true? Have you seen any of these traits when dealing with U.S. American managers? a. Could you name some of the ones that you have seen? b. Do you think these affect the procurement process and execution of development projects in Bolivia? Please explain. c. Could you give me an example? [If an example is provided, ask for another one] The next set of questions is about how th e U.S. American culture influences their leadership style. 9. CL: Leadership in the United States is beli eved to be characterized by involvementoriented style, centering on employee commitme nt and empowerment. It assumes that the best way to organize is to give worker s freedom and responsibility to manage their work as much as possible. Leaders concen trate on developing wo rkers and encouraging them to become involved and take responsibility for their own performance. Leaders and managers have become the coaches for team building and enthusiasm among their employees. In general, do you think this is true? Have you seen any of these traits when dealing with U.S. American managers? a. Could you name some of the ones that you have seen? b. Do you think these affect the procurement process and execution of development projects in Bolivia? Please explain. c. Could you give me an example? [If an example is provided, ask for another one] The next set of questions is about the difference in time orie ntation of the U.S. American culture. 10. CTO: U.S. American culture is believed to have short-time orientation, meaning that they foster virtues related to the past and present, in particular respect for tradition, preservation of face' and fulfilling social or ientation. In general, do you think this is true? Have you seen any of these traits wh en dealing with U.S. American managers? a. Could you name some of the ones that you have seen? b. Do you think these affect the procurement process and execution of development projects in Bolivia? Please explain. c. Could you give me an example? [If an example is provided, ask for another one] 11. CTO: U.S. Americans are also classified monoc hronic, meaning that they are careful in doing things one at a time. They concentr ate on it, and do it on a fixed schedule. Additionally, they are time-domin ated and always appear to be impatient and in a hurry. U.S. Americans truly believe that time is money. Time is precious, even scarce, commodity. It flows fast. U.S. Americans ar e people of action and thus cannot be idle. They talk about wasting, spending, budgeting and saving time. In general, do you think this is true? Have you seen any of these traits when dealing with U.S. American managers? a. Could you name some of the ones that you have seen? b. Do you think these affect the procurem ent process and execution of development projects in Bolivia? Please explain. c. Could you give me an example? [If an example is provided, ask for another one] The next sets of questions are just some general questions. 12. CC: How do you usually communicate with the international office?

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151 13. CC: How do you find communicating with the in ternational office: easy or challenging? 14. CC: Do you feel there is a language barrier with your U.S. American co-manager? [If an example is provided, ask for another one] 15. Above all, how do you think that these cult ural differences impact the procurement process and execution of deve lopment projects in Bolivia? Finally, the last questio ns are on demographics. 16. How old are you? 17. What do you consider as your ethnic background? 18. What is your native language? 19. Do you speak any other language s? If so, which ones? 20. What is your educationa l and work experience?

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152 Spanish Version [Voy a leer las siguientes pre guntas para tener un nivel de c onsistencia en las entrevistas que realizarŽ]. Las preguntas que le voy a realizar son en gran parte acerca de c—mo la cultura afecta al proceso de desarrollo de las propuestas para pr oyectos de desarrollo en Bolivia. Van a haber diferentes conjuntos de preguntas y la primera es acerca de la cultura de los Estados Unidos. 1. C: Algunos expertos dicen que la cultura estadou nidense es activa linear, lo que significa que ellos comparten las siguientes caracter’sti cas: introvertidos, p acientes, callados, se preocupan solo por sus problemas, les gusta la privacidad, planean metodol—gicamente con antelaci—n, hacen solo una cosa a la vez, trabajan horarios fijos, son puntuales, est‡n dominados por los horarios, siguen los planes al pie de la letra, se basan en los hechos solamente, est‡n orientados al trabajos, y no son muy emotivos, trabajan dentro de su departamento solamente, siguen instrucciones, les gustan el orden del d’a, son breves en el telŽfono, usan memor‡ndums, su expres i—n corporal es limitada, casi nunca interrumpen, y separan muy bien la vida social y la profesional. En general, usted cree que esto es verdad? Ha visto usted al gunas de estas caracter’sticas en los directores/superviso res estadounidenses? a. Podr’a mencionar algunas de las que ha observado? b. Usted cree que alguna de esta s caracter’sticas afecta al proceso de desarrollo de propuestas y a la ejecuci—n de proyectos de desarrollo en Bolivia? Por favor explique. c. Me podr’a dar un ejemplo? [si ya me ha n dado un ejemplo entonces preguntar por otro] El pr—ximo conjunto de pre guntas es acerca de c—mo la cultura de los estadounidenses influencia su estilo de comunicaci—n. 2. CC: Expertos dicen que la cultura estadounidens e es una cultura de bajo-contexto. Esto significa que la informaci—n y las reglas son ex plicitas, el significado de la cosas es expl’cito, son dependientes de los c—digos verbales y la membres’a a grupos cambia r‡pidamente en base a los valores del individu alismo. En otras palabras, ellos tienen un estilo de comunicaci—n directo. En general, usted cree que esto es verdad? Ha visto usted algunas de estas caracter ’sticas en los directores/sup ervisores estadounidenses? a. Podr’a mencionar algunas de las que ha observado? b. Usted cree que alguna de esta s caracter’sticas afecta al proceso de desarrollo de propuestas y a la ejecuci—n de proyectos de desarrollo en Bolivia? Por favor explique. c. Me podr’a dar un ejemplo? [si ya me ha n dado un ejemplo entonces preguntar por otro] 3. CC: TambiŽn se dice que cuando los esta dounidenses se comunican son directos, concisos y precisos. Esto se debe a su naturaleza abierta y veraz de sus intenciones. Adicionalmente, ellos no ponen el coraz—n en los negocios. En general, usted cree que esto es verdad? Ha visto usted algu nas de estas caracter’sticas en los directores/superviso res estadounidenses? a. Podr’a m encionar algunas de las que ha observado? b. Usted cree que alguna de esta s caracter’sticas afecta al proceso de desarrollo de propuestas y a la ejecuci—n de proyectos de desarrollo en Bolivia? Por favor explique.

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153 c. Me podr’a dar un ejemplo? [si ya me ha n dado un ejemplo entonces preguntar por otro] 4. CC: Ahora, cuando se refiere al estilo de comunicaci—n durante una reuni—n, los estadounidenses usualmente empiezan con una conversaci—n corta, despuŽs van a los puntos importantes uno por uno, luego tienen una breve discusi—n de cada punto hasta que llegan a una conclusi—n. En general, usted cree que esto es verdad? Ha visto usted algunas de estas caracter’sticas en los di rectores/supervisores estadounidenses? a. Podr’a mencionar algunas de las que ha observado? b. Usted cree que alguna de esta s caracter’sticas afecta al proceso de desarrollo de propuestas y a la ejecuci—n de proyectos de desarrollo en Bolivia? Por favor explique. c. Me podr’a dar un ejemplo? [si ya me ha n dado un ejemplo entonces preguntar por otro] El pr—ximo conjunto de pregunt as es acerca de c—mo la cultura de los Estados Unidos influencia al estilo de supervisi—n. 5. CM: El primer aspecto del estilo de supervis i—n que ser‡ explorado es la Distancia del Poder. Esto se refiere al gr ado al cual la sociedad acepta el hecho que el poder en las instituciones esta distribuido desequilibradamente y tambiŽn se refiere a cuan apropiado o importante es la diferencia en estatus y jerar qu’as sociales. Se asume que en los Estados Unidos la distancia del poder es baja y que por ello creen que la igualdad social es muy importante. En general, usted cree que esto es verdad? Ha visto usted algunas de estas caracter’sticas en los director es/supervisores estadounidenses? a. Podr’a mencionar algunas de las que ha observado? b. Usted cree que alguna de esta s caracter’sticas afecta al proceso de desarrollo de propuestas y a la ejecuci—n de proyectos de desarrollo en Bolivia? Por favor explique. c. Me podr’a dar un ejemplo? [si ya me ha n dado un ejemplo entonces preguntar por otro] 6. CM: El pr—ximo aspecto sobre el estilo de supervisi—n que ser‡ explorado es la evasi—n de incertidumbre. Esto se refiere al grado en que la sociedad se siente amenazada por la incertidumbre y la situaciones ambiguas por lo cual proveen m‡s estabilidad de carreras, establecen m‡s reglas formales, no toleran ni ideas ni comportamiento irregulares y creen en verdades absolutas y en la obtenci—n de experiencia. En este caso se dice que la cultura de los estadounidenses ti ene un nivel bajo de evasi—n de incertidumbre, mediante el cual viven d’a a d’a, tomando las incertidumbr es de la vida como algo natural, y est‡n m‡s dispuestos a aceptar cambio a tomar ries gos. En general, usted cree que esto es verdad? Ha visto usted algunas de estas caracter’sticas en los directores/supervisores estadounidenses? a. Podr’a mencionar algunas de las que ha observado? b. Usted cree que alguna de esta s caracter’sticas afecta al proceso de desarrollo de propuestas y a la ejecuci—n de proyectos de desarrollo en Bolivia? Por favor explique. c. Me podr’a dar un ejemplo? [si ya me ha n dado un ejemplo entonces preguntar por otro] 7. CM: El pr—ximo aspecto sobre el estilo de supervisi—n que ser‡ explorado es el individualismo y colectivismo. Se cree que la cultura de los Estados Unidos es

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154 individualista, lo que significa que la au tonom’a del individuo es suprema, con la motivaci—n y metas personales tomando pr ecedente sobre cualquier grupo o preocupaciones o intereses colectivos. E llos se ven como independientes de sus colectivos; motivados primordialmente por sus propias preferencias, necesidades, derechos; dando prioridad a sus metas persona les sobre la de los otros; y enfatizando analices racionales sobre las ventajas y desven tajas de asociarse con otros. En general, usted cree que esto es verdad? Ha visto us ted algunas de estas ca racter’sticas en los directores/superviso res estadounidenses? a. Podr’a mencionar algunas de las que ha observado? b. Usted cree que alguna de esta s caracter’sticas afecta al proceso de desarrollo de propuestas y a la ejecuci—n de proyectos de desarrollo en Bolivia? Por favor explique. c. Me podr’a dar un ejemplo? [si ya me ha n dado un ejemplo entonces preguntar por otro] 8. CM: Se cree que los estadounidenses tienen una cultura individualist a vertical. Esto significa que ellos tienen sentido de servir al grupo homogŽneo, de sacrificarse por el beneficio de ese grupo y de cumplir sus propi os deberes, tambiŽn significa que ellos aceptan la inigualdad y creen que los rangos tienen privilegios al mismo tiempo que mantienen su naturaleza individualista. Ello s tienden a estar orientados hacia los logros. En general, usted cree que esto es verdad? Ha visto usted algunas de estas caracter’sticas en los director es/supervisores estadounidenses? a. Podr’a mencionar algunas de las que ha observado? b. Usted cree que alguna de esta s caracter’sticas afecta al proceso de desarrollo de propuestas y a la ejecuci—n de proyectos de desarrollo en Bolivia? Por favor explique. c. Me podr’a dar un ejemplo? [si ya me ha n dado un ejemplo entonces preguntar por otro] El pr—ximo conjunto de pregunt as es acerca de c—mo la cultura de los Estados Unidos influencia a su estilo de liderazgo. 9. CL: El liderazgo en los Estados Unidos est‡ caracterizado por un es tilo orientado a la participaci—n, enfocados al compromiso y otorgamiento de poderes de los empleado. Esto asume que la mejor forma de organizarse es de darle a los empleados libertad y responsabilidad para manejar su propio trabajo lo m‡s posible. Los l’deres se concentran en desarrollar a los trabajadores y animarlos a que se involucren y tomen responsabilidad por su propio desempe–o. Lideres y supervisores se volvieron entrenadores de trabajo en equipo y entusiasmo entre los empleados. En general, usted cree que esto es verdad? Ha visto usted algunas de estas caracter’sticas en los directores/supervisores estadounidenses? a. Podr’a mencionar algunas de las que ha observado? b. Usted cree que alguna de esta s caracter’sticas afecta al proceso de desarrollo de propuestas y a la ejecuci—n de proyectos de desarrollo en Bolivia? Por favor explique. c. Me podr’a dar un ejemplo? [S I YA ME HAN DADO UN EJEMPLO ENTONCES PREGUNTAR POR OTRO] El pr—ximo conjunto de pregunt as es acerca de la diferencia en la orientaci—n del tiempo de los directores/super visores estadounidenses.

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155 10. CTO: Se cree que la cultura de los Estados Unidos tiene una orientaci—n corta del tiempo. Esto significa que ellos fomentan vi rtudes relacionadas con el pasado y el presente, en particular con respecto a la tr adici—n, preservaci—n de "la cara" [reputaci—n] y satisfacen la orientaci—n social. En genera l, usted cree que esto es verdad? Ha visto usted algunas de estas caracter ’sticas en los directores/sup ervisores estadounidenses? a. Podr’a mencionar algunas de las que ha observado? b. Usted cree que alguna de esta s caracter’sticas afecta al proceso de desarrollo de propuestas y a la ejecuci—n de proyectos de desarrollo en Bolivia? Por favor explique. c. Me podr’a dar un ejemplo? [si ya me ha n dado un ejemplo entonces preguntar por otro] 11. CTO: Los estadounidenses son clasificados co mo monocr—nicos, lo que significa que ellos tienen cuidado en hacer una cosa a la ve z, ellos se concentran el ello y lo hacen durante un horario fijo. Adicionalmente, e llos est‡n dominados por el tiempo y siempre parecieran estar impacientes y apurados. Los estadounidenses creen en verdad que el tiempo es dinero. El tiempo es preciado, escaso y una comodidad. Se va r‡pido. Los estadounidenses son personas de acci—n y no se pueden quedar quietas. Se la pasan hablando de perder, gastar, pr esupuestar y ahorrar tiempo. En general, usted cree que esto es verdad? Ha visto usted algu nas de estas caracter’sticas en los directores/superviso res estadounidenses? a. Podr’a mencionar algunas de las que ha observado? b. Usted cree que alguna de esta s caracter’sticas afecta al proceso de desarrollo de propuestas y a la ejecuci—n de proyectos de desarrollo en Bolivia? Por favor explique. c. Me podr’a dar un ejemplo? [si ya me ha n dado un ejemplo entonces preguntar por otro] El pr—ximo conjunto de preguntas son nada m‡s preguntas generales. 12. CC: C—mo usted usualmente se comuni ca con la oficina internacional? 13. CC: Encuentra f‡cil o dif’cil comunicar se con la oficina internacional? 14. CC: Siente que hay una barrera de lengua je con su compa–ero de trabajo estadounidense? (mantener los re sultados exitosos de desarrollo de propuestas en mente) 15. Sobre todo, c—mo usted cree que estas difere ncias culturales impactan al procedimiento de desarrollo de propuestas y la ejecuci —n de proyectos de desarrollo en Bolivia? Finalmente, las œltimas preguntas son demogr‡ficas. 16. Cu‡ntos a–os tiene? 17. Cu‡l es su identidad Žtn ica? 18. Cu‡l es su lenguaje materno? 19. Usted habla algœn otro lengua je? Si, s’ cu‡l o cuales? 20. Cu‡l es su experiencia educativa y profesional?

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156 APPENDIX C U.S. AMERICAN MANAGERS INTERVIEWS The answers to questions 16-20, which were about the intervie wees' dem ographic information, were taken off this sect ion in order to keep their anonymity. Interview 1: April 1 st 2008 Question 1: What traits do Bolivian managers share? A: I would say our experience is very different. Again it's important to recognize that the NGO that I work with works with different municipa lities and also works with community groups, but my experience has been that when partnerships ar e developed at the municipal level, when they are part of what's called here the PALO -Annual Operating Plan (Plan Anual de Operaci—n) and an NGO has done a lot of what's the word, has ha d a lot of discussions at the community level that the problems that you mentioned are minimi zed and less likely to occur. Yes are there delays or problems? My own experi ence is that there is actually fewer of those delays in Bolivia than they are in other countries primarily because in most projects there is a higher degree of what I call counterpart funding, community partic ipation and involvement, what doesn't Bolivia, and I just literally between the time that you ca ll for our occasional tran sport strike and some public demonstrations and things like that, which I would say over the last two years in La Paz, in the Altiplano has been minimized and most peopl e feel in those areas that the new government represents them. In 2003, 2004, 2005, you were never sure everyday if you could get to work or not. You did not know, but now more of the tensi on or political disturbances are occurring in the lowlands where there is more cu rrent opposition to the government than here in the area where my NGO works, so I would not agree with most of the things that were said about Bolivia and Bolivians. Q: So you don't think that these traits would affe ct the procurement process, especially when you are trying to develop a project or to deve lop a grant proposal, th ese are minimal right? A: In the case of the NGO I work with, they are not the big obstacles that we face. Again, because we work with communities for years at a time, they know us, and you know leadership changes, one good mayor or one bad mayor, they ar e things that all agencies face, but I don't think there are any greater in Bolivia than they will be else. What you do have in Bolivia which overall is good the popular participation which driv es money to rural areas means rural areas and mayors and city counsels and municipalities have more to say about projec ts that they are going to support, and I would say that overall the participation is good, but occasionally you have corruption with one mayor or someone and you have a problem but is better than having all the corruption centralized at the national level, so I would disagree with those comments from the first question. Question 2: Do Bolivian managers have a high-context culture? A: Again I'm going to say that this is not the case of the NGO that I work with. My experience might be different from others, but I think sin ce we do things on a basis of an annual plan. I think it reduces cultural misunderstanding. An the other thing is my experience is that because people are often putting money into projects where both parties ar e putting resources into the

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157 projects there is generally less confusion. They might not like the way money is spent but people are more thoughtful before they make a commitment. Q: Are you talking for the case of partnerships? A: Right when we have partnerships with m unicipalities or other NGOs we also draw up memorandums of understanding where we spell ou t: what would this NGO do, what would the municipality do, what would peopl e do so everyone of these role s are defined so I think this reduces misunderstandings. It doesn't mean you don't have misunderstandings but it means that things are mapped out a little more carefully when they start. Question 3 and 4: What are the communicati on patterns and meeting style of Bolivian managers? A: I think in many cultures especially those outside of the United States, you just don't jump in to the business meeting. You always talk abou t something: you talk about someone's family, politics of the country, and it's just a wayit's part of the cultur e. In Asia, for instance, you just don't go and spell out what the business agenda is so you have a preamble where you have a bit of a discussion about another topic that is just a form of conversa tion. That is the way things are done here, but I don't think it's in any degree excessive or unusual, but I have seen this in many other cultures. So I do not see anything unusual about Bolivia. I think you have people maze with a little bit more of time depending on how the confidence they have with the person, talking about their concerns about politics, whic h they always seem to have here. Question 5: Do Bolivian managers have a high-power distance culture? A: I actually I do think that is true Haven't been a director in the United States and been in a hired position, and that is just to compare the U.S. and Bolivia. When I was in the United States I was in a very high position in the headquarters. In the U.S. people feel very comfortable and it's quite healthy to chal lenge your boss with different ideas. And what I find Bolivia, and one of the things I do miss about my previous job is that people are very accepting of whatever the boss says. They have this believe that the boss is th e boss because he or she knows the best. So there is a tendency to be very accepting of whatever the bosses' decision is. Now whenever you have to make a tough decision, and you have to do things that is somewhat helpful because people feel that the bosses make the decisions. But, when a decision, I mean when the boss may make a decision that may not be the right one, it's a little bit harder to get inpu t than if you have a good decision that the privilege. Q: Do you feel they don't like to challenge you? A: Yeah, there is not as much of a healthy challenge. Now, with staff who have worked over a longer period and depending on the style of the boss, and again with different styles it's not just a Bolivian or North American, that a boss who does not seek input is not going to get input, and that I think is not really healthy in the long run. Now, this would al so be true in Asia where there is clarity but for a person who comes from a cultu re of the United States or Europe they are probably much more accustomed to giving some pushback with challenge, which can often lead to a healthier program because people feel comforta ble doing that. I think that is somewhat true here in Bolivia. "My jefe me dijo" (My boss told me) and they accept that, so I would tend to agree with that. One has to really seek ou t: What did you think about this? How would you do this? And if you do that you th en you get the input but otherwise you might not get it.

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158 Question 6: Do Bolivian managers have a high-uncertainty avoidance culture? A: I'm not sure if this is the right example. I thin k of the things that it ta kes a little while to get used to here is that the disproportionate amount of time that is spent on work plans, and annual plans about donations etc. I think there is a tendency here that if we do enough planning, we are going to avoid corruption, everything and we woul d be fine. So for someone from a different deployment experiences in other parts of the worl d or in the U.S. or elsewhere, so yeah you know it's a good thing that we should do planning, but the planning should be 10% or 15% of our time. So there is an undue obsession with documents, and rules and I'm not taking about procurement rules or rules that guarantee transp arency because I think those are needed and I think here they are quite helpfu l. You know that most NGOs or most serious NGOs do know best to try to promote transparency but the cost to the country of the amount of time spent on planning and not doing is a bit excessive. Question 7: Do Bolivian managers have a collectivistic culture? A: I think it's definitely true more in the rura l areas, where some of the rural structures and community groups are intact. I think 95% of the time it's probably very positive where people share work, share labor, share childcare, anticipat ed community projects at very high levels participated with others however And I think there is that w onderful aspect of the Bolivian culture. But at the same time, a lot of times b ecause of the tight relati ons with the community there is a tendency to protect people who may have done someth ing wrong and you may not hear about it at the time when something may be done to resolve things. There is also, I have seen it, not so much in the organization that I work with because we have rules against this, but occasionally people, you know just like in anywhere else, you hire friends more because they are your friends and family than because of their capac ity, so on one hand there is a little bit of that loyalty, but that loyalty can, and this is not th e case in our organization because we have rules about hiring for family members, but I think it's important to have those type of rules because they are plenty of talented Bolivians and you need not have to hire family members. Currently in the country, there is a lot of tension between, is not always spoken about, between indigenous, middle class, and upper class, th at doesn't always bring people together. There are always misunderstandings on all parts, no one is totally right about things and there is also a part who is putting the picture together to ensure that all Boliv ians have a stake in their future. And I think some of this is a post back to so many years of exclusion were the poorest people were certainly not represented. Questions 8: Do Bolivian managers have a vertical collectivistic culture? A: I think one of the problems here is the on History for many years of corruption and government and again at the scale in which you know, my NGO operates we do not often see that, but we do know that it goes on in the larger environment. It is unusual when we would be approach with something that it is illegal; I am not saying it is never happened, but it's very unusual. But in the larger c ontext, at the national context, you know you hear stories of: you want this contract; you pay off business what is going to cost you to get it or this is what you have to do for me or my family or someone else. And I think that history over many governments or different governments creates a lot of distrusted governments, and creates an attitude of that if I get into the government, well I'm only going to be there for a short term and

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159 then maybe I could take advantage of that. My own personal feeling is that I would like to believe that the current government has probably less of that corrupt ion and there is more of that social commitment but when I say that to Bolivian friends they say that it is exactly the same. It's hard to believe that but that's what many, many people say which is a big disappointment because the government ensures still 50% of public support, which is remarkable in a country that has never had president support of 20% 25% of support. But nevert heless, over the last year people have said no this is not any different We just got an Indige nous President. Again, to prove or disprove that I'm ju st guessing along on a very unscie ntific summary of what I hear from Bolivians. Question 9: What is the leadership style of Bolivian managers? A: Again, at the municipal level that we deal at, people are elected publicly, leadership often changes. At the national level I think is less nepotism you know which you see in any government. Any government that wins elec tions hires their own people. And you can definitely see that now. I thi nk one of the challenges here, so me of the people coming into the government have never worked in a government, have never had to be operational before, so the get bigger challenges given that the current government wants to make many social changes which in theory are probably ex cellent, in theory. But when you take theoretical changes and combine that with people who don' t have the same degree of expe rience in public administration it leads to a lot of stagnation that it stays at the ideal stage but ther e isn't the capacity for implementation. In terms of family nepotism, it is probably more party nepotism and it's probably made different than it was in the past. Although, I am not probably the best person to answer that. Question 10: Do Bolivian managers have a long-time orientation? A: I find what I would consider re latively simple things do take l onger here. One of the reasons and I'll just pick an example, that procurem ent process to purchase 100,000 pens or something because there is a very high c oncern about dishonesty, people have very complexes processes that in a sense do promote transparency, but it ta kes longer. Takes a lot longer. The balance is skewed toward trying to make sure that everythi ng is done honestly and transparently but there is a cost, and I'm not saying it shouldn't be done that way but the procedure that is in place to promote this are very, very cumbersome. A nd sometimes the simple procurement would be surprising on how long it might take. Q: This question in a sense, or at least what the scholars are tryi ng to say is that the Bolivians will be more focus on the future goals and that they will try to foster those future goals rather than the present. But do you think they are mo re focus on the present rather than on future goals? It is just another way to put this question. A: I'm trying to think, future or present. I' m not so sure about that because my experience when you first start working, and I'm going to speak more about, I think people have short term and long term goals. I don't thi nk, there is an experience when you work in an individual water project or training project, while people are working on a project lik e this there are also talking about other things they want to do, so I really don't think it is one or another and I think as people do more short term things it threatens and bl ocks their vision for things that they feel are potential and they can complete. I have seen this with youth groups, I have seen this with

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160 women groups, I do think it's important to identify short-term proj ects or trainings that need positive impact so people want to do things for the community for the future Q: But you don't see a tendency of one over the other? Is it just dependi ng on the project or the need at that time? A: No, I think peopleI think the tendency is to get something done quickly and have a goal completed and I think the fact that people have a success or something to gether as a group, opens up their horizon to do things that might take them a little more time to accomplish. Question 11: Do Bolivian managers h ave a polychronic time orientation? A: In regards to time management, people are very unpunctual and not very responsible. There is a wide extreme. You do meet Bolivians that are very time conscious, a nd very respectful of your time and their time, but in general, mostly in rural areas there is definitely a different sense of time than if you come from a class that starts at 8 o'clock at the Univ ersity of Florida and you are used to going to class at 9 o'clock and another one at 10: 30, you are not going to be very happy in Bolivia because your 8 o'clock class might start at 10:30. And this is both in terms of business and in terms of social events. Q: So how do you think this aspect affect the procurement and execution of development projects in specific? A: It does affect them because often times you go to a meeting and the meeting won't start until the last person comes, so you have wasted one hour and a half. Something that in practice, you know at least here in my organization, we call a meeting at 10 o'clock, we start at 10 o'clock and if someone is not here then they miss the meeti ng and it's too bad, and I know there are a lot of other NGO and offices that work that way. Y ou have to adjust to it because people will definitely be late for things, and truthfully they do not even have a feeling that it is not respectful or wrong, it's just the way they do things. I am not talking about a problem because of traffic or protest, I'm talking about a rou tine meeting when people could walk in schedule, people could walk in any time from 10 to 11:30. You do see this less and less in the private sector and business, people are much more pun ctual, like they would be anywhe re else but the behavior of time responsibility is I would call quite immature in general. Q: And do you think this affects meeting deadline s, for instance, when it comes to grant proposals or project deadlines? A: Huh uh, I think most grant proposals you m eet the deadline or you don't apply for, but it does, things tend to jag out, a lo t of times is after you have rece ived the grants when you have certain advantages to make to the donor and I'm not talking about prot ect weather or natural events which are of reasonable causes for delay, I mean I know one example in our office we have to do a lot of publications. Publications of ten have to be approved by different ministries and by different donors so I think with publi cations getting everyone to sing off on a publicationlet's just take a simple example: calendars. You know calendars are from January to December, I got a calendar, this is actually from a businessyesterday, and it's the end of March. I got a calendar for 2008 and I may have probably received 10-15 calendars all in the month of March, and these are Janu ary to December calendars. So calendars is something that you prepare every year, you can prepare calendars for the next 10 years because you know what the dates are, so that is a perf ect example of lack of planning. I think these companies that send you their calendars in April they shou ld just start them in April. Q: That is true! They are wasting all those pa ges by printing months that already went by. A: Right.

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161 Question 12 and 13: How is the communicati on between the national and international offices? A: In the case of our NGO we communicate a lot through email, or through the palm, which did not work that well, but mostly it is just through electronic comm unication, faxes, etc. Q: And is it all in English or Spanish or both? A: In both, but it also depends. Here in the Boliv ia office we use all Spanish, although some of our Bolivian staff speak English. Here's an exam ple, today I happen to talk to with a woman who's probably been here for a year she spoke excellent English. I didn't know, I didn't know until today because we always speak in Spanish. But now that I know that she speaks English I want her to get better in Eng lish so I'll probably speak some English to her, but I was stunned that she had such a high level of English becau se in Bolivia you really don't find the same capacity in English language as you might find in certainly Perœ, Chile, Argentina, Colombia, it's a level that is much lower, so the language is certainly Spanish in the office and the communications with our headquarter are mostly in English, and we have some other staff members who speak Aymara or Quechua or one or the other plus Spanish and fewer who speak English. Question 14: Is there a language barrier with the Bolivian managers? Q: But in general do you think that there is language or communication barrier due to the language or no? A: I don't actually think so, I think Bolivia is actually done very we ll in terms of education, most people can communicate in Spanish, I think what does creep Bolivia is people in Bolivia and in all NGOs, a lot of large internati onal organizations do a lot of in ternational training with a bunch of Latin American English and b ecause overall the language capacity is lower in Bolivia than in other countries people from Bolivia do have to send the same person over and over which tend to lose opportunity to send people because English le vel capacity at the high school and university level for whatever reason is not as extensive or people don't study as hard as they would in other countries. In that sense many opportunities are not taken advantage of because they just don't have a person to send to or they can't affo rd to have a $250 day translator for Question 15: What is the overall im pact of these cultural differences? A: I don't think they impact Bolivia more than they do in anothe r cultures. I don't see all the things that we have talked about are things that go on in every cu lture. I think one thing that probably affects Bolivia is the number of protes ts, delays and acceptance of work stoppages that in most countries are not tolera ted. That is a big factor, alth ough, again the geographic areas or [inaudible] if it works they have been less of an issue over the last 2 years they would probably be more of an issue over the next two months, so if you happen to work in an area where there is conflict, the government has alwa ys and at least the current government, there is people who block the road appears in Cochabamba and Sa nta Cruz for two weeks, close all commercial traffic and none one would do anything about it b ecause it's their right to protest, and a lot of those types of events really slow development fo r the country, they make it so that any private investor will think twice before they produce or manuf acture anything they mi ght not be able to get it out of the country or if there is food or anything perishable if it's sitting on a truck two

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162 days in a row it will rotten, so that type of culture that is so accepting of street protests and what I would consider economic terrorism, I think does terrible damage to the country as a whole. Interview 2: April 5 th 2008 Question 1: What traits do Bolivian managers share? A: Well let's see there are so many of those, but th e first one that comes up to mind is time table, and it does seems that in my inte raction, that it just has been di fficult to, regardless of the fact that we make a task list for proposal developm ent and you know have people's names right next to each task, and it seems like we still find chal lenges in meeting those deadlines, and I always struggle with figuring out why exactly but it seems that we are not communicating clearly. Are they not understanding? And even we encourage them, if you cannot meet a deadline to please let us know and then we can adju st that deadline but it seems that there is this lack or I don't know, this wall in our communication styles, but we are not connecting, we are not able to agree on a plan and then actually stick to that plan. One example, fo r instance, was this huge proposal that we were working on with the Bolivian team a nd at that point it was just very difficult to get the information that we needed at the time that we specified for the proposal submission and ultimately we were unable to submit because we we re not meeting those deadlines. Things were not happening fast enough and with such a short turnaround, as with all proposals we were not able to put it together in time and we had to pul l the plug. And I'm also thinking, this one relates more to general communication ch allenges, but in my new job we do a lot of back and forth communication to sort of agree on accounts or p ools of money that are specifically tied to a certain grant and so I need to work with the fields to make sure that we are all in agreement as to what the restrictions are on that prospect or on that pool of money and for some reason, even when I am communicating directly with the field officer in Bolivia and I have specific bullets points of questions for some reas on I still don't get the informati on from her, you know most of our communication is via email just because is easy to lay this information out it's easier to have word for word, there is no sort of we are sp eaking quickly and not understanding each other. From my perspective, it is what I perceive to be the best optio n because it can be the clearest, however, when we go back and forth, I still don't seem to receive the information that I am asking, and I don't know. I spoke to my colleagues about this and I am a native English speaker, where they are native Spanish speakers and I' ll say, they'll be copied on the email, are you understanding what I'm saying? Do you see? Am I saying something wrong? Am I not posting the information properly? And they always te ll me: No, no, no, it's just Bolivia you know they can be very difficult, and I always wonder: Am I not asking the questions right? Or are they sort of trying to evade the questions? Are they trying to get around that sort of question because they want to have a customer created because they want to start spending that money? Question 2: Do Bolivian managers have a high-context culture? A: I definitely think that is true, that there are some norms, some rules th at I feel like I am not understanding, I mean I feel like it is apparent in all or our comm unications. It's just such a challenge for us to agree on something and to move forward on something. I feel like one of the interesting things of my organi zation is that a lot of the relationships between the headquarter office and the field offices varied so for anothe r Latin American country for example we work very close to them, we are help ing them with their proposals all the time, however, with Bolivia

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163 we consider it a very independent country. They do a lot of their own submissions, and when we try to work with them on large federal projects federal proposals we meet a lot of challenges and I think that probably further their independence because we are not having this positive interactions, usually we are able to connect them, and most of our country directors are actually expatriates, maybe from Canada and a few th at are American, or people from the rest of continent working in other countries that have been for a long time in the United States, so I feel like there is an understanding of what exactly our cultural norms are and in Bolivia, we have a Bolivian director and doesn't sp eak English so I feel like ther e is a real barrier in just understanding, and that in these proposal submissions that were unsuccessful nobody really feels good about what happened, and then we just don't seek those opport unities anymore. We are not trying to find opportunities to work with them, b ecause it doesn't work, so that is fine in the sense that Bolivia is doing a good job in secu ring some of their own funding through PROCOSI so that's great. It is not like they are doing te rribly and they even got two different awards that were really help them a lot, but I just think, I wish that we could communicate more clearly so that we could have positive experiences and wo rk more in the same projects like we do with other countries. I feel like everybody should have sort of the same benefit of having an International office support. Question 3 and 4: What are the communicati on patterns and meeting style of Bolivian managers? A: I would definitely say some. I'm just thinking of the problems that we have had and I can remember been in a conference room with my International Office (IO) coworker and the Bolivian officer and we would agree: Oh yes, th is is the potential pr oposal opportunity, but we need to make sure that we have enough match contribution and I'm just thinking of a specific proposal and so we had this conversation, we wanted to talk in the phone to make sure that we were all in agreement, so we did, and we came to that agreement of going for it, but then there was just never any follow through, we never really, we didn't follow up with the Bolivian officer because the ball was on his court an d with things been busy as they are on the IO, we don't have time to check back in, and say hey where is it ? Where is it? You know we hoped that the field wants to push these things forward because they be nefit their project. And then we would check when it would come back, when we would get more information about how we were going to obtain match, then we would come back and say okay now we can do this to help you. Yes and the problem is that we always feel that we have positive communication but then when it comes to actual implementation of whatever it is, be it a proposal or an intent form, an RSVP, any of these different tools that we use it just doesn't seem to get done. Q: So do you see that they discuss things randomly but then the conc lusion that they reach is not accomplish? Is that it? A: That they discuss things randomly? Hmm Q: When you are in a meeting, do you feel that ther e is an interaction in the meetings, or do you feel that things are just discussed too broadly or too randomly? Then sort of everyone reaches a conclusion but then nobody knows really if there is a c onclusion or not? A: It seems that to actually move towards a goal one of us at the IO really needs to lead the meeting and needs to ask the same question like ten times. It has to be said over and over again; so okay it's like ok that's to this now what is our next step. And we can't seem to get a concrete next step, is like our Bolivian c ounterpart will talk in circles and he'll addre ss the issue but never actually answer the question and so then we ha ve to ask again and ask again, which can be

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164 difficult when we are dealing with language barr iers we wonder, are we not understanding? Did we miss something? What's going on? So we ha ve to ask again. The good thing is that one of our field officers here at the IO lived in Bolivia so he is good at that, he is good at understanding how sort of politely come back to that, but for me it's challenging. I can pretty much only be direct in Spanish, I mean I can try to be more fl owery or more polite, or more Latin American in style but it's just very difficult for me. And then I feel bad because I feel like I must have missed something or I do not understand, bu t I don't want to be rude. Question 5: Do Bolivian managers have a high-power distance culture? A: That is a really hard one to say, the only thing that comes in mind is that whenever I talk to the office manager in Bolivia, she always refers to the country manager by his degree title, like engineer, or professor, or doctor, which is weir d because everyone here at here the IO calls the country manager by his nickname. It's kind of funny that she calls him that because she works so closely with him for so long but she always addresses him very formally and properly. But other than that, I can't really sa y that I noticed it, but I haven' t spend much time in the Bolivian office and my interactions are primarily only w ith a few people and not so much with their interacting together it will be me talk ing to just a couple of people only. Q: Ok so when it comes to the projects and de veloping their proposals an d executing the projects themselves, let's say that you have to contact somebody who is not the country manager, let's say that you have to contact somebody working in the methodology and evaluation or the budgeting, do you feel that you can get things done with that person or do you feel that there needs to be permission from the country manager, or do you see that there is a hierarchy that stops you or it may be an obstacle when it come s to executing the whole project or process. A: Well, definitely it does seem like everything needs to be checked off and approved by the country manager, always needs to be copied and everything has to go through him, and it does seem difficult because I feel like projects can ofte n get bottle in that. If we could just connect with someone else we could probably move thin gs forward much faster but since the country director is so busy and has so much going on, th e things that could be done right away, for example, I tried to collect all the reports from Bo livia because we are supposed to have copies at the IO in case we get audited and it was mont hs and months and at one point there were 25 outstanding reports, which is craz y. And basically, I had to have my supervisor talk to the country manager because I was not getting them a nd ultimately I ended up receiving them from another two Bolivian officers, whic h is great, but I feel like we ll I wish then I would had just been talking to these two other officers to begin with and they could have just sent them over like that, because it probably took them like one hour to get all of the reports updated. Q: So do you think they have to get a permission from the country manager? A: Definitely, I think they do. It just seems like every interaction include s the country manager, every interaction sort of needs his approval, to sign off his permission and yes it can hurt the project only because, I think it's great that he's evolved because he's a smart guy and has all of this amazing experience, but I th ink it slows things down so much that some times we are not able to move as fast as we need to and I think that is a real difference. American culture and especially how the deadline society of proposals, and reports, you have to move so fast, and it just doesn't seem like they are able to understand the urgency of these things.

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165 Question 6: Do Bolivian managers have a high-uncertainty avoidance culture? A: Let me think about that one. It is interesti ng because at my organiza tion almost all the staff has been there for so long so as much as there seems to be some political instability and all kinds of instability in Bolivia, the staff have been ther e for a long time, and I do think they really have very clear structures within their office, who doe s what, how the general system is, sort of like the rules for their office, but I can't think on any specific exampl es or anything that highlights that. Question 7: Do Bolivian managers have a collectivistic culture? A: I can't say that I had any intera ction in that sense. With me it is so difficult because I have not had all that much interaction with Bolivia, wh ich is weird because I did a trip there and I got to know them a little better, I have some experi ence with them before that, but it's funny I know so many more of the staff in other offices. But Bolivia, since they are so independent, I only get emails from some of the Bolivian officers once in a while, but I don't feel like I have anything to say about this one. It's a tough one. Questions 8: Do Bolivian managers have a vertical collectivistic culture? A: It's funny because I feel that there is a perceived vertical stru cture of the IO, like working at the IO were somehow above on so me hierarchy, like the Bolivian staff, I feel like even the country director is very obligi ng, like yes we'll do this for you, we'll do that for you, whether or not is actual a follow through it. I always sort of want to say so what are you really thinking? You know tell me what you really think versus what you think that you are supposed to say. And so I feel that with our relationship that just been in the IO that we are somehow the rule enforcers, we are the people that they need to repo rt to, and in a lot of ways it is but I mean really it's a partnership and we do a lot of negotiation back and forth with different countries. It is not like whatever we say goes, you know we try to come to giving some compromise but definitely I feel that interactions with the c ountry director, he is sort of assumes or presumes us to be the hierarchy that the IO what the IO says goes especially with the VPs of our organization. Question 9: What is the leadership style of Bolivian managers? A: I have not seen anything like that, so I c ouldn't say that I thi nk this is true. Question 10: Do Bolivian managers have a long-time orientation? A: I definitely think that is true. I feel like th ey are really focus on bu ilding relationships and communicating with donors in a pos itive way that they do focus on long term benefits. They put a lot of time on planning, like in one of the trips to Bolivia, they really had the whole thing planned out so well, it was very clear that they put tons a nd tons of thoughts and time and planning. They knew exactly where we will be, w ho will be there, I think it was such a great example of planning and dedication and how they wa nt things to turn out. They did an amazing job so it was like the longer perception of time, over longer distances, over longer periods I should say versus short term.

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166 Question 11: Do Bolivian managers h ave a polychronic time orientation? A: Well I think our staff in Bolivia have a very re gular schedule, they tend to come in at the same time and leave at the same time and so th ey are punctual in that way, but in terms of scheduling that we have in proj ect proposals and with projects, that it's just I don't know, you will say I need half of the n eeds assessments done by Thursday, and Thursday will come and go and it's not like they see a need to communicate that to us no we were unable to do it and that they were just going to do it in a couple of days so yes I definitely think that that is true Q: So do you think that they are no t interested in schedules and A: That is at least with our perception of what deadlines and timelines are. Q: How would you describe th at in your own words? A: I would just say that when, to me what I w ould suggest to someone who is going to have communication with our staff in Bolivia, I would say that they have to be extremely clear in what your deadlines are, reinforce it about three times reinforce it on paper, reinforce it orally and then follow up every single day because otherwis e they are not going to pursue those deadlines as actual deadlines. They are just going to percei ve them as flexible ideas maybe instead of hard and soft deadlines. Question 12: How do you usually communi cate with the international office? A: Either through email or AIM. Question 13: How do you find communicating with the international office: easy or challenging? A: I think that through email has been challenging and some times with certain staff more than others. I tend to have easier communications with the country director than with other staff. I find that with AIM a lot of times that can actually be very beneficial because it's sort of on the spot. All of those questions that I would bullet on my email, I can repeat again and I would get better answers, through AIM, sort of that they ar e more force or more crunched with the question that I was asking, so it really helped me understand different pr oposal situations or different financial situations by going bit by bit, with very small pieces of information instead of like grander concepts. But I mean it' s definitely a challenge. Question 14: Is there a language barrier with the Bolivian managers? A: I do, and I don't know, but I mean there is defin itely a language barrier and my Spanish is far from perfect and they don't speak English so that for sure is a challenge, but I feel more than anything there is a cultural diffe rence, it is evident that thr ough our language and through our communication but is just that we are not agreei ng on the same things. Like we can use words that we think are representative and that are c onveying a certain message that is not how it is interpreted so I feel that definitely there are fo r sure language challenges but even more than that is cultural challenges. That we are not operating on the same set of norms or ideas of how things should or should not be.

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167 Question 15: What is the overall im pact of these cultural differences? A: I think that in general the challenges that we face through languages and culture just slow down the process of developing proposals and sort of establishing project implementation plans in the beginning right after we have been funded. Especially because it's difficult for us to get the answers that we need and in the time that we need them and so it ju st slows down the process and sometimes it slows it down like with this partic ular proposal, it slowed it down so much that we were not able to submit the proposal because we were not able to submit that deadline. And so I think that happens with a lo t of proposals or in a lot of in stances because there is just no follow through that things don't get submitted. Pr oposals are put on the back room and sort of forgotten about and with other countries they might be submitted that next week, you know we establish a deadline and then people continue to meet their deadline so when the ball sort of gets stuck on one person then nothing gets move forw ard so I think that it hurts their financial situation because proposals are how country offices stay open you know that is what pays their bills, so I think that it is great that with PROCOSI, they ar e able to do all of their own submissions. It's in the local language, it's in the culture that they unde rstand, and so they are very successful so I think that is evident. It il lustrates the fact that they are actually very smart, very talented, that they are gr eat at what they do, they do g ood projects and good work and that they are able to be successful w ith proposals, so that is just su ch a perfect example. Yes when we need to submit to American or European donors then the cha llenges are much greater because we are on this different culture that stays unable to be flexible with. Interview 3: April 14 th 2008 Question 1: What traits do Bolivian managers share? A: In general, yes that could be true, but there were very many ch aracteristics that I might have agreed upon and others th at I might have not. Q: Could you please tell me which ones do you think are true and which ones you think are false? A: You are going to tell them to me, one by one and I'll tell you which ones are which. Q: That is ok. For instance, do you think they plan the grand outline only? A: No, not necessarily. Q: Do they do severa l things at once? A: Yes. Q: They are not punctual? A: That is true Q: The timetable is unpredictable? A: That is true. Q: They change plans? A: That is some times true. Q: They are people oriented? A: This is true Q: They pull stings? A: This is true. Q: They talk for hours? A: Some times not always

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168 Q: Rarely writes memos? A: That is true also Q: Seeks out top key person? A: Yes, that is true. Q: Interrupts frequently and interwea ves social and professional life? A: That is sometimes true. Q: Now, after going over which ones are true or not, how do you think these affect the procurement and execution process of development projects in Bolivia? A: I honestly, do not think that those cultural aspects are taken too much into account in terms of the procurement process, I do not think th ey directly affect much at all. Q: So you do not think they affect neither th e procurement process nor execution process of development projects in Bolivia? A: No, I do not think so. I think they are gene rally understood to be cultural aspects but implementers would have to be sensitive too, so I don't think that it dire ctly or deliberately included into consideration. Question 2: Do Bolivian managers have a high-context culture? A: Yes, I do think that in ge neral is true and I have s een that in our experience. Q: Do these traits affect the procurement process or execution processes? A: Hmm not directly, but I believe we do consid er especial requireme nts and communication and utilizing communication means to Bolivian teams because of those characteristics. Q: So, is it easy or difficult? I mean do you think th at often things are misinterpreted because of this? A: Hmm not generally, but it may be an occasional possibility for a project, Yes. Q: And do you have a general example? It could be a general example? A: Just for example for communicating programs strategies and objectives and the implementation of a project it is important to really communicate well, and we may utilize a variety of different tools fo r communication been sensitiv e to the cultural aspects of communication. Question 3: What is the communication pattern of Bolivian managers? A: Some aspects of that are generally true but I th ink it does not have a serious effect or impact on the procurement or implementation of activities. I think that the most important thing is that project leaders and managers are sensitive to those cultural aspects. Q: And do you have any example? A: Hmm I think one good example is the manner in which decisions are made, at all levels, and that there is all participation by all levels including administration and technical positions, so that when directors, and leaders and managers make decisions there reflect ing the whole input of other levels as well and that comes fr om leadership styles, those managers. Question 4: What is the meeting style of Bolivian managers? A: No, I do not think that that is generally true. Maybe it is a different people that we are working with but we have not e xperienced those characteristics.

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169 Question 5: Do Bolivian managers have a high-power distance culture? A: Yes, that is generally true. They expect a hierarchy and th ey expect decision making to be done according to hierarchy and they are structur ed and they are thinking according to hierarchy and we see that very typically almost ev ery day in our decisions and processes. Q: And do you think that this positively or nega tively impact the procurement and/or execution of projects in Bolivia? A: Yes it does sometimes affect the processes and maybe inhibits par ticipatory environment amongst all individuals on a team that again is a responsibility of leader s and managers to be sensitive to that cultural aspect. Q: When you say of the managers, which managers do you mean? The Americans or the Bolivians? A: All managers. Bolivian managers and American managers. Q: So do you see that the Bolivian managers seek th is out a lot? That they try to seek out the participation of their employees? A: Many of them are sensitive to that cultural aspect yes. Q: And do you have any example? A: Well we have many managers, Bolivian managers here for example who foment participatory relationships with their team members, that way they are not perceived as been a hierarchical person in terms of they make the decisions and they make their teams feel like their input is valuable and they are part of the decision making process. Q: And do they welcome suggestions from their team members? A: Yes, definitely. Question 6: Do Bolivian managers have a high-uncertainty avoidance culture? A: In general, yes I think it is true. I have seen some of those traits. Q: Do you think this affects the procurement or execution process of projects in Bolivia? A: No, because many times the uncertainty and politic al or social aspects in Bolivia affects what priorities are given to procurement and it affect s what activities are implemented in different ways in terms of strategies and overall tactics Q: Do you have any examples? A: Activities that we are currently engaged in are very sensitive to political and social instability and currently in Bolivia there is a lot of uncertainty in terms of the political and social instability of Bolivia Question 7: Do Bolivian managers have a collectivistic culture? A: In general, yes I think it is true and it can be reflected many times in what we see as community efforts or group efforts to try to impr ove their economic or so cial conditions and we see that on a daily basis here when generally th e request for example fo r assistance that we receive comes from groups and fr om individuals joined together as a group in a community or the other way. Q: So does this affect mainly the executi on process or the procurement process also? A: No, I would say mostly ju st the execution process. Q: Can you think of any example?

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170 A: Yes, request for community improvement or social and economic conditions usually comes from groups as opposed to individuals, most deci sions are made as groups, they are not always necessarily community level decisions but they are made with the intent to have community input Q: So for the good of everybody in a sense? A: Yes for the good of everybody. Questions 8: Do Bolivian managers have a vertical collectivistic culture? A: In general I think that that is true. Generally decisions are ma de from the perspective of man in a group but also because they feel that they make the decisions for others in a way Q: And how do you think this affect the procurem ent or execution of projects in Bolivia? A: Greater effort and grea ter diligence and assure equal partic ipation and equal voice in project development Q: From who? A: From all the participants. Q: So because of this the participants have toI am sorry I did not understand your answer. A: That yes as leaders and managers of an activity we have to ensu re that there is a strategy and objectives for ensuring that there is gender empha sis, that there is em phasis about indigenous individuals they are part of th e group, especially if they are from a minority part, you have to have specific strategies to ensure equal participation. Q: So is that from the American managers who ar e trying to look for more equality or the people themselves, not the managers but the other co workers, are they the ones trying to ensure equality? A: We are all trying to ensure equal participatio n from all beneficiaries and all stakeholders. Question 9: What is the leadership style of Bolivian managers? A: In general, no I do not think it is true but it does occasionally occur, esp ecially in the political environment but it does occasionally occur. Q: Can you think of any example? A: The example is that it is generally accepted in higher-level positions to have situations where nepotism could be observed. Q: So is this more in the political ar ena or also when they are working? A: Political and in businesses but no t necessarily in the execution of projects. El sector pœblico y privado (the public and private sector) Q: How about in the NGOs? A: Not so much. Question 10: Do Bolivian managers have a long-time orientation? A: In general I believe this is tr ue I believe, and yes I have seen these traits. I think there is a tendency many times to focus on short term impa ct than in general it requires a good project strategy for a long term orientati on. For example we provided valuable services to stakeholders in terms of what are the feasible parts of activities to implement and what are the best interests in improving the quality of life over a longer term. So I think it is ne gated in the fact that we, the methodology of the project to be implemented has to reflect the inclusion of a long-term vision.

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171 Question 11: Do Bolivian managers h ave a polychronic time orientation? A: No, in general I do not think that is true. I think they have multiple motifs for what motivates them, and I do not think that that is generally true. Q: So when it comes to meeting deadlines you do not see this aspect as an issue for either the procurement or execution of projects? A: No I do not. Question 12: How do you usually communi cate with the international office? A: Spanish generally some times in English. Usua lly in meetings or more formal forum where there is a group of individuals, occasionally in one-on-one with managers, and directors, and often in a large group via email or teleconfer ence or via personal vi sits and discussions Q: And this is both in English and in Spanish? Or mainly in Spanish? A: Mainly in Spanish Question 13: How do you find communicating with the international office: easy or challenging? A: Challenging sometimes because of langua ge but generally it is a good communication Q: Why? Are you the only one who is bilingual in the office? A: No, we have several, who are bilingual, and we have bilingual staff in the home office but the communication is limited because of the capac ity of English or cap acity of Spanish of individuals in the US Q: And it is everything through email? A: Yes mostly email, but some times telephone. Question 14: Is there a language barrier with the Bolivian managers? A: Sometimes there is a langua ge barrier but not always. Question 15: What is the overall im pact of these cultural differences? A: Sometimes yes they could. I th ink all of the aspects that we have talked about are very important things to consider, culturally and ev erything, the most important thing I think it is managers, especially U.S. or expatriate managers need to be very sensitive to these cultural aspects when they propose or when they deve lop and implement programs or projects. To overcome this, you will definitely required on th e job experience but some training is also necessary. Interview 4: April 18 th 2008 Question 1: What traits do Bolivian managers share? A: It is a difficult question. I am going to answer it so rt of generally. I think that one of the main differences say between, I mean that sounds like a very sort of Western perspective of Bolivian

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172 culture and one of the main differe nces is that logistically Boli via is a difficult place if you are dealing with La Paz or other places you know in Bolivia, is not like you have this wonderful transportation and infrastructure a nd what not that we have in the U.S. and also sort of the, you know, everybody who has their prices on the Inte rnet and their names and their phone book and what not, so a lot of time we are safe for some procurement which sort of or for services or goods in our projects with looking at a very sort of reduced numbers of suppliers, as well as you know some of those suppliers having problems in even accessing the goods that we need because of you know road blockades or problems at port or whatever may be, so it is not an easy operational environment that you can necessarily comp ared to the U.S. or Western Europe. So I guess that is how I would answer that question, I do not know much about sort of the if you are getting at cronyism I forget exactly how you phrased that vis-ˆ-vis other countries in the region, but you know yes in this and in ge neral personal relations hips are very important and potentially I guess more important in Latin American and in the Caribbean. It tu rns up a culture of corruption, I think that is one thi ng that we make great efforts as an International NGO to try to avoid or overcome in terms of some of our proc urement policies and other policies that we have just in terms of just ways that we do busine ss around, whatever it may be anything as mundane from making sure that we get three quotes on anyt hing that we are procuring to making sure that we have contracts for transporta tion or more formal contracts as supposed to sort of handshake kind of deals. Obviously we have to make sure th at we get formal receipt s for anything that we would purchase of all the goods and services th at we would purchase and we have a strong internal audit from chain within the organization that can specifically look at that as we feel is necessary. Question 2: Do Bolivian managers have a high-context culture? A: My guess is that it would be true, but I canno t really comment on that. I have not worked a long time in Bolivia. I mean everywhere you go, ever y country is a bit different on that, but yes every country including the Unite d States assumes some level of shared understanding so yes that is obviously present. I do not know exactly how sort of forthcoming and open people are in Bolivia vis-ˆ-vis other countries. So I cannot really comment on that too much. Question 3 and 4: What are the communicati on patterns and meeting style of Bolivian managers? A: I can't really comment on this one. I mean th at sounds like a really over generalization. I mean there are a lot of different levels of c onversations I mean it's just a conversation around sort of just again more mundane or sort of the operational aspects, I find that Boliv ians are pretty straight forward and pretty direct after it surrounds something that sort of requires a bit more I don't knowsort of political or a bit more nuance position, or there is something that you are advocating for with someone then yes I would pr obably characterize it more as such or as the generalization that you present but again, I find it ju st very general to sort of blank it agree with that statement.

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173 Question 5: Do Bolivian managers have a high-power distance culture? A: I would say in general it is not true. As ev idence by you know, just sort of the quantity of protests, and the continual sort of back and fort h and sort of the power struggle that goes on in Bolivia in general, is more along the political lines. Q: But regarding those processes, wouldn't that s how the system is still in place and that it is still working, like the whole social hierarchy a nd only now or recently th ey are trying to fight and break the system? A: Yeah, I guess compared to military dictatorships of the 1980s you could say that, but potentially I mean Bolivia is a very complex place because you know it is a very complicated place in terms of la media luna (half moon) and the Andes and the highlands, you sort of feel that they are sort of two different pe ople with different interests a nd almost sort of geographically two different countries so obviously they are sort of push and pull or sort of thug around, a continual struggle for power among t hose two sort large factions and I think is manifested in lots of street protests, lots of people been very open to expressing or to sort of using their ability or their openness to protest in the streets about whatev er they feel is an abusive power. A lot of times that is very sort of a localize thing where somebody is accusing a major or some sort of corruption or something like that and a lot of times it's actually a national thing, and another times is sort of economic. But I think that th e Bolivians are very questioning of authority and power structure as much more so than some other countries. Q: And how do you think this aspect affects wh en thinking about proj ect proposals or the execution of projects in Bolivia? For instance, do you feel that the playing field is level in that sense or do you feel that there is a lot of things th at need to happen before a consensus is reached. Let's say somebody is working on a propos al and they cannot send it to the U.S. office because it needs to go through four different peop le before it gets here. I do not know if you have seen that or not? A: I do not understand the question, but when we develop a proposal there is a lot of considerations I mean first of all who is the dono r, or the potential donor, what are their specific interest, what are we responding to, I mean b ecause most of the times when you develop a proposal, well all of the time you have information about what is important for that donor, whether it be just sort of like a sector, you know, this donor wants to work in health and nutrition or whatever, or what is usually the case, you ha ve a very specific set of rules and program objectives that the donor sets out and that you decide as an organization whether you want to respond to that or not. I mean it becomes sort of a very targeted and technical endeavor and not necessarily, you know very targeted and technical and relatively straightforward. So I am not exactly sure if I am answering your question. Q: Well, basically what I wanted to know is if you see any delay or problem (caused by this cultural aspect) in getting information from the Bolivia office once both the Bolivian and International office are worki ng on a proposal or a project? A: Well I do not really see it as a problem in th e Bolivian office and one other sort of real practical aspect that becomes probl ematic is the language because a lot of the stuff that we have to do has to be in English and so I mean obvi ously, me trying to write in Spanish, I can do ok, but I need somebody to edit and to make sure that I am explaining myself clear as possible. So yeah, for the Bolivian staff trying to write in Englis h if that's the language that we have to use it should be at least edited so that the points are coming acro ss clearly, but I don't think it is anything sort of institutionalized necessarily where people feel somehow by the people at the headquarters or something like that.

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174 Question 6: Do Bolivian managers have a high-uncertainty avoidance culture? A: I can't really comment on that, I mean a lo t of these questions. I mean they are great questions it is just that I woul d have to have worked longer in Bolivia and more specifically Bolivia to have a good opinion in a lot of what you are asking, but unfortuna tely that is not my case. Question 7 and 8: Do Bolivian managers have a collectivistic and a vertical collectivistic culture? A: Yes I would say that probably is general that is true. I think that sort of the idea of social capital is more important in a lot of devel oping countries and in a lot of Latin American countries again, compared to what though, compared to Central America? Or compared to the United States? Q: I mean to ask if you have seen this collectivis tic trait in any way? For instance, when the Bolivian staff is working on projects proposals, do they try to include as many people as possible and look for the benefit of the most number or pe ople or collectives rather than just themselves? A: Yeah again I would think that that would be a fair statement compared to the U.S. let's say that is more of an individua listic society and focus more on gl orification and the individual but compared to other Latin American countries, I do not really know, I can't really place Bolivia somewhere at sort of the International level, but compare to the U.S. I would definitely say yes that is probably generally true. Question 9: What is the leadership style of Bolivian managers? A: Again it is not necessarily our experience at my organization, I really do not know if that is true or not and in general in Bolivia is not our ex perience but part of it is that we go to, we try to address those issues in Bolivia and in every coun try that we work such that you know we can, if that is the cultural norm then improve on the cult ural norm and make sure that we are getting towards transparency and accountability and sort of towards meritocracyhmm obviously if in any situation there are a few have people internal ly who can sort of vouch for someone in a job search process or something like that. That has a weight and it is impor tant to have people, you know well respected people to sort of vouch for or support other people from outside in terms of gaining access to employment or opportunities within the organization, I think that is how every organization works but I mean again we go to gr eat lengths as an International non profit in Bolivia to not end up with a situation where we have a lot of nepotism and a lot of you know some of the issues that you addressed. Again, in general I do not know a nd my intuition is that compare to the United States, yes it is probabl y more prevalent in Bo livia, but one of the challenges in general is that you have, I mean the United States has 300 million people and you have a lot of those 25%-30% of people have college education and this and that so you have sort of this big pool to draw from whereas in Boliv ia and other smaller count ries in general you have a smaller pool and so what might be perceived sort of as nepotism or as favoritism is just sort of a reflection that is a much smaller place were most people or a lot of people know each other and have some sort of affiliation with each other, wh ether it is that they went to the same school or they belong to some group or they are actually fa mily members are connect ed through a friend or whatever that would be more prevalent than hiri ng somebody in any state of the United States, 5

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175 million people from all over the United States who have had different experiences and different relationships in groups and you have more people in a talent pool to choose from. So what I am saying is that there is a sma ller pool of people who are qualifie d and that there is a higher likelihood that those people know each other so it is not necessarily that they are hiring someone who is not qualified it is just that whoever would be qualif ied is your friend or you would probably know them. Question 10: Do Bolivian managers have a long-time orientation? A: well I mean I do not know. I guess I cannot really comment on that. I guess in general you know who are we talking about here I mean if you have people who are sort of extremely poor in the Andean highlands who are hungry, then I do not think those peopl e are necessarily, and you know that can be the case in Haiti or Guatem ala or somewhere in Africa, whatever, I don't think that those people are sort of necessarily thinking about th e very long term whereas the upper middle class in the urban areas who again ha ve access to education mi ght have sort of a yes perspective in terms of a longer term pers pective so I think it's yeah. And one of the characteristics that is common in Latin American societies is the issue of inequity. When you have certain segments of the population living in extreme poverty and very rustic or primitive conditions and that others segments of the popul ation are living at a ma terial quality of life similar to wealthy people in the United States or wh erever in the world so I mean again it is sort of difficult to answer that question in te rms of who exactly we are talking about. Question 11: Do Bolivian managers h ave a polychronic time orientation? A: I do not know, I cannot answer mo st of that question my per ception is that Bolivians are punctual and that there is not mu ch of the ma–ana culture that is more of a problem in the Caribbean or other places. Q: In this regard and about the time management, how good do you think Bolivians are with meeting deadlines? A: I think they are very good. Question 12: How do you usually communi cate with the international office? A: Email and the language depends on whom I am writing to so it is ei ther in Spanish or English. Question 13: How do you find communicating with the international office: easy or challenging? A: I mean it depends on the person, but I find it relatively easy. Question 14: Is there a language barrier with the Bolivian managers? A: Yes definitely if whatever is going on it's in English and the reason th at the things are in English at times in our organization is that you would involve somebody who is not you know a non-Spanish speaker, so you have to switch to Eng lish or vice-versa. Not with me personally, but with certain people yes ther e are some issues. But we do have somebody in our Bolivian office that speaks English so that makes it easier.

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176 Q: So are they like the missing link? A: Yeah but I mean you know that in learning English and if Spanis h is your native language but obviously it is difficult to transl ate and you lose some of whatev er you are trying to translate. Question 15: What is the overall im pact of these cultural differences? A: Yes, again I think one of the things that a bove and beyond cultural practices, I think that some of the logistical or practical realities affect procurement pro cesses. You can think of our organization or other international NGOs as sort of like multinational organizations or corporations or whatever so we have a lot of standards around procuremen t practices so we end up sort of with a hybrid of follo wing policies that are sort of in ternational polic ies, they are international developed and respected policies an d then you know implemen ting those policies in the Bolivian context, so obviously ye s it affects it. I think for the mo st part is not like we cram everything down in people's throats like this is our policy and you must follow it at all times etc. etc. but I mean to ensure that we have certain appropriate standards from an audit stand point and from an effective management stand point yes we have those, and then the issue becomes again, I would say more of ayou know somewhat of a cu ltural issue and then mo re of a logistical issue around just been able to effectively be able to im plement them in all cases. Q: That is very interesting because that could alsolike you saidthere is a lot of standards when it comes to this grants and all of these pol icies so you need to make sure you follow them so if you get audited you are fine. But then th at doesn't necessarily mean or show the true picture of the projects in Bolivia. A: Yes, the other reality is if you have a grant from the United Nations or the European Union or the U.S. government, they all have their ow n policy around procurement, around reporting and audits and all of that so you beholding more of to sort of like donor st andards than you would like to be at any given time. So a lot of times it is definitely not in oursis sort of more, they is not much lead way or room to vary from whatever your donor's policies are. Interview 5: April 18 th 2008 Question 1: What traits do Bolivian managers share? A: Yeah I mean, I think my actions are a little b it limited so my experience s are hence a little bit limited. But I would say that some of these things are definitely true, especially when it comes to the tardiness and maybe some of the not writin g memos and things like that, those can at times make things a little bit more difficult to work in. Q: So, have you seen any of these aspects affecting the procurement or development of projects in Bolivia? A: Yeah, we have one small project from Bolivia that we can say was very affected by this because we were just starting it, and we were trying towe we re going back and forth with email and phones and there was a Bolivian gentleman who was supposed to be getting it up and going, so it was not happening, it was not happening, so I went down last year in March and May. In March it was eminent that he was not ge tting it done, so when I went back in May I met with him again and then we finally got thi ngs going. But it seems lik e there was a lot of contending minds and a lot of disorganization, an d I wouldn't necessarily say that there were things like pulling favors or combining persona l and professional. I wouldn't say it was necessarily that, it was just a matter of hate to kind of be going back and forth on things and

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177 wasn't very good about communicati on and would constantly forget, so those are more of the issues that we are dealing with in trying to get the project going. Basical ly all of these things have delayed the project. Question 2: Do Bolivian managers have a high-context culture? A: yeah, I don't think that I could give you a very good example but I definitely have gotten that vibe, that they assumed that you catch the s ubtleties of the conversation and sometimes you don't, and there are instances that I can definitely pick up on that, but ther e are things that they are not saying that I think they are expecting me to understand but maybe don't, and occasionally I do understand what they are getting at but there ha s definitely been times where I think maybe I have come across as been a little bit too pushy to get certain information out of them because I am not understanding what is implied. So they would assume that I know what they are talking about. Question 3 and 4: What are the communicati on patterns and meeting style of Bolivian managers? A: Yeah, when I went there just last year, I went to a number of inaugurations and different meetings like that, so there were a variety of Bolivians and in a few of them I was the only American, and I say yes I noticed that trait too that they kind of kick around ideas and that, you know I meanI guess that in my opinion I can tell just by listeni ng to them that it is probably not actually going to happen, and there is definitely a lot of chit chat, small talk and then it seems like kind of in a mix venue you slip in the meat of what you are actually trying to figure out and then you go on. Q: So do you feel as though you have to be bringing people back to the topic? A: I really think that it depends on the person. I th ink that some people are very accurate and are very good at staying on task and ot her people are just all over the place, so I would say that it is hard to say that it goes exactly one way or the ot her, I think that it's kind of a person to person basis but I would say that in general you do ki nd of have to try to keep things on track. Q: So how do you think this aspect impacts the execution and developmen t of projects in Bolivia? A: I think it is more of a delay than anything, and sometimes you sense that the delay might be a little bit of a stretch because in reality it is just something that is kind of protocol and you kind of expected going into these sort of situations, that this is what you are going to have to do in order to get the ball rolling. I guess in terms of gringos, it can be perceived as a delay but I guess in my experience working in Latin America is somethi ng that you come to expect. At this point, I do not really see it as annoyance, I just see it as it a kind of cu ltural thing that you have to do. Question 5: Do Bolivian managers have a high-power distance culture? A: Definitely. That is really tr ue. For instance, I have lived in other parts of Latin America and the Caribbean, and I never got that perception as much, whereas in Bolivia I definitely noticed a difference, even just in my cont act with the field staff in Bolivia, I mean I do not consider myself a superior or a boss, but I get emails from people who I actually interacted with, and I don't expect, notice the I don't expect some sort of hierarchy to this, but I get emails saying "Estimado Jefe" (Dear Boss) and things like that, that I should wouldn't that for me seem a

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178 little weird because I think I am just not used to that form of a hierarchy and it is something that I definitely see accentuated in the working with the Bolivian than working with Paraguay for instance, and that does not exist, or at leas t not to the extent that it does in Bolivia. Q: Do you think this hierarchy that you mention affects the way people approach you? For instance, a field director who refers to you as his boss, do you think he is open to give you any suggestions regardless of the fact that he or she sees you as his/her boss? A: I mean to say that it affects the implementatio n of the project not nece ssarily, but I mean in terms of, if they would feel comf ortable talking to me about an i ssue that they would like to see resolved or address or things like that I can see where there would be some issues. I do not feel like there is as much of a sense of "confianza", I see it more as respect. It is respect but they do not have that trust or that confia nza to come and talk to me if th ere is a problem. But if they did, I think they would do it in a very subtle way. Q: How about when you are trying to get informa tion from the Bolivian staff who are not the country directordo you think it takes long to get it because it has to go through the country director? Or do you not see a difference? A: Generally I get it directly from them, but it's ki nd of a mix. But I think that basically the kind of protocol that we established is that it doesn't have to go th rough the boss directly to me, but their boss needs to be copied on the email. So the boss is aware of what's going on, so that way we are not stepping out of the sound of hierar chy in the office. In the cases where the communication hasn't included the boss, there are times where the bosses say: hey wait a minute, I need to make sure that I'm on all of thes e, and he, she, I, it's definitely been called out on it, and say hey you need to kind of resp ect the way the hier archy is laid down. Question 6: Do Bolivian managers have a high-uncertainty avoidance culture? A: Yeah, I agree with that as well. I know that ou r, sort of our American staff members tend to get a little frustrated at times because there is somewhat of an inability to, as you say to think outside of the box, in situations that need to be, that we need to be creative so when there is a good set of rules that has been established they po ise very well, but when there is some sort of unique situation that arises, or the rules have not been well defi ned, or the rules need to be defined, they tend to struggle. I know that I ha ve dealt with that in some unique accounting situations, and some unique procurement situations and so I would say th at not only hearing it from our American staff living in Bolivia, but al so from my own experience I can say that is definitely true. Q: And when you say that this aspect aff ects projects, what did you mean by that? A: Just same thing, it slows it down. It is defi nitely something we have always gone through, but you kind of have to come up with the rules and develop some sort of system that they can work in, and then they are fine. But you know there are times where you need to give them a lot of guidance. I mean not to make it sound like they do not know how to make anything because that is not at all the case but ther e have been situations where they seem like they just can't or aren't able to get through without getting more guidance, and so that tends to push work on to other people which slows things dow n and it has some certain effects. Question 7: Do Bolivian managers have a collectivistic culture? A: That is kind of hard. I do not know if I have enough experience to say definitively. I wouldn't say that I have any good examples, but to an extent I would agree with it, I think m y

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179 examples would be on more in the terms of things that I've read, or I've seen on the news, but directly and how they relate to our projects, not really, I can't say I have seen it. Questions 8: Do Bolivian managers have a vertical collectivistic culture? A: Yeah I mean I would say that is true. I know that last year when I was there, I played on a volleyball team that they had se t up and it's a little volleyball league and there were seven different teams within the office and everyone was very collective in a sense that everyone was having fun, playing together and it didn't matter if you were the Project Director or the driver, or the cleaning person, it didn't matter what level y ou were on, everyone just worked together and had a good time, but at the same time you saw th at, even though they were having a good time, they still respected the people that were sort of higher in the food chain if you will, that they still respected those ranks. Basically ye ah, I have definitely seen that. Question 9: What is the leadership style of Bolivian managers? A: Yeah I mean I guess what I woul d say about our office in Bolivia is that we have a number of employees who are married, or maybe it's a father a nd a son, so I have seen that, but to say that that person was hired because they are related, not necessarily. I mean the way that we have it set up, the father would have never been able to hire a comrade or his son, whatever the case may be. You know you see that they watch out for each other, and they definitely push for making sure that their family is taken care of too. Q: So you wouldn't say that they got hired becaus e they were relatives but because they were qualified? A: Right, but at the same time, if they hear a bout an opening they say oh you know my son isn't working right now and maybe he could do that you know they definitely watch out for their family. Whereas in the case of the U.S. the first thing I wouldn' t think of is oh my brother is looking for a job, you know like, because I kno w that they are hiring somebody but maybe you know somebody is looking and qualified, but you know, I can't sa y that I have seen like a horrible level of nepotism, but part of it is that I think is the way we have it set up and the way we run it is just not, does not put up with it. Question 10: Do Bolivian managers have a long-time orientation? A: Yeah, I mean again I would say that my e xperience has been. I do not think that I have enough experience to say definitely but I think it seems that way. It seems like compared to other cultures where I have worked there definitely seems to be a little more of aI don't know that the Bolivians I have interact with they seem to be very in terested in saving and getting home and building a future for themselves, and they are less worried about if they have $10 bucks on their pocket, instead of going to spend it right no w they are more likely to go save it and make sure that they are securing their future rather than just enjoying the present. Q: So when you are trying to set up the programs, and writing out the proposals for the grants, do you think those characteristics aff ect these processe s in any way? A: I think so. I mean I have not been too invol ved in the proposal development, but the one thing that I noticed is that Bolivians are definite ly open to kind of giving their time and again like other cultures that I have interacted with, they te nd to, when they do these type of projects they want to see results immediately and they just want to know how they are going to benefit right

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180 away. The Bolivians that I visi ted who have benefited seem very in knowledge and they are pleased with what they have seen on a short term but I think that they ar e willing to give time or money or supplies or whatever in order to make this project more succes sful in the long term. They tend to give a certain level of continuity that you don't necessa rily see in other projects or activities and when you talk to them they say: oh this is really great it is helping us right now, you know we are going to keep working on this because we want to be able to send our kids to college or we want to whatever the case might be but they, you know it' s not just: oh yeah now we can eat is kind of now we will be able to wo rk hard in order to keep working, keep eating, and I am very impressed with them. Bolivians in general seem to be interested in you know obviously securing the present but also making sure that they have a more secure future as well. Question 11: Do Bolivian managers h ave a polychronic time orientation? A: Well my experiences are limited but I'd say that yes I think I have seen some of that. I mean there is definitely that of thinking towards the future but at the same time[hang up]. What I was trying to say is that they ar e thinking towards the future but at the same time there are other instances were you go to a meeting and they know that I have to leave because I have another commitment and .go to another city and they say why don't you can stay here longer and we can talk[inaudible] Question 12: How do you usually communi cate with the international office? A: Generally by email in Spanish. Question 13: How do you find communicating with the international office: easy or challenging? A: It's easy Question 14: Is there a language barrier with the Bolivian managers? A: No, not at all. Question 15: What is the overall im pact of these cultural differences? A: I wouldn't say these cultural differences affect the procurement and execution of development projects in Bolivia. I do not think that there is any sort of negative impact. I think that generally speaking, my impression is that ther e may be certain delays because of the cultural expectations towards you but in the end I think, and ge nerally speaking, especi ally in terms of kind of the futuristic looking and some of the understanding of the hierarchy and kind of the respect for it, I think they tend to, they try to actua lly in the end they kind of facilitate the process because again you can make it work. Sometimes you run into cultural issues that just can't expect from a relationship to work and to respec t hierarchy and that is not the case with working with our team in Bolivia.

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181 Interview 6: May 2 nd 2008 Question 1: What traits do Bolivian managers share? A: I would say in general much of that is inaccurate but there are some things that I would agree with. I need to take on e of your points that Bolivians frequen tly interrupt, and things like that, I find Bolivians to be extremely polite, very well mannered, very professional, and very polite. I think general, again, this is a li ttle bit of stereotype but most Latin American countries that I know, including Bolivia, tend to be polychromic in their time management and that just means, I think it means that they are more interested on whatever they are doing at the moment it is the most important thing, so if it is a meeting with someone or th ere is something happening that needs their attention, a Bolivian will not stop what they were doing, cut short an interaction with another person or meeting or what have you to go to another schedule event in order to stay on time, where an American would. Unless you ar e talking with some body who is extremely, extremely important, most Americans would say, you know what I'm so sorry but I have to go to another meeting and can we finish this later or can I send you an email? And I don't think that would happen so much in Bolivia, so they ar e more likely to see people not necessarily completely punctual because again the interaction with people is more important than what the clock says so for me that is sort of the difference. Q: In regards to what you were saying, how do you think those as pects that you were mentioning affect either the procurement or execution of projects in Bolivia? A: Well, when you say procurement the immediate meanings that applies is the transactional extent of purchasing materials and Q: What I mean with procurement includes the time from when the scope of work goes out to the time that the proposal is read, to the time that it is developed, submitted, accepted, to the time the project gets executed. Basically all the work that goes into getting a project grant approved. A: Well I think it can negatively impact things that have a timelin e, like proposal preparation and development, I mean that is eventually wh ere we will see the bigge r issue and you know we definitely have had challenges not only in Bo livia, but in other countries too where you don't received the input, and informati on that you need in a timely manne r and part of that, there is couple of things. Part of that, is that I thi nk that these proposals, or the vast majority of proposals are written in English a nd they are written, they are fair ly high level English, I mean they are sort of written at the graduate school level English, so these are not easy concepts and ideas to express in English frequently, so I think sometimes what happens to is that there is this sort of time management issue that is also a factor that given th e complexity of some of these things, some of the new themes are basically no t, either people do read and understand English very well, some of the new (audits) and things may not understood fully so that could lead to miscommunication between people who are nativ e English speakers, you know college and graduate school, educated, and people who understand English pretty well but may not be able to understand the complete nuance and everything of th e details so I think th at those two issues together can cause and have caused challenges sometimes. Q: And do you have any specific example? A: Sure, there was this big grant proposal due and you know I think that for example we had some expectations that maybe the consultant that was hired really understood what was been requested and what the parameters of the proposal order and what the ex pected inputs were and we m ade some assumptions, but I sort of think that he didn't clearly fully understand the scope and what was required for the proposal and its probably a fact, I think it is lik ely that a factor that

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182 was partially was the language factor, and that cau sed to ultimately not getting the information that was needed together in a timely fashion to get the proposal submitted so we cancelled it. Question 2: Do Bolivian managers have a high-context culture? A: I would say that Bolivians are probably what I would call medium contex t country so that if you got to start from high context to low context, America or Australia, they would be like low context where the situation, the setting, the people invo lved, is based on what people say is all that matters. And in a high context culture, le t's say in Japan non-verb al cues, situations, everything those things are what really speak and act ually the words don't mean much anything so and I would say Bolivia is sort of between those two points. Context is more important in Bolivia than it is in the United States where it is essentially unimportant, and it is really much more what people say. I think in Bolivia understa nding relationships, and understanding what the implications are socially and pr ofessionally for different situati ons definitely can give you more understanding of where someone is coming from and what their real feelings are, so yes I think to some extent that is the case in Bolivia, but it is certainly not Q: Well, how do you think that plays a role in the procurement or execution of projects in Bolivia when this rules are not understood? A: Yes, I think it can. In particul ar, it's just again, Americans have an expectation that when something [is going to show you something] that that is the way it is, and th at is not 100% true when you are dealing with Bolivians and these other factors to consider, so I think that can lead to saturation. Again, for the Americans and pr obably for the Bolivians too where they see many of the Americans been a little bit pushy and rude and unrealistic, and the Am ericans are thinking like the Bolivians aren't managing it co rrectly, so yes that could happen. Question 3 and 4: What are the communicati on patterns and meeting style of Bolivian managers? A: No. If I understood that correctly about expe cting to respect the national honor of Bolivia, no. I don't think Bolivians are ve ry nationalistic at al l, and I can give you a good example. I mean I have had lots of conversations with Bo livians recently where th ey are basically saying that Evo Morales, who is the indigenous Presiden t of Bolivia, who if there is any president in Bolivian history that people should vow and defe nd because of his very indigenous and therefore very Bolivian roots, and they ar e like: Yeah our president is a conk and he's an embarrassment, you know, and I think their, I first tell Bolivians that this is very much like what people are saying in this country about our President and so I don't really think that the national honor is a high priority for Bolivians, any more so than a ny other country, I personall y think that Bolivians are less nationalistic than American s or Canadians who are very hi gh in the nationalistic scale. Q: How about Bolivians' communication style during meetings? A: I think that there are a lot of cultures where interpersonal relations are very important, people do start with small talk and then move on to more important matters, so but I don't think there is anything unusual in that, in fact, pr obably a little bit more of small talk than what's done in the U.S. but not necessarily, I do not necessarily agree with that. Q: Do you feel that usually at the end of a meeting when everybody has already reached a consensus or a conclusion, do you thi nk that it is eventually carry out? A: Well, I mean, you know it's hard to say. I mean I guess Americans would say that after three [inaudible] and then would apply that everyt h ing will be executed as it was agreed on the

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183 meeting because everybody essentially agreed to follow a certain course of action, where as seen on some of the other things that I talked about ear lier may need to tell [inaudible] in the execution, but I would say that when people reac h consensus in Bolivia, they are certainly committed to following that generally agreed upon c ourse of action as much as anywhere else, it is just that the other factors that may inhi bit cross cultural communi cation and everything may play more of a role in having that consensus not be executed in those [i naudible], but I surely do not think that the Bolivians are any more likely than Americans that once they reach a consensus, to back pedal and not really mean it in a way that the Japanese would. I mean the Japanese frequently as for other cultures in Asia, will sa y yes to everything and they would totally agree and if you do not understand the context, you may thi nk that everything is fine, and then you will find out later that yes was a way to not embarrass you, yes was a way to not, they do not want to have you lose face by having them challenge you, and say you know what you are full of shit, we are not going to do that, they will never say that because that will be hum iliating to you. So out of respect for you the Japanese will say yes, yes, we'll think about that, or yes that is a good idea, we will consider that, and as Americans we h ear, hey we are good to go, but hey to a Japanese person that did not mean that they really made up a decision. But I think Bolivians will be pretty open about discussing issues and things, and when consensus is reached, I think they are just as likely as Americans to stick to what they said. Question 5: Do Bolivian managers have a high-power distance culture? A: Yes, I think that power is distributed in a more hierarchical fashion in Latin America and also in Bolivia. I think that, that is probably true, but I think that is cha nging in Bolivia, and it is changing in a lot of places around the world because in traditiona l societies older people, more experienced people, tend to have control of info rmation and power and it creates a hierarchical power relationship but today with so much information and technol ogy available and also that all of the technology and information is more r eadily handled by young people, who are since their early childhood you know involved in using th e technology and much more knowledgeable comfortable with it than older people and the power is actual ly shifting to young people who can manipulate and used this technology and information, better and faster than older people, who are just having to learn those stuff from scra tch, so I think that th e hierarchical power relationship is going to be eroded from all around the world including Bolivia because again, as the world moves more toward information must fr om manufacturing and other things so I think the paradigm is shifting towards the younger people. Q: So would you say that there is no clear social hierarchy in Bolivia? A: There has to be a hierarchy, I ju st do not think thatI mean, it is hierarchical and I think that a good example of that is the honorif ics that are used, for example: Licenciado', or Licenciada', or Ingeniero' or Doctor', nobody talks like that in English and in th e United States. For instance, generally, People with a Ph.D. if they call themselves Doctors, generally people will laugh at them in the United States. They w ould say: did you go to a medical school, no but I have a Doctorate in European History. People actu ally laugh at them, right on their face if they say something like that, and woul d say well actually you are not a doctor, a doctor needs to go to medical school, so if you are not [inaudible] so you are a John, so but in Latin America, if you have a Bachelor's Degree or college degree, people use that honorific when they make introductions and things like that, which is to an Am erican very unus ual. To me that is just full long example of the fact that ed ucation status in that country is much more scattered pattern

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184 [inaudible] and embedded in Bolivian culture than it is in the US, so in general I am sure that it is true. Q: And do you think that this influences in any way the way the projects are developed and/or executed? A: Hmm you know it probably does a nd again this is pu re speculation, but le t's assume that it may be that in that environment it may be hard er for a lower level probably what I would call line staff, you know maybe like an ethnic girl or so mething who is been working out on the field so then she would be able to express a strong di fference in opinion with the [inaudible] people above them about a particular activity, because again, because of the structure, where in the United States is much more likely that a floor man working on a project on the field if he sees something that he doesn't like in a multimillion dollar project, he can pick up the phone and call somebody and say this is dangerous or we shouldn't be doing this. And that generally, that kind of message is more likely to ge t through probably in the US, than it would be maybe in Bolivia, but that is a little bit of speculation on my part. Question 6: Do Bolivian managers have a high-uncertainty avoidance culture? A: I don't know. I see where that can be true in many places in Latin Am erica but I can't think of a country with more uncertainty on a daily basis than Bolivia. I mean Jesus! I mean in Bolivia you never know from week to week who is going to be the President. Then again, how many coups have there been in Bolivia since the 1940's, I mean it is unbelievable. After World War II, there has been, I think only probably the Italian government has turned over more frequently than the Bolivian government, so there is tr emendous uncertainty, c onceptual instability, economic instability because the dependency of Boliv ia on extractive industry like tin and things like that. So I think that in so many different levels Bolivia ha s this common uncertainty and so yeah I think that there is more, there is probably more uncertainty and things like that, so there is probably more inhibition and a litt le more overtake than we might ha ve here in the US but I think Bolivians handle uncertainty pretty well. I m ean, you see a few Americans freaking out about $4 gas and all those things happening in this countr y, and to be honest, I think Bolivians are more used to dealing with a lot more serious issues than that. Question 7: Do Bolivian managers have a collectivistic culture? A: I think in general that is true and I th ink you can see that by the long-term you know employment. I think that for example in our orga nization you will not see much turn out, I mean the only turn out that you would really see for the most part is rela ted to you know funding shortfalls where our projects have a little bit of funding but I thi nk they are much more likely to stay in Bolivia, people stay with the organiza tion for a long, long period of time and if there are opportunities to move people to other projects or bring people back later, that happens frequently. And then in the U.S. people tend to view their professional ca reer through sort of the skills and experiences they have and that is sort of their fram ework, so people do not feel very loyal to their company and the other thing is that companies are not loyal to their employees in this country so you know it is very very common fo r people to only stay at a job for 1-2-3 years and get another job that gives them a little bit more money, or a littl e bit more benefits, a little bit better terms, and I do not think that y ou find that so much in Bolivia. Q: And how do you think this collectivistic nature influences the procurement and execution process of projects in Bolivia?

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185 A: Is not like I think that it is really good, meaning that the pr ocurement in our scenario is a little bit different because we have this international aspect to our procurement where we are actually developing proposals join tly or often jointly and then we have that intercultural dynamic, but let's say for a minute proposals that are developed in Bolivia and by Bolivians and/or once the project is funded, the executi on of that, I think that when you have an organization where people have been working toge ther for so many years and they really feel that they are family, in addition to co-worker instead they have mo re of a family feel. They can really get things done and they can really work effectivel y with communities and other organizations because again their philosophy is built on long-term relationships and our branch in Bolivia has relationships with particular comm unities that they have had for decades and the municipalities and others so you know in that scenario where the communities have long standing relationship with the employees and the organization, they can be highly effective in getting things done. Where Americas, if we are doing business somewher e in our country, we will show up in any community and just go through process, like ok: the law says this, they say that, and our people need to get these permits and they do it, but there certainly is not that long term connection to project sites and things like that, in what you would call the procurement and execution that we have in this country. Maybe with the exception of corporate home offices, where companies are based for a long time and th en they build those relationships but you know in this country, people will close an office and move it to a different area a nd they do not talk to anyone and there is noI mean it is much more competitive and I think that in Bolivia we have long term relationships and thus people can be more effective. So I mean I think that is one of the positives of having that so rt of social structure. Questions 8: Do Bolivian managers have a vertical collectivistic culture? A: I mean I think that it is probabl y true. I guess the best example that I have is that people want to support their member of their in-group of whatever may it be colleagues or communities that they work with but when you grow up or you opera te in an environment where you sort of have to pay your dues, you know that in regards to the ranks and educationa l experience before you can have any authority and thing like that and you kind of suffer through that been when you are young and things like that, it makes it hard for yo u to give up that system once you obtain some rank and authority because you suffered through it and if you get rid of that system then it causes, or it means that you suffered for nothing so it does tend to perpetuate. Like a good example within the U.S. there is all kinds of research that residencies for doctors are unnecessarily brutal and the treatme nt by the residents of the attend ing doctors, by the residents, and their lack of sleep and all so rt of stuff leads to bad outcome s for patients. And it does not make that the training doctor, better doctors ri ght, you know it makes them kind of assholes and bad doctors but you know, when they are up for tw o days straight without sleeping and you walk in there it is very likely that they are going to make a mistake because they are exhausted, so this whole system is not a good system for medicine. But doctors have been going through that for so long that they are relu ctant to give that up, when they are so rt of in control, what it also means is that they would probably have to work harder because they are able to extremely push this young doctors you know of what would normally be required so, that system just perpetuates itself even though it is not a very good system. Bu t in America, if you start out as a very low ranking technical person and you work your way through and you get your education and all of those other things and you get some status and au thority it is hard to give that up, in creating more egalitarian structureit is kind of like boot cam p, you know you go through boot camp

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186 and so that you do not want to just let some body into the army without going though boot camp because you had to go through it. So you know I do not know if that creates a stronger comradely in working in group or not, I just do now know. But I noticed that, that kind of mentality is very common and if you sort of have to go through a process to get to somewhere, and it is long and painful, then you are reluctant to let other people bypass what you had to go through and that is just human nature. Question 9: What is the leadership style of Bolivian managers? A: I know that nepotism in general in Latin Amer ica business and things is much more common than it is in the U.S. I think we were doing th is interview about our offices in Nicaragua and it was the most nepotistic thing that I have seen in my life, we got nepotism in our organization in Nicaragua. It is just astounding, but in Bolivia, I think there are a couple of examples of some nepotism there particularly with certain staff s ituations where, people who are perceived to be sort of favorite and have higher pay and terms than other people and so I do think that it happens, I think that at least in our organization in Boliv ia I think that it is less common than in some other places but it is definitely an issue, and agai n I think that sense of belonging to or that your social group in all of these groups that you are part of, that you are defi nitely strong with, that encourages you towards nepotism and you know and th ere are some positives in nepotism in that you can trust people that have th ese other linkages with, because you know them and they will not necessarily violate your trust because of these other strong ties. Where in the U.S. we take the view, we are very much more rules or system based and so that is why we think thatwe do not see nepotism because the system and the rule s will protect the collective organization where as nepotism is often the rule used in Latin Amer ica, and in Bolivia is a way to strengthen the collective because it gives you know ledge, and power and makes people sort of have penalty for not supporting the group in a different level. In ot her words, if I hire my cousin to work for me, and they do not do a good job, there is a negative impact in the work environment for them and there is also a negative family impact where my t’as (aunts), and my brothe rs will be giving them a hard time and saying: hey! What's going on with you and blah blah blah so that sort of social pressure can probably be a good thing. So it is hard to say, I mean in general I am not in favored, not a fan of nepotism. Q: But you say that in Bolivia it is frequent, that it does happen right? A: Well it does happen, but it does not happen so much in our organization in Bolivia and I think that probably has more to do with our staff, and who is doing the hiring, and I think it has more to do with our Director there because of his acad emic background he is more process oriented, so he is not very nepotistic. Like I said in this other Latin American office that we have, I mean it is the definition of nepotism. Even a Latin American person will be surprised of how nepotistic this office is. So, I think the leadership style defines what level of nepotism will be tolerated. Q: Well with all of your experience, how would you describe the leadership style in Bolivia? A: You know I would say that it is de finitely more hierarchical than or vertically oriented than here, in other words, there is less of horizontal discussion of what is going to be done, and then consensus and people, you know, I think the organiza tional chart is more ve rtical than horizontal and you know and that is not necessarily a bad thing as long as the blaze of the people from lower down the work chart is able to effectiv ely move up and down the chain and I think it is fine, but if those, communications and messa ges moves one way you know from top to bottom then you know you have a problem. And I would say that it is not the case of Bolivia and again that is how we have to do with sort of the long term measure of the operation and the long term

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187 measure of the employee where people have a really good relationship and despite potentially you know codified you know social st ructure that says ok: my boss "tiene la palabra" "has the word and that is it", but because we known each other for 15 years and we are friends you know and things like that, I can tell hi m: hey this is what is going o n, you need to think about this or you need to look at this. So I th ink that that sort of mitigates that stratification that long-term sort of family atmosphere that they have. Question 10: Do Bolivian managers have a long-time orientation? A: Yes I think that it is true and I think that th ey have a much longer [inaudible] and that they are thinking about the future, and certainly about mainta ining relationships. Yes I think that it is true. But you know on the other hand, there are some phrases in Latin America that we do not have in the U.S. you know where people says : "Si Dios quiere" you know like "God Willing" it won't happen, but I might get hit by a bus. Y ou know that way. But definitely it is true. Question 11: Do Bolivian managers h ave a polychronic time orientation? A: Yes, I think that this is definitely true. In general, I think that over a long time horizon that, that all evens out because if it doesn't get done today they'll work l onger hours and get it done tomorrow or next week, and everything will be o k. I would just say that I think that it is generally true that sort of polychromic behavi or but over a long time horizon it all evens out. You know like in other words, if something does not get done today it gets done tomorrow, and even if it means that they have to work l onger hours if it didn't get done before, you know, on long term project it all evens out in the wash, it is all even. But in the short time frame like with a deadline, it could be a problem, because things have to be done at a certain time and in a certain way and if they are not done well it is either they have to be done or you lose something. Like a proposal, it has to be submitted at a certain time and in a certain way, so that can cause problems because again, you do not have the luxury of a long time project to get things done. They have to be done in certain times in certain ways so that can be a negative. When you are on a deadline. But over a three-year project or so mething like that. I do not think is a problem. Q: So do you mean to say that the difference is ma inly when you are trying to get a project than we you are trying to execute a project? A: Yes, and where there is a longer time horizon and there is time to be polychromic, because that means that ok you might have to work 14 hours on a day next week to get things done but is really important that you spend an extra hour talking to this person today, and that's fine. But if a proposal is due tomorrow you can't just ok it is important to have a four hour lunch with this person, you know, because my relationship is important with him, and that is when you can have a problem. Question 12: How do you usually communi cate with the international office? A: By email, instant message and phone. Question 13: How do you find communicating with the international office: easy or challenging? A: I think it is pretty easy.

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188 Question 14: Is there a language barrier with the Bolivian managers? A: No, I mean, the only barrier is when I do not know how to say something in Spanish but I know that I can work around it and Q: How about when you are doing the proposals? A: There is definitely a language barrier there for written communicati on, verbal communication and things, in email and things like that are fine but again in the hi gh, high order proposal preparation when you are dealing with very comp licated themes and ideas in English which I think 90% of Americans would not be able to do well, you know it is sort of like graduate record exam sort of level of writing, ve ry specific, very field specific a nd it is not easy and so it is not easy for me in English, and it is definitely not easy for non-na tive English speakers so we do have problems with th at, is an issue. Question 15: What is the overall im pact of these cultural differences? A: You know, I think that the cultu ral issues are less be tween the U.S. and Bo livia. I think the language barrier and real high order process is more of an issue, in other words if someone spoke English and Spanish or if both sides spoke Englis h and Spanish at a very high level, very nuance level, able to write at that level both sides, I th ink the cultural differences would be minimal. I think that it does come down when people say: Language is culture and I think in this case is true. Those are the big issues but if we were talking about Ja pan, I think that you could speak perfect Japanese and still not have a clue of what was going on. So I think that it is the issue. Actually there is a famous quote about a guy that lived in Japan for more than 20 years and he said, the longer that I lived in Japan the less I know about it. Q: I think that can be true with any country. A: Yeah, but I just think that not so much. I mean you know despite all of our differences there are not tremendous differences between the Unite d States and Bolivia. We are all sort of Americans in some weird sense, that we have this idea that we have been impacted by immigration, we have been impacted by migration in different ways and we all have this sort of weird some of American idea. Even though we know that we are definitely different but we all sort of got some fundamental th ings in common, where I don't feel that is the case necessarily in say: West Africa, or the Middle East or North Asia, so maybe that is just my bias, but I feel like I understand Latin America just intu itively better than I understand other parts of the world, and somehow I feel that that is th e case for Latin Americans too. Interview 7: May 20 th 2008 Question 1: What traits do Bolivian managers share? A: Yeah, I think in general it is true. I think mo st of them are probably true. Just from my interactions with our national offi ce in La Paz, Bolivia, I think they can do a lot of things at the same time. I do not think thatthey do more things in verbally, they are better at doing things verbally than in written, and get stuff done quick er that way and they know the right people, you know you get stuff done quicker. I mean overall, I be lieve that the Bolivians that I work with are extremely hard working and extremely dedicated to their work and can be extremely productive as well.

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189 Question 2: Do Bolivian managers have a high-context culture? A: It's really tough because it depends. I have ha d experiences when Bolivians can be direct. I could probably see where that is the case, I'm ju st thinking of several probable exceptions to that. For instance, in devel oping proposals for USAID, a Bolivian there who has had a lot of experience in the United States kind of assumes so me of theyou know, I thi nk it is sort of what you get for someone who is been educated, pe rhaps I guess you could ca ll more elite. Q: Do you mean people who have been educated in the U.S. or Bolivia? A: Well I'm thinking about those who have studied in the U.S. for a little bit, and so those who have studied here are much more direct than a normal Bolivian would be. I guess it might be as I qualified it, I think it depends on th e educational level. You know, I think that is a variable that should be considered. I think the generalization is probably accura te on indirect communication. Q: So would you say that the majority or mi nority of people would have this indirect communication style? A: Probably the majority. Q: And how do you think this play s a role in developing the pr oposal and actually executing the projects themselves? A: Well I mean I think you have to get them on board with the idea, lik e if you are going to be designing a program, you need to include them from the offset so that they have a common contact, a common understanding of what the overall goals of the project are and how each piece relates to its other pieces, that way they do have a share of contacts, they do have a share of understanding and you can properly communicate in directly with those sort of shared understandings. Q: But in that sense you need to be aware of those "share understandings" A: Right, I mean you have to sort of know going inI mean part of it too it's just knowingpart of it is just rea lly knowing the people, you know, knowing the people that will be implementing the project, you know, you really need to have a personal relationship with each of them or know them well before you engage them in a particular project and that's how you can contextualize your communication st yle to each particular person. Q: So for this question, I guess that you are saying that the indirect communication style wouldn't matter that much as long as you know the person? A: Yeah, I mean if you know the person well yo u would know how to communicate effectively with them, and you would know either you can communi cate in a direct manner or in an indirect manner and there are effectiv e ways to do it in both. Q: So what happens when you just meet someon e once or twice? What happens when you do not know the person that well? A: Well the people that we have implementing our projects, they are people that either, well most of the folks in the national office know or the folks that are in our regional offices know, and I guess since our organization has a long presence in Bolivia and so know a lot of people, we obviously have a lot of contacts so you hire the folks that yo u know that do a good job, you also know them and know how to communicate with them.

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190 Question 3 and 4: What are the communicati on patterns and meeting style of Bolivian managers? A: I don't know when they talk about the national honor. I think that is more of an academician sort of thing but, I mean you do sort of talk with them, you get to know them first, you know that whole bookI don't know if you have seen three cups of tea, th at is sort of how I would characterize Bolivian culture and I guess probably a lot of Latin culture. You sort of sit down and take time to chat about family and how they are doing, in a genuine manner, and then you get to business, maybe in an hour to hour later and I mean it also depends on the context of a specific issue, you know whenever you are under I mean when you are developing proposals for USAID, we do not have a lot of time. You have a lot of work to do quickly and I mean part of it too it's also people understand th e context when you can and shoul d really revert to normal communication pattern and when you really just can't, when you are under real extreme time pressure, so I guess that's how I would respond to that. Question 5: Do Bolivian managers have a high-power distance culture? A: Yeah I think so. I think that you have a very developed or a bi g sense of hierarchy. I think that you can see it in management styles. You do not see many flat organizations in Bolivia, like you would here like in corporate culture in the Unite d States. Plenty partners that we work with, you know, you definitely see a very hierarchical so rt of attitudes and st ructures. And I would probably offer to say that some of those tendenc ies exist in our organization's office in Bolivia, you know real respect for hierarchy, so Q: And how do you think this play s a role in the procurement and execution of development projects in Bolivia? A: You know I think I kind ofyou knowI do not know because we are kind of trying to make our organization in Bolivia, the national o ffice, actually going into a flatter structure, which I think it is very much needed, because w ith a hierarchical structure you have people who do not feel like part of the decision making pr ocess and you have a grea ter chance that they would sort of not buy into the program or whatev er, so hierarchy can be good if you are trying to get a lot of stuff done quickly but it is not sustainable on the long term. Q: So your organization is actual ly addressing that right now? A: Yes, we, the national office is undergoing a signifi cant restructuring at th is point in time after a twenty years or so, and it is going to a mu ch flatter structure, more kind of a matrix management type of structuremaybe not quite as far as matrix management but it gets pretty close, and so I guess that is one of the things that we have seen in our work and in our management. Q: Do you think this hierarchical structure inhibits how much input people or other co-workers can give? A: I think it does, I mean if they don't feel like they haveyou know if you fear your superiors then of course you are not going to provide key in formation. That is why organizational trust is extremely important. Trust between coworkers, trust between workers and managers, and you know, there is this whole school of thought on service leadership on you know the national director taking the attitude of hu mility and attitude of one of service, instead of: "I have all of this power and I'm going to use it". So I guess that is the sort of model th at we are aiming for in Bolivia.

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191 Question 6: Do Bolivian managers have a high-uncertainty avoidance culture? A: I guess so, I mean I think they like clarity and rules and roles of people. I think that is important. I mean there is polit ical instability, and I don't think they like it necessarily. They obviously, you know, it certainly doesn't help. Instability is not good for programming, because you don't know what the government is going to do ne xt, so in that sense certainty is good. Just like you would want to stay in a certain enviro nment for business, I think you can say the same thing for development. Of course, when there is a natural disaster or whatever you have lots of uncertainty that you are responding and that is just how it is, you have to deal with it, and you obviously customize your programming and cha nge programming almost on an ongoing basis but I think in general, yeah I gue ss our national office in Bolivia th ey do like stability, they like clarity in roles and responsibilities. Question 7: Do Bolivian managers have a collectivistic culture? A: I would probably say that it is true for the majo rity of cases. I thi nk you also have a strong sense of individuals trying to develop their skills their life skills and thei r work skills so I guess I kind of would say probably. You can probably us e that generalization bu t you should clarify and understand that there is an aspect of individualism in them as well. Q: And how do you see that aspect been reflected on the procuremen t and execution of projects in Bolivia? A: I think you see a sense of team ownership wh enever they are pulling a project together, but you also have to hold individuals accountable if they do not come through. So I guess that is kind of how I would see it, weI think the Bolivians work very well together as a team, but I think it is also, or we also hold indivi duals accountable for th eir action and that is just how it works. And if they do not perform, then we have to take the issue up with them and maybe their manager. Q: So in that team ownership sense that you mention, do you think they try to cover up each other? Like no, we did this as a team rather than really point out the person who did not perform? A: Well, I think you do it. It's all in ho w you communicate and the spirit in which you communicate. I think you can, and you do sort of whenever I go down to Bolivia when we have a proposal. I went down and congr atulated the team on their performance. They did a very good job, overall there were some deficiencies from i ndividual people and so y ou talk to these people sort of individually. You do it in a way so that they can save face and you do it directly, but also you are careful what words you use and how you do it. Questions 8: Do Bolivian managers have a vertical collectivistic culture? A: Yes I think that you sometimes see that Bolivians feel sort of entitled to respect and they feel themselves that they deserve respect from their underlings and I think I have seen it in a couple of our partners institutions in Bolivia where you see the project directors sort of very muchsort of very hierarchical attitude, that they are above the masses a nd they deserve respect and honor and people sort of go out of their way to do things for them.

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192 Question 9: What is the leadership style of Bolivian managers? A: I mean you don't really see th at in the procurement and oppr ess and nepotism for grants, in order to win them with the U.S. government you have to propose the best personnel and you have to send their CVs to USAID and so you are notI mean you have absolutely zero incentive for there to be nepotism. I mean I guess you c ould probably see that whenever you are working with the government or private sector busine sses I guess you would probably see some type of nepotism, but honestly I do not think that it would be that much more different than here in the United States. I mean I think you obviously have stronger familial networks in Bolivia but probably maybe a little bit more of nepotismbut honestly I do not think it is that much more. Question 10: Do Bolivian managers have a long-time orientation? A: I don't know that I would agree with that actually. I think that they are very much formed by their past and it is still a very pr esent reality. I guess I would probably say that they focus more on the past and the presen t than on the future. Q: And how do you think this asp ect affects the procurement a nd/or execution processes of development projects in Bolivia? A: I think part of it, I think you see whenever you are trying to implement a public health campaign. People are not really thinking about th eir future, especially for their children. You know they are just thinking about how to get f ood or money for the next day and I think they probably want to think about the future and they probably do to so me degree, but I don't think it significantly informs their daily lives. They are very practical. Question 11: Do Bolivian managers h ave a polychronic time orientation? A: I think that you see that as part when you compare Bolivian cu lture to U.S. culture, I think you obviously it is probably true. I think you defini tely have differences in time and I think that whenever you say that you are going to be some where at 6 or whenever they say they have a party at 6 they really mean 7 or 7:30 or whatever When it comes to deadlines you really have to sort of say: "esta es la hora I nglesa, la hora Americana" (This is the English time, or this is the American time) and that means that stuff have to be done by this time and if you don't then you are not going to get the money soyou know that sort of I mean that is the project management you sort of have to play both. You have to be able to live by a flexible time schedule but at the same time there are times when you have to come down hard on them and say this is when it needs to be in and I got to ha ve it by this time or else we are screwed. Q: Can you give any general example? A: Yes, there was this proposal that we put toge ther in January and I was telling the national office that we need the proposal done by this da y, by x day and if you don't get it to me by then, we are not going to get the money and they got it to me the day after the deadline, and I told them you know we can't submit it so you are not going to get money. Q: In that case, don't you guys try to trick them with the deadlines? A: Oh yes! I mean some of it has to do with ci rcumstances outside of th eir control like power in La Paz went out all day the day that it was due, and there is nothing that they can do about that and you know due to a lot of other different strenuous factors they couldn't get it to me before then, so I mean of course you do tell them: it is due two days before it is actually due, you know you do that sort of thing.

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193 Question 12: How do you usually communi cate with the international office? A: phone and email Question 13: How do you find communicating with the international office: easy or challenging? A: For the most part easy and the language depends A couple of people that I work with are actually very comfortable talking in English and just the relati onship that I have with them we go back and forth between English and Spanish. Question 14: Is there a language barrier with the Bolivian managers? A: No I don't feel that there is a language barrier. When it co mes to proposals, they send me everything in Spanish and I tr anslate it into English. Question 15: What is the overall im pact of these cultural differences? A: I think like in all projects, if you manage a project wellthen if you do it from the beginning of a project if you start a workshop with a grant specialist from the States goes to Bolivia and talks to the key management team to go trough all of the requirements of the donor and from that basis you start a strong basic personal relationship. It can really work well, it works well. It is a matter of knowing how to communicate and the persona lities involved. It is very general and I think that it is something to live by in any so rt of development project but I think knowing how to communicate effectively in an indirect and dir ect manner, I think from my level in the United States to like the national level, the office in La Paz, or the sub regional level, the office in Cochabamba, etc. effective communication and clearly defined responsib ilities goes a long way and I think Bolivians do like clarity and they like to know what is going on. I also think they like to feelI don't think that they necessarily like a hierarchical stru cture but it's just the structure that it is been embraced in their culture and that is the accepted form of interaction but I do not think that they necessarily like it. I think they do respond more effectively to a flatter structure, with more ownership more buying in. I think it also affects project's implementation, the fact that you need to give, I don't nece ssarily think that they think of the future so you need to give them something to think about for their future, you need to give them real hope and real opportunities both for the future and for today in order to be effective, and you need to be very practical and Q: so you do think that they need a lot of guidance? A: I think that in certain aspect they need guidance. As far as how the U.S. I mean if I am procuring in helping implement U.S. government grants, there is a whol e fluid of rules and regulations that they need to keep in mind as they are implementing these grants. They are not easy things and the government cash is way differe nt than the private cash, and so they need someone who understands the donor, namely USAID a nd all of the crazine ss that that donor is and does and they need to know th e rules, you know they need to be guided, they need to have somebody there so that they can ask so can I procure this item? You know does the U.S. government restrict it or not re strict it? You know that sort of thing. They need guidance on, and so far is really sort of implementing the proj ect and designing the majority of the problem. I

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194 do not think they necessarily need the guidance. I think the communities themselves know way better than I do what exactly th e specific needs are and I think that you have a much better development project if it is de sign locally at the community leve l and by them versusI am kind of a facilitator in the process, it is sort of I am a bridge between the donor or USAID and all of that world and our whole organization world of community based development and empowering local communities and so it's kind of this ba lance. Understanding the donor and getting guidance on what the donor wants to see but then also really letting the communities themselves be the protagonist of their own development. Interview 8: May 28 th 2008 Question 1: What traits do Bolivian managers share? A: It's funny that you mention that. Well I guess that my impression is that the times that I have actually worked on developing grants with them, they do not take so seriously the fact that you present a plan and then you ar e really responsible to the donor to execute that plan. The impression that I get in my experience is that, they sort of put down wh atever they think the donor wants to hear without as much as regard as I might have for whether or not they in fact will carry it out. That is just my impression and whether that means that they tend to just can of do a rough sketch and not really pay attention about the details then I would say that it is probably true. And they definitely do several things at once and are not punctual. I think it makes it very difficult to do things on time, it makes it difficult to prioritize, I think it makes the management gets pull in too many different dir ections so the quality can sometimes suffer. Especially in, I mean I do not know about the pr ivate sector Bolivians, but in the non-profit sector the Bolivians that I have worked with and I mean I do not know how much is cultural and how much is of this is just because of the ro ots of our organization, but there is definitely a tendency to want to provide everyt hing to the people we work with a nd very little ability to take a critical look at to what is ac tually feasible and where do we ha ve to reduce our scope of work. And I wouldn't say that their timet ables are unpredictable, I would just say that they are not good at keeping timetables, so I guess that is the same thing. Q: So, how do you think that particular poi nt affects the grant proposal process? A: Well, you know I have to say that after years of working with the office there, things have gotten better but probably one of the worst ways that it would manifest itself is that when they is a problem and there is going to be a delay there is a tendency not to say anything abou t it. Just to ignore it. It's taking me a long time and working ve ry closely with the people that are in charge to get them to tell me if there is a proble m and we will work through it, we will request an extension or whatever it is, but to just go ahead and miss the dead line and not say anything or say why or anything, that is kind of mostly drives me crazy. Q: And what do they say about that if it happens so frequently? A: You know I think a lot of times it has to do with just having too much on their plate and it goes back to the other poin t that they do too many things at on ce, that is a lot of time the reason. The other thing is there is a tende ncy of this in the people that I worked with is to rather than really flag an issue when it is a serious problem it is kind of to continue to work andmaybe it is that they are optimistic or that they have a pos itive attitude, but rather than identifying a real problem and say this is really going to cost delays and it is going to cost issues, there is a tendency to say: Oh we are worki ng on it, it is going to get fixed or we are going to be able to

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195 change it and it just sort of never happens. So it is kind of a general op timism maybe, or just not wanting to admit once things are not working. Q: Also what about the poi nt that I read about pl ans changing constantly? A: In my experience, it is a litt le bit of not telling you from the beginning what the real situation probably was. You know, I am not going to say th at they lie, but they don'tthey are not always forthcoming with the reality and I th ink again, you know I don't kn ow how cultural this is or if this is just a trait that happens between like a U.S. office vs. a field office but there is a tendency not to really present the full seri ousness of a problem or the full picture. Q: How about the point that says that they interweave social and professional life? A: You know I have seen that a li ttle bit, but mostly at the very top leadership level, you know there are certain things, and I agai n cannot really say that this is cultural because again it is very typical for someone who started th eir own business and that their family and their business it is just one sort of thing that they manage on a re gular basis but the senior management sometimes doesn't necessarily follow policies w ith respect to vacation or things like that. It is just kind of, oh you know we can go and take this time off wh en we need to, we don't really have to document it, it is more like a looseness in term s of procedures than anything else. But I don't know, for the most part the organization that I wo rk with, they work very hard, if anything I would say that work intrudes into their personal life more than the other way around. Question 2: Do Bolivian managers have a high-context culture? A: yeah I would say that in general it is very true a nd I think that it manifest itself with some sort of communication problems, like the fact that th ey are not very direct can cause sometimes things that take longer than they otherwise might if you were just give a straight answer. And another example that I have is th at I actually worked for a year in Bolivia in the national office, and when I was working there with some of the managers, a couple of times we had some ideas that we wanted to share with the director and they told me that I should tell her, because they did not want to tell her, and I would be like well they are your ideas you know they are great ideas so why wouldn't you want to tell her personally, but they did not want to be direct about it. They wanted it to go through me and I always thought that that was so odd, and it made me wonder what happens when I am not there. How do you act ually present ideas, and I do not know if it is related to this characteristic or not but you know not been forthcoming with suggestions and improvements that kind of thing it kind of delays the progress, and I thi nk that there is a huge difference for education, I do not if that is a point on a following question, but it is just that there are so many levels of respect based on someone's level of education and that thing and it seems to me that it causes bottlenecks, things could get done much more efficiently if there was better delegation and if people were not concern about respecting th ese lines of seniority. Q: How about those implicit rules and their implicit communication st yle? Does that affect in any way the procurement or execution process? A: Well probably some of my biggest problems have been not, because you know the director cannot do everything, I mean if you are going to run a project you have to have, you have to delegate some authority for some level of decision-m aking power at other levels or else you are not going to get anything done. A nd I think that in my case, th at has mostly been the major problem. Even when I really made the point to explain that there needs to be some lower down person who can make some decisions, even if they name somebody responsibl e it is almost as if the actual concept of delegati on it is not actually understood. Li ke delegation is giving people things to do, not empowering th em with the responsibility and the decision-making authority.

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196 Question 3 and 4: What are the communicati on patterns and meeting style of Bolivian managers? A: You know that is a little bit harder. I definitely agree with the small talk stuff that is true. And then thinking about national honor, I am not sure I have ever noticed that. There is a tendency again to sort of make commitments that I don't really think th at they ever had any intention of fulfilling. And for example in meetings and I have not necessarily seen this between us and our office in Bolivia, but I have seen it in meetings that we have where donors have been involved and they bring different grantees together, when we have to work on projects together, they are very willing to commit to things but then it is sort of like biting off more than they can chew, without necessarily been you know, instead of under promising and over delivering it's the opposite. It's that they ov er promise and under deliver. Q: Do you think they do this in order to get the grants? A: These examples that I'm giving you are more fr om after we get the grants, they have been through a midterm project kind of meetings or th ings like that, where we are trying to make commitments for what is going to be coming down fo r the rest of the project, little things like that, you know in terms of writing grants on the fi rst place I don't really think thatI mean I have only done it one or two times, so most of mine, you know, I don't know if I can say that it's always an issue when we are trying to get the money but I have seen those element come into play during the projects themselves. Question 5: Do Bolivian managers have a high-power distance culture? A: Yes, I definitely think it is true and it is basi cally what I said before in that people who are not, don't feel that they are high in that power order, they are not, they do not feel, they just don't participate to the fullest extent so I think the consequences is that th e full value of the human potential is not realized. Because you have a w hole segment of population or staff that don't feel that is their place to contribute and so you end up not benefiting from the full potential of the staff. I will also say I worked a lot with my organization, but I ha ve not worked that much with other Bolivian organizations so it is hard to kno w how much of it is because it is Bolivia. I don't know it is interesting, I mean one thing and the whole issue of control and power goes beyond just procurement process, you know even in the evolution of our organi zation there has been a lot of struggles in shoes of where is the contro l, is it in Bolivia? is it in the United States? Because of the origin of our organization. Question 6: Do Bolivian managers have a high-uncertainty avoidance culture? A: You know that sounds like something that jumps out at me as been, ha-ha, I mean if we were talking about Peru, then I would say yeah that is true but I ca n't think of any concrete examples of how I have seen that in play. Question 7: Do Bolivian managers have a collectivistic culture? A: Yeah I mean I think there is some truth to that. They are less individualistic than other cultures might be, I mean some of the exampl es are thatwe look to be productive as an organization, you know there are some issues in doing so with employing center plans that

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197 reward sort of individual performance because there is sort of a strong emphasis on team and sometimes the individual reward system backfire s because it can destroy sort of the kind of natural tendency to work together in teams. Q: Now, let's say for instance, that somebody di d not fulfill their duty and when you are trying to find out who did it, nobody is responsible beca use they are all covering each other backs because of this collectivistic nature, do you see this happening at all? A: It is definitely more like that. It is defi nitelythere is never a clear concrete reason for anything. Yes it is definitely like nobody takes full responsibility for things, it's kind ofalways sort ofit is neve r clear why things don't work the way they are supposed to. Q: And how do you think this colle ctivistic nature actually works out when they are executing the projects? A: Well I think, I mean that could be one example or one reason, I do think th at at least with our organization there is a strong so cial mission, so the idea that th ey want to provide as many services as possible to the people th at we serve is definitely true. I also think that, at least in the case of one of our directors, ther e is just this anxiety to get m oney from wherever you can so in order to do that you can say whatever, you know even if, there might be a grant out there that says we make baskets, and that might not be wh at we do, but they will st ill say: we are going to focus on that, even though it is not r eally true. Just to try to get the money. It is just sort of there is a not a very good concept of how to be strategi c in terms of what you choose to do or in terms of what you choose not to do. Again that could be total personality, I don't know. Questions 8: Do Bolivian managers have a vertical collectivistic culture? A: Definitely. One other example that I can think of regarding the collectivism is when I was there, we were making some changes to this manual and I was working closely with this Bolivian guy and we presented the changes in a meeting, and there were a few people who did not agree with the things that we had done and I said: Oh you know, I understand your point that is actually my suggestion and I kind of took th e responsibility for making some of the changes and then afterwards the guy that I was working with kind of t ook me aside and he said: You know I just want to tell you that you don't have to take responsibil ity of that. We are working as a team and if they have something that they lik e about what we did then we accept it as a team and if there is something that they did not like about it then we accept it as a team. You know he was like you don't have to go and take specifi c responsibility and I thought that was so interesting and at the tim e I found that to be very cultural, where as I think mo re in the United States it wouldn't be so much like that. Question 9: What is the leadership style of Bolivian managers? A: Yeah I think that it is probably true. I have definitely seen lots of manipulation in ways that don't seem to be super constructive or healthy. I have seen leadership st yles where the approach is very charismatic and gain trust, sort of lik e rather than being a st raightforward relationship, there is like this sort of relati onship that is built, that is base d on loyalty and trust and there seems to be this strong element of loyalty that even when someone leaves the organization, that expectation of loyalty is still so rt of held there and the manipul ation, the way I describe it, kind of like I'll make you feel good if you do what I want you to do. Like that kind of a relationship, it is very subtle and is all part of the relationship but I th ink it exist.

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198 Q: And how do you think that aspect in particular affects either the procurement or the execution of projects in Bolivia? A: I mean it probably tides in a little bit to what I was saying before about efficiency, rather than just kind of taking everyone out in their merits and assigning ro les and responsibilities based on that, sometimes things are assigned based on who is loyal rather than who is really competent to do the job, so in that sense it kind affect the out comes of the project or the efficiency of the project. Question 10: Do Bolivian managers have a long-time orientation? A: You know that doesn't jump out at me like something that I have witnessed. Question 11: Do Bolivian managers h ave a polychronic time orientation? A: Yeah I think it is true. Well tw o things, not just been late fo r things but completely changing them without paying attention to th e fact that there are other peopl e involved and that they need to be notified and then the other example that I have is where you ar e in a meeting with somebody and they are constantly answering their cell phone or constantly accepting interruptions so a meeting that would have take n half an hour ends up ta king one hour and a half because they just don't focus on what they are doi ng. They are willing to take any interruption. Q: So in regards of how the time is ma nipulated, how does that affect deadlines? A: Well, I guess also before they miss a deadline they won't even tell you how they are going to work or give a reason or anythi ng. Maybe that's why, maybe it doesn 't even occur to them to let you know because the deadline is just there is not rea lly set in stone. It is just kind of something that is part of the project but it doesn't carry a lot of weight. Question 12: How do you usually communi cate with the international office? A: Well one thing to understand is that we have more than one office in Bolivia, and I actually worked in one of them, and in one of them all the people that work there are Bolivians and in both of the offices I have worked on writing proposals and submitting deadlines and I'll probably have more contact with my own office, but I would say that with bot h of them depending on what the urgency is, is either through ema il communication or thr ough telephone and all in Spanish. Question 13: How do you find communicating with the international office: easy or challenging? A: I think it is relatively easy. I mean that we ha ve Internet phone and inte rnet chat it is pretty easy, and before that we just ha d the phone or email and it was ju st more difficult. Answering emails promptly is not something that you can depend on but if you could find somebody who is on chat is pretty easy to get their attention probably because they are willing to interrupt whatever they are doing, so in a way that helps, you know, it is a negative characteristic but in that particular case is positive because they will answer you even if they are in the middle of a meeting.

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199 Question 14: Is there a language barrier with the Bolivian managers? A: Well there is hardly anybody that speaks Englis h but since I speak English and Spanish, I do not have much of a problem. Speaking for my organization and not just for myself, obviously the fact that we have some people that don't speak Spanish or some people that don't speak English is not great. That makes it more difficult. I think that the general assumption is that you would speak Spanish otherwise you won't work with them. That is sort of the assumption and I don't think they place enough value on those people that work in the International office and speak both English and Spanish. A nd I think they think you can eas ily just get around that with the translation but I totally disagree I think that having people that are fluent if not bilingual, if not bicultural in both language s is a huge asset and I don't th ink they appreciate that enough. Question 15: What is the overall im pact of these cultural differences? A: I guess, I don't know. I am trying to think if we ever lost a grant b ecause of any of these things like if we ever not gotten a grant. I th ink that overall our reputatio n has been hurt a little bit in the field because of some of these issues. I think one of the biggest issues is promising more than you can deliver. I think that is on e of the biggest problems. You know most of the people working in development are sensitive to cultural differences, and you know they give allowances for missing a deadline here and ther e you know and not focusing or whatever, but the issue about doing too many things at once I think it causes, it ha s caused some donors to question when we submit a proposal whethe r or not is something that we can actually do. And I think that has affected our reputation. Then in terms of executing the project, there have been times when we had to write reports and just admit that we didn't do what we said that we were going to do. Interview 9: May 29 th 2008 Question 1: What traits do Bolivian managers share? A: Well I would say that I would oppose to talk a bout the Bolivian culture, because we have the Aymara culture, the Quechua culture, the Lati no culture and we have the Guaran’s and the Gurayos just to name the most important ones and behaviors tend to be a li ttle bit differentiated depending on where you are operating and what you ar e doing. In principal self, the aspect that has been directed probably applies to Latin Am erican way of life where timetables and things like that, are not such a high priority than we have this in the United States or in other Western cultures. In this sense, I would agree that the ti me orientation is much more people oriented than fact oriented and that would be taken into account when working with Bolivian groups. Q: So how do you think these aspects affect the procurement or execution of projects? A: Well, I think that especially fo r the procurement piece, I think we just have to be aware that the culture here in Bolivia is a culture where relationships are important where they are little favors, and little situa tions that are kind of favors but the en forcement is rather weak so if you want to have a quick procurement of more compli cated things the question of relationship is not more important but if you have more time. On th e other hand in other procurement aspects there is kind of a culture of contri buting to the people i nvolved, which means that what some people may even called bribery I would be a bit conserva tive with using this terminology but as a matter of fact for example if you want to have, ev en a prosecution process going on, the police is so

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200 unequipped that you have to provide them with pa per and gasoline and all of these things in order that they are able to function, so this creates a societ y a caifre a habit where it is very difficult to work 100% clean and it is important to differentiate probab ly a little bit in what is the contribution that allows people in the organization and structures to function because it just don't get the necessary budget and what goes beyond this. Question 2: Do Bolivian managers have a high-context culture? A: yeah I think that is a correct analysis. It is very rare that you would hear somebody say that he or she will not be wanting to do something or that they want to do something that you want them to do, or then have them not do it. You have th at effect that is quite usual, which is that of compliance. People try to please you when they make a commitment and they made the commitment when the intention and the capacity of really fulfilling th e commitment may not be there, but people want to comply and want to make sure that you feel fine with their answer even if they know that they will not be able to fulfill their compromise, their duties. Q: And how do you think this implicit and indire ct style affects the execution of projects? A: Well I think the main point is that you need to take enough time to talk with people and to really understand where they are and what they can and what they cannot do, so you need to ask enough in order to see where they are. You cannot just assume that because they say yes I will have meetings available or I have things available that they are rea lly available. I only have to ask around and get the more solid picture about the environment in order to come to the conclusion and understanding if they ar e really available or is it that some of the people want to have available and sometimes is just until you go in to a contract, you will see if it works or not. It just depends and if you ask is it important? I would say that it is more important to keep working with those enterprises and people that you know are complying, even though that may be a little bit more expensive than going for cheap er bits and then have all kinds of operational problems because the people or the enterprise do not fulfilling well their commitments. Question 3 and 4: What are the communicati on patterns and meeting style of Bolivian managers? A: Yes I think that for Bolivians, their national prid e and to not lose face is very important, but I think this does not apply only to Bolivians, ever yone wants to maintain personal integrity and if you have situations where it seems that you can lo se 10 seconds of integr ity in every country you will have problems. There may be degrees on when somebody feels offended in his or her integrity but I do not think that it is so much different from other cultur es and the question of timetables and been able to fulfill, well I already mentioned this is that they have a different perception on how important timet ables are and how important it is to fulfill the commitments. Q: And how would you define that difference? A: Well I think people who are not really used to work with time pressure and timelines you don't get it to me today, you get it to me tomorro w and that's ok. And very often I think this maybe link depending on the situation, if you don't understand the dependencies from what flows into the other, and that if you don't get something in time or if there is this negative neglected that you may come to the conclusion that it is not so important. So what I think is quite important in these processes is to ensure that the people invol ved get and understand the broader picture.

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201 Question 5: Do Bolivian managers have a high-power distance culture? A: I would think that for Bolivians is very clear th at there are hierarchies and this is very normal and acceptable for them. They respect these hi erarchies and they are used to working and thinking under these hierarchies and in an organi zation if you are in a s uperior position, you are noteven technical positions are no t questioned as they would be questioned in a European or North American context where it is much easier to criticize your boss and here you need to develop a really frank relations hip and you need to encourage your team to present opposite points of views to the points of vi ew of the superior if there are any. If they are used to: If the boss says this, then is going to happen this way and even so they may have different ideas or even better ideas. Q: So is that how you feel that this aspect in fluences the procurement and execution of projects in Bolivia? A: yes I think so, because basically if you do not work these aspects intentionally then you can from a point of view of the superior you can just say this is how I want it to get done, at least they'll need to have some optimal [recycling of everything] and throw it out the door people will think twice, three or four times before they tell you ok it won't work this way. Question 6: Do Bolivian managers have a high-uncertainty avoidance culture? A: Well I am not sure because in most of the so cieties you will find most of the people that do not want to ask kind of lots of [divided? Or the wisest?] Because you know not to know when it is a good time to go and on the other hand especially in a very hierarchical society like in Bolivia it is more easy to find kind of clear classic ty pical situations in the country where there is somebody who is even in a superior position of what this person says or decides it just dissipates, you know, so I don't see that this is very different in Bolivia than in other places, at least I have not seen it. Q: So for instance, how do you think they deal with the political in stability of Bolivia? A: Bolivia's political uncertainty seems its independence. If you ju st look at the average length of head of state, this time is 4 compare to other countries, so obviously people are used to changes, people are used to blockades and all th ese stops than in other societies where you come first to Bolivia and you heard about it, all the road blockade over there, blockade over there, I do not know what is correct. I th ink that even for some people it might be frightening at the beginning. But people here in Bolivia learn to li ve with this kind of so cial unrest and with a certain higher level of unrest compared to a lot of the other countries. Question 7: Do Bolivian managers have a collectivistic culture? A: In general, I would think that is true. I think it is just high lighted and marked in the Quechua and Aymara society, but this is ve ry important because in these soci eties is very difficult to move ahead or out of the communities. But in general, is not like it would have kind of significant influence to the Latino statement and then to a certain degree is a challenge in developing programs because it is difficult for people to stay forward outside of the comfort zone of the community and if you want to move things and y ou want to change things you need this kind of people. In this area, that is probably more difficult here in Boliv ia than in other countries. Q: How about when someone does not fulfill his or her duty, is it d ifficult to find out who did or who didn't do it because of this collectivistic trait? Have you encounter anything like that?

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202 A: Well her in our office in La Paz and in th e other offices that we have, I have not had experience this but I am aware that in some of ou r rural programs that th is is a challenge. Well there are also two things that I do not know if it has to do with the co llectivistic nature or not. In one end if you have a team of people working toge ther then to a certain degree for critics to come out people will solidarize in general but people will solidarize in other situations as well. That might not work that much if there is kind of peer pressure within the group, but I have not seen it in our offices, I think that might be something that you see in the rural area. Questions 8: Do Bolivian managers have a vertical collectivistic culture? A: Well I have not experience this so much and I am a little bit reluctant to say that is true or this is false. Question 9: What is the leadership style of Bolivian managers? A: Well I think nepotism is quite a strong word, and as a matter of fact as the family and friendship linkages are important and strong and as the [job] environment is weak, there is a sentimental responsibility in bringing in the ki nd of the group members into situations where they can benefit from possibilities that that person has, and that kind evolve into developing into nepotism and things like that. On the other hand, it is an exercise as well as solidarity within the group. I think that the point that we have a very weak environm ent and the traditions are very highly valued contributes to the fa ct that this is probably more si gnificant here than in any other countries, but I am not sure if that is quite nepotism. Q: So how would you describe leadership in Bolivia? A: Well I think it is very versatil e. People are and with friends links back to the effects of hierarchy, which is very well accepted and is not questioned. And there is where the obvious linkages and responsibilities that contribute that peopl e want to do favors to members of the group and depending on the environment of the group and of the crowd these can be more or less developed, and that could have a more sign ificant or less significant impact on the implementation of projects. I think that you just have to be aware of it and take it into consideration when you do your planning and es pecially when you do th e hiring of people. Question 10: Do Bolivian managers have a long-time orientation? A: Well I think the Bolivians are very much influe nced and formed by the past, they just look at the importance of some of the historic aspects that I would not consider as important, I would probably say that the past has a si gnificant weight in what they do and in what they don't so I have no conferred with this statement that they are more geared towards the future than to present and to the past. I think the past has a heavy weight in their decision. Question 11: Do Bolivian managers h ave a polychronic time orientation? A: Yes I will tend to say that th at is true. And when it comes to deadlines, deadlines are very relative to people here. And that is part of the frustration in co ming from a Western context. How can I ensure that people well probably more people miss deadlines and how can I learn to understand better why they do it the way they do it? Because it is difficult to work with deadlines and on the other hand I do believe that can live with deadlines and that you can

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203 improve the dealings of deadlines and get closer b ecause it is related a little bit to the culture to say: "if nobody respects deadlines, why should I?" a nd if I do not respect the deadlines then I do not have any negative impact on my performance and on my salary or whatever it is, then what is the incentive for working with deadlines? Q: So you are saying that the general sense in Bo livia is that people do not respect deadlines because other people don't respect deadlines ? Because it is the general culture? A: Yeah. Deadlines are more kind of or ientations than really deadlines. Q: So how do you think these affect the projects? A: Obviously you have to have, to blend enough, effort to say, so in order to be able to meet the deadlines that you really need to meet you have to put the deadlines for the official deadlines much earlier in order to not run in a lot of trouble. You really run into these kind of problems because people are a little bit optimistic in what can be achieved and then if they really have to meet deadlines that usually means that people will ha ve to work extra hours in order to get there. Question 12: How do you usually communicate with the international office? A: Mostly through the Internet and something that require telephone conferences and by phone as well. Most of the communication with the US office will be in Spanish, depending on the level of whom we will be coordinating or work ing because if it is a small operation, then the people that are link to operations in Latin Amer ica speak Spanish or some of them are even Latinos. If there are some more strategic or higher level conversations then it would be in English. Question 13: How do you find communicating with the international office: easy or challenging? A: The point is that our organiza tion in the United States for ex ample is ok one contribute out of 10 people in Bolivia, so it is not, is one part out of 10, and we have not had any problems in communications, because some of the staff working in the U.S. office are Latin Americans and so they know the environment and they know the t ypes of challenges that it means to work with Latin America. On the other hand, people come here regularly to see what is going on and to link with our staff, so I do not think it is challenging. Question 14: Is there a language barrier with the Bolivian managers? A: The language problem is that they have to speak English because it is very different. English knowledge of the Bolivian staff is limited. Question 15: What is the overall im pact of these cultural differences? A: Well I think you have to take these differences into account as if you do in the program, the planning of the project and the procurement, so in procurement you would probably do more checks and balances as say as you would probabl y do in a universal context. For deadlines, you would just make sure that you have enough time offered and enough space in order not to run into too much problems. I think that working he re in Bolivia, [traffic wi se?] you have to take into account the energy of the country and f actor that into your pl anning program, planning process, for purposes of the procurement.

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204 APPENDIX D BOLIVIAN MANAGERS INTERVIEWS The answers to questions 16-20, which were about the intervie wees' dem ographic information, were taken off this sect ion in order to keep their anonymity. Interview 1: April 3 rd 2008 Question 1: What traits do U.S. American managers share? A: Entiendo que difiere ac‡ un poco de las personas que trabajan en la cooperaci—n internacional vemos lo que significa el ciudada no Americano corriente si vale el termino, quiz‡ la mayor’a del personal que trabajan en instit uciones de desarrollo fundame ntalmente social, pues ya han superado lo que significa el se r introvertidos tambiŽn son mu cho m‡s comunicativos y mucho m‡s desafiantes si vale el termino. Y si hay al go que destacar es el uso eficiente del tiempo que principalmente tiene. Y l—gicamente como toda cultura est‡ basada en hechos y en resultados, no en muchos sue–os si vale el termino, son mu y pr‡cticos. Y l—gicamente al igual que cada uno de las culturas tiene su particular idad en cuanto a preservar su privacidad fundamentalmente y la privacidad tambiŽn en el hecho de no compartir mucho las emociones familiares si vale el termino. Es lo m‡s diferente quiz‡ en Latinos ve rsus la cultura Americana y concretamente en las organizaciones en las cuales trabajamos. Q: Y usted cree que de estas difere ncias o caracter’sticas, se acuer da si alguna vez si ellas han afectado de cierto modo el proces o de desarrollar las propuestas o de desarrollar los trabajos o los proyectos en s’? A: No, no al menos no he tenido oportunidad de identif icar en alguna parte de l proceso de ya sea del desarrollo de una propuesta o de la ejecuci—n de un proyecto se haya si vale el termino puesto de manifiesto que primero estaba ese hec ho esa acci—n antes que cumplir su deber. Question 2: Do U.S. American managers have a low-context culture? A: Son totalmente directos osea no est‡n si vale el termino como decimos nosotros dorando la p’ldora, sino que van directo al grano, y siempr e han sido, puedo decir por lo menos con los que me han tocado trabajar son muy respetuosos en su comunicaci—n pero s’ directos. Lo que nosotros aqu’ mencionamos como un poco fr’os, como que les falta algo m‡s de calor. Q: Y por lo menos usted cree que esto afecta de cierta forma la comunicaci—n entre los dos equipos? A: No, pero podr’a mejorar en estimular de mejor manera como llamamos el feedback esa retroalimentaci—n si llega a cargar como algo de por ejemplo el agradecer o el felicitar, el estar conciente de que el haber hecho el esfuerzo ha significado todo el trabajo de un equipo contribuir’a a mejorar esa comunicaci—n directa de parte de ellos. Question 3: What is the communication pattern of U.S. American managers? A: Creo que es de mitad y mitad. Cuando se trat a por ejemplo de celebrar un logro un Žxito se manifiestan, pero quiz‡s hace falta celebrar de igual manera los pasos intermedios que han

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205 permitido llegar a ese Žxito, solamente ser’a eso quiz‡ la complementaci—n para ir avanzando, osea no solamente festejar la Q: Osea si lo terminan si se festeja pero si no, en tonces todo lo que se hizo en la mitad no se festeja? A: Exacto. Q: Y tiene algœn ejemplo en espec’fico? A: Hay especialmente cuando hay la conclusi—n de los proyectos. Durante la fase de ejecuci—n generalmente no se percibe, no se recibe una retroalimentaci—n que vaya alentando los Žxitos parciales que se tienen y solamente al final cuan do s’ hemos logrado todos los resultados, y una excelente evaluaci—n final y una excelente auditoria, pero quiz‡ falta complementar eso con los pasos previos nada mas. Q: Acerca de este punto, usted se refiere a que es to solo ocurre durante el desarrollo del las propuestas o tambiŽn despuŽs que los proyectos ya se terminan? A: En ambos casos. Question 4: What is the meeting style of U.S. American managers? A: Generalmente, la mayor parte manejan muy bien lo que significa el facilitar una reuni—n en la que se establecen las reglas si vale el termino, y l—gicamente empieza la persona a dar el ejemplo de lo que significa la reuni—n, trabajo fundamentalmente, quiz‡ en ese aspecto lo œnico que se observa generalmente es la tendencia que tiene n en algœn caso o alguna otra de las personas que est‡n participando en romper ese dialogo que vale el termino es en Espa–ol y empezar a hablar en InglŽs directamente entre dos personas, lo que corta directamente la comunicaci—n de la reuni—n. Volvemos otra vez a enfriar la reuni —n para volverla a retomar, pero ya habiendo perdido el ritmo digamos. Q: Y en ese caso la persona habla los dos idiomas el Espa–ol y el InglŽs y de cierta forma decide cambiar as’ del Espa–ol a el InglŽs as’ como de la nada? A: S’, si Q: Osea en cierta forma excluyen a los dem‡s? A: Excluyen a los dem‡s y aprovechan quiz‡ en ese momento para hacer una pregunta directa entre de las dos personas y sin resp etar el contexto en realidad. Q: Osea como mala educaci—n? A: S’, yo lo tomo de esa manera. M‡s que guardar secretos sin saber de quien est‡n hablando yo lo veo m‡s como una falta de respeto, que no sola mente se da en esa cultura tambiŽn lo tenemos en el pa’s cuando tu estas en una reuni—n c on alguna de las comuni dades donde practican o conocen otro idioma como el Quechua y el Ay mara hacen igual ese uso. Tienen tambiŽn esa tendencia. Question 5: Do U.S. American managers have a low-power distance culture? A: Fundamentalmente cuando tenemos visitas o eval uaciones externas de personas que vienen a ver los proyectos siempre se ha encontrado que la aptitud de esta s personas trata de ser lo m‡s igualitario posible y quiz‡ somos nosotros quienes no asumimos esa igualdad vale el termino de hacer valer tambiŽn nuestro criterio nuestra opin i—n versus la opini—n que pueda tener la persona que est‡ viniendo a realizar un trabajo espec’fi co. Quiz‡s yo lo ver’a mas como una debilidad nuestra que un uso si vale el termino no igualitari o de parte de los Estadounidense. En cuanto a mostrar poder puede ser que no se lo percibe pero s’ nosotros asum imos que por el solo hecho de

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206 venir esa persona del Norte tienen mayor poder qu e el nuestro. Yo lo ver’a m‡s por el otro sentido Q: Osea que ustedes lo perciben como que ellos son los que tienen el poder? A: Exacto. Q: As’ ellos traten de no mo strar que tienen el poder? A: Exacto. Q: Y tiene algœn ejemplo en espec’fico? A: Est‡ en una evaluaci—n por ejemplo que tuvimos para sistemas de aguas en los cuales estaba la persona que es un ingeniero con bastante e xperiencia pero no tomaba en cuenta algunos detalles que s’ el tŽcnico los c onoc’a referente a la participaci— n de la comunidad o porque ser’a mejor decisi—n tŽcnica de instalar el termino del tanque de agua en determinado lugar entonces el tŽcnico ten’a todos los argumentos tŽcnicos y la experiencia para justificar el porquŽ eligi— instalar el tanque de agua en determinado luga r y no lo que le parec’a al experto que deber’a haber sido un termino m‡s sencillo hacerlo en ot ro lugar pero no se daba cuenta que hab’a un cemento que pod’a complicar esa soluci—n, entonces acepto muy pasivamente esa cr’tica si vale pues la observaci—n y cuando tŽcnicamente pod’a haber demostrado y mantenido la decisi—n que adopto. Un ejemplo que para m’ pues siempre lo he tenido en mente por que no respond’a a lo que era el momento y la situac i—n. Y lleg— a salir en el docum ento final de la evaluaci—n. Question 6: Do U.S. American managers have a low-uncertainty avoidance culture? A: No creo que son. Como dec’amos son bastantes pr‡cticos en el hecho de c—mo saber en que nivel tenemos certeza y en que otros momentos existe la incertidumbre. Nosotros quiz‡s disfrazamos el termino de la incertidumbre con el sue–o, osea so mos muy so–adores, muy idealistas si vale el termino. De ellos al otro lado la practicidad hace de que la incertidumbre que ellos la conocen perfectamente la manejan tomando lo que haz mencionados verdades absolutas. Hoy tenemos, ma–ana no tenemos entonces que hacer para superar ese hueco, ese vac’o que se presenta. Hacen cambios muy r‡pidos que los meditan obviamente y no les cuesta hacer un giro si vale el termino, si ellos ten’an una ruta atra sada y necesitan hacer un giro lo toman, no esperan como nosotros de que se presente un salva dor si vale el term ino por el camino no? Q: Osea que tratan de evitar las in certidumbres al m‡ximo, osea co mo que quieren tener control de la situaci—n? A: S’ osea pienso que la mayor parte es de esta r seguros de que pueden, opinan la credibilidad digamos de tomar esos cambios para evitar las in certidumbres. Son personas seguras desde mi punto de vista sobre este punto. Q: Tiene algœn ejemplo como que me pueda dar o no? A: Hay casos por ejemplo cuando tenemos algœn asunto con algœn proyecto y nosotros estamos t’midamente planteando alguna una opci—n de corregir o ajustar, aunque eso signifique si vale el tŽrmino cerrar alguna actividad que no est‡ f uncionando y para nosotros nos cuesta tomar esa decisi—n de cortar porque siempre estamos da ndo o tenemos fŽ o esperanza de que pueda cambiar, pueda mejorar. Ellos en cambio son mucho m‡s directos, ven que se cumpli— ciertos pasos previos para llegar a esa decisi—n y la toman en ese momento. Question 7: Do U.S. American managers have an individualistic culture? A: Si creo que la mayor parte siempre tiene clar amente definidas sus metas personales. Hemos visto en este momento una contra parte que tenemos aqu’ en la oficina de su crecimiento personal

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207 de su aprendizaje que se hace en una instituc i—n para despuŽs proseguir creciendo en otra organizaci—n en otra instituci—n entonces te niendo oportunidades de hacer carrera en una organizaci—n peque–a prefieren siempre seguir avanzando y crecie ndo. Ellos est‡n c oncientes del tiempo osea de que el tiempo es oro y si no ap rovechan una oportunidad que se les presenta entonces inmediatamente dejan de crecer y empiezan a cuestionarse. Entonces para ello siempre marca como un Norte el cumplir y alcanzar sus metas personales. Quiz‡ eso los hace ser independientes. Q: Y tiene algœn ejemplo acerca de eso? A: S’ hab’a una especialista en sa lud que empez— habiendo termina do el ciclo de la maestr’a y l—gicamente empez— en el ‡rea de monitoreo y evaluaci—n y se perfor— muy bien y despuŽs estuvo liderizando un sector si no me equivoco del VIH y de enfermedades infecciosas y hab’a si vale el termino un camino para se guir creciendo junto con la organizaci—n, pero eligi— el ir con otra organizaci—n especializada en ese tema y l—gicamente con una posici—n mucho mayor basada en la experiencia que ha b’a ganado en nuestra organizaci—n entonces la prioridad ya para esa persona era seguir creciendo y alcanzar sus metas personales y ol vidando si vale el termino el compromiso con la instituci—n c on lo que hace la instituci—n. Questions 8: Do U.S. American managers have a vertical individualistic culture? A: En media parte si aceptan y dan todo lo que si gnifica la igualdad entre pares dentro de una misma organizaci—n pero siempre en algunos cas os hay algunos ejemplos que escapan a esa igualdad que mencionan ellos. Est‡ por ejemplo el tratamiento que al inte rior de la organizaci—n se brinda al ciudadano am ericano y al que no es ciudadano amer icano que para m’ es el ejemplo no. Al interior de una organizaci—n. Q: C—mo as’? No le entiendo A: En situaciones similares por ejemplo. Lo que sucede es que mencionamos el trato igualitario o aceptar igualdades pero cuando se trata de por ejemplo beneficios. Estando en una misma posici—n una americano y un no ameri cano se marca ah’ la diferencia. Q: Entonces ellos ganan m‡s beneficios? A: S’, y los otros no tienen. Pero yo creo que es o marca m‡s por una pol’tica de estado y no por que no quieran hacer sino que es la ley ameri cana de seguridad social que cubre a sus con nacionales y no a personas de otras nacionalidades. Q: Pero en ese sentido, entonces estamos hablando de diferencia de salarios o de beneficios como el seguro social y plan de retiro? A: Si exacto en esos niveles de beneficios sociales. Q: Pero tambiŽn tiene que ver con los niveles salariales? A: Eso digamos los niveles salariales dependen en funci—n de la realidad en cada uno de los pa’ses, para m’ eso no ser’a relevante pero s’ lo que significa los beneficios sociales. Question 9: What is the leadership style of U.S. American managers? A: S’, yo pienso que los l’deres digamos est‡ n siempre comprometidos con los que est‡n realizando y son quiz‡ los mayormente comprometidos en lograr la participaci—n del resto. Dejan bastante libertad, no son una s personas que estŽn pendientes d’a a d’a de si haz hecho o no haz hecho, o de que est‡s haciendo ese d’a o de que hiciste el d’a anterior. Te dan la libertad para que puedas asimilar todos lo que ellos te br indan para seguir creciendo. En ese caso hay ejemplos de personas que han pasado aqu’ en el pa’s y que han dado lugar a esa participaci—n en

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208 los diferentes niveles de toma de decisi—n por ejemplo en el pa’s. Les gusta obtener y lograr una mayor participaci—n para que as’ la decisi —n que puedan obtener sea mucha m‡s certera. Q: Y esto es a nivel de cuando se est‡n prep arando o desarrollando y ejecutando los proyectos? A: En ambos casos porque cuando se desarrolla la propuesta hay ese proceso de consulta. Son bastantesinvolucran m‡s de lo que nosotros invo lucramos en el desarrollo de una propuesta o en lo que significa la supervisi—n y ejecuci—n de un proyecto. Yo digo que eso es una fortaleza que tienen ellos. Q: Tiene algœn ejemplo en espec’fico? A: Hay por ejemplo cuando se han hecho unos proyectos de salud prenatal hay personas que pensaba que todav’a no estaban capaces para tener que desarrollar una propuesta y despuŽs liderizar su ejecuci—n y en ambos casos ha n podido mostrar que otorgando la confianza estimulando la participaci—n de esas personas se ha logrado, lograr primero la aprobaci—n de la propuesta y que la ejecuci—n de es a propuesta sea un Žxito. L—gicam ente con eso la instituci—n, el sector de salud ha ganado por que ha logrado darle si vale el termino explotar a esa persona, sacarle todo lo que ten’a dentro. Se le ha dado una oportunidad y la ha sabido aprovechar esa persona. Esa es la diferencia. Q: Entonces usted se refiere a que en la cult ura Boliviana no se dan esas oportunidades? A: Se dan casos muy aislados. Question 10: Do U.S. American manag ers have a short-time orientation? A: En cuanto al uso del tiempo. Para ellos consid ero que ellos son mucho m‡s correctos de lo que significa el tiempo. Saben de que el tiempo es cualquier el tiempo del personal, de ellos mismos, o de la familia es valioso y hay que toma r, osea la orientaci—n que brindan ellos es hacer uso eficiente del tiempo. Buscando l—gicamente que ese uso eficiente del tiempo tambiŽn se traduzca en satisfacci—n de la persona. Q: Pero por lo menos esta pregunta en particular dice que ellos fomentan virtudes relacionadas con el pasado y el presente, en particular con respecto a la tradic i—n y la preserv aci—n del orgullo, de la cara, de la reputaci—n. A: El siempre ha, estar desde el crecimiento, el pode r mirar hacia atr‡s y ver que en el transcurso de el tiempo se lograron determinados result ados positivos o alguna debilidad que puedan haber quedado entonces. Por ejemplo, yo he tenido opo rtunidad en algunas eval uaciones de planes estratŽgicos ah’ poder ver lo que ha significado el an‡lisis de lo que ha significado el pasado en cuanto a los resultados, tiempos, aspectos positiv os, osea sale esa tendencia de poder orientar a ver lo que ha significado el pasado para poder ser mucho mas eficientes en cuanto a alcanzar resultados no solamente en costos sino en tiempo y en satisfacci—n. Question 11: Do U.S. American managers have a monochronic time orientation? A: Si, casi la mayor’a de las personas trasmite es e tipo de actitud en cuanto a el tiempo que es escaso, y como dicen el tiempo es oro y cuesta Puede ser que por las distancias y las edificaciones donde ellos est‡n trabajando, d—nde se encuentra su fuente de trabajo induce a que ellos tengan ese tipo de aptitud porq ue reconocen que tienen un tiem po de vida œtil, en el cual ellos tienen que asegurar su futuro y su estabilida d despuŽs de ser activos en lo que significa el mundo laboral. Hay siempre esa tend encia, quiz‡ cuando salen del pa’s, estando en un pa’s donde se desarrolla alguna actividad le s permite ver la otra cara de la medalla tambiŽn, de que es posible evidentemente hacer un uso eficiente de l tiempo pero disfrutando de la vida, en el

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209 sentido: disfrutar a la familia, disfrutar lo que haces es tener satisfacciones de lo que has hecho tiene resultados con otras personas quiz‡ eso es lo que nos puede ma rcar la diferencia de lo que significa el trabajo al [inaudi ble] o el trabajo aqu’. Q: Y c—mo usted cree que esto afecta al desarrollo de proyectos en Bolivia? A: Afecta en el hecho de que necesitamos most rar e involucrar a las personas que est‡n trabajando en las casas matrices la necesidad de pa lpar y sentir lo que es la realidad. Que ellos tambiŽn se contagien de lo que significa el agradecimiento, el reconocimiento, de un ni–o, una ni–a, o de una se–ora con algœn pr oyecto de los que ellos fueron pa rte de ese proceso, osea les faltar’a que ellos tambiŽn puedan apropiarse de esa iniciativa, no solamente en papeles sino en carne y hueso. Question 12 and 13: How is the communicati on between the national and international offices? A: Tengo una comunicaci—n directa con mi supervisor De manera fluida tengo por lo menos una conversaci—n al mes con el directo. Tenemo s un sistema de comunicaci—n con el directa el VOIP osea no significa un costo y cuando estamos c on trabajo de desarrollo de una propuesta o negociar un contrato o unos repor tes finales, ah’ la comunicaci—n es tambiŽn con el resto del equipo que realizan algunas tareas y despuŽs el uso del correo el ectr—nico que sigue siendo para nosotros el principal medio de comunicaci—n. Q: Y es en InglŽs o en Espa–ol? A: Es un mixto. En mi caso porque estoy sigo en el proceso del aprendizaje del idioma InglŽs entonces con algunas personas hemos acordado que t odo va a ser en InglŽs y en cambio con el resto de las personas cuando no solamente a mi viene la comunicaci—n sino al resto del equipo pues lo hacen en Espa–ol. Podemos decir que casi la mitad o mas de la mitad de la oficina en Estados Unidos tiene conocimiento del Espa–ol, en tonces es una comunicaci—n bien fluida. Es como 50-50%. Por ejemplo que alguna ‡rea ha y mucha m‡s presencia de persona que tienen ra’ces Latinas quiz‡ por la prox imidad que tenemos con los pa’s es latinos en el Sur de los Estados Unidos pero dir’a que el idioma ha sta el momento no ha significado un impedimento para tener una comunicaci—n fluida con ellos. Question 14: Is there a language barrier with the U.S. American managers? Q: Y entonces el lenguaje no representa una barr era cuando se desarrollan los proyectos o las propuestas? A: No, quiz‡ la barrera que tenemos temporal en algunos casos es que necesitamos la presentaci—n de algunos documentos a referimien to del donante o del financiador en InglŽs proveniente de la oficina de Bo livia, ah’ hay debilidades en el pa’s de tener traductores que puedan manejar el lŽxico de programas de desa rrollo. Generalmente, hay traductores pero no manejan digamos esa lenguaje espec’fico de los pr oyectos ya sea de cualquiera de las ‡reas: de salud, de educaci—n, de generaci—n de ingresos porque cada una tiene su propio lenguaje. Esa ser’a digamos es una debilidad que siempre la vamos superando con diferentes alternativas, diferentes estrategias en el pa ’s o de la oficina internacional o una combinaci—n de ambos, pero hasta el momento no ha significado un cuello de botella que nos paralice. Entre ambos buscamos las soluciones.

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210 Question 15: What is the overall im pact of these cultural differences? A: Fundamentalmente quiz‡s es el to mar en cuenta que todo lo que he podido comentar, aportar, est‡ orientado fundamentalmente a personas que real izan en los Estados Unidos similar actividad a la nuestra. Puede ser que el resto de la sociedad de los Estados Unidos no tenga esa caracter’stica pero en lo que a mi me ha tocado conocer. Q: No pero esto es nada mas acerca de personas que trabajan en proyectos internacionales. A: No mucha dificultad, salvo lo que significa a veces algunas posiciones como el donante, el financiador, d’gase la cooperaci —n de AID USAID, que l—gicament e est‡n bajo otra estructura que ellos funcionan que difier en por ejemplo de muy pocas pero hemos tenido casos con personal de la embajada que es el polo opuesto de lo que significa la misi—n de AID en el pa’s o los que vienen a la misi—n de AID en el pa’s Quiz‡ por tener bastante experiencia muchos o algunos con muy poca experiencia. En el caso de la embajada quiz‡s la ventaja es que son mas pol’ticos entonces es mas f‡cil es tablecer una comunicaci—n con ellos. Interview 2: April 4 th 2008 Question 1: What traits do U.S. American managers share? A: Si la gran parte si especialmente en lo que se refiere a lo concreto y a lo directo en el tema de textos. Gran parte s’, de repente hay tambiŽ n bueno por lo que veo por mi experiencia una tendencia a pareciera ocupar espacios que podr’a n ser familiares o de otra ’ndole tambiŽn con v’nculos con el trabajo no ? Esa ser’a mi percepci—n. Q: Como as’? A: Que mucha veces lo social y etc. Se interrelaciona tambiŽn con temas de trabajo. Ver con quiŽn te relacionas y c—mo te relacionas es un poco orientado a una proyecci—n laboral o alguna conexi—n que pueda reflejarse despuŽs en al gœn proyecto en alguna c ooperaci—n. Que por nosotros por nuestra parte tenemos, osea la ge nte Latina, Boliviana, tenemos una fama un poco decir de menos puntuales, m‡s del coraz—n, menos de la raz—n y algo as’. Q: Entonces por lo menos de las que le nombr e hay algunas espec’fica s que le resaltaron? A: S’ el tema del ser concretos en los textos, el de ser puntuales. Eso de ser pasivos tal vez no. Pero si ensimismados, no pasivos pero tal vez ensimismados s’ y ven las cosas de su propio punto de vista creo que eso es comœn a todos. No solo a la cultura Americana. Q: Creo que se me olvid— menciona rle que separan muy bien la vi da personal de la profesional A: Ah’ justamente era lo que yo hab’a dicho. Ma s bien yo ve’a que no que hay un v’nculo, pero bueno es tambiŽn apreciaci—n desde ac‡. Q: Y se acuerda de alguna vez en donde all‡ visto que estos aspectos han afectado a los proyectos? A: S’ porque por algunos v’nculos puede darse qu e se apoyen m‡s un estilo de proyectos que otros, o alguna preferencia a un estilo de proyectos o una orie ntaci—n de proyectos hacia un ‡rea espec’fica en vez de otra puede ser que si. S’ hay un v’nculo digamos con un tema de tecnolog’a, hay m‡s apoyo a esa parte que otra digamos educaci—n es un ejemplo no? Question 2: Do U.S. American managers have a low-context culture? A: S’ en general creo que est‡ en lo cierto que bueno puede ser como se han formado tambiŽn porque la mayor’a de directores tienen un cierto estilo de sobre todo en temas de desarrollo hay

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211 gente que viene del cuerpo de paz, que ya vienen orientados desde muy j—venes hacia al ‡mbito de desarrollo y van como teniendo como ese tipo de cultura. Yo no sŽ si es cultura Americana en general o la cultura que apoya al desarrollo y vi ene de Norte AmŽrica. Parece que por lo menos una va viendo como se perfilan desde muy j—vene s cuales son sus orient aciones y es como una cosa muy comœn, el recorrido y el estilo mismo de desarrollar las cosas en s’. Yo comparto bastante en general con esta œltima descripci—n. Q: Pero si por lo menos usted fuera a describir ese estilo en sus propias palabras, C—mo lo describir’a? A: Pues s’ que es un estilo directo y tambiŽn es un estilo que tambiŽn se acomoda a las diferentes circunstancias o a las diferentes demandas que puedan haber en el mundo del desarrollo que se pueden llamar incluso nichos. No en ningœn momento se pueden llamar como en el tema del mercado se pueden llamar aqu’ ha y un nicho cuando se trata de un tema ya sea de salud, o de medio ambiente o al gunas especificas se dice pues no hemos entrado en este nicho no? Y no se llega de otra manera, que ya es bastante, bueno tiene es a —ptica ya definida. Q: Ya va, dijo nicho o dicho? A: Nicho es como una oportuni dad. Por ejemplo cuando se habla en temas de publicidad se habla de nichos de mercado. Son como oportunidades. Question 3: What is the communication pattern of U.S. American managers? A: En general, es verdad pero lo que si he vist o al menos en mi organizaci—n es que tambiŽn hay una, de repente eso es m‡s del individuo, pero ta mbiŽn hay mucha dosis de la parte humana, de la parte humanitaria a la hora de decidir, pero en general estar’a de acuerdo con toda la afirmaci—n. Q: Tiene algœn ejemplo? A: Bueno se ve en lo cotidiano, en las conversac iones, de repente a veces parecer’a que no hay mucho espacio al interior de la organizaci—n por ejemplo para re flexiones sobre contexto o sobre se puede tender a vivir en una cosa donde se vien e a ver solo lo que es tangible o solo lo que afecta directamente al proyecto pero por ejemplo en nuestro plaza en Bolivia est‡n pasando muchas cosas al nivel hist—rico a nivel de pa’s que merecer’an de repente de nosotros como una organizaci—n que trabaja en Bolivia y para Boliv ia que haya un espacio de an‡lisis cr’tico y un cuestionamiento incluso a c—mo nosotros desarroll amos nuestras acciones. Como una reflexi—n. Hay una ausencia de este espacio de reflexi —n y a veces es como que lo cotidiano se pone primero, lo urgente y se carece de eso, yo lo veo personalmente muchas veces como que se llega a crear una burbuja. Una burbuja y alrededor pueden estar pasando muchas cosas y la gente solo esta viendo solo lo que le afect a directamente en los programas. Question 4: What is the meeting style of U.S. American managers? A: S’, en general es verdad aunque depende muc ho del car‡cter de cada individuo, hay gente por lo menos que se ha salido totalmente del tema y se ha ido por otro lado pero en general si se percibe una direccionalidad. Tamb iŽn hay este concepto de efi cacia y eficiencia relacionado con el uso del tiempo que va de esta manera, en el ir a lo directo y a lo concreto y a conclusiones y tareas digamos. Q: Y c—mo usted cree que esto afecta a los proyectos en s’? A: S’, un poco relacionado con lo que dec’a antes, osea, las cosas se pueden volver muy mec‡nicas bajo este esquema y no hay que olvidar que en el tema de desarrollo estamos tratando

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212 con personas, con comunidades y sus tiempos tambiŽn son otros. Sus tiempos sus ormenŽnticas, su manera de desarrollar y asumir las cosas son otras. Ahora tambiŽn ellos conociendo esa l—gica, se adaptan a esa l—gica. Lo que no neces ariamente significa que la asuman si no que ya han tenido generalmente experiencias con muchos proyectos entonces ya saben tambiŽn como manejarse en torno a esto no. A Adaptarse perf ectamente manejarlo sin que implique un cambio radical para ellos que m‡s bien les afecte realment e muchas veces por eso se da una debilidad en el tema de que los proyectos sean sostenibles, porque muchas veces se solo apropian mientras los proyectos se est‡n desarrollando y luego pues buscan que otro proy ecto hay para apropiarse de ese mientras se desarrolla. Pero muy pocas v eces podemos hablar de un a apropiaci—n real que implique que ellos mismos vayan a dar continuidad a las acciones. Nos hemos ido creo que para el otro lado, pero si creo que afecta el estilo de conducci—n y bue no y si reitero que hay una falta de espacio de ese tipo de an‡lisis. No hay un mo mento en que se hable de la manera como se comunican las personas sino se entra directo a la comunicaci—n sin analizar que puede afectar a los proyectos. Question 5: Do U.S. American managers have a low-power distance culture? A: En general s’, aunque tambiŽn hay que estar conc iente. Por ejemplo aqu’, nosotros en nuestra oficina solo normalmente tenemos nuestro Di rector y Subdirectora que son Estadounidenses entonces ellos no siempre hacen hecho de superv isi—n directa verdad, sobre todo hacen visitas que no entrar’an en el esquema de lo que denom inamos supervisi—n sino sobre todo visitas de reconocimiento, visitas con patr ocinadores, osea no es una su pervisi—n muy program‡tica, totalmente organizada. De todos modos es cierto que cuando hacen estas visitas pues si tienen esta caracter’stica de que todos tienen deber’an tener el dere cho a hablar y ese esquema del espacio del poder, de que no hay jerarqu’a, s’ lo tienen aunque cuando no hay trabajado m‡s tiempo en el pa’s, r‡pidamente tambiŽn conocen como se estructuran las comunidades en los lugares donde ellos est‡n visita ndo, que en el caso de Bolivia por ejemplo, en el ‡rea rural hay una fuerte organizaci—n comunitaria muy definida ah’ se sabe claramente quien es el hilacata que se llama al jefe, y hay mucho protocolo cuando se hacen estas visitas. Hay mucho protocolo de que sea la persona de mayor relevancia para la comunidad en ese momento que haga la recepci—n de la gente pero tambiŽn en el ‡rea rural hay una costumbre de tribuna libre que dependiendo del tiempo, la gente que desea expresar algo al visitante toma la pala bra entonces s’ concordar’a con esta apreciaci—n. Question 6: Do U.S. American managers have a low-uncertainty avoidance culture? A: S’ en general me parece que es verdad, aunq ue otra vez, en el momento hist—rico que estamos viviendo por ejemplo, en Bolivia se respir a un aire de incertidumbre general ya ha nivel de la poblaci—n misma que de alguna manera como parte de poblaci—n el staff est‡ tambiŽn con esa incertidumbre se lo transmite todo el tiempo a la parte de direcci—n, pero por supuesto que en la parte de direcci—n y subdirecci—n, si no hay la misma el mismo impacto que hay en la otra poblaci—n, que somos digamos nosotros. S’ se ve que hay un mas tomarlo con calma, digamos como que las aguas suben pero luego de subir bajaran. Que de repente nosotros podemos llegar a ser un poco mas apocal’pticos sobre todo ahora que nosotros tenemos programas, gran parte de nuestros programas de cooperaci—n que vienen del gobierno de los Estados Unidos entonces ahora a nivel de gobierno no existe una buena re laci—n. Entonces viendo las noticias y todo eso, evidentemente hay una crisis, hay un miedo, pero los Estadounidenses piensan que las aguas van

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213 a bajar. No es que ellos tomen las cosas a la ligera pero tambiŽn te puede hacer pensar que tambiŽn ellos como personas ya tienen mas opcione s. Si ac‡ pasa algo terrible pues no se acaba el mundo, se van a otro lugar y bueno ah’ tien en otras oportunidades. Adem‡s tambiŽn su experiencia por lo menos nosotros aqu’ tenemos un director con muchos a–os de experiencia en muchos lugares del mundo entonces no es primera vez que vive este tipo de situaciones y uno ve que realmente lo toma con mayor calma y s’ toma las cosas como que todo lo que sube naturalmente va a bajar. Entonces no hay tanto p‡nico, sino hay m‡s tranquilidad. Question 7: Do U.S. American managers have an individualistic culture? A: Aqu’ dir’a s’ y no. Dir’a que s’ evidenteme nte uno percibe que hay pe rsonas que tienen su propia agenda y tienen esa caracter’stica de planif icar en funci—n sus propias metas etc. Sin embargo en el tema de desarrollo si es neces ario una vocaci—n sino se estar’an dedic‡ndose a vender coca colas o gŸisqui o cualqu ier cosa pero s’ es necesario el compromiso para mantenerse en este ‡mbito y en ese sentido el compromiso s’ es en pro de una colectividad digamos. Si por un lado de formaci—n personal y visi—n, pero ya ha blando del ‡mbito del desarrollo yo creo que siente que en algœn momento tiene la intenci—n de hacer algo para cambiar el mundo en general. De repente esa particularidad a diferencia de l resto de otros estadounidenses que podr’an estar solo orientados a sus metas individuales. Questions 8: Do U.S. American managers have a vertical individualistic culture? A: Del tema de orientaci—n por logros por supuest o que s’ porque inclus o esa es parte de la evaluaci—n de desempe–o que tenemos en las oficinas. En las oficinas nos hacen evaluaci—n por desempe–o y todo entra dentro de lo que son los esquemas de pl anificaci—n y cuanto se ha logrado y porque s’ y porque no, que se ha hec ho al respecto, etc., pero una vez mas de repente hay muchas lecciones aprendidas que quedan en el camino que no se comparten y puedo decir que a veces hay esa sensaci—n que, un af‡n exitista, osea de Žxito. Osea como que quien muestre que est‡ haciendo no muy, muy, muy bien va a es tar mejor visto que una persona que muestre posible situaciones o posibles fu turos conflictos o de repente que observe algo. Siempre hay una preferencia por quienes muestran resultados a m‡ s de lo que esos resultados ya impliquen en interacci—n con las comunidades mismas o con lo s grupos que trabajamos espec’ficos. Y lo vemos tambiŽn con nuestras contrapartes y financ iadotes que siempre van a tener mejores o’dos para cosas que aparentemente son logros y no va n a querer escuchar cosas que no sean logros. No van a querer escuchar cosas que pueden impli car un cuestionamiento al como se desarrollan los proyectos o a las maneras como nos estamos relacionando o a las consecuencias posteriores que pueda tener este reracionamiento, no hay o’dos pa ra eso. Tanto al interi or de la organizaci—n como muchas veces con los financiadores. Q: Entonces en ese sentido, usted cree que el pr oblema est‡ en la definici—n de los logros? A: TambiŽn, s’. Porque una vez mas hay ese af ‡n por llegar a la meta sin importar como llegamos ah’ y que pasa despuŽs de que llegamos ah ’. Y a veces yo he visto casos siendo as’ esta cultura, las personas que trabajan en proyectos pueden a llegar a tergiversar (falsear) las cosas para tener una buena imagen con el financiador o con los jefes mismos de la oficina. Osea acomodar un poco las cosas de manera que parezca mas logros que nada. Osea mas logros que el de al lado. Son obviamente percepciones pers onales. Un ejemplo que me estaba recordando de mostrar logros y orientarse a logros ser’a ir a ver eso que much a veces se inventan datos o se acomodan porque obvio uno quiere tener un buen preced ente para futuros proyectos etc. Y eso

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214 al final mas perjudica que ayuda porque no son dato s reales para luego hacer una buena toma de decisiones. Q: Por lo menos si se ha sobre estimado la cantid ad de beneficiarios que se van a ayudar a un proyecto, C—mo usted cree que eso afecta despuŽs? A: Yo creo que afecta much’simo porque por ejemplo en el costo de beneficios. Si yo digo he llegado a $1,500,000 por ejemplo de un proyecto edu cativo porque as’ demuestran los datos, pero si realmente ha llegado a $100,000 o a ya no exagerarŽ a $400,000 entonces realmente est‡ saliendo bastante menos costo efectivo. Osea no estoy llegando a tantas personas como estoy diciendo y de repente se est‡ quedando m‡s, lo aportes se est‡n quedando en la parte administrativa o en otros momentos no est‡n llega ndo realmente a la gente que tendr’a que llegar el apoyo. Q: Ah esta bien. Es que no le entend’a bien. Entonces el problema de sobreestimar los resultados es que de cuando por lo menos si te dan la plata para la gente que tu dijiste que ibas a ayudar, al fin y al cabo no va a llegar a toda esa gente. A: Exacto, no va a llegar a tanta gente. O de repente podr’a hacerse ot ro proyecto que con el mismo dinero tiene un mayor impacto, pero ah’ hay que ver porque si ha elegido el otro proyecto, de repente porque se ve’a mejor, no se ve’a mas efectivo pero realmente puede depender de c—mo han presentado los resultados. Entonces puede ir eso a otro proyecto tambiŽn. Question 9: What is the leadership style of U.S. American managers? A: S’, bueno s’, en ese sentido s’ bastante. Se r’a muy excepcional la persona que no deje hacer yo creo que eso ser’a una persona mas, como una caracter’stica muy espec’fica de alguien pero en general si hay esto otro de gerentar mejor y dar a cada cual la responsabilidad por su parte. Por eso yo creo que son muy escrupulosos en la selecci—n del personal que van a contratar. Porque no lo contratar’an si no lo considerar’an que es capaz de responder a esto precisamente. Q: Pero entonces si siente que se le da bastante responsabilidad a los empleados para que hagan su propia parte? A: S’, se da libertad a los emplea dos para que hagan su propia part e pero ya luego habr’a que ver que entendemos por su propia parte, s’ no? Pues ah’ podrimos entrar a que las cosas se hacen mec‡nicamente pero si en general estoy de acu erdo. Un ejemplo, por eso yo dir’a que son tan escrupulosos los procesos de selecci—n de pe rsonal y tambiŽn cuando la persona no est‡ respondiendo a la selecci—n en el periodo de pr ueba se identifica y se toman decisiones muy r‡pidamente que se cambien. Question 10: Do U.S. American manag ers have a short-time orientation? A: S’ de acuerdo con eso. Q: S’ o no o usted cree que ellos hacen las cosas as’ sin importarl es lo que piense la gente? A: Para nada, mas bien todo lo contrario y es un a de las cosas que he aprendido en ver como pueden medirse en momentos tambiŽn que podr’an ser de distensi—n pero siempre ah’ est‡ ese c‡lculo, ese proceso de cuidar la imagen persona l, por su puesto que s’, en cada momento, y en todos los niveles. Sea en un ‡mbito de lo que se llama el hablar pero en lo coloquial tambiŽn es importante preservar su imagen.

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215 Question 11: Do U.S. American managers have a monochronic time orientation? A: La primera parte no, y la segunda parte si. La part e que se refiere de hacer solo una cosa a la vez, no la he visto. No la he visto en que s ea una visi—n de hacer una cosa al tiempo no, yo digo mas bien que hay opci—n de ver varias, osea una co sa mas amplia. S’ ellos hacen muchas cosas al mismo tiempo. Pero ya en el tema tambiŽn de esta especie de apuro estrŽs y el uso del tiempo s’, por eso te dec’a la primera parte no y la segunda parte s’. Porque como la primera parte dice de que se ponen a hacer muchas cosas al mismo tie mpo o que pueden estar sobre muchas cosas al mismo tiempo s’ lo he visto, de que pueden esta r sobre mœltiple cosas con una atenci—n mœltiple muy interesante. TambiŽn correlacionar co sas que pueden aparentemente no estar, estoy hablando de temas de proyecto, que pueden no est‡n relacionadas pero pueden hacer esos v’nculos s’. Ahora con tema de ese af‡n y de ese apuro que el tiempo es oro y que no se puede malgastar, no es tan exagerado pero s’ hay esa tendencia de que se vŽ como esa cuesti—n de que todo se tiene que hacer ahora ur gente o ma–ana o ayer. El famoso para ayer'. Ahora que realmente no es tan exagerado, pero de repente lo que yo no he visto es un tema del tiempo es oro, que el tiempo es dinero pero si el tiempo es algo, es un recurso muy valioso e importante. Q: Le tengo una pregunta acerca de lo que dijo de la habilidad de los estadounidenses de hacer v’nculos con cosas que no est‡n relaciona das, Podr’a dar un ejemplo acerca de eso? A: Ah s’, a lo que me refer’a es que cuando uno es t‡ haciendo s—lo una cosa al mismo tiempo puede ser que solo se est‡ concentrando en eso por ejemplo un proyecto con adolescentes. Solo concentr‡ndose en el asunto. Pero no m‡s bien ellos, tenemos el proyecto de los adolescentes c—mo lo vinculamos con el de salud, y hay una ma nera de vincular las co sas en ese sentido. No es que solo se conocen y entran y hacen solo una cosa. Por lo menos lo que yo he visto es bien interesante porque adem‡s se pueden relaci onar cosas que aparentemente no tendr’an mucha relaci—n. Question 12: How do you usually communi cate with the international office? A: Con la oficina internacional como ya llevo tiempo trabajando c on ellos, no es una comunicaci—n la m’a a requerimiento de ellos en realidad. No es una cosa que yo vaya a demandarlos, sino es mas el requerimiento de ellos cuando hay alguna necesidad una comunicaci—n o algo que requiera informaci—n o apoyo entonces ah’ generalmente es una comunicaci—n v’a correo electr—nic o, y yo me comunico en InglŽs generalmente, por el tema de practicar. Ahora he visto que compa–eros que les falta en el InglŽs que no tienen todav’a un nivel muy avanzado, igual se comunican en InglŽs con la oficina central. Me piden ayuda para que les ayude con sus correos electr—nicos. Ahora una cosa interesante en el correo electr—nico que no est‡n en las preguntas pero me gustar’a co mentarle si se puede. Con el tema de esta nueva tecnolog’a del Internet ha y una especie de nueva cultura donde el Internet, y el responder r‡pidamente un email estar’a reflejando eficiencia una vez m‡s. Mientras mas r‡pido respondas eres mas eficiente, es como una especie de esos aparatos que te mandan pelotas y tu tienes que responder inmediatamente, es igual. No hay mu cho tiempo, osea no est‡ bien visto el pensar mucho las cosas, y por eso a veces se responde por responder r‡pido. Como que el mensaje fuera hacerlo r‡pido y no bien. Y se ha genera do tambiŽn toda una cultura en las relaciones porque es a quien copias, como copias, que le dices, y por eso como que las cosas ya no toman tiempo razonable como que es ese estrŽs y esta cu esti—n de hacer r‡pidas las cosas. Bien propia del modernismo, del consumismo, de por lo desechable tambiŽn, porque es lo del dar respuesta, dar respuesta inmediata, sin pensarla mucho.

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216 Q: As’ no haya calidad. A: Exacto. Question 13 and 14: How do you find communicati ng with the international office: easy or challenging? Is there a language barri er with the U.S. American managers? A: F‡cil. Es f‡cil comunicarse en este sentido de comunicaci—n. En el sentido de eficiencia si se entiende, pero una vez mas de pronto puede ser el estilo personal no lo sŽ, por la formaci—n social puede ser parecer’a que se estŽn perdiendo cosas, se est‡n saltando pasos. Question 15: What is the overall im pact of these cultural differences? A: Yo dir’a que no habr’a tanto bueno y malo. Bue no, yo creo que la cultura siempre afecta. La cuesti—n ser’a ver en que grado. Y s’ tiene que ver con las percep ciones. Las percepciones aqu’ por lo menos ahora con relaci—n a la cultura norteamericana hay una especie de cuestionamiento muy fuerte, y seguro va afectar todo esto que estamos hablando. De seguro que va a afectar. Hay una visi—n de los nuevos —rganos de poder c—mo que de avasallamiento y como que de mucho cuestionamiento a esta cultura entonces s’ en este momento. Q: Se refiere al antiamericanismo? A: A por supuesto, ahora estamos viviendo eso a nivel de los grupos de gobierno y por eso estamos atravesando. Entonces es bien interesa nte porque el discurso que se maneja ahora pœblicamente digamos en estos niveles es anti -americano, porque a que les ha llevado esta cultura, se cuestiona, no se el cambio clim‡tic o, estamos atentado contra las relaciones humanas, est‡ muy cuestionado ahora. Q: Entonces, Usted cree que no se est‡n dando proyectos por eso? Por rechazar a la cultura norteamericana? A: No solo la cultura, son tambiŽn m—viles po l’ticos, pero la cultura tambiŽn es un factor importante. Y bueno yo creo que los pr—ximos proyectos que vienen s’ se van a ver afectados por este movimiento que estamos viviendo ahora. Ahora mas que antes, est‡ d‡ndose este discurso, est‡ renaciendo digamos un discurso que ya se hab’a s uperado en los 70s. Ya se hab’a superado este tema, pero ahora est‡ volviendo muy fuerte. Adem‡s estamos a nivel de Bolivia con una exacerbaci—n de lo que es indigenista, del indigenism o entendido como algo puro que tampoco creo que exista y en ese sentido lo que no es indigenista o ind’gena, no est‡ bienvenido. Entonces por su puesto que esto va a afectar los futuros proyectos y a nuestro rol aqu’ y ahora, por eso es tambiŽn importante que hayan estos espacios de reflexi—n, de an‡lisis, de d—nde estamos nosotros?, c—mo nos planteamos?, cu‡ l es nuestro discurso?, c—mo implementamos los programas?, c—mo participan las comunidades?, escuchamos realmente a las comunidades? les imponemos nuestros discursos?. Es necesario que eso se analice, y no hay ese espacio. Entonces yo creo que lo hist—rico va ir desarroll‡ndose solo y veremos que pasa. Interview 3: April 15 th 2008 Question 1: What traits do U.S. American managers share? A: En realidad no solo de los Estadounidenses, es una cosa general de los Europeos, son muchos m‡s serios, son mucho mas formales y mas direct os. Ahora, yo he visto un cambio en gente que ha trabajado fuera de los Estados Unidos, fuera de Europa por ejemplo, hay gente que ha vivido

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217 en AmŽrica Latina o en frica o en otros pa’ses pues son un poco mas sensibles digamos as’ a la cultura que les rodea y un poco m‡sse conectan mejor con la gente por la experiencia "abroad" fuera del pa’s que han tenido. En general, s’ son bien met—dicos, bien ce rrados, bien directos y bien din‡micos. En todo caso todos estos aspect os afectan la mayor’a de veces para bien porque los Latinoamericanos somos un poco m‡s relejados, m‡s dejados, siempre tratamos de dejar las cosas para œltimo. En cambio, tener una persona con esa mentalidad nos ayuda para cumplir las fechas limites (los deadlines), poner un poco de pr esi—n, entonces las cosa s se hacen mucho mas ordenadas m‡s met—dicas, entonces esa ser’a la part e positiva. La parte negativa, es que por mas de que sea un trabajo 100% profesional, siem pre est‡ llevado acabo por personas, por seres humanos, y a veces da la impresi—n que las personas Americanas o Europeas son insensibles, no son humanos, no se relacionan en equipo. Eso puede causar problemas al interior del equipo, del trabajo como el ambiente o clima laboral pero a los resultados de los proyectos en s’ mismos no creo que afecten tanto. Por ejemplo, ahor a ultimo hemos estado trabajando con otra ONG Americana para una propuesta y hab’an dos pe rsonas, uno que era de ra’ces Latinas pero Americano y otro que era de ra’ces Europeas pero tambiŽn Americano. El Latino al d’a siguiente de que se empezaba el taller, ya se llevaba muy bi en con todos, ya era amigo de todos, ya estaba haciendo contactos, y relacion‡ndos e incluso con gente fuera del proyecto. Al Americano le cost— un poco m‡s porque es un poco m‡s cerrado, m‡ s reservado y al principio era todo serio, todo seco, todo met—dico y casi no sonre’a. DespuŽs de las dos semanas de trabajar juntos y de viajar al campo y de hablar con la gente en las comunidades y t odo eso, este Americano de ra’ces Europeas como que se fue soltando un poco m‡s entonces ya hab’an momentos en los que mientras hac’amos el trabajo re’amos un poco, descans‡bamos un poco, y luego retom‡bamos y segu’amos trabajando, y eso ayud— mucho para que al final del proyecto todos estuvieran m‡s animados, m‡s contentos, y satisfechos de haber hecho un buen trabajo. Question 2: Do U.S. American managers have a low-context culture? A: S’ definitivamente son directo al grano. Ah’ va un poco lo que coment‡bamos en la anterior pregunta, ellos separan muy bien lo que es relaciones personal es y lo que es las relaciones laborales. En el trabajo te pueden decir cosas muy directas que te pueden afectar digamos pero lo est‡n haciendo desde el punto de vista profesional. Sales del tr abajo y eso que te dijeron es como si no hubiera existido, sigu es siendo su amigo y no tienen problemas. A nosotros los Latinos nos afecta mucho eso porque mezclamos lo personal con lo profesional. Entonces incluso yo tengo que cambiar mi forma de convers ar cuando estoy con gente Latina, que cuando estoy con gente Americana. A los Latinos le s tengo que explicar las cosas con mucho mas detalles y hacer mas vueltas. En cambio a lo s Americanos con cinco palabras directas y concretas es suficiente, os ea no necesitas redundar. Q: Y c—mo usted cree que estos aspectos afectan o influyen los proyectos en s’? A: A vercomo te digo, muchas veces nosotros tratamos de hacer por ejemplo un inaudible papel que tiene 20 p‡ginas porque estamos pens‡ ndolo para un Latino no? Pero para los Americanos, 20 p‡ginas es demasia do! No lo van a leer. Con dos p‡ginas ya es suficiente. Entonces a veces tenemos o hacemos doble trabajo porque primero hacemos las primera 20 p‡ginas y despuŽs tenemos que resumirlas a dos y en algunos casos esto nos causa un poco de retraso en el trabajo, pero por otro lado, entendi endo la mentalidad de ellos se simplifican las cosas. Si nos acostumbramos a pensar las cosa s minimalistas y sencillas como los Americanos tal vez no tendr’amos que hacer las 20 p‡ginas. Pero espec’ficamente como nos afecta en el trabajo, pues a veces tenemos que hacer doble trabaj o, ya sea un informe, un reporte, un proyecto

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218 para que lo entiendan aqu’ en AmŽrica La tina y a veces el mismo proyecto no solamente traducirlo si no textualizarlo a la mentalidad occidental, y as’ entonces terminamos teniendo dos proyectos. Question 3: What is the communication pattern of U.S. American managers? A: S’ creo que es un poco valores culturales tamb iŽn. Nosotros cuidamos mucho de no lastimar a los dem‡s o de decir algo que sea incorrecto porque vivimos mas en sociedad, interactuamos mas en sociedad. En cambio los Americanos no. Ellos interactœan en sociedad pero son sociedades extremadamente abiertas, osea tu sale s del trabajo y bueno ya no ves a la persona del trabajo sino hasta la pr—xima sema na o hasta el pr—ximo mes, osea cada uno est‡ en su cub’culo. En AmŽrica Latina, lo que tu hagas dentro de la oficina afecta fuera de la oficina tambiŽn. Tus amigos dentro de la oficina son tus amigos fuer a de la oficina. En muchos casos compartes transportes, compartes hasta en algunos casos vida social fuera de la oficina. Entonces por eso nos cuidamos nosotros como Latinos m‡s de decir las cosas a las otras pe rsonas en la oficina. Los Americanos no, porque tienen la cancha bien rayada, osea ellos ponen bien los l’mites. Ahora como afecta esto en el trabajo pues muchas veces nosotros vemos a los Americanos como ap‡ticos, como cerrados, hasta como malos no? por la forma que tienen de decirte las cosas pero no es que lo est‡n haciendo por malos sino que simplemente son as’. Tienes que tener una mentalidad muy abierta para acostumbrarte a esto. Por lo menos yo tuve la experiencia de haber vivido en los Estados Unidos por un tiempo y de haber interactuado con gente de diferentes razas entonces entiendo un poco como funcionan por eso a m’ no me afecta tanto, mas bien tengo que explicarle a mis compa–eros, no lo que pasa es qu e los Americanos son as’, as’ y as’, entonces hay que ver como tratarlos. Question 4: What is the meeting style of U.S. American managers? A: Si los Americanos son muchos mas met—dico s incluso en eso, precisamente porque no tienen y no disponen de tanto tiempo entonces les gusta h acer las cosas breves y concisas. Por ejemplo, te pongo un ejemplo igual de esa propuesta en la que est‡bamos trabajando con esta otra ONG que es lo mas fresco que tengo. Nos unimos con un grupo de productore s lecheros en el altiplano y esta persona de esta otra ONG empez— diciendo dos co sas: esto es lo que estamos haciendo, esto es lo que necesitamos y estos son los resultados que vamos a lograr y de esta forma lo vamos a aplicar y ahora los escuc ho, y bueno uno de ellos empez— a decir que bueno nosotros somos una asociaci—n, y que la gloriosa asociaci—n fue formada en 1900s tantos, tantos, tantos y bueno hizo todo un discurso, y a los tres minutos yo ya ve’a la expresi—n de este otro tipo de la otra ONG y dijo pero bueno esta inform aci—n a m’ no me sirve, entonces la cortamos y vamos directamente al grano. Q: C—mo tomaron esto los due–os de la asociaci—n? A: Bueno el me lo dijo a m’, entonces yo tuve que mediar un poco y decir bueno s’, nos parece muy interesantes pero lo que realmente queremo s saber es esto, esto y esto, y bueno tuve que reencaminar un poco la conversaci—n, pero osea nosotros estamos acostumbrados a escucharlos horas de horas de horas, que aunque realmente no los escuchemos pero por lo menos no se si por respeto o timidez o por protocolo lo hacemos. Pe ro los Americanos en realidad van directo al grano y quieren tambiŽn que la gente vaya dir ecto al grano. Q: Bueno me imagino que para aquellos que no tien en experiencia con la cultura estadounidense es mucho m‡s dif’cil.

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219 A: Claro para otros es mucho mas compli cado. He visto personas que se sent’an extremadamente ofendidos con algunos visitantes nuestros y les preguntas que ha pasado y dicen pues me han saludado y no me han dicho nada mas, no me han preguntado como est‡ mi familia y mi gatito digamos. Claro obviamente eso para ellos es irrelevante. Question 5: Do U.S. American managers have a low-power distance culture? A: S’ definitivamente, osea la autoridad o el li derazgo en la cultura Americana se lo gana uno por el trabajo que hace no por el puesto que tiene o la investidura que tiene. Entonces al ganarse el liderazgo de esa forma, al empezar de abaj o, de ir ganando el liderazgo y el aprecio de sus compa–eros, la jerarqu’a empresarial es mucho m‡s horizontal porque todos hemos salido de ah’, y Dios mediante todos podemos llegar ah’. En ca mbio en nuestra cultura Latina, nuestra cultura es la revŽs, la cultura es vertical El poder y la autoridad, te lo da tu investidura, te lo da el cargo que tienes, te lo da el puesto que tienes, o a quien conoces y no necesariamente los logros que haces, que has obtenido o que has alcanzado. Y nosotros tratamos de demostrar que tenemos autoridad al mostrar nuestro t’tulo, en cambio los Americanos no. Los Americanos sabes quienes son, saben donde est‡n parados, saben la autorida d que tienen y como digo tienen las reglas del juego bien marcadas. Reconoce la autoridad por el trabajo que se hace y reconoce que el que ha llegado a esa posici—n es porque realmente est‡ ah’ y porque se lo merece. La cosa es nosotros no tenemos mucho personal expatriado en nue stra organizaci—n, entonces no vemos muy profundamente o muy de frente esta situaci—n y por lo general cuando viene gente del exterior Americanos o Europeos como te comentaba, ya el hecho de que sean extr anjeros es como: uy s’ es el jefe mayor entonces es un poco, como que se le rinde reverencia y obviamente esto les afecta tambiŽn a ellos porque dicen: bueno nosot ros hemos venido a hacer un trabajo mas como ustedes, somos uno mas, no necesitan hacer t odo esto. Pero como te digo no hemos tenido mucha relaci—n con expatriados que estŽ n a cargo de cosas en la oficina. Q: Pero por lo menos con los que est‡n en la of icina que dicen ellos de esas formalidades y atenciones que ustedes tienen con ellos? A: La aptitud de ellos es as’, no les gusta esas cosas, de hecho nuestro director nacional es de origen Europeo, entonces cuando el te habla como conversaci—n de pasillo no mantiene esa distancia que manten’a el anterior director. Pero cuando se trata de cosas de trabaj o el va directo a la soluci—n, entonces ese es el problema esta es la soluci—n y listo, suficiente, siguiente. Entonces como que las distancias de poder ha blar con el han bajado, de raz—n que son m‡s cercanas, pero en cuestiones de trabajo el es el je fe y el tiene la ultima palabra porque esa es la posici—n que el est‡ representando y toda la or ganizaci—n lo respaldan entonces eso te queda claro. Pero el si invoca a la part icipaci—n, el es m uy participativo. Question 6: Do U.S. American managers have a low-uncertainty avoidance culture? A: Si de hecho las Americanos son mas orienta dos a los cambios y a la innovaci—n. De hecho como te comentaba, cuando lleg— nuestro nuevo dire ctor lo primero que hizo fue reformular toda la estrategia y toda la forma de trabajo que ten’ amos. Entonces revolvi— todo de pies a cabeza y todos est‡bamos aqu’ como que uy y ahora que va a pasar. En una nueva estrategia y con una nueva reestructuraci—n se piensa que nos van a desped ir a todos. Pero bueno eso no es as’, lo que el quiere ver es algo que sea func ional y ver los recursos que tien e y con los que cuenta y ver si est‡ bien ubicados o si est‡n desubicados o podr’a n estar relocalizados en lugares que sean m as productivos, osea lo que a el le interesa es la productividad, no tanto la camarader’a, o las

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220 estructuras anteriores o como se comportaba la gente antes. A nosotros como Latinos, nos asusta eso, nos da inseguridad porque nosotros contamos con otro tipo de caract er’sticas nuestras, de nuestra cosmovisi—n que s’ son importantes pero no necesarias, pero para ellos no. Pero entonces su pensamiento es mu cho mas operativo, mas productivo. Question 7: Do U.S. American managers have an individualistic culture? A: S’ definitivamente la cultura es mas individualista sobre todo en las grandes ciudades donde la pesa corre y tu tienes que pelear por tu Žxito y todo. En cambio en AmŽrica Latina nosotros nos asociamos, por ejemplo el hecho de asocia rnos, el hecho de esta r con un grupo de gente aunque no hagamos nada, no hagamos nada producti vo, pero ya el hecho de estar con gente es algo que llena nuestras expectativas. Los Am ericanos no, los Americanos est‡n con gente cuando tienen que estar con gente, no por socializ ar, pero si es por conveniencia o por beneficio para ellos entonces s’ lo van a hacer, s’ se van a reunir y s’ va n a estar, pero si no tratan de evitarlo o directamente no lo hacen. Y esto ge neralmente se percibe, osea a las personas extranjeras como antisociales. Digamos nosotros terminamos el trabajo despuŽs de un d’a muy duro y en la noche siempre nos reunimos a convers ar o a charlar o a soci alizar un poco. En cambio ellos terminan un d’a de trabajo duro y ya me tengo que ir a de scansar porque ma–ana hay que levantarse temprano y bueno nos deja pensando quŽ hemos hecho mal? quŽ ha pasado? en como le hemos ofendido? Y obviamen te eso les impide tener una mejor apreciaci—n de la realidad, de la vida de las personas, y les impide tener un mejor acercamiento a la comunidad en s’ misma. Entonces los resultados que tengan, los analices la intervenci—n o la observaci—n que tengan no van a se r los mas reales ni los mas pr ecisos porque hay una especie de subnivel de informaci—n que la consigues solame nte socializando con la gente formalmente. Questions 8: Do U.S. American managers have a vertical individualistic culture? A: Si es lo que te comentaba, cuando los Amer icanos saben que alguien ha llegado a ese puesto es porque saben que se lo ha ganado, entonces merece los privilegios que tiene ese puesto. Ahora precisamente porque saben que se lo ha ga nado, tambiŽn saben de que se lo pueden perder entonces tambiŽn evitan de cometer mas errores. En cambio los Latinoamericanos no, los Latino Americanos generalmente piensan en el puesto, como algo codiciable, algo que cuando yo llegue a la cima voy a poder hacer lo que yo quiera hacer y no es as’. Osea cuando llegas al liderazgo en realidad tienes menos oportunidad de hacer lo que quieras hacer y te debes mas a las funciones y los organigramas de la forma de trab ajo que tienes. Esto crea un conflicto a veces porque cuando los Latinoamericanos llegamos al "poder" no sabemos que hacer con el. El proceso de concientizaci—n y de ganarse ese espacio de lideraz go. En cambio los Americanos no, los Americanos como te digo han empezando de cero y saben que llegando ah’, primero no se acaba la carrera sino que hay mucho ma s que aspirar delante y segundo saben que precisamente porque les ha costa do llegar ah’ es que tienen que cuidar las decisiones que toman y las cosas que hacen. Y esto no se ve en los Bolivianos. Question 9: What is the leadership style of U.S. American managers? A: Mira eso me parece muy interesante porque he estado leyendo muchos libros sobre el liderazgo y el desarrollo y me pa rece que tanto los Latinoamerica nos como los Americanos en un principio en el siglo XVIII hemos partido del mismo punto de jefes autoritarios, l’deres, que

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221 ten’an que controlar absolutamente todo y que sab’ an que si no estaban presentes en todo, que si no eran omnipotentes entonces las cosas no funcionaban. Pero el de sarrollo de las econom’as y el dinamismo comercial y empresarial ha sido muy di ferente en ambos pa’ses, osea a medida de que las empresas crec’an en Estados Unidos, lo s l’deres se dieron cuenta que no pod’an manejar todo, tantas divisiones y subdivi siones tanto personal que maneja r que obviamente era imposible que el jefe estŽ en todo y los jefes que ten’an un nivel vertical pues fueron fracasando entonces los l’deres se han dado cuenta que esa no es la fo rma de organizar ni de liderizar sino mas bien era un perjuicio. Ten’an que delegar funciones porque ellos no pod’an hacerlo todo, obviamente con l’mites, con par‡metros, con cierto grado de responsabilidad de dem‡s. En cambio en AmŽrica Latina pas— lo contrario cuando las empresas empezaron a tener problemas precisamente por ese tipo de liderazgo entrar on los gobiernos militares y las empresas se radicalizaron mucho m‡s. Entonces los l’deres eran mucho m‡s vertic ales, se nacionalizaron todas las empresas, todas las orga nizaciones y adem‡s el estado lo controlaba todo. Entonces la gente al saber que el estado lo controlaba todo pues no se preocuparon por desarrollar un tipo de liderazgo, un tipo de relaci—n de medio ambiente empresarial que fuera productiva. Productiva en el aspecto humano, no tanto en el aspecto comercial, y bueno los errores que estamos teniendo ahora como pa’ses Latinoamericanos son precisamente eso. Todav’a estamos en la transici—n de pasar de un liderazgo vertical a un li derazgo m‡s horizontal y compartido. Q: Y c—mo usted cree que este aspecto influye en s’ a la preparaci—n y desarrollo de proyectos en Bolivia? A: Esencialmente es de la misma forma. Por ejemplo, cuando yo necesito informaci—n de algœn proyecto en vez de que me la pase n directamente para agilizar pr ocesos, me la tienen que pasar a travŽs del l’der, o el l’der tiene que dar la autorizaci—n para que pase a otro l’der que tiene la otra autorizaci—n para reciŽn todos estar conformes y todos est‡n de acuerdos y ya cuando me llega la informaci—n ya es demasiado tarde. Ya ha pasado la fecha l’mite, ya uno no lo necesita. Claro y este proceso lo que consigue es la burocracia. Eso es lo que logra una burocracia y se complican los procesos. Q: En ese caso, c—mo reaccionan sus contrapart es estadounidenses, sus jefes Americanos por ejemplo, a toda esa jerarqu’a? A: En algunos casos, el jefe ha sido, o por lo me nos con los a–os de experiencia que yo he tenido, los jefes han sido radica les y apoyaban esta estructura que adelgazaban acostumbrar siempre. Hay nuevos procesos en lo que esto se entiende de otra forma, osea tu est‡s en tal ‡rea, sabes lo que debes hacer, eres responsable de ello, hazlo. Si te equivocas pues son tus responsabilidades, y si no te equivocas pues lo hici ste bien y felicitaciones. Pero tu sabes lo que tienes que hacer, empezar a construir confianza y a autoestima y capacidad de liderazgo en las personas que est‡n debajo tuyo porque el jefe en la cima m‡xima se sostiene a travŽs del trabajo que hace el resto de su equipo. Y si el resto del equipo hace un trab ajo bien y eficiente el jefe se sostiene bien y es eficiente. Eso se est‡ en tendiendo cada vez m‡s aunque en el ‡rea rural es mucho m‡s dif’cil todav’a porque los procesos son muchos mas lentos y la transferencia de tecnolog’a y de capacidad es mucho mas retard ada, pero poco a poco se est‡ llegando a eso tambiŽn, los procesos est‡n siendo m‡s exigente s y los jefes se est‡n dando cuenta que no pueden controlar todo que no pueden estar todo el tiempo en todos lados y se est‡n agilizando los procesos.

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222 Question 10: Do U.S. American manag ers have a short-time orientation? A: Creo que habr’a que hacer un an‡lisis un poquito m‡s amplio mas global de eso, no tanto como el pasado ni el presente sino el futuro. Os ea el futuro occidental, osea mira o va hacia el futuro mir‡ndolo de frente y dejando un poco el pa sado atr‡s. En cambio la cultural oriental, tenemos la sudamericana, la Hindœ, que se yo? de l hemisferio sur en general, termina hacia el futuro de espaldas hacia el futuro mirando hacia at r‡s, para ellos o para nosotros dir’a es mucho mas importante el pasado que el futuro y eso obviamente nos afecta en como coincidimos el tiempo, osea el respeto a los ancia nos, el respeto a las tradiciones, osea el respeto a todas esas cosas es mucho mas importantes que el desarrollo, el progreso, y el crecimiento a futuro para nosotros, porque miramos el futuro de espaldas y eso nos causa en algunos casos ventajas porque tenemos mas concientes de lo que es el cuidado a la tierra, tenemo s mas concientes lo que es el respeto a los ancianos, tenemos mas arraigado el sentimiento de familia, de pertenencia, de unidad, a diferencia de los Americanos en este caso. En los proyectos que nosotros hacemos generalmente tenemos que tener las dos cosas en cuenta osea la preservaci—n de la informaci—n, de la tradici—n, de las costumbres y de las cultu ras puras anunciadas, antig uas, que tienen mucho de bien, no por nada han vivido tanto tiempo digamos, pero obviamente tambiŽn hay que contextualizarlas digamos a la forma en la que funcionan en el mundo moderno. Entonces por ejemplo si se quiere hacer una propuesta de salud, hay que tener en cuenta las condiciones duras en la que est‡ la poblaci—n, como han ido ellos enfrentando sus enfermedades y sus problemas de salud hace muchos a–os atr‡s y para ellos eso es m‡s aceptable y como lograr que esos procesos se identifiquen y se modernicen y puedan se r mucho mas efectivos, mucho mas viables y que impacten a la mayor cantidad de gente. Eso s on algunos criterios que se deben tomar en cuenta para desarrollo de propuestas. Question 11: Do U.S. American managers have a monochronic time orientation? A: Yo creo que es de nuevo por la forma en que vivimos y por las distancias. Para moverte de un lado al otro en los Estados Unidos, tardas dos horas. Entonces tardar dos horas de ida y dos horas de vuelta para tu trabajo por ejemplo mas la media hora o la una que tardas en otra cosa es una perdida de tiempo por eso es que necesitan ga nar o reaccionar o recuperar ese tiempo de la forma mas r‡pida posible y para eso y por eso el tiempo para ellos es un commodity no es un beneficio que tienes que gan‡rtelo y tienes que administrarlo. En cam bio para nosotros las distancias son mas cortas, las relaciones son ma s cercanas entonces no perdemos tanto tiempo en eso. Por eso tambiŽn es que nos descuidamos un poco de este aspecto. Ahora obviamente eso nos causa problemas porque pensamos siempre: bueno para que lo voy a hacer hoy si lo puedo hacer ma–ana. En cambio los Americanos saben que ma–ana probablemente no tengan entonces ma–ana se les llena de otras cosas mucho mas. Entonces prefieren hacerlo todo hoy y hacerlo todo r‡pido y si tienen que sacrificarse y mat onearse con el tiempo pues lo van a hacer. Q: Y c—mo esto es percibido por sus otro s compa–eros de la oficina nacional? A: Eso si es una buena pregunta. Bueno yo digo que al trabajar con una ONG internacional que tiene standards internacionales y que en el otro lado del mundo tu sabes que lo que tu hagas ahorita depende del resultado la satisfacci—n o disatisfacci—n de muchas personas, nos ha obligado un poco a entrar en ese ritmo. Enton ces nosotroso por lo menos yo ahora tengo muy conciente este problema del tiempo. No me estres o tanto con ello pero si sŽ que los deadlines son los deadlines, de que lo que haga hoy le va a afectar a la gente ma–ana y puedo percibir que si no respondo un email hoy d’a a x personas, a los dos minutos me ha mandado 5.000 mas para

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223 decirme que ha pasado. Entonces como que nos han obligado un poco a entrar a ese ritmo de vida tambiŽn. Est‡ cambiando nuestra forma de trabajo y nuestra percepci—n de la realidad, y nuestro compromiso con el trabajo que no era menos pero era diferente tal vez con la relaci—n del tiempo. Question 12: How do you usually communi cate with the international office? A: Generalmente los primeros contactos son por correo electr—nico, yo lo hago todo en InglŽs, no tengo problema con eso. Algunas personas que habl an Espa–ol tratan de practicar su Espa–ol escrito o hablado todo el tiempo y les doy la opor tunidad. Pero generalmente cuando son cosas muy r‡pidas, muy concretas, de organizaci—n ya de trabajo, lo hacemos en InglŽs, lo hacemos m‡s directos. Cuando ya son detalles a ultima r, muy delicadas o que se yo, ya tenemos conversaciones electr—nicas o usamos Skype. A hora el Skype est‡ bien utilizado ampliamente por la confraternidad de nuestra organizaci—n. Eso para ahorrar co stos, acortar distancias y para tener un contacto fluido todo el tiempo salvo emer gencias usamos el telŽfono pero casi todo el tiempo estamos utilizando Skype. Question 13: How do you find communicating with the international office: easy or challenging? A: No es complicado para m’. Te digo yo no ten go problema con el InglŽs y sŽ donde contactar a la gente. Tengo los horarios. Generalmente me dan uno dos o tres telŽfonos sabiendo que las conexiones no son tan buenas. No tengo mucho problema de contacto salvo cuando salgo a campo. Ah’ es m‡s problem‡ticos por las conexion es de Internet los servicios de telŽfonos no son confiables. Entonces es una cuesti—n mas de tecnolog’a que de soci alizaci—n o conocimiento o contacto personal. Question 14: Is there a language barrier with the U.S. American managers? A: Bueno para m’ no hay mucho problema como te digo y creo que no es tanto el lenguaje sino el contexto en el que se usan las palabras. Una palabra en Espa–ol tr aducida literalmente al InglŽs no significa lo mismo y viceversa. Entonc es tienes que no solamente dar la traducci—n de la palabra sino el contexto que representa esa palabra, y a veces cuando estamos haciendo proyectos, propuestas, el contextualizarlas de Espa–ol al InglŽs o del InglŽs al Espa–ol nos causa ciertos conflictos. En unos cas os nosotros entendemos algo de una propuesta y lo escribimos en ese nivel, pero digamos en Estados Unidos lo ha n entendido de forma diferente, entonces muchas veces tenemos que aclarar, muchas veces tenemo s que reescribir partes de las propuestas o simplemente adecuarlas a un lenguaje mas entendibl es por los donantes por los americanos que realmente no significan lo mismo para nosotros. Question 15: What is the overall im pact of these cultural differences? A: Creo que estas diferencias culturales impactan en el sentido que tenemos que ser mucho mas cuidadosos en lo que hacemos para poder ente nder esas diferencias y poder presentar las propuestas de forma mas asequible a los donant es, entonces nos redunda en mucho mas tiempo de revisi—n de los conceptos, en el entenderlos mas claramente en poder comunicarlos a la gente que nos va a ayudar a hacer las propuestas de forma mas claramente, necesitamos mucho mas

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224 tiempo al principio de la propuest as para explicar de que se tr ata, cuales son los resultados, cuales son los objetivos del donant e, la edificaci—n primero, el proceso digamos es de clarificar bien al 100% con la oficina de Estados Unidos con la gente que nos ha mandado la propuesta y que van a estar a cargo, ya despuŽs que estemos clar os con ellos, entonces tenemos que hacer el mismo proceso aqu’ con las otras personas que van a trabajar en la propues ta y eso tiene que ver mucho con el liderazgo, con la cosmovisi—n de la que habl‡bamos, con todos estos aspectos que hacen a la cultura y que se ven pues plasmadas en la forma incluso en que escribimos las propuestas. Interview 4: April 24 th 2008 Question 1: What traits do U.S. American managers share? A: En partes es verdad, pero en otras partes creo que no es verdad. En la parte de la puntualidad, de que planifican con anticipaci—n, se dedican a sus planes y todo es o es verdad, pero de que son introvertidos, digamos, y las ot ras caracter’sticas digamos inna tas de la persona son digamos parcialmente verdad en algunas personas. No podemos generalizar esas otras actitudes o condiciones que se manifiestan. Q: Y de las caracter’sticas que us ted dice que s’ son verdad, c—m o usted cree que ellas impactan al desarrollo y ejecuci—n de proyectos en Bolivia? A: Es un desarrollo o es un trabajo m‡s organizado, ya se sabe en realidad lo que viene por delante y en el trabajo que yo he estado invol ucrado, no han tanta rigidez digamos, es m‡s acomodarse a la situaci—n po l’tica y econ—mica del pa’s. Q: Entonces usted se refiere, a que los hor arios no son tan r’gidos sino m‡s flexibles? A: S’, eso obliga a ser sensible, la situaci—n obli ga a ser flexible, y se acomoda en eso, hasta cierto punto. No estamos hablando, osea no podem os generalizar, digamos hay personas con las que he trabajado, Norteamericanos con los que he trabajado, y s’ tienen es as caracter’sticas pero otros no. Question 2: Do U.S. American managers have a low-context culture? A: Generalizando s’ es verdad. Esto afecta depe ndiendo del nivel de la comunicaci—n a quien se le est‡ dando, digamos si la comunicaci—n se le est‡ dando a un tŽcnico a un subalterno, o se est‡ dando directamente a un beneficiario en la com unidad. Si es a nivel beneficiario, a nivel campesino en la comunidad, digamos, pues es un problema porque la comunicaci—n directa no est‡ de acuerdo a la cultura de los campesi nos. Tiene que haber una introducci—n, tiene que haber, hablar de otras cosas antes de llegar al meollo o al problema central. Entonces depende del escenario en donde est‡ d‡ndose la comunicaci —n del escenario del momento, si es a nivel tŽcnico o a nivel de beneficiario, a nivel campesi no. A nivel de la oficina est‡ bien directo. Tiene que ser algo directo, es mucho mas efectivo. Pero a nivel, cuando va el extranjero o el norteamericano va al campo, no tiene que ser tan dire cto, entonces la idiosi ncrasia es otro choque que se tiene all‡. Q: Y ese estilo de comunicaci—n directa, es bien recibido bien ah’, en la oficina nacional? A: Es bien recibido. Estoy hablando de toda mi experiencia, no solo estoy hablando de esta oficina. En general, s’ es bien re cibida. Lo directo es m‡s recibido.

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225 Question 3: What is the communication pattern of U.S. American managers? A: S’, en general es verdad, con excepci—n de algunos como estamos hablando. S’, pero depende de las personas. Hay algunos que tienen incapac idad para conectarse con otras culturas y hay otros que lo hacen perfectamente en base a la observaci—n, en base a como deben proceder, es muy importante el don que tiene la persona para hacer este tipo de comunicaci—n. Pero estas caracter’sticas no afectan los proye ctos en forma significativa. Question 4: What is the meeting style of U.S. American managers? A: S’, es verdad, es verdad. Q: Entonces usted cree que ese estilo de ja espacio para la discusi—n o no? A: S’, porque en realidad la discusi—n viene punto por punto, osea hay una introducci—n para saber que es lo que se va a trat ar, la orden del d’a digamos, y ha y una discusi—n franca de todos los puntos. Hay algunos aspectos s’ que quedan importantes, que quedan en decisi—n de sus manos osea no todo es compartido, hay algunas deci siones que las toman directamente ellos que son bastante fundamentales. Question 5: Do U.S. American managers have a low-power distance culture? A: S’ es verdad eso es todo lo que he podido en t oda mi experiencia, se esfuerzan en mantener y tratar a todas las personas con igualdad con equidad. Aunque no si empre ocurre pues en otras personas. Q: Y c—mo eso es recibido a nivel local? A: Es pr‡cticamente uno de los puntos m‡s fuerte s que tienen los norteamericanos para tener eficiencia en el trabajo en todos, desde los ch—f eres, hasta los conductores, hasta los ingenieros, los directores y todos son tratados de la mism a forma. Es el punto fuerte de la cultura norteamericana. Eso no quiere decir que siempre ocurre pero se esfuerzan. Question 6: Do U.S. American managers have a low-uncertainty avoidance culture? A: S’ es verdad. Claro que s’ es verdad. En realidad hay una incertidumbre en cuanto a la dependencia jer‡rquica entonces esto puede cau sar algunos problemas en la ejecuci—n de los proyectos al saber que hay que da r gusto a la otra persona, al s upervisor para tener resultados. Sin poder tener mucha libertad para decir alguno s puntos con los que uno no est‡ de acuerdo. Q: En ese caso dir’a usted que los norteamer icanos se amoldan m‡s para lograr que los proyectos o propuestas sean exitosos? A: As’ es. Question 7: Do U.S. American managers have an individualistic culture? A: No he tenido esa sensaci—n en todo mi trabaj o. No he tenido o no he sufrido esa sensaci—n, especialmente yo. Pero si tuviera que generalizar, dir’a que s’. En el sentido de que ya se tiene un objetivo propuesto, como instituci—n, como organi zaci—n ya se tiene algo fijo entonces hay algo tambiŽn de manipulaci—n para ir hacia ese objetivo. Que en cierta forma no es beneficiaria para todo el grupo sino pa ra ciertas personas.

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226 Questions 8: Do U.S. American managers have a vertical individualistic culture? A: En lo que se refiere a los logros es cierto. No en tanto de c—mo se miden los logros sino en el aspecto de desarrollo mismo. En la misma toma de decisiones a lo largo del proyecto. Como es un proyecto que se lo ejecuta, entonces puede haber muchos golpes de tim—n al medio de ejecutar, mucho cambios, muchas alternativas, en tonces hay si algunos as pectos que el personal local no tiene mucho que ver. Question 9: What is the leadership style of U.S. American managers? A: S’ es verdad en algunas instituciones es verd ad. En algunos proyectos es verdad y en otros no. Q: Pero usted ve algunas similitudes en las personas que s’ son as’ y que no son as’? Por ejemplo el nivel de educaci—n? A: No es tanto la educaci—n sino su forma de ser de las personas. La forma de ser, la visi—n que tienen del desarrollo, la visi—n que tienen de su funci—n, no pod’a generalizar en ese aspecto. Question 10: Do U.S. American manag ers have a short-time orientation? A: No es tan cierto que los Norteamericanos toma n decisiones r‡pidas. He estado trabajando con varios proyectos que mas bien las decisiones son tard’as y lo que necesita el Hispano es el ser m‡s decisivo. R‡pido mas bien para tomarse su tiempo, para pensar y ejecutar en si las decisiones, osea hay algo que s’ perjudica la ejecuci—n de los proy ectos no se si me entiende. Las decisiones que se toman, no son r‡pidas, son tard’as. En gene ral son tard’as, entonces a los Hispanos, a los Bolivianos ya nos queda mucho tiem po para pensar en las acciones porque ellos necesitan, necesitamos pensar un poco mas y se tie ne ya la ejecuci—n de los proyectos entonces se hace un poco a la r‡pida. Q: Entonces como usted cree que esto afecta a los pr oyectos si esto se toma as’ como a la ligera o a lo r‡pido? A: S’, si claro que afecta a la calidad de los proyectos y esto ocurre como en un 50%. Q: Eso es bastante! Entonces la mayor ’a de veces les toca as’ a lo r‡pido. A: S’ s’ a lo r‡pido porque las de cisiones no son r‡pidas. Las deci siones, las instructivas no son r‡pidas, las directrices no s on r‡pidas entonces ya no queda mucho tiempo para ejecutar. Q: Y en este sentido, usted cree que hay cierta frustraci—n de parte de las oficinas nacionales porque no se est‡n haciendo las cosas como se de sear’a? O se acepta, bueno es parte del trabajo y no hay nada que hacer? A: S’ hay frustraciones en varios aspectos porque no salen bien la s cosas. Osea las cosas salen bien pero podr’an ser mejores. Q: QuŽ usted recomendar’a para mejorar este aspecto? A: Tomar decisiones mas r‡pidas y tener mas tie mpo para pensarlas a las acciones. Esto yo tambiŽn creo que se debe a la misma inestabilidad del pa’s. Question 11: Do U.S. American managers have a monochronic time orientation? A: Es verdad a medias. Ah’ hay algunas cosas a la que nosotros le damos importancia, algunos proyectos, algunas decisiones, alguno s logros que le damos importancia y tenemos la diferencia de los norteamericanos, quienes le dan importanc ia a otros aspectos co mo la publicidad, la

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227 visibilidad, como el resultado de algunas reuniones que para nosotro s son intrascendentes en fin. Entonces en eso hay problemas en realidad, que uno se dedica a la parte que cree que es lo importante y que al final no haya sido muy impor tante sino que era uno cosa aqu’ para nosotros no es Q: Y usted c—mo cree que la oficina de los Esta dos Unidos valora los esfuerzos que la oficina nacional en Bolivia hace? A: S’. No siempre se valora en su verdadera dimensi—n. Aunque las prioridades son las mismas, digamos hay prioridades a–adidas para ellos. La s prioridades en l’neas generales son las mismas pero hay algunas acciones puntuales que son ma s importantes, a–adidas que son de mayor impacto para ellos como algunas reunione s de demostraci—n de resultados, algunas inauguraciones, la visibilidad del programa hacia fuera, y sin preocuparse de la visibilidad hacia dentro. Q: Siguiendo este tema del tiempo, c—mo usted cree que esto afecta lo que son las fechas limites de propuestas o de ciertas part es de ejecuci—n del proyecto en s’? A: Bueno en los proyectos en donde estoy trabaj ando pues son de desarrollo alternativo en realidad se presentan un mont—n de imponderables que no es posible cumplir con los tiempos precisos porque hay problemas en campo, hay problemas a nivel de gobierno, entonces es ya acostumbrado tener un margen de error en todo estos tiempos Q: Entonces en ese sentido usted cree que la s fechas l’mites son realistas? Osea que los estadounidenses si ya llevan ba stante tiempo trabajando en Bolivia pues deben saber estas cosas y deben tener cierta comprensi—n A: Tienen holgura porque si llegan a conocer ex actamente como se trabaja ac‡ pues tiene que haber holgura sin escandalizar mucho. Las fechas que los norteamericanos nos dan son realistas pero tambiŽn tienen su flexibilidad depende de la situaci—n de c—mo va. Nosotros siempre hemos actuado en funci—n del gobierno, de las fechas que he trabajado hemos actuado en funci—n del gobierno. Entonces no es asumirla nosotros sino del gobierno. Q: Entonces no es cuesti—n interna de la organiza ci—n sino mas bien que esto depende de los que est‡n dando el dinero, de los que dan los fondos para los proyectos, de parte de ellos las fechas l’mites pueden ser problem‡ticas? A: No pero s’ deber’an ser problemas pero no son porque realmente los incumplimientos entre comillas hablando tiene su justificativo. En el tip o de trabajo de desarrollo. En otros no deber’a haber. Question 12: How do you usually communi cate with the international office? A: Inmediatamente a travŽs del jefe de equi po, yo no tengo contacto directo con la oficina internacional. Question 13: How do you find communicating with the international office: easy or challenging? A: No aplicable. Question 14: Is there a language barrier with the U.S. American managers? A: No, porque todas las contrapartes norteamericanas hablan Espa–ol.

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228 Question 15: What is the overall im pact of these cultural differences? A: En realidad afecta. Existen las diferencias culturales pero mucho depende de la persona. Existen las diferencias culturales igual que existe n diferencias en gŽnero, en sexo, en color y en todo eso. Entonces existen las diferencias cultu rales, pero mucho depende de la habilidad y capacidad de conectarse con una persona de otra cultura. Q: Y en ese caso, usted dir’a que la mayor’a o la minor’a logra conectarse con la cultura o no? A: La mayor’a con la que he trab ajado, tiene capacidad para conect arse. Yo dir’a que un 70% de las contrapartes pueden hacer esa conexi—n. Q: Algo m‡s que quiera a–adir? A: En la parte de comportamiento, en la parte de ser como persona, tu sabes que los Bolivianos tambiŽn somos muy corteses, demasiado corteses tal vez. En cambio los norteamericanos son mas o menos corteses. Solamente son corteses cuando quieren obtener algo mas o menos. Q: Y eso se percibe como falta de respeto por la cultura Boliviana? A: S’ algunos niveles s’. Especi almente a nivel del campo y del beneficiario s’. Cuando se les invita algo, alguna comida en el campo, a veces no acepta esto por medio l—gico por el tipo de comida, por el tipo de preparaci—n y todo eso. Entonces eso trae algunos problemas a nivel, bueno estoy hablando a nivel del beneficiario. Lo que hay que hacer para adecuarse a la cultura es observar y ver como un Boliviano trata a otro Boliviano y tratar de evit ar eso. Y es dif’cil decirle hay que aceptarle, y a veces se le dice tienen que aceptarlo sino se van a enojar. Igualmente la parte de los saludos, cuando entra alguien, hay que ponernos de pie o si estamos en la mesa y con mayor raz—n si es mujer, pero es la costumbre de ellos de quedarse sentados. Te estoy hablando a nivel de campo, a nivel de benefi ciarios. Entonces es a aptitud, igual los del campo como te dec’a anteriormente, antes de habl ar de un tema es importante darle su tiempo a los saludos preliminares digamos, c—mo est‡s?, c —mo te va?, no entrar directamente al asunto, como ocurre en una reuni—n tŽcnica. En ese caso deber’a variar su comportamiento. Q: Entonces en ese caso ustedes los que trabaj an en el campo son como los intermediarios, entonces quŽ tipo de acciones toman cuando esto pasa? A: Directamente decirle a la otra persona, no a la comunidad, sino al norteamericano lo que se debe hacer, pero ya la imagen, la impresi—n qu eda. Entonces en ese caso, yo digo que a todos los americanos que vienen a trabajar en LatinoamŽrica deber’an ser selecc ionados no solo por su conocimiento tŽcnicos, y su preparaci—n sino tamb iŽn en base a su calidad de sus relaciones interpersonales. Hay que tener buena observaci—n para adaptarse a otra cultura y tiene que tener especialmente el sentido comœn. El sentido comœn se dice que es el menos comœn de los sentidos. TambiŽn se puede aprender observando como las culturas de las mismas personas se tratan entre s’. Hacen preguntas quiz‡ y a qu’ se ve que tenemos costumbre de cuando uno pregunta sobre la cultura de un grupo de una sociedad se la despacha muy favorablemente porque son preguntas de su propia cultura de la fo rma de entrar. Pero al fin y al cabo estamos todos trabajando por una misma causa, as’ hayan diferentes visiones de ver las cosas, diferentes prioridades, s’ pero hacemos todo el esfuerzo y toda la voluntad n ecesaria para trabajar en forma harm—nica y sacarle el mayor provecho posible a es as diferencias de culturas que realmente es enriquecedora para nosotros y para todos.

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229 Interview 5: April 30 th 2008 Question 1: What traits do U.S. American managers share? A: S’ osea yo creo que son las caracter’sticas generales. Osea de las contrapartes estadounidenses. Yo pr‡cticamente dir’a en cada uno de los ’tems que hay est‡n, sin embargo cuando digo de manera general. Hay algunas ex cepciones, o tal vez tambiŽn podr’a decir que cuando ya est‡n ac‡ en el medio, algunos de esos aspectos pueden cambiar. Por ejemplo, cuando dices que son planificadores, s’ yo siento que el estadounidense es planificador, pero cuando llega tambiŽn a terreno, osea por dos aspectos, uno porque no siempre lo que planifica se cumple en terreno, entonces eso te hace cambiar, defin itivamente te hace modificar algunas cosas muy r’gidas a que tal vez ellos traen. Numero dos que tambiŽn la cultura de ac‡ obliga a ese estadounidense a cambiar. Osea te puedo hablar de los horarios por ejemplo. Osea que tu dices a las 8:30, como Latino, como Boliviano, y de pront o parecer’a que es normal que empiece a las 9:00 o 9:15, entonces si bien el estadounidense trata por todos lo s medios de que eso sea as’, muchas veces tiene que adaptarse a lo que es la vida real digamos, aunque hay personas estadounidenses mas r’gidas, y tambiŽn dependiendo de la jerarqu’a que tenga Si es un director, obviamente seguro es la norma para la instituci—n tanto para lo administrativo como para lo operativo, vas a ser estar en hora. Bueno y eso no tiene vuelta que dar digamos, pero hay otros estadounidenses que tal vez se de jan llevar por el medio, tal vez no son los muchos, pero que ya van cediendo un poco a esta formalidad que hay, en lo que es esta planificaci—n. Pero ya te digo, yo estar’a de acuerdo con todos los puntos que has dictado pero con esas variantes ya cuando se llega a terreno. Q: Y usted por lo menos, c—mo creo que eso afecta tanto al desarrollo de las propuestas como la ejecuci—n de proyectos? A: Bueno yo creo que es de una forma de ambos lados bueno con funci—n de las cosas. Osea definitivamente planificar y tener horarios para responder a la comunidad, para las reuniones que tiene ac‡ dentro de las oficinas, dentro de la planificaci—n administrativa, es bueno, osea es saludable. Definitivamente eso ordena y hace ma s eficiente el trabajo. Sin embargo te digo, est‡ tambiŽn otra dosis que te digo es mas cultural. Es parte de la cultura. Osea tampoco tu puedes llegar como estadounidense rene gando a una reuni—n o esperar a todos furioso porque se atrasaron media hora, y menos mas bajas a las comunidades y mas es esta costumbre. Te estoy diciendo, osea en la oficina puede ser que tu pue das ordenar y decir por lo menos a todos los empleados, como ha ocurrido aqu’ en la oficina no?, osea ningœn tŽcnico se puede atrasar y creo que es una norma dentro de la oficina, pero ya llegas a las comunidades y si el estadounidense no es tolerante con eso que es una pr‡ctica cultural entonces tal v ez osea como que se nota en tanto la indisposici—n. Osea alguna vez ha ocurrido, por ejemplo, la inauguraci—n de tal cosa, y por lo menos llega el financiador estadounidense y es punto obviamente y se siente enojado porque bueno las autoridades empiezan a llegar a las 10 :30, a las 11:00 -11:15, y adem‡s ya te digo operativo, y adem‡s de eso est‡ el aspecto de que bueno si es mas un trabajo comunitario bien con la participaci—n de autoridades y seres com unales y municipales, cada uno se tendr’a que dar su tiempo, su espacio y bueno puede interferir en esa parte de relacionamiento. Porque no es siempre a la disposici—n de la comunidad de ente nder al gringuito que ha llegado, y dicen: hay y ellos si son puntuales debemos entender, no y mas a veces con la situaci—n pol’tica que hay en el pa’s de que

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230 Question 2: Do U.S. American managers have a low-context culture? A: Ah’ yo creo que los estadounidenses son unas pe rsonas que hablan directamente, dice lo que siente, pide lo que quiere y no est‡ con vueltas. Estoy de acuerdo plenamente con eso. Osea yo creo que si es una cierta barrera no te dirŽ es una total barrera pero si es cierta barrera porque ambos tenemos que ser tolerantes obviamente. Osea nosotros a aprender a ser directos, porque somos muy volteros, y es mas le damos una connotaci—n a las cosas, de que s’ hemos podido decir eso pero al final no era es o lo que quer’amos decirles diga mos. Entonces, bueno ya te digo si no hay conocimiento de la cultura del otro y de la cultura del otro pue s entonces s’ podr’a ser una barrera. He visto situaci ones en la que se yo, por deci rte nos llama alguien para que hagamos una descripci—n del pr oyecto, y yo veo que el estadouni dense es m‡s directo, osea sin dar vueltas, te dice el objetivo del asunto, las cinco cosas digamos que son los resultados que se esperan y las estrategias m‡s gr andes. Pero nosotros s’ le damos un mont—n de vueltas, osea somos anecd—ticos y ponemos una gran dosis de otras cosas y hasta algunas veces podr’amos salirnos del tema. Entonces ya te digo si no entendemos la cultura del ot ro, entonces podr’a ser una barrera importante. Q: Entonces usted cree que la mayor’a de ge nte ya est‡ preparada para esto o no? A: Bueno yo creo que eso depende de cuanto tie mpo haz convivido con ellos, compartido con ellos en termino de oficina, te digo, entre ma s tiempo trabajas con el estadounidense entonces mas llegas a entender esto. Pero digamos si es la primera vez que lo haces, puede ser que si te afecte esta falta de conocimiento y esas interferen cias que podr’a aburrir al otro y al otro, porque es mas, es el gringuito que ha dicho las cinc o cosas y no ha contado lo riqu’simo que son las mujeres de Calamarca y lo que dicen y no se que otra cosa, y el otro ta mbiŽn el estadounidense puede decir esa tŽcnica le da vueltas y vuelta s y mira una cosa que ha podido decir en 10 minutos, nos ha tomado 3-4 horas. Yo creo que Q: Usted entonces cree que hay frustrac i—n de las dos partes en ese sentido? A: S’ yo creo que si no entiendes y no est‡s preparado o no haz compartido mas de un tiempo, pues yo no sŽ decir exactamente cuanto tiempo, yo creo que s’ pueden haber frustraciones. Q: Entonces s’ se ve frecuentemente esto en el tr abajo diario, osea durante la preparaci—n de los proyectos como la ejecu ci—n de los proyectos. A: Claro pudiera decir que s’. Hay tŽcnicos, os ea si hay un equipo que ya conoce digamos la idiosincrasia, la cultura del gringo y ese gringo tambiŽn la cultura, os ea el lugar donde llega, entonces va a entender, va a ser mas llevadero. Pero si de pronto te pones a trabajar con un gringo o con un Boliviano, y ah’ s’ pueden haber in terferencias. Ya te digo depende del grado de conocimiento de la cultura del otro. Question 3: What is the communication pattern of U.S. American managers? A: Volviendo a lo que hab’amos dicho en la anteri or pregunta, s’ creo qu e son directos, s’ creo que son concisos y s’ precisos. Ahora esa la co nnotaci—n de abiertos y ve raz pues s’ yo pienso que s’ tambiŽn es cierto pero.a verLa ultim a era que no ponen el coraz—n en los negocios, verdad? EmpezarŽ por esta partecita. Yo s’ creo que como son, por lo menos las personas que conozco, osea la gran mayor’a, osea son muy tŽcn icos y de pronto dejan de un lado la parte, cuando ya hablamos de coraz—n, la parte humana. Entonces ah’ como que, y eso es como que para nosotros, una cosa como dir’a yo fr’o y no llegas a conocer osea la parte de la cultura, esperamos mas all‡ osea el coraz—n de las pe rsonas. Por ejemplo, en Bolivia, esa cultura Aymara, esa cultura Quechua, entonces s’ va a ten er una interferencia cuando tu fr’amente

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231 quieres aplicar, que se yo, cual quier proyecto. Y otra cosa ta mbiŽn ingresa aqu’, ese es el contexto cultural pero aqu’ tambiŽn entra el contexto econ—mico y tambiŽn el aspecto pol’tico, y tambiŽn el aspecto social definitivamente. Ent onces si eres muy tŽcnico, no vas a saber porque esas madres que ten’an que reunirse a tal cosa han preferido bloquear los caminos y faltar a nuestra reuni—n donde ten’an un x beneficio digamos. QuŽ irres ponsables! Pueden pensar los estadounidenses, pero cuando piensas de que es as mam‡s no es cierto, caramba casi no tienen nada que perder, osea porque no van a salir a blo quear no es cierto y bueno perderse la reuni—n a que convocan la instituci—n o los Xs tŽcnicos qu e vienen con un financiamiento de afuera. Entonces poner el coraz—n, pues yo dir’a desglosando de esa manera, osea poner el coraz—n significa conocer la cultura, saber del aspecto social, pol’tico y econ—mico osea hay, nada mas otro ejemplo: trabajar con los j—venes. Por lo menos a nosotros se nos ocurre tener un proyecto en el tema de salud, y de pronto est‡n felices lo s j—venes pero de pronto un exquisito proyecto ya te digo as’, y de pronto pueden necesitar trabajar y tan, se perdieron el segundo d’a, o el tercer d’a o finalmente despuŽs de ya dos meses no les interesa el proyecto porque bueno quieren trabajar. Entonces tal vez, es o s’, y tal vez es masivo realment e, osea de 30 que vas a capacitar, tal vez por la situaci—n econ—mica hasta pol’tica dir’a yo, tal vez m‡s de la mitad de los que empezaron ya no quieren estar en el programa, entonces si tu no vas a entender como estadounidense eso, y m‡s bien buscar con el Boliviano estrategias para responder a esas necesidad tambiŽn o para tambiŽn para solucionar eso y a trabajar solamente con la cuarta parte del equipo que te queda, voluntarios, etc., entonces vas a evaluar que ese proyecto es mal, no es cierto, porque est‡s haci endo o evaluando en fr’o, sin conocer todos esos aspectos osea que son importantes. Q: Menciona un muy buen punto. Ser‡ que podr’a explicarme m‡s acerca de c—mo este aspecto influye en la evaluaci—n de los proyectos? A: Exacto, como dec’a, no es cuesti—n de decir bueno este taller era para 30 y se espera que de aqu’ a dos a–os estŽn lo 30. No. Tal vez, osea las bajas, por as’ decirlo, de esos 30 que tu esperabas sean alt’simas y tengas que trabajar con 5 o con 8, pero ah’ est‡ el apreciar la calidad y el esfuerzo de esos 8 que han tenido que entre comillas reemplazar a sus otros compa–eros que se han ido, digamos. Entonces bueno eso son dos ejemplos que te pongo. Si bien existen metas que s’ ambas partes, osea tanto Bolivianos como estadounidenses, tienen un acuerdo, osea que ambas partes tienen un acuerdo osea pero ah’ ha y todas estas cosas que pasan en el camino, en LatinoamŽrica, y en Bolivia concretamente yo cr eo que hay que poner esos esfuerzos, porque hay que estar alerta siempre permanentement e porque la din‡mica es as’ de cambiante y principalmente en Bolivia entonces se planific a una x cosa y m‡s te digo en esta Žpoca de Bolivia. Nada mas para darte un ejemplo grueso de esa pregunta, hubo un taller nacional el a–o pasado porque se ha suspendido en Noviembre, se ha suspendido en Diciembre, y se ha tenido que hacer en el mes de Enero, y obviamente eso repercute en la ejecuci—n de gastos, osea un taller nacional al que ten’a que ir 35 personas incluyen aviones, ga stos de hoteles, etc., de pronto ya no est‡ en su presupuesto no entonces, ya es bajo el gasto que tienen. Te estoy hablando de un aspecto pero seguramente hay otros aspectos de los que se puedan mencionar, pero nada mas como ejemplos de seguramente muchas discusiones tienen. En eso de vivir, en esa situaci—n un tanto dif’cil o bastante dif’cil. Question 4: What is the meeting style of U.S. American managers? A: Bueno s’ es verdad, osea, hay la tendencia a los esquemas, no ve? Hay esquemas, es mas yo he recibido capacitaciones de c—mo hacer presen taciones, osea que uno tiene que agarrar y te

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232 estoy hablando de equipos estadounidenses, osea que tu tienes que tener como un ’ndice de lo que vas a presentar, por decirte los antecedentes, los objetivos, las estrategias mas importantes, como tu mas o menos lo has descrito, y bueno es to con un numero de c—mo se llama, de tiempo preciso. Esta capacitaci—n no la di eron al personal Boliviano, para responder a presentaciones de financiamientos estadounidenses. Entonces mira yo creo que tiene dos lados. Uno que hay que tomarlo osea como tŽcnico es interesante osea como te dec’a antes, osea ordenarnos algunas veces y mas los latinos que tendemos a ser anecd—ticos y o a poner mas dosis de emociones y de actividades en cada cosa que decimos, pero yo creo que no tiene ni un extremo ni del otro. Pero s’ la tendencia del estadounidense es a esque matizar, a poner estas age ndas bien precisas, y parecer’a que hasta para ordenar a estos Lati nos as’ como para que se ordenen un poquito. Entonces yo digo, no es malo porque yo incluso como Boliviana soy repetitiva, a veces podr’a ser anecd—tica si es que tengo los espacios y a veces somos revoltosos, podemos terminar en otros temas, no hay una agenda del d’a r’gida, porque incluso en agendas, no es cierto?, te digo entre Bolivianos con agendas, tendemos a ser revoltosos, anecd—ticos chistosos, y etc., etc., etc., entonces una reuni—n que podr’a durar por decirte una hora con un esquema estadounidense y en un ambiente estadounidense tranquilamente a nosotros nos puede durar dos horas y media porque incluso te vas a poder tomar tu cafecito ah’ en el medio hacer comprar un helado digamos pero bueno si hay la tendencia del estadounidense Q: Y como es eso recibido de parte de los Boliv ianos, osea el hecho de tener que cambiar todo para tener as’ reuniones un poco m‡s r’gidas, C—mo es recibido eso por los Bolivianos? A: Pues yo creo que hay diferentes opiniones. Osea desde un punto de vista conciliador y tolerante puedes decir caramba, si as’ piensan no est‡ mal. Pero tambiŽn hay personas que opinan que quienes se creer‡n mas o menos, y donde est‡ lo riqu’simo digamos de que quieres agarrar y estar mas suelta en una reuni—n. Ya te digo hay opiniones divi didas, desde las que dicen bueno interesante tambiŽn porque s’ tu ves cl aramente la efectividad de la reuni—n entre los tŽcnicos y de metas, pero por el otro lado pue des llegar a que algunos le caiga mal. No te podr’a decir que 50% est‡n bien y otros mal, te tendr’a que decir que hay algunos que les cae bien y otros que les cae mal. Para los que no ti enen conocimiento de la cultura de nosotros es peor todav’a y creo que la solu ci—n ser’a combinar ambas, osea la estructurada y poco mas seria con esta cuesti—n cultural, con la dosis que le da el Bolivia no, el Latino a las reuniones. Question 5: Do U.S. American managers have a low-power distance culture? A: Bueno yo creo que esta pregunta tiene como 3 diferentes categor’a s. Yo creo que viene de la profesi—n y de la persona que se perfila en sus propios hechos no? Digamos [inaudible] en LatinoamŽrica [inaudible] y aquellos que podr’a n ya digamos [inaudible] con un poco de direcci—n osea con un poderazgo mas americano de los directores, de financiadores, y tiene derecho como que a normar y a estar en todo. Ad em‡s que no son plenamente respetuosos de la cultura entonces bueno y en t odo tanto en los Estados Unid os como en Bolivia y en LatinoamŽrica hay a veces llegan a trabajar de manera autoritaria a ser tu supe rvisor no es cierto. Si pero tambiŽn lo otro, osea de que a fines de que est‡ siendo el financia dor y que tiene el poder, y est‡ llegando a un tercer mundo que mas o me nos tienes que seguir sus normas y seguir sus reglas porque te est‡ haciendo un favor. Entonces yo creo que hay de todo. Personas con las que a m’ me ha tocado trabajar por suerte en instituciones que han sido as’ propuestas de los proyectos, sino los que sean [inaudible] a c onvocatorias digamos, entonces bueno hab’a una necesidad y planteamos un proyecto, y toda esa supervisi—n digamos, hasta la construcci—n de monitoreo, de mŽtodos, o autor’as o evaluaciones, a punto de los temas como de [inaudible] pero

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233 s’ algunas veces he visto eso que dices, porque llega ese financiador, ese supervisor, o ese monitoreador, aunque nunca a vece s cobijas a [inaudible] hay al guien que conoce todo, tal vez por eso [inaudible] pues uno poco mascarado, pero s’ a veces cuando ll egan al tercer mundo parecer’an, los que no conocen, ignorantes digamos de esos procesos t’picos y etc. [inaudible] Q: Puede hablar un poco despacio y m‡s alto? Es que no le escucho nada. En realidad no le entend’ muy bien lo que me dijo. Por lo menos es to de la distancia del poder cuando se refiere a su contrapartes Estadounidenses es por lo meno el tipo de igualdad que le dan a todo tipo de personas por lo menos en la oficin a internacional, que de pronto no es tan igual que de parte de la oficina Boliviana? No sŽ si las diferencias que si entre el director naciona l, los de monitoreo, los de evaluaci—n, los empleados hast a la secretaria, y en cierta fo rma esta pregunta asume que en los Estados Unidos les dan el mismo respeto y la misma formalidad a toda s las personas desde el director, hasta la secretar ia hasta a los empleados, osea a todos en general. En otras palabras que para ellos la distancia del pode r no est‡ tan marcada o no la marcan tanto entre todos sus trabajadores. Osea tratan de que haya igualdad en todos los difere ntes rangos pero de nuevo esto es lo que asume esta pregunta, usted que opina de esto? A: S’ osea por deportivo, s’ yo creo que s’, si tienes a alguien vi niendo de all‡ pues creo que hay una igualdad de acercamiento de trabajo que es ha hecho por todos esos niveles que tu has mencionado. Q: Pero ya va, usted antes me hab’a dicho que s’ hay una distancia del poder en cuanto se refiere a los donantes? A: Claro que mira cuando uno, en el ultimo financia miento que hicimos, que si hay la tendencia a tratar a todos por igual, o como dec’as con lo s mismos derechos [inaudible], conversan de la misma manera con la secretaria, c on el otero o con el propio direct or, y eso ya s’ es cierto. Y lo otro era osea de pronto ya por ah’ un financia miento, un supervisor, un monitoreador tŽcnico viene a ver [inaudible] Americano en el tercer mundo parecer’a que el tiene mas o menos conocimiento de los que tiene que agarrar y el tiene el poder de normar y de decidir que es lo tŽcnico adecuado y lo que sea, y cuando es un Boliviano no es as’, osea poniendo un donador si no le conoce las capacidades y los conocimientos al tŽ cnico en el lugar, pues ah’ vas a perder en vez de ganar, digo no es de la mayor’a de los [inaudible] pe ro algunas veces s’. Question 6: Do U.S. American managers have a low-uncertainty avoidance culture? A: Por lo menos lo de tomar los riesgos est‡ larga la pregunta. Bueno mas bien pienso lo contrario. Osea yo pienso de que eso de la incer tidumbre es mas caracter’s tica de nuestros pa’ses como Bolivia digamos, osea nosotros estamos tomando riesgos d’a a d’a, pero tambiŽn yo veo que el Estadounidense justamente por la cultura que tiene, por lo estructurado tŽcnico en llevar acabo las cosas, lo planificadores que son, osea tie ne menos resistencia a estas incertidumbre y a esta toma de riesgos y bien pienso si no he en tendido mal la pregunta es que el Latinoamericano o el Boliviano en estos casos en una situaci—n de incertidumbre y de tomar riesgos y nada mas hablando de as’ de casos que hay de casos de incertidumbre para la gran mayor’a de situaciones, el poder vivir en d’a al d’a para un porcentaje a lto de poblaci—n Boliviana ya es una costumbre y hay varios aspectos relaci onados con el d’a cotidia no lo cierto es que Q: Y eso por lo m enos en cuesti—n de los proyect os c—mo afecta? El hecho de que usted dice que los estadounidenses pues no les gusta ta nto la incertidumbre de cierta forma A: Bueno si hablamos de la poblaci—n en general el Boliviano digamos, el vive en una situaci—n de incertidumbre d’a a d’a, pero en el caso di gamos osea de asumir, osea una instituci—n con sus tŽcnicos osea yo creo en poderes de evasi—n a la incertidumbre tu dec’as [inaudible] osea como

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234 que las cosas se ponen un poco mas normal diga mos osea trata de evita r estas situaciones de tomar riesgos permanentes. Ahora en cuesti—n de c—mo afectar’a mas bien permanente la vida al vivir en riesgo, pues en los proyectos me dec’as entonces yo creo que bueno como instituciones osea suben las instituciones Bolivianas [inaudible] y aprenden mas bien a trabajar en ese riesgo, nada mas para ponerte un ejemplo ahoritica aqu’ en Bolivia, el rol de las ONGs est‡ siendo cuestionado pero sin embargo tu no ves que diga a los personeros en p‡nicos, osea es un momento en trabajar en una ONG, un momento de hacer un trabajo tŽcnico y bueno imag’nate otra ocasi—n, otro momento si es que esto se cierra digamos ese trabajador tŽcnico se pondr‡ a trabajar en otra actividad ojala tŽcnica y no en cualquier otra cosa, entonces est‡ mas listo a enfrentar cualquier situaci—n diar ia porque las cosas son cambiantes no hay una apat’a de estar en un trabajo segœn como [inaudible] ocurr’a con [i naudible] 40 a–os [inaudible] y mas la gente joven [inaudible] Question 7: Do U.S. American managers have an individualistic culture? A: Yo creo que s’ tiene una dosis de verdad por que [inaudible] un profesional, un supervisor veo que est‡ entrando en su trabajo sabiendo bien que hace su trabajo en la respuesta de dar inmediata a su supervisor o los resultados de los cas os bajo su jurisdicci—n etc. S’ percibo de que es mas como un reto personal que digamos sentir se parte digamos de un proyecto de desarrollo [inaudible] es una lista digamos en lo picante osea en lo grande que es el impacto [inaudible] de una sociedad, pero ya te digo nunca me he puesto a analizar as’ con profundidad pero pienso que ese tŽcnico, ese profesional que supervisa y es Estadounidense es t‡ pensando mas en su Žxito personal y sin ver, como se llama, osea ese tr abajo que est‡ haciendo, digamos en ese caso de propuestas, nada mas [inaudible] en el impacto que tiene ese trabaj o comunal, el de los tŽcnicos, [inaudible] a nivel de comuni dad que se van a beneficiar con estas intervenciones. Q: Osea, en otras palabras usted dice que ellos est‡n enfocados en como se est‡n desempe–ando cada persona en vez de c—mo est‡ resultando todo el proyecto en s’? A: S’ me parece que es un porcentaje alto. Mas el Žxito personal os ea de realizar bien el trabajo que digamos pensar en algo mas digamos de asesor amiento tŽcnico o de ventajas que puede tener de estar asesor‡ndose tŽcnicamente, que la gente pueda [inaudible] de ese momento o intervenci—n y que esa supervis i—n es nada mas como te dec’ a un momento una rayita en la instancia de lo que significa el implementar proyectos de desarroll o. Y esta es la percepci—n que tengo as’ de personas que llegan que las veo muy ef icientes pero como que muy avocadas a su trabajo, parece que no pasa nada mas sino lo que vinieron a hacer, si es una auditoria en la dictaci—n de un curso, o en la revisi—n de monitoreo, osea tienen que ser aparentemente muy buenos en eso, por lo menos no manifiestan lo importante que es ese momento de capacitaci—n de revisi—n, de supervisi—n en todo el beneficio comunitario porque tienen que llegar a una instituci—n, se contactan con tŽcn icos, esos tŽcnicos [inaudible] comparten e intercambian con ellos y al final, el producto fi nal va a esa poblaci—n que se bene ficia ojal‡ con los proyectos. Q: Y en ese caso, usted cree que ellos tiend en estar orientados hacia los logros? A: Claro yo creo que como no lo manifiestan al momento de comp artir, pero yo creo que mas ya te digo al logro del convenio pero tal vez no manifiestan que ellos est‡n pensando que s’ su trabajo sea de dos o cinco d’as tiene efecto para el logro del proyecto pero te digo es una cuesti—n de actitud que no se puede agarrar y [inaudible]. Tal vez hay pocos momentos de cambiar, osea de poner tanto para los Bolivianos como para los Estadounidenses que lo importante no es cierto es el logro en la poblaci—n y que todos los dem ‡s esfuerzos son rayitas no es cierto. Pero son [inaudible] que no se mani fiestan tal vez porque no hay momento de decirlos.

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235 Questions 8: Do U.S. American managers have a vertical individualistic culture? A: Yo creo que se debe todo te digo, por lo menos hablando del director de mi oficina, osea creo que es una persona que tiene estas caracter’stic as bien osea un lideraz go bien participativo. [inaudible] entonces es una persona yo dir’a que el cree en un liderazgo compartido, delega, da experiencias, capacidad, pues todo no porque se pued a decir, pero tambiŽn lo he visto las otras caracter’sticas, mas bien al contrario osea que el [inaudible] que tu has mencionado no se cumple. Osea y de esa forma no podr’a decir que todos los Estadounidenses son as’. Yo dir’a que un 70% son tienen un liderazgo participativ os, osea compartido, pero siempre hay algunas que no toman eso en cuenta. Question 9: What is the leadership style of U.S. American managers? A: Igual que la otra osea que hay yo creo que hay dos aspectos, osea es muy posible que eso ocurra en el Estadounidense, en sus lugares, en su pa’s por cierto y puede ser que existan las ganas para desarrollar y como se llama aplicar lo que sienten en su pa’s y como hacen en su pa’s, y cuando llegan ac‡ como llegan en [inaudible] entonces piensa en la vida real osea no [inaudible] digamos tradici—n [i naudible] porque con mas de que Bolivia habr‡ democratizaci—n [inaudible] estructuras e implementarlos, osea tener un proyecto pues [inaudible] duralidad es dif’cil no es cierto, parecer’a del punto de vista Estadounidense que est‡n con ganas de resultar que bonita [inaudible] Quechua pero cuando llega en calidad de administrador [inaudible] de esa tem‡tica en s’ y deja pasar luz no? Osea que se [inaudible] del proyecto que bien en la mayor’a de los cargos tienen sus proyectos pero hay una cr’tica de que justamente est‡ respirando otras tradiciones comunes y etc. Persiste algo, simp lemente los proyectos que se han utilizado dicen [inaudible] en el tema de la [inaudible] productiva, ser’a tomar, deber’a tomar el saber, el investigar las necesidades de la cultura Quec hua [inaudible] y bueno ad ecuando los materiales y etc. no? O quiz‡ en esto de agricultura igual, osea tomar en cuenta las riquezas [inaudible] hacer eso sostenible [inaudible] pero a veces con es o de la tem‡tica como no es tan grande pues entonces a veces me imagino que como se [inaudibl e] deja pasar las otras cosas y se concentran en las metas estrictos y esto y esto y lo otro. Entonces ahora no estoy diciendo que solamente vas a ocupar el [inaudible] sino tambiŽn [ina udible] proponentes digamos [inaudible] tiempo para este proyecto simplemente en [inaudible] os ea conocer las necesidades [inaudible] de esas culturas en las que se ponen [inaudible] ta l vez son fallas digamo s mas [inaudible]. Question 10 and 11: Do U.S. American managers have a short-time orientation and a monochronic time orientation? A: Si pues [inaudible] osea eso de que s’ los Estadounidenses pero no todos no, porque [inaudible] todo lo que tu has dicho [inaudible] pero ya te digo [inaudible] en ese caso [inaudible] si yo dir’a que si que da a veces s’ osea como un 70% o 80% pero si hay este otro tanto. Bueno tal vez, cuando uno elabora una pro puesta quien sabe si como Boliviano perder’a tiempo para hacer las actividades y quien sabes si no sea la misma percepci—n de lo directo no? Y digamos para lo que sea [inaudible] yo si creo que esas son las caract er’sticas de una gran mayor’a de los Estadounidenses en un ‡mbito de proyectos, y esto no siempre [inaudible] osea esa manera de vivir siempre estamos hablando de la poblaci—n general por lo que si del dinero, por lo de que si el tiempo, por lo de si la diversi— n [inaudible] nosotros nos tenemos que acordar

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236 que nosotros no podemos dar tiempo para correr [i naudible] con esos pensamientos porque no [inaudible] importantes en Boliv ia pero entre [inaudible] como para combinar y [inaudible] aunque a veces tenga que ver con un a situaci—n dif’cil, nosotros tene mos esos recursos para notar del grado [inaudible] cosas que [inaudible] no es cierto? Y si no[inaudi ble] las fiestas son importantes, el estar con la familia, cosas [inaudible] y bueno ya digamos tŽcnico, tŽcnico [inaudible] yo soy una persona muy dram‡tica, que a la vez digamos la parte financiera [inaudible] como que as’ una barrera [inaudi ble] para ese aspecto del proyecto, y bueno [inaudible] que lleguen a las poblaciones pero ha y otra parte digamos porque es una instituci—n Estadounidense que cumple digamos [inaudible] debilite [inaudible] a las familias que [inaudible] quieren seguir adelan te con el proyecto incluso [inaudi ble] por eso es que trabajar con los marcos [inaudible] Question 12: How do you usually communi cate with the international office? A: principalmente por email, despuŽs est‡ el telŽfono y las conversaciones son mitad en InglŽs y mitad en Castellano. Si hay personas que hablan InglŽs entonces s—lo hablan InglŽs pero hay unas que otras que s—lo hablan Castellano. Question 13: How do you find communicating with the international office: easy or challenging? A: Es f‡cil para las personas que hablamos InglŽs. Question 14: Is there a language barrier with the U.S. American managers? A: No osea no hay ninguna barrera. Question 15: What is the overall im pact of these cultural differences? A: No, yo creo que hemos cubierto puntos bien im portantes. A partir de que se ponga la cultura del otro adelante, yo creo que vamos a estar bien y vamos a seguir avanzando. Interview 6: May 2 nd 2008 Question 1: What traits do U.S. American managers share? A: S’ creo que en general para un americano promed io eso aplica pero en mi experiencia del tipo de americano que trabaja en cooperaci—n internac ional, no aplican un 100% yo dir’a que aplica 60-70% pienso que es un poco por el tipo de pe rfil que tiene la persona americana que llega a trabajar en desarrollo internacional. Entonces yo dir’a que hay dos tipos de personas unas que son mas administradores pœblicos que trabajan tal vez justamente en las funciones del pa’s, pues dir’a que concuerdan en casi 100% de los puntos que usted ha dicho, pero la gente que est‡ en la operatividad d’a a d’a en los proyectos creo que llega a cas i entender un poco mas algunas caracter’sticas que tienen los Latinos, en el mo mento de trabajar. Ent onces ya no tienen tanto problemas para comprender, son gente que es muc ho mas abierta, en el [inaudible] personal. Pero creo que la mayor’a aplica a la mayor’a de los Americanos pero no aplicar’a a la gran mayor’a de Americanos que trabajan en desarrollo.

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237 Q: Y por lo menos, de las caracter’sticas que s’ est‡n presentes, C—m o usted cree que ellas afectan al desarrollo de las propue stas y ejecuci—n de proyectos? A: Definitivamente, el hecho que la persona sea am ericana s’ crea una distancia en las gestiones pœblicas porque generalmente esas personas tiene cargos ejecutivos ahor a, entonces creo que b‡sicamente por eso es que la gente comœn c onstruyen, tienen mucho m‡s [inaudible] la gente americana que se respeta de otra forma con pode r que con un Latino que tenga el mismo gu’a? Pero creo que eso es un poco porque saben que am ericanos tienen un modo de trabajar distintos y aqu’ hay una jerarqu’a y una capacidad de to mar unas decisiones sobre el proyecto injustas, entonces creo que si as’ es [inaudible] Amer icana independientemente de cuantos diga ese Standard que usted describe, hace que la gente los vea, pienso que s’ hay una relaci—n espec’fica entre la persona local y el extr anjero. Creo que es independien temente de que sean Americanos o Europeos. Question 2: Do U.S. American managers have a low-context culture? A: Creo que esa caracter’stica s’ explica a la gran mayor’a de lo s Americanos, veo de hecho en algunos momentos si me da o genera algœn tipo de ac—mplice pero s’ hay diferencias como pares [inaudible] en ese genero. Entonces a nosotro s nos gusta probar un poco la p’ldora antes de tragarla y el hecho de que la comunicaci—n es m‡s directa, en algunos casos puede llegar a causar dificultades con los Bolivianos. Q: Y por lo menos c—mo se ve este aspecto o como afecta este aspecto al desarrollo de propuestas de proye ctos en Bolivia? A: Bueno creo que deber’an ser mas perspectivos porquŽ? Porque le da un toque gerencial al tema de proyectos, el hecho de que para dar una orden, la orden es explicita y clara y no es una orden ambigua o no se sabe exactamente que es lo que la otra persona quiere, desde ese punto yo s’ creo que es positivo y le ayuda y de hecho en muchos casos hasta se vuelve parte de la costumbre, de la acci—n y de hecho yo creo que es productivo. Creemos de que se vuelve un poco de nuestra parte mentira, de que la pe rsona se vuelva expl’cita en su forma de relacionamiento, est‡ un poco mas en los puntos administrativos en los puntos humanos donde a la gente ac‡ le gustar’a escuchar un poco m‡s de contexto, de c—mo entrar, de porque s’ o porque no? Pero de parte ya operativa de los proyectos ayuda, ayuda a que las cosas se hagan y que se hagan como se tienen que hacer y sin dejar espacio a dudas. Question 3: What is the communication pattern of U.S. American managers? A: S’ yo creo que eso aplica a la mayor’a de la gente que han trabajando aqu’ en Bolivia y que toman decisiones basadas en las necesidades estŽti cas de los proyectos que en los sentimientos que puedan haber personales con las personas. De finitivamente yo creo que eso es positivo para el proyecto porque separan lo uno de lo otro y es o ayuda a que las cosas salgan mas [factibles, partidas] de lo que podr’an salir en otras condic iones. El hecho de que tengan eso, de que los Americanos tengan esas caracter’sticas de co municaci—n ayuda a que las relaciones tomen una forma mas r‡pida y m‡s directa y como si fueran bajo otras condiciones bien espec’ficas que si el jefe fuera un Latino. Q: Y usted c—mo cree que este aspect o es percibido por los Bolivianos? A: Yo creo que la mayor’a de los Bolivianos que trabajan en desarrollo entienden perfectamente estas diferencias. Puede ser que para una persona nueva en el ‡r ea si le choque que las ordenes y

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238 las instrucciones sean tan fr’as pero con el tiempo la gente se acostumbra, y no creo que ese sea un factor muy importante en el desarrollo de los proyectos. Question 4: What is the meeting style of U.S. American managers? A: Creo que no, osea son mucho mas concisos pero creo que el hecho de que el perfil del Americano que trabaja en desarrollo sea de [ina udible] de perfil promedio hace de que tenga mucho mas sensibilidad de sobre c—mo se lleva una reuni—n. En mi experiencia es que la gente, osea el Americano con el que estoy acostumbrado a trabajar en desarrollo es mucho m‡s trata de parecer a alguien que dirigi r’a una reuni—n, a un Boliviano que dirigir’a una reuni—n, entonces el contexto es mucho mas divino en esa age nda, enriquece la agenda con otro tipo de comentarios, no es tan puntual. Creo que en lo que se trata de reunion es con varios Bolivianos, donde se tiene varios Americanos y varios Boli vianos tratan de que sean las reuniones mas parecidas a las que se tendr’an ac‡ entre Bo livianos osea una reuni—n normal definitivamente pero esa reuni—n parecida no creo que sean tan ejecutivos como, es deci r, no tan ejecutivos, tan directos al punto como si fuera una reuni—n exclusivamente de Americanos. Question 5: Do U.S. American managers have a low-power distance culture? A: Definitivamente esto es algo que a menos aqu’ en la instituci—n se ve, no es una jerarqu’a tan marcada sino mas bien es una administraci—n bast ante horizontal, que tiene sus ventajas porque la gente se siente incluida, se siente parte del proyecto pero tambiŽn tiene de repente algunas desventajas desde el punto de vista de que hay mucha [libertad, igualdad] de las jerarqu’as y no hay momento de un tratado abierto para estar contentos pero si hay algœn problema cuesta mucho mas identificar las respons abilidades sobre ese problema que se da. Sin embargo, s’ definitivamente la administraci—n, la forma de ma nejo institucional de los Americanos es mucho mas horizontal de la que fuera de un Boliviano. Q: En respecto a las ventajas y desv entajas, me podr’a dar algœn ejemplo? A: Por ejemplo, a la gente, [inaudible] para tomar algœn tipo de decisi—n de los proyectos muchas veces hay que dejarle esa decisi—n a algu ien que no [inaudible] da [inaudible] en este momento del pa’s y bueno entonces el hecho de que participe y pue da contribuir a la soluci—n de cualquier problema los hace sentir parte del acu erdo entonces [inaudible] eso es suficiente porque ha contribuido y eso es lo que lo h ace llamativo como proyecto. Por otro lado, el momento que hay algœn proyecto, al guna actividad tiene algœn probl ema el hecho de que varias personas hayan participado en la toma de decisiones puede de que no se logre identificar quien es el responsable final de la actividad entonces eso nos ha pasado mucha veces y al final no sabemos a quien cortarle la cabeza no sabemos a quien porque mucha gente ha participado en la actividad y en el momento de condecorar es mas sencillo, se condecora a todos y punto. Eso es algo que no se ve en Bolivia con frecuencia pero que s’ sucede con alguna regularidad ac‡ en la organizaci—n. Q: Y por lo menos eso de que no se pueda identifi car quien fue la persona que fall—, c—mo usted cree que afecta a los proyectos en s’? A: Bueno afortunadamente no es algo de todos los d’as pero creo que el principal problema es que es mucho mas dif’cil tomar medidas correctivas cuando ha pasado algo malo porque al haber tantos involucrados no se sabe c— mo ni con quien hablar ni c—mo [rega–ar] con seguridad. Y s’ afecta al proyecto porque las medidas correctivas tom an mucho mas tiempo que si estuviera una persona identificada directamente.

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239 Question 6: Do U.S. American managers have a low-uncertainty avoidance culture? A: Ac‡ en Bolivia como se imaginar‡, la ince rtidumbre en general sobre varios aspectos incluyendo cooperaci—n internacional es bastante grande. Creo que los Americanos que han o est‡n trabajando aqu’ en los proyectos han logrado asimilar muy bien todo ese tema de incertidumbre ac‡ en Bolivia y lo manejan sin ni ngœn problema. TambiŽn me preguntaba si yo creo que ellos tampoco tienen problemas con lo s cambios? Bueno yo creo que s’, yo creo que ellos est‡n dispuestos a tomar posiciones donde puedan atender estrategias dentro del proyecto, est‡n dispuestos a asumir nuevos riesgos sin ni ngœn problema, no he visto ninguna se–al que me diga no! Que prefieren estar en el status quo para con gent e con la que trabaja ac‡, es definitivamente gente que asume los riesgos, no tiene problemas con los cambios y que sabe lidiar con la incertidumbre. Por ejemplo, el proyecto mas grande que tenemos ac‡ es de desarrollo alternativo entonces cuando tambiŽn la administraci—n anterior entr— el presidente Morales obviamente hab’a mucha incertidumbre sobr e que pol’tica se iba a tomar en el tema de coca. Y b‡sicamente tuvimos aproximadamente 6 meses sin saber que era lo que iba a hacer el gobierno, si iba a mantener la pol’ti ca anterior o si iba a planificar, a modificar o si iba a legalizar todo. Sin embargo durante esos 6 meses el pr oyecto estuvo es decir buscando formas de poder trabajar independientemente de conocer la pol’tica y digamos lo parad—jico del proyecto apoye las pol’ticas del gobierno. Entonces no saber que apoyar me parece un muy buen ejemplo de lo dif’cil de la situaci—n en ese momento que no sa b’an exactamente como apoyar, sin embargo con la variaci—n que ten’amos en ese momento en contramos varias oportunidades dentro de ese ambiente gris que hab’a de c—mo apoyar, de c— mo seguir trabajando en ambas ‡reas y eso oblig— a hacer varios cambios en el proyecto tanto estratŽgicos y cambios geogr‡ficos, cambios program‡ticos desde la forma en la que est‡bamos trabajando, y cambios geogr‡ficos que digamos fueron llevados sin ningœn o sin mayor pr oblema y luego una vez que se definieron las estrategias del gobierno, que el gobi erno ya ten’a un poco mas claro la s pol’ticas que iba a llevar nuevamente volvimos a ajustarnos a esas pol’ti cas sin ningœn problema entonces el proyecto actualmente con en el que estamos trabajando modificaciones al convenio que le hagamos con nuestro financiador, le damos ya nuevas modi ficaciones, decidimos unas tres, cuatro, as’ modificaciones menores, la mayor’a son modifi caciones que son de forma de fondo del proyecto que han sido realizadas por los jefes del proyect o, as’ que [inaudible] con mucha participaci—n algo importante ac‡ de destacar es que s’ las personas Americanas han involucrado en ese proceso de decisiones estratŽgicas del proyecto a sus contrapartes Bolivianas. Question 7: Do U.S. American managers have an individualistic culture? A: No. Creo que nuevamente comparten s’ la mayor ’a de los Americanos tal vez est‡n en temas [margen?] de esa l’nea. Nuevamente creo que la gente que va trab ajando en desarrollo internacional quiere decir que tien e otros valores y otras visiones y no que no son flexibles. Osea me cuesta pensar que son mas individualistas de lo que ser’a un Boliviano en otro medio. Tienen creo una cosa premisita porque todos, osea en to dos los entornos comunales, en su entorno de relaciones humanas se preocupan de que les vaya bien, tienen una preocupaci—n muy alta por el equipo con el que trabajan, tienen un compromiso con la gente con la cual trabajan osea tienen principios y me cuesta enmarcar a un American o promedio que trabaja en desarrollo en estos o ese marco. Pero estaba pensando un poco tambiŽ n en cuanto podr’a ganar alguien que tiene una maestr’a en la misma ‡rea pero en Estados Unidos, y sin embargo est‡ ac‡ trabajando en Bolivia.

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240 Pues trabajar en Bolivia o en cualquier otro pa’s de desarrollo no debe de ser, no deben tener un [nivel?] de vida bastante alta. Entonces no me parece clasificarlos dentro de un margen tan cerrado como el que usted ha descrito. Questions 8: Do U.S. American managers have a vertical individualistic culture? A: S’, creo que, veo lo que les interesa no es la ac tividad sino el resultado de la actividad al final del d’a. Entonces definitivamente es gente que van directo a la actividad, pero siempre la pregunta detr‡s de eso es: para quŽ la vamos a hacer? QuŽ vamos a conseguir? quŽ resultado vamos a tener despuŽs de hacer esa actividad? El enfoque es mucho mayor a resultados que lo que tendr’a tambiŽn algœn Boliviano. Question 9: What is the leadership style of U.S. American managers? A: Definitivamente creo que el tipo de liderazgo que tiene un Americano osea otorga muchas libertades muchos he [llamados?] a sus subalternos y me parece una buena forma de [rendimiento? Jerarqu’a?] donde b‡sicamente les da las l’neas generales y luego dejan que ellos se desenvuelvan, sin embargo creo que un problema que afecta a los tŽcnicos es que no tienen la capacidad para identificar con que personas pue den crear todas esas libertades y con que personas no pueden hacerlo, entonces creo que y no sŽ si es algo mas dir’a yo complica a los [premŽritos] [inaudible] en especial sino tambiŽn tiene que ver en un problema [inaudible] esto muchas veces la gente ha restringido esa confianza de poder tomar decisiones y de poder llevar delante sus objetivos pues no siempre sabe que hacer con esta prorrogativa y generalmente es lo mas normal que en muchos casos sucede qu e la persona no tiene un a l’nea clara de mando no hay muy pro-activa y no rinde como deber’a rendi r, entonces puede que el americano diga te di todo lo que ten’a, te di todo el poder y t odo lo que necesitabas para que llevar adelante la actividad y nunca entregaste resultados y la pe rsona por el otro lado dice, pero tu nunca me dijiste lo que ten’a que hacer. Entonces creo, no estoy seguro si eso es algo mas de Boliviano o Americano o si es algo que est‡ independientemente del ‡mbito si es algo del tema personal, porque hay personas que necesitan mas gu’a y otras personas que pueden asumir la responsabilidad de llevar adelante su ta rea una vez que se ha dicho que tarea es. Q: Pero usted dir’a que eso es la mayor’a o la minor’a? A: Pues yo dir’a que como 50-50 de personas que reciben esta confianza, que reciben estas capacidades y otras que no saben re sponder de la misma forma 50%. Q: Entonces segœn lo que usted dice, a los America nos se les hace dif’cil saber como diferenciar este tipo de personas, a las que se les pue de confiar responsabilidades y a las que no? A: S’, adem‡s creo que un Americano que reci Žn haya llegado a LatinoamŽrica va a tener muchos problemas en saber id entificar quien es quien. Question 10: Do U.S. American manag ers have a short-time orientation? A: No creo que eso afecte a la mayor’a de ge nte Americana que trabaja en desarrollo, osea la gente que tiene ciertas profesiones tal vez no veo que estŽn muy arraigada a las tradiciones, a las tradiciones Americanas. Veo que s’ es cierto que pueden adoptar f‡cilmente algunas tradiciones de donde estŽn viviendo pero mas po r el tema social, el tema de [inaudible] transferido, no los veo particularmente muy arraigados a sus ancestros y s’ creo que tienen una visi—n de futuro, es decir de ver que es lo que quieren hacer en el futuro pero no solamente en forma personal sino

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241 adem‡s forma es decir en que termina un proye cto osea es decir, tie nen claro donde ven el proyecto en un x tiempo. No creo que sea gent e que vive pensando en su pasado y del quŽ hab’a' sino tiene claro un futuro tanto para e llos como para el proyecto donde ellos trabajan. Question 11: Do U.S. American managers have a monochronic time orientation? A: No yo no creo a no ser que los Americanos lo s que trabajan aqu’ en Bolivia por lo menos mas de cinco a–os pero despuŽs digamos los Am ericanos que est‡n en la misi—n no me parecen gente muy preocupada por el tiempo, no son gente que est‡n metidas trabaj ando en varias cosas simult‡neamente. Gente que s’ se preocupan porque las cosas salg an a tiempo, que se preocupan porque no hayan retrasos en las actividades, pe ro no me parece gente muy como que demarca esas caracter’sticas que usted describe. Creo que trabajar en desarrollo da el derecho de tener de hecho que su gama de cosas ama definitivamente no solamente [inaudible] sino tambiŽn la posici—n de contribuir al desarrollo hacen que la clase del tiempo es dinero no aplique en un 100% para ellos, todav’a que sea gente bien desp rendida del dinero, pero saben que el tema de desarrollo esto significa mas que hay otros tipos y el tema de maximizar los beneficios o la rentabilidad de una empresa. En tonces creo que la l—gica la qu e usted ha dicho de [flexibilidad] no aplicar’a a la mayor’a de Americ anos que trabajan en desarrollo. Q: Y por lo menos en cuesti—n de la fechas l’mite s y en relaci—n a lo que son las propuestas y todo eso o en relaci—n a las fechas l’mites de cuando hay que tener listo algo para el proyecto cuando se est‡ ejecutando, en ese sentido c—mo es? A: Creo que hay dos tipos de fechas l’mites. La pr imera es una que s’ se cumple y se cumple a [inaudible] tabla, que es cuando la fecha l’mite es parada por alguna exte rnalidad, es decir la misi—n, es decir puede ser el gobierno o por cualquier instituci—n fuera de nuestra instituci—n que se pase principalmente la fecha l’mite, s’ defi nitivamente los plazos se cumplen, las fechas se cumplen, y hay una programaci—n muy estricta y tenemos toda una no hay flexibilidades en life. Ese es el aspecto. Pero cuando se trata de una fecha donde habiendo unos priorities, que se puede pedir una pr—rroga, que se puede negociar, que hay algo de flexibilidad que nadie se va a morir si se entrega unos minutos mas tarde o uno s d’as mas tarde, entonces definitivamente no hace falta medir el hecho de que haya llegado una tesis para una actividad as’ no necesariamente implica que es la fecha final. Y eso es algo ya que creo que todos van asimilando y lo entienden. Por ejemplo, cuando uno prepara una propuesta para USAID se sabe que es una fecha totalmente cerrada. De hecho estamos trabajando en una propuesta ahora, entonces hicimos un plan de trab ajo corre a esa fecha para cumplir con la propuesta en la fecha indicada. Pero las fechas con las cuales se tr abaja en mente cumplen con otras [diversidades?] entonces por ejemplo nos ponen una fecha de afuera y aqu’ dentro nos organizamos de tal forma de que nosotros cumplimos tambiŽn nuestras prop ias fechas, sin embargo, un ejemplo del otro caso, osea una fecha que nos fija internamente y que nos fijamos internamente la fecha para entregar el manual operativo para una x fecha, sin embargo que es algo bien importante pero no urgente entonces en vez de entr egarlo de hecho nos ha tomado dos meses despuŽs de la fecha que hemos fijado porque sab’amos que no era al go que alguien se mor’a si no ten’amos el manual operativo. Creo que tanto los a pesar que obviamente los Americanos estuvieron muy involucrados en los aspectos in iciales y dem‡s, nunca hubo un ma lestar ni ninguna llamada de atenci—n porque no se cumpl’an los plazos, ta mbiŽn un poco porque todo el mundo entiende lo ocupado de las agendas y lo ocupado si empeza mos con las cosas mas urgentes delegamos siempre las cosas importantes. Ese es un mal que tenemos ac‡ particularmente.

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242 Question 12: How do you usually communi cate with the international office? A: Generalmente v’a email y en algunos casos telef—nico pero 100% digital y generalmente en InglŽs. Question 13: How do you find communicating with the international office: easy or challenging? A: Para m’, yo tengo muy buena receptividad de informaci—n as’ que no tengo ningœn problema. Question 14: Is there a language barrier with the U.S. American managers? A: S’ pero se debe un poco mas a mi nivel de InglŽs a el nivel de l Espa–ol de ellos, no creo que sean barreras de no entendernos, sino mas interna de tener que digamos, si fueran los dos lados 100% bilingŸes yo no sentir’a ningœn problema de comunicaci—n. En cuanto a las propuestas, la ventaja es que generalmente las propuestas son generadas en los dos idiomas, entonces cuando yo participo en alguna propuesta hago la parte en Espa–ol o hago mi parte en Espa–ol y ellos se quedan con la parte final en Espa–ol y luego traducida al InglŽs. Luego me toca [inaudible] osea todo aquello que se hizo en InglŽs se tradujo al Espa–ol entonces para que tenga coherencia y lo mismo sucede [inaudible] la parte producida de Es pa–ol e InglŽs para que ya todo [inaudible] tenga flujo y coherencia. Entonces si [inaudible] una ventaja. Q: Pero tienen personas que habl an InglŽs en la oficina? A: Aqu’ en la oficina yo dir’a que el InglŽs subido no mucho, osea el que pueda sostener una conversaci—n en InglŽs yo dir’a que digamos Boliviano con InglŽs fluido tal vez unas cinco personas. Que conozcan o que tengan conocimientos b‡sicos si quiz‡s unas 17 personas. Question 15: What is the overall im pact of these cultural differences? A: Yo creo que en las propuestas si se ve un poco de desconexi—n porque de hecho las propuestas son hechas mas que todo en los Estados Unidos o vienen de all‡ de Estados Unidos y aqu’ un poco la acomodan, pero en el momento ya de [inaudible] unas desconexiones de falta de conocimiento de la cultura ac‡, pero en el mome nto que se elabora la propuesta o ya se ponen inclusive el proyecto veo pocas yo dir’a que mas bien eso es un modo ventajoso, un modo ventajoso de tener esas dos culturas y creo que nu evamente se trata [inaudible] de la parte buena de ambas culturas para el bien de los proyectos as’ que yo no ver’a el h echo de tener proyectos bajo la influencia de dos culturas como un problema sino mas bien como una ventaja. Q: Osea es diferente depende de la etapa en la que estŽ el proyecto? A: S’ definitivamente. Q: Y eso que usted mencion— acerca de las desc onexiones, a quŽ se refer’a con eso?? A: Me refiero a que muchos temas de referencia muchas solicitudes pa ra convocar propuestas son elaboradas en los Estados Unidos con poco co nocimiento de la realid ad, entonces uno lee los temas de referencias de esas solicitudes y se da cuenta que no con alguien en Estados Unidos que no tiene ningœn tipo de [inaudible] lo ha hecho, pero no mas [inaudible] de la propuesta ya es, el hecho de tener un equipo de dos culturas ayuda mucho a de que bueno el Americano diga bueno aqu’ lo que esto quiere decir es esto, y el Boliviano di ga bueno entonces lo haremos as’, y creo que ayuda mucho en relaci—n a la pregunta as’ como dicen en la ejecuci—n del proyecto es como digo una ventaja tener do s culturas involucradas.

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243 Interview 7: May 6 th 2008 Question 1: What traits do U.S. American managers share? A: Mire yo de las personas que, una jefa que tu ve, cumple con la mayor’a d eso pero no con todos los criterios. Porque evidentemente que si fuera un Americano del tipo que nunca ha salido fuera de su pa’s y que por primera expe riencia est‡ trabajando en algœn otro pa’s, pues cumple con todos esos criterios. En la person a con la que yo tuve opor tunidad de trabajar, una Americana pero que ya hab’a vivido mucho tie mpo en frica, en Asia, y pues ac‡ en Latino AmŽrica tambiŽn, entonces hab’a ya tambiŽn logr ado tener otra forma de comportamiento que no lo ha dado el Americano t’pico. Pero el Ameri cano tipo yo creo que si cumple con lo que usted menciona. Generalmente, y eso va a dos estrad os es como cuando, usted sabe que el marco l—gico lo creo USAID para los proyectos y en tonces eso refleja mucho lo que ha mencionado usted osea de que est‡ centrado a los resulta dos pero que muy dif’cilmente cambian el comportamiento de bueno este proyecto, ten’a que vacunar a 10 personas y vacuna a 10, pero porquŽ no podemos vacunar a 12? Llegan a veces a esos extremos est‡n muy centrados en los resultados pero tampoco se mueven. Yo creo que en forma general el Americano tipo que no ha tenido una oportunidad de estar fuera de su pa’s yo creo que cumple con todos esos criterios. Question 2: Do U.S. American managers have a low-context culture? A: S’ yo dir’a m‡s que hasta el Estadounidense, el InglŽs, pero algo m‡s le complementar’a yo. Es el hecho que el idioma Ingl Žs es un poco as’. En el idio ma InglŽs uno no puede estar con mucha divagaci—n, o es s’ o es no, o es azul o es blanco, no hay que podr ’a ser entre azul y blanco, medio un celeste, entonces eso hace que el idioma tambiŽn en su forma de comunicarse pues haga que las personas pues se comuniquen as’ en forma m‡s directa. Q: Y como usted cree que esto in fluye lo que era la preparaci—n de los proyectos o la ejecuci—n de los proyectos en s’? A: En que este, quiz‡s nuestra cultura como Latino que somos, es m‡s de la comunicaci—n pero del otro tipo. Pero cuando hacemos la comunicaci—n con la persona que proviene de los Estados Unidos, osea es mas f‡cil en el sentido que no hay mucha ambigŸedad. Osea que tienes que hacer algo y todo es as’. Yo he aprendido muc ho cuando estuve en otro pa’s haciendo mi maestr’a, el InglŽs en el hec ho de ser m‡s concreto. Yo creo que eso ayuda mucho en lograr objetivos tambiŽn concretos. Q: Y c—mo es eso percibido por el resto de los compa–eros Bolivianos? A: No es bien percibido porque co mo que queda la persona centrada mucho en resultados y este a nosotros nos interesan m‡s las relaciones quiz‡s como Latino. Pero en el caso concreto m’o, he tenido la oportunidad de vivir al exterior, entonces conozco mu cho de ese tipo de culturas y no me afectan porque sŽ porquŽ lo hacen. Al Americano le interesa que porque le pagan para lograr eso, pues lo tiene que lograr, porqu e si no logra eso entonces es un mal profesional. A nosotros nos interesa de que si al logr ar eso o pretender lograr eso es te podemos estar quedando mal con algunas personas que se van a ver afectadas por es e logro, no lo hacemos, y nos vamos mas a lo sentimental, en cambio el Americano no. Est‡ centrado mas al interŽs de todos sus resultados. Q: Y esto tambiŽn se refleja por lo menos en el tipo de poblaci—n que se va a ayudar? A: Por eso es de que quiz‡s para trabajar con la poblaci—n en s’, le cuesta mucho m‡s ingresar. Y la persona fuera un operador de proyecto, pues le costar’a mas porque la gente l—gicamente a

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244 un menor nivel de formaci—n pues entiende menos que es lo que se tiene que hacer y cuida mas a ese nivel, es mas importante la relaci—n t odav’a, que a un nivel ejecutivo l—gicamente. Question 3: What is the communication pattern of U.S. American managers? A: Yo creo que va mas bien en relaci—n a la profesi —n. Yo la jefa que tuve era psic—loga y ella si le pon’a mucho coraz—n a las cosas pero este en el caso de otro director que tuvimos que era trabajador social, s’ era m‡s fr ’o. Entonces yo dir’a que va muy ’ntimamente relacionado con el tipo de profesi—n que tien e el profesional. Question 4: What is the meeting style of U.S. American managers? A: S’, yo creo que esa es una de las ca racter’sticas que tiene el Americano. Q: Y por lo menos si en una reuni—n hay mitad Americanos y mitad Bolivianos, usted como piensa que los Bolivianos se sienten estando en este estilo de reuni—n? A: Osea si nos sentimos c—modos en ese ambiente? Q: S’ A: Yo veo que el Americano en una parte de lo qu e siempre he buscado es el resultado. A m’ me parece bien de que tambiŽn quiero que siempre este he dicho, me pagan para hacer algo porque entonces tengo que lograr alca nzar alguna meta o algœn objetivo entonces si uno est‡ centrado a resultados pues que lo haga de una manera mu y amable o de una manera muy fr’a, no afecta mucho, siempre que uno logre su resultado. Porque si uno se form— como profesional es para lograr resultados no?. Entonces yo creo que tambiŽn. Bueno por lo menos en el caso de mis compa–eros Bolivianos, al comienzo como que ch ocan un poco, lo quehay una gran diferencia en quiz‡ los sistemas de control que manejamos, que no lo ha mencionado usted pero es que el Americano maneja otro tipo de control. Y yo he aprendido mucho de personas tanto de la cooperaci—n de USAID, de la cooperaci—n Amer icana en que sus sistemas de control son diferentes, osea no est‡n vie ndo esta crisis de ayerno si no m‡s bien d—nde est‡n tus resultados? Que hiciste ayer no me interesa pero algo tenŽz que haber estado haciendo entonces d—nde esta tu resultado? S’ tengo un d’a pero te tardaste 20, s’ pero si lo planificamos as’ sigamos adelante no? Entonces quiz‡s a las pe rsonas nos choca un poco, al Boliviano digamos, le puede chocar mucho pero al final se logra ad aptar, se logra entender esta necesidad de la bœsqueda de resultados en un trabajo. Question 5: Do U.S. American managers have a low-power distance culture? A: A la hora de agarrar y mostrar quien como organizaci—ncuando hab’a que mostrarlo al director pues hab’a que mostrarle y darle su lugar, pero no es un poder como que el decir: que porque soy jefe ac‡ tengo que estar por encima tuyo, como es lo tradicional en la cultura nuestra mas bien. Ac‡ al jefe pues hay que pues sentarlo arriba y yo de abaj o lo mirarŽ. En cambio en la cultura Americana, s’ se da que yo puedo es tar al lado del jefe y no incomodarle no? y especialmente en las Organizaciones No Gubernam entales pues no hay tanta jerarqu’a. Conozco mucho de mi organizaci—n y de otras ONGs aqu’ en Bolivia y no hay esa je rarqu’a en el sentido de decir tu te sientas ac‡ y yo me siento a este otro lado, y si vas tu en una movilidad tu tienes que ir atr‡s porque yo soy el jefe y tengo que ir adelante o vicever sa no? No hay ese estilo m‡s bien la cultura y eso lo reflejaba todo lo que era el reglamente interno de mi organizaci—n, ten’a yo los mimos derechos y las mismas obligaciones que el director.

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245 Q: Entonces usted tambiŽn cree que esto lo trae el director en s’ ?. Que ellos quieren que todo el mundo tenga los mismos derechos o como la pregunta lo dec’a mas hacia la igualdad? A: S’, si hay una diferencia entr e el Americano y el Boliviano. El Americano tiende a tratar por igual a todos y a respetar a todos por igual. En cambio para nosotros, los Bolivianos, en lo personal no hago diferencia, pero la generalidad es de que si yo tengo que saludar al portero, voy a saludarlo de una manera no tan cortŽs como sal udo a mi jefe no? Eso es lo que sucede en nuestro medio. Pero la mayor’a de Americanos he notado que no existe esa diferencia. Question 6: Do U.S. American managers have a low-uncertainty avoidance culture? A: Yo creo de que la parte de la supervis i—n vuelve a mucha relaci—n con la seguridad o inseguridad de la persona. Si yo se que en es e sentido he visto yo muchos profesionales que no solamente han logrado llegar a espacios de dir ecci—n de instituciones si n quiz‡ haber tenido la madurez profesional necesaria. Porque motivos ? Porque se han postulado y no hubieron otros postulantes y cumpl’an con el perfil te—rico pero en la pr‡ctica quiz‡s no. La realidad nuestra, bueno en el caso m’o, ha sido que tuve la suerte de haber vivido en ot ros pa’ses tambiŽn y haberme formado en otras ‡reas, entonces a ve ces he visto la difere ncia de cuando viene un profesional bien formado de cuando viene un profesional que est‡ reciŽn empezando su formaci—n. Entonces difiere de es a relaci—n, si el profesional, es un profesional Americano que tiene una buena formaci—n pues no va tener temo r en hacer una supervisi—n que sea, como decimos, de facilitar procesos, no solamente de ir a controlar si cumpliste o no cumpliste, sino decir oye! en que te ayudo?, no solamente decir de que porque soy el supervisor yo tengo saber mas que ti, es que a veces tu no tienes la disponibilidad de recursos para haber cumplido con tu tarea, pues veamos como te podemos ayudar. No que yo voy a hacer tu tarea, tu la tienes que hacer y en ese sentido, pues se facilitan muchas veces los procesos sin necesidad de hacer la tarea, que es lo que a veces uno en nuestro medi o espera, que venga mi supervisor y me ayude a hacer la tarea. Cuando el Americano lo que espera es que casa uno haga su tarea. Si simplemente en la supervisi—n se trat a de facilitar el proceso nada mas. Question 7 and 8: Do U.S. American manag ers have an individualistic and vertical individualistic culture? A: Si yo creo que es mas individualista, en es e sentido. Adem‡s escoge un poco lo que yo veo en la organizaci—n es de que como son personas que vienen por un tiempo y luego se cambian pues tratan de evitar el ingresar en mucha re laci—n con las personas en lo privado porque eso har’a un poquito como que, lo ven como que se comprometer’an como a veces decimos ac‡ en nuestro medio. El que yo sea el amigo del director pues este ya me dar ciertas ventajas decimos, el poder llegar tarde, el poder quiz‡s tomarme alg unas horas mas. Osea eso es la cultura nuestra y por eso el Americano trata de mantenerse un poco en lo individual en la relaci—n con las personas, son como relaci—n de grupo, quiz‡ es la forma de vida la que los lleva a que no, lo mismo ocurre con otros, no es es te algo diferente a lo que ocurre en Europa, inclusive en la misma Espa–a, a pesar de que hablamos el mismo idioma que ellos, sin embargo, viven bajo otro modelo. Es la misma sociedad la que exige de que para que necesito conocerlo a mi vecino? Si mi vecino no me presta nada ni me da ningœn be neficio, total yo necesito simplemente vivir en un departamento y listo. No conocer a na die en mi entorno, osea nos volvemos muy individualistas por la forma de vida. Cuando vi ene el Americano ac‡ a nuestros pa’ses pues tiene esa dificultad de que ac‡ se vive mucho en fa milia, todav’a hay reuniones donde se reœne la

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246 familia grande, pues hay reuniones donde viene toda la oficina, eso como que le asusta un poco, porque como que lo ve que si al estar en una reuni—n perdiera su poder luego en la direcci—n de la instituci—n o de la direcci—n del cargo que ocupa no? Q: C—mo que lo comprometer’a? A: Exactamente por un lado, pero tambiŽn es un se ntimiento que quiz‡ no lo han experimentado y que cuando lo experimenta le da miedo. Eso yo dir’a un poco m‡s en mi percepci—n, porque el Americano que al final logra en tender un poco la cultura latina, mucho [bŽisbol?] pues ya retornan a Estados Unidos pero con la a–oranza de volver a trabaj ar en nuestros pa’ses no? Q: Y c—mo cree usted que esto afecta a la pr eparaci—n o desarrollo de proyectos en Bolivia? A : Yo creo que afecta en el sentido positivo po rque por un lado nos hace centrarnos mas en buscar resultados, pero por otro lado al no habe r una comunicaci—n pues quiz‡s la sostenibilidad de los proyectos se pone en riesgo, porque si bien es cierto que todo proyecto tiene una fecha limite y una fecha de finalizaci—n pues el agarra r y hacer proyectos que tengan un inicio y un fin que despuŽs se mueran al finalizar el pr oyecto no tienen mucho sentido. Y esa falta de comunicaci—n m‡s abierta que tiene el Americano quiz‡s no permite de que los proyectos puedan despuŽs de financiados, puedan tener una vida propia porque no da la apertura a que las organizaciones, es la pelea que estamos nosot ros tratando de conseguir este desde que he trabajado en la organizaci—n de que una vez term ine el proyecto quŽ hay despuŽs de hacer el proyecto? Porque nosotros sabemo s que nuestra gente va a seguir ah’ con los mismos problemas si nosotros no les ense–amos a caminar solos, en ese sentido el Americano no mira un poco esa sostenibilidad a futuro. En ese sentido puede se r que afecte mucho la con tinuidad despuŽs de la finalizaci—n del proyecto. Question 9: What is the leadership style of U.S. American managers? A: S’ eso yo lo he vivido en la organizaci—n y me ha permitido empoderarme mucho, osea tener facilidad para que yo pueda proponer a mi superv isora crecer en algunas ‡reas me ha permitido hacerlo, y por otro lado tambiŽn no tener una cultura muy cerrada en cuanto a d—nde debo yo tambiŽn ir apuntando como profesional. Yo creo que es muy cierto eso y en la mayor’a de organizaciones que yo conozco pues est‡n centra das mas en que cado uno pueda cumplir con lo que debe hacer porque adem‡s las regl as del juego las tienen muy claras. Q: Y esto como cree que influyen los proyectos en s’? A: Es bueno porque este permite que nosotros los profesionales locales tengamos la oportunidad de quiz‡s de hacer algunas peque–as modificaci ones que puedan redundar en un mejor resultado de los proyectos no? Porque va tambiŽn en beneficio de que la organizaci—n, como organizaci—n se beneficie porque se logra un resultado que apar entemente no estaba previsto pero que se ha alcanzado. Question 10: Do U.S. American manag ers have a short-time orientation? A: En mi organizaci—n nosotros tenemos una pol’tica sobre gŽnero, una pol’tica sobre el acoso y yo creo que adem‡s nuestros procesos de sele cci—n est‡n orientados a no hacer ningœn tipo de discriminaci—n ni de tipo Žtnico, ni de ti po religioso, pol’tico, osea no se hace ningœn tipo de discriminaci—n. En algunas organizaciones, he vi sto que se discrimina por aspectos pol’ticos o religiosos. Son algunas organizaci ones que son de origen relaci onado mas con la parte religiosa y especialmente con la parte evangŽlica enton ces se solicita de que, bueno no se coloca abiertamente pero al momento de seleccionar pues eligen a personas que tengan una religi—n

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247 similar a las que ellos pr ofesan como organizaci—n. Pero en mi organizaci—n yo no he visto nada de eso. Q: Entonces usted creo que ellos est‡n m‡s or ientados a las cosas que pasaron antes o mas hacia el futuro o hacia el presente? A: Bueno yo creo que se ve mucho hacia el futuro. Se trabaja mucho en base a decisiones. Son organizaciones que permanentemente est‡n hacie ndo planes estratŽgicos entonces eso permite que sin olvidar el pasado se mire hacia el futuro Entonces l—gicamente ellos llevan un variaje de todo un poco pero son organizaciones que buscan el futuro entonces en su denunciado tambiŽn lo hacen. Entonces tienen una misi—n, una vi si—n que los proyecta hacia el futuro. Question 11: Do U.S. American managers have a monochronic time orientation? A: En las organizaciones de desarrollo no ocurre as’ tan tajante como lo has mencionado. Si bien cierto que para ellos el tiempo es bien im portante y que hay que fijarse metas pero tambiŽn son concientes que los proyectos de desarrollo, a veces el trabajar con las personas es mas lento de lo que uno cree. Y var’a de poblaci—n a poblaci—n, porque yo puedo tener dos poblaciones vecinas, y con una de las poblac iones creer de que voy a lograr en el mismo tiempo que logrŽ con la otra de avanzar lo mismo, no es tan as ’. Hay barreras que son, muchas veces hasta inclusive de idiomas que no permiten de que eso se logre de esa forma. Entonces los proyectos si uno trabaja en una organizaci—n de desarrollo no se da tan como estees lo que se cree que podr’a ser un empleado o una persona en otra instituci—n de empresa privada o pœblica. Yo creo que no es tan tajante como lo ha mencionado usted. Q: Y por lo menos en cuesti—n de las fechas l’mites de propuestas y de fechas l’mites de cuando tiene que estar las cosas del proyecto? A: Se marcan las fechas pero como dir’a se lo gra entender porque tambiŽn no se cumple. No se cumpli— pues ah’ ya cae el culp able. Es m‡s flexible la s ituaci—n, yo creo en proyectos de desarrollo. Question 12: How do you usually communi cate with the international office? A: yo permanentemente iba a la oficina internaciona l. Si porque en el proyecto que yo trabajŽ, era un proyecto global entonces fui. Question 13: How do you find communicating with the international office: easy or challenging? A: Yo tuve dos momentos, f’jese usted que cuando tuve en la cede el curso que hice lo hice en InglŽs entonces tuve la oport unidad mi InglŽs es m‡s tŽcnic o que de conversaci—n, entonces cuando yo me comunicaba al inicio con las personas en Espa–ol, pues hab’a como una falta de respeto, pero logrŽ obtener m‡s respeto cuando me empecŽ a comunicar en InglŽs. Para el Americano que no tiene conocimiento de otras le nguas, le es muy dif’ cil entender que otras personas no hablen su lengua. Entonces eso es un a barrera que yo creo se tiene y especialmente a los Latinos que nos cuesta tanto aprender el InglŽs. Entonces bueno yo lo aprend’, pero bueno era m‡s InglŽs tŽcnico, pero bueno me ganŽ respeto gracias a eso.

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248 Question 14: Is there a language barrier with the U.S. American managers? A: s’ yo creo que el idioma es un elemento b‡si co que a veces, bueno necesita un esfuerzo de ambas partes, cuando uno habla un InglŽs no tan fluido o cuando la persona no habla un Espa–ol no tan fluido tambiŽn que es lo contrario. Po rque no hay cosa como entenderse en su propio idioma, eso es obvio, pero de todas maneras cuando uno tiene por necesidad de trabajo que comunicarse en otra lengua, pues en lo tŽcnico es lo que se debe centrar, especialmente con el trabajo que hacemos en las organizaciones. Q: Entonces con esa barrera de lenguaje que usted menciona, c —mo hac’an cuando ten’an que entregar propuest as por ejemplo? A: Bueno en ese caso, yo no ten’a dificultad, porque la encargada era mi jefa Americana y ella era la que hac’a toda la traducci —n. Con ella trabaj‡bamos en la pa rte en Espa–ol y ella hac’a la traducci—n en InglŽs de la propuesta. Entonces se facilita cu ando tenemos una persona que habla InglŽs en la oficina nacional. Un poco por el hecho tambiŽnmira lo que pasa uno puede ir y estar en Argentina y pues el Argentino habla Espa–ol pero habla o muy r‡pido o con muchos modismos y entonces muy dif’cilmente se le va a entender. Lo mismo ocurre en los Estados Unidos. Hay personas que te hablan como si tuvieran algo en la boca, me pas— cuando estuve en un pa’s Europeo que habla InglŽs, pues donde tuve que repetir 5 veces para comprar un pollo me recuerdo. El acento de ellos es totalmente difere nte entonces, difiere de persona a persona, ahora lo que yo digo tambiŽn es que difieren como se pronuncian las palabras en uno o en otro lugar. Question 15: What is the overall im pact of these cultural differences? A: Yo dir’a de que afecta en sentido positivo por que reitero, nuestra cultu ra no est‡ centrada tanto en resultados, en cambio la cultura Amer icana s’ y eso evidentemente que nos hace que mezclemos los resultados pero tomando en cuenta la relaciones humanas que es importante para nosotros. Y reitero yo creo que es bueno para nosotros el tener que es una oportunidad de trabajar con personas que provi enen de los Estados Unidos. Interview 8: May 8 th 2008 Question 1: What traits do U.S. American managers share? A: S’ en general yo creo que la mayor’a de las caracter’sticas de scriben muy bien a la cultura Estadounidense entre las que yo estar’a de acu erdo digamos y he podido observar algunas caracter’sticas ser’an que bueno lo s Americanos en general son met —dicos, y ordenados, dir’a que trabajan mejor con una sola actividad, tienen un a lto respeto por horarios, se gu’an por hechos objetivos es decir para ellos pues no tienen muc ho peso problemas o situaciones subjetivas. No son muy emotivos, hasta ah’ estar’a de acuerdo con esa descripci—n. Ahora las caracter’sticas en las que creo que mas bien la cultura Estadouni dense es mas bien opuesta es en no son muy introvertidos, mas bien son bast antes entradores, son impacientes y yo dir’a que no son callados, entonces esa es mi perspectiva. Estas caracte r’sticas impactanpuede ser que al momento de definir un proyecto por ejemplo de presenta r a una propuesta, las propuestas est‡n muy enfocadas a asuntos muy concretos, entonces esa parte de la cultura se orienta hacia cosas muy precisas, por ejemplo metas, cifras, resultados entonces la implic aci—n narrativa o una justificaci—n menos objetiva ya tiene menos valo r al momento de evaluar una propuesta, tiene menos peso. Entonces los Latinoamericanos espec’ficamente tenemos un pensamiento m‡s

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249 fragmentado, tenemos mas difi cultad para llegar a asunt os mas concretos y nuestras explicaciones a veces no son tan directas. Entonces eso puede generar conf lictos en los procesos de desarrollo, por ejemplo en el escribir una propuesta al momento de aceptar una propuesta, entonces pueden crearse estos conflictos. Enton ces en el momento de escribir las propuestas siempre nos toca cambiar y acortar cosas. C on seguridad de siempre de que por lo menos tenemos que acortar, como precisar mas los resultados, etc. Eso ocurre muchas veces tambiŽn en la elaboraci—n de informes y en la preparaci—n de reportes, somos demasiados amplosos, como que demasiadono concretizamos las cosas. Es o puede crear un conflicto entre ambos modos de interpretar las cosas. Question 2: Do U.S. American managers have a low-context culture? A: S’ yo creo que el estilo de comunicaci—n es t‡ muy enfocado b‡sicamente en el lenguaje verbal, no se presta mucha atenci—n a otro tipo de lenguaje. En otras culturas tanto la cultura Latinoamericana que no es una excepci—n que somos muy atentos a muchos lenguajes dependiendo de grupos culturales al interior. Hay otros grupos culturales por ejemplo que dan mucha valoraci—n al lenguaje corporal. Pienso que puede influirse o puede crearse disrupci—n en la comunicaci—n si se observan otros c—digos o lenguajes; manifestacione s de otros c—digos o lenguajes que no sean verbal. Desde la parte por ejemplo, una persona Americana que estŽ haciendo gestos y que puede, esa persona no tien e una conciencia de que ese lenguaje no verbal est‡ generando o puede dar una generaci—n de in terpretaci—n diferente. Puede ser falta de respeto, osea ellos no tienen atenci—n a esos otros c—digos no verbales, y le puedo dar un ejemplo, por lo menos maneras de saludar, o de iniciar una reuni—n, etc. Muchas veces yo he tenido en Estados Unidos algunos conflictos por ejemplo de acercamientos y eso puede dar un mensaje diferente entre las partes. Entonces ellos tienen digamos una forma de saludar muy formal. En otro tipo de culturas hay formas de saludar que son un poco mas emotivas. Puede crear un alejamiento o una falta de confianza en el momento que se est‡ generando una relaci—n. Q: Entonces usted dice que desde el momento en que se saluda se puede establecer esa relaci—n de c—mo si reciben bien el saludo de uno o no? A: As’ es, en otras culturas por ejemplo, nosotros necesitamos un tiempo de acercamiento y creaci—n de confianza antes de ir directamente a la com unicaci—n verbal sobre el asunto espec’fico que se va a tratar, no entramos di rectamente a discutir el asunto. Osea podemos hablar de otras cosas un poco mas irrelevantes diga mos. Bueno yo en mi relaciones de trabajo he visto que algunos ejecutivos j—ve nes por ejemplo, salen de cier tas reuniones sin despedirse, entonces eso como que deja una sensaci—n de ir respeto y entendiendo la cultura Americana, eso no es ningœn irrespeto dentro de esa cultura. Q: Pero entonces esto es perc ibido por usted y por sus colega s como una falta de respeto A: As’ es, exacto. Y bueno ellos no se dan cuenta ellos no toman en cuenta esa comunicaci—n no verbal. Ellos solo ponen atenci—n a su co municaci—n verbal pero no est‡n poniendo atenci—n a su comunicaci—n no verbal en este caso, por ej emplo, del dejar una reuni—n abruptamente es una cosa de comunicaci—n no verbal. Question 3: What is the communication pattern of U.S. American managers? A: S’ es muy notorio y bueno en algunos casos es muy profesional. Cuando est‡n tratando asuntos profesionales ellos nunca mezclan con ni ngœn tema ni familiar ni de diversi—n ni de ningœn otro asunto no relacionado. En tonces est‡n discutiendo algœn asunto profesional y tienen

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250 todos los indicadores precisos sobre lo que quieren hablar. Si por ejemplo uno de estos indicadores ha tenido mal desempe–o, para ellos no tiene valor las justificaciones que se puedan dar adicionales al hecho en s’, entonces como que hay un aislamiento entre la causa y el resultado. Ellos est‡n mas enfocados al resultado y es eso lo que le interesa y no les interesa mucho porque no se ha llegado a eso. Q: Entonces en cierta forma usted dice que no se dan cuenta del esfuerzo que fue en tratar de logarlo? A: Bueno tienen una manera de c—mo que no les gusta analizar muy profundamente causas negativas porque algo no se ha cumplido. Es su cultura as’ est‡ muy orientada a premiar logros. Question 4: What is the meeting style of U.S. American managers? A: S’ es tambiŽn muy obvio. Generalmente en las reuniones se levantan actas muy concretas, muy enfocadas en las decisiones, no tanto como en el debate mismo. Las agendas son muy organizadas, se respetan mucho lo que est‡ agendado e incluso en algunas ocasiones he visto que temas adicionales que han sali do espont‡neamente de la reuni —n, ellos han evitado discutir o debatir temas adicionales porque no estaban age ndados entonces como que romp’an toda su planificaci—n anterior, seguramente ten’an otras actividades posteriores y etc. En algunos casos, estos otros temas pueden ser importantes pero ellos como que respetan much’simo lo que se ha puesto con anticipaci—n. Q: Entonces usted cree que en ese caso no se da pa so a la innovaci—n o a la creaci—n de ideas o de puntos que puedan ser a–adidos a la di scusi—n, como que no hay casi libertad? A: Ese es el peligro digamos de guardar una cierta creatividad es verdad de que puede haber una mayor productividad digamos con lo agendado son ma s eficientes en ese sentido, esa es la parte positiva. La parte negativa es que cualquier cosa que sea tan inflexible siempre quita lugar a la creatividad. Question 5: Do U.S. American managers have a low-power distance culture? A: S’ creo que eso es verdad. Por lo menos te—r icamente se asume de que la igualdad es muy importante. En el aspecto pr‡ct ico tambiŽn digamos he visto est o. Se nota por ejemplo en el nivelcuando un supervisor est‡ trabajando con un supervisado hay una interacci—n m‡s horizontal y es muy revelador el hecho por ejemplo de que una persona que estŽ en un nivel inferior hablando con su jefe, con su supervisor, etc. Tiene como mas competencias para defender su punto de vista, y no tiene como que no se deja llevar por simplemente por su nivel de acatar o de guardar silencio, o acatamiento, sobr e los puntos de vista que est‡n debatiendo. En realidad no existe por ejemplo: el jefe siempre tie ne la raz—n. En nuestra cultura este slongan es muy fuerte. Una persona que est‡ en un nivel inferior no siempre est‡ dispuesta a o dispuesto a defender a un nivel horizontal sus posiciones, entonces esta pa rte por ejemplo de la cultura Norteamericana me parece muy bueno porque evita el abuso del poder. Question 6: Do U.S. American managers have a low-uncertainty avoidance culture? A: Bueno es absolutamente cierto de que lo s Americanos viven en entornos de mayor estabilidad, estos entornos les dan mayores certidumbres digamos, por lo menos en ciertos planos como el plano econ—mico el plano social, estos elementos s on importantes para la toma de riesgos, entonces la gente Americana est‡ acostumbrada a analizar ese nivel de riesgos y tiene

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251 bases mas firmes y informaci—n tambiŽn mas a la mano. Por lo tanto hace sentido una planificaci—n mas organizada, y el establecimiento de reglas de mas largo plazo que alas se pueden seguir. En sociedades con mayores nive les de incertidumbre como las latinoamericanas la gente a aprendido a vivir osea delosea la in certidumbre es ya parte de la cotidianidad. Entonces como que las decisiones son mas cambi antes, digamos que las reglas pueden ser mas flexibles porque estos niveles de certezas sobre la vida son mas vulnerables. Q: Y ese caso c—mo usted cree que los estadounid enses manejan este asp ecto en respecto a los proyectos? A: Lo que yo he visto que sea cierto en los œltimos tiempo de que se ha insistido en una cultura de tomar en cuenta o planificar escenarios de sa lida, que va a pasar en este escenario y cuales van a ser mis respuestas. Tengo que tener debajo de la manga un plan B para responder a determinada situaciones entonces nosotros lo s Bolivianos a eso nunca est‡bamos acostumbrados a trabajar de esa forma, estableciendo escenar ios para cada momento entonces ahora personas que trabajamos con apoyo Americano tenemos que asimilar esa cultura de constantemente estarnos imaginando de quŽ pasar’a? c—mo responder’amos a esto? c—mo respondemos a lo otro? Hacer como una planificaci—n mas formal y mand‡rselo a ellos. No sotros lo hacemos mas que todo digamos para cumplir con requerimientos, porque no lo hacemos, no es parte de nuestro diario vivir. Y adem‡s sabemos de que podemo s hacer una panificaci—n de escenario A, B, C que en un determinado momento en realidad igual no va a servir en el pa’s. Entonces estamos acostumbrados a vivir periodos de mas cort o tiempo, respondiendo mas espont‡neamente, mas que con planificaciones muy an ticipadas. A veces no sentimos de que estamos perdiendo tiempo haciendo estos planes. En cierta forma es como que tenemos que estar lideando con los conflictos de d’a a d’a y a parte tenemos que esta r planificando cosas te—r icas que no sabemos si se van a cumplir o no. Q: Y que porcentaje de tiempo uste d cree que se pierde haciendo esto? A: Bueno dependiendo de a quien se responde. Me imagino que hay apoyos etc. Que piden esas planificaciones con un mayor nivel de certeza, pl anificaciones mas profundas, etc. Y otros que deben pedir cosas mas ligeras. Yo pienso que considerando la cultural Americana que es muy orientada a cosas mas precisas, se tendr‡ que hacer una planificaci—n con mas detalle. Question 7 and 8: Do U.S. American manag ers have an individualistic and a vertical individualistic culture? A: La parte de manejo del individuo versus las me tas colectivas no? Bueno yo creo de que hay una cierta que se extrapola esa caracter’stica por ejemplo de aspiraciones y planes personales en primer lugar y que por eso siempre hay tanta valo raci—n por la competitividad. Para lograr esas aspiraciones personales hay que considerar que los Americanos no tienen que hacer tantos esfuerzos colectivos. Los esfuerzos colectivos no son de gran envergadur a osea ello si han con sus esfuerzos individuales pueden lograr estas cosas y en la part e de los proyectos por ejemplo toman much’sima atenci—n a los esfuerzos que es tŽ haciendo la misma organizaci—n. Entonces esto en algunos casos puede no permitir el apal ancamiento de esfuerzos adicionales que estŽn haciendo otras organizaciones entonces en este se ntido por ejemplo se tiene much’simo temor de lograr alianzas con otras or ganizaciones, especialmente c on organizaciones que no sean Americanas, o hacer alianzas con grupos locale s o con instituciones del estado, etc. porque se piensa que los costos van a ser mas alto que los beneficios. Q: Lo que dice es muy interesante ya que usualmen te cuando se hacen alianzas los costos bajan porque los fondos se unen, etc. Pero usted dice que ellos no lo ven as’?

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252 A: Yo he visto que en algunos casos esa l—gica se maneja, de apalancar recursos, de enriquecer experiencias, etc. la manejan cuando son or ganizaciones que tienen ese mismo, esa misma visi—n cultural, organizaciones Am ericanas por ejemplo. Pero por ejemplo no se involucra a una organizaci—n del estado porque una organizaci—n del estado es burocr‡tica, porque puede ser corrupta, etc. Entonces en ese caso si se ve co mo individualista como que ellos tienen una mayor valoraci—n por lo suyo y una menor valoraci—n por lo otro. Y en algunos casos puede ser verdad, osea como que hay organizaciones del estado de t oda clase pero no necesariamente todas tienen esas caracter’sticas. Question 9: What is the leadership style of U.S. American managers? A: S’ creo que he visto varias de esas caracte r’sticas en algunas personas Americanas que he tenido como supervisores o como colegas de trabaj o en diferentes experiencias. Y creo que es una excelente pr‡ctica para crear competencias y capacidades y que da la oportunidad de desconcentrar digamos todas estas habilidades digamos en mano de un solo l’der, como que rompe con la dependencia. Entonces me parecen unos excelentes atributos. Q: Bueno y por lo menos con el aspecto de que los supervisores le da n la oportunidad y la libertad a los Bolivianos de que manejen su prop io trabajo, usted c—mo cree que los Bolivianos ven esto? A: Bueno este creo que nosotros en general es toy hablando no compartimos mucho esta pr‡ctica y es una pena. Como que dependemos mucho de una orientaci—n un poco m‡s paternalista, m‡s cercana, y muchas veces eso lo que hace es crea r una dependencia muy fuerte. Todo el tiempo nosotros estamos esperando ese control, como que nos digan que hacer. No ponemos atenci—n a muchos detalles, no nos responsabilizamos por nu estro trabajo, por nuest ro role, porque siempre esperamos que haya alguien arriba que estŽ cu idando de los detalles, que se responsabilice. Entonces muchas veces cuando sucede que se establece una relaci—n digamos de estas caracter’sticas donde la persona que est‡ arriba conf’a en nosotro s y nos da las habilidades para hacer eso, a veces se cometen errores, y a veces e rrores muy graves. Por esta cultura de esperar que otros nos controlen. Bueno te ngo ejemplos espec’ficos en mi trabajo. Yo trabajo en una instituci—n que tenemos muchas agencias, es dif’ cil controlar desde una oficina centralizada por la distancia y por el tama–o de la organizaci—n. Entonces cuando se da, por decir, a los gerentes regionales la autoridad para asumir esa respons abilidad, ellos est‡n esperando que desde el nivel centralizado todo el tiempo los estemos vigilando y cuando en algœn momento ocurre un error y se llama la atenci—n por este error ellos dicen: pero ustedes no han revisado mi trabajo. Y entonces no es responsabilidad digamos nuestro rea lizar el trabajo, sino re cibir ya los resultados, pero ellos asumen que nuestra responsabilidad es revisarlo. Esto viene de sde la cultura Latina, digamos, tenemos esos prejuicios que me imag ino vienen desde nuestra conformaci—n colonial que siempre hemos estado supeditados a Question 10: Do U.S. American manag ers have a short-time orientation? A: Bueno yo los veo particularmente muy orientados hacia el futuro. Porque ellos tienen una valoraci—n muy fuerte por todo lo que es tecnolog’ a, las cosas practicas, la practicidad. Eso no es necesariamente es negativo, por ejemplo uno de lo s elementos de dar la cara, de crear una reputaci—n, es su constante reputa ci—n por la transparencia. La transparencia, la rendici—n de cuentas, etc. Hay muchos incentivos en la cu ltura Americana que premia una transparencia y castiga lo opuesto. Bueno y este aspecto puede crear un nivel de descoordi naci—n entre las partes

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253 en el sentido de que se puede percibir una determinada intervenci—n como una imposici—n y como nosotros somos muy cuidadoso de lo que dicen los supervisores, de lo que dicen los extranjeros, etc. Muchas veces la gente acepta calladamente pero despuŽs esa disatisfacci—n explota en otras formas de manifestaciones. Q: Si porque por lo menos, con respecto a esta pre gunta estaba pensando en los beneficiarios de los proyectos, supongamos que son comunidades, que son respetuosas de las tradiciones y de todo eso y si es algœn proyecto que est‡ enfocado en algo del futuro que en realidad no les beneficia pues debe ser un poco dif’cil no? A: Por supuesto, as’ es claro ha habido proyectos en comunidades que sin ir muy lejos no est‡n muy enfocados en el futuro, pero est‡n enfocados en valoraci—n de cosas muy occidentalizadas. Y que por ejemplo el uso de ba–os con ducha y con todas las comodidades bueno que tenemos todas las personas occidentalizadas, pero que al momento de aplicarse en una comunidad es una perdida de dinero y de tiempo porque los comunari os los hacen pero despuŽs no los utilizan o los utilizan para ot ras cosas. Question 11: Do U.S. American managers have a monochronic time orientation? A: S’ definitivamente. En algunos casos pueden se r caracter’sticas positiv as que digamos pueden dar mucha eficiencia y productividad. Por ejem plo, de proyectos donde los recursos son escasos y que tienen que enfocarse en niveles de alta productividad. En otros casos, por ejemplo proyectos mas sociales, este desbalance puede dar conflictos con otro tipo de culturas, donde ellos no tienen un nivel de paciencia para participar en ritos, en celebraci—n de tradiciones, etc. Hay culturas originarias donde no se puede por ejemplo empezar un proyecto si no se hace una chaya, o una celebraci—n o un agradecimiento a cualquier delegado, etc. Entonces para ellos eso es totalmente improductivo, eso de una racionalid ad occidental l—gica, entonces eso no tiene absolutamente valor. Pero para una cultura mas tradicional esto es un elemento con valor muy alto. Esto puede lugar a conflictos porque la cultura que est‡ manife stando disatisfacci—n por esos ritos etc. esas perdidas de tiempo, puede da r lugar a un sentido de irre speto por otra cultura. Otra vez se valoran ciertas co sas y se desvalorizan otras. Q: Y c—mo este aspecto del tiempo afecta cuando hay fechas l’mites para las propuestas o para los proyectos? A: Bueno ah’ no se como puede afectarse en el caso de propuestas, yo creo que es mas en la relaci—n mas practica no? De visitar una comuni dad, de hacer un rito, etc. Pero bueno cuando se trata de la percepci—n inter-temporal es muy diferente. Por ejemplo las comunidades rurales Bolivianas aqu’, no perciben ni distancias, ni tiempos, son percibidas de la misma manera. Entonces todav’a algunas comuni dades rurales tienen percepciones de tiempo que est‡n basadas en eventos que ocurren durante el a–o, por ejemplo la cosecha, la siembra. Ellos utilizan su percepci—n del tiempo alrededor de eventos no perciben digamos en el Mes de Agosto, supongamos el 28 de Agosto. Q: Y en el caso del equipo de su organizaci—n que tiene que escribir las propuestas para los proyectos? A: Bueno generalmente, las propuestas las escrib en personas mas occidentalizadas, que toman mas en cuenta digamos la percepci—n temporal mas Americana. Al momento de aplicar las propuestas es el problema, porque quienes aplican las propuestas son los grupos que tienen esta otra percepci—n.

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254 Question 12: How do you usually communi cate with the international office? A: Bueno este yo no tengo ningœn problema porque en la oficina de Estados Unidos trabajan gente que tiene un contacto muy cercano con Lati noamŽrica. Conocen nuestra cultura y yo creo que han aprendido a balancear. Conocen cuales s on nuestros aspectos mas cr’ticos y existe un balance, y desde luego yo tambiŽn conozco la cultura Americana y no me siento ofendida o no me siento muy afectada cuando se produce un he cho que no va con mi cultura, puedo entender que son diferencias culturales. Utilizamos todos los medios el email, telŽfono, Skype, teleconferencias. Question 13: How do you find communicating with the international office: easy or challenging? A: Si es f‡cil comunicarme con ellos, nunca he tenido problemas. Yo creo que hay un entendimiento por los dos lados, un entendimiento y un respeto de un nivel muy elevado y facilita la comunicaci—n. Question 14: Is there a language barrier with the U.S. American managers? A: S’ cuando una persona no tiene entendimiento del otro idioma por supuesto que hay barreras que en algunos casos pueden hacerse insuperabl es. En mi caso particular yo puedo entender InglŽs y hablarlo razonablemente entonces creo que no tenemos problemas para eso y hay muchas personas de la oficina de Estados Unidos que tambiŽn hablan Espa–ol. Question 15: What is the overall im pact of these cultural differences? A: Bueno yo creo que en algunos casos cuando no se han considerado las di ferencias culturales y no ha habido esfuerzos desde la parte del Norte para entender la cultura local, digamos que la implementaci—n o desde la concepci—n de proyect os han sido un total fracaso. Una perdida de dinero y esfuerzo y adem‡s una perdida de c onfianza digamos desde las partes involucradas, entonces los Americanos pierden confianza en la s competencias y capacidades de los Bolivianos para hacer los proyectos y los Bolivianos pierden confianza tambiŽn en ciertas capacidades y competencias que creen que son superiores en los Americanos para implementar un proyecto. Entonces el entendimiento un acercamiento mas profundo previo puede evitar estas perdidas. Esta es mi perspectiva particular cuando funcionarios de otras culturas quieren involucrarse en desarrollar proyectos tiene que ellos tener un primer acercamiento de entender a la cultura. Y adem‡s en muchas cosas existen l—gicas diferent es, existen percepciones de la vida diferente, percepciones de la temporalidad diferentes entonces nosotros no podemos asumir siempre que lo que nosotros pensamos que es desarrollo signif ica lo mismo para una comunidad que es muy tradicional. Entonces hay que lograr ciertos acercamientos y establecer ciertos equilibrios. Q: Entonces por ejemplo que porcentaje de la s contrapartes estadoun idenses usted cree que tienen este entendimiento? A: Digamos que he encontrado en mi experienci a particular dir’a que he encontrado un grupo ligeramente mayor de gente que entend’a. Digamos un 60% 40%.

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255 Interview 9: May 13 th 2008 Question 1: What traits do U.S. American managers share? A: Yo creo que si en general es una percepci —n que tenemos acerca de los Estadounidenses, que son personas que ordenadas, cuando tienen que tratar ciertos temas y tienen un orden siguen exactamente el orden. TambiŽn tienen una visi—n bien puntual de las cosas osea bien puntuales. S’ como que mantienen un orden. Introvertidos no creo, yo creo que ellos son personas que no son introvertidas. Yo creo que la cultura impact a. Porque la cultura impacta en la forma de hacer las cosas. En las representaciones como de las cosas. Yo creo que por ejemplo, en la metodolog’a de planificaci—n y de present aci—n de propuestas, reflejan la cultura Estadounidense. En cuanto a la forma en la que uno tiene que presenta r las propuestas, bien sistem‡tico, concreto tambiŽn. Q: Y en ese sentido, por lo menos, usted cree que siempre hay que cambiar la forma en que se escriben las propuestas al est ilo de la cultura de ellos? A: Yo creo que s’ porque cada instrumento que uno usa es como una representaci—n de la cultura entonces nosotros por ejemplo para presentar una propuesta tenemos que hablar como en el lenguaje de la cultura a la que estamos, a las que estamos intercambiando. Question 2: Do U.S. American managers have a low-context culture? A: Yo creo que s’ porque el lenguaje yo creo que al mismo tiempo que es la expresi—n de cultura, tambiŽn construye hasta es eminente a la constr ucci—n de la persona. Yo creo que el lenguaje influye mucho tambiŽn en c—mo te desarrollas. En tonces lo que yo veo en la diferencia en el leguaje estadounidense es que es concreto, como que por s’ mismo, significa algo. TambiŽn en el Espa–ol hay palabras que se utilizan y que significan m‡s relaci—n con su entorno o con el contexto. Q: Osea que hay m‡s cosas impl’citas? A: S’ en cambio el InglŽs, es m‡s explicito entonces el efecto que se ve cuando se est‡n desarrollando las propuestas o proyectos es en el lenguaje. Porque nosotros a veces queremos expresar una idea y tenemos como que, me par ece que como las cosas que quisieras decir se simplifican al traducirlas al InglŽs. Question 3: What is the communication pattern of U.S. American managers? A: Yo creo que s’ son directos y como su lenguaje tambiŽn es directo y concreto pues s’ te dicen de una manera concreta. TambiŽn se ve en el intercambio, cuando nosotros usamos nuestro lenguaje para expresarnos tambiŽn, como que en realidad no es una comunicaci—n de dos direcciones sino de una direcci —n. Nosotros les entendemos, pero creo que a veces no nos entienden. Osea no es igual. Cuando se est‡n de sarrollando los proyectos in fluye en la redacci—n tambiŽn. C—mo se interpreta lo que nosotros que remos expresar. Pero por lo menos yo creo que hay una parte que ayuda porque al tener que usar un lenguaje concreto, pues nos ayuda a poner tambiŽn las cosas que queremos hacer de una manera m‡s expl’cita. Entonces nos favorece. Cuando se est‡n ejecutando los proyectos, en tŽrm inos, por ejemplo algo que le gusta en la presentaci—n de propuestas a USDA es que uno puede poner l’neas generales y tu puedes adaptarlo, pones al detalle, paso por paso lo que tenemos que hacer entonces cuando estamos ya aplicando a los beneficiarios desarrollamos ya nuestros pasos, nuestras metodolog’as ya pues en

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256 funci—n a la cultura de los beneficiarios. Cl aro como Bolivia es multicultural no podemos aplicar de una misma manera. Question 4: What is the meeting style of U.S. American managers? A: S’ yo creo que s’. Siempre hay un orden, que puntos vamos a discutir, discutimos y llegamos a conclusiones y ya. Q: Entonces si se da espacio a otras ideas que no estŽn en la orden del d’a o no? A: Yo creo que dependiendo del tipo de reuni—n. Ha y reuniones en donde s’ se da lugar a que se discutan otros puntos no? O que no estŽn incluidas en la reuni—n, pero generalmente no. Es una orden, y hay que seguir el orden. Ahora que dentro de ese marco s’ se promociona la discusi—n de los puntos creo que tambiŽn s’. Q: Y en este caso, c—mo es percibido este es tilo de reuniones por los Bolivianos en si? A: Ya estamos acostumbrados. Es igual, en eso no creo que sea difiera mucho la cultura. S’ en Bolivia se da un espacio para mayor flexibilidad en discusi—n, en agregar puntos adicionales, y todo eso. Question 5: Do U.S. American managers have a low-power distance culture? A: Yo en realidad creo que hay re laciones de poder. Yo veo que se nota mucho la distancia. Por lo menos dos distancias, por ejem plo entre el que financia y est‡ financiado, hay una distancia y hay una relaci—n de poder y jerarqu’ a no creo que hay igualdad. Q: Y en cuesti—n por lo menos de los Estadounide nses que trabajan con la misma organizaci—n, osea por lo menos las contrapartes estadouniden ses que trabajan en estos proyectos tambiŽn A: Yo creo que ah’ depende mucho la distancia de l financiador. Por lo menos USDA, me parece una instituci—n bien flexible. Osea te permite, osea te da lineamientos pero dentro de esos lineamentos puedes moverte con la aptitud, entonces hay instancias, por lo menos USAID, es mas vertical, inclusive œltimamente hasta te ha dictado exactamente hasta los contenidos de lo mensajes que tienes que dar, y no creo que sea si eres Estadounidense o no sino de la ideolog’a de la instituci—n ya donde trabajan. Q: Entonces por lo menos en el caso de la s contrapartes estadouni denses de su propia organizaci—n los cuales trabajan con ustedes muy cercanos, c—mo usted cree que se ve este aspecto? A: Nuestro equipo de los Estados Unidos yo cr eo que tiene bastante amplitud, no vemos esa relaci—n vertical osea son m‡s horizontal, de m‡s amplitud de mas apoyo, interacci—n, yo creo que s’, no se ve esa rela ci—n vertical con ellos. Question 6: Do U.S. American managers have a low-uncertainty avoidance culture? A: Yo creo que mas bien en realidad en la cu ltura Boliviana es donde se vive mas incertidumbre que en la cultura estadounidense osea el nivel de estabilidad, que gozaban, ahora bueno ya no tanto, yo creo que hace que a veces no se comprendan las inestabilidades que se dan en los pa’ses como Bolivia durante la ejecuci—n de los proyectos. Hay cosas que uno no hab’a planificado y que surgen, y de saca los proyectos, de saca las actividades, entonces. Q: Bueno en ese caso, c—mo reaccionan las contrapartes estadounidenses? A: En ese caso a ver, a veces s’ se puede justificar, reorientar la s estrategias, algunas contrapartes estadounidenses s’ te permiten hacer eso. Entonces te da esa aptitud.

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257 Q: Entonces usted dir’a que la mayor’a o la minor’a si da ese espacio para ese tipo de incertidumbres o cambios que puedan ocurrir? A: Es que por ejemplo ahora con dos fuentes con las que trabajamos, y me parece que USDA es flexible y USAID no flexible, os ea USAID de la misi—n Boliviana. Q: Y los miembros de su organizaci—n que son y est‡n aqu’ en los Estados Unidos c—mo reaccionan a estas incertidumbres? A: No pues ellos tienen mas amplitud, est‡n bien ubi cados en el contexto de cada pa’s, con mas amplitud con relaci—n a lo que pasa, osea, yo creo que como hay ellos trabajan en diferentes partes y con diferentes cultura s bueno es como algo aprendido. Question 7: Do U.S. American managers have an individualistic and a vertical individualistic culture? A: Si yo creo que la cultura esta dounidense es individualis ta en diferencia a la cultura Boliviana que nos basamos mas en las interrelaciones y bue no toda el ‡rea rural tiene mucho importancia, lo comunitario osea la voluntad, osea hay volunt ad individual pero tambiŽn hay una voluntad colectiva. Entonces ambas se combinan y eso es generalmente en los l ugares peque–os, en el ‡rea rural, donde hay una relaci—n con la tierra, la producci—n, en cambio inclusive en Bolivia, en el ‡rea urbana es otra visi—n m‡s individualista se pierden muchas cosas comunitarias. Lo que es una caracter’stica de la cultural estadounidense. B: Y c—mo usted cree que esto af ecta la preparaci—n de propuesta y el desarrollo de proyectos en Bolivia? A: Yo creo que se da cuando intercambiamos me todolog’as, por ejemplo, durante las propuestas a veces adaptamos metodolog’as que se han desarro llado en los Estados Unidos y que tiene una visi—n m‡s como del individuo, en cambio en el ‡rea rural tiene que combinarse las dos cosas para que la estrategia sea efectiva lo comunitari o y lo individual. Entonces puede influir en realidad cuando hay paquetes as’ bien establecidos de parte de los donantes, de estrategias que tenemos que implementar, si se dan casos en lo s que influye y tenemos que aplicar otro tipo de visi—n as’ a ejemplo del ‡rea rural. Pero en el caso de USDA por lo ejemplo es amplio, nosotros hacemos la metodolog’a que seleccionamos, un alin eamiento te puedo decir, en cambio USAID, por ejemplo en los proyectos te dan la metodolog’ a que tambiŽn en cierta forma se han elaborado a funci—n de experiencias de inst ituciones. Entonces si veo que ha y mas apertura ahora a usar lo que es mas adaptado al contexto cultural. Entonces en los œltimos a–os si ha cambiado eso un poco y tambiŽn depende de la instituci—n. Question 9: What is the leadership style of U.S. American managers? A: Yo creo que s’. Por ejemplo yo veo, tal vez no hemos podido intercambiar con los empleados de USDA por ejemplo pero s’ con nuestra ofic ina de Estados Unidos vemos eso que cada persona, o cada unidad, tiene sus propias metas, tiene cierto margen de acci—n, vemos tambiŽn que se complementan entre ellos, se respetan entr e ellos, respetan la competencia, las opiniones. Me parece un buen estilo de lider azgo. Ellos nos dan la libertad de hacer eso, de tomar nuestras propias decisiones, de desarrollar propuestas y siguiendo el mismo estilo de la oficina internacional. TambiŽn en la ejecuci—n de los pr oyectos hay bastante libe rtad, tambiŽn confianza en las capacidades de la oficina de Bolivia. Q: Y usted cree que esto bene ficia o dificulta un poco el desarrollo de los trabajos.

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258 A: Yo creo que beneficia porque da lugar a una mayor responsabilid ad, ha realizar las cosas con compromiso, con [inaudible] Question 10: Do U.S. American manag ers have a short-time orientation? A: Yo creo que s’ porque en realidad est‡n su rgiendo varias corrientes que se promueve el respeto por las culturas, todo lo de la inter-culturalidad. Yo cr eo que ellos est‡n mas enfocados al futuro, osea que cambios quepero en un cort o tiempo, osea en realidad los proyectos con ahora financian son de corto plazo, y corto plazo tenemos que tratar de hacer varios cambios que a veces no son factibles, que son procesos mas largos, que los cambios, yo creo que se producen en procesos mas largos. Question 11: Do U.S. American managers have a monochronic time orientation? A: A mi me parece algo bueno. Osea en realidad en Bolivia, por ejemplo un profesional hace de todo porque es desde nuestra edu caci—n, la formaci—n en la universidad pues nos forma como a ser aptos para varias cosas, en cambio los es tadounidenses son formados para hacer cosas espec’ficas y en las instituciones y en el trabajo ellos hacen algo espec’fico, tiene todo el tiempo para hacer, y yo creo que lo hacen bien. Osea es tan espec’fico y el tiempo tan concreto que lo hacen bien y a profundidad. En cambio en nuestra cultura, tenemos que hacer varias cosas, nuestro trabajo est‡ organizado as’ para hacer varias cosas, entonces como que nohasta el tiempoosea varias cosas que hacer no tiene s un tiempo distribuido bien, entonces generalmente el trabajador Boliv iano, pues trabaja mas de lo que deber’a trabajar. Yo creo que el estadounidense trabaja menos horas que un Bolivia no. Y yo creo que es cierto que valoran su tiempo pero al mismo tiempo como que eso hace que la hora en la que trabaja sea bien valorado, osea como que eso refleja en el salario que reciben. En cambio por las funciones econ—micas de Bolivia y todo eso, muchas veces pueden trabajar mucho tiempo mas por la misma cantidad de dinero. Y eso pues refleja tambiŽn la valoraci—n del tiempo. All‡ si la cultura Estadounidense esta diciendo, yo gano tanto a la hora, en cambi o tu pregunta a un Boliviano cuanto gana a la hora y no sabe, te dice cuanto gana al mes. Q: Y c—mo esta percepci—n del tie mpo afecta a las fechas l’mites de propuestas y de fases de los proyectos? A: Yo creo que dan libertad porque en realidad el que dise–a el proyect o es Bolivia, entonces nosotros nos establecemos los tiempos, entonces no hay un establecimiento de tipo vertical que te digan eso se termina en tanto tiempo, osea nosotros planificamos y en funci—n a lo que planificamos hacemos el seguimiento, lo que s’ fijan es la fecha de los informes, por ejemplo USDA que fija cada 6 meses y me parece un bue n tiempo, y para ese tiempo me parece bien presentar informes, osea no es demasiado frecuen te, hay otros que te piden trimestrales por ejemplo USAID. Pero que es uno mismo el que ta mbiŽn se fija los tiempos. Pero los informes no, dependiendo de cada instituci —n, de cada caracter’stica te piden y yo creo que hay que cumplirla. Q: Y en el caso de fechas l’mites para propuestas? A: A mi me parece bien en que fechas tienes que presentar.

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259 Question 12: How do you usually communi cate with the international office? A: Por correo electr—nico y una vez al mes nos comunicamos por telŽfono, con una conferencia Telef—nica y todo en Espa–ol Question 13: How do you find communicating with the international office: easy or challenging? A: Me parece f‡cil bien accesible. Question 14: Is there a language barrier with the U.S. American managers? A: No creo porque all‡ la mayor’a sabe Espa–ol y de Bolivia varias personas saben InglŽs o si tenemos conocimiento, osea porque a veces nos escrib en en InglŽs entonces podemos contestar. Y a mi por lo menos me escriben en InglŽs y yo contesto en Espa–ol. Y tambiŽn percibo en varios de mis compa–eros eso, osea que podemos l eer una carta en InglŽs y responder en Espa–ol y no dicen nada, as’ como que no tiene n que responder en Espa–ol ni nada. Q: Y por lo menos en si en general en lo que es la ejecuci—n y preparaci —n de propuestas, quŽ idioma utilizan y c—mo eso juega un papel? A: Generalmente en Bolivia preparamos en Espa–ol las propuestas y los in formes sin traducirlos osea no tenemos problemas en eso. Y cont amos con el apoyo de un traductor. Question 15: What is the overall im pact of these cultural differences? A: Yo creo que afecta en el hecho que son dos culturas que se est‡n comunicando, osea realmente al tener un contacto, te nemos una influencia tambiŽn en ambas direcciones. Cuando los formatos y las metodolog’as del donante es t‡n bien establecidos, nosotros tenemos que adaptarnos a esa forma. Entonces es como que tenemos que tomar lo nuestro como que traducirlo, sin tratar de perder la esencia, y yo creo que s’ di recciona de alguna manera, algunas metodolog’as tambiŽn direccionan las estrategias Aunque en este tiempo no es eso determinante osea a uno no le imponen cosas, hay cierta libe rtad para desarrollar los proyectos, hacer innovaciones. Yo no veo tanto como algo estric tamente negativo o que influye muy vertical durante la preparaci—n o ejecuci—n de los proyectos. Q: Usted dice que ustedes est‡n bien acostumbr ados y son flexibles al estilo de los estadounidenses, pero usted cree que ello s son igual de flexibles con ustedes? A: Yo creo que si, osea como te dec’a m‡s antes hay instancias que te permiten a ti delimitar tu metodolog’a la orientaci—n de tu proyecto. En el caso de USDA como te digo que es bien amplia, que puedes tener mucho margen para innovar, para desarrollar en tu estrategia para ir reorientando estrategias durante la implementaci—n. La fundaci—n Ke llogg's por ejemplo es bien flexible que permite que durante los procesos, tu pruebes algo y digas a no funciona, entonces cambies. Entonces s’, durante la implemen taci—n no veo algo vertical, algo cerradono.

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260 LIST OF REFERENCES Babbie, E. (2007). The Practice of Social Research (Eleventh ed.). Belmont, CA: Thom son Wadsworth. Barnes, M. L. (2004). Philant hropy [Electronic Version]. Encyclopedia of Recreation and Leisure in America 2, p. 110-112. Retrieved January 15, 2008. Beuttler, F. W. (2003). Philanthropy [Electronic Version]. Dictionary of American History 6, p. 315-319. Retrieved January 15, 2008. Bolivia. (2008). Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved February 18, 2008, from http://www.britannica.com/EB checked/topic/72106/Bolivia Bolivia: Mapa de Pobreza 2001. (2001) Retrieved February 7, 2008, from http://www.ine.gov.bo/ Ca mbridge, V. C. (2002). Milestones in communi cation and national development. In Y. R. Kamalipour (Ed.), Global Communication (pp. p. 141-160). Toronto, Canada: Wadsworth/Thomson Learning. Chrobot-Mason, D., & Ruderman, M. N. (2004). The Psychology and Management of Workplace Diversity. In M. S. Stockdale & F. J. Crosby (Eds.). Malden: Blackwell Publishing. Coatsworth, J. H. (2005). Leveri ng Time and Money: Philanthropy and the Social Deficit in Latin America. In C. Sanborn & F. Portocarrero (Eds.), Philanthropy and Social Change in Latin America (pp. p. v ix). Cambridge, Massac hussetts: Harvard University Press. Corr, E. G. (2006). Whither Bolivia? The ethnic, cultural, and political divide. World Literature Today, 80 (2), p. 32. Country Profile: Bolivia. (2008). BBC News Website. Retrieved February 6, 2008, from http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world /americas/country_profiles/1210487.stm Fuentes, F. (2007, Jul/A ug). The Struggle for Bolivia's Future. Monthly Review: An Independent Socialist Magazine, 59, p. 95-109. Hall, E. T. (1959). The Silent Language Garden City, NY: Doubleday. Hall, E. T. (1980). The silent language Westport: Greenwoods Press. Hall, E. T. (1981). Beyond Culture Garden City: Anchor Books. Hall, E. T., & Hall, M. R. (1990). Understanding Cultural Differences Yarmouth, Maine: intercultural Press.

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261 Hofstede, G. H. (1980). Culture's Consequences: International Differences in Work-Related Values Beverly Hills: Sage Publications. Hofstede, G. H. (1984). Culture's consequences: international differences in work-related values (Abridged ed.). Beverly Hills: Sage Publications. Hofstede, G. H. (2001). Cultures' consequences: Comparing values, behaviors, institutions, and organizations across nations (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks: Sage. Hofstede, G. H. (2005). Cultures and organizations: software of the mind (2nd ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill. Hofstede, G. H. (2006). What did GLOBE real ly measure? Researcher's minds versus respondents' minds. Journal of International Business Studies, 37 (6), p. 882-896. Iriye, A. (1999). A Century of NGOs. Diplomatic History, 23 (3), pg. 421-435. Kelly, K. S. (2005). Philanthropy [Electronic Version]. Encyclopedia of Public Relations 2, p.617-620. Retrieved January 15, 2008. Lewis, R. D. (2001-2007). Na tional Cultural Profiles from www.cultureactive.com Lewis, R. D. (2006, 1999, 1996). Whe n Cultures Collide: Leading Across Cultures (3rd ed.). Boston: Nicholas Brea ley International. McDaniel, J. (2002). Confronting the Structure of International Development: Political Agency and the Chiquitanos of Bolivia. Human Ecology (Springer), 30 (3), p. 369-396. Millennium Goals. (2008). United Nations Website. Retrieved February 7, 2008, from http://www.un.org/millenniumgoals/ Molleda, J.C. (2008). Contextualized qualitative research in Venezuela: coercive isomorphic pressures of the socioeconom ic and political environments on public relations practices. Journal of Public Relations Research, 20(1), 49-70 Peterson, R. B. (Ed.). (1993). Managers and National Culture: A Global Perspective Westport: Quorum Books. Petras, J. (1997). Imperialism and NGOs in Latin America. Monthly Review: An Independent Socialist Magazine, 49 (7), pg. 10-27. Procurement Process. (2008) United Nati ons Development Programme (UNDP) Website. Retrieved February 20, 2008, from http: //www.undp.org/procurement/operate.shtml

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262 Sanborn, C., & Portocarrero, F. (Eds.). (2005). Philanthropy and Social Change in Latin America Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard Univ ersity David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies. Schmidt, W. V., Conaway, R. N., Easton, S. S., & Wardrope, W. J. (2007). Communicating Globally: Intercultura l Communication and International Business Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications, Inc. Silverthorne, C. P. (2005). Organizational Psychology in cross-cultural perspective New York: New York University Press. Snyder, L. B. (2002). Development Communi cation Campaigns. In W. B. Gudykunst & B. Mody (Eds.), Handbook of International and Intercultural Communication (pp. pp. 457478). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Triandis, H. C. (1995). Individualism and Collectivism Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, Inc. Trompenaars, F., & Hampden-Turner, C. M. (2000). Building Cross-Cultural Competence: How to create wealth from conflicting values New Haven: Yale University Press. Valderrama Le—n, M. (2000). Mito y realidad de la ayuda externa en AmŽrica Latina al 2001. Lima, Peru: Asociaci—n Latinoamericana de Organizaciones de Promoci—n (ALOP). The World Factbook: Bolivia. (2008). CIA We bsite. Retrieved February 12, 2008, from https:// www.cia.gov/library/publications/th e-world-factbook/geos/bl.htm l

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264 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Karine Elizabeth Pe–a Ochoa was born in T‡chira, Venezuela, in 1982, to Orlando and Elizabe th Pe–a. She attended Mary Help of Christians Academy until she immigrated with her family to the United States of America in 1996. In 2000, she graduated with honors from Coral Springs High School, Florida. She started her unde rgraduate studies at the University of Florida in 2000. She studied abroad in France during summer 2002. She then re ceived her bachelor's degree in liberal arts (in French) from th e University of Florida in December 2004. After working for a year as a middle school Spanish teacher at Coral Springs Charter School in Florida, Ms. Pe–a Ochoa returned to the University of Florid a to pursue a master's degree in mass communication with a specialization in intern ational communication. At the same time, she started working as a graduate hall director (GHD) with the University of Florida's Department of Housing. From Fall 2006 to Sp ring 2008 she simultaneously worked and studied around the clock. During summer 2007, she beca me a recipient of the Coca-Cola World Citizenship Program and did an internship with an international non-governm ent organization in Bolivia. Throughout her academic and profession al years, Ms. Pe–a Ochoa was an active member of different volunteer and community service organizations. As an undergraduate student she co-founded a volunteer organizatio n called HABLA (Hispanic Association for Bilingual Assistance), an d as a graduate student she was an active member of Asha for EducationUF Chapter. In December 2008, Ms. Pe–a Ochoa graduate d with a Master of Arts in Mass Communication with a specialization in interna tional communication from the University of Florida. Her research interests focus on intern ational and intercultural communication, as well as on cultural studies. She hopes to combine he r passion for languages, cultures and the international communications field thr ough employment in the near future.