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Framing Terri Schiavo

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0024067/00001

Material Information

Title: Framing Terri Schiavo A Content Analysis of the Oregonian and The St. Petersburg Times
Physical Description: 1 online resource (76 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Kim, Teresa
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2008

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: analysis, content, schiavo, terri
Journalism and Communications -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Mass Communication thesis, M.A.M.C.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: On February 25, 1990, 26 year old Terri Schiavo collapsed in her Florida home, suffering respiratory and cardiac arrest apparently caused by a potassium imbalance and leading to brain damage due to lack of oxygen. In the beginning, all of her joint medical decisions were made by her husband, Michael Schiavo and her parents, Bob and Mary Schindler. After a falling out over several disagreements, the family became further estranged when Michael Schiavo petitioned the court to remove the feeding tube that was sustaining Terri Schiavo, so that she may pass on. By then Terri Schiavo had spent three years in a persistive vegetative state with no hope of recovery. The court fight between Michael Schiavo and the Schindlers continued for another seven years, finally ending when the U.S. Supreme Court refused to review the final ruling from the 11th circuit court of appeals upholding the withdrawal of Terri Schiavo's feeding tube. Despite political efforts to bring 'Terri's Law' before the house and the senate in early March, Terri Schiavo expired almost two weeks after her feeding tube had been removed on March 31, 2005 at 9:05 a.m. Utilizing content analysis, this study coded for the frames used by two different newspapers, the St. Petersburg Times and The Oregonian, in their coverage of the Terri Schiavo and the disagreement between her husband Michael Schiavo and her parents, Bob and Mary Schindler, over whether to remove her feeding tube. It was found that frames in the two newspapers differed in that the articles in The Oregonian were predominately framed for self-determination of end-of-life issues. Articles in the St. Petersburg Times were predominately framed to focus on injury to Terri Schiavo and the battle between her parents and her husband or battles between the courts, lawmakers and any involved parties. It was also found that the Schindler family re-framed their daughter's condition to the St. Petersburg Times from a patient in a persistive vegetative state with no hope of recovery to a patient who was merely disabled. This study also discovered that valence toward Michael Schiavo was negative in the St. Petersburg Times and, to a lesser extent, positive in The Oregonian.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Teresa Kim.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.M.C.)--University of Florida, 2008.
Local: Adviser: Choi, Youjin.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2008
System ID: UFE0024067:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0024067/00001

Material Information

Title: Framing Terri Schiavo A Content Analysis of the Oregonian and The St. Petersburg Times
Physical Description: 1 online resource (76 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Kim, Teresa
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2008

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: analysis, content, schiavo, terri
Journalism and Communications -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Mass Communication thesis, M.A.M.C.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: On February 25, 1990, 26 year old Terri Schiavo collapsed in her Florida home, suffering respiratory and cardiac arrest apparently caused by a potassium imbalance and leading to brain damage due to lack of oxygen. In the beginning, all of her joint medical decisions were made by her husband, Michael Schiavo and her parents, Bob and Mary Schindler. After a falling out over several disagreements, the family became further estranged when Michael Schiavo petitioned the court to remove the feeding tube that was sustaining Terri Schiavo, so that she may pass on. By then Terri Schiavo had spent three years in a persistive vegetative state with no hope of recovery. The court fight between Michael Schiavo and the Schindlers continued for another seven years, finally ending when the U.S. Supreme Court refused to review the final ruling from the 11th circuit court of appeals upholding the withdrawal of Terri Schiavo's feeding tube. Despite political efforts to bring 'Terri's Law' before the house and the senate in early March, Terri Schiavo expired almost two weeks after her feeding tube had been removed on March 31, 2005 at 9:05 a.m. Utilizing content analysis, this study coded for the frames used by two different newspapers, the St. Petersburg Times and The Oregonian, in their coverage of the Terri Schiavo and the disagreement between her husband Michael Schiavo and her parents, Bob and Mary Schindler, over whether to remove her feeding tube. It was found that frames in the two newspapers differed in that the articles in The Oregonian were predominately framed for self-determination of end-of-life issues. Articles in the St. Petersburg Times were predominately framed to focus on injury to Terri Schiavo and the battle between her parents and her husband or battles between the courts, lawmakers and any involved parties. It was also found that the Schindler family re-framed their daughter's condition to the St. Petersburg Times from a patient in a persistive vegetative state with no hope of recovery to a patient who was merely disabled. This study also discovered that valence toward Michael Schiavo was negative in the St. Petersburg Times and, to a lesser extent, positive in The Oregonian.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Teresa Kim.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.M.C.)--University of Florida, 2008.
Local: Adviser: Choi, Youjin.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2008
System ID: UFE0024067:00001


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FRAMING TERRI SCHIAVO: A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF THE OREGONIAN AND THE ST. PETERSBURG TIMES By TERESA BARBER KIM A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN MASS COMMUNICATION UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2008 1

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2008 Teresa Barber Kim 2

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To my husband, Samuel Kim and my son, Dyson Kim. And in memory of my mother, Sandra Barber. 3

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I want to thank my thesis committee, Dr. L ynda Kaid, Dr. Martin-Kratzer and especially my committee chair, Dr. Youjin Choi, for working with me and guiding me through this process. 4

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TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...............................................................................................................4 LIST OF TABLES ...........................................................................................................................7 ABSTRACT .....................................................................................................................................8 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................. .10 2 LITERATURE REVIEW.......................................................................................................12 Framing Theory ......................................................................................................................12 Analysis of Attributes of Framing ..........................................................................................15 End of Life Issues ...................................................................................................................18 Research Questions .................................................................................................................23 3 METHODOLOGY.................................................................................................................2 7 Measurement ...........................................................................................................................29 Frame ......................................................................................................................................29 Valence ...................................................................................................................................31 Sources ....................................................................................................................................31 Coding and Training of Coders ..............................................................................................31 4 RESULTS...................................................................................................................... .........33 Self Determination ..................................................................................................................34 Culture of Life/Self-Righteous ...............................................................................................34 Personal Injury ........................................................................................................................35 Battle .......................................................................................................................................35 Disability .................................................................................................................................37 Confusion/Communication .....................................................................................................37 Political Consequences ...........................................................................................................38 Other .......................................................................................................................................38 5 DISCUSSION................................................................................................................... ......47 Findings: The St. Petersburg Times ........................................................................................47 Findings: The Oregonian ........................................................................................................50 Findings: Valence of Michael Schiavo ...................................................................................52 Finding: Sources .....................................................................................................................53 Limitations ..............................................................................................................................54 5

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APPENDIX A CODEBOOK..........................................................................................................................59 B BATTLE FRAME................................................................................................................. .62 C CULTURE OF LIFE FRAME................................................................................................64 D PERSONAL INJURY FRAME..............................................................................................66 E POLITICAL CONSEQUENCES FRAME............................................................................68 F SELF-DETERMINATION.....................................................................................................70 LIST OF REFERENCES ...............................................................................................................72 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .........................................................................................................76 6

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LIST OF TABLES Table page 4-1 Prevalent of Frames of Each Newspaper ...........................................................................33 4-2 Valence of Michael Schiavo within the two newspapers. .................................................39 4-3 Sources Found in The Oregonian and the St. Petersburg Times.......................................40 4-4 Culture of life/Self Righteous Frame .................................................................................44 4-5 Confusion/Communication Frame .....................................................................................44 4-6 Self Determination Frame..................................................................................................44 4-7 Political Consequences Frame ...........................................................................................45 4-8 Personal Injury Frame ........................................................................................................45 4-9 Disability Frame .................................................................................................................45 4-10 Battle Frame .......................................................................................................................45 7

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Abstract of Dissertation Pres ented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Mast er of Arts in Mass Communication FRAMING TERRI SCHIAVO: A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF THE OREGONIAN AND THE ST. PETERSBURG TIMES By Teresa Barber Kim December 2008 Chair: Youjin Choi Cochairs: Lynda Kaid, Renee Martin-Kratzer Major: Mass Communication On February 25, 1990, 26-year-old Terri Schia vo collapsed in her Florida home, suffering respiratory and cardiac arrest a pparently caused by a potassium imbalance and leading to brain damage due to lack of oxygen. In the beginning, all of her joint medical decisions were made by her husband, Michael Schiavo and her parents, B ob and Mary Schindler. After a falling out over several disagreements, the family became further estranged when Michael Schiavo petitioned the court to remove the feeding tube that was sustaining Terri Schia vo, so that she may pass on. By then Terri Schiavo had spent three years in a pers istive vegetative state w ith no hope of recovery. The court fight between Michael Schiavo and the Schindlers continue d for another seven years, finally ending when the U.S. Supreme Cour t refused to review the final ruling from the eleventh circuit court of app eals upholding the withdr awal of Terri Schiavos feeding tube. Despite political efforts to bring Terris Law before the house and the senate in early March, Terri Schiavo expired almost two weeks after her feeding tube had been removed on March 31, 2005 at 9:05 a.m. Using content analysis, this study coded for th e frames used by two different newspapers, the St. Petersburg Times and The Oregonian, in their coverage of the Terri Schiavo and the 8

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disagreement between her husband Michael Schia vo and her parents, Bob and Mary Schindler, over whether to remove her feeding tube. It was found that frames in the two newspapers differed in that the articles in The Oregonian were predominately framed for self-determination of end-of-life issues. Articles in the St. Petersburg Times were predominately framed to focus on injury to Terri Schiavo and the battle between her parents a nd her husband or battles between the courts, lawmakers and any involved parties. It was also found that the Schindler family reframed their daughters condition to the St. Petersburg Times from a patient in a persistive vegetative state with no hope of r ecovery to a patient who was me rely disabled. This study also discovered that valence toward Mi chael Schiavo was negative in the St. Petersburg Times and, to a lesser extent, positive in The Oregonian. 9

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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION On March 31, 2005, 41-year-old Terri Schia vo passed away, 13 days after her feeding tube was discontinued and at th e end of a nearly seven years long battle between her husband and her parents over the removal of the feeding tube. Ms. Schi avo had been in a persistive vegetative state (PVS) for almost 15 years, with no hope of improving and no signs of consciousness. End-of-life issues have been featured in the pre ss and in public opinion but none have so galvanized the media and advocacy gr oups like the case of Terri Schiavo. In the beginning, this was a private matter, as are most end-of-life issues involving patients, their family members, social workers and the medical personnel involved in th eir care. With few exceptions, these cases never make the news, much less end up with an appeal to the federal government or a lobbying effort including the Pr esident, a governor and finally the Supreme Court. They are painful decisions, resolved in private by the immediate participants. And like Schiavo, often the patient is not ab le to participate in the decision to abate medical care and the family must rely on past implied wishes that the patient may have desired. The purpose of this study is to examine the possible bias that the Terri Schiavo issue was presented in two newspapers: The Oregonian (Portland, OR) and the St. Petersburg Times (Florida). Terri Schiavo lived and died in Pi nellas County, Florida, which is served by the St. Petersburg Times. Then Florida Governor Jeb Bush was personally involved in the court battle to stop the removal of Ms. Schiavos tube. Th e right-to-life groups and the Christian Coalition came to the aid of Terris parents, Robert and Mary Schindler, in their fight to keep the feeding tube on the grounds that Ms. Schiavo was merely di sabled, and not in a PVS. Florida resident and Operation Rescue founder, Randall Terry, b ecame the Schindlers spokesperson. (Cerminara & Goodman, November, 2007). The Oregonian was chosen due to the ac tivist past of the Death 10

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with Dignity National Center, an Oregon-based so cial movement group that claims responsibility for passing the Death with Dignity Act into Oreg on law in 1997. During this seven-year battle, the issue was covered by the Portland, Oregon newspaper, The Oregonian and by the St. Petersburg Times the newspaper of Pinellas County and home of Terry Schiavo. To frame an issue involves selection and salience by maki ng some aspect of a reality more salient in such a way as to promote a definition, solution and interpretation in a communicating text (Entman, 1993). What propelled the Terri Schiavo case to salience was the interjection of the familiar antagonism of so many issues in our poli tics, the for us or against us issues: religion vs. secularism, pro-life vs. prochoice, liberal vs. conservatives (Burt, 2005). By the time Terri Schiavo died, the conflict had escalated beyond any sensible possibility of resolving her case. The conflict for removing or keeping Ms. Schiavos feeding tube was covered extensively by the media. A review of lead ing communication journals by Pollock and Yullis (2004), found a lack of communications research on end-of-life care and physician-assisted suicide. A search for similar studies examining the language and frames used by the two differing views also revealed a scarcity of rese arch. There were previous framing studies on euthanasia or physician-assisted suicide that referenced Terri Schiavo (Lauffer, 2000 and Holody, 2006). Due to the extremely controversial nature of the Terri Sc hiavo case, a call for research is needed to see how the issue was fr amed by two newspapers in two regions known for their divergent views on end-of-life issues. To further communication scholarship, this study explores, by content analysis, the frames used by these two newspapers from November 2003 through March 2005 to discover if such a polarizing issues produced thematic diffe rences in two politica lly divergent states. 11

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CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW Framing Theory The term framing has been used by media sc holars to explain how a message is shaped by the message-maker to influence public opin ion. In media theory research, framing scholarship explores how the media decisi on of salience impacts public opinion, policy influence, and political outcomes among others. According to Entman, one of the early fram ing scholars, framing is simply a process of selection and salience by the message makers. It is selecting frames that will highlight some bits of information ... thereby elevating it to salience at the expense of other information (Entman 1993, p. 52). By studying the framing of media messages, we can describe the power of a communicating text. It is the media that acti vely set our frames of reference so that we may interpret and discuss public ev ents (Tuchman, 1978, p.ix). Because framing is used by other fields of study, including media research, and has been paired with other theories such as agenda setting, a clear model of f raming is incomplete. Entman (1993) acknowledged as such that fram ing is fractured and vague, lacking clear definitions with which to guide research due to its use by different theorists leading to different interpretations of what framing is and how it works (p.51). Media resear cher, Dietram Scheufele (1999), conceptualized four key links to unders tanding framing research: frame building, frame setting, individual-level framing proce sses and journalists as audiences. Frame building begins with the professional j udgment of the journalist during the news selection process and by the influence of organi zational routines whereby a story is influenced by the organizational requirements of the media organization. Another source of influence in framing a message is the external influences fr om political participants, interest groups, and 12

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other outside sources (Gans, 1979, p.78-79). In a study of the framing of press releases around the late-term abortion issue, Andsager (2000), fo und that the rhetoric used by opposing interests groups strongly influenced journalists covering the bill of the Partial-Bir th Abortion Ban Act of 1995. The pro-choice press releases referred to patients who may have abortions as women and emphasized words such as rights, choice and freedom from government intrusion. Pro-life press release preferred the term mothers and their press releases used term like baby, kill, and defenseless (p.582). Andsagers study concluded that the pro-life rhetoric neut ralized the tr aditional prochoice rhetoric and gave pro-life groups the advantage in framing this fight. For an emerging story, an opportunity for framing an issue can influence not just public perception but policy decisions in the future (p. 578). Scheufele labels the second pro cess of framing theory as frame setting. If framing is to select some aspect of a perceived reality and make it salient (Entman, 1993) then setting the frame is to telling us how to think about an issue. McCombs, Llamas, Lopez-Escobar and Rey (1997) refer to frame setting as second-level agenda setting where the first level is the transmission of object salience and second level is the transmission of attribute salience (p.704). By attribute salience, McCombs et al are referring to the emphasis on the picture that is created when we think about an object. By including these into the me dias agenda, the media are not telling us what to think but rather what to focus on when we do think about an issue. Frame prominence can ebb and flow in the media due to the change of political conditions. In the Columbine shootings of 20 April 1999, Chyi and McCombs (2004) found that frame-changing, that is reframing an event by the media to keep a story fresh, made a story more salient and kept it on the media agenda. The authors examined articles from The New York 13

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Times for frame-changing and found that this stor y was kept alive for more than a month by changing the frame of the story to keep it moving and fresh and of interest to their reader (p.30). A story that could be summed up as On 20 April 1999, two gunmen in Littleton, Colorado, killed twelve fellow st udents and a teacher before turning the gun on themselves went on to encompass 170 stories on the back ground of the shooters, community reactions, societal concerns, social phenomena a nd international reactions (p.27). Individual-level effects of fr aming, that is assuming a dir ect link between media frames and how the individual interprets it and acts on the information, focuses on input-output variables but with scan t evidence of how it works (Scheufele 1999). According to Scheufele, more research is needed to describe how the va riables, the input from the media and the output from the public, are linked. Shanto Iyengar ( 1996) theorized this link by examining how the public assigns societal responsib ility of social issues, such as poverty and terrorism, depending on how the news frames an issue as either episod ic or thematic. Episodic-themed news reports, essentially an illustration of issues, shield society and the government from responsibility. Thematic-themed news reports, a form of bac kgrounder-type reports that add context to the story, are more likely to place responsibility with society and the government. For example, Iyengar cites how depicting African Americans in the media as perpetrators of crime and poverty encouraged and justified racial prejudices (p. 70). An alternative to an episodic crime story or poverty story that reinforces such racial stereo-types would be a thematic story to show the pervasive daily difficulties, including racism, th at the African American community must face. Gamson and Modigliani (1989) suggest th at public opinion is a product of media discourse that both draws on and re flects our culture. It is not ju st one frame but rather several 14

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using a deft metaphor, catchphrase or other symbolic device that is used for telling a story that the public understands and can use to make sense out of relevant events. If the public is susceptible to the influence of media frames are not the creators of the original media also susceptible? Scheufele ar gues that journalists ar e just susceptible to perpetuating the very frames they use to descri be events and issues (p.118). Entman (1993) proposes that journalists can be educated to construct stories making opposing ideas equally salient and informative by eschewing scattere d oppositional facts and challenging the dominant frame (p.57). Van Gorp (2007) says that as journalists are personal witnes ses to an event, they will make sense of a chaotic stream of impressi ons by choosing what is salient (p.67). And salience, according to Entman, is a part of fram ing, where information is elevated in importance at the expense of other information. As others do, journalists select frames based on their witness to an event, cultural references and interpretation of what they see. The journalist selects the frame, perhaps unaware of thei r selection, but over time the frame becomes embedded in the message (Van Gorp, 2007). Analysis of Attri butes of Framing Analysis of what is salient in the news, what themes or stories stand out, is how researchers uncover frames. Fram ing involves salience; the proce ss of highlighting a piece of information to make it more noticeable, meani ngful and memorable to an audience (Entman, p. 53). Some frames have inherent valence in a message, i.e. putting in formation in either a negative or a positive light. Anot her variable associated with framing besides valence are a frames attributes. McCombs et al (1997) argues that the media are effective at not only raising the salience of a topic bu t also creating attributes related to issues or people. McCombs labeled 15

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the medias ability to create salie nce and attributes about a topic second-level agenda setting (p. 704). Second-level agenda setting, a derivative of framing according to McCombs et al, adds the exploration of valence and attribute to fram e exploration. We can analyze a frames valence for positive, negative or neutral t ones (p. 706). A valence in a news frame depicts an issue in positive or negative terms, and can affect our att itudes on an issue. For example, De Vreese and Boomgaarden (2003) analyzed media coverage on support of the European Union (EU) and EU enlargement for valence and found that media frames with a negativ e valence of the EU, contributed to a loss of support for enlargement a nd for the EU in general (p.376). In this way they were able to show that the valence of a frame can influence policy evaluation in the public and lend weight to the hypothesi s that valence is more importa nt than previously thought. The second attribute is whether a frame is substantive or ambiguous. Williams and Kaids (2006) definition of substantive frames as one having great detail and information and ambiguous frames as the opposite of substantive, givi ng little or no detail to a story is similar to McCombs et als substantive attributes of the images of candidates in various local Spanish elections of 1995. Another aspect affecting how an issue is fram ed are the sources used in putting together a story. Source selection for a st ory is another way of providing in formation to the public about an issue. And, according to Entman (1989), the media do not control what people prefer; they influence public opinion by providing much of the information people think about and by shaping how they think about it(p.361). Even Aristotle understood that the highest rhet orical proof of credib ility rests with the listener believing the speaker is of good character, good will a nd intelligence. Without that 16

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innate credibility of character, the listener will not believe the message and the speaker will not be able to sway the listener to their beliefs (Roberts, 1954 as cited in Delia, 1976, p. 361). Direct quotes and source credibil ity can influence the perception the public has on an issue. In an early study of source credib ility and its effect on public op inion, Hovland and Weiss (1951) found that sources with high tr ustworthiness or trustworthy were believed by readers over sources deemed low trustworthiness or untrustworthy. For their study, their definition for trustworthy was a source from a medica l group or government organization, e.g. New England Journal of Medicine An untrustworthy source came fr om popular magazines or freelance writers, such as those found in opinion pages of a newspaper. Hovland and Weiss found in their study that switching from an untrustworthy so urce to a credible trustworthy source could change previous opinions held about a subject. Gibson and Zill man (1993) showed that direct quotation is a powerful journalistic tool that can be used to infl uence the perception of reality and judgment of an issue. In their experiment, they found that negative, one-sided, direct quotes influenced a negative perception about amusement pa rk safety in readers than indirect quotes or no quotes at all. Newspaper writers, according to Tuchman (1972) view quotes as supporting evidence that they are being objective and letting the f acts speak for themselves (p. 668). Powerful, knowledgeable or official sources are more va lued by journalists, according to Tuchman (1972) and are believed by journalists to know more than other people in that organization (p.672). In their survey of journalists pe rception of most influential so urces, Powers and Fico (1994) found that source credibility, source accessibility and time pressure influenced source usage. Advertising pressures, source ge nder and organizational issues su ch as newspaper policy were 17

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the least influential on source usage and in f act, it was the journalists own assessment and selection of sources that shaped their at titudes toward source qualities (p.94). End of Life Issues On February 25, 1990, 26-year-old Terri Sc hiavo collapsed in her Florida home, suffering respiratory and cardiac arrest supposedly caused by a potassium imbalance and leading to brain damage due to lack of oxygen. She wa s taken to the Humana Northside Hospital and was later given a percutaneous endoscopic gast rostomy (PEG) tube to provide nutrition and hydration. She then spent 15 years in a PVS. During this time of institutionalization, Schiavo received experimental thalamic stimulation treatments to induce consciousness, various rehabilitation therapies and was moved from a rehab facility to a skilled nursing facility where she received 24-hour care. In November 1992, Terri Schiavo was awarded an out-of-court malpractice settlement against the two physicians who treated her when she was first admitted to the hospital, one for $250,000 and another for $1 million dollars, most which went into a trust for her care. This trust would be handled by her husband Michael Schiavo and he would be the ultimate beneficiary upon her death (Cerminara & Goodman, 2006). In the beginning, Terris parents, Robert and Mary Schindler, and her husband Michael Schiavo were getting along, even living together, and making joint decisions related to her care. The first falling out occurred in February 1993 when Michael Schiavo and the Schindlers disagreed over the course of Terri Schiavos care and the disburse ment of the malpractice funds. The Schindlers acted first to remove Mr. Schiavo as their daughters guardian in July 1993. That suit was dismissed and Mr. Schiavo was found by the c ourt to be serving in the best interests of his wife (Cerminara & Goodman, 2006). 18

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Then Michael Schiavo petitioned the court to remove Terris PEG tube and let her pass on stating to the court that Terri said she would not want to be ke pt alive like a vegetable for years and years (Cerminara & Goodman, 2006). From then on the fight continued for seven years, finally ending when the U.S. Supreme Court refused to review the final ruling from the 11 th circuit court of appeals upholding the withdrawal of the PEG tube. Despite efforts to bring Terris Bill before the United States House and the Senate in early March, Terri Sc hiavo died on March 31, 2005, at 9:05 a.m., almost two weeks after her feeding tube was rem oved on March 18, 2005 (Cerminara & Goodman, 2006). A literature review for similar studies was conducted and the most similar to this topic was a thesis by Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University masters student, Kyle J. Holody, Framing Death: The use of frames in ne wspaper coverage of and press releases about Death with Dignity (2006, May 9). Holodys th esis looked at press rele ases from the Death with Dignity National Center (DDNC) so cial movement and elite newspa pers and analyzed the frames related to the death with dignity social moveme nt. The Death with Dignity act was passed in Oregon in 1997, with the help of the Death with Dignity National Center, a special interest group who has championed this issue as one of self-determination and states rights (Holody, 2006). The Oregon law allows an adult of sound mind sufferi ng from terminal illness with less than six months to live request from their doctor a prescrip tion for a lethal dose of medication. Doctors may prescribe lethal doses but may not administer them (Halloran, 2005). Holody conducted an analysis of press releases from the DDNC and articles from The New York Times, The Washington Post, USA Today and The Oregonian over a five-year period (November 6, 2001 to January 17, 2006) The above newspapers were chosen in order to focus 19

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on how the issue was covered within that stat e (Oregon) and at the national level (p.57). DDNC focused on physician-assisted suicide as a civil ri ght, owed to a patient making end-oflife decisions relate d to their care. Holodys questions sought to show a correlation between frames found in DDNC press releases and newspa per coverage of the physician-assisted suicide movement (p.19). He found that the DDNC press releases were se nt out sporadically when it had news and that its frames correlated with me dia coverage with corresponding frames in the four newspapers. For each chosen media, Holody examined and named twelve frames, by order of prevalence (most to least): conflict, patients ri ghts/choice/dignity, political consequences, states rights/ big government, legality, responsibility, morality/values, so cietal impact/national identity, human interest, sympathy/empathy, economic cons equences and apathy/disinterest. Of the frames that Holody found that may be present or similar to those in this paper, conflict was the most prevalent followed by patients rights and st ates. Conflict referred to not just the legal maneuverings of both sides but also conflict between families and between the states wishes and those of the patient. A dissertation by Kimberly Lauffer (2000) compared local Michigan newspapers for a framing analysis of physician-assisted suicide a nd euthanasia. Lauffers dissertation referenced the Terri Schiavo case when discussing how the m ovement to legalize physician-assisted suicide was framed in four Michigan newspapers, Janua ry 1996 to June 1999. The major frames Lauffer found in her content analysis were blame, dic hotomy, and fear. For example, one blame-frame referred to Dr. Jack Kevorkians (n ot the topic of Lauffers thesis but featured in several stories) work in helping 120 terminally ill patients suicide and his trials. He was to blame in causing the patients deaths instead of merely giving th em the means to suicide. An example of 20

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dichotomy, referring to good v. evil, pitted the portrayal of good doctors who obeyed the Hippocratic Oath of first do no harm against ba d doctors, like Kevorkian, who would assist in doing harm. Fear referred to social movement ac tivists for disabled persons who wanted to make sure we knew they were not dead yet versus terminally ill patients looking for a solution to their untenable situation. The use of framing an issue to influence public opinion has also been the examined in the sociological fields. The partia l birth abortion (PBA) debate, an area of scholarly interest in sociology, shows how changing the wo rds, or the frame, changed the public narrative in the favor of abortion rights opponent s. Anne Escacove (2004) examined how the opponents of PBA changed the use of medical terms such as dilata tion and extraction, a very sterile sounding term, to partial-birth. What was left was the yuc k factor and comparing th e fetus with premature infants just moments fr om viability (p.75). The rhetoric for or against an issue can be dependent on which side framed an issue first and how effective the other side is at re-framing an issue. Counter framing is used when the opposing side has already framed an issue and embe dded in into public awareness. An analysis of news letters from the National Organizati on for Women (NOW) for rhetoric and content around abortion shows how one group can use frame saving techniques to re-frame the phrase pro-abortion to pro-choice for Americans w ho are interested in family planning and birth control (Keys & McCaffrey, 2000 p. 54). By re-framing Terri Schiavo from a patient in a persistent vegetative state to one who is disabled, her parents, Bob and Ma ry Schindler, galvanized disabil ity groups to their cause. Diane Coleman, J.D. founder of Not Dead Yet, a disability rights group, spoke out for Terri 21

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Schiavos rights as a disabled pe rson by filing two friend-of-the-cour t briefs to protect her from state-sanctioned murder behind closed doors (Florida Today, August 31, 2004). Terri Schiavos case was not the first right-t o-die case to wend its way through the court system. The first case involving the right to terminate medical treatment was the case of Karen Ann Quinlan in 1976. After ingesting alc ohol and Valium at a party April 14, 1975, Ms. Quinlan, at the age of twenty-two, was rushed to the hospital, placed on a respirator. Her physicians later determined her to be in a stat e of PVS due to prolonged lack of oxygen to the brain. It was determined that she would never be restored to any form of cognitive life. Her parents wanted to remove her from life support as they stated that Karen had said she would never have wanted to be kept alive in this manne r, but the physicians at the hospital where Karen remained refused to disconnect her respirator. There were mob scenes at the hospital and threats against the Quinlans for their decision to discontinue Karen A nns life support. Ms. Quinlans parents went to court, and the New Jersey Supreme court determined that there is a constitutional right to die based on the right of privacy gua ranteed by the U.S. Constitution. This was a unanimous decision by all seven of the courts ju stices, and Ms. Quinlans respirator was then disconnected. From this decision, the term pulli ng the plug was equated with withholding lifesustaining medical treatment (Eisenberg, 2005). Robert W. Kenny (2005) explored the rhetoric that was used to shape public opinion around Karen Ann Quinlans life and the battle to discontinue her respirator. She became a figure head for this issue, a rhet orical icon, for while she could not speak for herself, others could use her to speak for them. A certain style of story was told about Karen, depending upon whether the teller thought she ha d the right to die or to live Karen Ann Quinlan was a goodgirl-gone-bad and her coma was a fitting punishment for her sins, for going against the 22

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traditional life she had been raised. Because she was so irresponsible, regardless of her coma, she did not have the ability to make her own choi ces. This rhetoric was so strong that the state convened a grand jury to examine her life style leading up the coma (p. 19-24). Normally, these decisions never went beyond the hospital and were decided amongst the family and care team of doctors, nurses and social workers. But when the decision was contrary to the wishes of another family member or the medical team, then the case went to court. A severe head injury in car accident left 37-year-old Michael Martin in a minimally conscious state. His wife and children went to court to withhold his feedings through his gastronomy tube. His mother and sister opposed their decision, an d the case eventually la nded in the Michigan Supreme Court, ( In re Martin 1995). Again, like Terri Schiavo, family members and co-workers came forward to testify that he had once said he would never want to live like a vegetable but nothing was put in writing expressi ng his desires. The court d ecided on the side of preserving life due to his ability to occasionally respond to commands, and the feeding tube remained in (Eisenberg, 2005). It is cases like In re Martin that served as a template for the Schindlers fight to keep Terris feeding tube in. Research Questions Framing gives us a way to analyze and desc ribe text and such shows us how framing influences our perception of a message. It de fines problems, diagnoses causes, makes moral judgments and suggests remedies (Entman, 1993). Media scholars of framing have established that framing can influence perception of an even t or extend coverage of an event. Chyi and McCombs (2004) have shown that reframing an ev ent keeps a story fresh for re-use long after the original event has ceased. Iyengar (1991) th eorized that the way the media covers and event influences the public perception of assigning responsibility for an event or issue. Gamson and Modigliani (1989) show that public opin ion can be shaped by media discourse. 23

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As mentioned earlier, two previous papers that looked at the fr aming of end-of-life conflicts in local and national media were Lauffer, 2000 and Holody, 2006. Both papers found frames of various dichotomies to be prevalent. Dichotomies could be human such as the works of a good doctor trying to allevi ate a terminal patient in pain versus a bad doctor going against the Hippocratic Oath by assi sting in the suicide of a terminally ill patient (Lauffer, 2000). There were dichotomies in the will of the people (s tates rights) versus the will of big government (Holody, 2006). With the following previous frames in mind, and the earlier discussion of framing, the following research questions are offered: RQ1: What are the prevalent frames found within the two newspapers, the St. Petersburg Times and The Oregonian and is there any difference in their frames? Oregon is the only state to pa ss a physician-assisted suicide law, also known as the Death with Dignity Act, and despite efforts to repeal it and challenges to the U.S. Supreme Court, the law remains in effect. Even former U.S. Attorney General John Ashcroft lost his fight to repeal the law when the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the law on January 2006. Personally determining end of life issues is im portant enough that Oregon voters rejected a ballot measure to repeal the law in 1997 (Christie, 2006). St. Petersburg, Florida is where Terri Schi avo lived and passed away. The conservative nature of the county, the proximity to the even t, and the personal involvement of Florida Governor Jeb Bush in the Schiavo situation we re covered by the newspa per of that area, the St. Petersburg Times. The dichotomy of the two areas of the United States, one with a precedentsetting law that legally allows a terminally ill patient to end their life with the aid of a physician and the other with a conservative governor and the actual home of protests, leads to this question. 24

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If a news frame can affect how the public vi ews an issue, can the tone or valence of a news frames affect our attitudes about a person? Kiousis (2004) has suggested that an effective element in news such as the valence, can affect audience perceptions of those attributes (p. 76). Michael Schiavo was the key player in this dram a. While it is documented that Schiavo and the Schindlers disagreed on several ar eas regarding Terri Schiavos care, it wasnt until Michael Schiavo petitioned the court to re move Terris feeding tube and let her die that the court battle ensued (Ceminara & Goodman, 2006). In an interview with National Public Radio, Schindler lawyer Jay Sekulow remarked that if Michael Sc hiavo had just walked away and relinquished Terris care to her parents, this conflict wouldve never happe ned (Talk of the Nation, 2006). By using the court system to pursue the removal of Terris feeding tube, Michael Schiavo became an iconic symbol, representing either the right or the wrong course of action for Terri Schiavo. RQ2: Is there any difference between the vale nces of news coverage toward Michael Schiavo between the two newspapers? In newspaper stories, direct quotation can in fluence and sway readers opinions to oneside of an issue versus anot her (Gibson and Zillman, 1993). Slat er and Rouner (1996) found that sources are perceived as credible when they repr esent an organization with a history of expertise related to that message. For example, a well kno wn environmental group, such as Sierra Club, is associated with delivering a credible message due to their history of environmental stewardship. If a source is available, has a prior histor y of credibility and professionalism, then it stands to reason that a particul ar source may be used again for the same or similar story by a journalist. Powers and Fico (1994) showed th at the judgment of the reporter in choosing a dominant source over other sources, such as peer or organizational pressures. With the selection of a source as a reflection of each journalist the following research questions are posed: RQ3: What are the prevalent source s in each of the two newspapers? 25

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Reporters rely on news sources for story topics and content. This interaction is important for shaping a news story. Bendix and Liebler (1 996) found that journalists that favored sources in the logging of North West Un ited States old growth forests framed their stories to favor the procut viewpoint over the prosave and anti -logging view. The dominance of one news source can effect how the media frame an issue, environmental or otherwise. To further explore source and influence for this topic, the next research question is posed: RQ4: What sources are frequently used for each frame in the two newspapers? 26

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CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY The quantitative assessment of media analysis is content analysis, a re search technique for the objective, systematic and quantitative descrip tion of the manifest content of communication (Berelson, 1952, p.18). In content analysis, the researcher is looki ng for trends or patterns in media content, comparing media content with the real-world indicato rs, assessing how groups are represented and drawing inferences from media effects (Jensen, p. 220). McMillan (2000) establishe d five steps researchers must take to conduct content analysis. Researchers must first develop their research question. Rather than looking at data and then formulating a question, the re search question comes first. The second step is to select a sample from which to draw data. The third st ep is to operationalize th e coding units that are used to answer the research question. Fourth is to train your coders to establish inter-coder reliability and then code the data. And finally, th e fifth step is to analyze and interpret the data. This study is designed to analyze the frames found in articles about Terri Schiavo in two newspapers, the St. Petersburg Times, with an average circulation of 361,895, and The Oregonian, with an average circulation of 315,77 2 (Audit Bureau of Circulation, 2007 & 2008) The two newspapers, The Oregonian (Portland, OR) and the St. Petersburg Times (Florida), were chosen to represent the two di vergent views in this subject based on a past activist history. Portland, Oregon, a metropolita n area in Multnomah County and the most populous city in Oregon, was chosen because The Oregonian is the largest metropolitan newspaper read not just in Port land but all over the state. Oregon is also the only state to pass a physician-assisted suicide law, al so known as the Death with Dign ity Act, and despite efforts to repeal it by voter measure and cha llenges to the U.S. Supreme Court, the law remains in effect. Even former U.S. Attorney General John Ashcroft lost his fight to repeal the law when the U.S. 27

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Supreme Court upheld the law on January 2006. Pe rsonally determining end of life issues is important enough that Oregon voters rejected a ballot measure to repeal the law in 1997 (Christie, 2006). The St. Petersburg Times the main newspaper for Pinellas County where Terri Schiavo lived and passed away, was chosen due to the conservative nature of the county, the proximity to the event, and the personal invo lvement of Florida Governor Jeb Bush in the Schiavo situation. Newspaper coverage was highest be tween November 2003 and June 2005. By November 2003, then Governor of Florida Jeb Bush had filed his first federal court brief on behalf of the Schindlers to prevent the removal of their daughters feeding tube. Newspaper coverage continued, covering the legal back and fort h in the court system to remove or stay the feeding tube up. Ms. Schiavo passed away on March 31, 2005 (Cerminara & Goodman, 2006). The St. Petersburg Times revealed earlier articles about Te rri Schiavo, starting with the first removal of her feeding tube in February 2000. Ho wever, a Lexis-Nexus search for articles in The Oregonian did not return results until November 2003. While the St. Petersburg Times continued to run articles rela ted to Ms. Schiavo after her death until December 2005, coverage by The Oregonian ended after June 2005. Newspaper articles were gathered using th e Lexis-Nexis online data base. Articles were searched with key word Terri Schiavo. The uni t of analysis is each individual article. The types of articles selected were hard news or features written by local writers, and no wire service, editorials or letters to the editor were included as the focus on how the local news media framed the issue. After careful consideration of all articles pulled, 17 articles were retrieved from the Oregonian and 165 articles were located from the St. Petersburg Times The entire universe of 17 articles from The Oregonian was coded and analyzed. For the St. Petersburg Times the 28

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universe was 110 articles and the majority of the articles were clustered in the six months of 2005. The universe for 2003 comprised two months, November and December and totaled 18 articles. In the year 2004, the universe was 24 articles. Due to the large amount of articles for 2005, a stratified sample was used where I constr ucted the six months (JanuaryJune 2005), by randomly assigning a number to each article per m onth and selecting four articles per month to represent that month. The mont hs of January had two articles and the month of May had one article total. This gave us a total of 19 articles for 2005. The to tal number of articles assembled as our sample from the St. Petersburg Times will be 61, a construct of the 19 articles from 2005 and the universe from 2003-2004. Articles less than 300 words were rejected because shorter pieces may not have an appropriate amount of detail to de velop frames adequately. Articles that contain the search term, but did not focus on Terri Schiavo per se, was al so excluded. There were several examples of these insubstantial articles where Terri Schia vos name was mentioned briefly included many references to the 2006 Florida gubernatorial electi ons between then attorn ey general, Charlie Crist, and fellow Republican challenger, Tom Galla gher. In this case, Ms. Schiavos name was mentioned once and was not germane to the story. Measurement Code books and code sheets were designed to as sist coders to ascer tain the frames of each article. The units of analysis were each i ndividual article. Each articles primary frame, story type, and valence were measured. Frame Each article may have more than one frame in a story but a dominant frame was reported from each article. The following frames were de veloped after reviewing the Holody and Lauffer studies and by preliminary frame-fi nding research. Each article wa s read initially for themes. 29

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The researcher is also interested in finding previously unidentifie d frames to reveal themselves during the coding process. The Quality of Life frame specifically refers to the quali ty of life for a person in a PVS or any other coma-type illness where improvement is impossible. Confusion/Communication frame refers to any lack of in formation leading to confusion or conflicting thoughts and emoti ons related to Ms. Schiavos condition, the decision to terminate tube feedings, and suppos ed misleading information from a ny source. It can also refer to confusion about what to communicate to family members about end of li fe issues or drawing up of legal documents such as a living will was a residual topic found in many media after Schiavos passing. Self Determination/Patients Rights is a frame seen in other framing analysis of physician assisted suicide, especially in the Death with Dignity social movement out of Oregon. This frame refers to the right to d ecide when to terminate care, in cluding the patients right or a medical decision made by a patients family or guardian to honor a patients wish when the patient is no longer able to speak for himself or herself. Political Consequences frame can refer to any political re percussion related to political or legal maneuverings by politicians related to Ms. Schiavo. The Personal Injury frame refers to harming Ms. Sc hiavo by another person, including murder or abuse. It also refers to any thre atening action, or word perpetuated against anyone involved with the Terri Schiavo case Battle frame refers to a warrior stance. It is the battle waged to keep Ms. Schiavo alive and also describing Terri Schiavos battle to remain alive. 30

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Culture of Life/Self-Righteous frame refers to their position of preserving life at all costs. This is a frame that was mentioned in previous framing scholarship where the pro-life movement is involved. There may be frames that do not fit the above categories. An example of this would be frames dealing with emotion such as empat hy or quality of life issues. This category, Other, is open to explore new frames that may emerge during the content analysis. Valence A valence in a news frame describes the tone of article and depicts an issue in positive or negative terms. Valence can also be neutral, where the tone of the article is not written to portray an issue in either light. Sources A source in a newspaper story is the person, or organization represented by a person, who is quoted or paraphrased directly or indirectly for that story. A story can contain more than one source. Coding and Training of Coders Each article was assigned an identification number. The articles were divided among two coders, cross referenced and dup licates eliminated. A minimum of two coders are needed to establish intercoder reliability and to work out any conceptual or operational differences. The coders were the researcher and one other graduate student. The gr aduate student received eight articles, approximately ten percent of the total of 78 articles, to code fo r intercoder reliability. Coders were trained to code for newspaper source (e.g. The Oregonian) frame, and valence of Michael Schiavo (positive/neutra l/negative). Intercoder reliability was calculated using Scotts Pi. Scotts Pi was chosen because it corrects for the chance agreement and it takes into account not just the number of categories but how the categories are us ed by each coder (Scott, 1955). 31

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Eight articles were coded to check for intercoder reliability. Inte rcoder reliability was at .75 after the first training. Intercoder re liability was lower than expected and re-training of the second coder focused on finding the most prevalent frame in an article as most articles had nuances of more than one frame. The second coder was re -trained by giving furthe r clarification on the definitions of the eight frames and the Other category and the practice of focusing on the predominant frame found in the article. Predom inance of a frame was established by noting each frame in an article and noting which one was dom inate over all the other frames. The frames coded for intercoder reliability were Self-Determination, Pers onal Injury, Battle, Disability, Culture of Life and Political Conseq uences. Valence of Michael Schiavo (positive/neutral/negative) was al so coded for intercoder reliability. The frame with the lowest reliability was Personal Injury. The frames with the highest reliability were Self Determination, Battle, Culture of Life and Disability. Out of the eight articles coded for valence of Michael Schiavo, two articles were not applicable for valen ce as they did not meet th e criteria for valence. Of the remaining six articles coded for valence, th e two coders were in agreement five out of six times. Reliability was established at .88, and data was entered into the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences and analyzed. (See Appe ndix B for examples of coded articles.) 32

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CHAPTER 4 RESULTS Newspaper stories from the St. Petersburg Times and The Oregonian were analyzed over one time frame of twenty months (November 2003 to June 2005). The data from the content analysis was analyzed for frame prevalence (present or absent), valence toward Michael Schiavo (positive, neutral or negative) and sources used in each article. These were compared using tests for frequency, cross tabulations and chi-square significance tests. Research question 1 asked, What are the prevalent frames of the two newspapers, the St. Petersburg Times and The Ore gonian, and is there any difference in their frames? While the sample size from The Oregonian is smaller than the St. Petersburg Times an obvious framing pattern emerged whereby The Oregonian newspaper emphasized Self Determination and the St. Petersburg Times emphasized the issues di rectly related to Terri Schiavo, such as Personal Injury and Battle. Table 4-1. Prevalent of Fram es of Each Newspaper N= 78 The Oregonian, N=17 St. Petersburg Times N=61 Culture of Life 2(11.8%) 8(13.1%) .022 Conf./Communication 2(11.8% ) 5( 8.2%) .207 Self Determination 10(58.8%) 6( 9.8%) 19.567* Political Consequences 1( 5.9%) 3( 4.9%) .025 Personal Injury 0 15(24.6%) 5.176 Disability 0 7(11.5%) 2.143 Battle 1( 5.9%) 10(16.4%) 1.213 Other 1( 5.9%) 7(11.5%) .452 Total 17 (100%) 61 (100%) df=1 ***p< .001, ** p< .01, p< .05 A frequency tabulation of the two newspape rs combined gave the Self-Determination Frame the number one spot. The Self-D etermination Frame was the top frame for The Oregonian and the Battle Frame dominated for St. Petersburg Times at number two in frequency. 33

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The Personal Injury Frame and Disability Frame were not found in The Oregonian, but only in the St. Petersburg Times Self Determination The frame for Self Determination references a persons ability to decide when to end their life without state or religi ous interference. This frame wa s the most prevalent one (n=10, 58.8%) in the examined articles of The Oregonian But because of the high-profile Schiavo case, the center has been getting dozens of calls and e-mails a day from people who are afraid th ey might end up at the mercy of the courts and politicians. (ONeill, 3/23/2005, The Oregonian, pA01) The Self Determination Frame was not as prevalent in the St. Petersburg Times and when it was used, it referred to Te rri Schiavos presumed desire to not be kept alive artificially or to remain connected to her feeding tube: Mr. Schiavo made a promise to his wife lik e many of us do, Felos said. He has been resolute to keep his promise. He promised not to keep her alive artificially. (Levesque, 9/2/2004, St. Petersburg Times p. 1A) Culture of Life/Self-Righteous The frame for Culture of Life/Self-Righteous references the sanctity of life, life at any cost, and the use of religious doctrine as th e guideline for determining laws for medical considerations. This frame was found to be the second most prevalent in The Oregonian although by a smaller margin (n=2, 11.8%) and third most prevalent in the St. Petersburg Times (n=8, 13.1%). In the two articles of The Oregonian that contained this frame, the Culture of Life/SelfRighteous was seen as an imposition on how Oregonians view end-of-life issues: For many on Capitol Hill, the goal of preservi ng life is not subject to debate. Rallying behind the motto culture of life advocates of this view have adopted what they see as an inviolable stand on issues ranging from a bortion and stem-cell research to advance directives for the incapacitated and the choice of assisted suicide for the terminally ill. (Barnett & Kosseff, 3/27/2005, The Oregonian, p. A01) 34

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In the St. Petersburg Times the Culture of Life/Self-Righteous Frame was more faithaffirming rather than an imposition of reli gious doctrine on when life should end. Terri has now changed her mind about dying, the motion says. As a practicing Catholic at the time of her collapse...Terri does not want to commit a sin of the gravest proportions by forgoing treatment to effect her own death in defiance of her relig ious faiths express and recent instruction to the contrary. (Levesque, 7/24/2004, St. Petersburg Times p. 3B) Terri Schiavos presumed Catholicism speaks on her behalf, via her parents and their lawyers, to remind us that her life, indeed all lif e, is sacred and must be preserved no matter the cost or burden to society. Personal Injury This frame refers to an act of harm towa rd Ms. Schiavo by another person. This frame was not found in The Oregonian. In the St. Petersburg Times, the Personal Injury frame was the dominant frame over the others (n=15, 24.6%). According to the news coverage in St. Petersburg Times, many references to the act of discontinuing Ms. Schiavos feeding t ube were equated with murder. The effect of all of this is that Michael Schiavo gets to kill his wife through starvation and dehydration if this order is upheld. (Levesque, 5/7/2004, St. Petersburg Times, p. 1A) Pat Anderson, attorney for Terri Schiavos parents, Bob and Mary Schindler, said her life continues to be threatened by those forces who want to see her die from starvation and dehydration. (Virella, 11/16/2003, St. Petersburg Times p. 4B) Battle The Battle Frame refers to any battle; whether it is the battle or fight to keep Terri Schiavo alive, for Terri fighting to stay alive, fighting over money, fighting in the courtroom. This was the second most prevalent frame for the St. Petersburg Times For The Oregonian, it was less prevalent; tying for number five in dominance with two other frames, Confusion/Communication and Other. 35

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The fight to keep Terri Schiavo alive was usually attributed either to her parents directly or through their lawyers. Her parents are fighting to keep her fed at the Pinellas Park hospice facility where she lives. (Kumar, 3/11/2005, St. Petersburg Times p.1A) The Battle Frame also includes the earlier fight over the malpractice suit money that Michael Schiavo won on behalf of his wife, Terri but supposedly refused to share with his inlaws, Bob and Mary Schindler. With an exchange of heated words, some involving that money, Schiavos close relationship with the Schindle rs ended. (Levesque, 11/23/2003, St. Petersburg Times p. 1B) Stories about courtroom battles were usually written as a ch ronological list of where the case had traveled so far in the lega l process. Here, a very frustrat ed George Felos, lead attorney for Michael Schiavo, expresses hi s frustration at the legal maneuverings Governor Jeb Bushs lead counsel took to force the reinse rtion of Ms. Schiavos feeding tube. As an attorney, as an officer of the court, as a lover of the law, to see the governor of our state just playing such low ball, in the gu tter, trashy legal maneuvering, its pathetic, Felos said. (Levesque, 11/6/2003, St. Petersburg Times p. 1B) The Battle Frame can also refer to Ms. Schiavos battle to live. (Suzanne Vitadamo, Terri Schiavos sister) Sh e praised Schiavo for setting an example of how to fight. You have shown the world what perseverance and determination are all about, Vitadamo said. (Brink, 4/6/2005, St. Petersburg Times p. 1B) The one article from The Oregonian that used the Battle Frame, referred to the battle of Oregons lawmakers to prevent members of congr ess from using legislation to push through Terris Law, a law written to over-ride the authority of the Florida courts that had order the removal of Terri Schiavos feedi ng tube. Threatening a filibuster the congressional version of war, against Terris Law, if wording to protect the state of Or egons Death with Dignity Law was not included, Rep. Earl Blumenauer said: 36

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They have been very, very clear the admi nistration and Congress that they want to overturn our Death with Dignity law for exac tly the same reasons, Blumenauer said Saturday. (Barnett, 3/21/2005, The Oregonian, p. A08) Disability The Disability Frame refers to when Terri Sc hiavos condition is fram ed as disabled and not as a patient with persiste nt vegetative state (PVS). To Mary and Bob Schindler their daughter, Terri Schiavo, is aware of their pres ence when they visit her in the hospice. She changes from day to day, Schindler said after viewers were shown videos of Mrs. Schiavo. She cries. She laughs. She follows me around the room. She laughs at her dads jokes. (Levesque, 11/15/2003, St. Petersburg Times p. 1B) Terri Schiavo, as portrayed by the Governor of Florida; The governor is of the view and has assert ed all along that the courts dont have a monopoly on protecting the rights of the fr ail and disabled. (Levesque, 5/7/2004, St. Petersburg Times p. 1A) By the Catholic Church: (Father Thomas Euteneuer) There is no law that says we can kill handicapped people. (Levesque, Brink & Johnson, 2/26/2005, St. Petersburg Times p.1A) The Disability Frame was number four in prevalence for the St. Petersburg Times (n=7, 11.5%). It was not found in the articles from The Oregonian Confusion/Communication This frame refers to the lack of inform ation leading to confusion regarding Terri Schiavos condition. It also refe rs to the lack of information about how this issue affects ordinary citizens and their own end-of-life decisions or how th ey perceive Terri Schiavos situation and the controversy thereof. A clear example of confusion surrounding the issue follows: In the womens room at the local library, th ey stood arguing near the sinks, their voices echoing off the blue-tile floor. But she coul d come out of it, Barbara Bernstein said. They showed her father ta lking and she was gurgling. Do babies gurgle? Linda Braun aske d. Does it mean they understand? 37

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(Gezari, 3/25/2005, St. Petersburg Times p.11A) While this frame was present in both news papers, neither was predominant, with only two in The Oregonian (11.8%) and five (8.2%) in the St. Petersburg Times. Political Consequences This frame refers to possible political consequences, by constituents, who perceive that lawmakers are interferin g with decisions that do not concer n them. This frame was found once in The Oregonian (5.9%) and was in last place (n=3, 4.9%) in the St. Petersburg Times This frame was subtle, rarely stating out-right that someones political career will suffer but rather featured ordinary citizens offering their opinion about how they felt about interference in the Terri Schiavo issue: The governor should have kept his nose out of the Terri Schiavo case. Its ridiculous, said Darla Murray, a karate teacher and i ndependent voter from St. Petersburg. (Smith, 12/7/2003, St. Petersburg Times p.1A) Polls differ about public attitude s toward end-of-life care, but they agr ee that the Schiavo debacle has hurt Congress and th e president. (Epps, 4/24/2005, The Oregonian, p.E1) Other To accommodate frames that do not fit the a bove categories, the ca tegory of Other was created. This category was created to explore new frames that may emerge during the content analysis. Seven articles (11.5%) in the St. Petersburg Times were in the Other category. Of these six, five were hard news stories about the law process involved in pushing through Terris Law through the Florida legislature and one was a soft f eature story listing facts about Terri Schiavos life. 38

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In The Oregonian, of the one story that fell into th e Other category, one was about the quality of life versus the economic costs for maintaining life at any costs. (Barnett, 4/8/2005, The Oregonian, p. A01) Research question two asked, Is there any difference between the valences of news coverage toward Michael Schi avo between the two newspapers? This question focused on how Michael Schi avo was portrayed when his actions were intrinsic to the story. There were many storie s where Michael Schiavo was not germane to the story. Those stories were not applicable to the process of determining valence. Table 4-2. Valence of Michael Schia vo within the two newspapers. N=23 Valence The Oregonian St. Petersburg Times Negative 0 11 .059 Positive 2 3 .178 Neutral 0 6 .308 Total 2 20 df=1 ***p< .001, ** p< .01, p< .05 Since forty-one of the stories from the St. Petersburg Times were not applicable for valence for Michael Schiavo that left twenty storie s to be coded for valence. In order to get a negative valence, there had to be a preponderance of quotes that reflecte d negatively on Michael Schiavo. Using this criteria, eleven stories we re found that were negative for valence toward Michael Schiavo in the St. Petersburg Times However, the two stories that met the requirements for valence coding of Michael Schiavo in The Oregonian were positive. She (Terri Schiavo) has spent 13 braindamaged years on life support, and the compassionate death sought for her by her hus band, Michael, has become a political and religious football, with no end to their tr agic story in sight. (Fisher, 2/12/2004, p.12) Most of the stories in the St. Petersburg Times that met the requirements for valence coding of Michael Schiavo were negative. Especi ally toward the end of Terris life, Michael 39

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Schiavo was portrayed as mean a nd vindictive. At Terri Schiavos death, her husband Michael Schiavo had her body cremated, against the wishes of her parents. At a memorial service, hosted by the Schindler family, their lawyer remarked: The (Schindler) family is ba sically at the mercy of (Mr. Schiavo) showing kindness...If he chooses to inflict additional pain, th at is his choice. (Brink, 4/6/2005, p. 1B) Research question three asked, What are the prevalent sources in each of the two newspapers? Because more than one source can vie for pr evalence in a story, it was decided to include more than one source in coding if the two sources seem equal in weight. An example of such a decision would be a news story reporting about a court procedure where the main sources are the opposing lawyers. If the two oppos ing lawyers were used equally as sources to write the story, then the two opposing lawyers were listed as the two sources for that story. There were significant differences in sources in the two newspapers. This may be due to the smaller sample size in The Oregonian. Table 4-3. Sources Found in The Oregonian and the St. Petersburg Times. Source The Oregonian, N=17 St. Petersburg Times N=61 Michael Schiavo 0 5 1.489 Schiavo lawyers 0 34 16.797* Bob & Mary Schindler 0 16 5.610*** Schindler lawyers 0 21 8.009** Religious 2 9 .098 Political Figures 6 11 2.324 Ordinary Citizen 7 15 1.806 Judges 2 28 6.546** Gov. Jeb Bush 2 20 2.901 ACLU 0 6 1.811 Pro-life Groups 1 7 .452 Total 20 133 ***p< .001, ** p< .01, p< .05 Sources in the St. Petersburg Times differed greatly from The Oregonian Michael Schiavo was rarely quoted in the St. Petersburg Times but instead allowed his lead Attorney, 40

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George Felos, to speak on his behalf. There fore, he was sourced five times (8.2%) and Mr. Felos thirty-four times (55.7%) in the St. Petersburg Times alone. Terri Schiavos parents, Bob and Mary Schindler, were active participants in the St. Petersburg Times coverage of their daughters situation. They spoke directly to reporters of the St. Petersburg Times almost as often (n=16) as their lawyers did (n=21). Religious Figures included the Pope John Paul II, who spoke out on behalf of the Schindler family for preserving Terri Schiavos life. Various local re ligious leaders were interviewed in both the St. Petersburg Times and The Oregonian, representing other faiths besides the Catholic community. Political Figures sources include Oregon a nd Florida lawmakers and other interviewed or quoted members of the House and Senate. The category of Bush is for then Florida Governor Jeb Bush and any lawyers who spoke on his behalf during his d ecision to intervene in the removal of Terri Schiavos feeding tube on October 15, 2003. This is the second removal of Terri Schiavos feeding tube. The first was on April 24, 2001 and it was reinserted on April 26, 2001 (Ceminara & Goodman, 2006). After Terri Sc hiavos feeding tube was removed for the second time on October 15, 2003, Governor Bush orde red the reinsertion of the feeding tube six days later by issuing a one-time stay, called T erris Law. While the tube was reinserted on October 21, 2003, Terris Law was declared un constitutional by the Florida Supreme Court September 2004 and reversed. This unprecedented use of a governors power was covered by both newspapers, and was separate from the usual legal proceedings or th e later involvement by the United States Congress (C arr & Haider-Markel, 2007). The source category for Ordinary Citizen was used in the many feature stories that included interviews with people expressing their views both for a nd against the removal of Terri 41

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Schiavos feeding tube, thoughts about end-of-l ife decisions, and beliefs for and against intervening in this decision by law makers. The St. Petersburg Times used this source for almost twenty-five percen t of their stories (n=15, 24.6%) and The Oregonian used this source for almost half of their stories (n=7, 41.2%). Although analysis of newspaper story type was not one of the original research objectives, it must be noted that The Oregonian sample contained more feature stories (n=11, 64.7%) than hard news stories (n=1, 5.9%). The St. Petersburg Times sample was larger and therefore able to encompass a broader range of st ory types, with half going to hard news stories (n=34, 55.7%) and almost half going to feature stories (n=25, 41%). Also the proximity to the actual on-going event, gave the St. Petersburg Times a greater opportunity to quote Michael Schiavo, his lawyers, and the Sc hindlers and their lawyers. The final two categories, American Civil Liberties Union or ACLU and Pro-life captured the addition of interest groups who were used as sources for both sides. The Pro-life category included interest groups who were speaking out against Michael Schiavos court battle to remove his wife Terris f eeding tube. The one article in The Oregonian with this source quoted spokesperson Andy Imparato, from the Amer ican Associate of People with Disabilities (Barnett, 4/8/2005, p.A1), expressing why the American Association of People with Disabilitys does not approve of assessments based on quality of life. The St. Petersburg Times had seven stories with Pro-l ife sources. Disability groups made up three of those sources, with two from N ot Dead Yet, a disability rights group working to prevent the acceptance of euthanasia as the way to handle disabled citizens (http://www.notdeadyet.org). The other four sources were pro-lif e groups such as the National Pro-life Action Center, the Center for Reclai ming America, and Randall Terry, founder of 42

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Operation Rescue, a right-to-life organization. Randall Terry became involved on behalf of the Schindler family, holding a press conference on February 16, 2005 as the date for Terri Schiavos final peg tube removal drew near (Ceminara & Goodman, 2006). The ACLU source was not found in The Oregonian, but was found six times in the St. Petersburg Times All use of the ACLU source centered on Florida Governor Jeb Bushs introduction of Terris Law. Michael Schiavo and his lawy er, George Felos, enlisted the support of the Florida ACLU to issue an injunction to block T erris Law. Howard Simon, executive director of the ACLU, was used as a source in five out of the six articles. Th e sixth article in the ACLU source category quoted Randall Marshall, legal director of the Florida ACLU. Interestingly, once the ACLUs role in worki ng to block Terris Law was complete, the organization wasnt quoted again in the St. Petersburg Times This time period was from November 15, 2003 through October 5, 2004. Howeve r, the Pro-life sources were used, though sparingly, from November 15, 2003 until June 4, 2005. Research question four asked, What sources are frequently us ed for each frame in the two newspapers? In the previous research question, all sources for an article were tabulated in order to give a more complete picture of who the par ticipants were in this situation. For research question five, each article was examined for only one most prevalent source used for that frame. Each article was cross tabulated for frame by source and a chi square was run. Out of the seventeen articles that made up The Oregonian sample, the dominate frame was SelfDetermination (see Table 4-1) and the most prev alent source was Ordinary Citizen (see Table 43). The Self-Determination frame also contai ned the most prevalent source for the total newspaper sample from The Oregonian, the Ordinary Citizen. The second most prevalent frame 43

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in The Oregonian is the Culture of Life frame. However, this frame did not contain one dominate source but had two sources: Politi cal Figures and Religious Figures The most prevalent source, Political Figures was divided between other frames. The rest of the frames found in The Oregonian were not statistically significant to rate in order. For example, of the remaining frames that was tied third in prevalence (Politi cal Consequences, Confus ion/Communication and Battle), each frame garnered no more than one to two sources because th at frame was only found once in the sample of seventeen articles. The following tables list each frame and the sources found in that frame for each newspaper. Note that the categor y for Other was not included in th e tables below as a correlation between frame and source was not expected to reveal meaning. The St. Petersburg Times used four sources and The Oregonian used two sources for this category. Table 4-4. Culture of life/Sel f Righteous Frame Source The Oregonian St. Petersburg Times Schindler lawyers 0 3 Religious 0 3 Political Figures 1 1 Ordinary Citizen 1 1 Table 4-5. Confusion/Communication Frame Source The Oregonian St. Petersburg Times Ordinary Citizen 1 3 Judges 0 1 Bush 0 1 Table 4-6. Self Determination Frame Source The Oregonian St. Petersburg Times M. Schiavo Lawyers 0 2 Schindler Family 0 1 Political Figures 1 0 Ordinary Citizen 8 2 Judges 1 1 44

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Table 4-7. Political Consequences Frame Source The Oregonian St. Petersburg Times Bush 1 2 Ordinary Citizen 0 1 Table 4-8. Personal Injury Frame* Source The Oregonian St. Petersburg Times M. Schiavo Lawyers 0 4 Schindler lawyers 0 2 Bush 0 2 Ordinary Citizen 0 5 This frame was not found in The Oregonian. Table 4-9. Disability Frame* Source The Oregonian St. Petersburg Times M. Schiavo 0 1 Judge 0 3 Pro-Life 0 1 Bush 0 2 This frame was not found in The Oregonian. Table 4-10. Battle Frame Source The Oregonian St. Petersburg Times M. Schiavo Lawyers 0 1 Schindler Family 0 1 Schindler Lawyers 0 1 Political Figures 1 1 Judge 0 4 Bush 0 1 Pro-Life 0 1 The dominate frame of the St. Petersburg Times was the Personal Injury Frame (see Table 4-8) and the most prevalent source for that frame was a close tie between Michael Schiavos lawyer speaking on behalf of Mi chael Schiavo and the Ordinary Citizen. 45

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The second most prevalent frame for the St. Petersburg Times is the Battle frame. The prevalent sources used for this frame was a clos e tie between the Judges and Governor Jeb Bush and his representatives (see Table 4-9). The frame of Culture of Life, not surprisingl y, had Religious figures as the top source for that frame, followed by the Schindler family lawyers (see Table 4-4). There was a close tie between the following sources for the disability frame: Judges (n=3) and Bush (n=2). After the Disability fram e, the prevalence of sources diminishes due to the small sample size fitting the remaining frames. These frame by source tabulations are included here for Other, C onfusion/Communication, Political Consequences and SelfDetermination frame but no source stands out as most prevalent above the rest. 46

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CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION Communications research is scarce on endof-life issues, includi ng physician-assisted suicide or withholding medical treatment by request of family members or the patient (Pollock & Yulis, 2004). This topic is divisive as many re ligious communities beli eve that life should be sustained no matter the wishes of the patient, family or recommendation from their medical providers. There are also many who believe that the patient or family member has the right to make these decisions in private, without interv ention of the government. The question that may never go away is, do terminally ill persons have a right to end care or do their family members have that right by proxy without interference from the government? Answering this question is the job of the public and our policy makers. Influencing our policy makers and public are the media (Sch eufele, 1999, Iyengar 1996). We can start by examining how journalists frame and define i ssues around end-of-life care, such as Michael Schiavos quest to terminate tube feedings for his wife Terri Schiavo. By analyzing two newspapers from two different cities, this study can illuminate how each city reports or views that particular issue. Findings: The St. Petersburg Times Research question one asked, what are the pr evalent frames of the two newspapers, the St. Petersburg Times and The Oregonian, and is there any difference in their frames? The resulting analysis of the major frames for each newspaper revealed different results for each paper. Out of the sixty-one articles analyzed from the St. Petersburg Times the three most prevalent frames were Personal Injury, Battle an d Culture of Life/Self-Righteous. The Personal Injury frame focused on any harm that might come to Terri Schiavo including the portrayal of 47

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her as the murder victim of her husband Michae l Schiavo, should he succ eed in the removal of her feeding tube. The Battle frame referred to the battle to save Terris life or Terris battle to live against the decision to remove her feeding tube. Ofte n the battle was Schindler versus Schiavo but sometimes it was a political figure such as the administration of Florid a Governor Jeb Bush against the courts during the fi ght to pass Terris Law. The Culture of Life/Self-Righteous frame re ferred to those who believed in preserving life at all costs, th e sanctity of life an d that god should decide when it is time for a patient to pass on. On May 1, 2004, the St. Petersburg Times featured the first stor y of Pope John Paul II remarking that even people in a vegetative state have a right to food and water. However, in his statement the Pope did not mention Terri Schiav o personally but this story implied that his statement was issued with her case in mind. In court papers, reported by the St. Petersburg Times her parents make the argument that as a de vout Catholic, Terri Schiavo would not want anything done contrary to church doctrine. The Schindlers speak fo r Terri in their quotes to the St. Petersburg Times that she would disagree with her husband on discontinuing her feeding tube. The Culture of Life/Self-Righteous is a frame that appears when the Schindler re-frame their battle by saying it is morally wrong, per Pope John Paul II, to withdraw food and water from someone in a persistive and vegetative stat e and that Terri Schiavo would supposedly agree with him. This frame is also echoed by others, such as interviews in the St. Petersburg Times with Ordinary Citizens who may or may not identify as Catholic but support the position of the Schindlers that withholding food and water (by feeding tube) is morally wrong. The Disability frame is used by the Schindler family and their s upporters to re-frame Terri Schiavos condition as someone who is disabl ed and not in a persistive vegetative state. 48

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The American Disability Act of 2005, Title II, requires that St ate and local governments give people with disabilities an equal opportunity to benefit from all of their programs, services, and activities including health care (http://www. ada.gov/cguide.htm). By re-framing Terri Schiavo as disabled, she would be accorded protected righ ts through the Department of Justice, including the right to continued care. The frame of Self Determination found in the St. Petersburg Times was different than the same frame in The Oregonian, yet both were about a persons ability to determine when to decide to end their life or refuse life-sustaining treatment. In the St. Petersburg Times it refers to a promise Michael Schiavo made to his wife Terri that he would not artificially prolong her life. Michael Schiavo and his witnesses claimed in the early part of the court battle that Terri Schiavo had verbalized the desi re to not end up kept alive on a machine (Levesque, November 8, 2003, St. Petersburg Times p.1A). This determination to carry out his wifes wishes was featured six times in the St. Petersburg Times Similar to the Culture of Life/Self-Righteous frame, this frame involves speaking on behalf of Terri Schiavo and presumes what she would supposedly want since she can no longer speak for herself. The last three frames found in the St. Petersburg Times were Confusion/Communication, Political Consequences and Other. These frames were the least prevalent. The St. Petersburg Time findings were similar to The Oregonian in that the Confusion/ Communication referred to confusion regarding Terri Schiav os condition, and confusion about how this issue affects the lives of ordinary citizen. Political Consequences referred to anger th e populace felt toward lawmakers interference in the Terri Schiavo issue. The Other category for the St. Petersburg Times was different than The Oregonian in that it contained six arti cles that did not fit the other frame categories and were hard news stories abou t the process of pushing through Terris Law. 49

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Findings: The Oregonian Out of the seventeen articles examined in The Oregonian, the Self Determination frame was found in more than half of the articles (n=10). Unlike the Self Determination frame of the St. Petersburg Times with Michael Schiavos concern with carrying out the wishes of his wife Terri, The Oregonian s Self Determination frame reflects a people concerned with keeping the right to physician-assisted suicide. This fram e was reflected in articles where the journalist interviewed Ordinary Citizens who talked about th e end-of-life decisions they had to make for a loved one or even thinking about their end-oflife decisions. I dont want to go through what the Schiavo familys going through, sa id Diane Cullen (ONeill, March 23, 2005, The Oregonian, p.A1). This Ordinary Citizens quote is an example of the concern found in the ten articles where the Self Determination frame was found. It should be noted that during the time that Michael Schiavo and the Schindlers fought over whether Terri Schiavos feeding tube shoul d be removed or remain, U.S. Attorney John Ashcroft tried to dismantle Oregons Death with Dignity Act by issuing a di rective that prevents the prescribing of drugs for the sole purpose of suicide on November 6, 2001. John Ashcroft ultimately failed in his quest as the U.S. S upreme Court ruled in January 2006 to let stand Oregons right to physician-assisted suicide (http://www.oregon.gov/DHS/ph/pa s/faqs.shtml#lawsuit). An editorial from The Oregonian written after Terri Schia vos passing and not included in the analyzed sample, noted that the vast majo rity of Oregonians voted for this law (Death with Dignity) and saw themselves as the progressives at the forefront of a fast-moving national sea change that manifested itself in Florida's Terri Schiavo case and in movements now under way in other states pursuing assi sted-suicide laws of their own. (Editorial, The Oregonian, January 22, 2006, p. B4). 50

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The remaining frames found in The Oregonian were one article with the Other frame, one article with the Political Consequences frame an d one article with the Battle. The Culture of Life/Self Righteous and the Conf usion/Communication frames ha d two articles, respectively. The seventeen articles of The Oregonian did not contain the Personal In jury or Disability frames. Of the two articles with the Confusion/Co mmunication frame, one addressed confusion surrounding what a living will is, how communicati on might help in end-of-life decisions and could have prevented the court battle over Terri Schiavo. The other article, written April 3, 2005 after Terri Schiavo had passed away, addresse d the confusion around Te rri Schiavos medical condition and how it was so difficult to grasp an explanation that would clear up the prognosis of a persistive vegetative state. Of the two articles with the Culture of Life frames found in The Oregonian one article covered the statements by Pope John Paul II on the Culture of Life phrase and the other covered Oregon lawmakers who feel that the Death with Dignity act is threatened by a Congress emboldened by the Terri Schiavo fight and a culture of life at any costs. The Oregonian reported that Senior House Republicans took a cue from President Bush and repeatedly invoked the phrase culture of life in arguing for federal intervention (in Terri Sc hiavo). (Barnett and Kosseff, March 27, 2005, The Oregonian, p. A1). The one article with the Battle frame f eatured Oregon lawmakers opposing Congress decision to push through their own version of Terris Law after the failure of the administration of Florida Governor, Jeb Bush, to pass a similar law. While Terris Law did not directly impact Oregons Death with Dignity law, Oregon lawmakers still saw it as a threat. Journalist Jim Barnett of The Oregonian defined it thusly: Defending Oregons law has been a 51

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long, lonely battle for the states (Oregon) delegation. (Barnett, March 21, 2005. The Oregonian, p. A8) Like the St. Petersburg Times, Political Consequences frame in The Oregonian featured one article that discussed the political ramificat ions of trying to push through legislation to benefit the wishes of Bob and Mary Schindler in the private death of one woman, Terri Schiavo (Epps, April 24, 2005, The Oregonian, p.E1). Finally, the one frame found in the Other cate gory was labeled Economic Consequences. The label of Economic Consequences wa s chosen to reflect an article in The Oregonian This article featured the Oregon Health Plan and its me dical care based on the qua lity of life of the patient, rather than a health plan that gave medical treatments rega rdless of outcome or cost. The article discussed cost effectiveness of health care : Is it cost effective to keep someone alive, such as Terri Schiavo, a patient with low quality of life, (e.g. no hope for improvement)? Or do we have a moral imperative to do everything to sustain life, no matter the cost? Ordinary Citizen, Carl Cranor ended the article with a final quote: And what do you say? Youre too expensive (to keep alive) and it was the right thing to do? (Barnett, April 8, 2005, The Oregonian, p. A1) Findings: Valence of Michael Schiavo Research question two asked if there was a difference between the valences of news coverage toward Michael Schia vo between the two newspapers. The Oregonian had only three articles that qualified for valence toward Mi chael Schiavo and those were positive. The St. Petersburg Times had twenty articles that qualified and were coded for valence. Most were negative (n=11), six were neutral and three were positive. Of the three positive valenced articles, two were feature stories on Mich ael Schiavo and the third was a feature story where Ordinary Citizens gave quotes empathizing with Michael Schiavos difficult decision. The articles with 52

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negative valences contained quotes from Ordinary Citizens and the Schindler family. The same articles with negative valences predominately c ontained the Personal Injury frame (n=4). This suggests that those articles that were negative for valence when the frame was about harm to Terri Schiavo. Finding: Sources Question three asked, what are the prevalent sources in each of the two newspapers? Powers and Fico (1994) argue that the selection of sources is a refl ection of each journalist. It has been shown that sources favored by journalists can influence the framing of an issue (Bendix and Leibler, 1996) and that dir ect quotes can influence and sway a readers opinion from one side of an issue to another (Gibson and Z illman, 1993). According to Ramsey (1999) using multiple sources can lead to more in-depth, multi-faceted coverage of a complex topic (p.95). By listing all of the sources used in the articles of the two newspapers, sources that would never be the most prevalent in an article but a dded depth to the article were captured. Sources used by The Oregonian were mostly Ordinary Citizen or Political Figures The Ordinary Citizen talked of having a similar experience as Michael Schiavo, such as also having a loved one in a coma. The Political Figure spoke out against the perceived threat toward the Death with Dignity Act, which was pa ssed by Oregon voters on October 27, 1997. The sources used by the St. Petersburg Times were Michael Schiavos lawyers, the Schindler family lawyers, Judges, Governor Jeb Bush or his representatives and Bob and Mary Schindler. It shoul d be noted that Michael Schiavo rarely spoke directly to the St. Petersburg Times press but rather issued statem ents through his lawyer, George Felos. Only one article in the St. Petersburg Times did a story interviewing Michael Schi avo and featured his reasons for wanting to discontinue his wife s feeding tube. The Schindler family was quoted more often, along with their lawyer, and due to their accessibility, may have been more successful in framing 53

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their daughters situatio n as a woman in grave danger from her husband and negatively framing Michael Schiavo. It also gave them the opportuni ty to re-frame their daughters condition from that of a persistive vegetativ e state to one of disability. Question four asks, what sources are fre quently used for each frame in the two newspapers. The predominant frame in The Oregonian, the Self-Determination frame, used the Ordinary Citizens source the most. The three dominant frames in the St. Petersburg Times were Personal Injury, Battle and Culture of Life. In the St. Petersburg Times the Personal Injury frame, the dominant source was a tie between Michael Schiavos lawyer and the Schindler family lawyers. In the second most prevalent frame in the St. Petersburg Times the Battle frame, the dominant source was a tie between Judges, and Michael Schiavos lawyer, followed closely behind by the Schindler family lawyer. And in the Culture of Life/Self Righteous frame, the predominant source used was Religious Figures. Limitations Because of this limited time period and the focus on only two newspapers, the universe of examined articles was small, especially for The Oregonian. An ideal study wouldve included a retrospective content analysis of newspaper coverage of other comatose patients who were the subject of court battles to end treatment. By examining newspa pers coverage of other end-of-life court battles, especially local coverage from th at time period, the researcher could ascertain if some frames from that case are similar to thos e found in the coverage of Terri Schiavo. Ideally, this study wouldve examined coverage from states such as California, w ho are also considering their own physician-assisted suicide laws. Anot her limitation was the decision to not include elite newspapers, such as The New York Times or The Washington Post The research could also have included the thoughts and feelin gs of the journalists that reporte d the stories in an attempt to 54

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uncover what biases they may have had toward the participants in this event; Terri Schiavo, Michael Schiavo, the Schindler family, etc. McCombs and Shaw (1972) have said that attention and coverage make some topics more noticeable than others, thus affecting how th e public perceives those t opics. Social issues rarely galvanize people based on technical arguments. Howe ver, a figurehead, signifying a public persona for the issue of concern, can aw aken the public and the media to action (Kenny, 2005). Terri Schiavo was that public persona in this analysis. However Ms. Schiavo had a predecessor, another young woman w ho galvanized the media and the public into sides for or against. Karen Ann Quinlan was the public pers ona that marked a change in how our laws govern end-of-life decisions. Like Terri Schiavo, Ms. Quinlan was in an i rreversible coma after ingesting a lethal cocktail of va lium, barbiturates and alcohol. Unlike Terri Schiavo, it was Ms. Quinlans parents who asked for the respirator to be terminated and the medical community who refused and battled the Quinla ns in court (Kenny, 2005). Is there a point at which incurable illness becomes living death? ( Time, 1975, p. 40). This question was asked during the Quinlans ba ttle, in 1975, about how even if we can keep someone alive, on the border of survival, shoul d we and who should make that decision? This difficult decision is still germane today because, de spite prior end-of-life court battles such as Karen Ann Quinlan, there are still no answers for e nd-of-life decisions. This is especially true where the patient has not left a record, such as a living will, to give cl arity on their wishes. The Battle frame was, not surprisingly, picked up by the St. Petersburg Times and to a smaller extent, by The Oregonian. For the Schindler family, it was a fight to save their daughter from death. For Michael Schiavo, it was a battle to honor his wifes wishes. If I ever go like that, just let me go, Terri supposedly said to her husband, afte r watching a movie about a person in a coma 55

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following an accident (Levesque, November 8, 2003, St. Petersburg Times p. 1A). Framing the issue of discontinuing Terri Schiavos feeding tube as a right to Self Determination for end-oflife issues is very different than framing it as harm to an embattled patient, whose fate of certain death rests in the decision of the courts. The analysis of the St. Petersburg Times newspaper shows that by framing Ms. Schiavos condition as a disability and her husbands actions as harmful to her, even equating removal of the feeding tube to murder, the decision to sa nction the removal of th e tube puts the decision maker on par with an executioner. Ms. Schiavo died without a living will, only the testimony of her husband, her brother-in-law Scott Schiavo and her sister-in-la w Joan Schiavo convinced the court that she would not want to be kept alive when there was no hope for recovery. In The Oregonian, Michaels decision to discon tinue tube feedings was an act of privacy, a decision the government had no business interfering. To Mich ael Schiavo, he was doing the right thing in honoring Terris wishes. The Oregonian newspaper may not have stated outright that they agreed with him but by framing the i ssue as one of Self Determination, The Oregonian implied agreement. It is undeniable that end-of-life situations will happen again. The questions posed by Terri Schiavo and other cases ment ioned earlier have shown that th ere are no easy answers, legal or otherwise. Maybe the answers will beco me easier as life-sustaining technology improves along with the ability to diagnose terminal cer ebral atrophy, a fatal condition diagnosed in Ms. Schiavo post mortem and a possible contributor to her terminal persistent vegetative state (Schiavo Autopsy Report, Medical Examiner, Distri ct Six, Pasco and Pinellas Counties, p. 35). Media scholars are aware that news covera ge of an issue and the frames used by journalists to report the news do play a role in shaping public opi nion (Pan and Kosicki, 1993). 56

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It has been shown that when two ideologies comp ete to frame an issue, counter-framing is used to re-frame the issue to favor that side (K eys and McCaffrey, 2000). For example, in the abortion debate, the terms pro-c hoice refer to an ideology or person for the reproductive choice of abortion and the term pro-life refer to an ideology or pe rson against the abortion procedure. The group or person who is successful in framing an issue for the medias use has influence over politicians and policy making in the future (Ands ager, 2000). This study confirmed and added to past framing studies that show th at competing frames can emerge and vie for the medias interest and for shaping a story. In this research st udy, the two sides endeavored to re-frame Terri Schiavo and her situation to favor one side or the other; either her husbands claim that she would not want to be kept alive in her current st ate or her parents claim th at she was disabled and in harms way. This study also adds to prior framing studies that illustrate how framing an issue in the media can encourage the public and politicia ns to become involved in the outcome of an issue. Future Research This paper was written to add to the communi cation research on end-of-life issues by exploring the idea that there ma y be a difference in framing a topic that touches on so many issues we take to be private: deciding when to forgo treatment. As mentioned earlier, there has been prio r precedent setting end-of-life cases besides Terri Schiavo. Before beginning th is research project, a search for prior content analysis of newspapers for frames around end-of-life issues was conducted by the researcher. As noted by Pollock & Yulis, in 2004, there is a scarcity of communica tions research about end-of-life issues. This researcher did not find prior framing analysis of newspapers surrounding the issue of terminating care for a patient in a persistive ve getative state, except as noted earlier (Lauffer, 57

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2000 and Holody, 2006). Future framing studies woul d have to include a retrospective of past cases and local coverage to compare frames. For example, Newton, New Jersey is the town where Karen Ann Quinlan lived and die d. The newspaper for Newton is the New Jersey Herald with a small daily circulation of 16, 792 (http ://www.njinsider.com/newspapers02.htm). The newspaper with the largest circulation for the state of New Jersey is the Star-Ledger with a circulation of 345,130, not too far from that of The Oregonian (Audit Bureau of Circulation, 2007.) By doing a retrospective cont ent analysis of local New Jersey newspaper coverage, future scholars could uncover if the media is reacting to frames that are already established or if they are actively setting new frames. By understanding what frames are likely to be used by local media, communication scholars can be aware of what policy decisions or public opinion influences are likely to occur. 58

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APPENDIX A CODEBOOK Framing Terri Schiavo. A content analysis of two newspapers. T. Barber Kim copyright 2008. 1. Coder ID : Coders will identify themselv es by using their three initials. 2. Story Number : Coders will provide each story with a unique number. 3. Story Date: Coders will indicate the date of the story in a six-digit format (e.g. 010108). 4. Frames: Coders will indicate the presence or absence of each of the following frames (central organizing ideas/themes) by selecting 1 for present or 0 for absent from the list. 1. Culture of Life/Self-righteous : This frame specifically refers to the pro-life movement and their culture of life at all costs. 2. Confusion/Communication : This generic frame refers to the lack of information leading to confusion or conflicting thoughts and emotions related to Ms. Schiavos condition, the decision to terminate tube f eedings, and supposed misleading information from any source. It can also refer to lack of information regarding living wills, lack of communication with family members regarding end of life decisions. 3. Self-determination/patients rights : This frame can refer to the right to decide or chose when to terminate medical care or any end of life decision for oneself. It can also refer to family or medical decisions to honor a patients wishes regarding end of life decisions, even if it is a difficult decision. 4. Political Consequences : This frame can refer to vot er backlash due to political intervention, anger from the perception of lawmakers butting into a decision they have no party to or it can be politi cal support for a decision. 5. Personal injury This frame refers to an act of harm toward Ms. Schiavo by another person, including murder or abuse. It also refers to any threatening action, or word perpetuated against anyone involve d with the Terri Schiavo case. 6. Disability : This frame specifically refers Ms. Schiavos condition as a disability or that she in not in PVS but is disabled. 7. Battle : This frame refers to the battle to keep Ms. Schiavo alive. It also can refer to Ms. Schiavos battle to remain alive. 59

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8. Other : There may be frames that do not fit the above categories. An example of this would be frames dealing with emotion such as empathy or quality of life issues. This category is open to explore new frames th at may emerge during the content analysis. 5. Valence: positive, neutral or negative tone of the frame : After coding for the ambiguous or substantive frames of each of the articles, if Michael Schiavo is germane to the article, note whether the tone or valence toward Michael Schiavo is presented in the story as positive, neutral or negative tone. An example of a nega tive tone about Michael Schiavo would be referring to him as a murder er. An example of a positive tone would refer to Schiavo as a champion for Terris im plied wishes against medical intervention. However, the tone may also be neither posit ive nor negative but rather neutral. An example of a neutral tone will be found in hard news stories where only the facts of the story are reported but no implied tone is gi ven, such as in a cour t proceeding. Coders will indicate the valence of stories by selec ting 1 for negative frames, 2 for neutral frames and 3 for positive frames. 6. Sources Coders will indicate the presence or ab sence of each of the following sources by selecting 1 for present or 0 for absent from the list of the following sources: 1. Michael Schiavo Speaking or issuing a statement directly to the reporter. 2. Michael Schiavos Lawyer Speaking or issu ing a statement directly to the reporter. 3. Bob and Mary Schindler Speaking or issui ng a statement directly to the reporter. 4. Schindlers Lawyer Speaki ng or issuing a statement di rectly to the reporter. 5. Religious Refers to a religious represen tative, like Pope John Paul II, a reverend, minister, Cardinal or spokesperson for an in stitution like a church, synagogue or temple. 6. Political figures Refers to a politician or their spokesperson authorized to speak on their behalf. The politician can be a federa l representative such as a Senator or Congressperson, or a local representativ e such a county commissioner or mayor. 7. Ordinary citizen Refers to a quote from a person who is not a religious figure, a political figure or an interest group representative. The Ordi nary Citizen can be someone who knows either or both of the Schiavo or Sc hindler participants a nd is quoted giving their opinion but can not be a designated repr esentative of either family. The Ordinary Citizen is the man on the st reet who can be anyone wit hout ties to either family. 8. Judges Refers to a person, in the occupati on of judge, who is presiding over the Terri Schiavo case. This person may work at the county, circuit court, federal or Supreme Court level. 60

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9. Bush Refers to Florida Governor Jeb Bu sh or anyone representing Mr. Bush, such as his lawyers. 10. ACLU refers to a person who works on behalf of or is representing the American Civil Liberties Union. 11. Pro-life Refers to an organization or a person representing that organization who title themselves as a pro-life organization, such as Right to Life. This category is written broadly enough to encompass disability rights organizations such as Not Dead Yet, who organize to fight against their perc eption of state spons ored euthanasia. 61

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APPENDIX B BATTLE FRAME 62

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APPENDIX C CULTURE OF LIFE FRAME 64

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APPENDIX D PERSONAL INJURY FRAME 66

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APPENDIX E POLITICAL CONSEQUENCES FRAME 68

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APPENDIX F SELF-DETERMINATION 70

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LIST OF REFERENCES Andsager, J.L. (2000, Autum). How interest gr oups attempt to shap e public opinion with competing news frames. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly. 77(3), pp. 577-592. Bendix, J. & Liebler, C.M. (1996, Spring) Ol d-Growth Forests on Network News: News sources and the framing of an environmental controversy. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly. 73(1), p. 53-65. Berelson, B. (1952). Content analysis in communication research Glencoe, IL: The Free Press. Burt, R.A. (2005). Family conflict and fam ily privacy: the Constitutional violation in Terri Schiavos death. Constitutional Commentary vol. 22, pp. 427-455. Carr, C.K. & Haider-Markel, D.P. (2007, September). The political fallout of taking a stand: The President, Congr ess, and the Schiavo Case. Presidential Quarterly Studies. 37(3), pp. 449-467. Carragee, K. & Roefs, W. (2004, June). The ne glect of power in recent framing research. Journal of Communication. pp. 214-233. Cerminara, K. & Goodman, K. (2006, August 21). Key events in the case of Theresa Marie Schiavo. A joint project of the University of Miami Ethics Programs and the Shepard` Broad Law Center at Nova Southeas tern University. Retrieved November 16, 2007 from http://www6.miami.edu/ethics/schiavo/timeline.htm. Christie, T. (2006, January 18). Assisted Suicide Upheld. The Register-Guard. Sec: Courts, p 1A. Chyi, H.I. & McCombs, M. (2004, Spring). Me dia Salience and the process of framing: Coverage of the Columbine School Shootings. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly. 81 (1), pp. 22-35. DAngelo, P. (2002, December). News framing as a multiparadigmatic research program: A response to Entman. Journal of Communication, p. 870-888. De Vreese, C. & Boomgaarden, H. (2003). Va lenced news frames and public support for the EU. Communications. 28, pp. 361-381. Entman, R. (1993). Framing: Toward clar ification of a fractured paradigm. Journal of Communication, 43 (4), 51-58. Entman, R. (1989). How the media affect what people think: An information processing approach. Journal of Politics. 51(2). 347-370. 72

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Esacove, A. (2004, February). Dialogic Framing: The framing/counterframing of Partial-Birth abortion. Sociological Inquiry. (74)1 pp.70-101 Eisenberg, J.B. (2005). Using Terri: The religious rights conspiracy to take away our rights. Harper Collins Publishers, New York, NY. Gamson, W.A. & Modigliani, A. (1989). Media discourse and public opinion on nuclear power: A constructionist approach. American Journal of Sociology. 95(1) pp. 1-37. Gans, H. (1979). Deciding whats news. New York: Pantheon. Gibson, R. and Zillman, D. (1993). The impact of quotation in news reports of issue perception. Journalism Quarterly. 70 (4), Winter, p. 793-800. Gitlin, T. (1980) The whole world is watching. Berkley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. p.7 Hayes, A. F. and K. Krippendorff. 2007. Answering the call for a standard reliability measure for coding data. Communication Methods and Measures 1: 77-89. Hitchon, J. & Schmidt, T. (1999). When a dvertising and public relations converge: An application of schema theory to the persuasive impact of alignment advertising. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly. (76) 3, pp.443-455. Holody, K. J. (2006). Framing death: The use of frames in newspaper coverage and press releases about death with dignity. Thesis submitted to Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, May 9, 2006. In re Martin, 450 Mich. 204, 538 N.W .2d 399, Michigan supreme Court (1995). Iyengar, S. (1987, September). Television news and citizens explan ations of national issues. American Political Science Review. (81) 3 pp 815-831 Iyengar, S. (1996, July). Framing re sponsibility for political issues. ANNALS, American Academy of Political & Social Sciences. No. 546, pp 59-70. Jensen, K.B. (2002). The qualitative research process. A Handbook of media and communication research. Eds. Klaus Bruhn Jensen. pp. 235-239. Keys, J. & McCaffrey, D. (2000, Winter). Compet itive framing process in the abortion debate: polarization-vilification, fram e saving, and frame debunking. The Sociological Quarterly. (41)1 pp.41-61. 73

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Kiousis, S. (2004). Explicating media salience: A factor analysis of New York Times issue coverage during the 2000 U.S. presidential election. Journal of Communication. March 2004, p. 71-87. Lauffer, K.A. (2000). Defining and dramatizing death: A framing analysis of newspaper Coverage of physician-assisted suicide and euthanasia in selected Michigan Newspapers from 1996 to 1999. Doctoral Dissertation subm itted to the University Of Florida, August, 2000. Machacek, D.W. (2005, Winter). Schiavo Interminable. Religion in the News. (7)3. Retrieved on June 28, 2008 from: http://www.trincoll.edu/depts/csrpl/R INVol7No3/SchiavoInterminable.htm McCombs, M. (2002). The agenda-setting role of the mass media in the shaping of public opinion. University of Texas at Austin. November, 2002. McCombs, M., Llamas, J.P., Lopez-Escobar, E., Rey, F. (1997). Candidate images in Spanish elections: second-lev el agenda-setting effects. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly. 74(4), p. 703-717 McMillan, S. (2000). The microscope and the m oving target: The challenge of applying content analysis to the World Wide Web. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly. 77, Spring, p. 80-98. Pan, Z. & Kosicki, G.M. (1993). Framing analys is: An approach to news and discourse. Political Communication. (10) pp. 55-75. Pollock, J. & Yulis, S. (2004). Nationwide newspaper coverage of physicianassisted suicide: A community approach. Journal of Health Communication. (9)4, pp. 281-307. Powers, A. and Fico, F. (1994). Influences on use of sources at large U.S. newspapers. Newspaper Research Journal. 15 (4), Fall, p. 87-97. Ramsey, S. (1999). A benchmark study of elabora tion and sourcing in science stories for eight American newspapers. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly. 76(1), p.87-89 Scheufele, D. (1999). Framing as a theory of media effects. Journal of Communication. Winter 1999, p. 103-122. Scheufele, D. & Tewksbury, D. (2007). Fram ing, agenda setting, and priming: The Evolution of three media effects models. Journal of Communication. (57), pp.9-20. Scott, W.A. (1955) Reliability of content analysis: The case of nominal scale coding. Public Opinion Quarterly 19, p. 321-325. 74

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Shen, F. (2004, Summer). Effects of new frames and schemas on individual issue interpretations and attitudes. Journalism and Mass Comm unication Quarterly. 81(2), pp. 400-416. Slater, M.D. and Rouner, D. (1996). How me ssage evaluation and source attributes may influence credibility assessment and belief change. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly. 73 (4), Winter, p. 974-991. Talk of the Nation. March 30, 2006. Lessons of the Terri Schiavo case. Audio Podcast retrieved from: http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=5312161 Tuchman, G. (1972). Objectivity as strategic ri tual: An examination of newsmens notions of objectivity. American Journal of Sociology. 77 (4), p. 660-679. Tuchman, G. (1978). Making news: A study in th e construction of reality. New York: Free Press. University of California, Center for Communication (UCLA). Toolbox Communication terms and concepts. http://uclaccc.ucla.edu/commstrategic.php Weaver, D. (2007). Thoughts on age nda setting, framing and priming. Journal of Communication. 57, pp. 142-147. Williams, A. P. & Kaid, L.L. (2006). Media fram ing of the European parliament elections: A view from the United States. In M. Maier & J. Tenscher (Eds.), Campaigning in Europe Campaigning for Europe: Politic al Parties,Campaigns, Mass Media and the European Parliament Elections 2004. London, England: LIT Publishers. 75

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Teresa Barber Kim was born in Athens, Geor gia but moved with her family to Miami, Florida at the age of three. Ra ised in Miami, Teresa, known as Teri to her family and friends, graduated high school from Miami Palmetto Senior High and earned her associate of arts degree from Miami-Dade Community College. She then transferred to the University of Florida, where she graduated with a bachelor of science in public relations, December 1985. After graduating from the University of Florida, Teri worked in New York City for six years as a production assistant for film and video, and for three years in advertising for Royal Caribbean Cruises, Ltd. in Miami, Florida. With a desire to change car eers and a growing interest in health and science spurring her on, Teri then earned a bachelor of science in nursing from Georgetown University, Washington, D.C. After graduation, she served four years active duty in the United States Navy Nurse Corps, working in such diverse setti ngs as oncology, labor and delivery and surgical services. Her last rank achieved was Lieutena nt and she was honorably discharged on March 1999. Since then she has worked as a nurse in medical research, pub lic health and case management. In August 2006, she began her studies for a Ma ster of Arts in Mass Communication, with a specialty in science and health communications. Teri aspires to combine her communication skills with her interest and experience in th e medical field as a medical communications professional. 76