The Bolshevik Revolution and Tin Pan Alley

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0022873/00001

Material Information

Title: The Bolshevik Revolution and Tin Pan Alley Anti-Revolutionary Song in the United States, 1917-1927
Physical Description: 1 online resource (171 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Holder, Brian
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2008


Subjects / Keywords: alley, bolshevik, pan, red, scare, tin
Music -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Music thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation


Abstract: This study examines a small portion of Tin Pan Alley song texts that expressed a negative reaction to the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution and its implications within American politics, labor relations, and immigration policy. These songs reveal the stereotypes, biases, and misconceptions that, through utilization during the Red Scare (circa 1919-1920), left their scars upon the popular image of Russians and Russian culture in the United States. Additionally, these examples reveal an imaged and exaggerated construction of Russian culture, tooled by the fears and anxieties of the era. This anti-radical song literature has not been studied in depth, and is often passed over in studies of popular music from World War I and the 1920s. As such, the present study illuminates an avenue of Tin Pan Alley that adds to the understanding and experience of American culture during this period. The years 1917 to 1927 have been chosen to encompass a period beginning with the Bolshevik Revolution, including the entire Red Scare, and going beyond into the later part of the decade. This allows for the inclusion of several songs that reveal the American opinions of Russian culture throughout these stages. The specific songs included in this study were chosen from a larger body of anti-radical literature. They have been sourced from several archives, many of which were later obtained from private collectors and sellers. These texts have been selected not only based on content, but availability through prominent archives and on commercially available sound recordings. This information has been provided in Appendix B and C.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Brian Holder.
Thesis: Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2008.
Local: Adviser: Kushner, David Z.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2008
System ID: UFE0022873:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0022873/00001

Material Information

Title: The Bolshevik Revolution and Tin Pan Alley Anti-Revolutionary Song in the United States, 1917-1927
Physical Description: 1 online resource (171 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Holder, Brian
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2008


Subjects / Keywords: alley, bolshevik, pan, red, scare, tin
Music -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Music thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation


Abstract: This study examines a small portion of Tin Pan Alley song texts that expressed a negative reaction to the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution and its implications within American politics, labor relations, and immigration policy. These songs reveal the stereotypes, biases, and misconceptions that, through utilization during the Red Scare (circa 1919-1920), left their scars upon the popular image of Russians and Russian culture in the United States. Additionally, these examples reveal an imaged and exaggerated construction of Russian culture, tooled by the fears and anxieties of the era. This anti-radical song literature has not been studied in depth, and is often passed over in studies of popular music from World War I and the 1920s. As such, the present study illuminates an avenue of Tin Pan Alley that adds to the understanding and experience of American culture during this period. The years 1917 to 1927 have been chosen to encompass a period beginning with the Bolshevik Revolution, including the entire Red Scare, and going beyond into the later part of the decade. This allows for the inclusion of several songs that reveal the American opinions of Russian culture throughout these stages. The specific songs included in this study were chosen from a larger body of anti-radical literature. They have been sourced from several archives, many of which were later obtained from private collectors and sellers. These texts have been selected not only based on content, but availability through prominent archives and on commercially available sound recordings. This information has been provided in Appendix B and C.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Brian Holder.
Thesis: Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2008.
Local: Adviser: Kushner, David Z.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2008
System ID: UFE0022873:00001

This item has the following downloads:

Full Text




2008 Brian Holder 2


To Lauren, Murphy, and Rufio. 3


ACKNOWL EDGMENTS I wish to thank the members of my superv isory committee and the many other professors who have guided me through my years at the Universi ty of Florida. Specifically I thank David Z. Kushner for his mentorship and inspiration. It ha s been an honor to study and work within his musicology program. Additional help and advice came from Robena Cornwell, Michele Wilbanks, and Mary Wood at the University of Florid a Music Library, Jim Liversidge at the University of Florida Popular Culture Collections, the Performing Arts Reading Room staff at the Library of Congress, Nancy Mason, assistant to the Milne Special Coll ections at the University of New Hampshire, the Duke University Special Collections staff, sh eet music collector and l ecturer Lee Schreiner, and Bernard Parker, author and World War I song collector. I am very grateful for their assistance. My colleagues at Santa Fe College have also been very supportive during the preparation of this study. I appreciate th eir encouragement and understandi ng. I thank David Goldblatt for his willingness to both sing and acco mpany himself in performance of Lets knock the bull out of the Bolsheviki Finally I thank my mother, whose gift of the sheet music Johnnys in town sparked an interest in the music of the First World War. 4


TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...............................................................................................................4 LIST OF FIGURES.........................................................................................................................7 ABSTRACT...................................................................................................................................10 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................. .12 Project Overview....................................................................................................................12 Need for the Study..................................................................................................................16 Literature Review.............................................................................................................. .....18 2 TIN PAN ALLEY AND POST -REVOLUTION POLITICS................................................25 Popular Music and Propaganda..............................................................................................25 Demobilization and the Red Scare.........................................................................................30 3 INFLUENCE OF BOLSHEVIK IDEOLOGY.......................................................................43 Bolshevik anxiety and the Red Flag.......................................................................................43 Industrial Concerns............................................................................................................ .....48 4 IMAGES OF RUSSIAN CULTURE.....................................................................................60 Dance......................................................................................................................................60 Beards and Vodka............................................................................................................... ....62 Fashion....................................................................................................................................65 Bolshevik ................................................................................................................................67 5 PARODY, IMITATION, AND MOCKERY.........................................................................87 Russian Rag ...........................................................................................................................88 Nikita Balieff and the Chauve-Souris.....................................................................................97 6 BEYOND THE RED SCARE..............................................................................................121 Assimilation and Nostalgia...................................................................................................122 Song of the Flame .................................................................................................................126 Conclusion............................................................................................................................133 APPENDIX A BIOGRAPHY OF GEORGE L. COBB...............................................................................145 5


B DISCOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................. 152 C SHEET MUSIC SOURCES.................................................................................................163 LIST OF REFERENCES.............................................................................................................165 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.......................................................................................................171 6


LIST OF FI GURES Figure page 2-1 Charles McCarron and Carey Morgan, The Russians Were Rushin, the Yanks Started Yankin, mm. 45-64............................................................................................................41 2-2 What A Year Has Brought Forth, Literary Digest (22 November, 1919) 15.................42 3-1 Irving Berlin, That Revolutionary Rag mm. 1-7...............................................................54 3-2 Irving Berlin, Look Out For The Bolsheviki Man mm. 1-7..............................................55 3-3 Coming Out of the Smoke, Literary Digest (11 October, 1919) 12...............................56 3-4 Douglas Fairbanks and A. Liebich, The Advancing Proletaire. ........................................57 3-5 Leo Friedman and M.L. Jennings, Well Never Change the Blue and White to Red .........58 3-6 At the Place of Decision, Literary Digest (25 October, 1919) 13..................................59 4-1 Celia Aubert, Cossack Dance............................................................................................72 4-2 Oh, You Fox-Trotsky!, Literary Digest (19 June, 1920) 27..........................................73 4-3 Ben Russell and Henry Tobias, Katinka mm. 59-66........................................................74 4-4 Curses: It Wont Explode In America, Literary Digest (18 October, 1919) 12.............75 4-5 Cause and Consequence, Literary Digest (29 Nove mber, 1919) 18..............................76 4-6 George Gershwin and Herbert Stothart, Vodka mm. 5-8..................................................77 4-7 George Gershwin and Herbert Stothart, Cossack Love Song ............................................78 4-8 Woman putting flask in her Russian boot, Washington, D.C. National Photo Company Collection, Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LCUSZ62-97941.....................................................................................................................79 4-9 Gus Kahn, Harry Richman, and Ted Shapiro, Rose of the Volga ......................................80 4-10 Meyer Gusman, James Kendis, Fra nk Samuels, and Harvey Samuels, Underneath the Russian Moon...............................................................................................................81 4-11 Ben Russell and Henry Tobias, Katinka: A Russian Fox Trot-Sky. ...................................82 4-12 George White and Arthur J. Jackson, Bolsheviki............................................................... 83 4-13 Moe Jaffe and Nat Bonx, Bolshevik, mm 71-78................................................................84 7


4-14 President Paderewski Rides Into Warsaw, Literary Digest (17 May, 1919) 29............85 4-15 Moe Jaffe and Nat Bonx, Bolshevik, mm 43-52................................................................86 5-1 Sergei Rachmaninoff, Prelude in C# minor, op.3, no. 2, mm. 1-6..................................107 5-2 George L. Cobb, Russian Rag, mm. 1-12........................................................................108 5-3 Rhea McMurray from the cover of the Russian Rag....................................................... 109 5-4 Charles F. Gall, Olga: Russian Rag .................................................................................110 5-5 The Six Brown Brothers Clown Band as featured on the cover of the Russian Rag.......111 5-6 Sergei Rachmaninoff, Prelude in C# minor, op. 3, no. 2, mm. 15-17.............................112 5-7 George L. Cobb, New Russian Rag mm. 76-79..............................................................113 5-8 George L. Cobb, Russian Rag arranged for solo accordion............................................114 5-9 Sergei Rachmaninoff and George L. Cobb from the cover of the New Russian Rag ......115 5-10 Melody of Bolshevik as recorded by Fred Waring a nd his Pennsylvanians, mm. 1-14. Transcribed by the author................................................................................................116 5-11 Dailey Paskman, Sparkling Wine .....................................................................................117 5-12 Richard Fall and L. Wolfe Gilbert, O Katharina! Note the bat used to represent Nikita Balieffs eyebrows................................................................................................118 5-13 Oskar Steiner and Oskar Virag, Anuschka .......................................................................119 5-14 Oskar Steiner and Oskar Virag, Anuschka mm. 22-25...................................................120 6-1 Irving Berlin, Russian Lullaby mm. 1-20.......................................................................138 6-2 Kazbek. Transcribed by the author. .................................................................................139 6-3 George Gershwin and Herbert Stothart, Song of the Flame mm. 21-27..........................140 6-4 Minka Transcribed by the author. ..................................................................................141 6-5 George Gershwin and Herbert Stothart, Cossack Love Song mm. 21-30........................142 6-6 Bernice Claire in the film adaptation of Song of the Flame Photograph by Elmer Fryer, from the collec tion of the author...........................................................................143 6-7 Carl Deis, Song of the Volga Boatmen .............................................................................144 8


A-1 George L. Cobb, The New Russian Rag ..........................................................................150 A-2 George L. Cobbs column Just Between You and Me, Melody (April, 1918), 24.......151 9


Abstract of Dissertation Pres ented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy THE BOLSHEVIK REVOLUTION AND TI N PAN ALLEY: ANTI-REVOLUTIONARY SONG IN THE UNITED STATES, 1917-1927 By Brian Holder December 2008 Chair: David Z. Kushner Major: Music This study examines a small portion of Tin Pan Alley song texts that expressed a negative reaction to the 1917 Bolshevik Revo lution and its implications with in American politics, labor relations, and immigration policy. These songs reveal the stereotypes, biases, and misconceptions that, through utilization during th e Red Scare (circa 1919-1920), left their scars upon the popular image of Russians and Russian cultu re in the United States. Additionally, these examples reveal an imaged and exaggerated cons truction of Russian cultu re, tooled by the fears and anxieties of the era. This anti-radical song literature has not been studied in depth, and is often passed over in studies of popular music from World War I and the 1920s. As such, the present study illuminates an avenue of Tin Pan Alley th at adds to the understanding and experience of American culture during this period. The years 1917 to 1927 have b een chosen to encompass a period beginning with the Bolshevik Revolution, including the en tire Red Scare, and going beyond into the later part of the decade. This allows for the inclus ion of several songs that reveal the American opinions of Russian culture throughout these stages. The specific songs included in this study were chosen from a larger body of anti-radical literature. They have been sourced from severa l archives, many of which were later obtained 10


11 from private collectors and sellers. These texts ha ve been selected not on ly based on content, but availability through prominent archives and on commercially available sound recordings. This information has been provided in Appendix B and C.


CHAP TER 1 INTRODUCTION Project Overview In spite of all that America gives, we have seen that the great majority of Russian immigrants are isolated and remain almost to tally unlike the American people. When they first arrive, they come with a cultural herita ge so totally at vari ance with that of the American that they form a distinct non -resembling group in our society. In language, occupation, education, and mores, they are unlike our average. As might be expected of two groups reacting on each othe r, segregation and mutual non-comprehension result. We can safely conclude that the great major ity of the Russians to not understand or love America. As a matter of fact, they look at her through the colore d glasses of their experience.1 -Jerome Davis, 1922 Approximately three million Russians emigrated to Western Europe and North America in the first quarter of the twentieth century.2 These expatriates fled bot h the dying Czarist regime and the subsequent Bolshevik Revolution. Thei r baggage included unique cultural expressions and icons, as well as an association with poli tical radicalism and a gove rnment bent on a global industrial upheaval. The ai m of this study is to contextualiz e and interpret Ti n Pan Alley songs that reflect the negative reacti on of American citizens to the ear ly Russian Soviet state and the ensuing immigration wave.3 This approach reveals various pe rspectives of Russian music and culture in order to offer interpretations of this data and gain insight into why such conceptions A note on style: This dissertation follows the standards set by Rpertoire International de Littrature Musicale in How to Write About Music: The RILM Manual of Style second edition ed. by James R. Cowdey (New York: Rpertoire International de Littrature Musicale, 2006). 1 Davis, The Russian Immigrant 178-80. 2 A figure based on language and national origin data recorded in the 1910 and 1924 consensus. Daniels, Coming to America: A History of Immigration and Ethnicity in American Life 217, 223. 3 In this study all songs referred to were published for commercial distribution as sheet music folios. Most were written for voice and piano with the o ccasional inclusion of ukulele chords. When applicable, arrangements taken from these songs will be discussed. Specific information regarding archival locations is found in appendix C. Otherwise song authorship will be addressed in footnoted information. Sound recordings will also be mentioned in reference to this song literature. A discography is found in appendix B. 12


were m ade during the era in question.4 Thus the current study is not intended as a search for musicological value systems, nor is it a presen tation of a specific chr onology of music in the United States. This research aims to offer insi ght into the public construction of the Russian Bolshevik as a cultural force an tagonistic to the United States of America, and how this image affected Americans of Russian descent. These cultural stereotypes and misnomers inform the icons of American xenophobia and Russian civil turmoil present in this literature while also shedding light on the instabilities and uncertainties of American society. An understanding of these images and their political context allows for a deeper interpretation of these songs, as Tin Pan Alley took part in th eir creation and recreation. This socio-musical exchange embodies the functi on and value of this repertoire today.5 AntiBolshevik music produced stereot ypes that reinforced and cultiv ated public opinion in the years following the First World War. This literature opens a window to this era and allows for its recreation and reinterpretation in the present. Through the icons of Bolshevism and the Re d Scare the songs sele cted for this study embodied another aspect of American musical culture. The threat of global Communism slackened after the Russian Civ il War ended in the early 1920s. Lenins government turned inward, focused on rebuilding its nation while ot her European Socialist uprisings ran out of momentum. At the same time the Red Scare si mmered down, and public opinion of the Russian people took on a new dimension. The popular songs of the mid-1920s embody this change, in which Russian Communists became decreasingly threatening and more an image of mockery. 4 Brackett, Interpreting Popular Music 201. 5 Middleton, Studying Popular Music 106. 13


This issue also fits within the broader scope of Am erican xenophobiaa sentiment common to the post-Wilson years. The songs that reflect this aspect of popul ar culture played an important role in constructing and maintaining this discourse. Many images utilized during the Red Scare returned in later music, but the attitude had greatly evolved. The act of performance allowed these icons and perspectives to coalesce for American audiences and to produce a constructed public consciousness that resonated with the exclusionism of the 1920s.6 This is what Philip Bohlman and Ronald Radano have dubbed the racial imag ination, through which social or political context influence imagined identities.7 While these authors specifically addressed race, the present study applies their model to ethnic and na tional identity. Their theory places identity within a perpetually evolving ideal (forever on the loose). Thus the constr uction of identity is never stagnant. So did the image of Russian culture in the United States change during the period under examination. The stereotypes of Russi anness came to embody multiple meanings, and ultimately reflect an outsider perspective. Larry Ha mberlin has articulated this effect as a means by which a musical text constitu tes a desire to examine ones own culture through anotherto probe the Western subjectivity.8 In effect the definition of Ru ssian culture through American eyes is a definition of America itself. The songs selected for this study were collec ted from archives across the United States.9 Contained within them are different modes of rhet oric that suggest an American characterization 6 Parallel to Simon Friths statement that music constructs our sense of identity through the experiences it offers of the body, time, and sociability, experien ces which enable us to place ourselve s in imaginative cultural narratives. Performing Rites 275. 7 Bohlman and Radano, Introduction, 5. 8 Hamberlin, Visions of Salome, 632-3. 9 For a complete listing that includes authors, publishers and the locations of extant copies please see Appendix C. 14


of Russian culture from the outside. This di scourse includes information encoded in lyric content, song sheet artwork, and musical analysis. All of these areas enrich each other, and bring forth the values held by the society that produced them.10 The second chapter broadly examines the Amer ican Red Scare and the role taken by Tin Pan Alley in fostering domestic propaganda. The im pact of Bolshevism in the United States is continued through an outline of th e National Origins Act and the subsequently cooled threat of an American Communist revolution. The followi ng chapters expand upon the cultural, political and musical values reflected in the selected song literature. The third chapter includes Communist ideology and political radicalism in the United States. The songs examined in this chapter reveal the American concept of Communism that plays an important role in the overall perspective of this project. The state administered Red Flag laws are also discussed, as is the perceived Bolshevik threat to dom estic industry. This song literatu re strongly suggests the clear parallel made between the dangers of Bolshevism and labor solidarity. Chapter four discusses the specific cultural icons found in the song repertoire. These images express stereotypes of dance and lifestyle (food, drink, persona l appearance), which contribu te to the construction of a Bolshevik character. Chapter five concerns th e imitation and mockery of Russian music. Songs of mockery are often th e children of both political thought an d musical cannibalism, as is the case with the literature discussed in this section. These selections were either based on Russian melodies or imitate aspects of Russian music and dance. The final chapter offers perspectives of Russians and Russian culture in the years fo llowing the Red Scare. The chapter examines assimilation, a staged performance of the Russian Revolution, and offers some final remarks. Three appendixes follow. The first provides bi ographical information on George L. Cobb, and 10 Walser, Running with the Devil 30. 15


com poser discussed in chapter five. This is followed by a discography, and song sheet source locations are provided in the third appendix. Need for the Study The role of the United States of America in the First World War was perpetually debated during the period of American belligerence and subsequent de mobilization. As a single portion of the larger cultural atmosphe re, the songs that mirrored th ese sentiments and concerns constitute a valuable means by which to interpret this moment. The pr esent study examines a portion of this tale that has been past over by many historians a nd musicologists. Various studies of World War I sheet music focus on the globa l conflict, but they do not discuss the songs relevant to the Russian Revoluti on or the subsequent American Red Scare. For instance, most common is the discussion of peace songs that dealt with demobilization, the Treaty of Versailles and the ill-fated League of Nations. The Ameri can perspective on global Bolshevik activity was a topic that evolved quickly, and specifically reveals the themes of national hysteria and cultural stereotyping relevant to this moment and the following decade. A close reading and analysis of Tin Pan Alley songs reflect such emotions provi ding contemporary musicologists and historians a way to unpack the popular opinions of Bo lshevik culture and early Soviet society. This topic has previously been approached through a few sources, which are represented in the following literature review. Th e present research is based on primary readings of song folios and sound recordings, archival research, biogr aphical information, and examination of both American and Russian cultural histories.11 While this topic involves an important phase of American political history and popul ar culture, it is not treated in several of the standard works that concern American music. Gilbert Chases Americas music (1955), Charles Hamms Music 11 Additional information and direction was drawn from discussions with sheet music collectors. 16


in the new w orld (1983), H. Wiley Hitchcocks Music in the United States (2000), and Richard Crawfords Americas musical life (2001) do not discuss this as pect of Tin Pan Alley song production. Studies specific to Tin Pan Alley have also disregarde d this avenue of research. Charles Hamms Yesterdays, popular song in America (1979), David Jasens Tin Pan Alley (1988), and Lee Davis Scandals and follies, the rise and fall of the great Broadway revue (2000) make no mention of the Russian Revolution, labor relations within the in dustry, or its impact on popular song. Glenn Watkins Proof through the night, music and the Great War (2003) is a study of primarily art music during World War I, including a fine chapter on James Reese Europe, yet mentions the Russian Revolution only in regards to Sergei Rachmaninoff.12 The work is further organized by each nationality engaged in the war, yet features no chapter on Russia. One of the only studies of American music to include Red Scare literature is Ian Whitcombs After the ball: pop music from rag to rock (1972). Whitcomb quotes from the 1919 Leo Feist publication Lets knock the bull out of the Bolsheviki yet limits the discussion to about half a page. Ben Arnolds Music and war, a research and information guide (1993) provides brief information regarding the Russian art music pe rspective towards the revolution. He includes quick mention of Aleksandr Grechaninovs The hymn of free Russia ; a brief three-page, diatonic song in A major. One of the earliest works to grow out of the Russian Revolution.13 Frederick G. Vogels World War I songs, a history and dictionary of popular American patriotic tunes, with over 300 complete lyrics (1995) also offers little in the way of historical context, but 12 For the purpose of this study Sergei Rachmaninoffs name will be spelled as it was during the era under examination. 13 However, this work is known to have been composed in praise of the Alexander Kerenskys Provisional Government, not in relation to the Bolshevik Party. Grechaninov disliked Lenin, and eventually immigrated to the United States. Arnold, Music and War 161. 17


contain s an entry for The Russians were russin, the yanks started yankin .14 A recent text by the patriotic song collector Bernard Parker ( World War I sheet music [2007]) examines the various levels of popular music produced by Tin Pan Al ley during the war years. Although he does not specifically address the Russian revolution, his work does include several relevant entries and a brief but helpful bibliography.15 In light of the sparse trea tment this topic has receive d, the present study intends to illuminate an area of popular music and Americ an musical politics often overlooked by students of Tin Pan Alley and the First World War. Furthermore, this study serves as a resource of song sheets and recordings spread acro ss many archives and collections.16 More than eighty years have passed since Vladimir Lenin led the Bols hevik Party to power in a socio-economically crippled Russia, which influenced American international relations for decades following. The songs of this era inform the North American c onstruction of Russian culture and enrich the study of politics (both national and international) and musical culture in the United States. Literature Review There is no standard literature regarding the specific influence of the Bolshevik revolution on North American popular song. Many of these sour ces approach the subject indirectly, through cultural, political, social, or philosophical dime nsions. To fill such a lacunae both American and Russian cultural histories have proven useful in c ontextualizing this moveme nt and its relation to the arts. Several of these non-musical sources pr ovide insight into Russi an culture during the 14 Vogel, World War I Songs 232. 15 Bernard Parker is a dedicated song co llector whose text serves as a lexicogr aphy of primarily Allied-related World War I sheet music. This two-volume work identifies many so ngs, yet does not speak to their intentions or specific political context. 16 This author has not identified any one collection or co llector specifically attentive to this topic. Please see Appendix C for source information relative to this study. 18


early Sov iet period and illuminate the ideologies and practices of this complicated subject. A classic study is James H. Billingtons The icon and the axe, an interpretive history of Russian culture (1970), while a more recent counterpart is Orlando Figess Natashas dance, a cultural history of Russia (2002). These texts examine the topic from various angles, including visual and performing arts, literature, fashion, gastronomy, a nd other cultural expressions. They inform this authors writings on Russian cultu ral practice in regard to the American perspective. Another text more closely tied to mode rn Russia is Robert Services A history of modern Russia from Nicholas II to Vladimir Putin (2003). This work provides much specific data regarding the Bolshevik period. Richard Stites provides a more specific glimpse of Bolshevik music in his Russian popular culture, entertainment and society since 1900 (1992). This work offers a discussion of folk music and popular music within the developing Soviet state. Stites does not dwell on Russian intellectuals who left the c ountry, but does briefly addresse d the Russian Association of Proletarian Musicians and their folk and Western-inspired music. The relationship between American and Russian urban popular styles is documented in S. Frederick Starrs unique Red and hot, the fate of jazz in the Soviet Union (1994). Starr examines North American dance crazes and the reception of African-American music during the last years of Czarist Russia and throughout the Soviet period. This work and the previous citations offer a comprehensive overview of Russian musical culture and practice duri ng the time period under study, and enrich the discussion of the American reception. Examples of Russian dance are found in Marion Bergmans The Russian-American song and dance book (1947) and Leslie Clendenens The art of dancing: its theory and practice 19


(1919).17 These sources offer brief glimpses of Russi an dance from an American perspective. Russian gastronomy is examined well in R.E.F. Smith and David Christians Bread and salt: a social and economic history of food and drink in Russia (1984). This inte resting work has informed the discussion of vodka and Russian culture. Various studies of American cu ltural and political history have contribut ed to this study. Culturally specific research can be found in the 25th anniversary edition of David Kennedys Over here, the first World War and American society (2004). This work concerns the American experience during the War, while also touchi ng upon the Russian revolution and its impact upon American society. However it does not fully breac h the Red Scare that evolved during the period of demobilization. An early study of this topic was Robert K. Murrys Red Scare: a study of national hysteria, 1919-1920 (1955), in which this Red Scare was examined with some minor undertones of the later Cold War.18 Despite the ideological framework, this text has remained a standard on the subject. A much more recent study is Reds, McCarthyism in twentieth century America (2004) by Ted Morgan. Although focused pr imarily on the politics of Senator Joseph McCarthy, Morgan does present ex cellent data concerning the Bolshevik revolution and the Communist impact on American culture. Much of this material has been synthesized in chapter two of the present study. The speci fic mechanics of the Red Scare are also examined in Kenneth Ackermans Young J. Edgar: Hoover, the Red Scar e, and the assault on civil liberties (2007). His work obviously focuses on Hoovers early car eer, and also provides in sight into immigration policy and the Palmer raids. 17 The later is available online through the Library of Congress. 18 Robert Murray does frame the Red Scare as a lesson to be applied to the 1950s. For example, he writes that, as in 1919, our present-day solutions must be the product of some facts, some exaggeration, some misinformation, and some personal prejudice. And yet, the important fact remains that the nature of our response to these problems and fears will determine in large measure whether we will fo restall or, like the public of 1919, succumb to a much greater, more intense, and more disastrous Red Scare that can come. Red Scare 281. 20


Publications that trea t the general history of the Great W ar are in no short supply. Several of these sources have been valuable in providing historical and cultural da ta. For the purpose of the present study John Keegans The First World War (1999) and S.L.A. Marshalls World War I (2001) have provided the most c oncrete information on the mechanics of the First World War. There are many general sources pertaining to American im migration in the early 20th century, such as Roger Danielss Coming to America: a history of immigration and ethnicity in American life (1990), Leonard Dinnersteins Ethnic Americans, a hi story of immigration (1990), and Philip Taylors The Distant Magnet: Europe an emigration to the U.S.A. (1971). More relevant studies include Vera Kishinevsky Russian immigrants in the United States adapting to American culture (2004), and the dated but excellent ar ticle Immigration policy since World War I, by Edward Hutchinson (1949). Working with texts from the era in question has been more revealing due to a gene ral transparency of opinion. A classic is W.I. Thomass Old world traits transplanted (1921). Other more politica lly incorrect studies that i llustrate the biases of the era are Jerome Daviss The Russian immigrant (1922) and Arthur Ruhls contribution to Henry Pratt Fairchilds Immigrant backgrounds (1927). These sources give insight into the views and prerogatives of the era. Many works examine Tin Pan Alley and the st ate of popular music after the Great War. The vast majority, however, make no mention of the Red Scare. This fact aside some of the most contextually helpful have been David Jasens works: Tin Pan Alley, the composers, the songs, the performers and their time (1988), That American rag, the story of ragtime from coast to coast (with Gene Jones, 2000), and Rags and ragtime, a musical history (with Trebor Tichenor, 1978). Jasen provides much biograp hical information for composer s and artists whose celebrity rests with ragtime. He also provides context and extra-musical discussion (such as the section on 21


Tin Pan Alley devoted to Irene and Vernon Castle), although his prim ary focus is hit song literature. Rags and ragtime is especially focused biographi cal information, although he again spends much time on the most commercially po pular musical examples. Edward A. Berlins Ragtime: a musical and cultural history (1980) also contributes similar information to this broad topic. Jeffrey Livingstons chapter in Americas musical pulse: pop ular music in twentieth century society (1992) provides an overview of music a nd the politics of wa rfare. It is not, however, specific to the World War I era. A be tter discussion is found in the introduction to Bernard Parkers World War I sheet music (2007). A retired philosophy professor and avid song collector, his catalog includes a brief yet well-informed picture of Tin Pan Alley during the War. The present author has also s poken to Mr. Parker and received some direction concerning his text. David Bracketts Interpreting popular music (2000) and Richard Middletons Studying popular music (1990) have provided some theoretical st arting points. The writing of Simon Frith ( Performing rites, on the value of popular music [1998]) has specifically added to the discussion of aesthetics and hermeneutics. The conclusion of chapter six opines regarding the experience of this music. Philip Bohlman and Ronald Radano s previously mentioned theory of racial imagination, has proven useful in expressing th e role of music within the shaping of broad social opinion.19 The texts examined in the present study illuminate the use of stereotypes and contextual confusion in the construction of an ab stract Bolshevik identity. This image evolved in the years that followed the First World War, and le ft a mark on the public realization of Russian culture in the United States. 19 Bohlman and Radano, Introduction, 5. 22


Very few of the com posers relevant to this study have been well-treated by biographers. Others lack even the most basic of biographica l discussion. Two excellent sources that contain data on these lesser-known artists are the ASCAP biographical dictionary (1980) and Warren Vach s The unsung songwriters, Americas masters of melody (2000). Appendix A treats one such author, George L. Cobb, whose biography is stretched between many sources, yet has no definitive version. Much of the information presen ted in this study is taken from the above two sources and other primary references. Regarding those with extensive biographies, sources are easily available. The discussion of Irving Berlin draws specifically from Charles Hamms article Genre, performance and ideology in the early songs of Irving Berlin (Popular Music 1994) and The complete lyrics of Irving Berlin (edited by Robert Kimball and Linda Emmet, 2001). The discussion of George Gershwin is largely drawn from his two sta ndard biographies: Howard Pollacks George Gershwin: his life and work (2006) and Edward Jablonskis Gershwin (1987). Information on Serge Rachmaninoff has primarily been drawn from Oskar von Riesemanns Rachmaninoffs recollections (1979) and Watson Lyles Rachmaninoff (1939). Other anecdotal informa tion regarding these authors has been drawn from periodicals and serials that addressed or reviewed their works. Several of these serials have also been cruc ial to this study. Those most quoted include primary accounts found in the New York Times the Literary Digest, and The Tuneful Yankee/ Melody .20 The Literary Digest is a particularly good resource for political cartoons and issues relative to public thought and the wartime obsession with Americanization. Other journals and periodicals were examined, and contributed to the study. One excellent source of primary 20 The Tuneful Yankee became Melody shortly after its production run began in 1916. This journal is a good source of journalism and opinion regarding ragtime. It is, however, only available through the Library of Congress and the Bowling Green State University Library. 23


24 information is Variety, which reported on all things relevant to Tin Pan Alley and popular culture in the United States. Theater Magazine has also been a helpful source. More recent secondary source material has been drawn from the Journal of Popular Culture Popular Music, and the online journal Classic Ragtime Piano


CHAP TER 2 TIN PAN ALLEY AND POST -REVOLUTION POLITICS The American Red Scare re-contextualized the image of Russia and Russians in the United States by transforming culture into a vehicle fo r socio-political persua sion. Between the years 1917 and 1920 a mixture of exaggeration, misinforme d data, and a purely theoretical invasion by Bolshevik ideology saturated the American public. Called the Red Scare, and reinforced by labor strikes and a nation-wide bomb scare, many citizens felt as though the Russian invasion was imminent. This was the relationship that Robert Murray called the matr ix that held the Red Scare together.1 The public opinion of Russian culture was altered, and stereotypes came to embody new meanings. The present chapter brie fly examines the state of Tin Pan Alley publications during the period of American belligerence and then turns to the political environment of the Red Scare. Popular Music and Propaganda The last years of World War I saw an output of songs unparalleled in th e course of Tin Pan Alley production.2 War songs occupied an especially larg e percentage of th is literature, and served to inform and mirror the sentiments of Am erican society without a firsthand experience in the European conflict.3 Yet these songs did more than naively inform the listening public, they reflected the emotions of the domestic audience and stimulated thei r ears with government inspired propaganda. American involvement in the European conflict depended on an ideologically sound home-front informed by a propa ganda machine that involved all levels of 1 Murray, Red 83. 2 Parker, World War I Sheet Music 6. 3 Livingston, Still Boy-Meets-Girl Stuff, 33-34. 25


popular culture. The m usic indus try thus provided a medium for the dispersion of government approved information. In George Creel and his Committee on Public Information (CPI) President Wilson developed a federal body to treat domestic and fo reign propaganda. The CPI existed to organize this information and appropriately distribute it to the masses. The most iconic segment of the CPI was Creels Four Minute Men. This organizati on consisted of 75,000 willing citizens who were trained to beat the war drum throughout the c ountry. This training focused on public speaking but also encouraged the use of song as a political tool.4 They frequently spoke and performed at religious gatherings, public meetings, and at movi e halls (where they earned their name based on the amount of time given to speak while rolls of film were changed out). During these short performances the Four Minute Men stimulat ed public support through song and speech specifically aimed at this goal. It has been es timated that the Four Minute Men reached out to 300 million American listeners.5 The war directly touched Tin Pa n Alley publishers via the material limitations of paper. In an effort to conserve this resource many publis hing houses followed the example of Leo Feist, who shrunk the size of his sheet music to conserve material and reduce overhead. The federal government turned this situati on into an opportunity to encour age Tin Pan Alley to embrace patriotism and domestic propaganda. The War Indus tries Board granted a stable supply of paper to be provided to music publishers in ex change for the promotion of CPI literature.6 Music 4 Songs such as Ralph L. Grosvenors Well lick the Kaiser if it takes us twenty years dedicated their proceeds to the CPI and the Four Minute Men effort. See Parker, World 7. 5 Ibid., 7. Yet, the CPI did not specifically engage musical recordings. This caused some tension between the government and the recording business, which was taxed as a luxury industry and received no real benefits despite the production of patriotic song literature. Record companie s were further put out by the governments acquisition of record production facilities for military supplies. See Martin, The Great War prologue. 6 Whitcomb, After the Ball 62. 26


becam e an essential element of American vict ory, as long as publishing houses followed the dictates of official government thought. The CPI applied this motivation with the help of regulatory agencies such as the United Booking Office and the Vaudeville Ma nagers Protective Agency. Bodies such as these kept track of each other, and reported artists who differed from government policy.7 Subsequently authors kept in step with the CPI and flooded their audi ence with official propaganda. During these last years of the war much Tin Pan Alley output eith er praised the American Expeditionary Force (AEF) or called for the downfall of the Kaiser Americas relation to Russia was voiced more infrequently, and was not as popular as anti-German sentiment. Wh en expressed, perspectives of Russian culture were tame in comparison, and show none of the negativity of the post-war era. One such example is The Russians were rushin, the yanks started yankin.8 This light-hearted song exemplifies the desire for camaraderie and ultimate victory prominent during the years of American involvement in the European tren ches. This perspective was common, as many American citizens hoped for an end to the stagnant war. The Russians were rushin both exemplifies and amplifies this point. The song was released in 1918after the Bolshevik Revolution. Yet the focus on Kaiser Wilhelm upst ages the mention of the Russian Bolsheviki and adds another dimension to the song. The author s seem to have distanced the concepts of the Russian army and Lenins Bolshevik party. Lyricall y, these two entities were drawn into separate categories. 7 Offending songs could have been removed from circulation. Such was the case with Leo Feists Itll be a hot time for the old boys when the young men go to war and I dont want to get well, Im in love with a beautiful nurse See Livingston, Still, 34 and Holder, Americanization as a Cure for Bolshevism, 339. 8 Music by Charles. McCarron (1891-1919) and lyrics by Carey Morgan (1885-1960). Published in 1918 by the Broadway Music Corporation of New York. 27


The story w as told from the perspective of a war veteran who, in the future year of 1953, related his version of the European conflict to an inquisitive grandson. The former soldier satirically depicted each nationality involved in the war as dependent on American intervention. The first chorus reads as follows: The Russians were rushin the Prussians. The Prussians were crushin the Russians. The Balkins were balkin and Turkey wa s squawkin, Rasputin disputin and Italy scoo tin. The Boches all bulled Bolshevikis. The British were skittish at s ea. But the good Lord Im thankin The Yanks started yankin And yanked Kaiser Bill up a tree.9 The Russian armed forces were equated with the other European powers. In typical wartime rhetoric, only the Americans (Yanks) could resolve the conflict. The Russian armed forces were degraded no further than any other foreign nation, yet the Bolsheviki were set apart. Lyrist Casey Morgan also cast the Bolsheviki in opposition to the boches.10 This reference was too early to be a connection to the Socialist uprisings in Germ any, and is a reflection of the dominant role Germany played on the Eastern front. More likely the sp ecific mention of the Revolutionaries serves only the purpose of a ssonance, and has no deeper meaning. What is drastically more important is the separate me ntion of the Russians and the Bolsheviki. The utilization of the Russians versus the Prussians is symbolic of both the larger European struggle and resonates with the pre-war years. By pairing the Bolsheviki with the Boches, two stereotypes reinforce one another as emblems of th e negativity generated by the conflict. 9 See figure 2-1. 10 Boche was a derogatory expression us ed by the French to describe a German. The term kraut is an English parallel. 28


Yet the m ention of Russia and th e Bolshevik Party is slight. The Russians were rushin, the yanks started yankin had much more to say about Germ any. The second verse and chorus continued the imagined retrospective: My dream quickly changed to a school room that day, The lesson was geography. A child raised her hand, said, I dont understand, This map looks all wrong to me. What is this strange place that is marked Germany? And the school teacher replied with a roar, Why, thats an old map, dear, since we had that scrap, dear, There aint no such place any more. The Russians were rushin the Prussians. The Prussians were crushin the Russians. The good old Italians were hurling ba ttalions Canadians raidin and Frenchmen invadin The Bulgars were bulgin and Belgians But Yanks started yankin you see. And when Peace was conceded, Some new maps were needed, They ruined the geography. This song further reinforced the popular no tion of 100% Americanisman ideology that called for the repression of ethnic ties and the embrace of a homogenized socio-cultural identity. This repression, as opposed to an attitude of in tegration or education, increased as the war involved more and more American citizens.11 The Russians were rushin, the yanks started yankin also did not treat the Bolsheviki as poorly as domestic minorities faired in contemporary literature.12 The threat of a global proletarian revolution had yet to take hold on the American public, who had other more pressing worries. 11 This perspective was best embo died in Thomas Hoiers song Dont bite the hand thats feeding you: If you dont like your Uncle Sammy, then go back to your home oer the sea, To the land from where you came, whatever be its name. Also see Parker, World 5. 12 Such as the stereotypes concerning Native Americans presented in the song Indianola (1918) or the ridiculous plight of the African American enlisted man portrayed in Mammys chocolate soldier (1918). 29


The stream of propaganda embodied by this song reached its zenith on 11 November, 1918. With the armistice came the rise of the p eace song, while the vilifi cation of the German people subsided.13 Anxiety and degradation gave way to optimism and relief, all of which was reflected in popular culture. Yet the moment um built by wartime propaganda was slow to deflate, and other public sentiments filtered through this medium to voice the misgivings of the post-war world. This environment incubated th e song literature discussed in the following chapters. Demobilization and the Red Scare The Bolshevik government removed itself from th e obligations of battle at the meeting of Brest-Litovsk. This was a unique moment, called one of the more bizarre dramas of the war by S.L.A. Marshall.14 Bolshevik leaders sought a peace without an imperi alist agenda, in which a cease-fire would be accompanied by the return of all land lost to the Central Powers. This was an untraditional armistice, and after much internal debate it was agreed that Russia could maintain her former provinces (Poland and the Baltic States) only if these regions agreed to rejoin Russia on their own terms. The Bolshevik delegation thus threatened to dissolve the conference, and the Ukraine took advantage of this moment to declare its independence from Russia. The former province signed a separate p eace treaty with Germany on 9 February, 1918. Leon Trotsky, who led the Bolshevik delegation after a break for the December holidays, declared that Soviet Russia 13 The 1919 Treaty of Versailles cemented the artistic about-face. Co mments were found in ma ny publications, such as the December issue of Melody : THE WAR IS OVER! and after this December issue of MELODY all war-songs, near war-songs, next-to and would-be war-songs will be under armistice in so fa r as any criticism in this column is concerned, and the erstwhile critic hereafter will smite his critical lyre only to the lays of love, peace and such-like lyrics. Cobb, Just Between You and Me, (December, 1919) 6. Performance venues also reflected the political reversal, wh ere managers began posting warnings that forbid the staging of war songs. See Livingston, Still, 35. 14 Marshall, World War I, 328. 30


was at peace, and would repel any advances m ade by the German army. The Bolsheviks believed that the threat of future Soviet revolutions would hold the Centra l Powers in check, and that any military action against Russia would stimulate a lower class rebellion in solidarity with the Bolsheviki and in opposition to an unethical Capitalist conflict.15 Trotsky naively left the peace talks, and German forces commenced their inva sion of Western Russia. Without the help of revolutionary forces and unable to stop the German advance, the Bolshevik government ultimately bowed to the treaty on 3 March, 1918. Lenin was forced to accept German conditions, which included the annexation of 34% of the Russia population, 32% of the farmland, 50% of the industrial holdings, and 90% of the coal mines.16 Thus, the preparation for a global Socialist upheaval ultimately became an inward looking Bolshevik consolidation of national power. The Workers and Peasants Red Army had been formed in February as a force capable of realizing this end, and aided Estonian, Latvian, Lithuanian and Ukrainian Soviets after Kaiser Wilhelms abdication created the possibility to disregard the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk.17 At the same moment Soci alist-Revolutionary holdouts from the Provisional Government receiving western encouragement constituted a White Russian Army, the de facto enemies of the Bolshevi k Reds. The German High Command was concerned with a Soviet infection, and supported any provinces that broke away from the Bolshevik government. The allies reacted by sending troops to Russia who inevitably sided with the Whites. When the Red army defeated these forces and brought an end to the civil war it was not 15 Keegan, The First World War, 381. 16 Marshall, World, 333. 17 Service, A History of Modern Russia from Nicholas II to Vladimir Putin 107. 31


through a superior m ilitary stre ngth, but the lack of German intervention during the closing months of the war.18 The German and Russian delegates who met at Brest-Litovsk sat for a three-month period, during which time their respective armies mainta ined a ceasefire. The German High Command wasted time fighting amongst itself, while Lenin and his supporters seized an opportunity to spread the call for a global Soviet revoluti on. General Max Hoffmann, who headed the German delegation, was foolish enough to allow those Ge rman and Russia troops still on the front to fraternizea chance the Bolsheviks took to di sseminate propaganda. Later in 1918 when the western front had stretched its resources to the breaking point it became impossible to recall those soldiers who served in Russia. The Germ an High Command realized that their eastern forces were tainted with Bolshevik ideology.19 The Germans had good reason to fear this politic al infiltration. Soviet regimes sprung up in Finland and the Baltic States, while Germany witnessed the Spar tacist Uprising and the failed revolutions in Bavaria and Hungary. In the Unite d States, the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk generated mixed emotions. On one hand, it came as no surpri se that the Russian Pr ovisional Government collapsed, and that American belligerence had freed the Atlantic and salvaged the Allied effort. Conversely, the Russians had broken their part in the Allied effort, and the Bolshevik government could not be given official recogniti on without condoning their actions. This formal acknowledgement would wait until 1933. American observers were concerned with the gl obal impact of Bolshevism, but more so the influence that Bolshevism might have on domestic economic and political issues. The 18 Keegan, The First 392. 19 Marshall, World 334. 32


utopian ism of the pre-war decades was strained by demobilization and revealed the specter of class struggle that would ha unt the U.S. for many years.20 A question was posed: Bolshevik uprisings had erupted in Germany and Hungary, but could this happen in the United States? Those concerned feared a contamination of or ganized labor, already a hot bed of political turmoil. The most logical choice was to shift th e national vilification of the German people to the Russian Revolutionaries.21 Anxiety over anarchistic behavior had been a part of the American mindset since the early days of the 20th century, highlighted by the assassination of President William McKinley on 6 September, 1901. During the year 1919 this danger became real for many American citizens through massive labor demonstrations and a num ber of mail bombs that targeted prominent political figures. On 2 February, 1919, the Washi ngton D.C. Polis theater held a pro-Bolshevik rally hosted by the League to Enforce Peace a nd Democracy. Speakers Albert Rhys Williams and Louise Bryant discussed th eir experiences during the Bolshe vik revolution and reprimanded the American government for encroaching upon Soviet affairs. This meeting, and its subsequent review in the press, startled several members of Congress. They were shocked by the public attraction to Bolshevism and its incompatible na ture with Democracy. Senator Thomas J. Walsh (D, Montana) called upon the Judiciary Committee investigating German propaganda to shift its focus to the Bolshevik influence.22 An independent Congressional subcommittee was also created to investigate the potenti al reality of a Bolshevik thre at in the United States. The subcommittee chairman was Lee S. Overman, (D, North Carolina), who had sat in office since 20 Kennedy, Over Here, 287. 21 Morgan, Reds, 61. 22 Ibid., 64. 33


1903. He was a noted an ti-immigration activist, and supported limiting this privilege for the exclusive use of Anglo-Saxons. On 11 February the Overman subcommittee hearing on Bolshevism publicly opened. Yet behind closed doors the senators had heard the testimony of Archibald Stevenson, a lawyer and former Bureau of Investigation agent.23 A trusted expert in Bols hevik propaganda, Stevenson fueled the Senators anxiety: Overman asked, The idea then is to form a government within this government and overthrow this government? Indeed it was, Stevenson assented. Overman asked, You think this movement is growing constantly in this country? Stevens on answered, I think it is growing rather rapidly. If we can gauge it by the amount of literature that is distributed and the number of meetings held. I conc eive this to be the gravest menace today.24 This discussion set the tone for Overmans public hearings. One person questioned by the committee was Catherine Breshkovsky, a Russian native, who served the Provisional Government shortly after completing a thirty-two year exile in Siberia. She favored neither Czarism or Bolshevism, and stated: We have simply gone from one form of despo tism to another. It is not easy to change ancient forms. So we came under [the rule of] two gendarmes, Lenin and Trotsky. We are like mendicants now. We need paper, we need scissors, we need matches, we need leather for boots. Everywhere where th e Bolsheviks are, there is not intelligence. They destroyed all the intelligent people, the best professors, the professional men, the best men we had. A government now sp rings up controlled by brigands, like bubbles out of water.25 These statements formed a mental picture of a di seased Russian state in which personal freedom and basic resources were anathema.26 The Senators looked upon this construction as though 23 The Bureau of Investigation was christened th e Federal Bureau of Investigation in 1935. 24 Morgan, Reds 65. 25 Ibid., 66. 26 It is instructive to note that many Bolshevik leaders we re intellectuals with great philosophic and sociological insight. Yet the emergent stereotype latched onto an image drawn from lower class models. The Russian worker, who had been much oppressed under Czarism, became an emblem for the Revolution. This class gained the most ideological ground in post-Revolutionary Russia. In the United States this perspective was easily transferred to 34


viewing an alien landscape that held the potential for global chaos and the spread of Bolshevism in the United States. On 10 March the hearings closed. The publishe d report concluded that Lenins Bolshevik party had inaugurated a reign of terror unparalleled in the hi story of modern civilization.27 The Committee set in motion plans to stop all distri bution of Bolshevik propaganda and ban the use of the Red Flag, a popular icon of radical behavi or. Yet some were displeased with Overmans attempt at whistle-blowing. Archibald Steven son felt that the Committee had not gone far enough towards revealing the domestic Bolshevik th reat. He contacted Senator Clayton Lusk (R, New York), a friend from the Republican Union League Club. Lusk conducted hearings at City Hall in Manhattan on 12 June, 1919, at which time he called upon state and federal officers to raid the unrecognized Soviet embassy (known as th e Soviet Bureau). The Soviet representative, Ludwig Martens, was summoned and openly vilified as the chief agent of Bolshevik thought in the United States. This vilification was not limited to Senatori al thought. Across the country the popular press expressed similar emotions and opinions. An article in the New York Times posed the question Are we to fall in the path of the Red Terror which is now sweeping Europe?28 The Saturday Evening Post summarized the entire situation when, on 1 November, 1919, it called out the Russo-German movement for a ttempting to dominate America.29 domestic laborers, a point which is illuminated in the following chapters. Yet the Russian immigration wave that swept across Western Europe an d North America contained many upper class citizens whose fear of Bolshevism or support of Czarism compelled them to leave. These people faced stereotypes built largely upon models of radicalism found within organized labor and the Russian lower class. 27 Morgan, Reds 69. 28 Ratshesky, Americanization is Cure For Bolshevism, 45. 29 Morgan, Reds 63. 35


These sentim ents were also influenced by a wave of small, homemade bombs sent throughout the summer of 1919 via the United States Post Office. They were aimed at prominent politicians across the country, and stimulated a n eed for retribution in the form of legislative action. On 2 June, Attorney General A. Mitche ll Palmer became the near victim of a bomb targeting his Washington D.C. home. The bomber accidentally killed himself, scattering his body parts throughout the neighborhood. Through dubious poli ce investigation it was declared that the offending anarchist was Carlo Valdinoci, a young It alian immigrant wanted for his role in other anti-government actions. In the blast, his body was obliterated and his identity was confirmed only through the anarchistic literature scattered at the scene and a lone segment of his hair. A French hairstylist, who claimed clairvoyance en ough to state show me a mans hair and I will tell you his nationality, declared the lock to belong to a youthful Italian.30 Palmer was convinced that these bombings were connected to political radicalism, especially based on his experience at the rece iving end of the equation. In his mind these activities coalesced with other labor dist urbances into a unif ied Bolshevik plot.31 He instantly began reshaping his position as Attorney General to meet this threat. Palmer had occupied his post only since February of that year, and had brought in a gro up of friends from his wartime directorship, the Office of Alien Property Cust odian. He established the General Intelligence Division as a subset of the Bureau of Inves tigation, whose purpose was to specifically target radical behavior. Palmer turned his program over to a young patriot named J. Edgar Hoover, a former Library of Congress employee. Hoover began documenting radical organizations and publicationsa catalogue that grew to over 200,00 0 entries. Yet, ini tially the group did not 30 Morgan, Reds, 71. 31 Disturbances such as the Seattle general strike and the recent May Day celebrations held around the country. Ibid., 79. 36


identify any bom bers, and Palmers aid, Francis Garvan, was criticized before Congress for this reason. Palmer asked the House Appropriations Committee for an additional $500,000 towards the cause, which prompted Senator Reed Smoot (R Utah) to ask Do you think if we increased this to $2,000,000 you could discover one bomb-th rowerget just one? I do not mean in the papers. I mean actually get him. I can try, Garvan replied, and the advance was granted.32 While the General Intelligence Division str uggled to pin down specific anarchists the organization had much success distributing propaganda. Palmer authorized this material to be distributed throughout the country.33 Bolshevism was painted as a dominant threat to the American way of life, as an example from the Literary Digest demonstrates (see figure 2-2). Several members of Congress looked for othe r means to stem-off ra dical behavior. Their effort ranged from proposed transportation regulations, outlawing membership in organizations promoting violence, and (in the most extreme) a peacetime sedition bill.34 However the easiest way to remove harmful individuals was deporta tion. This method did not involve any criminal proceeding, as deportation was not considered a punishment.35 This process was controlled and administered by the Department of Labor (unt il 1940), whose immigration officers both heard cases and rendered outcomes without any public in teraction. Based on legislation passed in 1917, immigrants were heavily taxed, the Asiatic Ba red Zone was establis hed, and literacy was required for naturalization. The bill drastically in creased the powers of immigration officials to exclude and deport aliens.36 In 1919 this legislation was e nhanced, granting immigrants the 32 Morgan, Reds, 73-74. 33 Murray, Red 194. In January 1920 the Department of Justice went as far as to mail propaganda to the press freeof-charge. Red 220. 34 Ibid., 80-81. 35 Ibid., 211. 36 Hutchinson, Immigration Policy Since World War I, 15. 37


possibility of deportation regard less of fa mily and time spent in the United States. This method became the primary tool for Palmers department, and was put to good use by J. Edgar Hoover, who had served on the Alien En emy Bureau during the war. Hoover positioned himself as a crusader ag ainst Communism. His first target was the Union of Russian Workers (URW), whose membership totaled approximately four thousand people spread across the country. The Department of Labor declared that membership in the Union was a deportable offense, and Hoover bega n constructing cases agai nst any card-carrying members. On 7 November Bureau agents simulta neously raided URW headquarters in 12 cities, executing 452 of 600 outstanding wa rrants. Only half of the targeted members where eventually deported, yet Hoover was publicly acclaimed for th e scale of his effort. On 21 December Hoover launched the Soviet Ark, a troops hip borrowed from the War Department that bore 249 aliens away from American shores. The cargo incl uded 184 URW members and 65 accused anarchists and eligible deportees.37 While Hoover was lauded for his anti-radical th eatricality others deba ted the legitimacy of American immigration policy. George W. Ande rson, a federal judge from Boston, ruled on 23 June, 1920, that the current deportation polic y was too broadly defi ned. He argued that membership in a Communist party did not prov e guilt but that deportation should be limited to those who inspired violence or committed subversive behavior. Later that year the House passed the Johnson bill suspending all immigration for a two -year period. Th is bill died in the Senate but provided a basis for the Emergency Quota Act. This quota weighed immigration on a national scale. Each country of origin was allo tted a set number of immigr ants relative to 3 per 37 Morgan, Reds 76. Secretary of Labor John Abercrombie also indicted more than 3,000 members of the Communist Party and the Communist Labor Party. By mid-1920 5,000 total arrest warrants had been issued although only 556 of the accused were ultim ately subjected to deportation. Murray, Red 211 and 251. 38


cent of the num ber of foreign-born persons of such nationality resident in the United States as recorded in the 1910 Census. In effect this bill targeted immigrants from southern and eastern Europe, who were further restricted thr ee years later via the National Origins Act.38 These restrictions marked a crossroads in domestic foreign policy. As Edward Hutchinson has written, heretofore the evolution of legi slative controls on immigration had been toward progressively higher standards of admissibility and successive additions to the excludable classes. When it became apparent that limitation of immigration to moderate numbers could not be achieved in this direction, the quota formula was developed to put a ceiling on the number of migrants admitted in any one year.39 This law set the stage for th e xenophobia that underpinned the 1920s. The emergency quota act sapped Palmers mome ntum, and marked the war-weariness that enveloped the American public in mid-1920.40 Yet his broad interpreta tion of radical behavior became his legacy. By the turn of the 1920s th e construction of radicalism embodied recent immigrants, German sympathizers, mail-bombers, unionists, Communists, and any association divergent from the political mainstream. This broad definition contained Bolshevism under a blanket ruled not only by Federal propaganda but also dependant on personal emotions and biases. This connection kept th e Red Scare alive for many Amer icans more than any specific example of radical behavior or political affiliation, and furthermore created anxiety that blew the 38 The 1924 National Origins Act restricted immigration to 2 percent of the 1890 Census. It further excluded all Asian immigrants. 39 Hutchinson, Immigration, 16. 40 Other factors contributed to the decline of the Red Scarethe containment of Bolshevism within Eastern Europe, Palmers effectiveness in dissuading Communist sympathy, and the emerging entertainmen t culture that defined the coming decade. 39


Bolshevik threat out of proportion.41 The inflated Russian nemesis became an obsession that slowly deflated during the 1920s and laid the f oundation of public opinions concerning Lenins government and the role of Russian s living in the United States. 41 Murray, Red 167. 40


Figure 2-1. Charles McCarron and Carey Morgan, The Russians Were Rushin, the Yanks Started Yankin, mm. 45-64. 41


Figure 2-2. What A Year Has Brought Forth, Literary Digest (22 November, 1919) 15. 42


CHAP TER 3 INFLUENCE OF BOLSHEVIK IDEOLOGY Bolshevik anxiety and the Red Flag Anxiety and fear fueled the Red Scare. In 1919 it was not uncommon to open a newspaper and read diatribes against Bols hevism, many of which were aut hored by political, economic, and religious leaders. One such example was the ar ticle Bolshevism, The End of Civilization, which quoted the Dutch Mi nister to Petrograd: Translated into practise, the five points of Bo lshevism really come to this: (1) High wages; (2) dont work; (3) take other peoples property; (4) no punish ment; (5) no taxation. Wherever Bolshevism rules the nation has been beaten to a pulp, a nd is utterly helpless.42 Such was the denouncement of radical activity and Bolshevik politics. These statements kept the threat alive through exaggeration and extremist pe rspectives. Red Scare propaganda extolled the worst possible options, and cr eated much agitation. This environment was perpetuated in Tin Pan Alley. Examples are common, and can be found in songs such as Bolsheviki glide The Bolshevik and Look out for the Bolsheviki man.43 These three works depict Russian Bolsheviki as inherently violent and devious people. The music for the Bolsheviki glide was intended to correspond with a stylized dance.44 It is doubtful that the performance was faithful to the text, in which the dancers dance it with guns and knives, dont give a cent for their liv es, and dance it dressd to kill.45 R.P. Weston and 42 Bolshevism, The End of Civilization, 17. 43 The Bolsheviki glide featured the music of Harry Tierney (1890-1965) and the lyrics of Carl Randall (d. 1965). The song was published in 1918 by Jerome H. Remick and Company of New York. The Bolshevik was a collaboration between Bert Lee (1880-1947) and R.P. Weston (1878-1936), and was published in 1919 by Francis, Day, and Hunter. Look out for the Bolsheviki man was composed by Irving Berlin (1888-1989) and published in 1919 by T.B. Harms of New York. 44 Discussed in chapter four. 45 Quoted from the chorus. It is interesting to note that this song was presented at the Century Grove Revue at the Century Theater in New York City. Among its hosts were F. Ray Comstock and Morris Gest, the same impresarios who later sponsored Nikita Balieffs Chauve-Souris. See chapter five. 43


Bert Lee produced sim ilar se ntiments in their 1919 song The Bolshevik Their Boshevik antagonist calls for the murder of se veral non-specific people. He sings: Im awflly good at murdering, And as Im unemployd, Ive made a little list of those whove got to be destroyd. This list includes the barber, the servant (perhaps the author was mocking the ideological nature of Communism), the farmer, the doctor, the undertakers assist ant, the baker, the milkman, and the entire U.S. naval board. The specific tool of the Bolshevik is stated in the first verse, in which the victim is to be assassina ted with a bomb.46 Clearly this Bolshevik character was intent on not only committing mass murder but also destroying the structure of American society (as represented by the various victims). Weston and Lee created a very ungracious image, which featured prominently in Char les A. Wenmans musical production Firefly The inclusion of an encore verse is also tellingthe author s anticipated a positive audience reaction. Perhaps appreciated as both fear and fa rce, the song makes a strong ca se for the popular image of Bolshevik radicals as a danger to American society. Irving Berlin contributed his version of this idealized characterization with his Look out for the Bolsheviki man .47 His Bolshevik was not bent on murder but took on the role of a trickster. Berlin wrote: 46 There is also an encore verse: Ill murder all the people who always shout Encore, Theyve made me come out here again though goodness knows what for, The play has got to finish, or well all be on the shelf, So if anyone wants more of it he can sing the dam [sic] thing himself. 47 The Irving Berlin songs examined in this study That revolutionary rag Look out for the Bolsheviki man and Russian lullaby exhibit traits central to his body of work. First, they identify with their political situation, which has been discussed in the previous chapter. Additionally his songs commonly engage stereotypes understood by his audiences. Here the songs reflect Berlin the performer, who, in his early career, sang as an Irishman, Italian, Jew, or whatever ethnic identity his audience required or expected. The Berlin catalogue contains many such songs from the World War I era and later. He seems to have been mo re than willing to embrace his audiences politics, which 44


Look out for the Bolsheviki m an. You can tell him any place, By the whiskers on his face. Hes a slippery fellow from Russia, Seeking fortune and fame. Be careful of his game. Its full of bull just like his name, So look out for the Bolsheviki man.48 His implication is that Bolsheviki did not adhere to the precepts of Communism, but associated themselves with political radicalism as a means to better their own material wealth. As with the previous mention of a Bolshevik serv ant, this is not simply a Communist jest. The authors are presenting Bolshevism as somethi ng misunderstoodto be poked fun at certainlybut as an idea constructed out of the misconcepti ons and bias of the in tended song audience. While these texts illuminate this broad charac terization of Bolshevik party members, they do not reveal the largest and most iconic symbol of radical behavior abroad and at home. Symbolic of both Lenins Bolshevik party and do mestic labor turmoil, the Red Flag was the single most effective image presente d in the literature of the era. It was also an image visible on occasionally got him in troubl e (such as in the case of Stay down here where you belong an anti-war song he penned in 1914). In 1917 the 25 year-old Berlin volunteered to entertain the American Expeditionary Fo rce, yet was drafted before his overture was accepted. Thus the songwriter was shipped off to Camp Upton on Long Island for basic training. Among the unexpected practices faced by a military recruit Berlin had a troublesome time waking each morning at five oclock. This was the hour in which he had previously been accustomed to turning in, not rising for the day. His experience inspired the song Oh! how I hate to get up in the morning which Berlin incorporated into his Broadway show Yip, Yip, Yaphank Proceeds benefited the Camp Upton service center, and the author himself appeared onstage during the second act to sing the hit song. As Oh! how I hate to get up in the morning demonstrates, many Berlin songs identify with a specific protagonistthe author himself in this case. This factor would have been especially true for those au diences who witnessed Berlin singing his own songs. Yet other songs from this period in Berlins career point towards non-autobiographical figures and stereotypical cultural images. Slang, dialect and performance illuminate these encoded figures, as Charles Hamm discusses in his article Genre, performance and ideology in the early songs of Irving Berlin,145. Regarding the present study it is difficult to weight the autobiographical content. It can safely be assumed that the songs that he wrote for others to sing ( That revolutionary rag and Look out for the Bolsheviki man) were substantially less so than the songs he wrote for his own use, as has been claimed regarding the Russian Lullaby. See the linear notes to Fitzgerald, Ella Fitzgerald Sings the Irving Berlin Songbook 48 The whisker issue is treated in chapter four. 45


city streets across the nation. On 1 May, 1919, ra dical political rallies and public displays occurred throughout the United States. One part of these festivities was Red Flag parades, which celebrated the m ost visible icon of radicalism a nd revolution. The image had previously been associated with political extremism going back at least to the 1889 London Dock Strike.. North Americans tended to affiliate the flag with the Industrial Workers of the World. 49 For many it was too coincidental that these radical organizat ions used the same red banner as their calling card. This bred intolerance such that the Red Flag became a sign not only of radical political activity but also as a visible threat to American democracy.50 That year 24 states passed Red Flag ordinances, and eight more followed suit in 1920. The Wisconsin statute illustrates the language and purpose of these rulings. It forbade the display of a Red Flag or any flag which symbolized a purpose to overthrow, by force or violence the government of the United States or of the state of Wisconsin.51 The most relevant issue was an assumed connection between organized labor and Communistic revolution. Irving Berl in again chimed in with a song that encompassed this belief, and on 17 February, 1919 his That revolutionary rag appeared in George M. Cohan and Sam Harriss show The royal vagabond .52 This song, which has a melody very similar to Look out for the Bolsheviki man is a play on the word rag: it is both an abbreviation of ragtime and a derogatory expression for the Bolshevik banner.53 The lyrics include the following description: 49 Holder, Americanization, 342. 50 Murray, Red 233. 51 Ibid., 234. 52 That revolutionary rag was published in 1919 by T.B. Harms of New York. This song is also known for bringing together Berlin and George Gershwin, who served as the authors musical scribe. 53 The melodies are discussed below and in Holder, Americanization, 348. 46


Where the Russian breezes blow, Theres a piece of calico. Evry thread, Dyed in red. You can see it on a pole, Or in Trotskys button hole. Long haired Russian foxes, Wave it from old soap boxes. The melodic content provides an intere sting link between Be rlins two songs. Look out for the Bolsheviki man was published on 30 June, 1919, approximately four months after That revolutionary rag yet the songs contain melodically si milar verses and choruses. The verse material is constructed around th e pattern C-B-C-Db-Db-C (transpos ed to Bb-A-Bb-Cb-Cb-Bb in Look out for the Bolsheviki man, see figures 3-1 and 3-2).54 This assists in making the connection between these songs and may have furt her resonated with the cultural perceptions of the time. It is well documented how Berlin ofte n utilized ethnic ster eotypes understood by his New York audience.55 The specific pattern present in these songs can be linked to Eastern European culture, one that came to encompass a wide variety of people within the larger cultura makeup of New York City. l ity of whom were recent immigrants. 56 Yet within this diverse environment musical elements linked to cultural groups were distinctive icons, and allowed for the identification with specific stereotypes. In these two songs Berlin makes th e point that radical po litics is connected to Eastern European people, the major The connection between political upheaval and unionism was commonly made in 1919. The Red Flag shared a semiotic connection as re presentative of labor disputes and Bolshevik 54 The melody is, however, harmonized differently. In That revolutionary rag the melody begins on scale degree 5 in the key of F, and is harmonized with a pattern of tonic, minor subdominant, and tonic chords. Look out for the Bolsheviki man, which also situates the first melodic note on scale degree 5, is set in the key of Eb and is harmonized with a pattern of minor tonic, diminished super tonic-seventh, and dominant-seventh chords. See figures 3-1 and 3-2. 55 Hamm, Irving Berlins Early Songs as Biographical Evidence, 12. 56 Slobin Tenement Songs 184. 47


activity. Observe figure 3-3, in which a flag labeled RED e merges from a strike scene.57 The industrial concerns of th e post-War years fueled this vilification of the Red Flag. As strikes broke out across the United States the image became fu rther embroiled in the Bolshevik/Unionist conflation. Industrial Concerns The famous Seattle dock strike of 1919 convinc ed many observers that American society had become tainted w ith radical ideology.58 In Washington the Lusk committee revealed that Bolshevik-inspired radicals controlled at l east 100 national trade uni ons and that the Rand School of Social Science, a workers school founded on Socialist principles, was publishing Bolshevik propaganda under the influence of Ludwig Martens.59 The popular press went further to fan the flames of this imaged Bolshevik takeover. The New York Evening World reported: Are irresponsible radicals to wrest from sound, self-respecting, 100 per cent Americans the leadership of labor? He [the American workingman] must get his heal on the neck of the Bolshevist monster that is trying to de vour American labor preparatory to sating its hideous appetite on the wealth with which a century and a quarte r of industry under a stable, respected government has blessed this na tion. The issue cannot be made too clear. It is organized labors own fight against its own most insidious and dangerous enemy.60 This argument, for its extreme perspective, was not totally unfounded. Several musical settings were published by organizations like the Rand School that supported educating the common laborer in Socialis t and Communist thought.61 Naturally some of these examples are more overt than others. Figur e 3-4 is the cover of one su ch radical song sheet, titled The 57 This image was in black and white, thus the RED label. See also figure 2-2. 58 Kennedy, Over 288. 59 Murray, Red 102. 60 Red Forces Disrup ting American Labor, Literary Digest (25 October, 1919) 11. 61 An example the song The Red Flag published by the Rand School Press, can be found in Holder, Americanization, 341. 48


advancing proletaire.62 The publishers stated mission was the distribution of music for the common laborer. The cover is telling enough, in which a stream of workers pours from an industrial backdrop, in so doing breaking down the wa ll that limits their horizons. It is a clear call for worker solidarity, and a fine example of the ideology that anti-B olshevik and anti-labor citizens feared most. This fear was manifested in the song Well never change the blue and white to red .63 The cover, figure 3-5, is a crystal clear embodiment of the Bolshevik/la bor threat. Uncle Sam, clad in his AEF uniform, defends industry against anarchy.64 The Red Flag is evident as the icon of anarchy and industrial ruin. Th e audience is given a choice : either support anti-radical propaganda or let labor boil over with Bolshevik influence. This option was typically portrayed in the press as a black and white scenario. S ee figure 3-6, At The Place of Decision. Labor had only two paths, towards the light of progress and prosperity or the dismal choice of revolution and anarchy. Yet mainstream labor organizers saw matters differently. The American Federation of Labor (AFL) spoke out against radical behavi or and any connection between unionism and Bolshevism. The public, however, saw only bo mbs, strikes, and riotssigns that too conveniently linked labor struggles with political upheaval. Additionally, some unions outside of the AFL umbrella did appear to further embrace Bolshevism simply by refusing to align themselves with the conservative skilled labor pool that made up the AFL membership. Other 62 Music by Douglas Fairbanks and lyrics by A. Liebich. The song was published in 1919 by the International Song Publisher of Chicago. 63 The essence of this song was interestingly mirrored in Elton Britts The Red We Want Is The Red We Got (1950), an anti-radical song from the Cold War. 64 This song also connects the then-recent drive to pro duce war-time patriotic literature with the Red Scare, and utilized the momentum of 100% Americanism. Music was provided by Leo Friedman and lyrics and M.L. Jennigns. The song was published in 1919 by the Illinois Publishing Company. 49


circum stances further enhanced the popular opini on that Russian revolutionaries had infiltrated the American labor movement. Glenn Plumbs na tional railroad plan was one such example. Under the auspices of the Railroad Brotherhood, Plumb, one of their c ounselors, called upon the United States government to purchase and administer all of the nations rail-lines. These railroads had previously been seized dur ing the War, and Plumb hoped to nationalize the industry before it fell back into the hands of indi vidual corporations. Th e plan met with some approval, but was publicly denounced for it socialist undertone. The Railroad Brotherhood was put on the defensive, as the press hailed the plan as a means to Sovietize the railroads.65 It is instructive to return to the two aforementioned songs by Irving Berlin. They situate Bolshevism within organized labor for the purpose of connecting with the fears and anxieties of the Red Scare. That revolutionary rag implicates the Russian Bolsheviki for threatening the global power structure, and compares th is upheaval to the French Revolution.66 The 27 May, 1919 performance version of Look out for the Bolsheviki man included an extra verse that stated, We warned you to be careful when they came. And now another face has come to take their place.67 This other face was the face of the American worker, interp reted as a disguise for the sleeping Bolshevik threat. Furthermore, Berlins two songs from 1919 place Bolshevism within an outlaw culture by association with what many Americans understood as social ills. Jeffrey Magee outlined this connection in his descript ion of Berlins music from this era: The songs also draw from a common well of themes linked by implications or descriptions of risqu or illicit behavior: vigorous dancing, drinking (this, during Prohibition), sexual 65 Murray, Red 118. 66 Perhaps not the strongest example of a negative political upheaval, although it does make the point that this is a European inspired problem. 67 Berlin, The Complete Lyrics of Irving Berlin 188. 50


freedom and a carefree attitude about eternal da mnationall things that jazz was thought to inspire in the 1920s.68 Through the connection with these social ailmen ts Berlin further developed the dangerous nature of his Russian antagonists. He was not alone in this regard. Observe figure 4-2, which paires Bolshevism and the foxtrot. Both are pr esented as a dangerous occupation, one that could lead to certain destructio n. Thus Berlin joined social danger with industrial and political fears. The question then remains as to how effective this propaganda may have been not as an agent of anxiety but as a hope for a better future. Some industrialists did place th eir hope with the power of music as a cathartic and protective force, not mere dr um-beating. An article from Melody explained one such case, where music provid ed hope for a better industrial environment: In these times of unrest, the more music we can have the better. As a cure for Bolshevism, it would be a consoling antidot e. The community well supplied with the means of hearing good music is comparatively immune from the sp irit of unrest and disruption incident to Bolshevism. This is proven in Mr. Schwabs immense plants, where thousands of workers of all nationalities are employed. Let the worker s get together in singing meetings, in band rehearsals, and in listening to good music, and the lurking spirit of Bolshevism would find no place.69 Of course, Bolshevik architects in Russi a made the same prophecy concerning the Proletkult movement, in which worker-inspired musi c was to become a tool of solidarity against Capitalist influence. Yet the hopefulness of the a bove quote is not without the marks of its era. In conclusion the article states that It [music] would also bring about a spirit of brotherly love and fraternalism, amid which surrounding s Bolshevism could not exist.70 This reinforces the overriding stereotype of Bolshevism as a destroyer of social bonds. 68 Magee, Everybody Step, 712. 69 The author of this short article does not define what good music is or is not. Music A Cure For Bolshevism, 4. 70 Ibid., 4. 51


A more common defensive theme was the connection to wartime propaganda. This element was manifested in the song Lets knock the bull out of the Bolsheviki .71 The verses address an audience of soldiers and sailors, who listen to a public speaker lecture: The war is over, And boys, your work is through. Then one lad hollered out, Youre wrong, Theres work that we must do. And then that loyal gang, All stood right up and sang: Lets knock the bull out of the Bolsheviki. A clear connection is made between the militari sm of the War years and the battle between Bolshevism and labor. This perspective sought to utilize the momentum of wartime propaganda and preparedness to combat this next threat. Th e same element is found within the AEF uniform worn by Uncle Sam on the cover of Well never change the blue and white to red This continuation of belligerent activity constructed th e primary defense against industrial radicalism. It is unfortunate that this propaganda only offered blame, and no constructive solution to the problem. This semiotic web drew together the threat of Bolshevism, the labor disputes and strike activity heatedly discussed in the press, the momentum established by wartime propaganda, and the stereotypes of Russian culture in the United St ates. This later issue will be explored in the following chapter through several iconic aspects of Russian cultural expression. During this period the popular image of Russians in the Unite d States changed to reflect the values accrued during the Red Scare. When this political turbulen ce faded in the early part of the decade, these 71 The song was a collaboration between Howard Johnson (1887-1941), and Ira Schuster (1889-1945). Leo Feist Incorporated of New York published the song in 1919. 52


im ages and misconceptions lingered, tainting th e cultural symbols once attached to the Red Scare. 53


Figure 3-1. Irving Berlin, That Revolutionary Rag mm. 1-7. 54


Figure 3-2. Irving Berlin, Look Out For The Bolsheviki Man mm. 1-7. 55


Figure 3-3. Coming Out of the Smoke, Literary Digest (11 October, 1919) 12. 56


Figure 3-4. Douglas Fair banks and A. Liebich, The Advancing Proletaire. 57


Figure 3-5. Leo Friedman and M.L. Jennings, Well Never Change the Blue and White to Red 58


Figure 3-6. At the Place of Decision, Literary Digest (25 October, 1919) 13. 59


CHAP TER 4 IMAGES OF RUSSIAN CULTURE Stereotypes of Russian culture were often exploited as the telltale signs of radicalism and socio-political unrest. As such it was not uncommon for Ru ssian cultural expressions to be misunderstood by American witnesses. For example, shortly after Vladimir Lennin came to power a pro-Bolshevik rally was held at th e New York Park View Plaza. Organized by anarchists, socialists, I.W.W.s, and extreme le ft wing radicals hailing themselves as the Bolsheviki of the City of New York, this meeting was thus depicted in the New York Times : It was a demonstration of the Bolsheviki in action, and it wound up in a frenzy of music and dancing, with a long-haired Bolshevik re eling through the ranks of whirling comrades with a bottle of whiskey in his hand. He wore shabby clothes, his brown hair hung to his shoulders, and a loose black tie flowed from his neck. Holding the bottle aloft as he danced, he invited all to dr ink, and if none would drink with him he drank by himself, caressing the bottle as he did so, and wafting kisses after each dri nk to the spirit of freedom, to the triumph of the so cial revolution and the salvati on of the proletariat. The speechmaking was only part of the celebrat ion. The Bolsheviki, having disposed of the problems of the proletariat, started to dance, and many of the dances were as lurid as the speeches. A girl of about 19, Sylvia Stone, scan tily clad, did a bacchanale for the audience. She called herself not a Bolshevik, but an individualist, an d she danced like one. So did many others in the audience.72 This report embodies the perception of Russian culture found in the song literature of the eraa perception built on stereotypes and the cultural distan ce between New York based popular culture and native Russian expressions and prac tices. This chapter examines several social behaviors associated with Russians abroad and in the United States during the post-war years. Dance In the years following World War I the Cossack dance was the single most distinctive means of performing a Russian cultural stereotype The basic movement consisted of sitting on one heel while the other leg was extended. With arms folded or held away from the body the 72 Citys Bolsheviki Dosown All Order, New York Times (3 December, 1917) 6. 60


dancer then alternated leg position s in time with the music. There are many iconographic representations of these basic positions, such as figure 4-1.73 This dance was often associated with Cossack soldiers and went by several deriva tions of title. The Tin Pan Alley literature under examination called this dance the kazotsky.74 One brief mention of the Cossack dance is found in the previously discussed 1919 publication Lets knock the bull out of the Bolsheviki This song made a solitary reference to the Cossack dance in the second verse: Well operate on Trotsky, And cut out his Kazotsky. A later reference was made in Katinka: a Russian fox trot-sky .75 This play-on-words did not originate with the song, and can be found in other references. One example was printed six years earlier in a cartoon published in the Literary Digest (see figure 4-2).76 Katinka: a Russian fox trot-sky is a lament for a Petrograd girl named Katinka, whose love for the Charleston inspires a rejection of Russian dance and culture. The story is to ld by her lover, who informs the audience that Russia is a patriotic land, but hard to understa nd. Katinka runs away with a Yankee who introduces her to American da nce contrary to the belief that: Evry Russian sure loves his Kazotsky, Not a one would give up his Kazotsky. She would Kazotsky with me evre day, But she went nutsky from Hey! Hey! Hey! Hey! 73 This dance is one of the most distinctive icons of Ru ssian culture, and can be found in examples throughout the 20th and 21st centuriesperhaps most recen tly in Steven Spielbergs Indiana Jones and the kingdom of the crystal skull (2008). 74 Other variations include kazatsky and kaza chok, which stem from the word kazak. 75 Music by Henry Tobias and lyrics by Ben Russell. The song was published in 1926 by Leo Feist Incorporated of New York. 76 This cartoon depicts British Prime Minister David Lloy d George dancing the fox-trotsky with Leon Trotsky himself. George was being criticized for restor ing trade between England and Communist Russia. 61


In the third verse, se t to the same strain, the listener is told that Katinka further outraged the storyteller by then spreading the Charleston to other Russians. They also took to the dance, which the storyteller finds hard to believe: She got those Cossacks to dance in that way, Imagine Litvack going Hey! Hey! Hey! Hey! The words Hey! Hey! were enhanced through a setting of the Charleston rhythm (see figure 43). A more original mixture of dance and Russian politics was the 1918 Bolsheviki glide New York-based Impresarios William Elliott, F. Ra y Comstock, and Morris Gest featured this selection in their Century Grove Revue .77 Carl Randalls lyrics state: When you speak of Russia Revolutions in your mind, Still theres other things that they can do. Dancing is their national pastime so we ve been taught, But now they have a dance thats new, very new. Syncopation now becomes their pride, With what they call the Bolshevik Glide. On 31 March, 1919 the New York Times reported a public tryout of the Bolsheviki glide. Recent refugees Mr. and Mrs. Nicholas Macklinoff previewed the steps at the Hotel Commodore ballroom. Witnesses reported the glide wa s not unlike the present Russian Government unsettled.78 This dance did not develop a following. Beards and Vodka Many anti-Bolshevik songs featured elements drawn from the popular stereotype of Russian immigrants. Two distinctive elements that run through this literature are personal 77 Comstock and Gest are also discussed in chapter five with regard to Nikita Balieff. 78 Anticipated members of the formal presentation included singer Enrico Caruso, artist Clarence Underwood, New York socialite Lydig Hoyt, and other members of high society. Dance Bolsheviki Glide, 11. 62


appearance and dietspecifically bearded m e n and the consumption of vodka. Both were identified with Russian culture, and were abused for the sake of reinforcing this perception. The male beard was an icon easily associated with Russian cultural history. In the Greek Orthodox faith beards were long thought to sy mbolize both religious affiliation and manhood.79 In 1698 Peter the Great forbade th e wearing of beards as one pa rt of the Westernization of Russia. This reform enhanced the Russianness and nostalgic qualities of the full beard.80 During the post-war years this icon was still firmly entr enched in the western mind and surfaced in many political cartoons aimed at the utilization of Russian stereotypes (see figures 4-4 and 4-5). Irving Berlins two 1919 songs c ontributed to this construction. That revolutionary rag identified Russian Bolsheviki as long haired Russian foxes. In the similar Look out for the Bolsheviki man Berlin advised his listener that when keeping an eye out for Russian radicals you can tell him anyplace by the whiskers on his face.81 This strong visual icon became one of the most commonplace stereotypes of Russian cultu re, much as Italian immi grants were labeled via the mustache. And as identity with food and wine also embodied the Italian-American experience so too did the stereo typical Russian consume vodka. Historically, vodka was enjoyed at social functions. Records i ndicate that Russian holidays and festive occasions were the epicenter of alcoho lic indulgence, yet this was primarily a social habit and was offset by the observance of Orthodox fasting days that forbid alcohol.82 Prior to the late 18th century, distilled beverages were also ra re privileges. A typical Russian peasant 79 In Russian and much Christian iconography both Jesus Christ and God were depicted with beards. 80 Figes, Natashas Dance 43. 81 Quoted in the previous chapter. 82 It has been suggested that vodka wa s introduced to Russian audiences through alchemistic endeavors, from which it achieved a kind of magical aura for the Russian national mentality Drink, if you will mystically, striving to transport the soul beyond earths gravity and return it to its sacred noncorporeal state. Billington, The Icon and the Axe 661. 63


would have preferred hom ebrewed mead or kva s to the distilled spirit obtainable via a specialist.83 Only after the bureaucratic reforms of 1775 did vodka become widely available, after which public drunkenness emerged as a so cial ill rather than a festive indulgence.84 Taxes on vodka were a great source of nati onal revenue in the century before the Bolshevik Revolution. This single tariff equaled all other income derive d from public taxes prior to 1840, after which vodka dutie s lead all national taxes.85 The increasing national dependence on distillation ultimately led the government to seize all control of the vodka industry in 1902. Thus many nineteenth-century temperan ce movements had little hold on a government exponentially reliant on the drink. References to this classic Russian beverage can be found in several anti-Bolshevik songs often for the purpose of highlighting the negativ e aspects of Russian culture for comic or political reasons. George Gershwin and Herbert Stothart collaborated with Otto Harbach and Oscar Hammerstein II on the song Vodka a selection included in the musical Song of the Flame .86 This amusing song explores the danger of vodka from the perspective of an intoxicated female devotee whose desire for the drink seems to outweigh the known side affects. The verse begins with a boozy melody, complete with what Howard Pollack has called musical hiccups (see figure 4-6).87 The protagonist warns the listener: Dont give me Vodka, For when I take a little drink, 83 Kvas is a fermented drink similar to beer. 84 Figes, Natashas 167-68. 85 Smith, Bread and Salt 301-02. 86 Song of the Flame is discussed fully in chapter 5. Vodka was published in 1925 by Harms of New York. 87 Pollack, George Gershwin 371. 64


I forget to think, What a little drink can do to me. For when I take a little nip, I begin to slip And I start romancing with The man that I am dancing with. The danger is imminent, as the singer reveal s to his or her audience that as the song continues so too does the vodka flow. This sentim ent was particularly damning during the era of prohibition, which imposed a recreational change on Russian-Americans that further cast vodka as a source of social ill behavior.88 Yet the beverage remained lodged in the public image of Russian culture. In 1927 Arthur R uhl was typical when he wrote that before the attraction of movies and popular culture many Russian immigrants had only vodka and the Greek Orthodox Church to take him away from his everyday world.89 Fashion Sheet music artwork also highlighted the No rth American take on Russian fashion. This typically exhibited a hybrid styl e taken from Russian peasant dre ss and American modernisms of the 1920s. Such images betray their true functio nnot to depict actual Russian practices but rather to showcase an idealized Russian-American personification. Traditional peasant dress remained in use among various levels of Russian society until the fall of the Provisional government in 1917. For th ose at the top of th e social order this connection to folk culture acted as a nationalist tool. The peasant wet nurse was an especially elevated role among the aristocracy, who was required to use folk dress to in still the child in their care with a connection to native Russian culture.90 88 It was thought that many Russians created vodka at home in the manner of other home-distillersa socially reprehensible practice. Davis, The Russian 85. 89 Ruhl, Russians and Baltic Peoples, 222. 90 Figes, Natashas 124-25. 65


Russian fashion was also rooted in Asiatic practic es. Several distinctiv e articles of clothing trace back to Persia, such as the kaftan/khalat and sarafan. The Cap of Monomakh, one of the great symbols of Czarist authorit y, also betrays Tartar origin.91 Figure 4-7 is taken from Gershwin and Stotharts Cossack love song and is a basic yet effective depiction of Russian peasant attire.92 Note the ornately patterned sashes and sarafans, idiomatic of the Russian brilliantly colored costumes ador ned with embroidery and beading.93 This example was a vague yet easily acceptable mode of Russian folk dress, one that met the stereotypes of the era.94 However, among Tin Pan Alley song sheets it was much more common to encounter images that intermingled folk identity with urban American popular culturespecifically the flapper. Russian cultur e had one great boon to give to this empowering social movement. The Russian footwear known as bootlegs proved to be an excellent place to store contraband. This fashion trend turned c onveniency became an important link between social rebellion and youth culture. Several examples exis t, one of which is reproduced as figure 4-8. Sheet music artwork also highlighted the bob ha irstyle, indicative of womens liberation and departure from pre-War culture. Figures 49 and 4-10 clearly exhibit this icon of youth 91 Figes, Natashas 374. 92 This song was published in 1926 by Harms of New York. 93 Davis, The Russian 203. 94 For example, Arthur Ruhl expressed this stereotype in his 1927 essay, which runs parallel to the above mentioned sheet music artwork: In the summer, the men wear a loose belted shirt or blouse, which falls outside their breeches and serves both as shirt and coat. [] Different provinces, or governments, as they say in Russia, have different characteristic costumes, and the womens waists, in pa rticular, are often lively with red or dark blue embroidery, in which sometimes geometric figures are used, sometimes quaintly conventionalized ducks or turkeys. Ruhl, Russians, 219-20. 66


cultu re intermingled with somewhat Russian characteristics.95 A greater hybridity existed on the cover of Katinka: a Russian fox trot-sky (figure 4-11). Previously discussed for her dancing, the songs antagonist displayed several aspects of flapper culture. Her hair was chopped into a bob, her sarafan is much too short, and she is clearly sporting bootlegs. Her bo dy was also draw with an unusual posture. Was Katinka dancing the Char leston that she introduced to her comrades? It is difficult to say, and her limb s are not quite extended enough. Another element common to a few of the above images was fur. Although fur can be declared as a stereotypical Russi an resource, it also speaks to th e opulence of Twenties flapper culture. A final example is taken from the song Bolsheviki (Figure 4-12).96 On the cover of this comic song the reluctant Russian bride exhibits many of the icons discussed previously. She wore the bootlegs, had a scandalously short dress, and was fringed in fur from neck to foot. All of these images added to the hybrid char acterization of Russian folk dress as part authentic and part urban America. The images were not negative in and of themselves, but were stereotypes often used within negative contexts The final portion of this chapter will examine one song that encapsulated this notion while also addressing the domestic portrayal of Russian culture in the years following the Red Scare. Bolshevik This discourse is impressive due to th e manner by which stereotypes came to embody radical behavior. The quotation th at began this chapter brought these two spheres together; the dancing New York Bolsheviki were observed waf ting kisses after each drink to the spirit of freedom, to the triumph of the social revolution and the salvat ion of the proletariat. The 95 Fur and ornamental pattering, and a sarafan dress respectively. 96 Bolsheviki was a collaboration between Arthur J. Jackson and George White. The song was published in 1918 by the Jerome H. Remick Company of New York. 67


exam ples already cited provide various cultura l stereotypes contextualized within varying degrees of socio-political radicalism. Yet the cu ltural stereotypes found in the above texts were not exclusive to the Red Scare. The earlier songs are explicitly anti-Bolsh evik, while some of the later songs, especially Vodka were intended to express a less politicized take on Russian cultural practices. Anti-Bolshevik and anti-Radical song lite rature did not entirely disappear as the 1920s progressed. Lingering negativity kept the doo r open for an assault on Bolshevism. One song that perfectly mirrors this sentiment is Bolshvik .97 Published in 1926, this song occupies a meeting ground between several concepts found in th is study. The song engages the conceptions of Russian dance, drink, personal appearance, and speech. All of these elements were set within the radical politi cal context of the Red Scare. Ye t this song does not inform the listener about the danger of Bolshevism. Bolshevik remained a lighthearted songderogatory certainly, but not fearful of the Russian Bolsheviki.98 Radicalism is presented tongue-in-cheek. The novelty of Russian dance was not a singula r obsession at a time when numerous dance crazes swept the United States. This was rather one small part of a trend that included many popular dances from around the world and the much noted animal dance mania that spawned the fox trot, grizzly bear, turkey trot, etc. Contem porary dance manuals provided the willing amateur with the details needed to re produce their own Russian dances.99 A triple foot stomp is one of the most distinctive elements of this instruction. Th e dancers were instructed to slap hands 3 times over shoulder nearest to partner, at same time stamp feet 3 times.100 This percussive effect was 97 Music by Moe Jaffe (1901-1972) and lyrics by Nathan Bonx (1900-1950). The song was published in 1926 by Shapiro, Bernstein, and Compan y Incorporated of New York. 98 Further discussion of Bolshevik is found in chapter five. 99 Such as Clendenen, The Art of Dancing. 100 Ibid., 126. 68


im portant to the dances identity as a Slav ic activity, as echoed in later dance manuals.101 This effect surfaces in Bolshevik (see figure 4-13). The Bolshevik lyrics constantly abused stereotypical Eastern Europe literary suffixes. Sky was the specific additive, and contributed to ridiculous phrases such as I come from across-sky the sea, and I will take a tax-sky now. The most concentrated portion of the song is the patter sectioncalled the Patter-ewski: [Patter-ewski] Hey pass-ky me-sky the whis-key, Im-sky Motka from-sky Slabotsky, I must have-sky some-sky Shabotka, With-sky my-sky glass-sky of Vodka. The title is an obvious play on Ignacy Pade rewski (1860-1941), the famed Polish pianist and diplomatic champion of Polish sovereig nty in post-War Europe. He represented his homeland at the Paris Peace Treaty, but became disi llusioned by political detours unfavorable to his personality. In 1922 Paderewski returned to the life of a t ouring concert pianist and for a period toured the United States in a private railw ay car. He remained a visible musical figure and political activist through the mid-1930s. His brief stint in internati onal politics was good copy. Journalis ts and cartoonists fed on the bravura pianists dual celebrity. Su ch attention is witnessed in fi gure 4-15, in which the artist rides into Warsaw astrid e his galloping instrument.102 It should be no surprise that the authors of Bolshevik took a shot at Paderewskis figure, yet it sends a confused message. The pianist was an international musical icon, and was an Eastern Eu ropean who settled in the United States for a 101 One example of which is Bergman, Marion. The Russian-American Song and Dance Book (New York: A.S. Barnes and Company, 1947). 102 The pianist is identifiable by his hair. Paderewski was famous for his flowing locks, called that famous blond mane in the New York Times (Love of Poland Rivals Music in the Heart of Paderewski). His hair was a muchprized element of his persona, and was especially fawned upon by his female devotees. The pianist was also famously parodied in Irving Berlins I Love a Piano (1914). 69


tim e, but had no connection to radical politics or Lenins Bolshevik government. Obviously his name was a phonetic convenience, but acted as no thing more than a recognizable public figure not uncommonly jested. The literary embellishment is much more important. The passage is slathered in skys that resonate with the various Slavic languages of Eastern Europe. The suffix is not specific to Russia, but does add to the cumulative effect of the song. In total these ex aggerations stretch the suffix to ridiculous lengthssuch as the four th line With-sky my-sky glass-sky of Vodka. Motka is a common name for a Russian male and Sl abotsky is a surname that can be traced to modern Belarus. It is uncertain what the term Shabotka referenced.103 Regardless, this alliteration produces a humorous novelty.104 The song lyrics also reference several themes discussed above. The Russian male prejudice for wearing beards is sing led out in several lines: Far far away In that Bolsheviki land-o-vitch, They never shave, So they never get the barbers itch. They all wear beards So they can not tell just which is which. This final line quoted above was also informed by the anti-immigrant bias held by many American citizens in th e nineteen-twenties. Jaffe and B onxs Bolshevik construction also features a social danger, alt hough this danger does not involve pol itical ideology or industrial revolution. Their idealized Russian drinks heavily, fulfilling another stereotype: I come from a-cross-ky the sea, Oh! Im a Bolshevik 103 It seems possible that the word is an exaggeration of Shab bat, although that does not work within the context of the passage that seems to imply that shabotka is a consumable substance. 104 Such humor can be witnessed on Fred Warings 1926 recording of Bolshevik. This recording is available on compact disc (see Appendix B) and is further discussed in chapter five. 70


71 The land-ski of Vodka and Tea, And stuff that has a kick. When they take a drink (Hup) They dont stop to think (Hup) They dont use their head (Hup) Cause their brains are dead (Hup).105 None of this imagery alluded to any real political or social danger, as did the songs of the Red Scare era. Instead, this selection presents th e stereotypical Russian Bolshevik as an image to be mocked and looked down upona drunk and disorderly character worthy only of shame before the haughty stature of American culture. For its negativity Bolshevik does not warn of any imminent Bolshevik invasion or infiltration into American so ciety. Those concerns had long dissolved by 1926. Unlike the New York Times report quoted at the head of this chapter the Bolshevik did not wave the flag of preparedness, although it did engage in the same stereotyped perceptions of Russian culture. Th is point provides an important link between the music of the Red Scare and the literature that addressed Russian culture in America in the later 1920s. In the next chapter this theme is continued, and is contra sted with the more apolit ical songs of the later 1920s and other mid-decade portrayals of Lenins Bolshevik Revolution. 105 See figure 4-15.


Figure. 4-1. Celia Aubert, Cossack Dance. 72


Figure 4-2. Oh, You Fox-Trotsky!, Literary Digest (19 June, 1920) 27. 73


Figure 4-3. Ben Russell and Henry Tobias, Katinka mm. 59-66. 74


Figure 4-4. Curses: It W ont Explode In America, Literary Digest (18 October, 1919) 12 75


Figure 4-5. Cause and Consequence, Literary Digest (29 November, 1919) 18. 76


Figure 4-6. George Gershwin and Herbert Stothart, Vodka mm. 5-8. 77


Figure 4-7. George Gershwin and Herbert Stothart, Cossack Love Song 78


Figure 4-8. Woman putting flask in her Russian boot, Washi ngton, D.C. National Photo Company Collection, Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LCUSZ62-97941. 79


Figure 4-9. Gus Kahn, Harry Richman, and Ted Shapiro, Rose of the Volga 80


Figure 4-10. Meyer Gusman, James Kendis, Frank Samuels, and Harvey Samuels, Underneath the Russian Moon. 81


Figure 4-11. Ben Russell and Henry Tobias, Katinka: A Russian Fox Trot-sky 82


Figure 4-12. George White and Arthur J. Jackson, Bolsheviki 83


Figure 4-13. Moe Jaffe and Nat Bonx, Bolshevik, mm 71-78. 84


Figure 4-14. President Padere wski Rides Into Warsaw, Literary Digest (17 May, 1919) 29. 85


86 Figure 4-15. Moe Jaffe and Nat Bonx, Bolshevik, mm 43-52.


CHAP TER 5 PARODY, IMITATION, AND MOCKERY Russian culture provided more than inspiration for original works. Of ten folk tunes and art music offered material for parody and imitation. In line with popular sentiment, many of these compositions utilized quotation for the purpose of mockery or debasement. With topics ranging from light humor to political denouncement, this music was also locate d within the public discourse on radical activity. Pa ul McCanns rece nt article in The Journal of Popular Culture explores this topic through a 1922 short story, The Jazz Baby.1 The tale was originally published in the Saturday Evening Post, and is quoted by McCann as follows: Overwhelmed at first by the mere volume of barbaric sound [produced by her sons saxophone] she found herself after a time trying to analyze jazz. It seemed to her to be musical Bolshevisma revolt against law and order in music. Apparently, too, the jazz Bolsheviks were looters, pillaging the treasu re houses of musics aristocracy. One piece was based on a Chopin waltz, another was a distor tion of an aria from Tosca Was there a connection between the various disturbing elementsfree verse, futuristic painting, radicalism, crime waves, obstreperous youth, jazz music, jazz dancing, jazz thinking?2 McCann notes that this perspective is held by a wealthy traditionalist who fears the potential threat posed by Communi sm to her standard of living a nd way of life, yet, the irony of course is that the re volutionary underclass has no fi ctional representation within the narrative but exists only as a figm ent of her paranoid imagination.3 Thus the transformation of European art music into jazz crosses ma ny wires, confusing the final product.4 On the surface it is dance music inspired by past cl assics, but also represents various social ailments and fears, 1 McCann, Performing Primitivism, 658-675. 2 Ibid., 662. 3 Ibid., 662. 4 The conception of jazz as a social danger also connects with the previously discussed Katinka: a Russian fox trotsky and the songs of Irving Berlin. Here the ills of societ y are blamed on a musical st yle, and this negativity is carried over to any other cultural symbol s associated with these problems. In this case, a semiotic link that bound togther Bolshevism, the popular conceptio n of Russian culture, and the social up heaval associated with jazz music, dancing, and behavior. 87


including Bolshevik ideology. Chapter five disc usses this revolt against law and order in music, of fering several examples that amplify this theme. Attention will also be given to Nikita Balieff, the Russian impresario, cast as an example of how American audiences listened to and understood folk song-inspired popular music. Russian Rag During the last months of 1917 Sergei Rach maninoff became increasingly aware of the escalating political instability of the Russian Provisional Government. Civil unrest at his Ivanovka estate motivated the Rachmaninoff family to relocate to a flat in the soon to be capital city of Moscow. Ultimately, the pianist sought a wa y for he and his family to exit Russia. That November Rachmaninoff received an offer for a brief concert tour in Scandinavia. This minor concert tour, which the pianist would otherwise have declined, provided a means to leave the country that was not affo rded to other artists.5 Rachmaninoff had some difficulty in obtaining a visa, but he and his family were able to make the trip and ultimately escape Russia and the burgeoning civil war. Through this concert series Sergei Rachmani noff and his family fled a dying Czarist Russia and headed west. Stockholm and Copenha gen became their temporary homes until they arrived in the United States on 1 November, 1918 one year after their flight had begun. The Rachmaninoffs left their political woes and financial security be hind in Moscow, and the pianist was motivated to perform as much as possibl e rather than spend time in composition. He concertized frequently and also became a Vict or Talking Machine Company recording artist. Within a few years the family was financially stable enough to purchase a house in New York 5 It has been suggested that the Rachmani noff family were the last to obtain such a visa. Typical Soviet practice was to keep a member of the family hostage so as to en sure the return of the traveling intellectual. Lyle, Rachmaninoff 164. 88


City that allowed them to recreat e their lost estate Ivanovka. It wa s here that they observed old world customs, employed Russian servants and offered a cultural oasis for other migrs.6 The Rachmaninoff family was one of many Russian expatriates who opposed Vladimir Lenins Bolshevik party and yearned for a return to Czarismthey were White Russians. The Revolution, which inspired this political division between Red and White, produced mixed emotions among many American ci tizens, some of which had di fficulty distinguishing between recent migrs and Lenins Socialist Revolutionaries.7 This perspective was further complicated by a general resentment of immigrants from Eastern Europe. In December 1919 the New York Times offered an explanation of this effect: There are in this city 60,000 Russians Most of them live on the lower east side. The real majority of them are illiterate and the popular conception of them (not perhaps wholly an unjust one) is that they ar e mostly Bolsheviks. Why? To begin with, the 60,000, mo st of them being comparatively recent immigrants, are not only illiterate and ignorant, but are in a state of mind which reflects the upheaval in their mother country. Thus they are peculiarly su sceptible to the bl andishments of the Bolshevik or the Bolshevisticly inclined.8 This article went on to illuminate the wa y in which Russian immigrants were highly susceptible to Bolshevik influence unless they we re offered an American alternative. It is instructive how Bolshevism was also applied to all recent immigrants, regardless of social standing or economic background. Th is was not uncommon during thes e years, as witnessed in the following letter to the New York Times that defended Russian-Americans against this prejudice: 6 Norris, Rachmaninoff, Serge. 7 This is an important point, which created a confused im age of Russian immigrants. It must be remembered that Rachmaninoff was a member of the upper class, and enjoyed the lifestyle of a Russian aristocrat. 8 Beat Bolshevism In Its Best Field. 89


The im pression that all the Russians in America are Bolsheviki is gaining credence in wide circles of American public opinion. This is so, in fact, to such an extent that manufacturers and business men are beginning to cleanse their establishments of the Russian element, considering their Russian employees as Bolsheviki. Being laid off on account of being a Russian is surely the best kind of anti-Am erican propaganda any Bolshevik would ever desire.9 In this atmosphere Russian cultural stereotype s became representative of an imaged society ruled and solely populated by the anarchistic Bolsheviki. To an increasingly xenophobic American public White Russians and their cu ltural baggage were subsumed under this stereotype. As Rachmaninoff and his family were emig rating to the United States the composer George Linus Cobb created an ar rangement of the pianists pr elude in C# minor, op. 3, no. 2 .10 The work was christened the Russian rag, and fed on the popularity and public awareness of Rachmaninoffs prelude.11 The pianist first performed the wo rk in the United States during a 1909 concert tournearly ten years before he and his family emigrated. During this lapse of time the American public did not forget the Russian virtuoso, and kept his cel ebrity alive via the prelude. The work lived on in music studios cafes and other formal and informal performances.12 Despite the fact that the work had b een composed years earlier, only shortly after Rachmaninoffs student years at the Moscow Conservatory, it grew to become his most publicly acclaimed composition. During his subsequent Amer ican concert appearances Rachmaninoff was incessantly called upon to perform his prelude. The appeal of the short work overshadowed his other compositions, which cau sed Rachmaninoff to loath its seemingly 9 Bolshevism And Russians Here, 38. 10 Cobbs biography is treated in Appendix A. The Russian rag was published in 1918 by Will Rossiter of Chicago. 11 Jasen, Tin Pan Alley 88. 12 Lyle, Rachmaninoff 178. 90


obligatory perform ance at his recitals. By 1924 he revealed that he was sickened by the sound of his prelude, owing specifically to its appropriation as popular amusement. He stated in clear terms that I dont even like to pl ay it any more, much less hear it.13 George Cobb based his rag on the introductory material of the prelude. Specifically he quoted the three-note motif A-G#-C# (transposed to Bb-A-D, see figures 5-1 and 5-2). He interpolated this quote with seve ral rhythmic figures that offere d typical ragtime syncopation and rhythmic organization. It was not unheard of for ragtime performances to feature syncopated parodies of well-known classical melodiesoften called ragged classics. This was a display of virtuosity and wit intended to appeal to the knowledge and ex pectations of the listener. Often enough, such take-offs were further contorted into quodlibet st yle interpretations.14 Beyond the surface of musical showmanship, raggi ng the classics was a means by which to abuse the established masters of this canon in or der to strike a blow at disapproving members of academia.15 The use of the term interpolation betray s such an approachto alter and corrupt the original composition via additive material. However, it is doubtfu l that Cobbs rag was an attack on the arbiters of classical music. Rather it was a joke played at the e xpense of Rachmaninoffs public image. Cobbs rag had no overtly anti-Bolshevik me ssage. However, the work did entertain stereotypes of Russian culture associated with the Revolutionaries. The dancer Rhea McMurray introduced the Russian rag, and her image graced the sheet music cover. She performed under the stage name of Mademoiselle Rhea, which was an imitation of the famous 19th century French dancer and actress. The original Mlle. Rh ea was born Hortense Barbe Loret in 1845 and 13 Election Pleases Sir Henry Lunn, 10. 14 Berlin, Ragtime, 66-67. 15 Ibid., 70. 91


m aintained an active career bot h in Europe and North America.16 After an 1883 performance in Kansas City the child Rhea McMurray was named after the celebrity dan cer. This second Mlle. Rhea went on to a less star-studded dancing care er in New York City, yet assumed the stage moniker of her namesake for professional purposes.17 Interestingly, both Mlle. Rheas studied da nce in the then Russian capitol city, St. Petersburg.18 This was no coincidence, as prior to he r North American debut Hortense Loret had launched her career in St. Petersburg, and Rhea McMurray followed the example of her elder. The professional mimicry further informs Rheas image on the cover of the Russian rag (see figure 5-3). She is seen both in tr aditional ballet dress and in what appears to be folkloric Russian garb. Especially noticeable are the Russian bootlegswhich became an American fashion trend in the 1920sand what appears to be a tambourine or frame drum. While it is unclear, this instrument could be a Russian buben, a tambourin e-like percussion instrument similar to an Egyptian riq and commonly believed to have Greek origins. There is an irony that overshadows this pres entation. On the surface, Rheas concept of Russian authenticity seems to mock the validity of this expression through the participation in a ragtime interpolation. She was a stereotypical Ru ssian native presenting he r nations music as a farce. However, it should not be forgotten th at George Cobb was attacking Rachmaninoff, an aristocrat and representative of a Russian art music tradition reaching back to the early 19th century. Mlle. Rhea embodied the aesthetics of th is cultural standpoint th rough her depiction as a ballet dancer. Her former characterization, gypsy-like in outward appearance, represented a type 16 Mlle. Rhea passed away in 1899. Londr, The Enchanted Years of the Stage 144. 17 Ibid., 144. 18 Mademoiselle Rhea, Dancer, Marries, 8. 92


of popular music that had been infiltrating Russian society for several decadessim ilar to the expansion of ragtime in America at the turn of the 20th Century.19 Mlle. Rheas image was also not without precedent in American popular culture. In 1914 Charles A. Gall published an original pia no solo titled Olga: Russian rag (see figure 5-4). The song sheet cover featured a Russian peasant dancer similar in guise and posture to Mlle Rhea. Thus her image on Cobbs rag is not only an assu med representation of her Russian experience, but is reflective of the American eye. Her role as a peasant dancer fulfilled a stereotype recognized to some degree in urban America. Did this music recreate Rachmaninoff for an American audience? His celebrity was widely regarded, and he concertized often upon arrival in New York City. Yet the prelude preceded his immigration. The work was popularized by pianists of all levels, and became the iconic work that haunted Rachmaninoff in his later career. In the years before 1917 the prelude became an embodiment of the composer that was recreated with each performance. In such a situation stereotypes would be employed to create an imagined Russian cultural expression and in doing so to posture an American interpretation. 19 In both Russia and the United States the new urban environment of the late-19th century bred a new kind of music seemingly divergent from established notions of folk and art genres. This more vulgar music took various shapes in Russian cities, where it reflected the idiosyncratic value system of this modern society. This new urban music flourished in the bars, drinking gardens and vaudevilles of Russian cities, and appealed to an urban audience confronted with rapidly ev aporating social values. Russian popular music in the early-20th century thus centered on few specific styles. Common was the tsyganshchina or gypsy song, which appealed to an upper-class fascination with this cultural other. The gypsy figure embodied characteristics desirable to an urban audience surrounded by the icons of modernity. The Cossack volya (an uncouth dignity) and toska (a yearning for an unattainable lost past) were central to this mystique, in which the gypsy represented an escapist fantasy. Urban gypsy singers were usually not real gypsies, but served to reinforce popular stereotypes. Singers within this genre were appreciated for their mixture of an imagined folk culture with an urban reality. Those opposed to this style attacked it much as Americans di sapproved of early jazz, with racist re ferences to hot blood or tropical passion. Stites, The Ways of Russian Popular Music to 1953, 20. 93


It is po ssible that McMurrays experience in urban St. Petersburg may have informed her concept of gypsy culture. Regardless, her depiction in stereotypical folkloric clothing paralleled the intention of Cobbs interp olationboth juxtaposed high a nd low culture and framed the conservative within a modern context.20 Her image also ran parallel to the popular opinion that the Russian working class was contaminated with Bolshevik ideology. She fed into a constructed realization of Russian peasantry that, as an e xotic cultural presence, was infiltrating American life. The use of parody situated the Russian rag within the Bolshevik discourse central to the American Red Scare. The Six Brown Brothers Clown Band also endorsed the Russian rag.21 This well regarded minstrel troupe performed the rag arranged for saxophone ensemblethe groups signature presentation. Beyond the saxophones they were k nown for their clownish image and stage buffoonery. The Brown Brothers never recorded Cobbs rag, but did feature it in many performances. Their popular 1920 show Tip Top included a scene that remained constant through later Brown Brothers performances. Tom Brown, the group leader, described the use of the Russian rag within this scene: Then I walk as though I was going to leave them [the rest of the band] when I hear them start to play SWEET ADELINE I turn back smilingly and do the DIRECTING to SWEET ADELINE (which is a big success) then at the finish of the directing after I do the scratching (Which gets a big laugh -) I run off and take off the bridal veil and get back in time to line up for the RUSSIAN RAG which is the finish of the act. Of course we do the dance with the rag which helps to put it over.22 20 It should also not be overlooked that the image of Mlle. Rhea in folk dress overlaps her depiction as a ballerina. 21 Their image was featured on the sheet music cover. S ee figure 5-5. An excellent acco unt of the Brown Brothers can be found in Bruce Vermazens That Moaning Saxophone: The Six Brown Brothers and the Dawning of a Musical Craze (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 22 Vermazen, That Moaning Saxophone 147. 94


The rag m ust have been a powerful curtain-cl oser, yet their arrangement is unfortunately unknown. The Brothers performed and record ed another similar rag by George Cobb, Peter Gink a construction based on the music of Edvard Grieg.23 The Brown Brothers endorsement of Cobbs rag inspired John Philip Sousas use of saxophones in his 1919 tour. The March King had be gun featuring a saxophone sextet, much in emulation of the Brothers popular success, and the Russian rag became one of several popular syncopated melodies transf erred to the Sousa book.24 The rag became increasing popular as numerous other artists arranged and recorded the parody. The firs t was by Earl Fuller and his orchestra, followed by a similar treatment via the Emerson Military Band. Also that year, Diero Pietro offered his version for accordion solo on the Victor label. While these and doubtlessly numerous other performers took th e virtuosic solo into their repertoires, a recording made by James Reese Europe and the Hellfighter Band pr opelled the rag to international fame. This rendition, billed as a foxtrot, was released on disk by the Path Actuelle company.25 Within a few years Cobbs rag accrued such fa me that he was pushed to create a sequel. Thus, the New Russian rag was published by Will Rossiter and reached the American public in 1923. This was a more pyrotechnical rendition of the popular prelude that catered to the virtuosic demands of va udeville piano soloists.26 It also contained more of Rachmaninoffs 23 Peter Gink was also recorded by the Okeh Dance Band in 1919on the same 78 as the Russian Rag Perhaps the disc was meant to inspire mockery. The Brown Bros. performance of Peter Gink apparently horrified lovers of Griegs ballet. Ibid., 132. 24 Ibid., 135. 25 Path was well-regarded in France, yet was not well-rece ived in the United States. The production method called for a phonograph player with a unique needle and rotation setting90 rpm. The Path Actuelle title, however, was affixed to records cut at the 78 rpm standard. These were more successful abroad, although the companys primary market was the French public. 26 Jasen, Rags and Ragtime 176. 95


origin al content than the first Russian rag.27 The sequel, however, was not as fresh as the original and ultimately paled in comparison. Cobbs first Russian rag continued to be rear throughout the 1920s, as late as Roy Wizard of the Strings Smecks 1928 arrangement for banjo and piano or John Krachtuss accordion arra ngement from the same year (see figure 5-8). ranged The Soviet perspective of the infamous Russian rag adds an ironic twist to this story. Like the work of many expatriate artists, Rachmani noffs music was officially banned within the sphere of Communist influence. However, it was the manner in which his music was evaluated that brings the American perspective to th e surface. In mid-1931 the United Ukrainian High School system published the following statement in the Kharkov News: The author of works which, in their emoti onal and mental effect s are bourgeois through and through, the composer of Liturgies, Vesper Masses, and the Bells the manufacturer of foxtrots, Rachmaninoff was and is a servant and a toll of the worst enemies of the Proletariat, the world-Bourge oisis, and world-capitalism.28 Thus, not only was the pianist accused of crea ting anti-Communist art music, he also produced foxtrots, a hallmark of western popular cu lture. This dance style was further derided as a manufactured music; not composed like art mu sic. The link to American music speaks to the enduring popularity of Cobbs rag and branded R achmaninoff as a clear enemy of the Soviet regime. Furthermore, Rachmaninoff was not oppos ed to foxtrots. In April 1919 he told a journalist that ragtime music was Colossal! Fa mous! Superb! Most Original! I never heard any rhythm like it before!29 27 See figures 5-6 and 5-7. Advertisements for the New Russian Rag focused on this point, calling it an elaborate edition with more Prelude and all the up-to-the-minute tricks of modern harmony. Cobb, New Russian Rag 28 Riesemann, Rachmaninoffs Recollections 204. 29 From Rage To Rags. Both Cobb and Rachmaninoffs images graced the New Russian rag although it would be unfair to cite this coincidence as any form of approval. See figure 5-9. 96


Nikita Balie ff and the Chauve-Souris As the Russian rag illustrates, the recycling of art mu sic into ragged classics could be a controversial technique. The merits of such parody were much debated during the early 1920s, and were one part of a larger discourse on the na ture of ragtime and jazz. Outspoken critics such as Ernest Newman attacked ragged classics for their iconoclastic na ture and the supposed immaturity of the parodists. Newman was also t ypical of conservative writers when he used his contempt for the ragged classics as an attack on the popularity of American jazz in London and Europe. Hailed by the domestic press as Englan ds musical St. George in combat against the dreadful dragon of American jazz th e critic sought to discount jazz and all those who created and listened to it.30 He claimed that these jazzsmith s showed no musical invention and practiced the worst kind of artistic parody. He wrote: It is one thing to have a g ood picture turned into a thing of harmless fun by someone who is himself a quick-witted artist; it is quite another thing to have it scrawled over by a moron. The average jazzsmith, in his would-be hu morous treatment of a classic, is merely a street urchin who thinks he has been smart wh en he has sidled up to a poster when no one was looking and added a mustache to the upper lip of the beautiful lady who figures in it. My gentle exhortation to the jazzers to keep their dirty paws off their betters has been grievously misunderstood; to get the true sense of it, it should be read with the accents on dirty, paws and betters.31 30 See British Music Critic Excoriates Jazz, 1 and Newman Resumes Attack on Jazz, 30. 31 Debunking Jazz. This debate involv ed authors less abrassive than Newman yet his opinion was not uncommon. In 1925 Fritz Kreisler was quoted as saying: Those jazz writers who steal all the old-time melodies which came from the brains of others and turn them into syncopated time because it means a quick return of money are noth ing better than thieves. Lochner, Fritz Kreisler 240. Years later Aaron Copland reflected on this trend in his text The New Music : The so-called swinging of the classics. is less to be encouraged. Not so mu ch because of the bastard versions of the classics that it makes known, though these are tasteless enough, but because it indicates a weakening of invention on the part of our popular composers. It should be discouraged not because it is bad for the classics (they will survive, I imagine), but because it is definite ly bad for jazz. It glorifies the arranger at the expense of the tunesmith. The New Music 63. 97


A statem ent such as this could not rest w ithout comment, and Paul Whiteman provided an intelligent response in the New York Times In brief: Who is to say that this composer may experi ment with a classic and that one may not? And can Mr. Newman tell me just what a classic is ? If the classic is a great one, clowning will not kill it. Experimenting with the materi als of which a masterpiece is made is not going to ruin the masterpiece.32 Within a year of the New Russian rag New York audiences witnessed Paul Whitemans famed What is American Music? concert. At this event, which is well remembered for featuring George Gershwins Rhapsody in blue the Rachmaninoff prelude again became the subject of parody. Under the ca tegory flavoring a selection with Borrowed Themes Ferdie Grof offered his Russian rose a conglomerate of Russian music arranged for dance band. Along with the prelude were quotations from the traditional Volga boatmen song, Rimsky-Korsakovs Song of India, and Tchaikovskys 1812 Overture and Marche Slave While records of the event tend to focus on the new work by Gershwin to th e detriment of the othe r selections, Grofs Russian rose has stimulated some thought on the nature of its performance. After all, Rachmaninoff was in the audience that night, as were other no table Russian musicians whose purpose was to determine an answ er to the evenings question.33 According to one contemporary writer Rach maninoff laughed at the exaggeration of his prelude, although realistica lly one must question how deeply th e composer enjoyed seeing others make financial gains from his art at a time when his efforts were focused on providing a stable Yet the popularity of ragged classics cannot be denied. Besides the numerous compositions published, many instructional manuals taught amateurs how to rag an y melody they choose (such as Edward R. Winns Winns practical method of popular music and ragtime piano playing published in 1913 and reprinted at least five times). 32 Whiteman, In Defense of Jazz and Its Makers, SM4. 33 Whiteman Judges Named: Committee Will Decide What Is American Music. In 1927 Whiteman said that Rachmaninoff [is a] believer in the musical value of jazz. Whiteman, In Defense. 98


f amily life.34 It is difficult to say if the Russian rose was performed tongue in cheek, or if the parodies were milked to their full extent. What can be said is that Grof utilized Rachmaninoffs prelude based on its mass appeal an d distinctive opening passage. It can also safely be assumed that the listening public was not only well adapte d to hearing Russian music, but was accepting of its parody via the foxtrot. Th e important question is whether the Russian rose shared any of the political baggage carried by Cobbs Russian rag and New Russian rag Based on the scores it does not seem that Grof was quoting Cobb, but rath er offering his own take on the prelude. On the other hand, the Russian rag was well established by 1924, a nd numerous recordings and arrangements were commercially available. One could conjecture that a New York performance of Rachmaninoffs prelude by the Whiteman orchestra would be enough to stimulate a connection to Cobbs rag. There is no single perspective regarding the possible interpretations of the Grof suite. A later popular song, however, enriches this discussion. It is instructive to recall that Cobbs rag was a child born of heated public opinion and po litical pressure. Yet, this opinion lost its intensity as the Russian Civil War came to an end and the American Red Scare ran out of political steam. Anarchist inspired bombings government raids, and mass deportations of suspected radicals had ceased by mid-decade. What did remain were the images and stereotypes propagated during these yearsimages that woul d shape the American perspective of Russian culture for years to come. The cultural pastiche of the Russian rag was alive and well eight years later in the song Bolshevik.35 It was introduced and recorded by Fred Waring and his 34 Lyle, Rachmaninoff 172. 35 Discussed in the previous chapter. 99

PAGE 100

Pennsylvanians, a group popular am ong the stud ent body of Pennsylvania State University.36 Waring and his band cut this track for the Vict or Company on 20 August, 1926, in which they presented their own interpolat ion of the collegial hit. As the recording reveals, the Pennsylvanians introduced a quotation from Cobbs Russian rag during the introduction to Bolshevik.37 This was not a feature of th e original published song sheet, but the recording itself is full of other artistic liberties such as vocal effect s (such as what must be a teeth solo). However, this was not problematic for novelty song literature. What is more important was the link created between the cultural implications of the Russian rag and Bolshevik Bolshevik is a tongue-in-cheek take on Russian cu lture in mid-1920s America. The use of the Russian rag was a remindera means by which to transf er the imagery of the Red Scare to a time in which Bolshevism was not a domestic te rror. This negative conne ction reinforced the Russia stereotypes found within the song text. It projected the ideolo gies of the Red Scare into a later context. Americans receiv ed this presentation of Ru ssian culture th rough their own experiences, yet the not all stereotypes were illu strated by native artists. Enter Nikita Balieff and the Chauve-Souris, or Moscow Bat Theater. This vaudeville company swep t the North American stage in the years following the Bolshevik takeov er. The music and performance history of this troupe served to reinforce Russian cultural stereo types through a mixture of authenticity and an appeal to the currents of Vaudeville. The Russian impresario Nikita Balieff ( 1877-1936) was born in Armenia as Mkritich Balian. His celebrity status rested upon the Moscow Bat Theater th at he created in Russia from 36 Fred Waring (1900-1984) began his musical career in 1917 as the leader of Waring s Banjo Orchestra, a quartet that expanded to ten pieces by 1922. The group was rena med the Pennsylvanians and began recording with the Victor company. His early popularity rested on the pe rformance of flamboyant novelty literature (such as Collegiate and Bolshevik ), while later recordings reveal a transition to Whiteman inspired polish. 37 See figure 5-10. Rachmaninoffs prelude is quoted in measures 8-12, played by the brass (This transcription offers melodic content only). The following measures begin the song verse. 100

PAGE 101

the ranks of the Moscow Arts Theater. Origina lly conceived as a kapustniki, in 1912 the Bat developed into an independent cabaret.38 Balieffs hallmark was his inventive use of language. An experienced English speaker, his stage persona mixed languages and expressions as a linguistic novice. The laughs always came as he reached a climax of jumbled inexpression, occasionally pointing with a few words of slang.39 Adrift within Bolshevik Moscow, Balieff left the country in 1919speculatively disguised as a rug merchant from Constantinople.40 He traveled to New York City, where in mid-July Balieffs longtime musical collaborator Alexi Archangelsky also arrived. The composer had stayed in Moscow to maintain the Bat Theatre in Balieffs absence, and had spent considerable time petitioning the Russian government for his visa. The American Morris Gest was credited with cementing Archangelskys arrival, as he had similarly aided Balieff. The Chauve-Souris began their 1922 show at the 49th Street Theatre and moved to the Century Theatre Roof on 5 June. Nicholas Remi soff, the proclaimed Chauve-Souris artist, decorated the roof in Russian style.41 This style was modeled after the wall dcor found in the Moscow Bat Theater. As an environment cultivated by stage performers, Balieffs Russian theater was adorned with images of famous entertainers. The paintings were an act of constructed authenticity, and set the mood for an intimate, star-studded performance. The Chauve-Souris song publications mirrored this arti stic bent, as demonstrated in figures 5-11 and 38 A kapustniki was literally a cabbage party. Held during the 40 days of Lent in which theaters closed and cabbage dominated the Lenten dinner plate, these performances were given for and by idle actors. Eventually the term came to denote any informal amus ement created for a closed environmen t. Law, Nikita Balieff and the ChaueSouris, 19. 39 Nikita Balieff, 59, Stage-Figure, Dies. 40 Law, Nikita Balieff, 22. 41 Remisoff Redecorates Century Roof. The show was popu lar enough to inspire a parody at the Punch and Judy Theatre. George C. Tyler organized a vaudeville troupe unde r the banner of the Forty-Niners. They were described as a native Chauve-Souris. Authors to Give Plays. 101

PAGE 102

5-12. On 15 July the troupe perform ed their 200th American performance at the Centuryit was referred to as their second century.42 The Chauve-Souris repertoire was a hodge-podg e of foxtrots, one steps, polkas, and traditional folk material. The most culturally relevant were Katinka Anuschka Sparkling wine and The Volga boatmans song .43 Their authenticity met with American prerogatives and the popularly constructed image of Russia. The s ongs were often hailed not only for their entertainment value but also fo r their exotic suggestion. The New York Times claimed the carefree band of Muscovites have taught Amer ica to imagine, if not to talk in Russian.44 This statement reveals the cultural undercurrentt hat the troupe in part represented an imagined Russia. Balieffs authenticity blended with a co mmon vision of Russian culture and, while it did not contain negative imagery, th e music did provide a model for less genuine representations. Other critical remarks further linked the construc tion of Russian culture with the exotic. William Chase wrote: The Chauve-Souris bears pictorially the hallma rk of Russias quaint, exotic, often halfbarbaric art, recalling painters from Verestch agin to Bakst, songs of the Russian Isba, tinkling melodies of the Balalaika Players, da nces of the Diaghileff and Pavlowa troupes. Only it is all different miniature, individual, in a spirit of fun.45 On 14 March, 1924 the company celebrated its 16th anniversary in Montreal. The New York Times took this opportunity to again comment on the cultural distance represented by the Chauve-Souris. The ceremony included the breaking of bread with unusual rites and singing.46 42 Theatrical Notes. 43 A separate portion of their stage show was titled a night at Yars restaurant in Mo scow, 1840. This segment included the fiery gypsy songs Dark eyes and Two guitars .43 Law, Nikita Balieff, 23. 44 Meet Mr. Archangelsky. 45 Chase, The Last Laugh Out of Russia. 46 Chauve-Souris Anniversary. 102

PAGE 103

There was n o specific explanation for these singu lar activities, only the emphasis on the cultural distance that separated the comp any from Western audiences. This connection was an important part of the group image and the expectations of their audience. To put this simply, one contemporary writer described the typical Russian lifestyle as very much as people lived in Biblical times, or as English peasants may have lived in Shakespeares time or before.47 Anuschka is one example that highlights the Russ ianness of the Chauve-Souris repertoire. The song contains many elements common to Russian folk songs commercially available in the U.S., such as a flexible rhythmic inflection of the chorus.48 This portion of Anuschka begins with held fermatas that lead to a slackened tempo that gradually increases in speed, a performance indication that lend s itself to great flexibility (see figures 5-13 and 5-14). Such treatment of folk-inspired material existe d within the light, sati rical performances of the Chauve-Souris. The troupe originally produced these shows in balance with their parent company the Moscow Arts Theater, yet New Yo rk audiences saw the show only within the context of Vaudeville. Balieffs comic presentation of this material could have been perceived as an amplification of stereotypesa perspective th at was supported by the contemporary critics. For New York audiences the stereot ypes of Russian culture were bot h a reality and an abstraction, and the Chauve-Souris allowed the listener to entertain either perception. For some, the group represented more than an exotic cultural experience but a tangible encounter with Red Scare politics. These listeners heard Balieffs tongue-incheek satire as an opportunity for mockery and debasement. 47 Ruhl, Russians and Baltic Peoples, 223. 48 This element can be found in widely published songs such as Kalinka Two Guitars and Dark Eyes 103

PAGE 104

In March, 1923, the New York Times ran a reactionist essay by an author identified only as T.R.Y. The article rings the Bo lshevik alarm through phrases typi cal of the Red Scare and the anti-immigration bias of the early 1920s: Something is abroad in our land which may be as deadly to our minds as a cholera germ would be to our bodies, yet it is allowed to go on its dreadful way unhindered. Every eveningand several afternoonseach we ek thousands of New Yorkers are being ruthlessly exposed, for all we know, to the mo st awful microbes in the world, yet nothing is being done about it. Not a solitary organization lifts up its voice! Not a Senator, not a Congressman, volleys and thunders in the halls of the Capitol! Not a policeman gets agitated! For all the interest aroused by this terrific menace it might as well be an amendment to the American Constitution! And yet it is just the kind of th ing which, but a few months ago, we were told might undermine the foundations of the American Republic! I allude to the Russian actors and actresse s now performing with impunity in our midst.49 The author goes on to dispute the political inte ntions of Russian stag e performers in light of the audience subconscious. T.R.Y. argues that Russian performers, especially those who speak or sing in Russian, are polluting a udiences with radical thoughts: We want to be able to sit calmly in our seats and listen to what goes on behind the footlights without being haunted by the horrible fear that, after the final curtain falls, we may run our hands through our hair, dash ma dly on to Seventh Avenue, bellow Long live Lenin! and inquire of the cop on the b eat where we can buy a good, reliable bomb.50 The famous Chauve-Souris were made a specific target for investigation. T.Y.R. suggests that the group has been transfixing New York listenerstransforming them into Bolshevik automatons: Once my patriotic zeal had been aroused I decided th at not only the Moscow Art Theatre Company now acting in our midst but also the Russians of the Chauve-Souris deserved careful scrutiny. .The dreadful thought occurred to me that perhaps the Chauve-Souris company was nothing but a bunch of traveling Rasputins, which was hypnotizing its audiences into becoming Bolshevi ki while they waited! And to think that 49 T.R.Y. Safety First From Propaganda, SM8. 50 Ibid., SM8. 104

PAGE 105

the Chauve-Souris had b een running for months that Balieffs speeches in broken English might have been carefully broken for him by Lenin before his departure from Moscow. The thought unsettled me terrib ly. Another sleepless night! But that night bore fruit. In the morning I reso lved to bring forward the suggestion that the politics of all the Balieffs Chauve-Souris performers be subjec ted to some well-known test for unearthing Bolshevism, and that th e results be duly tabul ated on the program, though less exhaustively than in the case of the more serious actors. For instance, take the case of the wooden soldiers who partic ipate in that now celebrated little march. I has been on now many months and I have a shrewd suspicion that the original Russians who marched have been working for a log time at lecturing, chauffeuring, looking interesting at afternoon teas, and other j obs that exiled Russians are heir to. Nevertheless, there are many people in the audience who still fear that propaganda may be at work while the wooden soldiers are marching. So I would suggest that something like this appear on the program in future: The management begs to announce that the Wooden Soldiers are tested weekly by 100 percent American experts. Th e result of the last weekly test was as follows: First Soldier From the Left, JEFFERSONIAN DEMOCRAT. Second Soldier From the Left, MASSACHUSETTS REPUBLICAN. Third Soldier From the Left, ENGLISH CONSERVATIVE. Fourth Soldier From the Left, SEVENTH-GENERATION SCOTCH PRESBYTERIAN.51 The list of ficticious ethnic and political affiliations goes on. This essay is clearly an extreme example of the political fallout that lingered beyond the Red Scare, as the author misunderstands and distorts cultu ral expression. The above excerpt states that the results be duly tabulated on the program, though less exhaustivel y than in the case of the more serious actors. Are the Bolsheviki more likely hidde n among the comic actors ? Certainly then the 51 T.R.Y. Safety, SM8-14. 105

PAGE 106

Chauve-Souris com pany housed a great many radical performers. By T.R.Y.s estimation this makes the Chauve-Souris a prime distributor of Bolshevik propaganda, both on stage and in the home (via sheet music). The more important point is the assumption th at all Russian culture is negative; that Russians in America thrive on disruption and es pionage, which the domestic audience is helpless to defeat. This is why George Cobbs Russian rag was so important. The work has no text, yet was assumed to be a part of the Russian/Bolsh evik cultural invasion of America. Thus the inclusion in Fred Warings record ing. This specific cultural and political environment allowed for various interpretations. Imitation was not used solely for negative purposes, but was a socially bound relationship that depended upon the musical experience and the attitude of the individual listener within a certain context. Other popular songs did quot e Russian melodies for less negative purposes, such as George Gershwins Song of the Flame .52 These value judgments depended on personal perspective. Yet the imagined reality of the Red Scare created a negative impression of Russian culture for many New Yo rkers and citizens of the United States. 52 This topic is discussed in chapter six of this study. 106

PAGE 107

Figure 5-1. Sergei Rachmaninoff, Prel ude in C# minor, op.3, no. 2, mm. 1-6. 107

PAGE 108

Figure 5-2. George L. Cobb, Russian Rag, mm. 1-12. 108

PAGE 109

Figure 5-3. Rhea McMurray from the cover of the Russian Rag. 109

PAGE 110

Figure 5-4. From the cover of Olga: Russian Rag by Chas. F. Gall. 110

PAGE 111

Figure 5-5. The Six Brown Brot hers Clown Band as featured on the cover of the Russian Rag. 111

PAGE 112

Figure 5-6. Sergei Rachmaninoff, Prel ude in C# minor, op. 3, no. 2, mm. 15-17. 112

PAGE 113

Figure 5-7. George L. Cobb, New Russian Rag mm. 76-79. 113

PAGE 114

Figure 5-8. George L. Cobb, Russian Rag arranged for solo accordion. 114

PAGE 115

Figure 5-9. Sergei Rachmani noff and George L. Cobb from the cover of the New Russian Rag 115

PAGE 116

Figure 5-10. Melody of Bolshevik as recorded by Fred Waring and his Pennsylvanians, mm. 114. Transcribed by the author. 116

PAGE 117

Figure 5-11. Dailey Paskman, Sparkling Wine 117

PAGE 118

Figure 5-12. Richard Fall and L. Wolfe Gilbert, O Katharina! Note the bat used to represent Nikita Balieffs eyebrows. 118

PAGE 119

Figure 5-13. Oskar Steiner and Oskar Virag, Anuschka 119

PAGE 120

Figure 5-14. Oskar Steiner and Oskar Virag, Anuschka mm. 22-25. 120

PAGE 121

CHAP TER 6 BEYOND THE RED SCARE Although historians place the end of the Red Scare at some point duri ng 1921, this political movement left behind many scarsmemories of immigration concerns th at resonated throughout the following decade. The efforts of 100% Am ericanism also tainted the American labor movement and the social image of Russian immigrants. In fact union membership bottomed-out as employers continued to associate labor orga nization with political radicalism. The open-shop policy was called the American Plan, which st amped unionized industries as un-patriotic organizations.53 Yes, the Communist movement in the United States was quelled by the sledgehammer of Red Scare drum-beating, but nothing was done to assuage the difficulties laid upon targeted ethnic groups. 54 Stereotyping continued, and Russian-Americans who may have no longer been called Bolsheviks endured continued de gradation. As late as 1927 Russian immigrants were categorized by the following generalization, which was intended to highlight the nature of these people and differentiate them from other recent immigrants: They [the typical Russian immigrant] do not take very readily to American hustle and push. The regular Russian [an immigrant from Moscow or the surro unding regions] is a bit lazy and easy-going. He is more interested, in his natural state, in having a good time in a simple way than in getting ahead. When his work is over, he likes to loaf about, drinking vodka or endless glasses tea, playing the concertina, perhaps, singing or dancing. They might seem rough, crude, dirty, superstitious, lazy, or what you will.55 The tone of this statement was an undercur rent of the 1920s. Many biases inherited from the First World War were held beneath the gloss of economic prosperity and cultural advancement often associated with the decade. As Ann Douglas summarized this environment in 53 Kennedy, Over, 292. 54 Ackerman, Young J. Edgar 389. 55 Ruhl, Russians, 217, 228. 121

PAGE 122

her Terrible honesty A merica at the close of the Great War was a Cinderella magically clothed in the most stunning dress at th e ball, a ball to which Cinderell a had not even been invited; immense gains with no visible price tag seemed to be the American destiny.56 Yet cultural clashes remained, and recent immigrant groups were often not welcome at Cinderellas ball. The legacy of the Bolshevik Revolution lingered throughout the decade and tainted nearly all Russian-American cultural expressions. Assimilation and Nostalgia For recent immigrants, a return to Russia became nearly impossible in the years following the Civil War and the establishment of Lenin s Communist government. Those immigrants who supported Czarism over Bolshevism also realized that their former way of life was lost, and would perhaps never exist again.57 Thus culture became a means to stimulate nostalgia and to reconstruct a past world in the United States. Many of these immigrants surrounded themselves with cultural icons, so as not to forget the Russi a that was and to also ease or defend themselves against assimilation into the dominant American mainstream. Assimilation was not an easy tas k. Immigrants dealt with pressu re from two sides: to keep their native culture alive and to surrender as much as possible to the dominant mainstream. 100% American groups provided most of the later, wh ile others applied less aggressive opinions. In 56 Douglas, Terrible Honesty 4. 57 Jewish immigrants from Eastern Europe permanently root ed themselves in the United States more than any other cultural group. Historian Roger Daniels summarized this tendency: There is a general consensus among scholars that about one Jewish emigrant in twenty returned to Europe, and some of those where sure to emigrate again later. Of all the other ethnic groups of the period for whom return rates have been calculated, only the Irish have a rate below 10 percent. Coming to America 225. During the early decades of the 20th Century several groups were formed to protect recent Jewish immigrants, such as the American Jewish Committee and the Anti-Defama tion League. The Irish too faced a native political and cultural situation from which escape was quite desirable, although a longstanding history of Irish immigration to the United States eased their arrival and assimilation. It shou ld also be noted that much back-and-forth immigration ceased after the quota system was in troduced in the early 1920s. 122

PAGE 123

1921 W illiam Isaac Thomas included the symbols of his [the immigrants] home land as an important element of identity wi thin a society bent on the assimilation of recent immigrants.58 Thomas felt that immigrant organizations and cultur al preservation played a crucial role in this process, and should not be overlooked. Yet the process was difficult. Many immigrant Russians experienced the loss of family members left be hind the walls of the Bolshevik regime. This experience pessimistically tinted their view of lif e in America, affecting even those who adapted well. The stresses of distance and cultural adap tation were worse for Russians who had difficulty learning the English language and letting go of their past.59 Thus assimilation was not a simple matter of personal choice. External pressuressoci al, political, cultural, economickept it so. The process was not a steady fading of memories as a smooth transition from one set of relationships, one dominant im migrant world, to another.60 It was a way to balance the past with the future, and the family unit w ith the larger social environment. Within the struggle to constr uct identity within a new world, culture became a natural catharsis. In 1921 the song On the banks of the Volga stimulated this emotion. It is one of many examples that allowed the listener to connect wi th a pre-Revolutionary Russia, experience pride, and move towards the acceptance of a lost world. The lyrics follow: On the waters of our little-mother Volga The storm is lashing, and the wave s rise high; Alone a tiny boat is battling Alone midst the fury of the gale; But look! at the helm there stands a figure, Scorning death in the waters dark and grim, 58 Thomas, Old World Traits Transplanted 295. 59 Kishinevsky, Russian Immigrants 235. 60 Taylor, The Distant Magnet 259. The immigrant experience is often s een as a linear fading of memories. See Dinnerstein, Ethnic Americans 72. 123

PAGE 124

Tis the hero of our little-mother Volga Our Stegneka Rasine.61 This quote appears in a 1922 te xt, where the author comments : It is no wonder that the Russian appreciates his own music and that in the dark city tenements he will occasionally recall his homeland in such verses as these.62 The isolation of the immigran t persona is evident (in the dark city tenements) as is the clear need for the comfort of nostalgic thought. Yet the music acts as a transcendental element. It allows for an experience that goes beyond the limitations of social barriers. Nostalgia pr ovided a means for personal refl ection and the empowerment to transform boundaries into identity.63 Irving Berlin, himself a Russian immigrant, pr ovides a famous example of this type of song with his Russian lullaby.64 This song was performed and reco rded constantly in the years after its release, and is still included in the repertoire of singers such as Tony Bennett and Marilyn Horne.65 Lyrically, the song is a lullaby sung by a lonely Russian woman to her crying child: Where the dreamy Volga flows Theres a lonely Russian Rose, Gazing tenderly down upon her knee, Where a babys brown eyes glisten, Listen. Evry night youll hear her croon, A Russian lullaby. Just a little plaintive tune, When baby starts to cry, 61 Davis, The Russian, 86-87. 62 Davis, The Russian 86-87. No specific music is mentioned in this source, yet Davis seems to identify the feeling of nostalgia with native Russian music. 63 Stokes, Introduction, 4. 64 Berlins song was published in 1927 by Ivring Berlin Incorporated of New York. 65 See Appendix B for further detail. 124

PAGE 125

Rock-a-bye my baby, Somewhere there may be a land Thats free for you and me And a Russian lullaby.66 The woman, presumably located by the Volga ri ver, sings her baby to sleep in the hope of one day experiencing a free society. The Volga itself is described as a dreamy river, as in a distant memory or an image constructed around a sight never seen. These elements combine as a representation of both nostalgia for the Russian landscape and a plea for freedom from the reality a Post-Revolutionary political climate. The actual Russianness of the song has been debated, yet audiences in 1927 may have been more drawn to the Jewish elements common to Berlins prior work. The Russian lullaby betrays these traits through structure: sp ecifically a major-minor chorus and a descending chromatic bass line.67 Yet on the surface there is no overt connection to markings that signal any ethnic ties. There are no proper names; the characters are on ly the mother (a Russian Rose) and her unnamed baby.68 Gone are the melodic indicators pr esent in the two 1919 songs discussed previously.69 The only surface level identif ier is the Volga River, which acts as an agent of nostalgia. In the years following the 1924 National Origins Act a song like the Russian lullaby provided much needed nostalgia. It has also been suggested that authors such as Berlin may have found their audience more susceptive to images fr om the past than the re alities of assimilation.70 66 See figure 6-1. 67 Magee, Irving Berlins Blue Skies, 549. 68 If anything the title rose would infer an Irish et hnicitya stark contrast with the Russian locale. 69 A marker of assimilation. 70 Slobin, Tenement 199. It is also well known that Irving Berlin composed few songs after the First World War that dealt with ethnic minorities. Hamm, Irving Berlins Early Songs as Biographical Documents, 14. 125

PAGE 126

The Russian lullaby reached out to an audience dislocated from their cultural, geographical, and social pasts. It spoke as both nostalgia and cathars istherapy for those who may have also felt the pains of separation and th e desire to keep native culture alive in an assimilatory society. Rhea Maria Ge rshon, a noted singer of the mid-20th century who emigrated form Russia in 1914, reflected on the Russian lullaby in her memoirs: The Russian lullaby sung by Rosa Rosalie [Rhea Ma ria Gershons stage name] in the Broadway theatres became one of the best loved songs of that day. This song was remembered and cherished by [my] sonny Julian during his early childhood when I held him in my arms and sang to lull him to sleep. During my sons visit to my residence in Sara sota, Florida, while we were discussing the cover of my book of Memoirs, Juli an said, Mother, why not use the Russian lullaby for the cover of your book? At these words, a nostalgic scene rolled by, and I saw this young son, as it where, lying either in his little bed or in my arms, and I sang these words with deepest love and concern for his future.71 Thus the son of Russian immigrants gave Am ericans a song rich with identifying symbols and a sense of yearning for a more perfect world. It is little wonder that performers like Rhea Gershon popularized the melody, or that audience s took to the song. Yet as a counterpoint to Berlins nostalgia, another famed author of Ea stern European immigrant parents created an image of Russian culture with more attention to detail and less concern for the reconciliation of immigrant communities with mainstream American culture. This example is the Song of the Flame written in part by George Gershwin and featured on both stage and screen. Song of the Flame Lyricist Oscar Hammerstien II and Otto Harbac h conceived this operett a, and utilized the musical talents of both George Gershwin and Herbert Stothart.72 The Song of the flame opened at 71 Gershon, Russian Lullaby ii. 72 The specific authorship of the individual numbers that c onstituted this score are discussed below in footnote 76. 126

PAGE 127

the W ilmington, Delaware Playhouse on 11 Decem ber 1925, 19 days prior to its New York premiere. Fate may have conspired against the production, for Tessa Kosta (who played the lead role) was accidentally knocked unc onscious during a dress rehearsal.73 A day later it was reported that the Playhouse roof collapsed dur ing a performance, whic h injured twelve cast members and destroyed much of the scenery, lighting, and stage.74 These events did not foreshadow more physical impediments, but rath er the cool reception that the work solicited from New York audiences and the ev entual flop of the film version. The operetta begins on the streets of Moscow in March of 1917. The Bolshevik character Konstantin sings the tune Far away and begins ridiculing bystande rs for their support of the Provisional Government. Aniuta, a n oblewoman disguised as a revolu tionary in a fiery scarlet costume, rouses the crowd with Song of the flame .75 Police arrest Konstantin and disperse the crowd. The second scene skips to October 1917 and opens on a tributary of the Volga River, adjacent to the Kazanov summer palace. Workers sing of their drudgery ( Womans work is never done ) while two peasants, Grusha and Ni cholas, poke fun at one another ( Great big bear ). Aniuta has fallen in love with Volodya, a soldie r who is about to join the White Russian Army and is unaware of her dual iden tity as a member of the upper class and a Bolshevik sympathizer. They gesture to one another ( The signal ) and sing of their promised love via the Cossack love song. Meanwhile, the Bolshevik Konstantin returns as a commissar in the local Soviet. He plots to capture the Kazanov jewels for himself, rath er than allow the government to absorb them. Before moving this plan into action Kons tantin sings of his love for Anuita ( You may wander away ). Outside the palace his plans are thwarted by Volodya, yet Konstantin coerces the mob to 73 Song of the Flame Opens, 26. 74 Stage Roof Falls, 1. 75 Jablonski, Gershwin 115. 127

PAGE 128

rebel against the aris tocratic soldier. The act conc ludes with a drunken bacchanal ( Vodka ) during which the love between Anuita and Volodya is threatened by Konstantins exposure of her socia list leanings. Act two places our characters outside of Ru ssia after the Bolshevik Revolution. The act is set on New Years Eve 1919 in the Parisian Latin Qu arter, and begins with a ballet described as symbolic of Russias long winter of adversity and the arrival of the first blossom of victorious ideals.76 Konstantin is the owner of a Russian rest aurant, the Caf des Caucasiens, where he employs several other minor characters. Apparent ly he made off with the Kazanov jewels after all, for that was how he procured the establishment. He expresse s his continued love for Anuita in a reprise of You may wander away She soon appears, having served time in a Russian prison for the theft of the jewels. She, longs to be reunited with Volodya, and sings of her desire in Midnight bells ). In the cafs samovar room Russian exiles reflect on their lost country, while Volodya appears with a White Russian vigilant e group. They expose Konstantin as a Bolshevik turned opportunist and pressure him to return th e jewels. The operetta closes with Anuita and Volodya reunited and resolved to return to Russia and fight for the people.77 At the end of the tale all characters have been relocated to Paris. Perhaps this was a way to distance these figures from a speci fic Bolshevik stage presenceto keep the radical suggestion to a minimum. However a more meaningful interpre tation is informed by American foreign policy. By 1925 the American government had still refuse d to recognize the Russi an Communist state, and much of the populace believed that the Bo lsheviki did not truly represent the Russian peoplethat they were holding their position only by murder and violence.78 Yet Americans 76 Jablonski, Gershwin 116. 77 Pollack, George 370. 78 Murray, Red 274. 128

PAGE 129

were not above hum anitarianism and informal relations (primarily via Herbert Hoover). This dualityof political disdain and social c oncernbreaks through the surface of the Song of the Flame The character Volodya represents both the decadent aristocratic elite and the counterrevolutionary spirit of the White Russian movement, while Anuita is an aristocrat intoxicated by radicalism. Konstantin represents several stereot ypes of a Bolshevik revolutionarya mixture of fact and fiction. U ltimately Volodya and Anuita become transformed aristocrats while Konstantins efforts fail. Thes e relationships reveal the sentiments of the American public; the operetta calls for soc ial reform, but not of the Bolshevik variety.79 Both the aristocrats, as figurative of the old Czarist order, are exiled and identify themselves as White Russians, united in their opposition to Bolshevism to fight for the people enslaved by this political body. Below the surface Konstantin reveals himself as the most complicated character in the operetta. He represents not only a surface level Bolshevik, but more so the specifically American perspective of Bolshevik behavior He incites an uprising in act one, yet he plots to exploit the Bolshevik seizure of aristocratic holdings for his own benefitan obvious break from Communist ideology. Konstantin manages to retain the Kazanov jewels for himself, which he then utilizes to purchase the Caf des Caucasiens. This is a cl ear connection to the popul ar opinion of Bolshevik radicals as rapacious opportunists, bent only on the destructi on of the old world for personal gain. Edward Jablonski has suggest ed that Anuita was also a character with multiple levels of meaning. He has noted that apparently The Fl ames contribution [to the Revolution] was not appreciated by the Bolsheviks, as she is jailed and then exiled to Paris.80 The authors of Song of 79 Pollack George 370. 80 Jablonski, Gershwin 115. 129

PAGE 130

the Flame highlight this elem ent, and stress the belief that Bolshevism is a reckless invention that holds no bonds of honor, in which sympathy offers no salvation. In New York City the response to the operetta was not positive. The script seemed to be the greatest disability, la beled ponderous, weighty, tras hy, flimsy, and hopeless by contemporary critics.81 Yet if the libretto had its flaws the production was a spectacle that delivered a fabulous visual display. The cast was supplemented with the 80-member Russian Art Choir, the 75-member American Ballet Company, and a 60-piece orchestra. The gratuitous scale of the performance was cheered as the produc tions only salvation. The position regarding Bolshevik Russia was an interesting element of the operettas reception glossed over by many critics, although Brooks Atkinson of the New York Times did opine to fashion a romantic theme upon a frightful social gestation, is perhaps not the quintessence of literary propriety.82 If the plot met public opinion squarely on the nos e, then perhaps no comment was needed.83 Politics aside, the Song of the flame did utilize some Russian fo lk material. This gave the operetta an authentic flavor not found in many of the examples previously studied. The program noted that much of the music was based on Russian folksongs, although without going into specifics.84 Examination of the 1925 Victor Light Oper a Company recording has shown that the 81 Pollack, George 373. 82 Ibid., 373. 83 Or perhaps the plot was such a tired subject that reviewers had nothing more to saythe worst review can be no review at all. 84 Jablonski, Gershwin 116. Yet Jablonski offers little definitive authorship. He claims that Gershwin can only be specifically identified with Midnight bells and The signal He believes that Gershwin primarily composed You are you although both he and Stothart were credited. Howard Pollack ( George 371) assigns the following authorship: 1) Both Gershwin and Stothart: Far away Song of the flame Cossack love song Vodka and The first blossom (also including You are you which was later dropped). 2) Gershwin: Womens work is never done The signal Midnight bells 3) Stothart: Great big bear Tartar!, You may wander away and I want two husbands 130

PAGE 131

title song, Song of the flame was inspired by the folk tune Kazbek. The refrain is melodically identical to the folksong (s ee figures 6-2 and 6-3). The Cossack love song was also taken from a Russian source, the song Minka As in the previously cited song, the refrain is melodically identical to the folksong (see figures 6-4 and 6-5). Howard Pollack has identified folksong inspiration in other portions of the operetta, although in less detail. Both he and Edward Jablonski see Vodka as such an example; Pollack claims it reveal[s] a marked Slavic profile, while Jablonski notes that the song is folk-flavored.85 Pollack goes on to identify the peasant song Womens work is never done as a frank borrowing from Bedrich Smetanas orchestral tone-poem Vltava .86 These borrowings made the performance more realistic, and perhaps inspired more confidence in the realness of the plot. It is impor tant to note that the musical numbers selected for recording were those with a blatant folk music flavor.87 The two songs, Song of the flame and Cossack love song occupy important elements of the plot and are sung by the lead characters. They are the musical highlights, and showcase the use of folksongs as an agent of realism. The story is authenticated by their pr esence, and increases the realism of the non-authentic material. Despite a lack-luster stage history, Song of the flame was transformed for the silver screen in 1930. All known copies of the film have been lost A rare frame, however, is reproduced here as figure 6-6. This still was included in the June 1930 issue of Theatre Magazine with the following caption: 85 Jablonski, Gershwin 116 and Pollack, George 371. 86 Pollack, George 371. 87 All of the operettas musical numbers were published as sheet music. 131

PAGE 132

Miss Bern ice Claire, a Soviet Joan of Arc, in First Nationals adaptation of The Song of the Flame, that colorful operetta of the Ru ssian Revolution which Broadway approved not long ago.88 The Russian Revolution may have been too stale for Hollywood audiences in 1930. The market had also previously experienced this topi c four years earlier thro ugh Cecil B. DeMilles production The Volga boatmen This film, which shared a poor public response with Song of the flame presented a similar plot of love and adventur e within the class struggles of the Bolshevik Revolution. Both productions also utilized folk songsDeMille included the well-known title song The song of the Volga boatmen (see figure 6-7). DeMille claimed to take no one side of this polit ical issue, yet others have been critical of this position. One writer has pointed out that while the protagonists represent the oppressed peasantry and the aristocracy, the Czarist militia were portrayed as the most outrageous scoundrels.89 Ruthlessness aside, DeMille seems to have favored the Revolutionaries beneath the romance story that occupi es the majority of the plot.90 Yet the political intrigue was no match for the negative responses of critics a nd the public. One contempor ary critic summarized the cheap blandness of DeMilles production by dr awing attention to a s cene where a character fools the Bolshevik soldiers into thinking that wi ne is blood: Well, now that Mr. DeMille has turned the Volg a into a picture it cant ask for much more on this earth. It now remains for Mr. Demille to try his directoria l hand on the River Styx, where possibly he could find some real bl ood and would not have to use valuable burgundy, as he does in The Volga Boatman.91 88 The approval mentioned is a debatable topic. Fryer, Photograph of Bernice Claire, 56. 89 Hall, The Screen: The Russian Revolution, 21. 90 Fortune, The Volga Boatman d: Cecil B. Demille. 91 Days on Volga Are Recalled By Chaliapin, X3. 132

PAGE 133

The production was also m ocked one year late r in the Laurel and Hardy silent comedy With love and hisses which used the most iconic scene from DeMilles production. Taken from the finale, this scene showed Russian aristocrats being forced to haul barges in the manner of their once servant Bolshevik peasants. DeMille us ed this image as an advertising element, featuring the barge haulers on hi s movie posters. This depiction is also found on sheet music published concurrently with the film (see figure 6-7). Conclusion The stereotypes of Russian culture in the Unite d States changed dramatically in the years following the First World War. These images and practices, which had been commonly associated with Russian-Americans since the late 19th century, evolved under the influence of the Red Scare, labor unrest, and im migration legislation and policie s at home and abroad. Yet these accrued meanings lost their intensity as the Re d Scare faded from newspaper headlines and the threat of a global Bolshevik Revolution subsid ed. Radicalism became less a menace, and more and more of a target for ridicule and mock ery. The failure of the films addressed above illuminates the American interest in Communi st Russia during the mid-1920s. No longer was Bolshevism an insurmountable threat to labor, democracy, and day-to-day life in a nation that had successfully rebounded from the economic and social stresses of the First World War. The Russian Revolution was no longer a topic of imme diate concern, and many Americans saw little need to entertain the anxieties of the post-War y ears. Yet the scars remained, and Russian culture in the United States retained the marks left by the misunderstandings a nd cultural ex tremism of this period. The previously discussed song Bolshevik is a clear example of this situation. Although it was published and recorded in 1926, it utili zed the rhetoric of 1919-1920. Fred Warings recording also connected the song with the Red Scare through the inclusion of the quote from 133

PAGE 134

George L. Cobbs Russian rag. On the surface, the song seem s stuck in the past. Yet there was clearly an audience that enjoyed this recording. Bolshevik carried the values of the Red Scare into 1926, and allowed listeners to comically reflect on their past fears and re-evaluate their stance on the issues contained within. As the 1920s progressed these stereotypes remained, having forever altered the image of Russian culture in America.92 Beyond these generalities, this study suggests no definitive timeline, but only the aesthetic choices that were made throughout the period. As the War years trained Tin Pan Alley to both mirror and help sculpt policy towards belligeren t nations, so too did th e industry adapt to the political environment of the 1920s. Images of Bo lshevik Russia were mixed with the existing popular culture, creating a transf ormed image of Russians in the United States. Today this song literature opens a window to the past, through whic h the listener can relive the emotions, biases, and identity problems of the 1920s. Yet beyond this contextualization lies a more important elementthe manner in which these songs beco me recontextualized through performance and recordings. Bolshevik revived the icons of the Red Scar e in 1926, and in this manner the song produced new values and interpre tations, based on the subjectivity of the listener. The same can occur within any contemporary environment. This song literature adds not only to an understanding of the 1920s, but allo w performers and listeners to recreate the era and pull the past into the present, creati ng new connections and meanings.93 Some of the songs in question, however, cont ain meanings that modern listeners find difficult to interpret. The Russian rag for all its quotation, is one such example that requires 92 Of course not all Russian-themed Tin Pan Alley songs continued to express these values. A song such as Underneath the Volga moon has no political connection. It is merely a love song set in Russia, and can be identified more as a nostalgic song than anything informed by the Red Scare. As the d ecade wore on more and more Russianthemed songs departed from the negativity of th e Red Scare, yet this was a slow process. 93 Frith, Performing, 270. 134

PAGE 135

som e explanation to fully decode. When pian ist Dick Wellstood record ed the rag live in 1986, his performance ended with the following ex change between artist and audience: I see you likeI see you like classical music? [Laughter ] That was the Russian rag. That was written by a man from Boston; Bostons own George L. Cobb. Cobb; C-O-B-B George L. Cobb. He used to work for the Boston Music Company. In 1918 he wrote that. [Pause] Well, you may remember they made a rock tune out of Beethovens ninth symphony a few years agohis is the same thing. You know Rachmaninoff wrote that prelude in 1892 and thisehtook em fifteen y ears to make a rag out of it. [Laughter]94 This brief discussion begins with mild applause signifying that at l east some portion of his audience recognized the t une (either Rachmaninoffs or Cobb s interpolation). Yet the above explanation was important enough to make it onto th e final recording, as an instruction to later listeners. Wellstood reminds his audience that this music is a jokea disguise through which to criticize the aesthetic experien ce of Rachmaninoffs music. He drives this point home by comparing the Russian rag to Walter Murphys A fifth of Beethoven .95 Both songs updated a well-known art music compositionCobb turned R achmaninoffs prelude into ragtime, while Murphy created a Disco version of the first movement of Beethovens fifth symphony. The humor is in his comparison and his point: that music can make fun of itself, regardless of historical era. The explanation also allows us to question how seriously we want to take this music, illuminating the humor of ragtime through a more modern example. Wellstood understood that his listeners required a way to interpret this music. This scheme of interpretation, as Simon Frith has called it, provides context and a means by which to experience the songs content. To know that ragtime poked fun at art music is the first step to understanding the humor. A familiarity with the music of Rachmaninoff and the politics of the First World War takes the listener furt her. Thus the true meaning of the Russian rag is revealed 94 Wellstood, Dick Wellstood Live at the Sticky Wicket 95 Assuming he mistook Beethovens fifth symphony for his ninth. A fifth of Beethoven was featured in the 1977 film Saturday Night Fever 135

PAGE 136

only through a historical perspe ctive provided not only by the ear.96 This humor, through both the aesthetic experience of listening and the historical connection to ragged classics, is an exercise in realization and ident ity; it allows the listener to create meanings built upon socially and personally defined aesthetics. Irving Berlins Russian lullaby has been arranged for numerous musical groups, and has been recorded both with and without lyrics. Thus the individual recording conditions the listening experience.97 Based on this subjective element, audiences could identify with performers and their recordings in different ways especially with a dive rsity that ranges from Marilyn Horne to Jerry Garcia, and from B unny Berigan to the New York Pops Orchestra.98 This song can thus entertain a variety of personal m eanings and experiences. Other songs included in this study have no modern recordings, and are only available on original pressings from the 1920s. These examples are accessible only to those willing to unearth old song sheets or locate a 78 rpm disc playertroublesome, but not impossible tasks. Thus a portion of this literature is partially held in the past, awaiting new life via reprinted scores and modern recording technology. The researcher can expe rience this music in a way that many casual listeners cannot, which is unfortunate. Music does gain value by its relation to personal experiences, but is enhanced by exposure to similar literature. This music, as well as all other music, allows listeners to identify with others and expand upon personal experience. Of importance to this study is the way that mu sic can also transport 96 Frith, Performing, 249. Frith further explains this topic: Music listening is, by definition, a double process, involving both the immediate experi ences of sound and an abstract, co mparative exercise of judgment. Performing 259. 97 Between such recordings the entire meaning and thus genre can be altered. Hamm, Genre, Performance and Ideology in the Early Songs of Irving Berlin, 146. 98 See Appendix B for a more detailed listing. 136

PAGE 137

listener s to imaginative cultural narratives.99 Songs like Bolshevik and That revolutionary rag preserve an era through which one can recreate emotions and experiences both real and idealized. Based on the experiences of the individual listener it is possible to identify with the people who both directly and indi rectly influenced this song literature. Many of the songs discussed were consumed within the context of the Red Scare, immigration changes, and the struggle to either establish or wipe away ethnic identities. The Russian rag and New Russian rag were not specifically political, but came to repr esent an image of Russian culture that further allowed American audiences to experience this abstraction and, more im portantly, question their personal opinion of Russian immigrants working in the United States. This music thus allowed for the creation of an alternat e realityone in which Russian Bo lsheviks leered across the Atlantic at an American society soon to be within their grasp. Thus popular opinion was expanded and interpolated into a fantasy of politi cal extremes. The songs of this period allow for the continued realization of this abstract world. Through performance, the opinions and stereotypes that fueled this fantasy come alive, and present a mock social environment that opens the door to those whose imaginations are stimulat ed enough to take this fantasy into their own lives. 99 Frith, Performing, 275. 137

PAGE 138

Figure 6-1. Irving Berlin, Russian Lullaby, mm. 1-20. 138

PAGE 139

Figure 6-2. Kazbek. Transcribed by the author. 139

PAGE 140

Figure 6-3. George Gershwin and Herbert Stothart, Song of the Flame mm. 21-27. 140

PAGE 141

Figure 6-4. Minka Transcribed by the author. 141

PAGE 142

Figure 6-5. George Gershwin and Herbert Stothart, Cossack Love Song mm. 21-30. 142

PAGE 143

Figure 6-6. Bernice Claire in the film adaptation of Song of the Flame Photograph by Elmer Fryer, from the collection of the author. 143

PAGE 144

144 Figure 6-7. Carl Deis, Song of the Volga Boatmen.

PAGE 145

APPENDIX A BIOGR APHY OF GEORGE L. COBB Of all the authors included in this study, George Linus Cobb (1886-1942) has one of the most compelling yet unavailable biographies. Hi s music embodies several themes discussed previously, and reached out to a large audien ce through sheet music and sound recordings. His biography, however, is lesser known. There is also no one definitive version. This appendix is an accumulation of many scattered primary and secondary sources that provide a more complete biographical overview. George Linus Cobb was born in Mexico, New York on 31 August, 1886. At the age of nineteen he entered the School of Harmony and Co mposition at Syracuse University. That year, 1905, Cobb also published his first original compositions. The young man sold Dimples: characteristic march and two-step to the Vinton Music Pub lishing Company and published Mr. yankee march and two-step on his own. Upon graduation from Syracuse University he moved to Buffalo, New York, where he won a song competition (and a subsequent publication) with his Buffalo means business (1909).1 In the same year he published his first rag, The rubber plant, with Walter Jacobs.2 Cobb scored several other early suc cesses within the ragtim e medium including the Bunny hug rag (1913) that capitalized on the then fashionable animal dance craze. During this period George Cobb became acqua inted with the writer Jack Yellen (18921991). Yellen had emigrated from Poland in 1897, and the two Buffalo residents met after the success of The rubber plant. The writer later left New York in order to attend the University of 1 Tjaden, The Rags of George L. Cobb. 2 This Boston based firm published no less than 130 of Cobbs compositions, and their relationship lasted until the composers death in 1942. 145

PAGE 146

Michigan, but returned in 1913 as a journalist for the Buffa lo Courier .3 That year the two artists renewed their friendship, the fruit of wh ich was their first Tin Pan Alley success All aboard for Dixie land (1913). Elizabeth Murray successfully introduced the song in Rudolph Frimls operetta High jinks on 10 December, 1913. In New York City the pairs music went over well, with featured performances on Broadway and through recorded media. The appeal of song writing so gripped Cobb that he composed no rags for a period of two years while he and Yellin rode a wave of success. According to Warren V ach, the pair discovered that writing songs about the South could be very profitable, and produced both Alabama jubilee (1915, introduced by Elizabeth Murray) and the popular Are you from dixie? (cause Im from dixie too) (1915).4 Three years afterwards Cobb reflected on the ge nesis of this tune as only he could: One morning about three years ago your truly was idly toying with the keys of a small upright piano in a music shop in Buffalo, wher e I usually held forth and seldom held anything better than a pair (of hands), when my old partner Jack Yellin (in the service now, bless his liver and bacon and kidney st ew), then sporting editor of the Buffalo Courier blew in (hes always breezy) and loosened up th at he had a bear of an idea for a song-hit up his sleeve. Now, ones sleeve is no place for a bear, so I to ld him to shake out the cub and lets see the strength of its word-claws. He shook the little critter out by giving me the title and reciting the words of the chorus, and I (the little rasc al that I be) took the thing to my bosom and immediately ground out the melody that was dest ined soon to be whistled from coast to coast. I cant for the life of me explai n how it was really done; it just came along as naturally and easily as a kitten lapping up milk from a saucer, a nd with no more effort than a wild mountain goat leaping from crag to cr evice without making a slip, and inside of an hour we had Are you from Dixie? on manuscript paper. A few days later we wended our weary way (w e really rode in a da y coach, but wended sounds more like poetry) to New York to beard the music-publishing lions in their respective dens. We not only bearded but hunt ed lions, yet lo! The first two real big howlers failed to see our effort in the same li ght we didin short, couldnt see it in any old light. Undaunted, and still retaining out wont ed nerve, we made a formal call on Mr. Isadore Witmark of the House of Witmark, a nd found him a most gentle and genial lion. 3 Jasen, That American Rag 229. 4 For a pair of writers from northern New York this was perhaps an unusual fortune. Vach, The Unsung Songwriters 64. 146

PAGE 147

W ith never a growl he unblushingly told us the number was there, immediately grabbed it andwell, you know the rest.5 For the remainder of his car eer Cobb retained Yellin as his primary collaborator. On 5 June, 1917 the thirty year-old composer registered for the American Expeditionary Force draft. His draft card reve als several interesting facts about his charac ter and lifestyle. Cobb described himself as tall and stout, with grey eyes and brown and gray hair. He at first claimed to have no disability, although he struck-out his answer and noted th at he did suffer from a hernia. As an occupation he declared composer and arranger of music employed by Walter Jacobs, with which he supported his wife, mother and father.6 It appears that Cobb did not serve.7 Throughout the early 1910s Cobb began selli ng his works to a variety of publishing houses, and Walter Jacobs felt the need to bind the composer to his company. Jacobs offered Cobb a staff writing position that was dec lined, but Cobb did agree to write for The Tuneful Yankee, a magazine generated by the company in late 1916. This monthly magazine featured articles on ragtime and popular music, as well as three to four compositions and the obligatory advertisements. In January 1918, one year after its official launch, the magazine was renamed Melody Cobb was given a monthly column entitled Just Between You and Me in which he offered salty answers to the questi ons of would-be popular songwriters.8 Apparently his writing dominated the journal, and he occasionally used the pseudonym Leo Gordon to lessen the obvious saturation of his prose and music.9 Ted Tjaden has uncovered at least six compositions 5 Cobb, Just, (October, 1918) 22. 6 Tjaden, George L. Cobb WWI Draft Registration Card. 7 Based upon his steady employment during the War with the Ragtime journal discussed below. 8 His image and Melody moniker are reproduced in figure A-2. 9 His writing style was also dominating. Cobb pulled no punches, and those who submitte d to his column faced an acerbic reviewer. His more abrasive responses include invectives such the following taken from the November, 1918 issue: 147

PAGE 148

that Cobb wrote under his assum ed pen name, including Georgia rainbow (1916), Bone head blues (1917), Hang over blues (1917). You and you waltz (1917), My little pal (1918), and Opals: waltz (1918).10 In early 1920 he stopped writing for the magazine. Cobb was a popular columnist, despite his short tenure with Melody. As evidence of such public interest, Melody published two poems written by members of his readership. The first, by Ulysses S. Huggins of Pittsburgh, PA, Cobb titled a Tribute from a Trojan: Say George, I get many a darn good laugh Digestin your Just Between You and Me chaff. By golly! Its funny; Its witty, and punny. Youre onto your personal job. When I sit in your corner, Like Little Jack Horner, And pick out a plum, I like it quite some. Here, Georgemy greeting! Its just like eating Sweet corn right off the Cobb. Say, George, old top, If I wasnt afraid, Id send you some lyrics Ive made; But that pen you sling Has a wicked sting. [To J.O.D., Buffalo, N.Y.] When the Irish Navy has a Hebrew Admiral and wool grows on hydraulic rams, then and not before, will your song, I Have Corns get by. This number is the worst piece of nuttedness that has ever crossed the vision of yours truly. Your words are vapid and almost disgusting and our music and its arrangement is way beyond crudeness. I dont wish you any hard luck, Doc, but if you ever turn over another song like unto this, Ill put a jinx on you so all your children will be born acrobats. . [To G.T.B., Reno, Nev.] Youve got a huge flock of unadulterated nerve when you try to tell me that your musical setting of The Rosary is as good if not better than [Ethelbert] Nevins. You go on to state that three big publishers have turned this song down, but not on account of its merit. This statement savors of the male bovine, in other words, bull. If you are so anxious to see this piece in print, publish it yourself, then youll know why it was turned down. Frankly, this number has no melody to brag about and the way it is put together is pathetic. What you need is an ear for music and an operation on your ego. 10 Tjaden, The Rags. 148

PAGE 149

Ill keep m y song. So long.11 In 1918 George Cobb published his arrangement of Sergei Rachmaninoffs prelude in C# minor, op. 3, no. 2. Cobb presented his interpo lation to the publisher Will Rossiter who christened the work the Russian rag.12 The rag was subsequently arranged and recorded by Earl Fuller for Columbia Records, and the Emerson, Ok eh and Victor companies soon followed with other versions.13 James Reese Europe also issued a recording with his famous 369th U.S. Infantry Hellfighter Band in March, 1919. Cobbs succe ss led to the less-acclaimed sequel, the New Russian rag, of 1923. The sequel has not in spired repeated arrangement yet the original rag has undergone continuous transformation.14 In the late 1920s Cobb stopped publishing on a regular basis. His last composition concerned the Second World War: When Uncle Sam comes to town: mow em down, mow em down, mow em down (1942). During that year Cobb also joined ASCAP.15 He passed away in Brookline, Massachusetts on 25 December, 1942. 11 Cobb, Just, (March, 1919) 7. 12 Jasen, Tin Pan Alley 88. 13 See Appendix B for a complete listing. 14 The famous parody has been arranged for banjo, accordion, organ, mando lin quartet and other ensembles. See Appendix B for further details. 15 Cobb, George L, ASCAP Biographical Dictionary 90. 149

PAGE 150

Figure. A-1. George L. Cobb, The New Russian Rag. 150

PAGE 151

151 Figure A-2. George L. Cobbs column Just Between You and Me, Melody (April, 1918), 24.

PAGE 152

APPENDIX B DISCOGRAPHY Commercia lly available recordings Bolshevik Waring, Fred. Fred Waring vol. 1 The Collegiate Years CD (The Old Masters MB 126, 2000). Waring, Fred. The Fred Waring Memorial Album CD (Vipers Nest VN-179, 1995). Russian Lullaby Armstrong, Louis. Louis Armstrong in Scandinavia, Vol. 1 CD (Storyville Records 101 8348, 2005). Bennett, Tony. Bennett/Berlin LP (Columbia FC 44029, 1987). Berigan, Bunny. Bunny Berigan and His Boys CD (Collectables Records COL-CD-7847, 2006). _____. The Classic Tracks CD (Kaz Records Kaz 313, 1996). _____. Count Basie, Artie Shaw, Glenn Miller, Bunny Berigan CD (Membran 222791, 2005). _____. Jazz Me Blues. CD (The International Music Company 204361-203, 2000). _____. The Pied Piper, 1934-40 CD (Bluebird 07863-66615-2, 1995). _____. Sophisticated Swing CD (TIM 201918-302, 2000). Brewer, Teresa. American Music Box: The Songs of Irving Berlin CD (Sony Music AK 40231, 1991). Bushkin, Joe. Irving Berlin Piano Party CD (EMI-Capitol 72438-19470-2-9, 1997). Cole, Nat King. Hall of Fame CD (Past Perfect 220233, 2001). Coltrane, John. The Best of John Coltrane. CD (Prestige PRCD-5717-2, 2004). _____. Fearless Leader. CD (Prestige PRCD6-30059-2, 2006). _____. Prestige Profiles John Coltrane CD (Prestige PRCD-5809-2, 2004). _____. Soultrane CD (Prestige PRCD 7142-2, 1999). Crosby, Bing. Going Hollywood, Vol. 4, 1944-1949 CD (Jasmine Records JASCD 130/1, 2003). Dickenson, Vic. Nice Work CD (Vanguard Records 79610-2, 1999). 152

PAGE 153

_____. Vic Dickenson S eptet. CD (Vanguard 662221, 1993). Ecklund, Peter. Gigs: Reminiscing in Music CD )Arbors Records Incorporated ARCD 19230, 1999). Fitzgerald, Ella. Ella Fitzgerald Sings the Irving Berlin Songbook CD (Verve 314 543 830-2, 2000). _____. Ella For Lovers CD (Verve 440 065 331-2, 2003). _____. The Irving Berlin Songbook CD (Verve 829 534-2, 1986). Garcia, Jerry. All Good Things CD (Garcia/Rhino R2 78063, 2004). _____. Compliments CD (Rhino R2 78063-B, 2004). Garner, Erroll. Erroll Garners Finest Hour. CD (Verve 314 589 775-2, 2003). Getz, Stan. Summer Sequence. CD (Castle Pie PIESD029, 1999). Goodman, Benny. Air Play. CD (EPM Musique ZET-754, 1991). Horne, Marilyn. All Through the Night CD (RCA Victor 09026-61278, 1991). Hyman, Dick. Face the Music, A Century of Irving Berlin CD (Musical Heritage Society MHS 512213Y, 1988). Kenton, Stan. The Kenton Era CD (Sounds of Yesteryear DSOD 723, 2007). Kiselyov, Valery. Russian Lullaby CD (Russian Compact Disc RCD 24101, 1996). Klein, Janet. Come Into My Parlor CD (Coeur de Jeanette 202-1115-9357, 1998). Marcovicci, Andrea. Always, Irving Berlin CD (Cabaret CACD 5014-2, 1994). New York Pops Orchestra. Victoria Presents a Summer Concert in the Park. CD (Capitol CDM 7 64796 2 0, 1993). Norvo, Red. Red Norvo and His Orchestra, 1944-1945 CD (Classics 1356, 2004). Pell, Dave. The Dave Pell Octet Plays Irving Berlin CD (Fresh Sound FSR-CD 503, 2000). Ralph Sharon Trio. The Magic of Irving Berlin CD (Avid AMSC715, 2000). Smith, Stuff. Stuff Smith, Dizzy Gillespie, Oscar Peterson CD (Verve 314 521 676-2, 1994). Various Artists. An Irving Berlin Songbook. CD (Excelsior EXL20552, 1997). _____. The Complete Irving Berlin Songbook CD (Verve 314 539 442-2, 1996). 153

PAGE 154

_____. The Jazz Giants Play Irving Berlin CD (Prestige PRCD 24194-2, 1997). Russian Rag Duo Capriccioso. Vol. 6 CD (Thorofon CTH 2448, 2000). Europe, James Reese. James Reese E urope with his 369th U.S. Infantry Hellfighter Band: the Complete Recordings. CD (Memphis Archives MA7020, 1996). Godwin, Anthony. Salon to Swing CD (Chandos CHAN 8856, 1990). Ikemiya, Mas. American Ragtime Orchestra CD (RCA BVCF-1522, 1993). Kortlander, Max. The Piano Roll Artistry of Max Kortlander CD (Smithsonian Folkways RBF 43, 2000). Morath, Max. Max Morath Plays the Best of Sc ott Joplin and Other Rag Classics CD (Vangaurd VCD 39/40, 1988). Ostroushko, Peter. The Mando Boys Live, Holstein Lu st: The Midwestern Tours 1987-1995 CD (Borderland Producti ons BPL 02, 2006). Reffkin, David. Ragtime Chamber Music CD (Crazy Otto Music CO-009, 2003). Thomson, Don. Hot Dog! CD (POP 121, 2006). Various Artists. Ragtime Vol. 1 CD (EPM Musique 159052, 1997). _____. Real Ragtime CD (Archeophone 1001, 2001). _____. Spaghetti Rag: Rag Music with Mandolins CD (Naxos 8.557999, 2006). Wellstood, Dick. Dick Wellstood A Night in Dublin CD (Arbors Jazz ARCD 19241, 2000). _____. Dick Wellstood Live at the Sticky Wicket CD (Arbors Jazz ARCD 19188, 1997). Russian Rose Peress, Maurice. The Birth of Rhapsody in Blue CD (Musicmasters 7037-2-C, 1986). That Revolutionary Rag Sears, Benjamin and Bradfor Conner. Shes So Beautiful: Irving Berlin Songs for Florenz Ziegfeld 1910-1927, and Other Songs From 1919-1921 CD (Oakton Records ORCD1007, 2000). 154

PAGE 155

Vodka Ganz, Isabelle. Lets Call the Whole Thing Off! Songs of the Gershwins CD (Pentagram a Magico KPD/PM-10.4012, 2001). Minnesota Klezmer Band. Gershwin the Klezmer CD (Frozen Chozen Productions 660355191428, 1999). Saloff, Spider. The Memory of All That: A Celebration of Gershwin CD (Kopaesthetics K-104, 1997). Sullivan, K.T. American Rhapsody: George Gershwin to the World CD (Jessisaraly Music JSD0001, 1999). Out of print recordings and selected source locations Bolshevik Christian, Tommy. Oh How I Love Bulgarians 78 (Harmony 270-H, 1926). Pennsylvania State University Special Collections, Universi ty of California, Santa Barbera. Waring, Fred. Her Beaus Are Only Rainbows 78 (Victor 20146, 1926). Pennsylvania State University Special Collections. Cossack Love Song Victor Light Opera Companny. Song of the Flame 78 (Victor 19954-B, 1925). Collection of the author, Institute of the American Musical Incorporated. The New Russian Rag Foley, George. Cleveland Rag. LP (Jazzology JCE-85, 1977). Bowling Green State University. Russian Lullaby Abranovicz, Sergei. Fr eine Stunde 78 (Grammophon 21272, date unknown). University of California Santa Barbera. Aleman, Oscar. The Guitar of Oscar Aleman LP (Old Masters TOM 31, 1970). University of Maryland, Columbia University, Bowling Green State University, Old Dominion University. Arnold, Harry. Sweet Violins LP (Hollywood LPH-34, 1957). Bowli ng Green State University. Berigan, Bunny. Bunny LP (RCA Camden CAL 550, 1960). Fl orida State University, Sonoma State University, Connecticut College, Peabody Conservatory, University of Missouri Kansas City, Rutgers University, Columbia University, Eastman School of Music, Bowling Green State University, University of Miami Ohio, Del Mar College, University of North Texas, University of Texas Austin. 155

PAGE 156

_____. Bunny Berigan Memorial Album 78 (Victor P 134, 1942). University of California Santa Barbera, Library of Congress, Indiana Universi ty, College of Santa Fe, University of South Carolina. _____. Bunny Berigan Plays Again L P (RCA Victor LPT 1003, 1952). University of California San Diego, University of Northern Colorado, Li brary of Congress, University of Missouri Kansas City, University of Mississippi, Bo wling Green State University, Pennsylvania State University, University of Texas Austin, University of Virginia. _____. The Complete Bunny Berigan, Vol. 2 LP (Bluebird 5657-1-RB, 1986). University of California San Diego, University of Northe rn Colorado, Columbia University, Bowling Green State University, University of Texas Austin. _____. Russian Lullaby 78 (Victor 26001, 1937). Coll ection of the author, I ndiana University. Blackton, Jay. Let Me Sing and Im Happy LP (Epic LN 3408, 1957). Broward County Florida Library, University of Alabama, Bibliomation Incorporated, University of Missouri Kansas City, Morris County New Jersey Library, East man School of Music, Bowling Green State University, University of Central Okla homa, University of Texas Austin. Bradley, Will. The House of Bradley LP (Epic LN 3199, 1950s). University of Missouri Kansas City, Old Dominion University. Calloway, Cab. Russian Lullaby LP (Unique Jazz UJ 006, 1978) Rutgers University. Cohn, Al. Jazz Misson to Moscow LP (Copix CP 433, 1962). University of Florida. Cole, Cozy, Red Norvo. Jazz Giants, Vol. 3, Cozy Cole and Red Norvo LP (Trip TLP-5538, 1944). University of Missouri Kansas City, East man School of Music, University of Texas Austin. Coleman, Bill. Russian Lullaby. 78 (Asch 351-1A, 1944). Middle Tennessee State University Center for Popular Music. Coltrane, John. John Coltrane LP (Prestige PRT 24003, 1972). Florida State University, University of Illinois, Peabody Conservatory, Appalachian State University, Queens College, Stony Brook University, Baldwin-Wa llace College, Denison University, Oberlin College, University of Wisconsin Richland. _____. Soultrane LP (Prestige PRST 7531, 1958). Arizona State University, Connecticut College, University of Missouri Kansas City, University of North Carolina Chapel Hill, University of Akron. Crawford, Jesse. The Genius of Jesse Crawford at the Theatre Organ. LP (Doric, 1975). San Jose State University, University of Colo rado Boulder, Smithsonian Institute, Judson College, University of Illinois, Bowling Green State University. 156

PAGE 157

Crosby, Bing. Bing Crosbys Treasury: The Songs I Love LP (Longines S ymphonette Society LWS 347, 1970). Arizona State University, Phoenix Public Library, University of California San Diego, Pitkin County Colorado P ublic Library, Jefferson Township Indiana Public Library, College of St. Scholastica Li brary, Delta State University, Mars Hill College, College of Santa Fe, State Universi ty of New York Geneseo, East Stroudsburg University, Geneva College, Amarillo Texas P ublic Library, University of Utah, College of William and Mary. Garcia, Gerry. Compliments LP (Round Records RX-102, 1974). University of Florida. Gibbs, Terry. Jazz on the Air, Volume 1 LP (Brunswick BL 58048, 1953). University of Miami, University of Missouri Kansas City, New York Public Library. Gibson, Margie. The Irving Berlin Century Cassette Tape (Townhall Records C-39, 1988). Ida Illinois Public Library. Gillespie, Dizzy. Dizzy Gillespie and Stuff Smith LP (Verve MG V-8214, 1957). Florida International University, Connecticut College, Library of Congress, University of Iowa, Bowling Green State University, Un iversity of North Texas. _____. Dizzy Gillespies Big 4 LP (Pablo 2310-719, 1975). Arizona State University, University of California Berkeley, University of Colora do Boulder, Library of Congress, University of Chicago, Harvard University, University of Missouri Kansas City, Cornell University, Stony Brook University, University of Texas Austin, University of Wisconsin Madison. Goodman, Benny. Changes 78 (Bluebird B-11226, 1941). Indiana University, University of South Carolina. _____. The Complete Benny Goodman, Vol. VI LP (RCA/Bluebird AXM2-5566, 1980). Arkansas State University, Valparaiso Univ ersity, Columbia University, Bowling Green State University, University of Texas Austin. _____. The Indispensable Benny Goodman (1938-1939), Vol. 5/6 LP (RCA NL-89587, 1986). Bowling Green State University. _____. Margie CD (TIM 205373-205, 2001). New Me xico State University. _____. On the Air, Vol. 2 LP (Aircheck 32, 1983). University of Alabama, University of California San Diego, University of Missouri Kansas City. Goland, Arnold. Surprise LP (Columbia CL 2312, 1965). Librar y of Congress, University of Missouri Kansas City, Bowling Green State University. Grant, Bob. Song Hits of 1927. LP (Vocalion VL 3639, 1959). Library of Congress, University of Missouri Kansas City, Bowling Green Stat e University, University of Texas Austin, College of William and Mary. 157

PAGE 158

Kahn, Rodger W olfe. Russian Lullaby 78 (Victor 20602, 1927). University of California Santa Barbera. Kenton, Stan. Stan Kenton 1944. LP (Queen-Disc Q-054, 1981). University of Missouri Kansas City. _____. Stan Kenton and His Orchestra, 1943-44 LP (London Records HM-A 5061, 1979). West Chester University. Kimball, Ward. Around the World! LP (Good Time Jazz S10044, 1961). Library of Congress, Depaul University, University of Missouri Kansas City, New Mexico University, Pennsylvania State University, University of Texas Austin. Lambert, Donald. Donald Lambert Plays Harlem Stride Classics LP (Pumpkin 104, 1977). Arizona State University, University of Nort hern Iowa, University of Chicago, Harvard University, University of Missouri Kansas C ity, Rutgers University, Columbia University, Brown University. Larsen, Lyn. An Evening at Home: Lyn Larsen at the Wurlitzer Pipe Organ LP (Malar Productions MAS 1002, 1966). University of Texas Austin. Leningrad Dixieland Jazz Band. Leningrad Dixieland Jazz Band LP (Petersburg Recording Studio RGM 7096, 1993). Bowling Green State University. Lombardo, Guy. Berlin by Lombardo LP (Capitol T-1019, 1959). Colorado State University, Library of Congress, Mercer University, Univer sity of Missouri Kansas City, University of New Mexico, Bowling Green State Universi ty, Middle Tennessee State University, University of Texas Austin, Evergreen State College. _____. Guy Lombardo Plays. LP (Camden CAL 255, 1956). San Diego State University, Rock Valley College, University of Kansas, Universi ty of Missouri Kansas City, University of North Carolina Charlotte, Bowling Green State University, Uiversity of Texas Austin. _____. Waltzes. LP (Brunswick LA.8506, 1952). Bowli ng Green State University. _____. Waltztime. LP (Decca DL 8205, 1956). University of Alabama, Colorado State University, University of Colorado Boulder, Library of Congress, University of Missouri Kansas City, Bowling Green State Universit y, University of Pittsburgh, University of Virginia. MacKenzie, Gisele. Gisele MacKenzie Sings Lullaby and Goodnight LP (Cricket CD-29, 1959). San Francisco State University, Bowling Green State University. Mantovani. Mantovani Plays the Wa ltzes of Irving Berlin LP (London LL.1452, 1955). University of Alabama, California State University San Bernar dino, Frostburg State University, University of Missouri Kansas City, Bowling Green State University, University of Texas Austin, College of William and Mary, University of Wisconsin Milwaukee. 158

PAGE 159

Melachrino, George. The Waltz es of Irving Berlin LP (RCA Victor LPM 2561, 1962). University of Alabama, California State Un iversity Fresno, Easter n Illinois University, University of Missouri Kansas City, Bowling Green State University, University of Texas Austin. Moret, Neil. Song of the Wanderer 78 (Aco G-16239, year unknown). National Library of New Zealand. Nance, Drew. Huffin n Puffin LP (MPS Records 21 21280-7, 1974). University of Missouri Kansas City. Norvo, Red. Red Norvo and His Big Band LP (Sounds of Swing LP-112, 1970s). Library of Congress, University of Chicago, Univers ity of Missouri Kansas City, Columbia University. _____. Red Norvos Swinging Bands. LP (Rarities No. 23, 1970s). University of Missouri Kansas City. Pell, Dave. The Dave Pell Octet Plays a Gallery of Seldom Heard Tunes by Irving Berlin LP (Trend TL-1003, 1953). Bowling Green State University. _____. The Dave Pell Octet Plays Irving Berlin LP (Kapp KL 1036, 1956). Birmingham Southern College, University of Califo rnia San Diego, Wheaton College, Washburn University, Delta State University, Bowling Gr een State University, Rice University. Rey, Alvino. A Drowsy Old Riff. LP (Golden Era Records LP-15002, 1970s). University of Missouri Kansas City, Columbia University. Roger Wolfe and his Orchestra. Russian Lullaby 78 (Victor 20602, 1927). University of California Santa Barbera. Ruby Braff Quintet. Blowing Around the World LP (United Artists UAL 3045, 1959). Grand Canyon University, University of Missouri Kansas City, Queens College, Bowling Green State University. Rushing, Jimmy. Jimmy Rushing LP (Grandi del Jazz GdJ 28, 1970). University of California Riverside, University of Missouri Kansas Cit y, University of North Carolina Chapel Hill, Brown University. _____. Rushing Lullabies. LP (Columbia CL 1401, 1959). Univ ersity of Northern Colorado, University of Missouri Kansas City, Eastma n School of Music, Queens College, Bowling Green State University, University of Oregon. Sanders, Annette. All By Myself, Puttin on the Ritz: The Years 1926-1930/Vol. 2 LP (Monmouth Evergreen MES 6810, 1960). University of Miami, American University, University of Missouri Columbia, University of Missouri Kansas City, Bowling Green State University, Pennsylvania State Univer sity, University of Texas Austin. 159

PAGE 160

Shavers, Charlie. Here Comes Char lie LP (Everest SDBR 1108, 1960). University of Miami, Butler University, Manha ttan School of Music. Stordahl, Axel. Guitars Around the World LP (Decca DL 4337, 1962). University of Missouri Kansas City, Bowling Green State University, Wittenberg University, University of Texas Austin, Old Dominion University. Theres No Business Like Show Busine ss: The Magical Songs of Irving Berlin LP (Book-of-themonth Records PA-14576, 1978). University of Miami, Arizona State University, California State University Fresno, Trinity Co llege, Tulane University, Vassar College, Carnegie Mellon University, Brown Univer sity, College of William and Mary. Various Artists. Jazz Mission to Moscow LP (Colpix SCP 433, 1962). University of Florida, University of Missouri Kansas City, Princeton University, Seton Hall University, Eastman School of Music, Bowling Green State University. Venuti, Joe. Joe Venuti and Zoot Sims LP (Chiaroscuro CR-142, 1975). University of Chicago, Bowling Green State University. Wilbur, Jay. Parade of Favorites. LP (Tops Masterpieces L961-69, 1950s). Bowling Green State University. Wilson, Teddy. Improvisations LP (Mercury MG 25062, 1950). Arizona State University, Library of Congress, University of Missouri Kansas City, Bowling Green State University, Ohio State University. Zentner, Si. Presenting Si Zentner, His Trombone and Orchestra. LP (Smash MGS 27007, 1962). Columbus State University, University of Missouri Kansas City, University of North Carolina Greensboro, Bowling Green State Un iversity, University of Texas Austin. _____. Si Zentner and Dance Band LP (Bel Canto SR 1007, 1958). University of Missouri Kansas City, Bowling Green State University. Russian Rag Apollon, Dave. The Worlds Greatest Mandolin Virtuoso LP (Yazoo L-1066, 1932). Kansas State University, Harvard University, University of Miami, University of Texas Austin. Atwell, Winifred. Double 7 LP (London LL. 1573, 1950s). University of Alabama, University of Missouri Kansas City, Bowling Green State University, University of Texas Austin. Carr, Joe Fingers. The Black and White Rag and Other Classic American Rags (1899-1918) LP (Capitol ST-11303, 1974). University of Mi ssouri Kansas City, Cornell University, Bowling Green State University, University of South Carolina, University of Utah, University of Wisconsin Stout. 160

PAGE 161

Cello-phon LP ( Wergo, 1978). San Jose State University, University of Colorado Boulder, Northwestern University, Bowling Green Stat e University, Oberlin Conservatory, Ohio University, University of Tennessee, Univ ersity of Texas Austin, University of Washington. Cleveland, John. Ragtime Rigadoon CD (J. Cleveland, 2000). Cuyahoga County Public Library, Toledo-Lucas County Public Library. Davis, Eddy. Eddy Davis Plays Ragtime LP (Pa Da Publishing P 7401, 1974). University of Texas Austin. DeSalvo, Jodie. Classics on Wheels. CD (Jodie DeSalvo, 1997). Bibliomation Incorporated, University of Massachusetts Amherst. Emerson Military Band. Devils Dance. 78 (Emerson Phonograph Company 9107, 1918). Middle Tennessee State University. Europe, James Reese. Russian Rag, Fox Trot 78 (Path Actuelle 020928, 1919). Rutgers University. Folds, Chuck. Its Rag Time LP (Jazzways JW 106/4, 1974). Bo wling Green State University. Hicks, Curly. Russian Rag: Fox Trot. 78 (Bluebird B-10757, 1940). Indiana University. Hooper, Lou. Lou Hooper, Piano. LP (Radio Canada International RCI 380, 1973). California State University Long Beach, University of California Irvine, University of Georgia, Butler University, University of Maine, Un iversity of Michigan, Duke University, University of New Mexico, Eastman School of Music, University of Texas Austin, University of Vermont, George Mason University. Houliks Antique Sax and Drum Corps. Change I CD (Kaleidoscope/North Carolina School of the Arts 80/81, 1999). North Carolina School of the Arts. Hoyt, Hank Mittens. Flicker Moods. LP (Imperial LP-9113, 1960). University of Missouri Kansas City. Kroeckel, Dick. Echoes from Lulu Whites Mahogany Hall LP (Ragtime GRU-1930, 1982). San Francisco Public Library, University of Texas Austin. Morath, Max. Max Morath Plays the Best of Sc ott Joplin and Other Rag Classics LP (Vangaurd VSD 39, 1972). University of Florida, Florida State University, Ariz ona State Univeristy, California State University East Bay/Ch ico/Fresno, University of California San Diego/Santa Cruz, University of Colorado Denve r, University of Connecticut, Library of Congress, Indiana University, University of Michigan, Bowling Green State University, Brown University, University of Wisconsin Milwaukee. Okeh Dance Band. Russian Rag. 78 (Okeh, 1919). Rutgers University. 161

PAGE 162

162 Pietro, Deiro. Russian Rag. 78 (Victor 18743, 1918). Collection of the author, Rutgers University. Read, Alexander. Alexander Ragtime Read LP (RCA Camden CAS-2360, 1968). Bowling Green State University. Sandor, Alexander E. Fingerbuster CD (A. E. Sandor, 2002). Universi ty of Wisconsin Madison. Saxophone Sextet of Boston. Saxophone Sextet of Boston, Series 39, Program No. 1. LP (W.P.A. Allied Phonograph & Record 1804, 1939). Library of Congress, University of Washinton. Various Artists. From Ragtime to Rock a History of American Music: NBC-TV today Show Special, January 13, 1970 LP (NBC-TV Today Show Z4RM-0189, 1970). Library of Congress, Bowling Green State Universi ty, University of Texas Austin. _____. Masters of the Ragtime Guitar LP (Kicking Mule Company KM146, 1977). Sonoma State University, Bates College, University of North Carolina Chapel Hill, Bowling Green State University, University of Wisconsin Stout. Sparkling Wine Gczy, Barnabs von. Sparkling Wine 78 (Victor V-136, 1926). University of California Santa Barbera. Underneath the Russian Moon Baker, Belle. Belle Baker LP (Jazum JAZUM 70, 1970s). Sa n Francisco State University, University of Illinois, University of Texas Austin. Munn, Frank. Russian Moon 78 (Brunswick E29566-A, 1929). Library of Congress. Tauber, Richard. Rokoko Lovesong 78 (Parlophone E 7011-A, year unknown). University of California Santa Barbera. Vodka Whyte, Ronny. We Like a Gershwin Tune LP (Monmouth Evergreen MES-7061, 1973). University of Miami, Birmingham Southern College, University of California Los Angeles, Library of Congress, University of Missouri Kansas City, Salve Regina University, University of Texas Austin.

PAGE 163

APPENDIX C SHEET MUSIC SOURCES Anuschka Univers ity of New Hampshire Milne Special Collections, Alvah Sulloway Sheet Music and Theater Program Collection. The Advancing Proletaire University of Michigan Hatcher Graduate Library. Bolshevik, Indiana University Lilly Library, Sam DeVincent Collection of American Sheet Music. The Bolshevik National Library of Australia. Bolsheviki Johns Hopkins University Levy Sheet Music Collection. Bolsheviki Glide UCLA Archive of Popular American Music. Cossack Love Song Collection of the author, University of California Berkeley. Katinka: A Russian Fox Trot-sky Collection of the author, Un iversity of Florida Belknap Collection. Lets Knock the Bull Out of the Bolsheviki Library of Congress Leo Feist Collection. Look Out For The Bolsheviki Man Johns Hopkins University Levy Sheet Music Collection. The New Russian Rag Collection of the author, University of Colorado Howard B. Waltz Music Library. Rose of the Volga Library of Congress Lepman Collection. Russian Lullaby, Collection of the author, Univers ity of Florida Belknap Collection. Russian Rag, Collection of the Author, University of Ca lifornia Berkeley, University of Illinois, Northwestern University, University of Wi sconsin Milwaukee, Duke University, Boston University. Russian Rag (Arranged by John Krachtus), Collection of the author. The Russians Were Rushin, the Yanks Started Yankin Collection of the author, Indiana University Lilly Library, Sam DeVincent Collection of American Sheet Music. Sparkling Wine Johns Hopkins University Levy Collection. Song of the Volga Boatmen Collection of the author, University of California Davis, Boston Conservatory, Bowling Gr een State University. That Revolutionary Rag Indiana University Lilly Libr ary, Sam DeVincent Collection of American Sheet Music. 163

PAGE 164

Underneath the Russian Moon Colle ction of the author, Indiana University Lilly Library, Sam DeVincent Collection of American Sheet Music. Vodka University of California Berkeley. Well Never Change the Blue and White to Red Collection of the author. 164

PAGE 165

LIST OF REFERE NCES Ackerman, Kenneth D. Young J. Edgar: Hoover, The Red Scare, and The Assault on Civil Liberties (New York: Caroll and Graf Publishers, 2007). Arnold, Ben. Music and War, A Research and Information Guide (New York: Garland Publishing Incorporated, 1993). Authors to Give Plays, New York Times (21 June, 1922) 24. Beat Bolshevism In Its Best Field, New York Times (28 December, 1919) E2. Berlin, Edward A. Ragtime: A Musical and Cultural History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980). Berlin, Irving. The Complete Lyrics of Irving Berlin ed. by Robert Kimball and Linda Emmet (New York: A.A. Knopf, 2001). Bergman, Marion. The Russian-American Song and Dance Book (New York: A.S. Barnes and Company, 1947). Billington, James H. The Icon and The Axe: An Interpretive History of Russian Culture (New York: Vintage Books, 1970). Bohlman, Philip and Ronald Radano. Introdu ction: Music and Race, Their Past, Their Presence, Music and the Racial Imagination (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000) 1-56. Bolshevism And Russians Here, New York Times (15 June, 1919) 38. Bolshevism, The End of Civilization, Literary Digest (11 January, 1919) 17. Brackett, David. Interpreting Popular Music (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000). British Music Critic Excoriates Jazz, New York Times (12 September, 1926) 1. Chase, Gilbert. Americas Music (New York: McGraw Hill, 1966). Chase, William B The Last Laugh Out of Russia, New York Times (15 January, 1922) 43. Chauve-Souris Anniversary, New York Times (14 March, 1924) 20. Clendenen, Leslie F. The Art of Dancing: Its Theory and Practice (St. Louis: Arcade Print Shop, 1919). Citys Bolsheviki Disown All Order, New York Times (3 December, 1917) 6. Cobb, George. Just Between You and Me, Melody (March, 1919) 7. 165

PAGE 166

_____. Just Between You and Me, Melody (Decem ber, 1919) 6. _____. New Russian Rag (Chicago: Will Rossiter, 1923). Cobb, George L., ASCAP Biographical Dictionary (New York: R.R. Bowker Co., 1980) 90. Copland, Aaron. The New Music 1900-1960 (New York: W.W. Norton, 1968). Crawford, Richard. Americas Musical Life (New York: W.W. Norton and Co., 2001). Dance Bolsheviki Glide, New York Times (31 March, 1919) 11. Daniels, Roger. Coming to America: A History of Immi gration and Ethnicity in American Life (New York: HarperCollins, 1990). Davis, Jerome. The Russian Immigrant (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1922). Davis, Lee. Scandals and Follies, The Rise and Fall of the Great Broadway Revue (New York: Limelight Editions, 2000). Days on Volga Are Recalled By Chaliapin, New York Times (25 April, 1926) X3. Debunking Jazz, (2005) http://www.1920-30.com/mus ic/debunking-jazz.htm l (accessed 5 February 2008). Dinnerstein, Leonard and David M. Reim ers. Ethnic Americans, a History of Immigration (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999). Douglas, Ann. Terrible Honesty: Mongrel Manhattan in the 1920s (New York: The Noonday Press, 1995). Election Pleases Sir Henry Lunn, New York Times (31 October, 1924) 10. Figes, Orlando. Natashas Dance: A Cultural History of Russia (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2002). Fortune, Danny. The Volga Boatman d: Cecil B. Demille, Alternative Film Guide (11 April, 2008) http://www.altfg.com/blog/film-reviews/th e-volga-boatm an-cecil-b-demille-williamboyd/ (accessed 20 August, 2008). Frith, Sim on Performing Rites, On the Value of Popular Music (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998). From Rage To Rags, Melody (April, 1919) 7. Fryer, Elmer. Photograph of Bernice Claire, Theatre Magazine (June, 1930) 56. Gershon, Rhea Maria. Russian Lullaby: Memoirs of A Russian Singing Prodigy (Rhea M. Gershon, 1983). 166

PAGE 167

Hall, Mordaunt. The S creen: The Russian Revolution, New York Times (14 April, 1926) 21. Hamberlin, Larry. Visions of Salome: The Femme Fatale in American Popular Songs before 1920, Journal of the Americ an Musicological Society 59/3 (Fall, 2006) 631-96. Hamm, Charles. Genre, Performance and Ideo logy in the Early Songs of Irving Berlin, Popular Music 13/2 (May, 1994) 143-150. _____. Irving Berlins Early Songs as Biographical Documents, The Musical Quarterly 77/1 (Spring, 1993) 10-34. _____. Music in the New World (New York: W.W. Norton and Company, 1983). _____. Yesterdays, Popular Song in America (New York: W.W. Norton, 1979). Hitchcock, H. Wiley. Music in the United States (Upper Saddle River: Prentice Hall, 2000). Holder, Brian. Americanization as a Cure for Bolshevism: Anti-Radical Popular Song in 1919, American Music 25/3 (2007) 334-352. Hutchinson, Edward P. Immigration Policy Since World War I, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 262 (March, 1949) 15-21. Keegan, John. The First World War (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1999). Jablonski, Edward. Gershwin (New York: Da Capo Press, 1987). Jasen, David A. Tin Pan Alley, The Composers, The Songs, The Performers and Their Time (New York: D.I. Fine, 1988). _____. and Gene Jones. That American Rag, The Story of Ragtime From Coast to Coast (New York: Schirmer Books, 2000). _____. and Trebor Tichenor. Rags and Ragtime, a Musical History (New York: Seabury Press, 1978). Keegan, John. The First World War (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1999). Kennedy, David M. Over Here: The First Wo rld War and American Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). Kishinevsky, Vera. Russian Immigrants in the United St ates Adapting to American Culture (New York: LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC, 2004). Law, Alma. Nikita Balieff and the Chaue-Souris, Wandering Stars: Russian migr Theatre, 1905-1940, ed. By Laurence Senelick (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 1992) 16-31. 167

PAGE 168

Livingston, Jeffrey C. Still Boy-MeetsGirl S tuff: Popular Music and War, Americas Musical Pulse: Popular Music in Twentieth-Century Society ed. by Kenneth J. Bindas (Westport: Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc., 1992) 33-42. Lochner, Louis P. Fritz Kreisler (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1950). Londr, Felicia Hardison. The Enchanted Years of the Stage: K ansas City at the Crossroads of American Theater, 1870-1930 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2007). Love of Poland Rivals Music in the Heart of Paderewski, New York Times (12 October, 1913) X3. Lyle, Watson. Rachmaninoff (London: William Reeves Bookseller Limited, 1939). Mademoiselle Rhea, Dancer, Marries, New York Times (25 December, 1921) 8. Magee, Jeffrey. Everybody Step: Irving Be rlin, Jazz, and Broadway in the 1920s, Journal of the American Musicological Society 59/3 (Fall, 2006) 697-732. _____. Irving Berlins Blue Skies: Ethnic A ffiliations and Musical Transformations. The Musical Quarterly 84/4 (Winter, 2000) 537-580. Marshall, S.L.A. World War I (Boston: Mariner Books, 2001). Martin, Richard and Meagan Hennessey. Linear notes for The Great War: An American Musical Fantasy (Archeophone Records ARCH 2001, 2006). McCann, Paul. Performing Primitivism: Disarmi ng the Social Threat of Jazz in Narrative Fiction of the Early Twenties, The Journal of Popular Culture 41/4 (August, 2008) 658675. Meet Mr. Archangelsky, New York Times (16 June, 1922) X2. Middleton, Richard. Studying Popular Music (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1990). Morgan, Ted. Reds: McCarthyism in Twentieth-Century America (New York: Random House, 2003). Murray, Robert K. Red Scare: A Study in National Hysteria, 1919-1920 (New York: McGraw Hill, 1955). Music A Cure For Bolshevism, Melody (November, 1920) 4. Newman Resumes Attack on Jazz, New York Times (26 December, 1926) 30. Nikita Balieff, 59, Stage-Figure, Dies, New York Times (4 September, 1936) 19. Norris, Geoffrey Rachmaninoff, Serge, Grove Music Online ed. by Laura Macy http://www.grovemusic.com (accessed 9 January 2008). 168

PAGE 169

Parker, Bernard S. World War I Sheet Music (Jefferson: McFarland and Company Incorporated Publishers, 2007). Pollack, Howard. George Gershwin: His Life and Work (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006). Ratshesky, A.C. Americanization is Cure For Bolshevism, New York Times (24 November, 1918) 45. Red Forces Disrupting American Labor, Literary Digest (25 October, 1919) 11. Remisoff Redecorates Century Roof, New York Times (29 May, 1922) 17. Riesemann, Oskar von. Rachmaninoffs Recollections (New York: Arno Press, Inc., 1979). Ruhl, Arthur. Russians and Baltic Peoples, Immigrant Backgrounds ed. by Henry Pratt Fairchild (New York: John Wile y and Sons, Inc., 1927) 212-228. Service, Robert. A History of Modern Russia from Nicholas II to Vladimir Putin (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2003). Slobin, Mark. Tenement Songs: The Popular Music of Jewish Immigrants (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1982). Smith, R.E.F. and David Christian. Bread and Salt: A Social and Economic History of Food and Drink in Russia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984). Song of the Flame Opens, New York Times (11 December, 1925) 26. Stage Roof Falls, New York Times (12 December, 1925) 1. Starr, S. Frederick. Red and Hot: The Fate of Jazz in the Soviet Union (New York: Limelight Editions, 1994). Stites, Richard. Russian Popular Culture, Ente rtainment and Society Since 1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992). Stokes, Martin. Introduction: Ethnicity, Identity, and Music, Ethnicity, Identity, and Music: The Musical Construction of Place, ed. by Martin Stokes (Oxord : Berg Publishers, 1994) 1-27. Taylor, Philip. The Distant Magnet: Europe an Emigration to the U.S.A. (New York: Harper & Row, 1971). Theatrical Notes, New York Times (15 July, 1922) 13. Thomas, W.I. Old World Traits Transplanted (Montclair: Patt erson Smith, 1921). 169

PAGE 170

170 Tjaden, Ted. George Linus Cobb WWI Draft Registration Card, WWI Draft Registration Cards (November, 2006) http://www.doctorjazz.co.uk/draftcards3.html (accessed 2 August 2007). Tjaden, Ted The Rags of George L. Cobb, Classic Ragtime Piano (27 May, 2007) http://www.ragtimepiano.ca/rags/cobb.htm (accessed 30 August, 2007). T.R.Y. Safety First From Propaganda, New York Times (18 March, 1923) SM8. Vach, W arren W. The Unsung Songwriters, Amer icas Masters of Melody (Lanham: The Scarecrow Press Inc., 2000). Vermazen, Bruce. That Moaning Saxophone: The Six Brow n Brothers and the Dawning of a Musical Craze (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). Vogel, Frederick G. World War I Songs, A History and Dictionary of Popular American Patriotic Tunes, with Over 300 Complete Lyrics (Jefferson: McFa rland and Company Incorporated, 1995). Walser, Robert. Running with the Devil: Power, Ge nder, and Madness in Heavy Metal Music (Middletown: Wesleyan University Press, 1993). Watkins, Glenn. Proof Through the Night, Music and the Great War (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003). Wellstood, Dick. Dick Wellstood Live at the Sticky Wicket CD (Arbors Jazz ARCD 19188, 1997). Whitcomb, Ian. After the Ball: Pop Music from Rag to Rock (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1972). Whiteman, Paul In Defense of Jazz and Its Makers, New York Times (13 March, 1927) SM4. Whiteman Judges Named: Committee Will Decide What Is American Music, New York Tribune (4 January, 1924) 11.

PAGE 171

BIOGR APHICAL SKETCH Brian Holder is a graduate of the University of Dayton (B.M. 2002) and the University of Florida (M.M. 2004). He currently serves as an adjunct professor at Santa Fe College in Gainesville, Florida, and teaches pe rcussion at Lipham Music Store. Brians research has been pres ented at regional conferences of the American Musicological Society (2008) and the College Music Society (2005, 2007, 2008). He has also lectured at several conferences held at the University of Florid a, including the Musicol ogy Lecture Series (2005, 2006, 2007) and the English Graduate Organization Annual Conference (2007). He was a cofounder of the University of Florida Stude nt Society for Musicology, and developed the organizations first annual symposium in 2007. At th e University of Florida Brian has also taught such courses as the Introduc tion to Music Literature (MUL 2010), American Popular Music (MUS4905), and given percussion lessons to mu sic minors. His work is published in American Music As a featured percussionist Brian has appeared at the Percussive Arts Society International Conference (2003, 2005, 2007), the Society for Ethnomusicology Annual Conference (2007), The Florida Electroacoustic Music Festival (200 4), and the International Festival of Women Composers (2008, 2009). The University of Flor ida Symphony Orchestra has twice featured Brian as a solo performer (2004, 2007). He has studied percussion with Rick Andre, Jane Varella, James Latten, Jim Leslie, Mance Gr ady, and Kenneth Broadway. Brian has had the honor to premiere works by Chan Ji Kim, Jennifer Higdon, Russell Podgorsek, and Paul Richards. 171