|UFDC Home||myUFDC Home | Help|
This item has the following downloads:
1 SEMIOTIC ANALYSIS OF HILLARY CLITNONS PHOTOGRAPHIC IMAGE IN NEWSWEEK MAGAZINE By HAN CHANG A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN MASS COMMUNICATION UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2008
2 2008 Han Chang
3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank m y parents, my brother, my sister, and my grandmother for supporting me to come to UF for my masters degree. I thank Dr. Goodman for inspiring me on doing a semiotics analysis for my thesis and for advising me on my thesis patiently. I thank Dr. Armstrong for being my co-chair and advising me on my thesis. I thank Chan Wong Wong for his company in my first year at UF. I thank Patr ick Chiu for his love a nd support during the year when I was writing up my thesis.
4 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...............................................................................................................3 LIST OF FIGURES.........................................................................................................................6 ABSTRACT.....................................................................................................................................8 CHAP TER 1 INTRODUCTION....................................................................................................................9 2 LITERATURE REVIEW.......................................................................................................12 Theoretical Framework.......................................................................................................... .12 Presentation of Women in Media........................................................................................... 17 Portrayal of Women in the Political Realm............................................................................ 21 Visual Communication a nd Gender Stereotypes .................................................................... 28 Hillary Rodham Clinton as a Polarizing First Lady............................................................... 32 Research Question.............................................................................................................. ....41 3 METHOD......................................................................................................................... ......42 Semiotics and Semiotic Analysis............................................................................................ 42 Steps in Semiotic Analysis..................................................................................................... 45 The Pros and Cons of Semiotic Analysis............................................................................... 45 Research Subject.....................................................................................................................46 Choice of Newsweek Magazine ..............................................................................................47 The Sample and Sampling Method......................................................................................... 48 The Use of Codes............................................................................................................... .....49 4 RESULTS...............................................................................................................................54 First Lady Hillary Clinton, 1992............................................................................................ 54 St. Louis Rally: Aug. 3, 1992, p. 27................................................................................ 54 Hillary and I Have Talked This Through: Nov./Dec., 1992, p. 27..................................56 Cast a Spell: Nov. 16, 1992, p. 35...................................................................................58 Hillary was Better in Strategy-making: Nov./Dec., 1992, p. 38.....................................59 The Soul of an Activist, Nov. 16, 1992, p.42..................................................................61 First Lady Incumbent, 1996.................................................................................................... 61 Chicago Hopes: Sep. 9, 1996, p. 30................................................................................ 62 Big Themes, Cold Cash: Sep. 2, 1996, p.24.................................................................... 63 Charm Offensive: Oct. 7, 1996, p.38............................................................................... 64 Wounded and Wary: Nov. 11, 1996, p. 21...................................................................... 65 The Scent of Scandal: Nov. 18, 1996, p.70..................................................................... 66 Lessons Learned: Oct. 7, 1996, p. 43..............................................................................67
5 Senate Candidate, 2000..........................................................................................................68 Syracuse N.Y.: Nov. 20, 2000, p.81................................................................................69 Fascinated by all Things American: Nov. 27, 2000, p. 51..............................................70 The President Will Help Boost Hillarys War Chest: Sep. 11, 2000, p.6....................... 71 Finger Pointing: Nov. 26, 2000, p. 96.............................................................................72 Presidential Candidate of the De mocratic Party, 2007........................................................... 73 Hillary Defends the Gift: Aug. 20, 2007, p.12................................................................74 Beset on All Sides: Sep. 17, 2007, p.30, 31.................................................................... 75 What has She Done: Aug. 13, 2007, p.36....................................................................... 76 Lobbying Effort: Sep. 17, 2007, p.36..............................................................................77 Bringing It: Nov. 12, 2007, p. 40.................................................................................... 78 Together Through It All: Oct. 22, 2007, p.43.................................................................79 Member of the Club: Sep. 17, 2007, p.32, 33.................................................................80 What Kind of Decider Would She be: Sep. 17, 2007, cover page .................................. 81 Under Cover: Oct. 29, 2007, p.37...................................................................................82 The Once and Future Queen, Nov. 5, 2007, p.41............................................................ 83 5 DISCUSSION.........................................................................................................................84 Limitations.................................................................................................................... ..........94 Suggestions for Future Research............................................................................................ 95 APPENDIX A CODING SHEET...................................................................................................................96 B PHOTOS.................................................................................................................................98 LIST OF REFERENCES.............................................................................................................123 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.......................................................................................................128
6 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page B-1 St. Louis rally: Aug. 3, 1992, p. 27....................................................................................98 B-2 Hillary and I have talked this th rough: Nov./Dec., 1992, p. 27......................................... 99 B-3 Cast a spell: Nov. 16, 1992, p. 35....................................................................................100 B-4 Hllary was better in strategy-making: Nov./Dec., 1992, p. 38........................................ 101 B-5 The soul of an activist, Nov. 16, 1992, p.42....................................................................102 B-6 Chicago hopes: Sep. 9, 1996, p. 30..................................................................................103 B-7 Big themes, cold cash: Sep. 2, 1996, p.24....................................................................... 104 B-8 Charm offensive: Oct. 7, 1996, p.38................................................................................ 105 B-9 Wounded and wary: Nov. 11, 1996, p. 21.......................................................................106 B-10 The scent of scandal: Nov. 18, 1996, p.70....................................................................... 107 B-11 Lessons learned: Oct. 7, 1996, p. 43................................................................................ 108 B-12 Syracuse N.Y.: Nov. 20, 2000, p.81................................................................................109 B-13 Fascinated by all thi ngs Am erican: Nov. 27, 2000, p. 51................................................ 110 B-14 The president will help boost Hillarys war chest: Sep. 11, 2000, p.6............................ 111 B-15 Finger pointing: Nov. 26, 2000, p. 96..............................................................................112 B-16 Hillary defends the gift: Aug. 20, 2007, p.12.................................................................. 113 B-17 Beset on all sides: Sep. 17, 2007, p.30, 31....................................................................... 114 B-18 What has she done: Aug. 13, 2007, p.36......................................................................... 115 B-19 Lobbying effort: Sep. 17, 2007, p.36...............................................................................116 B-20 Bringing it: Nov. 12, 2007, p. 40..................................................................................... 117 B-21 Together through it all: Oct. 22, 2007, p.43..................................................................... 118 B-22 Member of the club: Sep. 17, 2007, p.32, 33...................................................................119 B-23 What Kind of Decider Woul d She be: Sep. 17, 2007, cover page ................................... 120
7 B-24 Under cover: Oct. 29, 2007, p.37.....................................................................................121 B-25 The once and future queen, Nov. 5, 2007, p.41...............................................................122
8 Abstract of Thesis Presen ted to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Mast er of Arts in Mass Communication SEMIOTIC ANALYSIS OF HILLARY CLITNONS PHOTOGRAPHIC IMAGE IN NEWSWEEK MAGAZINE By Han Chang August 2008 Chair: Robyn Goodman Major: Mass Communication Hillary Clinton has been a c ontroversial political figure since she was a First Lady.While extensive literature discusses C lintons media coverage during he r years as First Lady, there is not much literature about Clintons image after she progressed to a Senator or a presidential candidate of the Democratic Party. This study looks at Hillary Clint ons photographic image during her three political career stagesas a Fi rst Lady, a Senate candidate and a Presidential candidate in Newsweek magazine. Conducting a semiotic an alysis, the researcher found that Hillary Clintons photographic images had chan ged as she progressed from a spouse of the President to a Presidential Candidate in the Democrat ic presidential nomination.
9 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Hilla ry Clinton is a polarizing figure when it comes to politics and the media. As a first lady, she was controversial becau se people had a hard time accepting a powerful First Lady (Scharrer, 2002). Extensive lite rature on Hillary Clin ton as a First Lady shows that she was portrayed more negatively than positively by the media (Winfield, 1997; Parry-Giles, 2000). While plenty of literature discusses Clintons media coverage during her years as First Lady, there is not much literature about Clintons image after she progressed to a Senator or a presidential candidate of the De mocratic Party. There is an obvi ous need to expand the research beyond Hillary Clintons im age merely as a First Lady to a br oader and more holistic view, in order to compare how her image has changed during her three political car eer stages. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to understand the phot ographic media portrayal of Hillary Clinton in her three different political career stages: when sh e served as a spouse to a presidential candidate in 1992 and 1996; when she was a Senate candida te in 2000 and when she became a presidential candidate of the Democratic Party for the 2008 pres idential race. While the First Ladys function is mainly serving as a supporter and a confidan t of the president, Se nator and pr esidential candidates are positions that have traditionally be en male-dominated. Therefore, it is assumed that her image will be different during her three career stages. To explore Clintons media portr ayal during her three career st ages, I looked at Clintons photos in a newsmagazine. I chose news photos for the focus of the study in stead of text because people tend to believe that photos reflect truth better than words (Thorson and Mendelson, 2001). Photos are often considered a reliable, objective witness of events and people. Media is stuffed with stories and photographs of politics; politics have become more and more image-based (Tirohl, 2000). Therefore, looking at news photos helps researchers understand how voters learn
10 about politicians, especially since most peopl e never meet politicians in person and their knowledge of politicians are based on mediated images of politicians (Thorson and Mendelson, 2001). In this study, I aimed to find out the connotations created in the imag es of Hillary Clinton in newsmagazines, particularly within gender representations. To achieve the goal, I used semiotics, which is the study of signs, as my re search method. By conducting semiotic analysis, I looked at the symbols in the news photos in orde r to read the ideologies and the latent messages of the photos. By examining the background, setti ngs, appearances, lightings, angles, colors and tones in the news photos of Hillary Clinton, the portrayals of Hillary Clinton by the media were closely examined. There is a need for this study because it provides a detailed anal ysis about Hillary Clintons visual image in the media and it expl ores the idea that media portrayals of female politicians may be sexist and/or biased. There are a limited number of semiotics studies about Hillary Clinton or any ot her politicians photos in the existent literature; therefore, this study can be an exemplary work for researchers interested in media portrayal of politicians or female politicians like Hillary Clinton. In addition, learning more about how Clinton has been portrayed during her tenure in the public eye allows researchers to determine how women are covered as they traverse a political career. As one of the most recognizable female political figures, the study of her images can add to th e research about the medias portr ayal of female public figures, gender representation by media, and gender politic s. Whether Clinton manages to become the presidential candidate or not, he r emergence as leading candidate for the Democratic presidential nomination points out that the medi a coverage of female politicians deserves to be carefully studied.
11 Literature shows that women with power were met by negative coverage of media (Shames, 2002; Kahn and Goldenberg, 1991; Jamieson, 1995). However, feminists argued that equality can be achieved by education and rati onal argument (Steeves 1987; Beasley, 1999). Therefore, this study examines whether the code s in Clintons photos match up with her roles after she progressed to a Senator and a presidential candidate, or if her pho tographic image is just another case of how media portray women with gender stereotypes. To summarize, this study explores the follo wing research question: How did the media present Hillary Clinton with news photos during he r three different political career stagesas a First Lady, a Senator, and a Presidential candidate for the Democratic presidential nomination?
12 CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW Theoretical Framework The study is based on fem inist theory. Acco rding to Steeves (1987), feminist theory assumes women are devalued in society. Femi nists aim to understand the reasons for the devaluation and focus on changing the devalua tion and disparity betw een women and men in terms of biological, individuali stic, social psychological and economic aspects (Steeves, 1987). Based on these aspects of devalu ation, there are four main str eams of feminism theory that address the devaluation of wome n: radical feminism, liberal feminism, Marxist feminism and socialist feminism (Steeves, 1987). A ll four will be outlined below. According to Beasley (1999), liberal femini sm is the most widely known category of feminist theories; it is the mainstream of femini st theories and is often considered identical to feminism. Compared to radical feminists w ho emphasize the psychologi cal origins of gender discrepancies, liberal feminists be lieve that the inequality is me rely due to irrational prejudice and can be changed through rational arguments a nd rational mental development (Steeves, 1987; Hughes, 2002). Therefore, liberal feminists prom ote that both government and society should guarantee equal opportunities be tween the two sexes; they emphasize on establishing and changing laws on issues such as education, wo mens suffrage, employment, and equal payment so to enable womens intellectual growth, profe ssional success, and to improve representation of women in politics, history, and media (St eeves, 1987; Beasley, 1999; Walters, 2005). They especially focus on issues of the political a nd economic inequalities that women face (Beasley, 1999). The liberal feminist movement prospere d in the eighteenth-century, the Age of Enlightenment (Beasley, 1999). Male liberal thinkers in that age believed that God gave every
13 individual a rational mind and the ability to reason things. They asserted that therefore every person has some inherited natural rights, so th ey should be treated equally in law (Donovan, 1992). However, at the time of the Age of En lightenment, the individual, generally referred only to men. Women were considered as other s, those who were non-ra tional and emotional. Therefore, based on the ideas of the male liberal thinkers, women were not entitled natural rights (Donovan, 1992). Liberal feminists, therefore, endeavored to change this assumption. They argued that women were also citizens and persons who shoul d be permitted the same natural rights as men. During this time of revolutionary zeal when the American Declaration of Independence and French Declaration of the Right s of Men were created, feminist theorists contended that womens rights should be considered in the new constitutions (Donovan, 1992, Beasley, 1999; LeGates, 2001). In general, liberal feminists share several po ints of view (Donovan, 1992). First, they value rationality and believe that the individuals re ason and conscience are more reliable than any kind of tradition or institution. Furthermore, th ey believe that women and men have the same rational abilities and they are simila r in mind and body (Donovan, 1992, Beasley, 1999). Although in society, women are viewed as physical ly and mentally weaker than men, Hillary Clinton has long been recognized as a cap able and strong woman who exceeded the achievements most men have ever gained. Ther efore, Hillary Clintons achievement in her education and career life sustains this idea of liberal feminists. Second, they value individualism and self-reliance; they see the ne ed for education and training of critical thinking and view them as tools for social changes (Steeves, 1987; Donovan, 1992). Finally, they see natural rights and political rights, especially voting rights, as essential to women (Donovan, 1992). From the case
14 of Hillary Clinton becoming a presidential candidate, it seems like women have achieved political equalities such as voti ng rights and rights for running fo r political office. Therefore, I looked at how the mass media perceive this achie vement and this role model as a practitioner of womens rights: do they support women gaining as much political power as men or do they disagree with it? Conversely, radical feminists argue that women are oppressed because there are biologically inherent di fferences between man and women. In other words, they believe that oppression exists because women are viewed as the other sex. Furthermore, they consider the oppression to be a result of patr iarchy (Steeves, 1987; Beasley, 1999) Patriarchy means the rule of the farther in Greek (LeGat es, 2001, p. 11). It was used in The Old Testament to describe fathers full power over family members, and fe minists use it to describe the male domination over women in the society (LeGates, 2001). In the patriarchic society, men belonged to the public sphere and women private; men got better opportunity in terms of education; women were paid less than men for the same amount of wo rk; men had more control over womens bodies than women to men (LeGates, 2001). Therefore, radical feminists believe that as long as women stay in a patriarchal society, they will never be free from oppression. In contrast to liberal feminism, which empha sizes changing the political system or law, radical feminism deals with ideas, attitudes and cultural values ra ther than economics or political rights of the male-dominated society. For inst ance, because radical feminists recognize sexual oppression, they promote that women should ha ve control over their bodies (Beasley, 1999). This kind of oppression can be found in the media representation of women. In visual presentation such as advertisements and movies female bodies are the landscape and men are the
15 ideal spectators. When watching m ovies or looking at advertisemen t, a female audience is used to looking at themselves being looke d at (Berger, 1972; Mulvey, 1999). While liberal feminists believe women and men are similar in mind and body, radical feminists believe that any woman shares more si milarities with any other woman than with any man, in spite of the two womens possible differences in their race, cla ss, age or nationality (Beasley, 1999, p.54). They argue th at the oppression of women is too deep to be changed by individual or social movements (Steeves, 1987) thus they emphasize the sisterhood of women (Beasley, 1999). They seek to solve the problem by forming political or other bonds between women in the world. They promote the separati on between men and women such as encouraging women to live as far as possible from men, to b ecome lesbians or to treat men with hormones so they can bear children (Steeves, 1987; Beasley, 1999). Both Marxist and socialist feminist theories were prominent in the 1960s and 1970s. However, the Marxist feminist tradition has de clined since the end of the 1980s (Beasley, 1999). Like liberal feminism, Marxist fe minism is concerned with the publ ic sphere of women and pays attention to the relation of wome n and the wage of labor (Beasl ey, 1999). However, compared to liberal feminism, Marxist feminists argue th at womens oppression has resulted in class oppression under capitalism (Steev es, 1987). Marxist theorists cons ider labor as a source of economic activities; while men used their labor to earn money, women were treated as property of men because they were not the labor source (B easley, 1999). In other words, Marxist feminists state that womens oppression in the modern nuc lear family structure was the result of the capitalistic society in which male wage earners have control over the family (Steeves, 1987). Therefore, they propose that bringing down capitalism is the necessary step to end male privilege (Steeves, 1987; Beasley, 1999).
16 Socialist feminism maintains some of the id eas of Marxism but it asserts that womens oppression was not caused by class oppression and capitalism but ha s existed before the classbased society (Beasley, 1999). While Marxists s ee class oppression as th e primary factor for womens oppression, socialist feminists consid ers the oppression as a result of patriarchy. Besides that, many socialist femini sts consider factors like race, sexual preferences and cultural background as important to the oppression (Steeves, 1987). This study focuses on liberal feminist theory. Th e rationales of the choice of the theory are stated as follows. First, Hillary Clinton fits into the category of a liberal feminist. She has an advanced degree and have been practicing attorney before she had become a First Lady (Beasley, 2005). Instead of a mere decorati on, she influenced the President s stance on political issues (Beasley, 2005). She held an official position during the National Health Care Reform. She served as a global promoter for womens rights, giving a speech on human rights in 1995 at the United Nations Conference on Women in Beijing (Beasley, 2005). She moved from the wife of a powerful man to a Senator to a presidential candi date, who endeavors to achieve equal political power as her husband. Second, the study looks at the ch ange of Hillary Clintons image during the stages in which she gained more political power, which co rresponds to the idea of liberal feminism that the equality between women and men can be acquired by rational arguments, education or legislation. Liberal feminist theo ry states that equality between both sexes can be achieved by political and legal reforms. Hillary Clinton, who had become a female presidential candidate in Democratic Party nomination 87 years after womens suffrage, can be viewed as the fulfillment of the ideals of liberal feminists. The study, therefore, aims at findi ng out if the photographic
17 media portrayals of Hillary Clinton reflected the equa lity she achieved in the political realm or if Hillary Clinton was still treated unequally with gender stereotypes by the media. Presentation of Women in Media In general, the inequality of wom en pointed ou t by feminist theories is reflected in the media (Tuchman, 1979; Lauzen and Dozier, 1999; Glascock and Preston-Schreck, 2004; LenRios, Rodgers, Thorson, and Yoon, 2005). This st udy focuses on the photographic portrayals of Hillary Clinton in a newsmagazine, thus it is important to look at how females are represented by media. Research shows that women are often underrepresented in terms of quantity by the media. For example, Armstrong (2004) examined 18 U.S. daily newspapers and found that men were mentioned three times as often as women in the front page, lifestyle page, and sports pages. Furthermore, when women were represented by the media, they were often presented in stereotypes (Glascock and Pr eston-Schreck, 2004; Len-Rios, Rodgers, Thorson, & Yoon, 2005). Stereotype, according the Merriam-Webster onlin e dictionary, means s omething conforming to a fixed or general pattern, especially a standard ized mental picture that is held in common by members of a group and that represents an oversimplified opinion, prejudiced attitude, or uncritical judgment (Merriam-Webster, 2008, http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary). In other words, stereotypes genera lize people based on their membership in certain categories. Instead of direct contact a nd understanding of the group, stereo types are often the result of indirect information one receives through mass media. Although stereotypes help people to reach rapid conclusions and allow us to make sense of the world we live in, they are sometimes inaccurate and can have a negative influen ce on the specific groups (Karen & Khoo, 2007). Gender stereotypes, like any ot her stereotypes, give us th e oversimplified conception and image of women (Karen & Khoo, 2007). Media stereotyped women by presenting them as
18 spouses (Tuchman, 1979; Luebke, 1989; Jamies on, 1995), mothers, and homemakers (Tuchman, 1979). Compared to men, women on television were depicted less of ten as employed outside the home, their marital and parental status were mo re obvious, and there was more emphasis placed on their physical appearance, espe cially regarding their age a nd dress (Glascock and PrestonSchreck, 2004). In, addition, women were perceived as more helpful and affectionate than men (Glascock and Preston-Schreck, 20 04). While women were depicted as more communal, such as being caring, sensitive, and gi ving on television, men were vi ewed as more instrumental-assertive, aggressive an d dominant (Len-Rios, Rodgers, Thorson, and Yoon, 2005). In terms of print advertising, women were depicted younger, more in decorative roles, and working less than men (Glascock and Pr eston-Schreck, 2004). Research on newspaper content as well supports the lower status of wo men in society (Luebke. 1989; Daily and Dalton, 2000; Glascock and Preston-Schreck, 2004; Len-Rios, Rodgers, Thorson, & Yoon, 2005). Luebke (1989) looked at 8960 photos found in 184 issues of newspaper to examine the roles portrayed by men and women in newspaper photographs. She found that photos of men outnumbered those of women. Besides, while men we re often portrayed in roles as professionals and athletes, women were often portrayed as spouses. Using feminist theory, Len-Rios, Rodgers, Thorson, & Yoon (2005) examined two newspapers content, newsreader perceptions, an d news staff to explore the representation of women in newspapers. The results showed that women were underrepresented in terms of amount of coverage and photos. Besides, women app eared less than men in stereotypically male sections such as business or sports and appear ed more than men in stereotypically female
19 sections such as entertainment. Len-Rois et al. (2005) concluded that the newspapers studied mirrored the patriarchal ideology that prevailed in the U.S. society. Glascock and Preston-Schreck (2004) examined the representation of gender and race in 50 daily newspaper comics. From the sample of comics in one metropolitan daily newspaper and three mid-size daily newspapers in an upper Mi dwest state, Glascock and Preston-Schreck (2004) found that women were presented in gender stereotypes. They were portrayed more often as married, having children and less often having a job compared to men. When women were portrayed as having a job, they were paid less than men were. Furthermore, the media focused more on the womans appearance than on me ns (Glascock and Preston-Schreck, 2004). Regarding powerful female leaders in the society, media oppressed them by emphasizing their female traits and portra ying them as traditional, femi nine women (Jamieson, 1995). The following example shows how female executives we re portrayed in stereotypes. In Daily and Daltons (2000) article about news coverage of women at the t op, they argued that women with power such as female executives were constantly covered negatively in gender stereotypes. They pointed out that despite the accomplishment of Ca rleton Carly Fiorian, the chief executive of Hewlett-Packard, U.S News & World Report referred to her as a former receptionist and the consummate corporate cheerleader (as cited in Daily and Dalton, 2000, p. 58). The partner of Hummer Winblad, Ann Winblad, was covered by Money magazine not only as one of Silicon Valleys preeminent venture capitalists but also as Bill Gates ex-girlfriend who Gates spends one weekend a year with her (as cited in Da ily and Dalton, 2000, p. 58). They also pointed out that after Darla Moore donated $25 million to th e University of South Carolinas School of Business, a Business Week headline wrote The Lady is a B School, and Fortune called her the toughest babe in business (as cited in Daily and Dalton, 2000, p. 58). Daily and Dalton (2000)
20 concluded that reporters ofte n focused on female executives style and look while male executives were given more emphasis on their success in the business realm (Daily and Dalton, 2000). Tuchman (1979) argued that the underrepresen tations and stereotyping of women by the media could be an indicator of the real positi on of woman in American societytheir lack of power. Because the mainstream medi a serves the interests of male audience rather than those of female audience, women have long struggled for recognition in the male-dominated profession of photography (Sultze, 2003). Doane (1982) and Stacey (1999) stated that when women look at female images, they have to identify themselves as male spectators to appreciate the images. As Doane (1982) has mentioned: the result is a tendency to view the female spectator as the s ite of an oscillation between a feminine position and a masculine position, invoking the metaphor of the transvestite. Given the structure of cinematic narrative, the woman who identifies with a female character must adopt a passive or masochis tic positionThe transvestite wears clothes which signify a different sexuality, a sexual ity which, for the woman, allows a mastery over the image and the very possibility of attaching the gaze to desire. (p. 137, 138) From the literature presented above, it appears that women were devalued by the media (Tuchman, 1979; Daily and Dalton, 2000). This dispar ity agrees with the pe rspective of feminist theory that women are treated unequally in the society. However, liberal feminists believe that equality between two sexes is feasible (Steeves, 1987). From th e political standpoint, Clintons transcending from First Lady to a presidential candidate can be s een as a sign of the equality. Therefore, this study analyzes the photographic por trayals of Hillary Clinton to see if her media portrayals match up with her power and position at the time, and thus characterize her as a nontraditional woman. Since Hillary Clinton had become a Sena tor and a candidate for the Democratic nomination in the presidential election, besi des looking at studies on how media represent
21 women in general, it is necessary to find out how past literature talks about the portrayal of women in the political realm. Portrayal of Women in the Political Realm In this m ale-dominated society, media are owned by the patriarchy, thus the media are used as a means to promote the ideology of the patriarchal society such as male supremacy and maleness (Hall, 1982; Frazer & Lacy, 1993). If wo men challenge the ideology, the media, as a patriarchal institution, will try to constrain their power. As a result, when a woman departs from a traditional role such as holding political power, the media will tr y to soften and feminize her by presenting her with gender stereoty pes to lessen her threat to the traditional norms of masculinity (Goodman, 1997). Past studies show that female candidates ha ve been underrepresented and stereotyped as less viable by the media (Kahn and Goldenberg, 1991; Kahn, 1992). Although recent studies have found that female candidates are gradually receiving about the same amount of coverage with their male compe titors, the findings have suggested that female and male candidates are still portrayed differently by the media (Aday and Devitt, 2001; Devitt, 2002; Banwart, Bystrom & Robertson, 2003). In earlier studies on the portrayal of female politicians in the media, Kahn and Goldenberg (1991) examined the news coverage of 26 U.S. Senate campaign from 1982 to 1986 in order to find out how the media covered male and female candidates differently. Kahn and Goldenberg (1991) conducted the content analysis by se lecting the newspapers with the largest circulation within each state as the samples and coded them from September 1 to the day after the election. The results show that female candidates received less coverage than male candidates. Furthermore, the media put more focu s on the viability of the female candidates and less on their issue position; besides, the media presented female candidates as less viable than
22 male candidates. Kahn (1992) further conducte d an experiment to examine whether the difference in media coverage be tween male and female candidate s affected peoples assessments of candidates of the two sexes. The results s how that the candidates who were portrayed as masculine were perceived as more viable, stronge r leaders who can handle military issues better (Kahn, 1992). On the other hand, candidates who were portrayed as more feminine were considered as more honest and more compassionate (Kahn, 1992). Recent studies show an increasing amount of female candidates coverage but the unchanged stereotyping of female candidates. Fo r instance, Aday and Devitt (2001) looked at three months of coverage in five newspapers to compare newspaper coverage of Elizabeth Dole's presidential campaign with that of George W. Bush, John McCain and Steve Forbes. They found that Dole received more coverage focusing on her personal traits and less coverage outlining her opinions on the issues, although in quantity, Dole received more coverage than McCain and Forbes. In another study about female and ca ndidates news coverage, Devitt (2002) also found that although female and male candidates received about the sa me amount of news coverage, female candidates received less i ssue coverage and more personal coverage than male candidates (Devitt, 2002). Banwart, Bystrom and Robertsons (2003) study produced similar results. Examining 1,285 newspaper articles focusing on the media cove rage of female and male candidates running for either their Senate or gubernatorial offi ce during the 2000 primary and general election series, Banwart et al. (2003) found that female ca ndidates were more likely to be the main focus in the primary coverage, and both female and male candidates were equally likely to be the main focus in the coverage of the general election. Comparing the quantity, the viability, the issue coverage of female and male candidates, Banwar t et al. (2003) argued th e results implying that
23 although gender stereotypes were still mirrored in the presentations, female candidates were treated more equally in media coverage than in the previous election coverage. According to Banwart et al. (2003), female candidates were mo re likely to have their gender, children, and marital status talked about in both primary and general election arti cles. However, male candidates received less coverage about their gend er, children and marital status during the primary stage than female candidates and almost no coverage about their gender, children and marital status in the general elec tion stage (Banwart et al., 2003). In addition, men were perceived as more sk illful, more able to handle issues like economics and military, while women were considered as better at handling issues with poverty or health care and worse at issues with th e military (Leeper, 1991; Huddy & Terkildsen, 1993). Surveying 297 undergraduates attended the Stat e University of New York at Stony Brook in 1990, Huddy and Terkildsen (1993) found that typical male qualities, such as tough, assertive, tough and active, were viewed as important for higher office. Huddy and Terkildsen (1993) suggested that typical female tr aits were considered less appr opriate for higher or executive levels of office (Huddy and Terkildsen, 1993). From the studies shown above, it appears th at stereotyping female candidates may put them at a disadvantage in elections. Kahn (1992) proposed that sex stereotypes could sometimes be an advantage for female candidates, but in the long run, stereotypes put female candidates in disadvantages. Female candidates were portrayed as more compassionate and honest than their male counterparts. This image could help fe male candidates when they run for government office. However, although benefitting the fema le candidates in the short-term, stressing traditional female strengths like compassion reinforces the female stereotypes and might eventually hurt female candidates. Being st ereotyped as compassionate and honest, female
24 candidates might not be viewed by the voters as able in deali ng with defense and economic issues (Kahn, 1992). Kahn concluded that, overall, the differences in news coverage could negatively affect female candidates. Female candidates in the U.S. have faced diffi culties integrating thei r gender with their desired political roles because pe ople and the media usually perceive them as women first and candidates second (Shames, 2002). B ecause of the preference for ma sculine personality traits of voters for higher office, female candidates ofte n present themselves as women who break the gender stereotypes in the campaigns (Carlson, 2001). However, even if they break the gender st ereotypes and present their masculine traits such as being competent, strong, aggressi ve, they might still have to face the femininity/competent double bind addressed by Jamieson (1995). Based on the double bind, if women show their female person ality traits, they risk being condemned as not competent enough. If they show themselves as too powerful or too capable, they will be accused of being a lesbian or trying to be a man (Jamieson, 1995). According to Jamieson (1995), the feminin ity/competence double bind is based on the idea that women cannot be both feminine and comp etent. Those who showed their intelligence and strength were viewed as tough, active, d ecisive, competent and masculine; those who utilized their uteruses and held their responsib ilities at home were c onsidered as nurturing, passive, warm, and feminine. Women who work in public sphere are usually viewed as either too tough (and thus make male colleagues hard to relate to) or too so ft (and thus not tough or smart enough) (Jamieson, 1995). As the linguist Robin Lakoff put it: So a girl is damned if she does, damned if she doesntIf she refuses to talk like a lady, she is ridiculed and subjected to criticism as unfeminine; if she does le arn, she is ridiculed as unable to think clearly, unable to take part in a serious disc ussion: in some sense, at less
25 than fully human. These two choices which a woman hasto be less than a woman or less than a personare highly pain ful (as cited in Jamieson, 1995, p.121) The studies presented above focus on examining the text content of newspaper; however, visual images often have a bigge r influence or impact on audience s perception of political elite (Tirohl, 2000; Thorson and Mendelson, 2001). Visual Communication People believe in images. We trust what we s ee more than what we read (Tirohl, 2000). Because texts are totally made by writers and th e image-making process is subtle and almost invisible, people tend to believe that images can reflect truth better than words, and photos are often considered as a reliable objective witness of events and people (Thorson and Mendelson, 2001). Although photos are considered as reliable, in most cases, photos are not necessarily more accurate than words. According to Ga mson, Croteau, Hoynes and Sasson (1992): We walk around with media-generated images of the world, using them to construct meaning about political and social issues. Th e lens through which we receive these images is not neutral but evinces the power and point of view of the political and economic elites who operate and focus it. And the special geni us of this system is to make the whole process seem so normal and natural that the very art of social construc tion is invisible. (p. 374) Gamson et al. (1992) pointed out that while im ages are reproductions, they could also be mental pictures of something not real or no t present (Gamson et al., 1992, p. 374). While the image makers might not do it inte ntionally, images often tell the readers how to interpret the world and are a lot of time teachers of values, ideologies and beliefs (Gamson et al. 1992). In other words, images can affect readers poi nts of view on events or people. Parry-Giles (2000) also claimed that news media have a signif icant control over the visuals that are presented. He argued that visual pres entations can be more skewed than verbal expressions (Parry-Giles, 2000). For example, wh en selecting video footage and photographs in
26 the news organizations archives journalists might tend to use the images and footage that support the news story even though they were ta ken in a different context (Parry-Giles, 2000). Therefore, when visual images were presented, they were often pulled out from the context and were recontextualized within a new story (Pa rry-Giles, 2000). Visual re contextualization is difficult to find out without close examination of large amounts of news coverage. One of the examples Parry-Giles (2000) presented is how N BC news covered Hillary Clintons handling of the Lewinsky affair. During a September 28, 1998, special broadcast by NBC news called The President and the People, NBC aired a close-up s hot of Hillary Clinton. In the shot, she seems to be crying or has just cried. While th ey showed the shot, the reporter says: Hillary Rodham Clinton knows her husband of 23 years better than anyone. Yet this revelation was news to her too were told. For most wives the painful details of an affair would be discussed behind closed doors. (As cited in Parry -Giles, 2000, p.214) This news, along with the shot, implies to the audience that Hillary Clinton was crying because of the affair. However, the footage wa s actually taken from th e memorial service for those Americans who died in the Tanzania and Kenya Embassy bombings (Parry-Giles, 2000). Throughout the service, most of the people who gave speeches had cried (Parry-Giles, 2000). Another example occurred when CNN cove red a news story about Whitewater. The correspondent says, there were other seeds of trouble in Arkansastrouble with her husband over other women (as cited in Parry-Gile s, 2000, p. 213). During the narration, CNN first inserted a black-and-white photo that shows Hillary Clinton looki ng down and looking to the left as she is lost in thought or sad but at the same time looking for something to her left. Then they presented a videotape shot of Bill Clinton dancin g with women (mariachi dancers). As he dances with one woman, he gazes closely at her body (Parry-Giles, 2000). Parry-Giles (2000) argued that the photo of Hillary Clinton implied that she was thinking about her husbands activities with other women. He further suggested that the combination of
27 the way Hillary looked at the left and the sudden introduction of the dancing video clip generated the discourse of Hillary Clinton was on the outside of the event looking in (Parry-Giles, 2000). Parry-Giles (2000) further mentioned that came ra techniques related to distancing such as zooming in, zooming out of a subject or panni ng across an image could also create certain discourses for the audience. Compared to imag e size, the distance between the camera and the person has a bigger influence on how the audience sees the person. Close-up shots construct a sense of intimacy for the audience to the pers on being portrayed. One of the examples ParryGiles (2000) talked about is of the CNNs coverage of Hillary Clinton. When a CNN correspondent talks about C linton as the least popular First Lady in modern history (as cited in Parry-Giles, 2000, p. 215), the aired photo is an ex treme close-up shot of Clinton, which shows her face with only a little of her hair shown b ecause of the proximity of the cameras gaze. Hillary Clinton was portrayed as a sad Firs t Lady in this black-and-white photo. The correspondent then talks about the problem she faces in terms of her public relation in Arkansas: A lot of southern women will do their best most of the time to look as good as they can. And a lot of people sort of looke d at Hillary with the coke bo ttle glasses, the unfortunate hairdo and a lot of women just said whats wron g with that girl. (as cited in Parry-Giles, 2000, p.215) During this narration, CNN inserted the photo of Hillary Clinton with large glasses and the unfortunate hairdo (Parry-Giles 2000). The extreme close-up pict ure, according to Parry-Giles (2000), is so close that it violates Clintons privacy. Because of the extreme close-up, it lures us into believing that we know the peopleand hence the womenwe invite regularly into our homes (Jamieson, 1995, p.145). When such close-up images are used in the negative narrations of the person being portrayed, the sense of intim acy created by the closeness of the camera gaze will persuade the audience to buy into the nega tive narration about th e person (Parry-Giles, 2000).
28 An example of this kind of the media-mediated images is also found in CNNs coverage of Hillary Clinton. When the correspondent states, Critics say Hillary Clinton has stonewalled, that she gives lawyerly answers ra ther than candid ones (as ci ted in Parry-Giles, 2000, p.216), the camera zooms in on Hillary Clinton talking. As Parry -Giles suggests, the camera in this case can help the audience to accomplish what they cant do: to go into Clintons private space and therefore see through her image-maki ng strategies (Parry-Giles, 2000). These examples of the visual manipulation of media demonstrate that while the audience may see visual texts as evidence of news stor ies, visual representations can actually be misleading or even deceiving. Therefore, I believ e that the media portray als of Hillary Clinton during the campaigns deserve close scrutiny beca use while not necessary being genuine, news photos are often considered as reliable sources and used as reliable references of candidates personalities (Thorson and Mendelson, 2001). Visual Communication and Gender Stereotypes In term s of how gender is pr esented, several studies show that women and men were depicted differently in terms of visual repres entations. Men were usually assumed to be the active spectators while women were passively portrayed in the photos as objects to be looked at (Berger, 1972; Goffman, 1979; Mulvey, 1999). Mulvey (1999) argue d that frequently men were the ideal spectators and women were the landscapes: The determining male gaze projects its fantasy onto the female figure, which is styled accordingly. In their traditional exhibitionist role women are simultaneously looked at and displayed, with their appearance coded for strong visual and erotic impact so that they can be said to connote to-be-looke d-at-ness. (Mulvey, 1999, p.383) Berger (1972) points out in his book Ways of Seeing that in visual representations, men act and women appear (p.47). In other words, wo men are the images and men are the bearer of look (Mulvey, 1999, p. 383). Therefore, men and wo men are presented differently in photos or
29 paintings. While men are identified by their pow er or potential of ac tions, women are often defined by how they can be treated or acted upon-as passive objects to be looked at. In other words, men look at women a nd women watch themselves be ing looked at (Berger, 1972, p. 47). While women are being looked at, the spectato rs are believed to be male and the women are trying to lure the male spectator (Berger, 1972). Therefore, in visual presentations, women are often photographed as feminine and sexual, for the sake of pleasing the male spectators. In other words, the media objectify women and display them in submissive positions (Berger, 1972 and Mulvey, 1999). They show womens full bodies (Archer, Iritani, Kimes, & Barrios, 1983), show them in off-balanced positions, show them with their head tilted (Goffman, 1979; McCraken, 1993), a nd show them with connotation of a male presence through the womens body pose and facial expression (McCracken, 1993). Goffman (1979) studied 508 photos in advertisem ent to examine the gender stereotypes in print advertisement (Goffman, 1979). Examining th e pictures, he proposed five categories that show how female stereotypes are presented in ad vertisements: relative size, the feminine touch, function ranking, the ritualization of subordi nation, and the licensed withdrawal (Goffman, 1979). Relative size implies ones social status. A pers on shown taller or high er in a photo is often associated with higher social status than those photographed shorte r or lower. Although biologically women are generally shorter than men, women were ra rely shown in advertisements higher or taller than men. Theref ore, in most cases, men were por trayed as having higher social status and more powerful than women. Exceptions could only be found in th e ads that portray the male model with lower social status such as re staurant waiters, chefs or salesmen (Goffman, 1979).
30 Regarding the female touch, Goffman (1979) f ound that women were more often shown as using their fingers to trace the outline of an object to caress the surface of an object or to touch themselves. While women were often shown w ith their hands cradling or caressing, mens touches were more functional such as fixing cars or performing a surgery (Goffman, 1979). Regarding function ranking, men more often performed executive roles than women. For example, while men were portrayed as professi onals, women were shown as their assistants. When in face-to-face interactions, men we re more often shown teaching, talking or demonstrating and women listening, following the instructions or replying to men (Goffman, 1979). This implies men are in general mo re competent and s uperior to women. As for ritualization of subordination, by lo wering ones body physically, one shows respect to others. Therefore, it implies lower social status or subordination. Goffman (1979) found women were more often photographed lying dow n, in canting positions, or bending their knees, which showed the subordination, submissiveness and appeasement of a person. On the other hand, men were usually presented as st anding straight and tall (Goffman, 1979). Licensed withdrawal is defi ned as a person being psycholog ically disengaged from a social situation. Women were more often pictured than men as removing themselves psychologically from the social situation, leavin g them disoriented in the environment. Thus, they were assumed to be dependent or in need of protection by men (Goffman, 1979). For example, Goffman (1979) found wo men were often shown standing off-balanced, eyes averted, or hiding in the chest of men. In addition to Goffman (1979), Henley (1977) further elaborated the symbols one can find in human body movements, gestures and poses. For example, placing the feet on the table when sitting, leaving the jacket opened, putting the hands in the pockets or sitting with the chair tilted
31 backward or legs spread out connote superiorit y and relaxation; sitting in reserved position, jacket buttoned or face grim connote subordinati on; folding ones arms and having the jacket buttoned connote defensiveness and refusal to be open-minded; uncrossing legs might connote agreement to other people; crossing legs, especially ankle-to-knee crossing connote competitiveness (Henley,1977). In terms of gender nonverbal communication pa tterns, Henley (1977) pointed out that while women were often shown putting their legs together, standing with their feet parallel to each other, or placing their arms close to th e body, men were often shown standing with their feet more open and placing their arms 5 to 20 degrees away from their body (Henley, 1977). Besides the positions and body movements as men tioned, space is a sign to look at in terms of gender stereotypes in photos (Henley, 1977). Henley (1977) pr ovided a scale of space that allows researchers to judge that social status by looking at the social distance between people. There are four levels of social distance in the sc ale of space. The intimate distance is from 0 to 18 inches, personal distance is from 1.5 to 4 feet, so cial distance is from 4 to 12 feet and public distance is from 12 to 25 feet. Personal space is associated with social status (Henley, 1977). People with higher social status have more personal space than people wi th lower status and people with lower social status are often shown giving away spaces to those of higher social status (Henley, 1977). According to Henley (1977), women in general have less control over space than men do. In addition, womens space is more often violated than mens. Therefore, in photos, women are often shown with less personal space and keeping a shorter distance with other people than men do.
32 Extensive literature has shown that men and women were presented differently in photos. Women were often portrayed as submissive and less powerful via their poses, gestures, body movement, facial expression or their control over territories (Henley, 1977; Goffman, 1979); Henley pointed out the differen ce was due to women having less power and being subordinate to men generally in society. However, as a First Lady, junior Senator and a presidential candidate for the Democratic Party, Hillary Clinton is a powerful woman in America. She has attained some of the power traditionally given to me n, so examining how her photographic image has changed during her three career stages provide s a glimpse into how women with power are possibly viewed by the mass media and the mass popul ation. This study, therefore, examines the nonverbal cues of Hillary Clinton in newsmagazine photos in order to find out if she is portrayed in traditional gender stereotypes or if she is free from the stereo types since she gained the power that normally only men possess. Hillary Rodham Clinton as a Polarizing First Lady Hillary Rodham was born in 1947 in Illinois. Bo rn to a businessman and a homemaker, she grew up in Park Ridge, Illinois, a middle cla ss Chicago suburb (Beasley, 2005). After graduating from Wellesley College and Yale Law School, Hill ary Rodham worked as a staff attorney for the congressional committee assigned for impeachment against President Nixon (Jamieson, 1995; Beasley, 2005). After Rodham had met Bill Clinton, a classmate from Arkansas with political aspiration (Beasley, 2005, p. 210), in the Yale La w Library and had dated him for a while, she moved to Arkansas in 1974 with Bill and taught at the University of Arkansas Law School (Beasley, 2005). After getting married in 1975, she kept her maiden name and worked at the Rose Law Firm in Little Rock (Beasley, 2005). After Bill Clinton failed to win his second te rm as the Arkansas governor, Hillary Rodham learned that part of the reason was because the voters were unhappy with her insistence of using
33 her maiden name and her bookish appearance (Beasley, 2005); she soon took his name and changed her image and dress to be more feminine Then, Bill Clinton went on to win five more elections (Beasley, 2005). Not just being criticized when in Arkans as, throughout her tenure as First Lady, Hillary Clinton was questioned about her image, which critics claimed she changed frequently for political reasons. Her hairstyle and clothing was th rust into the national spotlight and seen as a reflection of her ideas on femininity (Beas ley, 2005). After being ridiculed for wearing headbands during the 1992 campaign, she stopped w earing them and tried different hairstyles during her tenure as First Lady. With her ward robe varying from business and professional attire to ladylike outfits and gl amorous evening gowns, some sp eculated that she downplayed her feminism as elections appr oached (Beasley, 2005, p. 203). In addition to her appearance, Hillary Clint on faced criticism about the things she said that offended the American homemakers. When Bill Clinton became a candidate of Democratic nomination in the 1992 presidential election, the Re publican Party had George H.W. Bush for reelection (Jamieson, 1995). The conservatives attacked Bill Clin ton on his extramarital relation with Gennifer Flowers, a nightclub singer, and Hill ary Clinton on her libera l ideas related to her legal interests. In her CBS 60 Minutes interview on Jan. 26, 1992, the hos t said that the Clintons must have come to a marital arrangement and Hillary Clinton suddenly spoke up: I am not sitting heresome little woman standing by my man like Tammy Wynette. I am sitting here because I love him, and I honor what weve been through together. And, you know, if thats not enough for people, then h eck, dont vote for him. (as cited in Bealey, 2005, p.212) Although Hillary Clintons faithfulness helped Bi ll Clinton in the race, she was criticized by what she said and forced to apologize to Wyne tte, the country singer of the song Stand by Your Man and to her fans (Jamieson, 1995; Beasley, 2005).
34 A few weeks later, Hillary Clinton came up with an even more infamous quote. Defending herself against the accusation that her la w firm had inappropriately profited from Bill Clinton as a governor, she told the reporter: I supposed I could have stayed home and bake d cookies and had teas but what I decided to do was fulfill my profession, which I entered before my husband was in public life. And Ive worked very, very hard to be as careful as possible, and thats all I can tell you. (as cited by Jamieson, 1995, p. 27) According to her aides, after th e cookies and tea remark was utte red, it felt like the air went out of the room (Jamieson, 1995, p.27). Althoug h Clinton soon made the clarification by stating: You know, the work that Ive done as a professional, as a public advocate, has been aimed in part to assure that woman can ma ke the choices that they should makedepending upon what stage of life they are atand I think that is still diffic ult for people to understand right now, that it is a generational changes (as cited by Jamieson, 1995, p. 27), the media kept reducing her remark to I could have stayed hom e and baked cookies and had teas. Burden and Mughan (1999) point out that because of the in famous cookies and tea quote, Hillary Clinton has been a polarizing figure since 1992 when her husband was running for president because she offended female homemakers by indicating disa pproval of the lifestyles other than the professional career lifestyle she chos e for herself (Burden and Mughan, 1999). From the examples above, one can tell that Hillary Clinton was very divergent from the traditional First Lady image. She was a successful lawyer who was upfront and talked aggressively. However, not everyone can accept this non-traditional image of First Lady. First Ladies had been routinely depicted as a symbol of heart, not the head of a government (Beasley, 2005). Hillary Clinton became a polarizing figure to the media and public because she did not fit into the traditional models of first lady repor ting which first ladies normally appear in the lifestyle and feature section of the newspapers (Jamieson, 1995; Beasley, 2005). Normally the
35 media cover First Ladies merely as the pres idents wives (Beasley, 2005). As Beasley (2005) has mentioned, the media coverage of First Ladi es hasnt changed much since Franklin D. Roosevelts administration; the media doesnt co ver First Ladies carefully or seriously enough and doesnt look at their charac teristics that dont fall into the traditional wife categories. Beasley (2005) suggested that this refl ects the medias attitude toward women in general: I wondered if that was not the way the news media in general tended to treat womenas being somewhat apart from the world of power and influence and as individuals centered on emotion, not reason, and more in tune w ith victimization than self-actualization. (Beasley, 2005, p.XVII) Greer (1995) pointed out that in general, the First Ladys prim ary function is to express the strengths and active heterosexuality of the Presid ent. Americans expect the First Lady to give press conferences, to make public appearances for charitable causes and to stand beside her husband and show her respect and admiration for hi m. Besides, she should play the role of a virtuoso housekeeper; she shoul d know how to dress well and spend money wisely (Greer, 1995). Although she should be smart, she should ne ver try to influence th e presidents decision; instead, she should be a silent and submissive suppor ter. Most important of all, her function is to reinforce to America of the hete rosexuality of the pr esident; therefore, sh e should have children with the president and her greatest ambition sh ould be playing the good role as a wife and a mother. Greer points out that any consideration of the First Ladys role shows that the less power she claims, the more she wields (p.27). In terms of the visual presentations, Greer described the public expe ctation of First Lady and President: (H)e must not show himself to be too awar e of her presence. He may place a hand on her waist and shoulder, but, though her eyes must be turned to him, his eyes must be turned to his public. The gesture he should make should be one not of attachment but the ownership and control. She may turn to the public but on ly after she has followed the line of his eyes; she cannot seek public acclaim for herself. (p.22)
36 Because Hillary Clinton has broken the stereo typical images of First Lady, media had difficulty to categorize her. As the result, the im age of her in the media was inconsistent (Brown, 1997). Hillary Clinton thus was depicted by the me dia as a saint, a sinne r, a career woman, a wife, a mother, a presidential adviser, a political strategist, a feminist, a ruthless power behind the throne, a high-powered lawyer, a global a dvocate for women and children, a public policy expert, a health care reformer, a hostess, a religious believ er, a sex symbol (Beasley, 2005, p. 207). While Hillary Clintons image was controversial, studies found that in general, the media were more comfortable when she did fit into the traditional stereoty pes of women and wife (Scharrer, 2002). Scharrer (2002) analyzed news paper coverage of Hillary Clinton from October 1, 1999 to February 6, 2000 during the time she transitioned from spouse to Senate candidate. Analyzing 342 news stories of Hillary Clint on and 96 news stories about Rudy Giuliani as comparison, Scharrer (2002) concluded that when H illary Clinton was presented in a traditional, supportive and soft news oriented role, she got more positive coverage; when seeking political office, she received more negative press coverage. Scharrer (2002) suggested the findings could be an indicator of Clinton falling into narrow gender roles definitions. Anderson (2002) analyzed print and broadcas ting news stories of Hillary Clinton and Elizabeth Dole during the campaign season fr om July 1998 to November 2000 and Hillary Clinton and Elizabeth Doles ow n rhetoric strategies during th e campaign. She found that gender was a significant but not n ecessarily negative variable in U.S. politics. The results show that although gender issue was a focus when Clinton was First Lady, once she made the transition from First Lady to Senate candidate, the media critiques switched their focus from her being a woman (gender) to her not being a New Yorker (Anderson, 2002). Gender stereotyping became a
37 tacit subtext and Clintons oppone nts, Rudolph W. Giuliani and Rick Lazio, actually suffered more from gender stereotypes than Clinton in the campaign. Giuliani was criticized as too mean and masculine to be New York Senator and Lazi o was perceived as not masculine and too boyish (Anderson, 2002). As to Hillary Clintons own ca mpaign strategies, Anderson (2002) found that it was accordant with the medi as portrayal of her during the campaign. On the other hand, because Doles gender was emphasized when she ran for president, it was harder for the voters to imagine her as U.S. president. The study suggested that the U.S. presidency were still maledominated 100 years after women su ffrage was attained (Anderson, 2002). Colbert (1995) examined all 663 photos of Hillary Clinton in The New York Times The Washington Post Time Newsweek and U.S. News & World Report for the first two years of the Clinton administration. The analys is of photos was broken down in to four elements: logistics (the origins of the photo and w ho controlled the photo), visual components (the person in the photo, the kinds of communication, how Hillary C linton is placed, her gaze, hands, and mouth), compositional devices (light and size of the photo), and stories and roles. The results show that she was portrayed with family members in abou t 50 percent of the photos. But she was rarely shown with only Chelsea (in 11 photos) or with only Bill Clinton (in 38 photos). Besides, she was often shown as passive or responding to others She was shown not interacting with others in 28 percent of the photos, listeni ng to others in 12 percent of the photos, and reacting nonverbally in 28 percent of the photos, but sh e was shown speaking in only 11 percent of the photos. Based on the findings, Colbert (1995) argued that most of the photos of Hillary Clinton were conventional. Gardetto (1997) examined all the New York Times news coverage of Hillary Clinton in the 1992 presidential campaign in order to find the tone of her media coverage. She found three narrative themes the New York Times created in the news coverage of Hillary
38 Clinton: her strengthhis w eakness, comparing women/wife styles, and a new kind of partnership (Gardetto, 1997). In the first category, the Times generates a question suggestin g that if a wife is too powerful and strong, she may reduce the husband power in publics eyes. In the second theme, the coverage often compares Hill ary Clinton with other politicians wives and indicates that she is different type of wife. In th is theme, Gardetto (1997) suggest s the paper indirectly asks the reader to judge which type is more preferable. In third theme, the newspaper asks if the interests between Hillary and Bill Clinton will conflict sin ce they both have thei r own career to pursue (Gardetto, 1997). Gardetto (1997) concludes that the New York Times generates the debates about Hillary Clintons images and indirectly tells the readers what and how to think about Hillary Clinton (Gardetto, 1997). She further claims that the pre-election coverage of the New York Times suggests that Hillary Clinton was controversial as a wife. She was portrayed as a new woman who was an example of conflict between the traditional family values and modern womens lives today. As a career woman who was neither a subordinate wife nor a traditional housewife, Hillary Clinton became a threat to the traditional family values and the gender disparity they create (Gardetto, 1997). Winfield (1997) examined all news c ontent about Hillary Clinton in the New York Times from 1993 to 1994 and found the coverage of Hillary Clinton was mostly negative in tone. She concluded that the media had a hard time coveri ng a multifaceted first lady. The media could not define her easily except that she violates the standard behavior for a first lady (Winfield, 1997). Although being portrayed negatively overall, Hillary Clintons images have changed and become sometimes antithetical during her terms as Fi rst Lady (Parry-Giles, 2000). She had been
39 represented as a career woman, feared feminist politically powerful First Lady, a traditional mother and wife, and a victim of extramarital affair. Brown (1997) conducted a focus group study to fi nd out the middle-class attitudes toward the image of Hillary Clinton in television ne ws. Brown (1997) recruite d 35 participants (24 women and 11 men), put them into 10 focus groups and showed them a 9 minutes 22 seconds tape of news coverage of Hillary Clinton by ABC, CBS and NBC and asked them to talk about the tape. Brown (1997) found the conversations in focus groups show that the participants considered that Hillary Clintons image wa s created and shaped by the media; however, participants had polarizing opi nions about her images in th e news. As concluded by Brown (1997), Hillary Clintons image was inconsistent because she crossed the male/dominant vs. female/subordinate binary. Being both an elite in the society and a woma n, and both a capable politician and a ceremonial first lady had made Hillary Clinton become a controversial First Lady in the publics eyes (Brown, 1997). Burden and Mughan (1999) reviewed the popularity of Hillary Clinton during the first five years of the Clinton administra tion and concluded that Hillary Clinton was the only First Lady that received continuous attention by polli ng companies and the media. Her popularity was independent of her husbands. Hillary Clinton s popularity fluctuated based on her own conduct rather than national economic situations. In ot her words, her popularity was dependent on what she said and what she did. When Hillary Clint on changed her image from a strong, aggressive feminist to a good mother and wife/victim, her popularity improved (Jamieson, 1995). This shows that although Hillary Clinton was controve rsial, the general population preferred to see her with more traditional feminine traits As claimed by Greer (1995), while feminists
40 appreciated Hillary Clin tons perseverance on her capability and self-reliance, for non-feminist, Clintons image of feminism could be one more reason for the public to loathe her (Greer, 1995). Jamieson (1995) argued that the reason the pub lic could not accept Hillary Clintons image was because she was neither a capable woman wh o exercised power nor a wife and mother, but she was both. Hillary Clinton became a surroga te on whom we projected ou r attitudes about attributes once thought incompatible, that women either ex ercised their minds or had children but not both, that women who were smart were unwoman ly and sexually unfulfilled, that articulate women were dangerous. (Jamieson, 1995, p. 23) Jamieson (1995) proposed the idea of the womb /brain double bind and argued that because Hillary Clinton didnt fi t into the criteria of the double bi nd, she was seen as controversial. According to Jamieson (1995), the womb/brain double bind rests on the idea that because the womb and the brain both cost energy, a woman who exercised her br ain betrayed her uterus with the means to maintain her reproductive ability. This violation of the natural law required toll. Her uterus shrunk and was not able to function, even if she bore child, she ri sked bearing monsters (Jamieson, 1995). During the nineteenth century, theologians a nd scientist argued that only when women followed the natural order, which defines woman s role as childbearing and maintaining houses, would they obtain happiness. Because Eve a bused the power of speech and was punished, women were condemned for speaking or teachi ng. A good woman, therefore, should be a silent, childbearing wife. If an intelligent woman w ho was pregnant and stil l involved in public activities, she would jeopardize the childs heal th. Because of this assumption, brilliant women who wanted to pursue a career had to sacrifi ce their sexuality and their reproductive function (Jamieson, 1995).
41 The double bind first existed in the notion that being educated make s women less attractive to men. Later on the assumption b ecame a woman can have either career or marriage and family, but not both. Even if one woman would have bot h career and family, she wouldnt have both at the same time. Therefore, women now face the assu mption that if they want to have both at the same time, they will have to pay the price of cheating one or the other (Jamieson, 1995). Generating this double bind for women, the televi sion news texts merge a gendered discourse on first lady with rhetoric of fear fo r powerful women (Parry-Giles, 2000). Research Question The literature above shows that Hillary Clin ton received negative and stereotypically fe minine coverage when she was First Lady. Much literature has discus sed the media coverage and public perspectives of Hillary Clinton wh en she was First Lady but not much after she became a U.S. Senator and a presidential candidate. It is necessary to expand the research beyond looking at Hillary Clinton when she was a First Lady to her three different political career stages. This study therefore provides a more holistic analysis of Hillary Clintons portrayal by the media. This st udy looks at the changes of how Clinton was portrayed in news photos as she progressed from a spouse, a sena te candidate, to a presidential candidate.The following question was asked. RQ: How did the media present Hillary Clin ton with news photos during her three different political career stages as a First Lady, a Senator, and a Presidential candidate for the Democratic presidential nomination?
42 CHAPTER 3 METHOD Semiotic analysis, which studies the signs in images, was used in this study in order to answer the research question (C handler, 2001). As Rose (2001) explained, semiotics offers a very full box of analytical tools for taking an im age apart and tracing how it works in relation to broader systems of meaning (p. 69). The major streng th of semiotics is that it is a sophisticated analytical tool for explaining how signs make sense (Rose, 2001). Furthermore, semiotics has become a commonly used method in feminist me dia studies because it helps researchers to deconstruct meanings beyond the simple presen ce of women in cultural forms (van Zoonen, 1994, p. 74). Semiotics and Semiotic Analysis W ithin semiotics, there are two major models of how a sign is structuredthe Saussurian model and the Peircean model (van Zoonen, 1994; Chandler, 2001). According to the Saussurian model, a sign consists of the signifier and the signified, and significat ion is the relationship between the two (Chandler, 2001). In Saussures model, both the si gnifier and the signified are abstract rather than material. The signifier in Saussures model is the form which the sign takes and a signified is the concept it represents (Chandler, 2001, Signs, para. 3). A signified is not to be recognized as a referent; rather, it is a concept in the mind (Chandler, 2001, Signs, para.10). In other words, rather than an actual object, it is the notion of an object (Chandler, 2001, Signs, para.10). However, people who have adopted Saussure s model now take the signifier as the material form of the sign, which can be seen, he ard, touched, smelled or tasted. The signified, on the other hand, is still treated as a mental concept, but it is pointed out that it might as well refer to material things in the world (Chandler, 2001) Pierces model consists of the representamen,
43 the interpretant, and th e object. The representamen is the mode which a sign adopts, which is similar to Sausurres signifier. The interpretant is how one makes sense of the sign, which is like Saussures signified but it is itse lf a sign in the mind of the interpreter. The object is the thing that the sign stands for within objective reality (Chandl er, 2001). According to Pierce, there were three kinds of signs: the icon, the index and the symbol (Rose, 2001). When the signs are at the iconic stage, the photographic images look just like the thing or pe rson that are being represented, and the signifier and th e signified at this stage are sim ilar to each other. An example of an iconic sign is a portra it of a person representing the person portrayed (Dyer, 1982). Other signs go further than the simple portray al of a person or a thing. The signs at the indexical stage are used to denote an extra meani ng to the one that is obviously represented. The connection is made between the sign and what it is signifying through causation or analogy; thus, the relationship between the sign ifier and signified are not arb itrary. A postcard of the Eiffel tower that makes people think abou t Paris is an illustration of i ndexical signs (Dyer, 1982; Rose, 2001). Signs at the symbolic stage have a conventionalized and clearly arbitrary relation between signifier and signified. In this stage, th e signifier is not a cause or resemblance of the signified; people think of the signified when they see the signif ier because they have learned that connection. A rose symbolizing l ove or passion is an example of a symbolic sign (Dyer, 1982; Rose, 2001). Although Saussure and Pierce are considered the fathers of semiotics, Roland Barthes writing led to the widespread use of semiotics in the cultural studies area (van Zoonen, 1994). From Barthes perspect ive, signs could be denotive or c onnotive (Rose, 2001). Signs at the denotive level are easy to interpre t (Barthes, 1977), but signs at th e connotive level are subtle and
44 more difficult to decode because they have a higher-level meaning (Rose, 2001). More specifically, denotation refers to the literal, obvious superficial meaning of a sign (Chandler, 2001, Denotation, Connotation and Myth, para.2). Connotation, on the other hand, refers to the ideological and individual affiliation of th e sign (Chandler, 2001, Denotation, Connotation and Myth, para.3). These associations are in relation with the interpreter's ba ckground such as class, age and gender (Chandler, 2001, Denotation, Connotat ion and Myth, para.2). Therefore, signs in their connotations allow more room for interp retation than they can in their denotations. In relation to the denotation and connotation is the notion of myth. Myth is a form of ideology. It converts things that happened into natural phenomenon; it makes natural the way things are. In other words, myths are the dominant ideologies that people dont question (Chandler, 2001). Barthes (1967) declared that: (S)emiology therefore aims to take in any system of signs, whatever their substance and limits; images, gestures, musical sounds, objects and the complex associations of all of these, which form the content of ritual convention or public entertainment: these constitute, if not languages, at leas t systems of signification. (p. 9) The approach of semiotics analysis entails a cr itical change from the simple interpretation of objects and forms of communication to invest igations of the organization and structure artifacts and, in particular, to enquiry into how they produce meaning (Dyer, 1982, p. 115). In other words, semiotic analysis focuses on interpre ting an image by looking at the signs within it. It allows researchers to make overt of wh at is usually hidden (Chandler, 2001). Conducting a semiotics approach helps a researcher to decode the signs and read the latent messages in an image. Semiotics, like case studies, deal with a co mparatively small amount of images. The result of the analysis only represents the data rather th an a wider range of material. Its results are not generalizable; thus, the results stand or fall on its analytic al integrity (Rose, 2001, p. 73).
45 Because this study deals with a small amount of im ages and looks in-depth into the signs of the images, semiotics is the most suitable method for this study. Steps in Semiotic Analysis Rose (2001) proposed steps for analyzing the signs in an im age. First, identify the signs in the image. Then determine what these signs are in themselves. Find out how the signs relate to each other and then find out the relations to broader meaning systems. Finally, go back to the signs through their codes to disc over the specific enunciation of ideology and mythology (p.91). In conducting my semiotic analysis, I interpre ted the news photos by looking at the colors, angles, background settings, hair, eye contacts, ge stures, and poses in the photos. A coding sheet (Appendix A) was used in the study to list the elements being analyzed. The coding sheet helped me to make notes about the mag azines and organize the finding. Besides the photos, I looked at the captions accomp anying the photos to read the dominant, preferred ideology of the photos as Barthes (19 77) suggested. Because images can be polysemic and therefore open to interpretations, consider ing captions along with the photos can help a researcher to find out which signs to read, and which signs are pr ivileged. As Barthes (1977) had argued, captions are like anchors; th ey help the readers to choose the correct level of perception (Barthes, 1977, p.39). Therefore, I looked at the captions to dete rmine the dominant, preferred meaning of the photo. The Pros and Cons of Semiotic Analysis Like any other research m ethod, semiotic analysis has its strengths and weakness. Compared to other research methods, semiotics offers the promise of a systematic, comprehensive and coherent study of communica tions phenomena as a whole, not just an instance of it (Hodge & Kress, 1988, p.1). Semiotics analysis is an efficient tool for analyzing the visual meaning in photos (R ose, 2001); it is a method to de duce emotions and associations
46 from signs in images. It takes into account the effects of the images th rough its construction and its social conditions (Rose, 2001, p.97). On the other hand, semiotics analysis has so me drawbacks. First, its results are not generalizable (Rose, 2001). Second, it contains elaborate terminology th at can be confusing. While some terms are useful and are clearl y defined, some are unnecessary and can create confusion (Rose, 2001). Last, while images are polysemic and open for different interpretation, semiotics analysis often provides a single interpretation for one image (Rose, 2001). Background of the Researcher As mentioned above, images can be polysemic A person can interpret a sign in an image in one way while another person can have a totally different interpretation for the same sign. A sign might mean something to one person but so mething totally opposite to the other. People with different social, cultural, racial, class or gender backgr ound see things differently. The analysis of the photos was base d on the literatu re I reviewed; however, my cultural and racial background influenced my findings. As the instru ment of this semiotic study, my background is provided as below. I was born and raised in Taiwan, a country with an elected female Vice President from 2000 to 2008. I was raised in an upper-middle cl ass family, and my parents both received bachelors degrees. I attended Sooc how University in Taiwan and received my bachelors degree in English Language and Literature. I came to Am erica in the fall of 2006 to pursue a masters degree in journalism at the University of Florida. Research Subject The visual represen tation of Hillary Clint on was analyzed by examining the photographs in Newsweek magazine. The rationales for choosing a ne wsmagazine over other media genre are listed as follows.
47 First, while newspapers contai n different sections such as national news, entertainment, sports, travel, business, etc., newsmagazines give more attention to national news, which is the section that covers Presidentia l and Senate elections (Goodman, 1997). Furthermore, newspapers carry fewer photos than newsmagazines, especi ally fewer color photos. Second, compared to other magazine genres, such as fashion, lifesty le, business magazines, newsmagazines contain more First Lady, Senator, and Presidential cand idate stories (Goodman, 1997). Third, from my observation, due to fewer publications and timelin ess concerns as compared to newspapers and television news, it is assumed that newsmagazines can provide more accurate coverage and more sophisticated photos. Fourth, newsmagazines have higher circulation than newspapers. While the largest national newspaper, USA Today has a circulation rate 2,259,329 in 2006 (USAToday.com, 2008), Newsweek has 3,130,600 (Magazine Publishers of America, 2008). Fifth, television is difficult to use when l ooking at photos because it shows images with movements rather than an individual still shots. Based on the reasons presented above, I concluded that newsmagazines are the ideal subject for this study. Choice of Newsweek Magazine The visual representation of Hillary Clinton Newsweek magazine was chosen for the study for the reasons presented below. Newsweek is the second largest circul ating newsmagazine in the country with 3,124,059 in 2006 (Magazine Publishers of America, 2008). Newsweek was founded by Thomas J. C., a former editor of Time magazine in 1933 and was bought by The Washington Post Company in 1961 (Newsweek website, 2007). It offers comprehensive coverage of world events with a global network of correspondents, reporters and editors covering national and international affairs, business, sc ience and technology, society and the arts and entertainment (Newsweek website, 2007, History of Newsweek, para. 3). Newsweek has earned
48 the most national magazine awards given by Am erican Society of Magazine Editors among all the weekly newsmagazines (Newsweek website, 2007). Although it might be argued that Time magazine would be a bette r choice since it has the largest circulation rate in the country (3,374,505 in 2006) and it was established earlier than Newsweek, its circulation has actually been declining rapidly (Magazine Publishers of America, 2008). While the circulation rate of Time was 4,082,740 in 2006, it dropped to 3,374,505 in 2007. Although Newsweek circulation dropped from 3,130,60 0 to 3,124,059, that was only 0.2% compared to Time magazines 17.3 percent drop. Newsweek magazines photos have won second a nd third place in the National Press Photographers Association award for magazine ne ws story in 2008 and firs t place in the National Press Photographers Association award for maga zine natural disaster cover in 2006 (National Press Photographers Association, 2008). Being the second largest newsmagazine in the country with the readership of more th an three million and having won awards for its news story photos, I believe the photos of Newsweek magazine deserve a close scrutiny. The Sample and Sampling Method The photos being analyzed were ch osen from the back issues of Newsweek magazine from August to November 1992, August to Novemb er 1996, August to November 2001, and August to November 2007, which are the times of the camp aigns for the four elections: the campaign of the presidential election in 1992 and in 1996, the campaign for the senate election in 2000 and the campaign for the presidential primaries in 2008. I chose the photos from the August to November issues because this time period marks the end of the Democratic and Republican Partys Nominating Conventions in which the official candidates are named. As for the Senate coverage I wanted a similar time frame in order to compare to the presidential and First Lady time periods.
49 Because the main goal of the analysis is to understand Hillary Clintons image in the media in her three different political care er stages, I looked at all the photos of Hillary Clinton in the sampling interval. In order to provide the whole picture of Hillar y Clintons photographic portrayals during her three political career stages, I used the purposeful sampling strategy in the study. Purposeful sampling strategy helps resear chers to inform an understanding of the research problem (Creswell, 1997, p.125). Using th is sampling method, the researcher presents the widest range of samples, including the unusual ones, to represent diverse cases and to fully describe multiple perspectives about the cas es (Creswell, 1997, p.129). Using this sampling method, I made sure to present the examples that demonstrated the widest range of her photographic depictions. The Use of Codes After choosing an extensive ra nge of depictions, I analyzed the photos using the codes estab lished according to Goodmans (1997) thesis coding sheet that looked at the images of three First Ladies (Barbara Bush, Hilla ry Clinton, and Nancy Reagan) in Time magazine. The coding sheet is mainly based on Goffmans model of woma n stereotypes, Pingree et als (1976) scale of sexism, and Henleys (1977) chart of human body language. The coding shee t helped facilitate the analysis of the photos by systematically making notes of the signs in the images. When representing the result of the analysis, Goffmans (1979) woman stereotype model, Dyers (1982) guideline for analyzing images, Archer et al .s (1983) face-ism index and Pingrees scale of sexism are applied as the guid elines in the study. In addition, I also looked at the captions of the photo because it can help the research er to read the preferred images in the photos. Using Goffmans (1979) model, the study l ooks at the photos and s ee if Hillary Clinton is portrayed in traditional female roles in th e pictures by focusing on the relative size, the feminine touch, function ranking, th e ritualization of subordination and the licensed withdrawal
50 in the pictures (Goffman, 1979). Fo r relative size, I looked at if H illary Clinton was portrayed in sitting or lying down position while the men in th e photos are in standing position so they appear to be towering over Clinton (Goffman, 1979). In rega rds to feminine touch, I looked at if Hillary Clinton was portrayed touching an object, caressing an object, or tracing the outline of it. As to ritualization of subordina tion, I looked at if Hill ary Clinton was portrayed as standing straight and holding her head high, which are symbols of superiority, disdain and not being ashamed, or if she was portrayed in canti ng position that conveys accepta nce of subordination, expression of ingratiation, submissiveness and appeasement (Goffman, 1979, p.46). I also looked at if she was portrayed with a smile that shows her as su bmissive and inferior to others (Goffman, 1979). In addition, to examine if Hillary Clinton was de picted in licensed withdrawal stereotypes, I looked at if Hillary Clinton was shown with her putting her hand or fingers near her mouth, eyes looking off, or with laughter that shows her as anxious and submissive (Goffman, 1979). Dyer (1982) provided a guideline of looking at the princi ple non-verbal means by which people communicate (p. 97). She divided the m eans into appearance, manner and activity. According to Dyer (1982), when looking at appe arance, one looks at the age, gender (portrayed in conventional gender roles?), race hair (female hair is often used to imply seductive beauty or narcissism. It is used as a sign of love or se lf-admiration), body (whole body or part of the body shown?), size (relative size suggests social status), a nd looks (innocent, focused). Regarding manner, one looks at the e xpression (emotion and mood), eye contact (submissive, coy, confrontational), pose (standing straight, tilte d...), and clothes. In terms of activities, one judges by looking at the touch, bod y movement (active or passive), and positional communication (e.g. special arrangement of the figure) (Dyer,1982). Besides these three means
51 that one can look for when anal yzing photographic images, props (i s the object a symbol of a concept) and settings (normal, unusual) were used (Dyer, 1982). Dyer (1982) further suggested looking at camer a strategies to analyze the image. Looking at the focus and depth of vision in a photo can help researchers fi nd out what is emphasized what is deemphasized in the image. Close-up is a techni que to show the person in his or her appealing details and give them a larger-than-life appearance At the same time, close-up is used to suggest intimacy (Parry-Giles, 2000); it sometimes pers uades us that we know the person (Jamieson, 1995). Finally, people are unaware of the camera a ngle if the person is shot from an eye line angle. But when a person is not shot from an eye-line angle, the picture can be dramatic and provide different connot ations (Dyer, 1982). As pointed out in Goodmans (1997) study, look ing at the proportion of face and body in the photos is another way to look at the presenta tion of women by the media. In terms of gender difference in media, researchers look at the facial prominence in a photo (Archer et al., 1983). The head and the face are the cores of a persons mental life. They are associated with brain, intellectuality and identity (Archer et al., 1983) The face represents th e persons whole being, and it tells about the persons essential hum anity (Kuhn, 1985). Therefore, looking at the proportion of face and body in a photo helps research ers to decide if the persons intellectuality, identity, character in the photo was being d eemphasized or emphasized. The media depict women and men differently in terms of their facial prominence (Archer et al., 1983). Studies show that facial prominence is constantly found higher in pictures of men than those of women (Archer et al. 1983). Archer et al. (1983) conduc ted an experiment by recruiting 80 university undergraduates, 40 women and 40 men, and asking them to draw a woman and then a man. The results show that both male and female particip ants made the drawings in which the mans face
52 was prominent and the womans was not (p.730). Archer et al. (1983) concluded that mens face/intellect is more emphasized then womens. In addition, space is a sign to look at in terms of visual presentation (Henley, 1977). Personal space is affected by dominance, in the amount of space accorded another person. People with higher social status have more personal space than people with lower status. As stated by Henley (1977), women in general have control over less territory than men do. In addition, womens space is more often violated than mens. Therefore, it refers to the fact that women are usually viewed as more subordinate and submi ssive than men are. People with lower social status yield space to the dominant. Besides space, I also look at the colors to look for symbols in the photos. According to Sharpe (1974), different colors are associated with different em otions, ideas, and objects. Red symbolizes love, passion or ange r; White indicates purity, innocen t, holiness, and cleanliness; Blue is associated with dignity, poise, and reserve; Green represents nature, calm and security; Black suggests mystery and evil (p.55, 91-92). Finally, I studied the photos using the scale of sexism (Pingree et al., 1976). According to the scale, women presentation in the media from limited to stereotypes to free from stereotypes can be divided into five levels (Pingree et al., 1976). In level one, women are portrayed as twodimensional, merely for decoration. In this le vel women are described as the dumb blond or the sex object. Level two women are depicted as invo lved in traditional female activities. In this level, women are shown as wives, mothers, secr etaries, teachers and nurses. They are shown as mainly stay at home or in womanly occupati on. Level three represents women having two places in the office and at home. Although in th is level women can have a career, their first priority is housework and mothering. In leve l four, it is acknowledged that women and men
53 should be equal. In this level, women can be professionals without bei ng asked to put housework as their higher priority. In level five, women are totally fr ee from stereotyping in the media depiction. The assertion women and men should be equal is not necessary in level five because in this level, individual s are not judged by their se x (Pingree et al., 1975). This scale is used to determine if her photos are portraying her in a traditional (i.e., stereotypically female), nontraditional, or mixed manner and assumes that nontraditional portrayals are more neutral or less gender-biased.
54 CHAPTER 4 RESULTS This section presents the sem iotic analys is of the photos of Hillary Clinton in Newsweek magazine in her three political career stages ba sed on the codes stated in the method chapter. This chapter is divided into four sections th at discuss respectively her photos in 1992 and in 1996 when she was a First Lady, in 2000 as a Senate ca ndidate and in 2007 as a presidential candidate in the Democratic Party primaries. First Lady Hillary Clinton, 1992 In the issues of Newswe ek magazine from Aug. 3, 1992 to Nov. 30, 1992, there were 16 photographs of Hillary Clinton, the wife of then presidential candidate Bill Clinton. After analyzing the photographs, I found all of the photograp hs characterized her in traditionally feminine roles. Furthermore, she was shown with her husband in eight photos, in headshots in four photos, shown with Chelsea in one photo and with Barbara Bush in one photo. The following are selected photographs that exemplify the full range of traditional representations of Hillary Clinton. St. Louis Rally: Aug. 3, 1992, p. 27 One exam ple of the traditional portrayal of Hillary Clinton as a wife was in the Aug. 3, 1992, issue (Figure B-1). The one-third-page pict ure shows Bill and Hill ary Clinton standing on an outdoor stage with supporters behind them. The title and the caption of the photo read: Stateof-the-Art Symbols: The Clintons end their tour in St. Louis. In the half-length body shot, Bill Clinton was wa ving at people in front of him with his other hand holding Hillary Clintons hand. Hillary Clinton, on the other hand, was smiling with her one hand holding Bill Clinton and the othe r touching the edge of her sunglasses.
55 Hillary Clintons body language in the photo connotes submission and subordination. The picture shows Hillary Clinton behind Bill Clinto n with both of them moving toward a pointed direction. Given that Bill Clinton is holding Hi llary Clinton and Hillary Clinton was behind him, Hillary Clinton was being led and guided. In ot her words, she is depicted as passive and dependent in the picture. The outfit of Clinton reinforces the stereotypes of women in visual presentation. The headband she wears is normally a ssociated with young girls. It can be read as a symbol of being childish and dependent. The one-p iece dress is white, which connot es purity, innocence, and is associated with a wedding dress, again reinforcing her role as a wife in the picture. Furthermore, the fact that white clothing gets dirty easily and dresses and acce ssories constrain a person from walking fast or moving in big motions add to Hi llary Clintons portrayal as decorative rather than functional. In addition, the belt on the dres s shows her thin waist and the curve of her body, which highlights her sexuality a nd physical attractiveness. Regarding her sunglasses, apart from the fact th at they are used to cover ones eyes from the sun, sunglasses are also used as a means to hi de ones true identity (Barthes, 1957). In this context, it is read as she is hiding her true nature to the publ ic by wearing the sunglasses. As Beasley (2005) has pointed out, while Clinton firs t maintained her maiden name and wore pants like a professional woman, voters criticized her for using the maiden name and her bookish appearance. Therefore, she adopted her husband s name and changed her outfit to be more feminine to please the voters. Ther efore, it is assumed that Clin ton wears the feminine outfit and acts like a submissive wife to please the voters, bu t she is actually disguisi ng her true nature from the public. From the literature that discusses her, one assumes that her true nature is that of a capable and strong professional woma n (Jamieson, 1995; Beasley, 2005).
56 In addition, Hillary Clinton wa s shown touching her sunglasses. Because women are often pictured using their finger to trac e the outline of an object or ju st to touch while men are shown with functional touches (Goffman, 1979), this to uch also emphasizes her as traditional. While Bill Clinton is waving to his s upporters, Hillary Clinton is not interacting with others but touching her sunglasses; th erefore, this feminine touch reinfor ces her role as a decoration in the photo. Hillary and I Have Talked This Through: Nov./Dec., 1992, p. 27 This photo found in the Nov./Dec., 1992, special election issu es again shows Hillary Clinton as a traditional submissive wife (Figur e B-2). The half-length body photo shows Bill and Hillary Clinton in a natural setting with Bill Cl inton leaning against a tree and the Clintons smiling and holding each other. Only part of Hill ary Clintons profile is seen but most of Bill Clintons face and all his facial features are visible. The caption of the photos read Hillary and I have talked this through. Because the photo was taken in a natural set ting: the tree and the outdoor background along with the color of their clothes show the couple as youthful and genuine, their juxtaposition with the tree and nature may imply th at their intimate relationship and power dynamic is natural. However, the signs found in the photos se em to tell a totally different story. Although both Bill and Hilla ry Clinton are holding each other, Hillary Clinton is depicted as more affectionate than Bill Clinton from the signs in the photo. Bill Clinton is holding Hillary Clinton with one arm around her shoulders (a po wer position) and his other arm is casually placed in his pocket like a GQ model, while only one arm of Hilla ry Clinton is seen in the photo, it is assumed that she is using both hands to embrace Bill Clinton. Furthermore, Bill Clinton is leaning against the tree and appears to be relaxe d. Hillary Clinton is leaning against Bill Clinton and burying her face in his chest. The body langu age of Bill Clinton hol ding Hillary Clinton
57 close to him and Hillary Clinton hiding in his ches t shows her as being protected and helpless. It is typical of a parent-child photo in which one seeks refuge and comfort in the arms of ones protector. The visual representation of Bill Clin ton leaning against the tree and Hillary Clinton slanting against Bill Clinton supports the image of Hillary Clinton as more affectionate and needy in the relationship than Bill Clinton. In addition to the body language, Hillary Cl intons facial expr ession also connotes submissiveness. While Bill Clinton is smiling and looking down in the picture, which might be argued as being submissive, Hillary Clinton is smiling more expansively with her eyes totally closed. The comparatively more expansive smile can be read as Hillary Clinton taking more pleasure in an intimate relation with Bill Clinton th an Bill Clinton does with her, and the closed eyes, which shows her as unaware of the things happening around her, can be read as she is mentally removed from the environment. These as well support the asser tion above that Hillary Clinton is portrayed as more loving, affectionate and emotionally dependent. Because of Hillary Clintons body language and facial expression in this picture, this picture is depicting her as submissive, subordinate and dependent. The relative size of the Clintons in the photo reinforces the st ereotyped portrayal of Hillary Clinton too (Goffman, 1979). It is known that Bill Clinton is a lo t taller and bigger than Hillary Clinton. However, in the photo, Hillary Clinton s smallness is being emphasized by the camera angle. Hillary Clintons body is shown at the si de and Bill Clintons body is almost facing the camera. In other words, Bill Clinton is photogr aphed with almost whole body facing us while Hillary Clinton is shown with only half her body to the camera. Therefore, Bill Clinton looks a lot bigger and Hillary smaller in the photos than they actually are. This relative size difference
58 suggests that Bill Clinton has a higher social stat us and holds more power than Hillary Clinton. It also implies Bill Clinton is strong while Hillary Clinton is weak and small. While the caption reads Hillary and I have ta lked this through, which might imply that they make decisions together, the picture port rayed Hillary Clinton as a submissive wife. Furthermore, the caption implies Bill Clinton make s decisions with his wife in combination with the photo that depicts Hillary C linton as submissive and obedient send contradictory messages, a pattern found in other ph otos in the magazine. Cast a Spell: Nov. 16, 1992, p. 35 Another exa mple of Hillary Clinton portrayed in a traditional feminine role is from the Nov. 16, 1992, issue (Figure B-3). In this one-eight h page, close-up picture, Bill Clinton is kissing Hillary Clinton on her cheek with his ey es closed and Hillary Clinton was smiling and looking away to the right lower corner. In this photo, Bill Clintons profile is partly shown, but Hillary Clintons face and all of her facial features are seen. The caption of the picture reads Casting a spell: With Hillary last week. From the facial expressions and the body language of Hillary Clinton, she connotes submission, subordination and obedience. In the p hoto, Bill Clinton grabs Hillary Clinton on her shoulder and kisses her with his h ead tilted toward Hillary Clint on while Hillary Clintons head is tilted away from him as she feels uncomfortable to be kissed in front of the camera. The claim of Hillary Clinton being submissive and obe dient in the photo therefore is built on the assumption that although Hillary Clinton feel s surprised and embarrassed when Bill Clinton charms her with a kiss in public, she nevertheless smiles in order to supp ort Bill Clinton as a loving wife. Furthermore, Hillary Clinton is looking away fr om Bill Clinton and the camera with a stiff smile. Her averted eyes are signs of being submi ssive and shy, and the open mouth is read as
59 being surprised or embarrassed in this particular photo (Goffman, 1979). Although the smile can be argued as a sign of being pleased or amused, with her wide-open and averted eyes in this photo, she looks more surprised and embarrassed than happy or amused. The caption Casting a spell agai n contrasts with the connotati on of the photo. First of all, the term casting a spell means doing magic a nd charming somebody, but in the photo Hillary Clinton neither appears to be fascinated, mesmer ized, or charmed by Bill Clintons spell. Instead, her wide-open and averted eyes show her as thinking about something else. Second, while Hillary Clintons face is completely shown in the photo compar ed to the partia l profile of Bill Clinton, the caption that reads W ith Hillary last week implies Bill Clinton is the main actor portrayed in the photo. Therefore, in the photo, B ill Clinton is shown as dominant while Hillary Clinton is shown to be passive. Another possible reading of the photo is that she is casting the spell over Bill Clinton rather than the other way around. Women historically are cast as witches (Jamieson, 1995). The black robe makes her look like a witch or sorc erer. However, she looks oddly frozen and transfixed by the kiss. Thus it can be read as although she might be a powerful witch, Bill Clintons kiss still over powers her sorcery. Hillary was Better in Strate gy-making: Nov./Dec., 1992, p. 38 One of the photos that sh ow Hillary Clint on campaigning alone for her husband was found in the Nov./Dec., 1992, special elect ion issue (Figure B-4). In th is about one-eighth page photo, Hillary Clinton is shown from above knees. She is shown bending over shaking hands with supporters. Besides Clinton and th e crowd, there is a s ecurity guard standing by Clinton in the photo. The caption of the photo reads Hillary was better on strategy-making than gladhanding.
60 Because of Hillary Clint ons facial-expressions and body language, she connotes submissiveness and subordination in the photo. C linton is smiling with her mouth wide open; smile is a sign of submissiveness (Goffman, 197 9). Besides, she is bending down toward the crowd. Bending ones body is a sign of being subm issive and showing subordination; while men are often shot standing straight, women are more frequently shown in canting or bending knees positions (Goffman, 1979). The presence of the security guard accentuates her femininity. Clinton is standing in an off-balanced position, t hus is more susceptible to falling. The security guard is standing next to Clinton to protect her. Therefore, Clint on is portrayed as dependent and in need of a protector. Although the supporters are also smiling in the photo, Clintons smile is obviously more exaggerative and fake. The multiple colors on the scarf she wears are associated with a peacock or a clown, which characterize her as funny or showy. Besides her outfit, the makeup and the lighting of the photo both reinforce her clown-lik e image. The bright red lipstick makes her mouth look bigger than usual. The strong spotlight that hits right on her makes her face look very white and thus builds a strong contrast between th e white face and the red lips. Therefore, the combination of her big red mouth, awfully white face and multi-colored scarf makes her look showy, funny, entertaining, and ridiculous. The caption suggests that Clinton is good at planning the campaign but not good at interacting with the constituents. While strategy-mak ing is considered an executive role that is male-dominated, glad-handing is thought to be a skill that women can do better than men. The caption thus implies that although Hillary Clinton is smart and cap able at strategy-making like a man, she is not personable, warm and approachab le like a woman. This implication sustains the
61 idea of Jamiesons (1995) femininity/competence double binds, which poi nts out that when a woman is too competent, she risks to be called as a lesbian or a man. The Soul of an Activist, Nov. 16, 1992, p.42 The only photo that shows both Hillary Clin ton and Chelsea Clinton is found in the Nov. 16, 1992, issue (Figure B-5). In this one-eighth pa ge color photo, Hillary Clinton is cutting cake for the children in a day-care center and Chelsea is standing next to Hillary helping her. The title and the caption of the photo read The soul of an activist: Celebrat ing her birthday at a day-care center in North Carolina. Because of the nonverbal cues, Hillary Clinton is shown as traditiona l in the photo. In the photo, Hillary Clinton is shown bending over putting a cake on a pl ate. Besides, she is shown with her mouth open and her head slightly ti lted. Bending ones body down, tilting ones head and keeping mouth open are all signs of su bmissiveness (Goffman, 1979). Besides, the combination of Hillary Clinton being with her da ughter and taking care of the children further reinforces her mother image in the photo. The caption that reads the soul of an activist seems to imply that Hillary Clinton is an advocate; however, she is shown cutting cake and taking care of children, which are things that traditional homemakers do. Therefore, the caption is contradictory to Hill ary Clintons image in the photo. First Lady Incumbent, 1996 In the issues of Newswe ek magazine from Aug. 12, 1996, to Nov. 18, 1996, there were 21 photographs of then First Lady H illary Clinton. She was shown as traditional in 15 photos, inbetween in five photos, and nontraditional in one photo. On the other hands, she was shown with Bill Clinton in four photos, with Chelsea in three photos,and with both Bill and Chelsea Clinton in four photos. In other words, Hillary Clinton was shown as eith er a mother or a wife in 11
62 photos. The following are selected photographs that exemplify the characteristic of Hillary Clintons semiotic repres entation when she was a First Lady incumbent in 1996. Chicago Hopes: Sep. 9, 1996, p. 30 One exam ple photo that still presents her as a traditional feminine housewife is in the Sep. 9, 1996, issue (Figure B-6). The title and the cap tion of the photo read Chicago hopes: In the hall, the convention was a packaged family a ffair. Hillary and Tipper were the boomer moms, raising kids like Chelsea; Chri stopher Reeve argued for compassion. Meanwhile, liberals like Jackson kept the faith amid the stampede to the center. The half-body length photo show s Hillary Clinton standing on the stage between Tipper Gore and another woman applauding and Bill a nd Chelsea Clinton are behind her facing another direction. Besides the main actors, Al Gore is at the edge of the photo with half of his face shown and other people are shown in the background applauding. Because of the visual cues of Hillary Clinton, she connotes submission, subordination, passiveness and obedience by her overly expansive smile, slightly tilted head, open mouth, and her half-closed eyes (Goffman, 1979). Although the three women seem to be the main actors in the photo and both Bill Clinton and Al Gores profiles are not shown completely, the three women, especially Hillary Clinton, are still portrayed as supporters for their husbands. Hillary Clinton is portrayed as a wife and a supporter of Bill Clinton in the photo She is applauding and boosting her husband. Besides the facial expressions and the body language, the pink dress is read as a sign of femininity and childish becau se soft pink is associated with baby girls. Therefore, the pastel colors the women are we aring further emphasize the womens softness. In the photo, the colors red and blue of the paper co nfetti, the flag, and the sign convey patriotism. The juxtaposition of the two makes it seem that being super feminine and traditional is being patriotic.
63 The photo reminds me of the movie The Stepfo rd Wives, which is a story about perfect wives that are completely traditional, subservient wives. Because of the stiff smile, the light pink dress, the unnatural position of arms and the tilt ed head of Hillary Clinton, she somehow looks like a robot than a real person. Her unfocuse d eyes imply that her brain is empty and dysfunctional; in other words, she is depicted as not thinking, totally conformed to the perfect wife idea, and merely a decorati on and a booster as in the movie. The caption that calls her a boomer mom emphasi zes her role as a mother. Besides, it mentions the traditional family image of the Clintons. One can assume that in the campaign, the Clintons try to convey the idea that they support the traditional family values. The caption that mentions hope suggests that the traditional fam ily image that the Clintons present is positive and helpful to their campaign. The paper confetti in the background of the photo sets a festive and celebratory mood, which corresponds to the ca ption that implies the Clintons, who maintain traditional family values, are the hope of America. Big Themes, Cold Cash: Sep. 2, 1996, p.24 Another photo that portrays Hillary Clinton as traditi onal is found in the Sep. 2, 1996, issue (F igure B-7). In this black-and-white photo, Hillary Clinton is shown with Chelsea Clinton from above chest. Chelsea appears to be talking to somebody in front of her, and Hillary Clinton is standing next to Chelsea smiling. The title and the caption of the phot o reads Big themes, cold cash: Still deeply protective of Chelsea, Mr s. Clinton is finding a home on the fund-raising circuit. In the photo, Hillary is standing slightly behind Chelsea. While Chelsea seems to be interacting with the woman in front of her, H illary seems to be looking at both Chelsea and the woman. Compared to Chelsea who talks and interacts with the other pers on in the photo, Hillary is characterized as more passive and subordinate in the photo.
64 Because Hillarys eyes are shown as looking to he r right, it looks at she is watching out for her daughter. Therefore, H illary is shown in traditional mother role in the photo. From Hillarys slanted eyes, one can assume that she is worried or concerned of something. Furthermore, the caption mentions that she is protec tive of Chelsea, thus it is ar gued that the photo portrays her as a mother who worries about her daughters safety. Charm Offensive: Oct. 7, 1996, p.38 One picture that dep icted Hillary Clinton as in between is found in the Oct. 7, 1996, issue (Figure B-8). In this black-and-white picture, th e Clintons are sitting in a tour bus and Hillary Clinton is looking down holding a paper cup while B ill Clinton seems to be talking to the press with his hands waving or gesturing. Hillary Clin ton looks tired and bored, but Bill Clinton is talking energetically. There is a sizable distance between Hillar y and Bill Clinton in the photo. From the nonverbal cues of Hillary Clint on, one can tell that she connotes submission, passiveness, and obedience by her lowered ey es, tilted head, and her hands on her face (Goffman, 1979). However, from he r facial expressions, it can be ar gued that she is portrayed as less submissive and obedient than in other photos. First, Hillary Clinton is looking down instead of looking at Bill Clinton when he is talking. Wo man portrayed in stereotypes are portrayed as supportive and affectionate to their husband, but H illary Clinton doesnt set her eyes or put her focus on her husband in the photo. Second, her mouth is closed tight and she is not smiling. Even though the caption reads Charm offensive: Bill Clin ton, from the grim face of Hillary Clinton, it is arguable that she is not charmed by her hus band. Third, Hillary Clint on is resting her face on her hand. This particular body language implies the actor of the motion is tired and impatient. The caption indicates that the Clintons are tryi ng to win through their charm. Compared to their competitors at that time, the Clintons were the younger and more charming couples.
65 However, it appears in the photo that only Bill Clinton is charming, and Hillary Clinton just looks tired. Wounded and Wary: Nov. 11, 1996, p. 21 This photo that pres ents Hillary Clinton in a mixture of trad itional and nontraditional role is found in the Nov. 18, 1996, issue (Figure B-9). In this one-eighth page, close-up, side view photo, Hillary Clinton is portrayed alone smiling w ith her eyes half-closed. The title and the caption read Wounded and Wary: To change her im age, shell have to let the public see her human side. Some of the visual cues of the photo connote her superiority and masculinity. In the photo, Hillary Clintons chin is around 45 degrees tilted up, which is a si gn of superiority, disdain and not being ashamed (Goffman, 1979). Besides, she looks snobbish and arrogant with her eyes looking down. In addition to the facial expressio n, the high index of face-ism also supports her non-feminine characterization (Arc her et al., 1983). The 0.8 face-i sm scale is relatively high compare to other photos of Hillary Clinton. High face-ism index emphasizes her wit and ambitions (Archer et al., 1983), which are tra its normally used to depict men than women. Besides, the arrogant facial expression of H illary Clinton corresponds to the caption that points out her not showing her human side. On the other hand, other signs found in the pho tos show Hillary Clinton in a feminine light. First, she is smiling in the photo. Because a smile is a sign of appeasement, submission and subordination, it softens her arrogant image in the photo. In addition, the soft green suit with the flower decoration and the pearl necklace, which ca n be interpreted as attempts to soften her image, all highlight her femininity in the photo.
66 Because of the close-up camera technique, Hillar y Clintons feminine features such as the sensual lips, long eyelashes and long neck are emphasized in th e photo. These imply her physical attractiveness and sexuality, therefore characterizing her as feminine (Goodman, 1997). The caption of the photo that indi cates that she didnt show her human side to the public suggests that she is mean and merciless. The close-up camera technique is sometimes used to suggest the intimacy between the reader and th e person being portrayed (Parry-Giles, 200), and thus persuades the readers that they know the person in the photo. In this case, the close-up technique is used to persuade th e readers to believe that Hillary Clinton is a person who is mean and not personable. The Scent of Scandal: Nov. 18, 1996, p.70 One photo that portrays Hillary Clinton w ith Bill Clinton is found in the Nov. 18, 1996, issue (Figure B-10). In this full page, black-and-wh ite photo, Bill Clinton is kissing Hillarys hair with his right arm surrounding Hillarys neck. Hilla ry Clinton is shown smiling. The title and the caption of the photo read The s cent of scandal: How the White House shored up its defenses against a sea of troubles and managed to blunt the GOP candidates re -emergence as Citizen Dole. Hillary Clinton is char acterized as in-between in the phot o. Compared to other photos that portray her in a bending over or canting position, sh e is standing nearly straight with her chin slightly tilted up in the photo. Her outfit is more casual than those in the other photos. She wears pants and wears less pieces of jewelry than norma l. However, other signs found in the photo still characterize her as feminine. First, she is show n as passive in the photo. Because Bill Clinton is kissing her, he is dominant in the photo. Besides, Hillary Clintons smile is a sign of submissive and appeasement, which are traditional female traits (Goffman, 1979).
67 While Hillary Clinton was often photographed with Bill Clinton in the photos found in 1992, there were fewer photos that showed them together in 1996. This photo creates a happy couple image by showing their interaction and body language; however, the title and the caption that mention scandal and trouble seemed to suggest that the happiness and the intimacy between the two are not genuine. Lessons Learned: Oct. 7, 1996, p. 43 The only on e photo that can be argued as describing Hillary Clinton as a professional/career woman, in other words a nont raditional woman, is found in the Oct. 7, 1996, issue (Figure B-11). In this sm all, nearly headshot photo, Hillar y Clinton, in a black suit, is looking off in the distance and seems to be thinking about something with her two fingers on her chin (near her lower lips) and her mouth frow ning. The title and the caption read Lessons learned: Despite health care the First Lady understands the virtues of small programs. It can be argued that she is portrayed as nontraditional in some aspects of the photo. Instead of smiling as she does in most photos, her lips are closed and she looks to be seriously thinking. The golden buttons and the gold crest on her black suit are associated with the military, which is associated with power and control. The flag behind her, which indicates patriotism, freedom and independence (Barthes, 1957; Sharpe, 1974), makes the readers relate the actor in the photo with government office. She looks very official and American. In addition, the 0.5 face-ism index is relatively high compared to ot her photos of Clinton. Higher facial indexes connote intelligence, wit and ambition, which are ma sculine traits in the media (Archer et al., 1983). This high index of face-ism suppor ts her nontraditional characterization. However, although she is portrayed as less trad itional in this photo, one feminine trait is found in this photo. Hillary Clinton puts her fingers under her lower lips on her chin. Putting fingers on the mouth is an attenuation of su cking or biting the finger (Goffman, 1979). It
68 indicates anxiety and meditation, which are charact eristics of feminine stereotypes (Goffman, 1979). Although Hillary Clinton is portrayed more pow erful and nontraditional in this photo, she nevertheless is being portrayed negatively. In the picture, Hi llary Clinton looks troubled and confused with her contemplative and serious faci al expression. It goes with the title, lesson learned, And the caption implying that Clinton didnt und erstand the virtues of small programs. It is implied that Hillary Clin ton is like a child who does things wrong and puts herself into trouble, which certainly isnt a powerful message Therefore, although it seems like Hillary Clinton is portrayed less as weak and incapable, she actually is bei ng blamed as not being able to run bigger programs such as health care refo rm and to play an executive role. The caption moreover does not ca ll Hillary Clinton by her name; instead, it calls her the First Lady, which conflicts with the image of Hillary Clinton in the photo as an executive. The First Lady title in the caption generates a di scourse of the awkwardness and the ridiculousness of Hillary Clinton, a First Lady, a woman, trying to do something (i n here, in charge of health care program) that only man can excel. The black color suit further supports this idea. Black is related to evil and death (Sharpe, 1974). In applying this significati on to Clinton, she could be viewed as evil because she doesnt conform to the image of a traditional First Lady. Senate Candidate, 2000 In the photos of Newswe ek magazine, there were eight pho tos of then Senate candidate Hillary Clinton. In this stage of her political life, she is portrayed less in stereotypes and less traditional compared to when she was a First Lady. Hillary Clinton is shown as traditional in two photos and in-between in six photos. However, ther e are still more pictures showing her with her husband or child. She is with Bill Clinton in three photos, with Chelsea Clinton in one photo,
69 with both Bill and Chelsea in one photo, with her opponent in two photos, and alone in one photo. The following are the selected photos that exemplify the charac teristics of Hillary Clintons semiotics represen tation when she was a Senate candidate back in 2000. Syracuse N.Y.: Nov. 20, 2000, p.81 One of the photos that depict Hillary Clinton in a traditiona l role is found in the Nov. 20, 2000 issue (Figure B-12). This black-and-white picture shows Hillary and Bill Clinton sitting on the counter of an outdoor vender with a large, rough-looking, male biker with tattoos standing next to them, and a crowd of working-class peop le behind them. In the picture, Bill Clinton is holding some food and talking to the women behi nd him; Hillary Clinton is laughing and looking away with her hand on Bill Clint ons upper thigh. Both of the Clintons have biker-style scarves on their necks. The title and the caption read Her turn: Bill C linton joins Hillary Clinton in Syracuse, N.Y. The president plunged in with notes and phone calls. This is a relationship that thrives on distance, said the aide. Because of her facial expression and body langu age, she is depicted as traditional. Her eyes are averted, which implies submissiveness. Her open mouth reflects submissiveness or amusement (Goffman, 1979). Putting her hand on B ill Clintons leg can be explained as a sign of affection, dependency, which reflects her traditional wife role. Compared to Bill Clinton, who is holding food and slanting his body backwards talking to the women, Hillary Clintons body language indicates her insecurity or nervousness. In the photo, Hillary Clinton is holding a cup on the counter and placing the other hand on Bill Clintons leg with her body sl anting slightly forward. It seems like Hillary Clinton is uncomfortable with where she sits. Additionally, H illary Clinton is leaning into Bill Clinton and away from the bikers, which reinforce her timid ity and femininity. Bill Clinton seems to be looking back and talking to the people at the ba ck, and the women behind the counter appear to
70 be paying more attention to B ill than to Hillary Clinton. More over, Hillary Clinton is not interacting with anyone expect Bi ll Clinton, which indicates that sh e is not comfortable with the situation. Her body language here can be read as a sign of her not being capable to fit into different circumstances and not as competent as B ill Clinton. Her lack of interaction with others furthermore, makes her looks disdainful and unfri endly. In this photo, then, Hillary Clinton is not just shown as traditional but also nega tive and less likable than Bill Clinton. Moreover, Hillary Clinton wear s a white or very light colored suit. White is associated with purity and innocence, traits traditionally seen as feminine. Her clothing color along with her higher elevation makes her look like a goddess on a pedestal and superi or to the people. Finally, the caption that says her turn suggests that Hillary Clinton is in the lead role in the relationship and Bill Clinton is the supporter. However, it is inc onsistent with th e signs in the photo. The remainder of the caption that reads the relationship thrives on distance is indicating that the relationship between the co uple is rocky, possibly due to her turn in the lead role. Fascinated by all Things American: Nov. 27, 2000, p. 51 In this photo from the Nov. 27, 2000, issue, she is portrayed as feminine and decorative (Figure B-13). The color photo shows Hillary and Chelsea from above bust. Both of them are wearing Vietnamese traditional hats smiling with their mouth slightly open. The title and the caption reads Fascinated by a ll things American: A Vietna mese honor guard greets the president in Hanoi. In a village, Senator-elect Hillary and daughter Ch elsea try on traditional hats. At that time, while Hillary Clinton was alr eady elected as a Senator, from the facial expressions one can tell she is still shown in trad itional feminine traits. Her smile is friendly and submissive, and her open mouth can be explained as submissive. The jewelry and pink suit also reinforce the traditional feminine role of Hillary Clinton.
71 The background of the photo shows the roof of an Asian traditional building. The setting is rural and peaceful. If one only l ook at the picture without know ing about Hillary Clinton, one would not assume Clinton is to be a politician or even a career woman. The title that reads Fascinated by all things American is problematic. It denotes the power, wealth, attractiveness of Americans, but the picture shows Hillary and Chelsea Clinton looking happy in the traditional hats trying to please the Vietnamese. The President Will Help Boost Hi llarys War Chest: Sep. 11, 2000, p.6 This exam ple shows Hillary Clinton in an in-between role was found in the Sept. 11, 2000 issue (Figure B-14). In this one-eighth-page pho to, Hillary Clinton is photographed from above chest and from the side. Bill Clinton is standing behind Hillary Clinton and talking to her with his hands on her shoulder. The caption of the photo reads The president will help boost Hillarys war chest. In this photo, Hillary Clinton is looking straight ahead and slightly smiling with her mouth closed. Her short hair, slightly upturned chi n, and closed mouth are signs of masculinity (Goffman, 1979). Having ones head straight up is a symbol of superiority, disdain, and not being ashamed (Goffman, 1979). On the other hand, from the interaction of B ill and Hillary Clinton, one can tell that Bill Clinton is shown as dominant and Hillary Clinton as passive in the picture. Bill Clinton puts his hands on Hillary Clintons shoulder and back and ta lks to her, and Hillary Clinton looks off with her mouth closed. Bill Clinton thus is acting, and Hillary Clinton is passively listening to him. According to Berger (1972), in visual presenta tion men act, women appear (p. 47); it is a gender stereotype that man is the one shown as active and woman as negative. Furthermore, women are often shown as being protected by me n putting their arms or hands on the womens shoulders (Goffman, 1979); therefor e, its a symbol for submissi veness. Besides, Bill Clintons
72 arm posture and the way he talks to Hillary Clinton make it look like Bi ll Clinton is persuading Hillary Clinton into doing something. Therefore, he seems to be the one who has more influence than the other way around. Furthermore, although Hillary Clinton is clos er to the camera and occupies two-thirds of the photo while Bill Cl inton occupies only one-third of the photo, Bill Clinton is shown with almost his whole face whil e Hillary Clinton is shown with only half face (for she is show at the side), which reinforces his dominant role. The caption The president will help boost Hillarys war chest is further reinforcing her femininity. It is talking about how Bill Clinton will help her raise mone y, thereby suggesting Bill Clintons authority, strength and influence and Hillary Clintons dependence on her husband to be successful. Besides, the subject of the caption is Bill Clinton rather than Hillary Clinton further reinforcing her second-class status. Finger Pointing: Nov. 26, 2000, p. 96 This photo that portrays H illary Clinton as in-between is found in the Nov. 26, 2000, issue (Figure B-15). This around one-sixth-page, black-and-white photo shows Hillary Clinton and Rick Lazio in a TV senatorial debate. In the photo, Lazio steps away from the podium to finger point at Hillary Clinton, who turns to face him and stands in a defensive position. The title and the caption of the photo read Finger Pointi ng: Lazio overplayed his hands, but Bill Clinton thought Hillary had missed some chancesand told her so when he telephoned. Some signs in the photo characterize her as nontraditional. In th e photo, Clinton is not smiling, but responding to Lazio seriously. Her eyes were confrontational. Besides, her outfit and her hairstyle make her look like a professional woman. However, from other signs found in the photo, on e can tell that she is still portrayed in female stereotypes. First, Lazio is the one who takes action in the photo and Clinton merely responses to his action. Therefore, she is portrayed as passive wh ile Lazio is shown as dominant.
73 Second, Hillary Clinton is standing with her knee in a bending position. Standing with ones knee bent is a traditional fema le trait (Goffman, 1979). The way she stands with her knee bending and leaning forward helps her keep her balanc e; therefore is read as a defensive position. Furthermore, Lazio is talking toward Clinton w ith his finger pointing at her, thus he is in attacking position. On one hand, it looks like Clint on is calm and confiden t in the photo; on the other hand, she also looks like she is protecting herself from being pushed to the floor by Lazio. In addition, Lazio is walking toward where Clint on stands, which is an action of invading ones personal space. According to Henley (1977), women in general have control over less territory than men do, and womens space is more often vi olated than mens is. Besides, people with lower social status tend to yi eld space to people w ith higher social status (Henley, 1977). Therefore, Clinton is presented as having less control over her personal space and thus having lower social status than Lazio in the photo. The caption talks about Lazios action and how Bill Clinton thought about the debate, but it doesnt talk about Hillary Clin tons action or response to the s ituation. Besides, it points out that Bill Clinton advised Hillary Clinton and commented on her performance in the debate. Therefore, the caption further accentuates Hillary C lintons subordination and lack of power. Presidential Candidate of the Democratic Party, 2007 In the issues of Newswe ek magazine from Aug. 6, 2007 to Nov. 27, 2007, there were 31 photos of Clinton as presidential candidate for th e Democratic Party. In this stage of her political life, she is portrayed as less feminine and more powerful compared to when she was a First Lady or a Senator. Eleven photos por tray Hillary Clinton in nontradi tional role,16 photos portray her as in between, and only four portr ay her as totally feminine. Am ong the four photos that portray her as feminine, three photos were taken duri ng her terms as First Lady and only one photo was taken when she is a presidential primary candidate. She is portrayed less with her husband or her
74 child as well. She is shown alone in 11 photos, with Bill Clinton in three photos, with Barack Obama in three photos, and with John McCain in one photo. The follo wing are the selected photos that exemplify the characteristics of Hilla ry Clintons semiotics representation when she becomes a presidential candidate. Hillary Defends the Gift: Aug. 20, 2007, p.12 This traditio nal portrayal of Hillary Clinton is found in the Aug. 20, 2007, issue (Figure B16). The caption of the photo reads, Hillary defends the gift. In this half-body length photo, Hillary Clinton is shown alone from above hips. She is smiling, walking in a parking lot with sunglasses and sun visor on. She is wearing a white dress shirt with beige pants and beige sun visor and holding a yellow bag or purse. Although her outfit looks casual, she is wearing big showy diamond earrings. Because of the nonverbal cues of the photo, H illary Clinton connotes femininity. Her open mouth and smile connotes her as submissive a nd feminine (Goffman, 1979). The 0.2 face-ism index signifies the de-emphasis of the intelligence and the mental mind and the objectification of the actor (Archer et al., 1983). The outfit also signifies femininity. Although the white dress shirt and the khaki pants seem casual and masculine, her big diamond earrings emphasize her femininity and wealth at the same time. Besides, the shirt and the pants are fi tted, stressing Clintons curves and highlighting her femininity. From the casual outfit with ac cessories in same color tone, the big black sunglasses, and more importantly, her big diamond earrings, this photo looks more like a glamour shot than a photo in a newsmagazine. Because the sunglasses cover her eyes and th e eyes are the symbols of ones mind and thoughts, moreover, her wearing sunglasses can be seen as hiding her true personality. In this context, because of the caption Hillary defe nds the gifts, the photo could imply she is not
75 telling the truth about th e issue. The long stride of her walk, which is associated with her avoiding reporters questions about the gift, as well s upports the assertion. Overall, the combination of the outfit, th e sunglasses, the park ing lot background, her walking motion and the emphasis on her lower body, the layout of the photo is more like the ones of a fashion or living style magazine than the ones of the news magazine. Therefore, this photo creates an image of a celebrity rather than a presidential candidate. In other words, she is subjected to the traditional female rolesa mother, a wife and a woman who knows how to dress up. Beset on All Sides: Sep. 17, 2007, p.30, 31 This photo that portrays Hillary Clinton as traditional is found in the Sep. 17, 2007, issue (Figure B-17). In this black-and-white, around ha lf page photo, Hillary and Bill Clinton were holding hands walking toward front with anothe r couple walking with them. The title and the caption of the photo read Beset on all sides: Incidents from the Ar kansas days were used against her. From the caption, one can assume that the photo was taken when Bill Clinton was a governor of Arkansas. Because of the nonverbal cues of the photo, Hillary Clinton connotes submissiveness and subordination. In the photo, Bill Clinton is holdi ng Hillarys hand and walking. Bill Clinton is walking with his steps a little forward of Hillary Clintons. In this case, it appears like Bill Clinton is leading Hillary Clinton. Therefore, Hillary Clinton was shown as passive and following the lead of Bill Clinton in the phot o. In addition to her passive body language, her outfit reminds me of traditional mandarin gown, ch eongsam (qipao). The dress she wears covers her whole body including her nec k, and it is fitted especially ar ound the waist to show womens body curve. This kind of dress is similar to th e traditional Chinese ch eongsams, which are the fitted one-piece dresses worn by traditional Ch inese woman. Her perfect hairstyle, her
76 cheongsam-like dress, and her pa ssive body language thus create a submissive wife image of her in the photo. This traditional wife image of Hillary Clinton contradicts to the caption. The caption implies the Whitewater scandal has influenced her career life as a presidential candidate, but in the photo, Hillary Clinton looks happy because sh e is smiling. Because of the disagreement of the caption and the photo, Hillary Clinton was portrayed as dishonest in the photo. What has She Done: Aug. 13, 2007, p.36 One of the photos that portrays Hillary C linton as in-between is found in the Aug. 13, 2007, issue (Figure B-18). In this about one -fourth-page photo, Hillary Clinton is shown surrounded with gay supporters in photo-taking position. The title and the caption of the photo read But what has she done: Clinton at the New York City gay-pride parade in 2006. Clinton is wearing a black suit like a pr ofessional woman. Beside s, she is surrounding by a group of young or handsome male supporters, which accentuate her superiority and thus characterize her as powerful. However, other sign s in the photo characterize her in traditional female stereotypes. First, she is smiling e xpansively and bending her body over in the photo. Smile is a sign of femininity (Goffman, 1979). Although all the other people in the photo are smiling, Clinton appears to be the happiest. On the other hand, smile can also be a sign of being nervous or embarrassed (Goffman, 1979). In this photo, Clintons smile doesnt look as genuine as the other people, so it is assumed that she f eels uncomfortable and shy. Besides, bending ones body is also a sign of submissiveness (Goffman, 1979). Furthermore, while some other people are posing, taking pictures with their own cameras, or looking away, Clinton seems to be the one who is most aware of the camera. Therefore, sh e is shown passively resp onding to the camera. This photo looks like a party photo, thus Hilla ry Clintons power of a New York Senator seems to be taken away. In other words, Clinton is portrayed as a decoration instead of a Senator
77 who works for people in the photo. Besides, the ca ption that asks what she has done questions her ability as a Senator. Thus the caption agrees with the decorative, feminine and incapable image in the photo. Lobbying Effort: Sep. 17, 2007, p.36 One of the photos that portray Hillary Clint on as in-between is found in the Sept. 17, 2007 issue (F igure B-19). In this one-sixth-page, ne arly whole body length ph oto, Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama are sitting next to each other. The picture shows Obama talking and Clinton looking at him listening. The title and the caption read Lobbying effort: The battle between the top Dem contenders goes beyond voters. Because of the nonverbal cues of the photo, H illary Clinton is show n as in-between. Her closed mouth, black suit, and the absence of her jewelry build a nontraditional, feminist image of her. Because of the serious facial expressions and the clothing, she is portrayed as a professional woman. Furthermore, the caption adds to her nontraditio nal image using phrases such as battle and calling her a top contender. Both phrases are associated with strength, power, struggle, and belligerence, which are traditiona lly associated with the masculine. However, Hillary Clinton also appears to be performing a passive role from her body language. In contrast to Obama s talking and gesturing to the audience, Clinton is passively listening and giving full attenti on to him by placing her eyes on hi m. This interaction shows the domination of Obama and the passiveness of Clin ton. Compared to Obama, who is sitting still with his legs open, Clintons legs are closed. Putting legs together is a sign of femininity and submissiveness (Henley, 1977). It also presents her as yielding personal space to Obama (Henley, 1977). Her folded hands, tilted head and the tilted shoulders as well imply submission and subordination (Goffman, 1979). Although it is know n that Obama is taller and bigger than
78 Hillary Clinton, because of the positions of the two of th em (Obama gesturing with his arm opened and Clinton sitting in canting position, which shows a nearly side view of her), Clinton appears to be even smaller. The smallness of C linton reinforces the impr ession of her having less power, less authority and lower rank than Obama. Overall, these si gns of the photo portray her as a less viable candidate. Moreover, canting ones body signifies s ubmission and subordination, which is a traditional feminine motion (Goffman, 1979). But ge sturing with ones arms open implies talking over space, which indicates masculinity and power (Henley, 1977). Therefore, Clinton is characterized in a traditional feminine role in the photo, and Obama is shown as dominant and powerful. Bringing It: Nov. 12, 2007, p. 40 Another photo that shows Hillary Clinton with Barack Obama is found in the Nov. 12, 2007, issue (Figure B-20). In this photo, Clinton is shown from th e side. She turns her back to Obama and looks straight ahead. Obamas body is positioned in the other direction with his head turning toward her. Obama is shown talking and slightly smiling. The title and the caption of the photo read Bringing it: Obama has deci ded its time to go on the attack. This photo portrays Hillary Clinton as in-b etween. She is shown with her chin upturned, which is a sign of superiority and not being ashamed (Goffman, 1979). Besides, her short hair and black suit make her look like a professional woman. However, in the photo, Obama is shown as l ooking at Clinton and ta lking. Therefore, he is the main actor in the photo and Clinton is the passive responder. Furthermore, the caption suggests that Obama is attacki ng Clinton, thus implying to the readers that Obama is saying something to attack or challenge Clinton in the p hoto while Clinton pretends to not hear what he
79 says. The caption provides a versi on of the story in the photo that C linton is weak and not able to talk back on Obamas attack. On the other hand, Obama also appears to be checking out Clinton in the photo. Obama is smiling with his mouth open in a way that ma kes him look like he is talking or blowing a whistle. Because of their body language and facial expressions, it looks like Obama is checking Clinton out while she passes by and purposely ignores him. From the interaction between the two, it is implied that Obama is objectifying C linton like she is a sexual object. Therefore, Clinton is shown less powe rful than Obama. Together Through It All: Oct. 22, 2007, p.43 Another photo that presents Hillary Clinton as in-between is found in the Oct. 22, 2007, issue (F igure B-21). In this one-sixth-page, ha lf-body-length color phot o, Hillary Clinton is laughing and clapping her hands, and Bill Clinton is standing behind her with his hand in his pocket. The title and the caption of the photo reads Toge ther through it all: The Clintons at a New Hampshire campaign rally last month. Hillary Clinton is the main actor portrayed in the photo. She is portrayed in the photo with Bill Clinton standing behind her. It is not clear if Hillary Clinton is clapping or just gesturing, but from the wide opened arms, she connotes dominance and power (Henley, 1977). Also, compared to Bill Clinton, she appears to be interacting more with the audience or the cameramen; Bill Clinton seems to be the supporter of her. However, besides the two points mentione d above, other nonverbal cues connote submission and subordination of her. First, her open mouth and laughing are both signs of femininity and submission (Goffman, 1979). Second, compared to Bill Clinton, who looks calm and relaxed, Hillary Clinton is portrayed as more emotionally involved with whatever is
80 happening in the photo. Because women are more often portrayed as emotional and men more often rational, this photo reinfo rces gender stereotypes. Although the caption implies the close relationshi p with Bill and Hilla ry Clinton, in the photo, they are not interacting wi th each. Although both of them look delighted, Hillary Clinton appears to be laughing while Bill Clinton is only smiling. In addition, they are not looking at exactly the same direction. These two signs in dicate their difference and that they think differently or they are different in their pers onalities. Therefore, the caption contradicts the message of the photo. Member of the Club: Sep. 17, 2007, p.32, 33 This photo that portrays Hillary Clinton in between trad itio nal and non-traditional is found in the Sep. 17, 2007, issue (Figure B-22). In this half-page photo, Hillary Clinton is shot from above waist. Clinton is sitting on the chair a nd smiling with her eyes looking forward. John McCain is shown standing from the side. He app ears to be passing the ch air which Clinton sits on. He is putting his right hand on Hillary Clinto ns shoulder. The title and the caption of the photo reads Member of the Club: In congress, the Senator has reach ed across the aisle. From the nonverbal cues of the photo, Hillary Clinton is shown as in-between in the photo. Hillary Clinton is sitti ng on the chair with her chin upturned, which is a sign of superiority and not being ashamed (Goffman, 1979). Compared to McCain who keeps his head slightly down, Hillary Clinton looks more powerful and dominant. In addition, although Clinton appears to be a lot shorter than McCain because she is sitting on the chair, she actually looks bigger than McCain because of the camera angle. The size difference makes C linton look heavier and connotes higher social status than McCain (Goffman, 1979). On the other hand, while McCain looks more serious with his mout h closed, Clinton is smiling with her mouth open and her teeth shown (Appendix V). Smiling is a sign of submission
81 and subordination; therefore, the smile lessens her powerful image. Furthermore, because McCain is putting his hand on Clintons shoulder, Clinton is passive in the photo while McCain is active and dominant. From this interaction between the two, it shows McCain has more power over Clinton. However, given the caption mem ber of the club, one might read McCains gesture similarly to a king knigh ting a man. In other words, he is bestowing his blessing on her and welcoming her into the boys club th ereby reinforcing her new powerful role. What Kind of Decider Would She be: Sep. 17, 2007, cover page One of the photos that describe h er as nontraditional and powerful is in the Sep. 17, 2007, issue (Figure B-23). In this full-page, halfbody length color photo, Hillar y Clinton is in an outdoor setting. She is standing talking with her one hand raised up. The background of the photo is the blue sky with a white cloud. The ti tle of the photo reads What kind of decider would she be? Because of the visual cues in the photo, H illary Clinton is portrayed as a professional person or an advocator. The colors of the blue sky, white cloud and her red suit are also the colors in the United States flag, the presiden tial seal and other symbols of the country. Therefore, her juxtaposition with these colors symbolizes patriotism, power, and her being an integral part of the country. The color of her suit, red, is also a symbol of power (Barthes, 1957). The angle of the camera shot from the botto m makes Hillary Clinton look like she is looking down on others. In other words, she exudes superiority and not being ashamed (Goffman, 1979). In terms of her body language, in this photo Clinton is talking and reaching her arm out. According to Henley (1977), women are more of ten shown passive and having their arms close to the body and men are shown talking and reach ing out their arms. Therefore, this photo characterizes her as more active and dominant.
82 The caption seems to imply the opposite messa ge. The caption asks what kind of decider Clinton would be. Although it seems to be a ques tion, the answer is found in the signs of the photo. Clintons head is shown against the s ky in the clouds. The sky and the clouds are associated with daydreaming or high expectations Therefore, it is assume d that she would be a decider with unrealistic id eals and expectations. Under Cover: Oct. 29, 2007, p.37 Another pho to that portrays Hillary Clinton as nontraditional is found in the Oct. 29, 2007, issue (Figure B-24). In this one-third page, ha lf-body length color photo, H illary Clinton, who is in a dark suit, is placing her hand on her forehead as to block the sunlight while the background is totally black. The title and the caption of th e photo read Under cover: Its not likely that Clintons paper will be public be fore the election. The title of th e article reads Papers? I Dont See Any Papers. This photo is different than other photos that portray Hillary Clinton as nontraditional. In this photo, Hillary Clinton is portrayed as nontra ditional because she is standing up straight and not smiling (Goffman, 1979). However, she is show n as cold and evil too. In the photo, Hillary Clintons eyes are invisible because of the sh adow of the hand on her forehead, but from her mouth, one can tell she looks seri ous. Not showing the eyes indi cates not showing ones true nature, which corresponds to th e caption that points out she is hiding her record in the White House. Because light is a symbol of truth and righteousness, blocking the light indicates Clinton is not able to do what is right. Besides, the bl ack background as well indica tes that she is hiding in the dark. Additionally, the colo r black symbolizes evil and d eath, which fortifies the negative portrayal of Hilla ry Clinton.
83 The Once and Future Queen, Nov. 5, 2007, p.41 This photo that depicts Hillary Clinton in a nontraditional role is found in the Nov. 5, 2007, issue (Figure B-25). In this around one-tenth pa ge photo, Hillary Clinton is shown from above waist and from the side. The photo is placed on the left end of the page. On the right end of the page is a photo of Cate Blanchett in the movie Elizabeth Between the two photos is the title and the subtitle of the article that reads The Once and Future Queen: Elizabeths imperiled England is a lot like the American Clinton could well wind up leading. Because of the nonverbal cues, Hillary Clinton is portrayed as nontraditional in the photo. First, Clinton is shown with her mouth closed and slightly tilted dow n. Men are more often photographed with their mouth closed than women; therefore, mouth closed is opposite to the traditional female sign (Goffman, 1979). Second, Clinton is looking up with her chin slightly turned up in the photo. Tilting ones head or chin up is a ac tion of being not ashamed and superior, therefore is a sign of being powerful (Goffman, 1979). Besides her facial expressions and body la nguage, the background also supports her nontraditional and powerful image. First, next to Clinton is a United States flag, which symbolizes patriotism, government office, and pow er. In addition, she is wearing a jacket with the color red, which is associated with power. While Clinton is characterized as less tradit ional in this photo, she is portrayed in a negative light. In the ph oto, Clinton is looking to her upper right direction with her eyebrows furrowed and her lips tilted down. Because of the slanted eyes and grim facial expression, she looks displeased. The words queen and imperiled in the title in this c ontext both are negative words that convey the image of a strict and c ontrolling woman; theref ore, the title and the subtitle of the article suggest that Clinton might end up being as controlling as Queen Elizabeth and put the country in danger as wh at Queen Elizabeth did to England.
84 CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION In this study I investigated the following re search question: How did the media present Hillary Clinton with news photos during her three different polit ical career stagesas a First Lady, a Senator, and a Presidential candidate fo r the Democratic presidential nomination? In exploring the question, I looked at liber al feminist theory and the double binds for possible explanations of the resu lt of my analysis. Liberal feminist theory asserts that the disparity between men and women is the result of irrational prej udices, and the equality between both sexes can be achieved through education (Steeves, 1987). Double binds talk about how women are limited in their options because of th e premise that women cant be as competent and capable as men (Jamieson, 1995). According to Jamiesons (1995) double binds, there are five typical binds that block women on their way to power or hinder the power that women already gained. Among the five binds, I focused on the fe mininity/competency bind. In this double bind, women are trapped by the idea that they can be either competent or feminine, but not both (Jamieson, 1995). Besides the theories, I also l ooked at past literature that l ooks at Hillary Clintons media image during Bill Clintons administration. Past st udies show that Hillary Clinton has been a controversial First Lady because she didnt meet th e criteria of a traditional wife (Burden and Mughan, 1999; Scharrer, 2002). Other studies suggest that the media depicted Hillary Clinton in more negative ways than positive ways (Gardett o, 1997), especially when she didnt act like a traditional supportive wife (Scharrer, 2002). Past literature also shows that media indirectly suggested that Hillary Clinton is a controversial wife whose inte rests conflict with her husbands (Gardetto, 1997).
85 In addition to Hillary Clintons media portr ayal, I reviewed the literature on female political candidates. It appears that female candidates are often underrepresented and stereotyped as less viable by the media (Kahn and Gold enberg, 1991; Kahn, 1992). In terms of media portrayal of women in general, past literature point s out that women were underrepresented in quality and were portrayed in traditional roles by the medi a (Thompson, 1993; Armstrong, 2004; Glascock and Preston-Schreck, 2004; Len-Ri os, Rodgers, Thorson, & Yoon, 2005). In photos, women were often stereotyped as sexual objects that try to lure the male spectators (Berger, 1972 and Mulvey, 1999). Based on the evidence of the past literature this study aimed to find out whether media coverage on Hillary Clinton during her three political career stages had sustained the traditional ideologies of female portrayal in the medi a by conducting a semiotic analysis of Hillary Clintons photos and captions in Newsweek magazine. I reviewed all the photos found in Newsweek magazine within my sampling interv al of August to November 1992, 1996, 2000, and 2007. I analyzed the photos and captions using th e codes created by Goodman (1997) based on past studies of media portrayal of women such as Goffmans (1979) model of women stereotypes, Archer et al.s (1983) face-ism index, Pingree et al.s (1976) scale of sexism, Henleys (1977) chart of human body language. Using these codes, the photographs were divided into three categories: tr aditional, nontraditiona l and in-between. In the traditional photos, Hillary Clinton was presented as a wife, a mother or a homemaker who stays at home. In the inbetween photos, she was depicted as having a career but primarily st ays at home. In the nontraditional photos, Clinton is portrayed as a professional who is equal to men.
86 I talked about the general patterns of Clin tons media coverage during her three career stages found for each of the three categories. In the photos of 1992, Hillary Clinton was shown as traditional in 100 percent of th e photos; in 1996, she was shown as traditional in 71 percent, as in-between in 24 percent, and as nontraditional in five percent of the photos. When she had become a senate candidate in 2000, 25 percent of the photos showed her as traditional and 25 percent showed her as in-between. In 2007, she wa s shown as traditional in 13 percent of the photos, as in-between in 52 per cent, and as nontraditional in 35 percent of the photos. Then, I presented example photos with in-depth analysis of each category in each career stage. Sorting out the result of my analysis, I proposed five main findings in the photos. All five points are presented below. First, while Hillary Clint on was portrayed as traditional in the 1992 photos, she was portrayed less tradit ionally in the photos found in the 1996 issues. As presented in Chapter Four, all photos found in the August to November 1992 issu es depict Hillary Clinton as traditional. She was portrayed mainly as wife or mother in the ph otos. This result is in line with Colberts (1995) study of the first two years of Bill Clintons admi nistration that found most of Hillary Clintons photos are conventional. Although Hillary Clinton was a successful attorney who had taught at a college, she was not represented as a career woman but rather as a wife and a mother. As argued in Chapter Two, the male elite establish our societys framework. In this patriarchal society, men belong to the public sphere while women belong to private (LeGates, 2001). As Fr azer & Lacy (1993) had pointed out, the presence of women pollutes the purity of the masculine public world (p. 24). When a powerful woman such as Clinton ente rs the public sphere, she is considered a threat to traditional norms of masculinity. Therefor e, the patriarchal society lessens the threat by
87 emphasizing the proper relations between the sexes. They promote the idea that women are primarily sexual and domestic beings (Frazer & Lacy, 1993). In other words, they put women in their places. One way to put women in their place is through the media. Because the patriarchy controls the media, they are able to use media to promote and reassert the ideology of the male elite dominated society (Hall, 1982). Thus, me dia images oppress women by constraining their ability to reinforce the traditional gender roles. The high percentage of traditional portrayals of Hillary Clinton reflects the strategy of how a patriarchal societ y responds to Hillary Clintons departure from a traditional First Lady role. However, in the photos found in the 1996 samp ling interval, 24 percent of them are inbetween and five percent characterized her as nontraditional. Besides the increased number of the nontraditional and in-between photos, th e captions also showed the trend of her nontraditional image as a First Lady. For example, for the photos found in the Nov. 18, 1996, issue, the captions read To change her image, sh ell have to let the public see her human side. Regarding the differences of her photos betwee n her first and second term as a First Lady, one possible explanation is that the patriarchal dominated society reacted to her prominence in the public sphere in 1992. As mentioned in Chapter Two, Hillary C linton was especially outspoken and aggressive and had become cont roversial during the campaign in 1992 for her infamous quotes I am not sitting heresome little woman standing by my man like Tammy Wynette, and I supposed I could have stayed home and baked c ookies and had teas (Jamieson, 1995). Therefore, the media, a tool of the male-dominated society, accentuated on her feminine traits and depicted her as a traditiona l woman in order to reinforce the idea of the proper relation between men and women (Fr azer & Lacy, 1993). However, she has softened
88 her appearance, behavior and speech in 1996. She focused her work more on children and childrens organizations (Walsh, 1996). Therefore, the media found it less necessary to portray Clinton in a traditional wife, mother, and homemaker role. Another explanation for her different phot ographic portrayals between 1992 and 1996 is that it was the campaign strategy of Bill Clint ons public relation teams. As mentioned above, Hillary Clinton was especially controversial because of her outspokenness and aggressiveness. The campaign team may have recognized that her controversy was harm ful to her husband in pursuing the presidential office, particularly in light of the Republicans emphasis on traditional family values. Hence, it is assumed that her image-makers might have set up photo opportunities that presented her as traditional. Second finding in the analysis of the photos is that Hillar y Clinton was still portrayed mainly as traditional and in-between when she first transcended from a First Lady to a Senate candidate. None of the photos portrayed her as nontraditional. In the 2000, Hillary Clinton had her hair cut short and was wearing less jewelr y and accessories compared to those in 1992 or 1996. She was wearing pantsuits and less makeup. Ov erall, her hairstyle, makeup and clothes were all less feminine than those in 1996. This sustains the assertion of Carlson (2001), which points out that because voters preferred candidates with masculine personality traits in higher office, female candidates often presented themselves as women who break the gender stereotypes in the campaigns. As for the photos in 2000, although Hillary Clinton had become a Senate candidate, the photos found in the magazine from August to November 2000 still portray her mostly as traditional and in-between. This finding is consistent with the ones of the past literature regarding the news coverage of female political candidates, which shows that in terms of media
89 coverage, female candidates were covered in ge nder stereotypes (Kahn, 1992; Banwart et al., 2003). A possible explanation of her traditional im age when she first progressed from a First Lady to a Senate candidate is that the media we re more comfortable with women in traditional wife and mother roles than in a more masculine ro le such as politicians or political candidates. This explanation is supported by Scharrers (2002) study in whic h she examined the newspaper coverage of Clinton from Oct ober 1999 to February 2000 and found that the media seemed to be more comfortable representing he r as a traditional wife. Third, Hillary Clintons image has become less traditional after she became a presidential candidate in the Democratic primaries. Among the 31 photos of 2007, only four characterize her as traditional. In the four traditional photos, only one was taken after she had become the presidential candidate. This fi nding sustains the idea of liberal feminists that the equality between both sexes is attainable through education and legislation (Steeves, 1987; Beasley, 1999). Fourth, in comparing Hillary Clintons portrayals based on this in-depth analysis, I found her photo image had changed as she progressed to higher career levels. During her terms as a First Lady, there are 37 photos of Hillary Clinton. Among the phot os, 84 percent portray her as traditional. As she became a Senate candidate in 2000, in the eight photos, only 25 percent depict her as traditional. Furthermore, when sh e became a candidate for President in 2007, in all 35 photos, only 13 percent of the photos show her as traditional. This result shows that as Hillary Clinton gained more political power, usually ent itled to men, she received more nontraditional coverage and her media portrayals became more masc uline as well. This result is accordant with the premise of the liberal feminist theories, which asserts that women can achieve equality between both sexes (Steeves, 1987).
90 One explanation of her nontraditional portrayal is that since the public view masculine traits such as aggressiveness, act iveness, viability, and toughness as critical for candidates to run for higher political office (Huddy and Terkildsen, 1993), Clintons campaign team might have set up photo opportunities that presented her as n ontraditional or with masculine traits. Another explanation is that since Hillary Clinton had b ecome Senator and had resigned from a First Lady for seven years at that time, the public and the media are used to her professional image instead of a traditional wife and mother image. Th erefore, the 2007 photos no longer depict her as feminine compared to when she was a Fi rst Lady (in 1992 and 1996) and when she first transitioned from a First Lady to a Senator candidate (in 2000). Fifth, while Clinton was portrayed as less traditional in the photos found during the Democratic Presidential Primaries in 2007, some of the nontraditional and in-between photos characterized her as negative and were accomp anied with negative coverage or captions. Although it seemed like Hillary Clin ton was less stereotyped after she sought government office, she was at the same time covered with a more negative tone. One pattern found in some of the nontraditional and in-between photos was that they were shown with negative news stories or captions. While some of the negative captions or coverage merely pointed to her misconducts or scandals, others seemed to suggest her nontraditi onal image was negative. For instance, the only photo that characterized Hillary Clinton as nont raditional during her terms as a First Lady was shown with the title and the capti on that read Lessons learned: Despite health care, the First Lady understands the virtues of small programs. In the photo, both Hillary Clintons facial expressions and her outfit are masculine. She a ppears to be seriously thinking with her mouth tightly closed. She is wearing a black suit with a gold crest which looks like a badge for the military. However, while she is characterized as a career woman, some signs found in the photo
91 show her as negative. As mentioned in the previo us chapter, Clinton looks troubled or confused by her furrowed eyebrows and slightly lowered lips. Besides, the caption implies she is not capable to handle programs such as health care reform. This kind of nontraditional and inbetween accompanied by negative ca ptions and signs were found th e most in the photos of the 2007 sampling interval. Out of the 11 nontraditional photos, Clinton wa s portrayed as negative in four photos (36 percent); in the 16 in-between photos, 25 percent of the photos show her in a negative light. One obvious example is found in the Nov. 5, 2007, issue, as presented in Chapter Four. Clintons photo is compared with Queen Eli zabeth in the article, and the subtitle reads Elizabeth imperiled England is a lot like the Amer ican Clinton could well wind up leading. In the photo, she looks powerful because of the red suit and her upturned chin, but at the same time she appears to be scheming and merciless. One can tell that the media creates a rhetorical question that asks what kind of leader would Clinton be, and furt her implies that she would be too powerful that she will imperil the country as Queen Elizabeth had done to England. These negative portrayals sustain the double bi nds theory, which points out that if a woman is too powerful or too capable, she is ac cused of trying to be a man or a lesbian (Jamieson, 1995). In this case, wh ile Hillary Clinton was somehow portrayed as less traditional and more masculine and competent, she, at the sa me time, suffered from negative coverage that characterizes her as cold, ruth less, controlling, and not showi ng her human side. This result also supports Scharrers (2002) finding of her anal ysis on newspaper coverage of Hillary Clinton from Oct. 1 to Feb. 6, 2000, which shows that in general, the media c overed Hillary Clinton more positively when she was presented as a tradi tional, supportive and soft news oriented role, and more negatively when she was the opposite (Scharrer; 2002).
92 The explanation of her negative coverage and po rtrayals is that in the patriarchal society, women are not supposed to pursue a male-dominated career such as a president of a country. The fact that Clinton became a presidential candidate has threatened the norms of the male-dominate society. Thus the media, the promoter for patria rchal ideology, had to buck the trend of women elevating to higher political status. Sixth, when Clinton is portrayed alone, she is portrayed as more masculine and more powerful. However, when Clinton was shown with Obama in the photo, she was depicted as less powerful than Obama and submissive to him. Clinton was shown with Obama in three photos, and Obama was portrayed as more powerful than Clinton in two of the photos while the other photo is a headshot of them. As presented in Chapter Five, Clinton was shown with some feminine traits in both of the photos. She was shown passive in both of the photos while Obama was dominant. Clinton was also shown as submissive, in canting position, and with her head-tilted in one of the photo. In contrast, Obama was shown talking with conf idence with his arm stretched out taking over space. While Clintons popularity was higher than Obamas during that point in time, Obama was portrayed as more viable, more active, and more like a leading candidate than Clinton in both photos. This finding supports the findings of the past studies on female political candidates, which pointed out the male candidates were portrayed as more viable, more skillful, more active and tougher than the female candidates (Kahn and Goldenberg, 1991; Huddy and Terkildsen, 1993). A possible explanation of the differences between Clinton and Obamas images is that the media is not comfortable with powerful women and th us would not portray Clinton as more powerful than her male competitor (Scharrer, 2002). This explanation is in line with the explanations of
93 why Hillary Clinton was portrayed as overly trad itional in the photos of 1992 as opposed to those of 1996. Because literature suggests that typical female traits we re considered less appropriate for higher or executive levels of office (Huddy and Terkildsen, 1993), this kind of feminine portrayal of Hillary Clinton when she was pres ented with her competitor was possibly harmful for her running for the presidential office. Feminist theorists have pointed out in the eighteenth century that women were treated with inequality in society; from the negative portr ayals of Hillary Clintons nontraditional and inbetween photos, this assertion seems to be still valid after two centuries. Although Hillary Clintons media image has become less traditional as she progressed from the Presidents spouse to a Presidential candidate for Democratic Party, still more than half (52 percent) of the photos found in 2007 portray he r as in-between. In other words, more than half of the photos still depict her with some traditional femini ne stereotypes. Therefore, I conclude that although Hillary Clinton has received less traditional coverage, she is still not freed from gender stereotype at the point of her car eer stage as a presiden tial candidate in the Democratic primaries. Past literature shows that the public views feminine personality traits as less appropriate for higher governmental posit ions (Huddy and Terkildsen, 1993); therefore, I suggest that the traditional feminine portrayal of Hillary Clinton found in newsmagazines might dissuade voters in believing Hill ary Clinton to be a competent presidential candidate and thus become an obstacle for her in the presidential nomination race. As mentioned in Chapter Three, the results of semiotics analysis ar e not generalizable. The findings and the conclusions of this study dont po int to any other news media, newsmagazines or Newsweek in other sampling intervals. Besides, the purpose of this study is not to provide a general conclusion about media. It aims to provide, instead, a cr itical look at the messages in
94 images of Hillary Clinton in her three political car eer stages in order to see if Hillary Clinton was still stereotyped by the media as most women. Limitations While valuable, there are som e deficiencies concerning this analysis. First, I studied a limited period of time in Hillary Clintons thr ee career stages. I chose the sampling intervals around the election season because there is highe r exposure for candidates during the campaign season. However, for the photos in the 1992 and the 1996 campaign, it is assumed that Hillary Clinton will get more traditional coverage because the presidential candidates normally try to present themselves and their wives as supporting the traditional family values. The traditional wife and mother is part of traditional values; th erefore, my results might not represent the overall media image of Hillary Clinton in her terms of First Lady. In te rms of the photos during the 2000 campaign, Hillary Clinton was stil l in her term as a First Lady when she was running for the New York Senator; therefore, the results dont point to her overall me dia portrayal of her Senatorial career period. Second, there are alwa ys differences among readers of images as to how they read the images connotations. A person can interpret a sign in an image in one way while another person can have a totally different interpretation for the same sign. A sign might mean something to one person but something totally opposite to the other. People with different social, cultural, racial, class or gender backgroun d interpret things differe ntly. Although I tend to analyze the photos based on the l iterature, my cultural and raci al background influenced my findings. I am female, and was born and raised in a middle-class family in Taiwan. I received a bachelors degree in English Litera ture in Soochow University in Taiwan and came to the U.S. in 2006 to pursue my masters degree in Mass Comm unication at the University of Florida. Therefore, my reading of the photos might be different with people from different cultural, racial, gender, national, educational, and class background.
95 Suggestions for Future Research Despite thes e limitations, the study has its merits. It provides detailed analysis of Hillary Clintons photos during her thr ee political career stages. Because I only looked at the signs and tried to find the dominant readings in the photo, I suggest future st udies to explore deeper into the ideology of the media when they portray fema le politicians or other powerful and influential career women with photos. Future studies can tr y to find out how a news magazine manipulates the photo images of a female public figure and ask if they attempt to depict those women in a way that they sustain the ideology of patriarchy. In answering what are the ideologies of the newsmagazines that are conveyed in the photographi c images, further research needs to cover the aspects of the photographs pr oduction. In-depth interviews with magazine publishers, photographers, and photo editors, or other image sources can help in answering th e question of how and why the images are created or used.
96 APPENDIX A CODING SHEET Caption: Description : Is this a head-shot? yes no Whats she portrayed as? (professional public figure, wife, mother, hostess, homemaker/housekeeper, philanthropis t, other, or indeterminate) Is she alone of with other people? alone with others Describe and name: Relative size: Was there sizable distance between her and others pictured? sizable close If men were in picture, was she shorter/lower than them? shorter taller/same Look: Portrayed in an alluring manner? yes no As decorative? yes no Appear disheveled? yes no Mouth open? yes no Are her eyes and/or mouth emphasized? yes no Expression: Appear grim/serious? yes no Appears to be laughing or surprised? yes no Appear tired? yes no Smiling? yes no Eye contact: Eyes lowered/averted? yes no If face-to-face interaction, is she performing an exec. role? yes no can't tell Pose: Standing erect/tall? yes no Bending her knee? yes no Canting position? yes no Chin down? yes no Head tilted? yes no Arms close to body? close pointin g/reaching out Body movement (active or passive): Is she yielding/moving away? yes no N/A indeterminate Is she moving in a pointed direction? yes no N/A
97 Passive or dominant? speaking responding to ot hers(listening/react non-verbal) Positional communication: Is finger to her mouth as if sucking or biting? yes no Are her fingers touching each other (hands fo lded)? yes no Props: (object as a symbol?) Settings: Camera strategy: (Close-up/angle/focus/filter) Feminine touch: Touching/holding an object? yes no If with an object, trac ing its outline, cradling, or caressing it? yes no Face-ism: ( face length/ total body length) Scale of Sexism: Portrayed as? 1.Two dimensional, only decorative. 2. Stay at home or doing womanly occupation. 3. Having two places: in the office and at home (priority is mothering). 4. Acknowledged that wo men and men should be equal. 6. Totally free from sexism. Communication Distance: What is her communication distance? intimate (touching) personal (close but not touching) social (at least 1 ft and less than 2 ft.) professional (+2 ft.) Overall, how do you characterize this photo? __________________________________________________________________ traditional nontraditional Why?
98 APPENDIX B PHOTOS Figure B-1. St. Louis rally: Aug. 3, 1992, p. 27
99 Figure B-2. Hillary and I have talked this through: Nov./Dec., 1992, p. 27
100 Figure B-3. Cast a spell: Nov. 16, 1992, p. 35
101 Figure B-4. Hillary was better in strategy-making: Nov./Dec., 1992, p. 38
102 Figure B-5. The soul of an activist, Nov. 16, 1992, p.42
103 Figure B-6. Chicago hopes: Sep. 9, 1996, p. 30
104 Figure B-7. Big themes, cold cash: Sep. 2, 1996, p.24
105 Figure B-8. Charm offensive: Oct. 7, 1996, p.38
106 Figure B-9. Wounded and wary: Nov. 11, 1996, p. 21
107 Figure B-10. The scent of scandal: Nov. 18, 1996, p.70
108 Figure B-11. Lessons learned: Oct. 7, 1996, p. 43
109 Figure B-12. Syracuse N.Y.: Nov. 20, 2000, p.81
110 Figure B-13. Fascinated by all things American: Nov. 27, 2000, p. 51
111 Figure B-14. The president will help boost Hillarys war chest: Sep. 11, 2000, p.6
112 Figure B-15. Finger pointing: Nov. 26, 2000, p. 96
113 Figure B-16. Hillary defends the gift: Aug. 20, 2007, p.12
114 Figure B-17. Beset on a ll sides: Sep. 17, 2007, p.30, 31
115 Figure B-18. What has she done: Aug. 13, 2007, p.36
116 Figure B-19. Lobbying effort: Sep. 17, 2007, p.36
117 Figure B-20. Bringing it: Nov. 12, 2007, p. 40
118 Figure B-21. Together through it all: Oct. 22, 2007, p.43
119 Figure B-22. Member of the club: Sep. 17, 2007, p.32, 33
120 Figure B-23. What Kind of Decider Would She be: Sep. 17, 2007, cover page
121 Figure B-24. Under cover: Oct. 29, 2007, p.37
122 Figure B-25. The once and future queen, Nov. 5, 2007, p.41
123 LIST OF REFERENCES Aday, S. & Devitt, J. (2 001). Style over Substan ce. Newspaper Coverage of Elizabeth Dole's Presidential Bid. The Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics, 6 (2), 52-73. Armstrong, C. L. (2004). The influences of repo rter gender on source selection in newspaper stories. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 81, 139-154. Anderson, K. V. (2002). Hillary Rodham Clinto n as Madonna: The Role of Metaphor and Oxymoron in Image Restoration. Womens Studies in Communication 25 (1), 1-24. Anderson, K. V. (2002). From Spouses to Candidates: Hillary Rodham Clinton, Elizabeth Dole, and the Gendered Office of U.S. President. Rhetoric & Public Affairs 5 (1), 105-132. Archer, D. B., Iritani, B., Kimes, D.D. & Ba rrios, M. (1983). Attitudes and social cognition, face-ism: Five studies of sexual differences in facial prominence. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 45 725-735. Banwart, M.C. Bystrom, D. G. & Robertson, T. (2003). From the Primary to the General Election: A Comparative Anal ysis of Candidate Media C overage in Mixed-Gender 2000 Races for Governor and U.S. Senate. The American Behavioral Scientist, 46 (5), 658-676. Barthes, R. (1967). Elements of Semiology (A. Lavers & C. Smith, Trans.). New York: Hill and Wang. Barthes, R. (1972). Mythologies (A. Lavers, Trans.). New York: Hill and Wang. Barthes, R. (1977). Image, Music, Text (S. Heath, Trans.). New York: Hill and Wang. Beasley, C. (1999). What is Feminism? an intro duction to feminist theory London: Sage. Beasley, M. H. (2005). First Lady and the Press: The Unfin ished Partnership of the Media Age. Evanston: Northwestern University Press. Berger, J. (1972). Ways of seeing London: BBC Books/Penquin. Brown, M. E. (1997). Feminism and Cultural Polit ics: Television Audiences and Hillary Rodham Clinton. Political Communication, 14, 255-270. Burden, B.C. & Mughan, A. (1999). Public Opinion and Hillary Rodham Clinton. Public Opinion Quarterly, 63, 237-250. Carlson, T. (2001). Gender and Political Advertis ing across Cultures: A Comparison of Male and Female Political Advertising in Finland and the US. European Journal of Communication, 16(2) 131-154. Chandler, D. (2001). Signs, Semiotics for Beginners London: Routledge. Retrieved November 17, 2007, from http://www.aber.ac.uk/media/Documents/S4B/sem02.html
124 Chandler, D. (2001). Introduction, Semiotics for Beginners London: Routledge Retrieved November 17, 2007, from http://www.aber.ac.uk/media/Documents/S4B/sem01.html Colbert, J. (1995). Ho hum, another Hillary photo: Media co verage of First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton. News Photographer, 50(10), 4-6. Creswell, J. W. (2007). Qualitative inquiry and research design: Choosing among five approaches California: Sage Publications. Daily, C. & Dalton, D. (2000). Coverage of Wome n at the Top: The Press has a Long Way to Go. Columbia Journalism Review 39(2), 58. Devitt, J. (2002). Framing Gender on the Campaign Trail: Female Gubernatorial Candidates and the Press. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 79 (2), 445-463. Doane. M. A. (1982). Film and the Masquerade: Theorising the Female Spectator. Screen, 23 (34), 74-87. Donovan, J. (1992). Feminist Theory: the intellectual traditions of American feminism New York: A Frederick Ungar Book. Dyer, G. (1982). Advertising as Communication New York: Methuen & Co. Frazer, E. & Lacy, N. (1993). Politics of community: A femi nist critique of liberalcommunication debate. New York: Harvester Wheatsheaf. Gamson, W. A., Croteau, D., Hoynes, W. & Sa sson, T. (1992). Media Image and the Social Construction of Reality. Annual Review of Sociology, 18 (1), 373-393. Gardetto D. C. (1997). Hillary Rodham Clinton, Symbolic Gender Politics, and the New York Times: JanuaryNovember 1992. Political Communication, 14, 255-240. Glascock, J. & Preston-Schreck, C. (2004). Gende r and Racial Stereotypes in Daily Newspaper Comics: A Time-Honored Tradition? Sex Roles 51(7-8), 423-431. Goffman, E. (1979). Gender Advertisements Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Goodman, J. R. P. (1997). Framing influential women: a comparative study of presidential candidates wives photographic repr esentations in Time magazine. Unpublished masters thesis. University of Texas, Austin. Greer, G. (1995). Abolish Her: The Fe minist Case against First Ladies. New Republic 26, 21-27. Hall, S. (1982). Rediscovery of ideology: Return of the repressed in me dia studies. In Gurevitch, M., Bennett, T., Curran, J., and Woolacott, J. (Eds.), Culture, society and the media (pp. 78-88). New York: Nethuen. Henley, N. M. (1977). Body Politics: Power, Sex, and Nonverbal Communication. NewJersey: A Spectrum Book.
125 Hodge, R. & Kress, G. (1988). Social Semiotics New York: Cornell University Press. Huddy, L. & Terkildsen, N. (1993). The Conse quences of Gender Stereotypes for Women Candidates at Different Leve ls and Types of Office. Political Research Quarterly, 46(3), 503-525. Hughes, C. (2002). Key Concepts in Feminist Theory and Research London: Sage. Jamieson, K.H. (1995). Beyond the double bind: Women and leadership. New York: Oxford University Press. Kahn, K. F. (1992). Does Being Male Help? An I nvestigation of the Effects of Candidate Gender and Campaign Coverage on Evaluations of U.S. Senate Candidates. The Journal of Politics 54(2), 497-517. Kahn, K. F. & Goldenberg E. N. (1991). Women Candidates in the News: An Examination of Gender Differences in U.S. Senate Campaign Coverage. Public Opinion Quarterly, 91:55(2), 180-199. Kahn, K. F. & Kenny, P. J. (2002). The Slant of the News: How Editorial Endorsements Influence Campaign Coverage and Citizens' Views of Candidates. The American Political Science Review 96(2), 381-94. Karan, K. and Khoo, M. C. (2007). The Power of Gaze in the Media:Visual Representations in For Him Magazine (FHM) Singapore. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Communication Asso ciation, TBA, San Francisco, CA Online
126 Magazine Publishers of America (2008). Average Total Paid & Veri fied Circulation for Top 100 ABC Magazines New York: Magazine Publishers of America. Retrieved April 22, 2008, from http://www.magazine.org/circulation/ci rculation_trends_and_magazine_handbook/26643.c fm Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary (2008). Retrieved April 22, 2008, from http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary McCracken, E. (1993). Decoding women's magazines: From Mademoiselle to Ms. New York: St. Martin's Press. Mulvey, L. (1999). Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema. From J. Evens and S. Hall (Eds.), Visual Culture: The Reader London: Sage, 381-389. National Press Photographers Asso ciation (2008). The Best of Photo Journalism 2008. Durham, NC: National Press Photographers Asso ciation. Retrieved July, 8, 2008, from http://bop.nppa.org/2008/photo_editing/winners/index.php?cat=M02&place=2nd National Press Photographers Asso ciation (2008). The Best of P hoto Journalism 2006. :National Press Photographers Associa tion. Retrieved July, 8, 2008, from http://bop.nppa.org/2006/photo_edi ting/winners/EM09/45046/1.html Newsweek (2008). History of Newsweek. Ne w York: Newsweek. Retrieved April 22, 2008, from http://www.newsweek.com/id/42663 Parry-Giles, S. (2000). Mediati ng Hillary Rodham Clinton: Te levision News Practices and Image-Making in the Postmodern Age. Criti cal Studies in Media Communication, 17(2), 205-266. Pingree, S., Hawkins, R., Butler, M., & Paisley, W. (1976). A scale for sexism. Journal of Communication, 26 (4), 193-200. Rose, G. (2001). Visual Methodologies London: Sage. Scharrer, E. (2002). An Improbable Leap: A cont ent analysis of newspaper coverage of Hillary Clintons transition from Firs t Lady to Senate candidate. Journalism Studies 3, 393-406. Shames, S. L. (2002). The Un-Candidates: Gende r and Outsider Signals in Womens Political Advertisements, Women & Politics Journal 25(1/2), 115-147. Sharpe, D.T. (1974). The psychology of color and design Chicago: Nelson-Hall. Stacey, J. (1999). Desperately Seeking Differe nce. From J. Evens and S. Hall (Eds.), Visual Culture: The Reader London: Sage, 390-401. Steeves, H.L. (1987). Feminist theories and media studies. Critical Studies in Mass Communication, 4(2), 95-135.
127 Sultze, K. (2003). Women, Power and Photography in The New York Times Magazine. Journal of Communication Inquiry, 27(3), 274-290. Thorson, E. & Mendelson, A. (2001). Public Percep tions of News Stories and News Photos of Hillary Clinton. News Photographer 56(10), 4-10. Tirohl, B. (2000). The Photo-Journali st and the Changing News Image. New Media and Society 2(3), 335-352. Tuchman, G. (1979). Womens Depiction by the Ma ss Media. Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 4 (3), 528-542. USA Today (2008). Timeline McLean, VA: USA Today. Retrieved April 22, 2008, from http://www.usatoday.com/media_kit/pressroom/pr_timeline.htm van Zoonan, L. (1994). Feminist Media Studies London: Sage. Walsh, K.T. & Auster, B. B. (1996). Her time of travail. U.S. News & World Report, 120(5), 26. Walters, M. (2005). Feminism: A Very Short Introduction New York: Oxford. Winfield, B. (1997). The Making of an Imag e: Hillary Rodham Clinton and American Journalists. Political Communication ,14, 241-253.
128 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Han Chang is an international student form Ta iwan. She received her bachelors degree in English language and literature in Soochow Univ ersity in Taiwan and came to America in 2006 to pursue her masters degree in mass comm unication at the University of Florida.