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Marronage in Saint Domingue

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0022559/00001

Material Information

Title: Marronage in Saint Domingue Approaching the Haitian Revolution, 1770-1791
Physical Description: 1 online resource (109 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Daniels, Jason
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2008

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: caribbean, domingue, fugitives, haitian, maroons, marronage, resistance, revolution, runaways, saint, slavery
History -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: History thesis, M.A.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: Marronage and its supposed impact on the Haitian Revolution has created much controversy among historians. In general, the main terms of the debate regard the extent of marronage, the reason for it, the fugitive slave?s relationship with colonial society, and ultimately the connections (if any) between this phenomenon and the Haitian Revolution. The underlying purpose of this work is to revisit this debate regarding marronage and the slave insurrection that eventually led to the Haitian Revolution. However, this work also seeks to delineate the general contours of Saint Domingue?s maroon population, and more generally the slave population as a whole during the two decades prior to the Haitian Revolution. This work attempts to shed light on the causes, the typology, the dimensions, the composition, and the evolution of marronage in Saint Domingue. A more balanced assessment of this phenomenon will be presented in effort to explore marronage independent from the Haitian Revolution. The evidence attests to the dynamic and varied composition of the Haitian maroons during the two decades leading up to the Haitian Revolution. Many factors influenced the composition of the maroon population, the buying habits of planters, the type of crop worked, and the geographic location of plantations all helped determine where enslaved Africans ended up once they reached the shores of Saint Domingue. These factors also dictated where and when slaves could and would attempt running away. The differences in not only marronage but also the plantation complex and between Africans and cr?oles are evident. Language skills, skin color, time in the colony, occupational training, and knowledge of the outside world were all important factors in determining success in marronage. In the end, this quantitative study explores the ethnic and gender composition of an influential sector of pre-revolutionary Saint Domingue society. While it is rather difficult to disassociate marronage in Saint Domingue from the Haitian Revolution, studying marronage independent of the Haitian Revolution will allow scholars to more fully appreciate this phenomenon?s collective impact on colonial society in the decades prior to the revolution in Saint Domingue.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Jason Daniels.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.)--University of Florida, 2008.
Local: Adviser: Geggus, David P.
Electronic Access: RESTRICTED TO UF STUDENTS, STAFF, FACULTY, AND ON-CAMPUS USE UNTIL 2010-08-31

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2008
System ID: UFE0022559:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0022559/00001

Material Information

Title: Marronage in Saint Domingue Approaching the Haitian Revolution, 1770-1791
Physical Description: 1 online resource (109 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Daniels, Jason
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2008

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: caribbean, domingue, fugitives, haitian, maroons, marronage, resistance, revolution, runaways, saint, slavery
History -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: History thesis, M.A.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: Marronage and its supposed impact on the Haitian Revolution has created much controversy among historians. In general, the main terms of the debate regard the extent of marronage, the reason for it, the fugitive slave?s relationship with colonial society, and ultimately the connections (if any) between this phenomenon and the Haitian Revolution. The underlying purpose of this work is to revisit this debate regarding marronage and the slave insurrection that eventually led to the Haitian Revolution. However, this work also seeks to delineate the general contours of Saint Domingue?s maroon population, and more generally the slave population as a whole during the two decades prior to the Haitian Revolution. This work attempts to shed light on the causes, the typology, the dimensions, the composition, and the evolution of marronage in Saint Domingue. A more balanced assessment of this phenomenon will be presented in effort to explore marronage independent from the Haitian Revolution. The evidence attests to the dynamic and varied composition of the Haitian maroons during the two decades leading up to the Haitian Revolution. Many factors influenced the composition of the maroon population, the buying habits of planters, the type of crop worked, and the geographic location of plantations all helped determine where enslaved Africans ended up once they reached the shores of Saint Domingue. These factors also dictated where and when slaves could and would attempt running away. The differences in not only marronage but also the plantation complex and between Africans and cr?oles are evident. Language skills, skin color, time in the colony, occupational training, and knowledge of the outside world were all important factors in determining success in marronage. In the end, this quantitative study explores the ethnic and gender composition of an influential sector of pre-revolutionary Saint Domingue society. While it is rather difficult to disassociate marronage in Saint Domingue from the Haitian Revolution, studying marronage independent of the Haitian Revolution will allow scholars to more fully appreciate this phenomenon?s collective impact on colonial society in the decades prior to the revolution in Saint Domingue.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Jason Daniels.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.)--University of Florida, 2008.
Local: Adviser: Geggus, David P.
Electronic Access: RESTRICTED TO UF STUDENTS, STAFF, FACULTY, AND ON-CAMPUS USE UNTIL 2010-08-31

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2008
System ID: UFE0022559:00001


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MARRONAGE IN SAINT DOMINGUE:
APPROACHING THE REVOLUTION, 1770-1791






















By

JASON DANIELS


A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

2008



































2008 Jason Daniels




































For Melissa









ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I thank the members of my supervisory committee, Jon Sensbach and Jeffery Needell.

Both of them played integral roles in my development as a historian. I would also like to express

my appreciation of two of my graduate colleagues, James Broomall and Brian Bredehoeft, for

their honesty in critique and their tireless support of my research. However, I am most and

forever grateful to David Geggus for his years of guidance and academic support. I especially

acknowledge my indebtedness to him with much gratitude and respect.









TABLE OF CONTENTS



A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S ..............................................................................................................4

L IST O F TA B LE S ...... .. ................ ............. ................... .......................................... .. 6

L IST O F FIG U R E S ............................................................................... 7

ABSTRAC T .........................................................................................

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION: RECOVERING THE FUGITIVE HISTORY OF MARRONAGE
IN SA IN T D O M IN G U E .............................................................................. .....................10

2 THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF MARRONAGE IN SAINT DOMINGUE ........................21

3 GENERAL CONTOURS OF MARRONAGE IN SAINT DOMINGUE .............................38

M arronage from D discovery to 1770 ............................................................ .....................44
T h e E v id en ce ................................................................50

4 ETHNIC AND GENDER COMPOSITION IN SAINT DOMINGUE'S MAROON
P O P U L A T IO N ............................................................ ................. 67

M en an d W om en ........................................................ ................. 70
C re o le s ............................................................................7 5
S p e c ia lists .............. .... ...............................................................7 9
A fric a n s ........................................................................8 3
Success and Failure En M arronage ........... ................................................. ............... 88

5 CONCLUSIONS ................... ......... .. ...... ... ..................101

L IST O F R E FE R E N C E S ............. ....................................................... ...................................105

B IO G R A PH IC A L SK E T C H ........... ............................................................ .......................... 109









LIST OF TABLES

Table page

3-1 Saint Domingue's Total Population Estimates. .............. .............................................65

3-2 C om parative A annual T otals ...................................................................... ...................65

3-3 Regional Distribution of Marronage ......... ................................ 66

4-1 G general E thnic C om position ...................................................................... ..................90

4-2 Gender Composition ............... ............................................... .............. 91

4-3 T total C r oles.....................................................92

4-4 R regional D distribution of C roles ............................................................. ... ............93

4-5 Local Creole Com position ....................... ..... ............................ .. ............... 94

4-6 F foreign C role C om position...................................................................... ..................95

4-7 Skilled Slaves enM arronage ............................ ...................................... ............... 96

4-8 O occupational Breakdow n........................................................................ ............... 97

4 -9 A frican C om p o sition ............................................................................... ..................... 9 8

4-10 C ongo Com position ........................ .. ......................... .... ........ ......... 98

4-11 Regional Distribution of nouveaux ..... ..............................................................99

4-12 Success and Failure ......... ........... ........ ........ .... .. .......... ................. 100









LIST OF FIGURES

Figure page

3-1 Geographical M ap of Saint Domingue. ........................................ ........................ 63

3-2 Provinces and Towns in Saint Domingue. ........................................ ....... ............... 64









Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts

MARRONAGE IN SAINT DOMINGUE:
APPROACHING THE HAITIAN REVOLUTION, 1770-1791

By
Jason Daniels

August 2008

Chair: David Geggus
Major: History

Marronage and its supposed impact on the Haitian Revolution has created much

controversy among historians. In general, the main terms of the debate regard the extent of

marronage, the reason for it, the fugitive slave's relationship with colonial society, and ultimately

the connections (if any) between this phenomenon and the Haitian Revolution. The underlying

purpose of this work is to revisit this debate regarding marronage and the slave insurrection that

eventually led to the Haitian Revolution. However, this work also seeks to delineate the general

contours of Saint Domingue's maroon population, and more generally the slave population as a

whole during the two decades prior to the Haitian Revolution. This work attempts to shed light

on the causes, the typology, the dimensions, the composition, and the evolution of marronage in

Saint Domingue. A more balanced assessment of this phenomenon will be presented in effort to

explore marronage independent from the Haitian Revolution.

The evidence attests to the dynamic and varied composition of the Haitian maroons

during the two decades leading up to the Haitian Revolution. Many factors influenced the

composition of the maroon population, the buying habits of planters, the type of crop worked,

and the geographic location of plantations all helped determine where enslaved Africans ended

up once they reached the shores of Saint Domingue. These factors also dictated where and when









slaves could and would attempt running away. The differences in not only marronage but also

the plantation complex and between Africans and creoles are evident. Language skills, skin

color, time in the colony, occupational training, and knowledge of the outside world were all

important factors in determining success in marronage. In the end, this quantitative study

explores the ethnic and gender composition of an influential sector of pre-revolutionary Saint

Domingue society. While it is rather difficult to disassociate marronage in Saint Domingue from

the Haitian Revolution, studying marronage independent of the Haitian Revolution will allow

scholars to more fully appreciate this phenomenon's collective impact on colonial society in the

decades prior to the revolution in Saint Domingue.









CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION: RECOVERING THE FUGITIVE HISTORY OF MARRONAGE IN
SAINT DOMINGUE

During the eighteenth century, marronage (the act of becoming a fugitive) was a

conspicuous and regular feature of the slave plantation system in the French Caribbean, as it was

in many other American slave societies. The practice of running away is as old as slavery itself

and the phenomenon existed before and persisted after the temporal framework of this

discussion. Slaves of all sorts practiced marronage: young and old, male and female; newly

arrived as well as "seasoned" Africans; creoles, and Indians; muldtres, griffes, and quarterons;

fieldworkers, artisans, and domestics; the well nourished and the hungry, the weak as well as the

strong; those with cruel masters, and those with good ones. The hard conditions of their lives, a

master's cruelty, an abusive manager or driver, injustices they refused to accept, or other

incidental causes all pushed slaves, in the view of some historians, toward their decision to run

away. Others historians suggest an innate desire for liberty may have been the leading cause of

marronage and maroon activity.2

The special case of Saint Domingue sheds light on the causes, the typology, and the

evolution of marronage and on the complexity of the relationship between marronage and the

Haitian Revolution. The lived reality of marronage may be further revealed by uncovering the

dynamics of this relationship.3 A long-standing debate exists between those scholars who

explain marronage as the expression of a freedom impulse in the enslaved individual and those


1 Muldtre, Griffe, and Quarteroon are French terminology which describes varying degrees of African parentage.
Muldtre or mulatto refers to a person with one black and one white parent. Griffe refers to a person with one
mulatto and one black parent. Quarteroon was used to describe a person who had one black grandparent and three
Caucasian grandparents. These racial distinctions reflect the highly stratified nature of French colonial society.
2 A distinction needs to be made between marronage and maroon activity. In this study, marronage refers to the act
of becoming a fugitive both short and long term. Maroon activity denotes the actions of organized maroon bands
such as attacking plantations, provision grounds, and city suburbs among other subversive actions against the
established plantation system.
3 Leslie, F. Manigat, "The Relationship between Marronage and Slave Revolts and Revolution in Saint Domingue-
Haiti," inAnnals New YorkAcademy ofSciences, 292, (June 1977): 426.









who depict marronage as a tool for negotiating small concessions to improve the daily life of the

slave. However, it is likely that the conditions and causes of marronage changed over time,

along with the colonial class structure and occupational hierarchy, and that the variety of

individuals choosing marronage reflected this evolution, although historians have tended to

ignore this.4

Nevertheless, historians often divide marronage into two categories, petit and grand

marronage. Petit marronage refers to short-term absences, when maroons traveled to visit

friends or family, went off to market or other gatherings without permission, or hid on the fringes

of their plantation or in the hut of another slave nearby to avoid punishment or to satisfy other

personal agendas. It may be suggested that a sizable proportion of slaves practiced this type of

absenteeism at various moments during the colonial period especially during, but not limited to,

holidays, market-days, and weekends. This form of absenteeism could have also been a result of

the temperament of the slave, the nature of work assigned, or the conditions of that work.5

Historians view this practice as a necessary part of the colonial slave system. In fact, it is likely

that contemporary colonial planters also accepted this behavior as a condition of the slave

systems that they managed.

Because petit marronage often posed little if any overt threat to the plantation society or

economy, it can best be described as a "safety-valve" within the slave system. However, more

recently historians, Carolyn Fick and Robin Blackburn, have attempted to highlight the








4 Manigat, "The Relationship between Marronage and Slave Revolts," 426-27.
5 Gabriel Debien, "Marronage in the French Caribbean" in Maroon Societies: Rebel Slave Communities in the
Americas, ed. Richard Price Third edition ,(Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), 111.









organizational opportunities presented by this type of "absenteeism" for creating larger moments

of resistance, such as the slave revolt on the Plaine du Nord in 1791.6

Contrary to petit marronage which was temporary flight, enslaved individuals practicing

grand marronage intended to remove themselves from bondage permanently. Slaves who chose

to flee and/or bear the hardships of marronage usually did so alone, and less often in small

groups. However, a select number of slaves either created or joined larger maroon communities

that dotted the landscape of the colonial frontier. Many details regarding the composition and

activity of maroon communities in Saint Domingue remain elusive, despite a number of sources

that address these autonomous communities.7

Throughout the Caribbean, maroons engaged in illicit activities with the broader colonial

society. These activities included trading with both black and white sectors of colonial society;

raiding plantations and local provision grounds and/or stealing animals and other implements

essential for surviving on the frontiers of Saint Domingue. A small number of militant groups

achieved official standing within the greater Caribbean by making treaties with colonial officials.

Official recognition was usually granted in exchange for the maroons' service in capturing other

would-be maroons. It is uncertain how colonial society, white, black, free or enslaved, viewed

trade relationships and interactions with fugitive slaves, but this paper will attempt to elucidate

details of these relationships. Moreover, while this study will chiefly employ data regarding

captured fugitives-those who failed in their attempt at flight-it will also speak to the plight of

"successful fugitives" as well.




6 Carolyn Fick, The Making ofHaiti: The Revolution from Below, (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1990);
Robin Blackburn, The Overthrow of Colonial Society: 1776-1848, (London: Verso, 1988).
7 Much of the historiography rests upon a substantial number of administrative reports concerning maroon activity
and official colonial counteraction. The "Haitian School" has utilized these sources to highlight certain
"revolutionary" elements of marronage.










Where and when success en marronage emerged differed throughout American slave

societies. Maroons could seek refuge in groups or solitude, in frontier enclaves or through urban

assimilation, by utilizing illicit trade networks or participating in minor pilferage or by

employing guerrilla warfare. Ultimately, grand marronage may or may not have posed an overt

threat to the economies and mechanics of the plantation system but it has most certainly attracted

more attention thanpetit marronage from both contemporaries and historians.

A relative lack of source material makes recovering the fugitive history of marronage in

Saint Domingue a difficult task; however, the Saint Domingue press provides extremely rich and

diverse documentation of the history of the most important Caribbean colony of the early modern

period.8 Newspapers offer a wealth of information for examining the daily life of people in Saint

Domingue during this period. The newspapers' abundant and varied references touch upon

every aspect of colonial affairs: the theatre, literary and scientific life, the wealth of landed

estates, the flow of merchandise and commodities, and slave ship arrivals. Politics, legislation,

educations, meteorological observations, important commercial and population statistics, arrivals

and departures of colonists, rumors from around the Atlantic World, food recreations, the

progress of plantations and manufactures-all find coverage in the press.9

The newspapers are of particular importance to this study of Saint Domingue slave

society and the phenomenon of marronage. Prior to the first newspaper's appearance in 1766,

8 Surprisingly, Jean Fouchard is among few historians to utilize the data available from this contemporary source
thus far. Having been one of a few historians to seriously attempt to quantify (however, with suspect methodology)
marronage and maroon activity in Saint Domingue, much of my work has been inspired by a need to be more
methodical in approach. Gabriel Debien and David Geggus have also employed Saint Domingue's colonial
newspapers in their assessments of marronage and maroon activity in the colony prior to the Haitian Revolution.
See G. Debien, 'Les Marrons autour du Cap,' Bulletin de l'Institut Franqais d'Afrique Noir, 27, s6rie B (1965),
755-99; G. Debien and Jean Fouchard, 'Le Petit Marronage du Cap,' Cahiers des Amdriques Latines, (1969); G.
Debien, 'Les Esclaves Maroons a Saint-Domingue en 1764," Jamaican Historical Review, 6 (1969); David Geggus,
"On the Eve of the Haitian Revolution: Slave Runaways in Saint Domingue in the year 1790," in Out of the House
ofBondage: Runaways, Resistance and Marronage in Africa and the New World, ed. Gad Heuman (London: Cass,
1986).
9 Jean Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons: Liberty ofDeath, translated for French by A. Faulkner Watts (New York :
E.W. Blyden Press, 1981), 3.









colonists who were victims' of marronage, with a view of guaranteeing their rights, filed

affidavits at the public registry, or less often, had their rights to the person of the fugitive

notarized. However, when Monceaux, an attorney in Cap Francais, produced the first Gazette de

Saint-Domingue, on Februrary 8, 1764, he issued an invitation for the submission of lists of

incarcerated fugitive slaves. These announcements appeared so useful that the colonists on their

own initiative also demanded of the Gazette de Saint Domingue the publication, beginning at the

end of February 1764, of the first notices denouncing slaves en marronage, with their

descriptions and all details pertinent to their capture.10 Posterity is surely grateful for the Royal

Ordinance of 18 November 1767, which made it compulsory to publish both of these lists in Les

Affiches Americaines, thus making a much more manageable search for the fugitive history of

marronage in Saint Domingue.11

The thereafter official, and until 1789 the only, newspaper of Saint Domingue, Les

Affiches Americaines, offers unparalleled information on slave society in Saint Domingue

through three types of sources, two of which are of utmost importance: advertisements for

missing slaves, paid for by individual slave owners, and lists of fugitives captured and jailed in

the colony's prisons. The latter category represents those who failed in their attempt at

marronage.12 At their best, the data are very detailed, providing the slave's name, information

about his or her proprietor, place arrested, talents and trade, state of health, the wearing of

jewelry, gait, bearing, dress, language skills, traces of punishments, wounds, descriptions of



10 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons, 8.
11 Apparently, as Fouchard suggests, the independent name of the newspaper, Le Gazette de Saint Domingue, may
have alarmed the metropolitan government; the name of the paper was subsequently changed to Les Affiches
Amdricaines.
12 The third category of data is lists of unclaimed captured slaves put up at auction in effort to alleviate the penal
population pressure as well as a method for generating income. This data has been deliberately left out of this
analysis because it represents obvious repetitions in the data sample. This methodology runs counter to Fouchard's,
who included these adverts in his estimations of total slaves en marronage. This lapse in judgment led him to
misrepresent (either deliberately or unintentionally,) the data by varying degrees.









brands, teeth, hair, and skin color, sex, ethnic identity, perceived personality traits, and other

distinguishing physical characteristics.13

Other contemporary sources include plantation records and a vast quantity of

administrative correspondence on which most of the historiography rests. Reports of militia

commandants and colonists' writings to the colonial minister or governor help supplement these

other sources and prove very useful in constructing a top-down view of Saint Domingue slave

society. Such sources frequently present a highly subjective and skewed perspective of planters

trying to 'manage' their 'troublesome human property,' and thus reflect the racial biases

common to the era. Nevertheless, they do offer invaluable insights into colonial life necessary to

support this analysis of marronage in Saint Domingue. These sources typically mention, address,

and express fears and concerns about well-established maroon communities that posed

'recognizable' threats to the colonial regime.

In terms of methodology, quantitative analysis is central to this paper. The data and

analysis present a complex demographic snapshot of Saint Domingue's fugitive slave population.

This paper examines data drawn from Les Affiches Americaines and its supplement during the

period 1770 to 1791.14 Published in Port-au-Prince the paper provides data for the Southern and

Western Provinces of the colony. The Supplement aux Affiches Americaines was published in

Cap Francais (Le Cap) and provides data for the Northern Province. The purpose of this paper is

to delineate the general contours of Saint Domingue's maroon population, and more generally

the slave population as a whole during the two decades before the Haitian Revolution. Les



13 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons, 7; David Geggus, "On the Eve of the Haitian Revolution: Slave Runaway in
Saint Domingue in the year 1790," in Out of the House ofBondage: Runaways, Resistance andMarronage in Africa
and the New World, ed. Gad Heuman (London: Cass, 1986), 113-14.
14 This paper specifically examines publications from 1770, 1771, 1772, 1774, 1777, 1781, 1783, 1785, 1787, 1788,
and 1791. The majority of these years were selected for their completeness. However, the data set froml771 is
incomplete.









Affiches Americaines sheds light on a number of aspects of marronage and slave society,

including nutrition (using height and age data,) sex ratios and relations, linguistics, scarification,

master/slave relations and differences between the experiences of Africans and creoles. More

specifically, these data help to clarify the picture of ethnic, sexual, and regional variations among

Saint Domingue's fugitive slave population. Quantitative analysis of the data available from Les

Affiches will help to focus the still blurry picture of marronage in Saint Domingue.

This paper presents a series of tables that evaluate the data gathered from the newspaper.

Critical commentary explains the tabulated figures and their potential to inform the present

historiography of marronage in Saint Domingue. Of particular interest is the impact of

marronage on the Haitian Revolution. Some historians, notably Jean Fouchard, argue that a

growth of marronage provided the foundation for the slave revolt in 1791 by providing both a

large number of potential revolutionaries and by helping to forge leaders capable of organizing

an armed resistance effort. Although the identification of maroons among the insurgents of 1791

lies beyond the scope of this thesis, the question remains: was the fugitive slave population

increasing faster than or in proportion to the total population? In the early 1770s the slave

population was at least 200,000 and by the eve of the revolution in 1791 it had risen to nearly

500,000. The socio-economic and political conditions of pre-revolutionary Saint Domingue

society were certainly complex, so this is not just a question of numbers. However, recognizing

the rate of increase of the fugitive population in relation to the general population will help to

untangle the complexities of the maroon population's effect on the impending revolution.

Marronage and its supposed impact on the Haitian Revolution has created much

controversy among historians. In general, the main terms of the debate regard the extent of

marronage, the reason for it, the fugitive slave's relationship with colonial society, and ultimately









the connections (if any) between this phenomenon and the Haitian Revolution.15 Scholarly

opinion on marronage in Saint Domingue is distinctly divergent. Cautious scholars like Gabriel

Debien and Yvan Debbasch deny any connection between marronage and revolutionary potential

or action and thus represent one extreme side of the debate. Similarly, David Geggus describes

marronage as primarily an alternative to rebellion, a safety-valve within the slave system that

merely released tension by allowing indignant slaves to "rebel" without the structure to organize

larger more coordinated movements. For Geggus, the absence of slave revolts in eighteenth-

century Saint Domingue illustrates this argument.16

By contrast, Jean Fouchard and Edner Brutus contend that this type of unchecked

behavior might have helped stimulate and perpetuate the greater, organized rebellion in Saint

Domingue in 1791. More recently, Robin Blackburn and Carolyn Fick have suggested there

was a revolutionary contribution of petit marronage in the organization of larger resistance

movements.17 Nevertheless, before historians can reach a consensus about whether maroons in

Saint Domingue were essentially apolitical or proto-revolutionary, it is critical that we first arrive

at a sense of not only the historical context of marronage in Saint Domingue but also the

contemporary dimensions and makeup of the maroon population that interacted with the larger

colonial society. While this examination of marronage in Saint Domingue may inform this

discussion of a potential impact on the Haitian Revolution, particularly on the slave revolt in the

Plaine du Nord in August 1791, it will also force those who claim that marronage was directly

related to the revolution to re-evaluate their positions and the evidence that supports it.




15 David Geggus, "Slave Resistance Studies and the Saint Domingue Slave Revolt: Some Preliminary
Considerations," (Miami: Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida International University, 1983), 4.
16 David Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies, (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002), 74.
17 Caroline Fick, The Making ofHaiti: The Saint Domingue Revolution from Below, (Knoxville: University of
Tennessee Press, 1990); Robin Blackburn, Overthrow of Colonial Slavery, 1776-1848, (London: Verso, 1988).









The remainder of this work is divided into specific sections that address particular

elements of Saint Domingue's maroon population. Chapter Two will explore the historiography

of marronage in Saint Domingue from the earliest contemporary historians to the latest work on

runaways on the eve of the Haitian Revolution by David Geggus. Initially, this work will delve

into the contemporary literature, as well as a large body of secondary work and then evaluate the

data gathered which will help to support and dispel many assumptions and conclusions made

prior to this investigation. The data or rather the "General Contours of the Maroon Population"

is the subject of Chapter Three. This chapter opens with a brief discussion of marronage and

maroon activity in Hispaniola from Columbus' arrival until 1770. In addition, this chapter will

present quantitative data on the total numbers of slaves en marronage from the period from 1770

to 1790.18 The data will be broken down into various categories to highlight regional variations.

This chapter also seeks to compare the maroon population with the slave population overall and

will address the ever-present question about a growing fugitive slave movement toward

revolution.

Chapter Four addresses the gender and ethnic composition of the maroon population in

Saint Domingue. This chapter will seek to highlight the differences between males and females

en marronage, and between the creole slave and the African slave. I will also examine

distinctions between locally born creoles and foreign creoles from around the Atlantic World.

The final section of this chapter will address "success and failure" rates among the various

groups of fugitive slaves. Was a woman more likely to remain a fugitive than a man; did a

foreign creole fare better than a local creole; and how did the experiences of different Africans

compare?


18 As a point of reference I will compare my numbers with the generalizations offered by Jean Fouchard, the only
other historian to address the phenomenon over several decades with comparable methodology.









Nowhere else in the contemporary sources do the lives of individual slaves come to life

as they do in the pages of the aged newspapers of colonial Saint Domingue. The picture of

slavery offered by these descriptions is unparalleled as it provides scholars, some two hundred

and fifty years later, a chance to view slaves as individuals rather than as undifferentiated chattel

as they so often appear in the literature. While the same white men who presented slaves as this

undifferentiated lot also wrote these colorful advertisements, this chapter will seek to interpret

these advertisements in the context of a black Atlantic identity despite the inherent bias of the

authors. An entire monograph could be written about individual slaves from the thousands of

advertisements in Les Affiches Americaines. With this in mind, a number of examples are

presented to bring the individual slave who chose to throw off the yoke of slavery to the

foreground of this picture of slave society in Saint Domingue during the dying days of the ancien

regime. Finally, Chapter Five summarizes the preceding discussions and offers a number of

conclusions regarding marronage in Saint Domingue, its typology, its evolution and ultimately

its place within the narrative of the Haitian Revolution.

The underlying purpose of this work is to revisit the debate regarding marronage and the

slave insurrection that eventually led to the Haitian Revolution. Aside from the efforts of Jean

Fouchard, historians have failed to quantify the number of runaway slaves in Saint Domingue or

rather those who appear in the colonial newspaper, prior to the revolution. This work does

exactly this.19 The quantitative analysis is the main contribution of this work, for it will help to

clarify the blurry picture of marronage in Saint Domingue. However, with a clearer

understanding of the gender, ethnic, and regional variations of the fugitive population, this work

seeks to do much more than inform this rather tired debate. At bottom, the quantitative data to

be presented are intended to illustrate the composition and dynamics of an essential and

19 The precise relation between these data and the number of total maroons in the colony is unknown.









influential sector of Saint Domingue's pre-revolutionary society. While it is rather difficult to

disassociate marronage in Saint Domingue from the Haitian Revolution, studying marronage

independent of the Haitian Revolution will allow scholars to more fully appreciate this

phenomenon's collective impact on colonial society in the decades prior to the revolution in

Saint Domingue.









CHAPTER 2
THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF MARRONAGE IN SAINT DOMINGUE

In 1897, just over a century after the great slave revolt began on the Plaine du Nord,

Lucien Peytraud published the first European commentary on marronage in Saint Domingue.1

Peytraud asserted that "le marronage fut la plaie continuelle des Antilles,"2 (marronage was the

running sore of the West Indies). Peytraud claimed that as soon as there were slaves in the

islands, there were maroons and the numbers of those maroons continually increased. Why?

Because, "tant est inner au coeur de l'homme l'amour de la liberty!"3 (so innate to the heart of man

is the love of liberty!). Peytraud's work gave rise to the frequent assertion that the phenomenon

of marronage grew steadily in Saint Domingue and throughout the French Caribbean chiefly as a

result of an intangible desire for liberty. Various authors, particularly those associated with the

"Haitian school," have perpetuated this claim.4 Some six decades later, Jean Fouchard cited this

precise quotation.5 In point of fact, the study of marronage dates as far back as the colonial

period when many memoirs, surveys, and papers on maroons were prepared, which attest that the

phenomenon was a matter of interest and concern for the colonists and the French colonial

administration.6

While Peytraud, a Frenchman, and Fouchard, a Haitian, agree on this point, there is a

clear division between French and Haitian schools of thought on this topic. This division is most

apparent in their disparate assertions about various issues regarding marronage but particularly

its impact on the Haitian Revolution. For many Haitians and Haitian scholars alike the impact of



1 Lucien Peytraud, L'esclavage aux Antillesfranqaises avant 1789: d'apres des documents inddits des archives
colonials, (Paris: Edition et diffusion de la Culture antillaise, 1984). For the section of marronage see pages 405-40.
This work is the first part of a voluminous collection on slavery and abolition in the French Caribbean.
2 Peytraud, L 'esclavage, 406.
3 Peytraud, L 'esclavage, 406.
4 Including Jean Fouchard, Edner Brutus, and G6rand Laurent
5 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons, 93.
6 Manigat, "The Relationship between Marronage and Slave Revolts," 420.









marronage on the Haitian Revolution is central to an argument that stresses indigenous

influences on the Haitian Revolution, as opposed to external ones, and its supposed historical

role has become for many Haitians an object of national pride.7

The majority of the primary sources are located in France, thus both schools have not

been able to access all the available sources; nevertheless, they tend to utilize their available

sources in different fashions. Those sources include contemporary histories, travelers' accounts,

memoirs, letters, official correspondence, plantation papers, and newspapers. The Haitian school

tends to focus on a lengthy list of reports of maroon attacks on plantations during which they

pillaged and plundered food, arms, and women. However, the data available from runaway

advertisements and jailed lists do not typically inform discussions of maroon activity, the two of

which are not always related. While slaves taking flight might have envisioned joining a frontier

maroon community admittance into such an enclave theoretically involved a number of

considerations for both parties involved, primarily food, shelter, and defensibility.

Debien, Fouchard, and Geggus have all utilized the colonial newspapers in their attempts

to unravel the complexities of marronage in Saint Domingue. Although each of these scholars

has made important contributions to the field, their findings are limited by the scope of their

inquiries. By focusing on year or less, both Debien and Geggus observed only a brief historical

snapshot, while Fouchard's sweeping examination of more than thirty years relies too heavily on

broad generalizations often losing sight of the individual experiences in the process. The present

work focuses on the colonial newspaper and examines a twenty-year period and attempts to

distance itself from both French and Haitian interpretations.

Leslie Manigat offered an astute commentary on these conflicting schools of thought in a

brief article in 1977. The French school represented primarily by French-born historians, views

7 Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 69.









marronage as an "accident" provoked by ad hoc material causes rather than an inherent desire for

freedom. This school downplays the disruptive impact of fugitive slaves on French colonialism

by stressing the variety of behaviors marronage encompassed.8 Furthermore, this French school,

which encompasses an ethnocentric French perspective, studies the maroons as individuals,

describes the cases one by one, analyzes the subjects, and finds each case as an "accident" in the

normal daily life of the plantation. This type of oversimplification may have also been employed

by contemporary planters in their discussion of marronage as an ad hoc phenomenon that

intentionally downplayed the slaves' ability to express a collective identity or thoughtful

opposition to the labor regime. In effect, these empirical studies stress a lack of intensity in the

phenomenon over an extended time period, its dispersion, and it disparate character through the

singularity and subjectivity of individual maroons and was essentially developed as a critique of

the Haitian school.9 This micro-study approach results in dismissing marronage as a serious and

regular occurrence. Moreover, the French school tends to address the heterogeneous composition

of maroon bands and so grand marronage is presented as a collection of discontented individuals

rather than a collective form of resistance.10 The most prominent supporters of this interpretation

are Yvan Debbasch and Gabriel Debien. 1

In "Le marronage aux Antilles Francaises au XVIIIe siecle," Debien downplays the

impact of even well established maroon communities suggesting that they caused serious

troubles only in certain districts and particular circumstances. He goes on to suggest that they

posed a real danger to crops, but rare was the colonist who really believed his personal safety



8 Michel-Rolph Trouillot, Review of Les Maroons de liberty in New West Indian Guide, 56 (1982): 180-82; Geggus,
Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 70.
9 Manigat, "The Relationship between Marronage and Slave Revolts," 424.
10 Manigat, "The Relationship between Marronage and Slave Revolts," 425.
1 Y. Debbasch, "le marronage: essai sur la desertion de l'esclave antillais," Annee Sociologique (1962); G. Debien,
Les esclaves aun Antilles frangaises aux 17e et 18e sidcles (Basse Terre, 1974).









was threatened.12 Citing Valentin de Cullion, Debien also downplays the impact of petit

marronage. Debien asserts that neither planters nor managers in Saint Domingue brought up the

issue with the owners in France. 13 It was only when maroons deserted in groups or when an

unfriendly neighbor threatened to mention them to the master living in France did representatives

of the planters began to speak about maroons.14 Debien agrees with Peytraud in that marronage

was as old as slavery in the islands as it existed among white indentured servants as well as

among black slaves. He also aligns with Fouchard in suggesting that "new" slaves who escaped

during the first days or weeks after they were bought from the slave traders were the most

numerous en marronage. However, Debien suggests that newly-arrived enslaved Africans were

the least dangerous of all maroons, since they knew neither the countryside nor the creole

language.15 For Fouchard, the newly arrived Africans' immediate refusal of slavery was an

illustration of an inherent desire for freedom that would be realized in 1804. In the end, newly-

arrived Africans would have probably been the least dangerous but they were certainly not the

most numerous, as this paper will later demonstrate. Debien suggests it is rather easy to sum up

the principal causes of marronage: harsh treatment, fear of punishment and/or an inadequate diet

are given as the most prominent reasons for flight. Other reasons given included drunken

celebrations on prolonged holidays, the transfer of slaves from one plantation to another or a

desire to escape after committing theft or assault.16 Nowhere does Debien mention an innate

desire for freedom as a cause for flight.





12 Debien, "Marronage in the French Caribbean," 108.
13 Claude-Francois Valentin de Cullion, Examen de 1 'esclavage etparticulierement de 1 'esclavage des negres dans
les colonies de l'Amdrique (Paris, 1803).
14 Debien, "Marronage in the French Caribbean," 111.
15 Debien, "Marronage in the French Caribbean," 125.
16 Debein, "Marronage in the French Caribbean," 134.









The "Haitian" school similarly stresses the harshness of the slave system, but regards the

quest for freedom as the primary cause for marronage. Moreover, this school ardently links

maroon activities with the slave uprising of 1791. This linkage consists of two core claims: that

the slave rebellion grew out of a rising tide of marronage that built up momentum through the

colonial period and that the rebellion was organized and led by maroons.17 While they (those

who adhere with the Haitian school) all emphatically agree on the existence of a link between

marronage and the Haitian Revolution, their individual analyses are influenced by a variety of

ideologies.18 In general, the Haitian school tends to base their assertions on apriori reasoning

which has led more empirical historians to harshly criticize those assumptions. Moreover, this

school believes that explanations of marronage in terms of biological impulses deny the slaves'

humanity. Again, Leslie Manigat succinctly explains these different ideological influences

within the Haitian school.

The first ideological trend with "ethnonationalist" elements represents a traditional and

classical position of Haitian historians on marronage. The school stretches from Beaubrun

Ardouin in 1850 to Jean Fouchard in 1970. This ideology draws on the oft-forgotten human

nature of an enslaved individual faced with the degrading slave system. Marronage remains a

natural reaction in favor of freedom and independence in the face of the exploitative nature of

colonial slavery. The Haitian Marxist school, which insists on the action of the masses and the

role of violence, represents a second ideological trend. In effect, maroons were the revolutionary

historical vanguard of the popular revolution.19 A third trend is marked by the Haitian noiriste

school, which insists on race and color as the driving forces of the revolution. In this approach,

maroons represent black consciousness and African rooted culture. Maroons' radical and racial

17 Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 70.
18 Manigat, "The Relationship between Marronage and Slave Revolts," 425.
19 Manigat, "The Relationship between Marronage and Slave Revolts," 426.









opposition to the world of the masters allowed them to the spearhead the black revolution and

Haitian scholars presented the class and race dynamics in their studies of Haitian independence

as the most important factor guiding the revolution. In the 1950's a noiriste Emmanuel Paul

criticized Haitian leftist Etienne Charlier for depicting marronage merely as an early stage in the

national liberation struggle that was supplanted by the uprising in 1791. As a representative of

the 'mulatto' school of Haitian history, he aligned himself with the French school that typically

sees the Haitian Revolution as a by-product of the French Revolution. For Paul and many other

Haitian historians, the black struggle for freedom predated that of the Europeanized free

coloreds, marronage being the illustration of this deep seated resistance.20 The fourth and final

ideological trend is a blend of Marxism and noirisme. The most prominent representatives of the

Haitian school, which is obviously not monolithic, are Edner Brutus, Jean Fouchard and Gerard

Laurent.21

The Haitian expatriate Leslie Manigat adopts a critical stance towards the Haitian school

but displays distinct affinities with it both in methodology and ideology.22 Manigat is critical of

Fouchard and Brutus who tend to ennoble marronage by directly attributing to it the emergence,

the dynamism, and the successful outcome of the Haitian Revolution and by classifying all the

rebels of 1791 as maroons because they rely on an "obviousness" connection between the two

but provide no evidence.23 However, he supports the idea that the experience of marronage

naturally progressed into the Haitian Revolution. He also disagrees with Fouchard in his

definition of marronage. Fouchard asserts thatpetit marronage represented small calculated steps

to freedom. On the contrary, Manigat asserts that not all running away is marronage and


20 Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 70.
21 See G6rand Laurent, Quand les chains violent en cleats (Port-au-Prince: Deschamps, 1979); Fouchard, The
Haitian Maroons; and Edner Brutus, Rdvolution dans Saint-Domingue, (Paris: Editions du Pantheon, 1973).
22 Geggus, "Slave Resistance Studies and the Saint Domingue Slave Revolt: Some Preliminary Considerations", 25.
23 Manigat, "The Relationship between Marronage and Slave Revolts," 421.









"spontaneous short-term absences" cannot be classified as such.24 While Manigat does not

explicitly state that marronage played an integral role in the Haitian Revolution, he is consistent

with many Haitian school scholars in his insistence that marronage in Saint Domingue can only

be understood against the backdrop of the Haitian Revolution.

However, there is little evidence that connects the two. Throughout the Americas during

the Age of Revolution, many slave societies experienced both slave revolt and marronage.

While no other colony underwent a black revolution, one cannot simply connect these issues on

the basis of racial solidarity or pre-national consciousness. In a sense, most colonials were

struggling with the same issues during the onset of their own revolutions, slavery, freedom,

taxation, representation, among others. It does not necessarily follow that one form of resistance

to bondage-running away-leads to another -revolution. If anything, marronage represents an

individual choice, not a collective racial or national front against the colonial establishment.

Slaves only now and again ran off in groups and those were typically small family units or a

group of skilled slaves that may have had interests in exploiting the system from within and not

from the frontier enclaves praised by the Haitian school as bastions of revolutionary training and

ideology. It is also hard to find evidence from the onset of the slave revolt in the Northern Plain

that the rebels were ever fugitives.

Perhaps, combining insights from these two schools might offer a more complete account

of marronage in Saint Domingue by presenting the growth of marronage relative to the

population, the impact of both petit and grand marronage on colonial society and the revolution,

and the logical link between maroons and rebels. Assuming slaves would naturally want to resist

the system without quantifying that resistance has generated the most criticism of the Haitian

school. However, while the French school seems to suggest a need for an empirical and

24 Manigat, "The Relationship between Marronage and Slave Revolts," 423.









quantitative study, it has failed to deliver one. This present work seeks to bridge these two

divided schools of thought. Nevertheless, a stark division will still be readily apparent as many

of these assertions on both sides have become politically charged as they continue to be informed

by both black Haitian nationalism and French ethnocentrism.

However, several authors have suggested that the two schools may not be as disparate as

they first appear. David Geggus suggests that their differences are merely semantic. He contends

that the short-term absenteeism with apparently easily identifiable causes, which the French

school observes was very much the most common variety, is excluded by the Haitian school,

particularly Fouchard, from his definition of marronage altogether. However, Fouchard does

address petit marronage but classifies it as "slaves feeling their way, groping toward the road of

freedom."25 Fouchard continues by suggesting "there [cannot] be any doubt that from the time

of his frequent escapes Boukman (an early rebel leader) was already nursing his dream of

liberating his brothers form slavery."26 Nevertheless, this statement can neither be validated nor

disproven as we cannot know what Boukman was thinking during the years prior to the Haitian

Revolution or if he even frequently escaped. But, Fouchard does at least address the impact of

these short-term absences, if not in name at least in theory, as he suggests that it was on these

absences that slaves succeeded in establishing the extraordinary network of complicity and the

careful plan for the general uprising.27 It becomes clear that quantifying the different types of

marronage is necessary before attempting to evaluate its impact on colonial society.28







25 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons, 248.
26 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons, 249.
27 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons, 249.
28 Geggus, "Slave Resistance Studies and the Saint Domingue Slave Revolt: Some Preliminary Considerations," 5.









Following Peytraud, some eighty years later, Edner Brutus, who best represents the

confluence of the Marxist and noiriste segment of the Haitian school, commented on marronage

in Revolution dans Saint-Domingue, (1973):

"Under all its forms and with all its faculties, marronage remains the first expression of
the class struggle in Saint-Domingue. An insurrectionary movement, it is prior to the
revolution and its preparations. Various elements give rise to it, food and maintenance.
If, in triggering and in continuity, the economical factor remains determining and
predominant, religious or cultural causes also play an important role from the beginning.
The racial notion there holds its place and confuses so narrowly with the social claim that
it ends up being formulated in terms of color: the black fought against the white.
Marronage represents the martial refusal of the transplanted Africans and their
descendants to accept the colonial system, a passionate reaction of the most spirited, and
erasure of all the inequalities created by the powers of one civilization enslaving
another."29

Brutus views maroon activities as an insurrectionaryy movement." In true Marxist fashion,

Brutus attends to material circumstances, the innate need to challenge oppressive white colonial

institutions, and a desire for freedom as underpinnings of his arguments. Ultimately, for Brutus,

marronage is an expression of the class struggle in a black-slave/white-master society.30

With his comparatively well documented study of marronage, Jean Fouchard positions

himself as essentially the dean of the Haitian school. However, his work Les marrons de la

liberty (1972) translated as The Haitian Maroons: Liberty or Death is laden with political

overtones as he castigates not only French colonials but also French historians who tend to

down-play the impact of maroons on the Haitian Revolution. He even suggests that Yvan

Debbasch is a "self-esteemed, inadequate essayist," who vehemently attacks the Haitian school

with imaginary statistics.31





29 This excerpt was translated from Edner Brutus, Revolution dans Saint-Domingue, (Paris: Editions du Pantheon,
1973,) 70.
30 Manigat, "The Relationship between Marronage and Saint Domingue," 424-25.
31 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons, 90.









While it has typically been an article of faith for the Haitian school that marronage

continually increased until the eve of the revolution, to date, Fouchard is the only historian to

attempt to quantify the phenomenon.32 Fouchard suggests that there is evident proof that

marronage continued to grow until the revolution. In fact he argues, the proscriptions and

prohibitions aimed at blocking the road to marronage, the organization and permanent

maintenance of militias for the pursuit of the fugitives, and the extraordinary abundance, in every

region of the country, of retreats bearing the names of maroon leaders all indicate the maroon

presence increased. Yet, this only indicates that a maroon population existed and it does nothing

to illustrate an increase in the phenomenon. Fouchard goes on to suggest that the century-long

resistance from the Bahoruco Mountains and the necessity to negotiate a peace treaty with the

rebels, as one powerful people with another, also indicates an increase. However, Debbasch

argues that the problem posed by le Maniel was modified by an increasing interest in the territory

controlled by the maroons and this was the reason a political solution was considered at the very

end of the eighteenth-century, not the exaggerated numbers of le Maniel or its supposed talent

for prolonged resistance.33 Moreover, Fouchard fails to recognize that officials in Saint

Domingue rarely negotiated with rebels and this case was the primary exception; in point of fact

the treaty was not ratified by the French government. The general theme running through the

arguments of the Haitian school focuses on the activities of a select group of maroon

communities throughout the history of Saint Domingue, which because of little evidence, can

contribute little to the discussion about the growth of marronage before the Haitian Revolution.

Moreover, Fouchard's methodology is suspect. Nevertheless, his margin of error may not have


32 Excluding the work of David Geggus on "Slave runaways on the Eve of the Haitian Revolution," (to be reviewed
below) and two other short articles by Debien. See footnote 8.
33 Yvan Debbasch, "Le Maniel: Further Notes," in Maroon Societies: Rebel Slave Communities in the Americas, ed.
Richard Price Third edition (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), 145-46.









been as wide as suggested by David Geggus. Fouchard does well to utilize a variety of primary

sources, specifically the colonial newspapers, but he offers little evidence to support his

discussion of motives for marronage. Fouchard also seems to equate maroon activity (organized

bands attacking plantations and such) throughout this period with more general and individual

cases of petit and grand marronage. However, while both imply a resistance to slavery it is

important to remember that in several maroon groups were often deployed against would-be

maroons as runaway slave catchers. Moreover, their involvement in the planning or carrying out

of the revolution has yet to be determined. This work seeks to evaluate his assertions by

employing a more methodical approach in analyzing the data available from the Saint

Domingue's colonial newspaper.

Shortly after the publication of Fouchard's work, Thomas Ott in The Haitian Revolution,

1789-1804, (1973) suggested that there is little evidence that when the revolution erupted,

maroons came to the aid of their fellow blacks. A member of the French school, Ott, like T.

Lothrop Stoddard, maintained that maroons played a reactionary role. Ott and Stoddard believed

that it is possible that maroons viewed the general freedom of the slaves as a threat to their own

position.34 While not explicitly stating so, Ott grounds himself near the French end of the

spectrum. Ott maintains that fugitive slaves, living in isolated communities only seldom

challenged white authority directly, except for occasional raids on plantations. However,

contrary to Debien, Ott suggests that white colonists feared the maroons because they may have

spread the "infection of freedom" to the enslaved masses.35 Ott offers no evidence for his

insights into the mind of the fearful white colonists.




34 Thomas Ott, The Haitian Revolution, 1789-1804, (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1972,) 18-19; T.
Lothrop Stoddard, The French Revolution in San Domingo, (New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1914,) 63-64.
35 Ott, The Haitian Revolution, 18.









Carolyn Fick also argues that white planters feared maroons and maroon activity.

Ultimately, Fick argues that petit marronage played an integral role in the development of the

Haitian Revolution. For Fick, marronage was the most viable and consistent from of resistance

in Saint Domingue. In the vein of the Haitian school, Fick asserts that enslaved individuals

claimed their right to freedom by defying the system that denied them the most "essential of

human rights." Fick also suggests that by 1791 marronage had developed a "collective

characteristic that converged with the turbulent political climate, creating an opportunity for

enslaved individuals to claim their freedom.36 Maroon band activity, for Fick, was collective and

illustrated a constant struggle against the colonial regime. She suggests that during the two

decades prior to the Haitian Revolution, colonial correspondence, official reports, and

administrative ordinances continued to underscore the threat of marronage to the general security

of the colony; however, examples of such correspondence are not presented in her arguments.37

Fick goes as far as to suggest that organized maroon activity, particularly the actions of

Makandal, drew upon various African beliefs and practices and were aimed at nothing less than

the destruction of the white masters and slavery.38 Ultimately, Fick argues that this short-term

absenteeism allowed slaves to organize the slave insurrection of 1791, in the sense that week-end

and nocturnal gatherings helped perpetuate communication networks among disparate slaves

which ultimately led to organized resistance. Fick assumes that these clandestine meetings

involved some type of petit marronage since not all slaves could obtain travel passes.39







36 Fick, The Making ofHaiti, 49.
SFick, The Making ofHaiti, 53.
38 Fick, The Making ofHaiti, 61.
39 Fick, The Making ofHaiti, 94-95.









In The Ov 'i ith,/.i of Colonial Slavery: 1776-1848, Robin Blackburn presents a similar

argument about the impact of petit marronage.40 Blackburn highlights the absence of major

slave uprisings in the French Antilles in the 1770s and 1780s and suggests that larger scale

marronage did not seem to have grown in consequence, perhaps because the French military

authorities achieved a high level of mobilization in the colony during this decade as troops were

withdrawn from North America. However, Blackburn suggests thatpetit marronage produced a

layer of slaves with outside knowledge, experience and contacts, with a continuing presence

within plantations, a combination that could, under the right conditions, lead to plantation

revolts.41 Yet, Blackburn does not address the particular conditions necessary for plantation

revolts.

By contrast, Geggus believes that the revolt was planned from within rather than without.

He suggests that slaves had ample opportunities within the system to meet and organize: on the

way to provision grounds, at Sunday markets, and at weekend festivals, which some whites

thought harmless. Citing Moreau de Saint Mery, Geggus calls attention to the Cap Francais

market that attracted nearly 15,000 slaves each week with dances and stick-fighting taking place

at the city's outskirts, ignored by police, on Sunday evenings and holidays. Moreover, the

infamous Bois Caiman ceremony was held on a Sunday night to the knowledge of many white

planters.42

Geggus's commentary on marronage in Saint Domingue can be found in two chapters in

edited volumes, a short article and a pamphlet on slave resistance. In a brief article, "On the Eve

of the Haitian Revolution: Slave Runaways in Saint Domingue in the year 1790," Geggus seeks

to explore the assertions of Fouchard and the general claim of the Haitian school for a rising tide

40 Robin Blackburn, The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery: 1776-1848, (London: Verso, 1988,) 169 and 208.
41 Blackburn, The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery, 208.
42 Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 73.









in marronage. In the end, Geggus offers tentative conclusions regarding the maroon population

on the eve of the revolution. Ultimately, he attempts to explore the unsubstantiated claims of

previous historians and calls for more a methodical archive based mode of historical inquiry.

Geggus offers several criticisms of Fochard's and others' work on marronage in Saint

Domingue. However, his observations are based on an analysis of a single year or runways and

may not stand up to a broader analysis of marronage.

Influenced by Geggus, Jacques Cauna offers his commentary on "The Singularity of the

Saint Domingue Revolution: Marronage, Voodoo, and the Color Question." Cauna's

problematic analysis stems from his limited definition of marronage. Cauna defines marronage

as "running away to form communities of escaped slaves."43 As stated before, marronage and

semi-autonomous groups of maroon slaves are not necessarily equivalent. Moreover, he defines

grand marronage as a group effort; again, this is not the typical definition of grand marronage

for either the Haitian or French schools of thought.44 Furthermore, Cauna suggests that creoles

and artisans, more than any other slaves became fugitives.45 As the data will attest this is a false

assumption. Contrary to Debien and others from the French school, Cauna suggests that even

petit marronage was a continual complaint of planters/managers even on well-run plantations.46

Nevertheless, Cauna does eventually align with the French school, and more specifically with

Geggus, in stating the there is nothing to confirm that the fugitive movement was growing larger

in the years leading up to the revolution.47 Yet, he does suggest that marronage during the late

eighteenth-century does reflect a turning point towards a more aggressive and systematic stance



43 Jaqcues Cauna, "The Singularity of the Saint Domingue Revolution: Marronage, Voodoo, and the Color
Question" in Plantation Society in the Americas III, 3 (1996), 321-45.
44 Cauna, "The Singularity of the Saint Domingue Revolution," 331.
45 Cauna, "The Singularity of the Saint Domingue Revolution," 332.
46 Cauna, "The Singularity of the Saint Domingue Revolution," 331.
47 Cauna, "The Singularity of the Saint Domingue Revolution," 333.









against the colonial regime.48 Though he cites a work protest in the late 1770s and a clandestine

meeting led by a mulatto these incidents are more suggestive than definitive and have little to do

with marronage. In the end, Cauna's article offers little to methodical study of marronage in

Saint Domingue except complication.

In a pamphlet, Slave Resistance Studies and the Saint Domingue Slave Revolt: Some

Preliminary Considerations (1983), Geggus offers a few guidelines for studying the issues under

review with a stronger methodology. Geggus explores the main questions surrounding

marronage in Saint Domingue: the motivations of slaves running away, the extent of marronage,

the maroon's relations with colonial society and the connections between marronage and slave

revolution. Of particular interest is his commentary concerning the Haitian school's assertion

that the leaders of the slave insurrection in 1791 were former maroon-band leaders. Geggus

concludes that while Boukman, Jean-Francois, Biassou and Jeannot, the first four to achieve

prominence, are generally asserted by historians to have commanded bands of maroons, no proof

of this seems to have been put forward. While Geggus admits there is a logical connection

between the revolutionary leadership and an experience of marronage, there is also evidence that

suggests that Boukman and Jeannot, and probably Biassou were all residents on their plantations

at the time of the uprising. He offers documentation from memoirs and letters that suggest two

of them participated in marronage but there is no evidence that they were leaders or members of

organized maroon bands.49 Thus, Geggus asserts that "it very much seems that it [the slave

insurrection] was organized from within the system and not from outside it."50

In an edited collection, Haitian Revolutionary Studies, (2002) Geggus sums up his

assertions regarding marronage and the Haitian Revolution, "the evidence regarding the growth

48 Cauna, "The Singularity of the Saint Domingue Revolution," 334.
49 Geggus, "Slave Resistance and the Saint Domingue Revolt," 10.
50 Geggus, "Slave Resistance Studies and the Saint Domingue Slave Revolt," 9-10.









of marronage prior to the revolution is mixed, but it does not indicate a sustained increase in

activity, especially in the activity of maroon bands." He continues, "there is nothing to support

Grand Laurent's claim that the organization and solidarity of maroons was steadily

increasing."51 However, Geggus does not discard the impact of marronage on the slave revolt,

"It [marronage] presumably served through the years to keep alive a spirit of resistance, and it

may have provided the strategic or tactical lessons for the insurgents of the 1790s." Geggus

states that while most plantations lost maroons, very few were attacked by them. The differences

between micro- and macro-level manifestations of the phenomenon explain the divergent

depictions of marronage by Haitian and European historians. For Geggus, the armed bands of

fugitives that troubled colonial administrators, and whom novelists and nationalists had found so

appealing, were far from being the "typical maroons" in a colony where hundreds, and later

thousands escaped each year.52 Geggus believes that marronage was "primarily an alternative to

rebellion, a safety-valve that helps explain the remarkable absence of slave revolts in eighteenth-

century Saint Domingue."53 In the end, Geggus's reliance on archival research forces him to

deny a rising tide in marronage, while his theoretical observations force him to combine the two

schools' reasons for marronage in more complete, less politically charged account of marronage

in Saint Domingue.

In conclusion, the historiography of marronage in Saint Domingue is complex and varied.

While it is true that not every work regarding marronage in Saint Domingue has been reviewed

here, with both schools of thought being explored with relative detail, it seems fair to suggest

that the sources, assertions, and conclusions of each school are evident. Many of these authors,

both Haitian and French, remain bound by their national identities and the claims associated with

51 Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 73.
52 Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 70.
53 Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 74.









their particular schools of thought. More often than not, methodical historical research remains

absent from their analysis. In the most recent work on marronage in Saint Domingue, Geggus

suggests a need for a more empirical approach to the study of this topic. He, like Fouchard,

employs in his research the main colonial newspaper Les Affiches Americaines to examine the

maroon population.54 However, unlike Fouchard, Geggus suggests his conclusions to be only

tentative. In the chapters to follow Les Affiches Americaines garners the much needed attention

called for by Geggus. Through this analysis a much clearer picture of the gender, ethnic, and

regional variations will emerge exclusive from the previous schools of thought and ultimately

from the Haitian Revolution. There is no deliberate attempt to prove or disprove either school's

claims; rather, through quantitative analysis a justifiable picture of marronage in Saint Domingue

takes shape. Methodical research in primary sources is at the heart of this work. The data have

been calculated and tabulated with a concerted effort to eliminate the bias of the historiography.

It may be true that marronage was a relatively constant phenomenon that reflected material

circumstances, but it would be unwise to disregard any individual's desire to live an autonomous

life. Ultimately, this work does not seek so much to understand the reasons for marronage, as

this has been well-studied even if under-substantiated, rather it seeks to illustrate the dimension

and composition of the maroon population in Saint Domingue during the years approaching the

Haitian Revolution. The historical context of this phenomenon is important for understanding

the breadth of both an individual and collective form of resistance.









54 As stated in the introduction, the source material for studying marronage in Saint Domingue is particularly rich,
quantitative work on the subject had been limited to three short articles and Fouchard's The Haitian Maroons.









CHAPTER 3
GENERAL CONTOURS OF MARRONAGE IN SAINT DOMINGUE

Marronage took many forms and impacted various segments of colonial society: black,

brown, and white, free and enslaved. Disparate groups of enslaved individuals practiced

marronage, from the newly arrived African to the locally-born artisan creole. Sometimes slaves

absconded in small groups, but more typically marronage was a solitary endeavor. Running

away was most certainly a conspicuous form of resistance, but answering the questions of why,

how, where, and when slaves chose to run away is a more complex matter.

This chapter is divided into three sections. The first explores the historical context of

marronage on Hispaniola and in French Saint Domingue. The second section offers commentary

on some general themes of marronage and relates some significant maroon events during the

period from discovery until 1770. The final section is simply a quantitative study of the general

contours of the maroon population during the period from 1770 to 1791. The first two sections

provide the necessary context for the quantitative study. The third section seeks to illustrate the

lack of quantitative research by previous historians and suggests a need to re-evaluate previously

unsubstantiated assertions regarding marronage in Saint Domingue. Although this chapter is

informed by the conclusions of previous historians, the more expansive methodology utilized

here allows this study to push beyond more speculative analysis, as it seeks to illuminate the dim

picture of marronage in Saint Domingue during the two decades prior to the Haitian Revolution.

Ultimately, this quantitative study reveals a relatively stable rate of marronage in the three

provinces of Saint Domingue during the period under examination. However, this chapter also

seeks to highlight regional variations that add nuance to the study of marronage in Saint

Domingue.









Certain aspects of the colonial milieu helped determine where slaves practiced

marronage. Secure hiding places were not lacking in the colony with vast stretches of woodlands

and the ubiquitous mountains which ringed most of its parishes. To these geographic spaces of

freedom was added the relative proximity of the Spanish boarder, collusion based on fellowship

and common interests, the anonymity of the swarming crowds in the suburbs of the large cities,

the system of transportation between parishes by land and sea, and finally the disappearance of

all fugitive traces over the long marches to distant cantons or mountain heights sheltering

organized bands.

The geography of Saint Domingue includes bushy savannahs, wooded hills, and karst

topography. Karst topography is characterized by sinkholes, subterranean caverns and caves,

and tropical-creeper vegetation in remote areas. However, the zones of traditional maroon

activity tended to be mountainous regions on the colonial frontier. Therefore, it is not surprising

that the rich plains of Le Cap, Cul-de-Sac, and Les Cayes were prominent areas of marronage not

only because they lie at the foot of Saint Domingue's mountain chains but also because a large

portion of slaves lived there. Nevertheless, slaves actually living in the mountains may have been

more likely to escape. The border between French Saint Domingue and Spanish Santo Domingo

was also a traditional zone of marronage as it offered the possibility to passer a l 'espagnol where

fugitive slaves found refuge and in some cases may have even been welcomed by the

neighboring colonial authorities. Indeed, many slaves headed for the "Spanish road" for the

advantages of asylum in a foreign land.2

Moreover, the organization of plantations, with cultivated land, fields for grazing,

provision grounds, and slave quarters scattered in different locations, certainly facilitated


1 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons, 271.
2 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons, 276.









evasion, whether it be short or long term. It is quite possible that maroons may have remained on

the fringes of society for many years, eating cane from the fields and/or food brought to them by

friends and kin. Other times, fugitives may have stolen from provision grounds or garden plots.

However, it is important to note that in some instances slaves were co-opted in the fight against

maroon slaves and at other times slaves may have participated in providing the necessary

elements to support marronage. Other slaves, most likely skilled creoles and particularly

women, ran away to the towns, where they could often blend into the population of urban slaves

and free-coloreds, especially if they were trained in a craft.3 Runaways may have also chosen to

join various semi-autonomous maroon communities that dotted the frontier throughout the

colony.

To reiterate, the three provinces, North, South, and West, are all divided by mountain

chains, again perfect places for Africans and creoles alike to create easily defended enclaves.

The North provided the largest town in Saint Domingue, Cap Francais, while the Southern and

Western provinces had several port-cities and small towns that may have provided fugitives with

crowed streets and ports of departure.

The question of why slaves chose to run away has generated much debate. This question

deals with both personal and collective reasoning behind flight and it directly informs the

competing arguments of the two divergent schools on marronage in Saint Domingue. Some

historians suggest that individual marronage must be explained in the context of the living

conditions of the slaves. A slave may have reacted against the conditions of work (length,

organization, and/or intensity) in several ways (laziness, apathy, walkouts) but the absolute

refusal to work was running away. This type of resistance most likely engendered cases of petit

marronage rather than grand marronage. Presumably, if a driver or master attempted to

3 Dubois, Avengers of the New World, 52.









ameliorate the conditions of the work regime it is reasonable to suggest that the "fugitive" slave

would return to work as certain conditions improved. In preparation for returning to the

plantation, runaways might have made contact with old-timers on the plantation, a district priest,

or an old woman close to the master's family to help mitigate their punishment.4

If the plantation was unable to provide the basic needs-housing, health, clothes, or

food-a slave may have also chosen to flee the plantation. It has been suggested by several

scholars that a great deal of marronage was associated with a lack of food. Here again, this

appears to be more likely a cause forpetit marronage. Both stealing and fleeing punishment

have also been the traditional explanations for marronage among French historians. However, as

Manigat suggests slaves did not typically take flight to practice thievery but rather maroons were

forced to steal because of the harsh conditions of life on the fringes of structured colonial

society.5

Escaping punishment may have generated more long-term episodes of flight because any

cause for punishment would have likely been increased if the slave attempted flight. On the

opposite side of this causal spectrum is flight occurring when slaves ran away during their days

off or during holidays looking for entertainment, leisure, and general amusement. This entailed

gatherings for story-telling, singing songs, drinking, playing games, and of course, sexual

exploits. Again, this most certainly was a case of petit marronage.

The most cited incidents of marronage by the Haitian school are those brought about by

an automatic rejection of slavery by newly imported Africans. The newly arrived slaves' refusal

to adapt themselves to a servile life, for the Haitian school, illustrates an innate desire for

freedom. Jean Fouchard, among others, has suggested that the majority of slaves en marronage

4 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons, 249.
5 Manigat, "The Relationship between Marronage and Slave Revolts," 142.









were those classified as nouveaux or those who had newly arrived in the colony who had little or

no working knowledge of the creole language; however, the evidence suggests otherwise.

During any given year, slaves classified as nouveaux never accounted for more a quarter of the

total slaves en marronage. Over the twenty-year period under investigation slaves classified as

nouveaux accounted for seventeen percent of the total sample. This point will be addressed in

more detail below.

In the end, slaves ran off for a variety of reasons.6 While many incidents were most

certainly impulsive, many others may have been well-calculated decisions based on the

agricultural cycle, various holidays, or other times of distraction when success in marronage may

have been more easily attainable. Whether or not slaves intended to remain on the fringes of

colonial society indefinitely or intended to return once a personal situation improved still

remains an important distinction. It informs both the nature of slave flight on the individual level

and the larger question of this collective phenomenon's impact not only on the broader colony

society but also the Haitian Revolution.

While the motivations of individual maroons suggest spontaneity, or at most a pre-

political consciousness, group marronage may offer evidence of a political consciousness, a

revolutionary consciousness, and/or a pre-national consciousness or so the Haitian school

suggests. Maroon groups can be organized into three categories according to their degree of

internal order. The first category is that of the wandering band with a loose structure that

changes according to circumstances but maintains a strong central authoritative figure. The

second represents a more stable community with the ability to change location for safety,


6 The causes of marronage are a major point of contention between the French and Haitian schools. Indeed,
contemporary sources comment on the motivations for flight, but these claims must be viewed in light of the
inherent biases of their authors and ultimately they may tell us very little about the psyche of enslaved individuals en
marronage.









structured only enough to maintain a minimum of order and control. The third is a well-

organized and permanent camp. Manigat suggests that this grouping is a military society that

thrives on self-reliance, self-government, and self-defense, essentially an independent enclosed

micro-state.7 However, this assertion that some maroon groups displayed an emerging collective

proto-revolutionary identity remains unsubstantiated and speculative at best. This retrospective

projection of a political consciousness onto maroon groups is typical of the Haitian school.

However, it is important to remember that maroon communities were often the exception that

proved the rule.

Indeed, maroon communities have a long history in the Caribbean. Those in Jamaica,

Suriname, and Brazil have received the most attention from scholars and are consequently the

most well known. However, different groups of fugitives carved out places of refuge on the

frontiers of Saint Domingue at various times in its history as well. A quick account of some of

the most influential maroon groups as well as other incidents of maroon-oriented resistance are

worth retelling because those incidents speak to the intents and purposes of many slaves en

grand marronage who chose to abandon the relative stability of the plantation for the hazardous

life of a maroon.8

To preface a focused analysis of the quantitative data for the latter third of the eighteenth

century, several salient maroon events will be related in an effort to provide the necessary

context of the impact of Saint Domingue's maroon communities upon the larger colonial society.

The episodes of Enriquillo, Padre Jean, Polydor, Francois Makandal and the Maniel group are

SManigat, "The Relationship Between Marronage and Slave Revolts," 430.
8 While Fouchard's quantitative methodology is somewhat suspect, he offers a brilliant descriptive narrative of "A
Chronology of Marronage," in which he details countless aspects of marronage in Saint Domingue during the period
from Columbus' discovery to the eve of the Haitian Revolution. However, even within these descriptions he
continually asserts that marronage continued to grow in number and influence. But the quantitative data suggest
nothing of the sort especially when viewed in the context of the general population increase. Nevertheless, his
"chronology" paints a rather comprehensive picture of marronage in Saint Domingue. Yet, as his "chronology"
approaches the 1770s and 1780s it becomes considerably thinner than decades prior.









important events in the story of marronage in Saint Domingue as well as the maroons' possible

struggle for independence. After a brief account of some of the most important affairs, the third

section turns to the period from 1770 to 1790, in a discussion of the general contours of the

maroon population during those years. The data will be presented in a number of contexts

including "the big picture," and regional variations, which address the impact of marronage on

the slave uprising in the North.

Marronage from Discovery to 1770

In relating the maroon events until the 1770s, this study will present the events utilized by

the Haitian school as evidence for increasing maroon activity. However, it is easily recognizable

that these events are disconnected by both time and space. In fact, the only long-running source

of agitation for white colonials appears to have come from the Bahoruco Mountains in the

French and Spanish borderlands. Even the actions of this enclave, do not seem to be very

continuous.

The history of marronage in the Americas begins with the discovery of the New World.

In 1499, the first African slaves, shipped from Spain, began to arrive in Hispaniola.9 Soon after,

African slaves began to desert the work gangs of the Spanish and participate in localized

rebellions such as in 1522 when a group of Africans sacked and pillaged a sugar mill belonging

to Don Diego Columbus. Fouchard illustrates these incidents through the commentary of

Governor Ovando, Bartolome de Las Casas and Father Charlevoix. In doing so, Fouchard

sought to demonstrate an inherent desire for liberty in response to the oppressive colonial

regime. While these incidents offer little insight into the psyche of those first African slaves,

they do highlight the legacy of maroons and foreshadow the subsequent actions of maroons to

challenge slave plantation systems.

9 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons, 300; Jos6 L. Franco Historia de la Revolucion de Haiti, 35.









The first significant maroon group on the island of Hispaniola was led by Enriquillo, a

Taino Indian. While Ida Altman has recently called attention to the importance of the revolt of

Enriquillo to the historiography of early Spanish America, this narrative also speaks toward

various aspects of marronage in what became the French colony of Saint Domingue.10 From

1519 to 1533, Enriquillo along with a number of Taino Indians revolted against Spanish forces in

the Bahoruco Mountains.11 Eventually, Enriquillo was able to negotiate freedom and the right of

possession of his mountain enclave. Mountain enclaves, guerrilla warfare, autonomous

subsistence, raiding, and negotiations with colonial officials are aspects that would come to

typify maroon communities in Saint Domingue for the next three centuries. Most significant is

that this was the first maroon treaty after which the Indians agreed to hunt for fugitive Africans

with whom they were previously allied.

Not until the early seventeenth-century did French interlopers begin to make inroads into

Hispaniola. They utilized the abandoned herds of pigs and cattle that the Spanish left behind as

they settled the mainland, to support their presence as they transformed Tortuga into a way

station for pillaging the returns from the Spanish Main. Beginning in 1665, Tortuga and the

western third of Santo Domingo were brought under the French flag by Bertrand d'Ogeron de la

Riviere. As governor for the new French West Indies Company, d'Ogeron's instructions from

France were to impose order in Tortuga by settling farmers along the west coast of Hispaniola.

During the next ten years, d'Ogeron skillfully accomplished both of these goals.12 By 1681,




10 Ida Altman, "The Revolt of Enriquillo and the Historiography of Early Spanish America," in The Americas, 63:4
(April 2006): 587-614.
1 The Bahoruco Mountains harbored a number of maroon communities throughout the colonial period However,
historians have not as of yet attempted to link the fugitive communities in the Bahoruco Mountains during the
colonial period.
12 Jan Rogozifiski, A Brief History of the Caribbean: From the Arawak to the Carib to the Present, (New York:
Penguin Putman, 2000), 93.









nearly four thousand settlers lived in the French section, centered on the town of Port-de-Paix,

opposite Tortuga.

In 1697, (with the Treaty of Ryswick) Spain conceded the western third of Hispaniola to

France. Nearly twenty years earlier, in 1679, a slave named Padre Jean rose up and assassinated

his master in Spanish Santo Domingo. Jean then made his way to the western third of the island

and settled near Port-de-Paix. While there, he convinced a number of his African counterparts to

rise up against the planter class. The uprising began near Port Margot where the participants

killed several slave holders and subsequently retreated into the mountains nearby. Padre Jean

was eventually killed by pirates, serving as the French settlement's main defensive unit, who had

tracked him down in his mountain retreat. Padre Jean was killed alongside several other

maroons. The rebellion was one of the earliest recorded in Saint Domingue and Padre Jean is

viewed as an early fighter against the cruelties of French-imposed slavery. Today, Padre Jean is

recognized as a Haitian national hero.

The eighteenth century saw a number of important maroon affairs unfold. During the late

seventeenth century, in March 1685, King Louis XIV issued the Code Noir which stipulated a

number of measures for slave societies in the French Antilles. The code regulated slave markets,

other social gatherings, marriage, the carrying of arms and fixed a number of other restrictions

on the enslaved in the French Caribbean. This code also standardized punishments for

marronage. A slave who had been away from the plantation for more than a month was to have

one of his ears cut off and afleur-de-lis branded on his shoulder. A slave who ran away again

for a month was to receive a second brand and have a hamstring cut. The punishment for the

third offense was death. Rather than follow these prescriptions for mutilation, most masters and









managers devised other punishments that caused suffering but did not cause fatal damage to their

human property.13

Masters usually whipped captured slaves upon their return. At other times, a returning

runaway's garden plot may have been confiscated. Slaves might also be locked up in plantation

hospitals or dungeons. Chains might also be attached to the slave's legs, sometimes with a ball

added to make running difficult, and/or iron spikes on an iron collar placed around the neck.

Only a blacksmith could remove these restraints. However, such devices did not always deter

fugitives from fleeing a second or third time.14 From 1770 to 1790 over seventy-five slaves were

jailed with some type of restraint mechanism attached to their body.

Maroon bands of various dimensions were present throughout Saint Domingue during the

eighteenth century. During the first half of the eighteenth century, maroon activity, particularly

plantation raids, focused in the Sud du Cap region. From the beginning of the eighteenth-

century, bands of maroons had been devastating crops. Attempts were made to co-opt other

slaves and free-coloreds to pursue these fugitives, eventually a maroon chief was taken at

Montegre, above the village of Tannerie, between Grande-Riviere and Limonade. He was Colas-

Jambes-Coupees, another maroon celebrated by Haitian nationalists.15

In 1730 in the Grande-Anse region, on the southern peninsula, colonists mounted a

successful counter attack against a maroon band that operated around Nippes. In the hills of

Anse-du-Clerc, the attack resulted in twenty-three prisoners and a number more maroons, among

them Plymouth, (the band leader originally from the British West Indies) dead.16 However,



13 Dubois, Avengers of the New World, 53.
14 Dubois, Avengers of the New World, 53.
15 Gabiel Debien, "Marronage in the French Caribbean" in Maroon Societies: Rebel Slave Communities in the
Americas, Third edition, ed. Richard Price Third edition (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996),
109-110.
16 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons, 313; Debien, "Marronage in the French Caribbean," 109.









vulnerable areas remained around Trou and Fort-Dauphin, between Le Cap and the Spanish

frontier. Polydor terrorized white colonists in the Trou region. Planters, joined by the

marechaussee, mounted a successful attack against this group, killing Polydor in the savanna that

now bears his name.17 Polydor was denounced by another slave who subsequently gained his

freedom.18 This incident reveals much about the ways in which colonial society may have

viewed the activities of fugitives. However, colonists in this region had great difficulty gaining

support for this campaign from black slaves and the colored militia.

In January 1758, Francois Macandal, a fugitive slave, after an extraordinary eighteen-

year period of marronage came to an end, was made to kneel in a plaza in Le Cap wearing sign

that read "Seducer, Profaner, Poisoner." He was then tied to a post in the center of plaza and a

fire was lit beneath him. Makandal had become legendary among both blacks and whites in

Saint Domingue. For enslaved blacks and members of the Haitian school, Makandal, who was

born in Africa and became a slave on a plantation in the parish of Limbe in the Northern

Province, represented the slaves' struggle against the dominant white planter class. Makandal's

legendary status might have grown out of his ability to gather together large bands of fugitives to

attack plantations. Nevertheless, his primary source of terror was his suspected use of poison.

While Makandal was neither the first nor the last slave to use poison as a means of resistance, the

extent of his activities and the publicity they gained help set in motion a pattern of paranoia and

violence that continued in Saint Domingue for decades.19 For colonial whites, Makandal came to

represent the danger of a mass uprising that could destroy the whites in the colony. This fear

was realized thirty-five years later in August 1791.


17 In the 1730s, a local police force, the marechaussde, was founded to supplement the colonial militia in the
policing of slaves. The marechaussee was comprised of mainly free men of color who patrolled the roads, searched
slave huts, and pursued fugitives into the interior.
18 Debien, "Marronage in the French Caribbean," 110.
19 Dubois, Avengers of the New World, 51-52; Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons, 317.









Perhaps the most famous of the French maroon communities was le Maniel, which

straddled the border of French Saint Domingue and Spanish Santo Domingo. Yvan Debbasch

suggests that in fact two separate bands existed in the borderlands at a very early date (1717), but

there was no indication that they were allied.20 The Maniel maroon band was once thought to

number in 1778 at most 700-800 but in 1785 a census revealed, after many had died of small

pox, only 133 comprised the group.21 While the role of maroon bands in the revolution is

ambiguous, Geggus points out that le Maniel is the only band we know of who participated in the

events of the Haitian Revolution. The members of le Maniel kept aloof for several years, and

subsequently played a rather vague role, fighting for Saint Domingue's Spanish invaders and

keeping or selling their black captives as slaves.22 Prior to the revolution, in 1785, the governor

of Saint Domingue negotiated with these borderland maroons. However, as discussed earlier

Haitian and French scholars disagree as to why.

The period of this quantitative study begins in 1770. Coincidently, on June 3, 1770, an

earthquake desolated Port-au-Prince. During the aftermath of this disaster, printers in Le Cap

picked up the publication of the "jailed lists" from the South/West provinces until Les Affiches

Amdricaines started publishing once again six weeks later. A contemporary commentator reveals

much about the uncertainty in the months after the earthquake as he suggested that "the number

of maroons increased to such proportions that we had the gravest fears for the tranquility of the

colony. Security became nonexistent and it was unwise to wander in the hills."23 However, the

evidence for this period reveals nothing remarkable about the published maroon population




20 Yvan Debbasch, "Le Maniel: Further Notes" inMaroon Societies: Rebel Slave Communities in the Americas, ed.
Richard Price Third edition (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), 143.
21 Geggus, "Slave Resistance Studies and the Saint Domingue Slave Revolt," 7.
22 Geggus, "Slave Resistance Studies and the Saint Domingue Slave Revolt," 9.
23 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons, 327; Castonnet des Fosses, Saint Domingue sous LouisXV, 36.









during this year. The last section of this chapter will focus on a more empirical approach to the

study of marronage in Saint Domingue during the two decades prior to the Haitian Revolution.

The Evidence

Although these significant maroon events in Saint Domingue help to provide historical

context and illustrate the development of marronage during this period, they do little to suggest

how many slaves participated in this form of resistance, organized communities, or the overall

numbers of slaves who took flight. These events were not led by individuals practicing petit

marronage trying to secure some small advantage. Rather, they were led by individuals in grand

marronage determined to exist outside of and as a challenge to the colonial regime. These

individuals and these events were quite unique in the history of marronage in Saint Domingue.

Ultimately, these episodes of organized maroon activity waned during the years approaching the

Haitian Revolution and subsequently offer very specific insight into marronage prior to the

Haitian Revolution. To develop a better understanding of more typical maroon experiences, the

newspaper, Les Affiches Americaines must be consulted.

There are a number of issues that need to be addressed before evaluating the data

presented here. The issues concern these data's ability to accurately express the actual number of

fugitives and moreover the overall population composition of Saint Dominguan maroons. In

examining the evidence, it is important to remember that the number of fugitives advertised for

or jailed bears no certain relation to the total number who fled or were caught, still less the total

number at large.24 As the number of jailed is nearly twice and sometimes three times as great as

the number advertised as missing, it is clear only a minority of runaways were the subject of

advertisements. The propensity of a planter to advertise for runaway slaves most likely

depended on the slave's value, the ability to produce an effective description, the agricultural

24 Geggus, "On the Eve of the Haitian Revolution," 114.









cycle and the plantation's proximity to Cap Francais or Port-au-Prince.25 Another factor worth

attention is the time period shortly after the slave's escape that the planter allowed for his/her

return. Fugitives recaptured or who returned during this time obviously did not generate missing

advertisements.

Similarly, the number of those who were jailed does not necessarily accurately represent

the actual number of fugitives. Many other factors contributed to this as well, including, those

slaves who were returned directly to their master, those who died before or after being

recaptured, and the honesty of the marechaussde, the mainly free-colored rural police force, who

were known to seize slaves on the roads and destroy their travel passes. This was in an effort to

collect rewards for returning fugitives, a practice that may have increased as the revolutionary

period loomed over Saint Dominguan society because of an increasing activity of this rural

police force. However, it is important to remember that the police and free-colored militia

became less active, or more, at certain times. In the 1770s and 1780s, as the importation of

enslaved Africans reached its peak, colonial governors ordered the free colored militiamen to

help the constabulary with slave policing duties.26 Meanwhile, the rights of free-coloreds were

being restricted as their numbers continued to grow. This may have contributed to the already

widening social cleavage between enslaved blacks and free people of color as free-coloreds

continued to try to distance themselves from black slaves. Also, the sending of jail lists from

distant towns also fluctuated in frequency. It is important to remember that the former may have

increased the number jailed and the other factors may have decreased that number. Perhaps the

most important factor was the successful fugitive slaves that were never caught. Unfortunately,

the evidence suggests little about those successes.

25 Geggus, "On the Eve of the Haitian Revolution," 114-116.
26 Laurent Dubois and John D. Garrigus, Slave Revolution in the Caribbean, 1789-1804: A Brief History with
Documents, (Boston: Bedford, 2006), 15.









Despite the problems associated with these numbers, the "jailed" population offers the

greatest insight into the fugitive slave world, because the "jailed" total is closer to the total fled

than the obviously selective "missing" total, although how close is debatable. The slaves entries

a la Ge6le were of all types, African, creole, male, female, skilled and nouveau and thus the

jailed lists offer a picture of the broad spectrum of the truant slave population. It is true that not

every slave who ran away was arrested and/or jailed in a local prison so in turn it is impossible to

recreate an exact picture of the fugitive population. Consequently, these data cannot provide a

picture of the complete maroon population, but several larger trends can be determined through a

careful evaluation.

The analysis provided here has been extracted from 19,903 separate and unique entries

taken from eleven years during the period from 1770 to 1790. Without neglecting the variations

in annual totals and the factors that influenced those totals, it may be suggested that during the

entire period, 30,000 to 40,000 entries might be a reasonable estimate. With an annual average of

about 1,800 total recorded fugitives compared with a total population that averaged about

330,000 during the period under discussion. This would suggest at least 0.55% of slaves ran

away in a given year. However, at the present moment it is impossible to know how long each

maroon was absent from the plantation and in turn the total annual number of runaways. Geggus

has suggested that one possible way to come to a reasonable estimation is through the use of

plantation records. By comparing lists of slaves drawn up annual by managers with the data

from Les Affiches it may be possible to quantify the phenomenon in terms of how slaves flee

each year and for how long.27





27 Geggus, "On the eve of the Haitian Revolution," 116-17.









Ultimately, the evidence suggests that with close to 1,000 fugitives jailed each year, at

the very least some 1 in 200 slaves per year ran away for the period prior to 1785.28 After 1789

the total slave population had risen to nearly 450,000, so with around 2500 slaves running away

each year the ratio remains fairly balanced. This may be the biggest indicator that the rate of

marronage was a relatively consistent phenomenon and during the years approaching the

revolution it may in fact have been in decline. Of course there may be a number of factors that

help explain the changes in these ratios. Table 3-1 offers population estimates for Saint

Domingue during this twenty-year period.

One striking characteristic of Saint Domingue's general population was its large and

ever-increasing sector of free people of color. Nearly as large as the white population the almost

25,000 free people of color provided an unparalleled outlet for runaways, particularly skilled

and/or female slaves, who fled to city centers attempting to pass themselves off as a member of

the free colored segment of Saint Dominguan society. On the other hand, as coffee plantations

were being carved out of the mountainside, this may have limited the opportunities for

marronage. It is also important to remember that forty percent of the total population lived in

the North.

Table 3-2 presents the general contours of the data drawn from Les Affiches Americaines

in the form of annual totals of total recorded maroons.29 These precise annual totals are

compared to Jean Fouchard's rough tallies (descriptions of maroons) presented in The Haitian

Maroons: Liberty or Death. While Fouchard calculated rough estimates for total slaves en

28 When compared with average annual population of 330,000 slaves in Saint Domingue during the period under
discussion.
29 En marronage is an ambiguous term, since the people injail were no longer en marronage. A phrase like "total
recorded maroons," is more accurate. Moreover, there is an uncertain relationship of its component figures
respectively to the total who went absent and the total captured in a given year, and an additional problem of overlap
(since some advertised also were jailed). Therefore, there is an artificial nature of the numbers in this category;
nevertheless, it will serve as a heuristic device, since it is the best available figure that is likely to approach the
unknowable total of slaves who fled each year.









marronage, these data reflect careful and methodical counting and tabulation attempting not to

misrepresent the information contained in the newspapers. A concerted effort was made to

eliminate duplicate advertisements from the data set.30

David Geggus, in a similar study of the data from the year 1790, suggests that Fouchard

conflated not only runaway advertisements and prison lists but also the published lists of paves,

("strays'), those recaptured runaways who were not reclaimed from the jail and were

subsequently advertised for sale.31 Furthermore, Fouchard also used data from other

newspapers, which duplicated those in Les Affiches Americaines,32 and he may not have taken

into account that fact that duplicate advertisements also appeared within the same newspaper.33

These oversights may have led Fouchard to count individual slaves multiple times. This

oversight, coupled with the strong political overtones of his arguments has generated much

criticism by more empirical historians in the late twentieth-century. However, this criticism of

his methodology may have been unjustified as Table 3-2 suggests that the totals presented by

Fouchard are not particularly exaggerated except for 1781 and 1790. In fact, he even appears to

have under-estimated for 1771, 1774, and 1783. Nevertheless, Fouchard's figures are not

relatively accurate with a fluctuation between an over-count of 72% and an undercount of 35%.

There is also a large distortion of the 1790 figure which led to an artificial "upsurge" in

runaways just prior to the slave revolt. Finally, though the apparent size of the decline in 1781 is

rather surprising, the fact there was a decline is not remotely surprising, nor that there was a

post-war recovery. Neither Fouchard's data nor my own suggest any large increase in the



30 While some slaves may have appeared in both the advertisements and the jailed lists, the two data sets have been
combined to illustrate the broader picture of marronage in Saint Domingue.
31 The period of time before a slave was resold varied from two to six months.
32 This is only applicable to years after 1789 when other colonial newspapers were being published in Saint
Domingue.
33 Geggus, "On the Eve of the Haitian Revolution," 114.









maroon population except for a few explicit cases that may be explained by particular

circumstances to be discussed below.

This data set offers a number of general observations. First, during the period from 1770

to 1790 the annual total of recorded fugitives doubled from 1,297 in 1770 to 2,651 in 1790. As

mentioned earlier the general slave population had also more than doubled during the same

period from around 200,000 to nearly 500,000. Thus, this general increase in the maroon

population must be viewed in light of the general population increase. However, Debien has

suggested, that this apparent increase may have been a result of the increased circulation and

publication of the newspaper itself. Otherwise, it may have also been a result in the increased

effectiveness of the rural police force.

Second, three periods have marked fluctuations: between 1777 and 1781 a forty-two

percent decrease is observable; between 1781 and 1783 the total rebounded by thirty-six percent

only to increase even more during the period 1783-1785 by over fifty percent. The mid-1780s

average figure of around 2,250 total recorded maroons remains relatively constant until the eve

of the Haitian Revolution. These data run contrary to Fouchard's claims. While these data

support Fouchard's claim that marronage increased steadily during the last thirty years of slavery

and sharply after 1784, it does offer a counterpoint in that that sharp increase was followed by a

relatively stable period when marronage continued to increase by only small increments. Thus, it

is hard to suggest a rising tide in maroon activity caused by proto-revolutionary elements.

Ultimately, Fouchard's main contention is that all marronage including those incidents of petit

marronage, which may not be represented in these data, indicated some type of pre-

revolutionary collective consciousness, though the bases of this assertion remains unclear.

Fouchard suggest that short-term flights were not always the behavior of the individual timid,









frightened slave but also of many aggressive, determined slaves feeling their way along the road

of freedom.34

It appears that 1785 saw a sharp increase of marronage in both advertisements and jailed

lists across all regions. During the decade before the Haitian Revolution, Saint Domingue

achieved its greatest economic potential. In this period exports were at their height, and slave

imports averaged nearly 30,000 per year. Contemporary sources make note of this sharp

increase in 1785. In November of that year a Saint Dominguan merchant expressed his growing

concern that, "the number of maroons increases everyday and their audacity even more so... soon

whites would be held up on the highway."35 However, Geggus has suggested that "such

complaints were as old as the colony and in this instance were directed toward the withdrawal of

recent liberal legislation on slavery."36 Yet, the data seems to support this contemporary

complaint. The merchant wrote just a year after 'ordonnance sur lesprocureurs, 3 decembre,

1784, was issued. This ordinance gave slaves in Saint Domingue the right to complain about

their masters' treatment and the conditions in which they worked. This is the legislation to which

Geggus refers. The law generated great alarm within the ruling class of Saint Domingue. A

report from the Chambre d'Agriculture in June 1785 seems to indicate a growing concern over

increasing marronage as well. Further complicating the matter, in September 1786, the new

governor wrote that marronage had been decreasing for two years and its incidence had probably

never been so low. The data extrapolated from Les Affiches suggests otherwise. Nevertheless,

the governor repeated his claim in August of 1787 despite the activities of a small group of

fugitives in the mountains of Port Margot. He goes on to suggest that the great majority of



4 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons, 248.
35 Maurice Begouen-Demeaux, Stanislas Foache: Memorial d'unefamille du Havre, (Le Havre, Impr. M. Etaix,
1948),110.
36 Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 71.









marronage cases were short term and local.37 Again, if the governor was referring to overt

actions from maroon communities, then his assessment seems well grounded and his appraisal of

marronage as a short term and local phenomenon is perhaps accurate as the data suggests.

Another factor that may have increased marronage was the circulating rumor that the

governor was negotiating with le Maniel maroon community. Colonial administrators of both

the Spanish and French colonies signed a treaty with this group of around 100 maroons living in

the frontier region ofBahoruco.8 This could have encouraged other slaves to flee while also

distressing the white planter class who typically thought the only way to deal with maroons was

to eliminate them. Nevertheless, as Geggus has suggested, it must have been increasingly

difficult to become a successful rural maroon after the enormous expansion of coffee cultivation

in the mountains that began at mid-century, the extradition treaty in 1777 with Santo Domingo,

and le Maniel treaty of 1785. It comes as no surprise that maroon band activity might have

decreased at this time.39 Nevertheless, maroons, while not drastically increasing, consistently

appeared in Les Affiches up until the Haitian Revolution.

While the annual general totals offer insights into the fugitive slave population, they also

mask issues of regional variation that must still be considered. As separate editions of colonial

Saint Domingue's newspaper were published in both the North (Cap Francais) and South/West

(Port-au-Prince) the data can easily be presented by region as well. This is of particular

importance in distinguishing the North Province, where the great slave uprising was soon to take

place from the West and South Provinces where the slave revolution developed more slowly.

Table 3-3 presents the general contours of the maroon population in terms of regional variations.




37 Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 71.
38 Dubois, Avengers of the New World, 54.
39 Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 74.









In general, the total recorded maroons appear to be increasing intermittingly in both

regions over this twenty-year period.40 However, in the South/West during the period from 1777

to 1781 the number of total recorded maroons dropped drastically by fifty percent. From that

point the total recorded maroons in the South/West continually increased until 1788 only to

decline slightly in 1790. In the North, 1781 also marked a low-point in total recorded maroons

from that point until 1790 the totals steadily increased. However, except for 1772, 1781, and

1783 the total number of entries is higher in the South/West than the North. It appears the North

experienced more marronage during the early part of the period under examination and for

reasons mentioned earlier successful flight may have been becoming increasing difficult.

Moreover the total recorded maroons is slightly greater in the South/West than the total in the

North. More specifically, the number of advertisements in the North decreased during the period

from 1783 to 1790 after the total steadily increased during the period from 1770 to 1785. The

year 1785 as in the South/West, marks a high point in advertisements over the twenty-year

period. This decrease is paradoxical because previous historians have assumed the numbers in

the North should illustrate a marked increase up until the eve of the revolution. One possible

explanation for this decline may be attributed to an increase in advertising rates.

Geggus has suggested that continuity is also difficult to find between maroon activity and

the revolution in terms of geography. He suggests that the areas where Fouchard states maroon

bands were present on the eve of the revolution were not those where the slave revolt broke out;

in fact they tended to be the districts where the slave regime remained intact the longest. Geggus

has also suggested that the newspaper advertisements, which have nothing to do with the

activities of maroon bands, suggest a somewhat higher incidence of marronage in the North



40 Forty percent of Saint Domingue's population lived in the North during this period.









Province than elsewhere.41 The evidence does not necessarily bear this out however. Further

research called for by Geggus has now proven, as far as the publication of slaves en marroange

is concerned, that maroons in the South/West outnumber those in the North in total, for every

year in the 1780s and majority of the remainder of the data set. This seems logical as 60% of the

total population lived in the Southern and Western Provinces.

While the Haitian argument is that both petit and grand marronage facilitated the

development of communication networks to organize and carry out the only successful slave

revolt in history, slaves had similar opportunities to organize and gather that were known to the

white planter class. In fact, the supposed organizing ceremony ofBois Caiman was an event

known to a number of white planters. Nevertheless, the data for those being advertised as

fugitives reveals that the Haitian school's "article of faith" has little evidentiary basis. As for the

number of advertisements in the South/West Provinces, there appears to be a bit more variation.

The low point in advertisements for the South/West in 1781 with only 137 slaves advertised as

fugitives. Before and after that year the number of advertisement fluctuates between 197 and

390.

The "jailed" totals may offer a more insightful window into the past. In the North there

are two waves of notable increase separated by a marked decrease in the middle. For the period

from 1770 to 1777 the number of jailed maroons increased steadily. However, in 1781 a sharp

decrease in the number jailed is observed. For the remainder of the data set, the period from

1781 to 1790, the number of fugitives jailed most certainly increases, but that increase may not

have been of "revolutionary" proportions. However, from 1781 to 1790 the number of those

jailed did indeed triple. As for the South/West Provinces one can observe a similar pattern.

During the period from 1770 to 1777, the evidence illustrates a steady increase, in fact an

41 Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 72.









increase that is proportionally higher than that of the North. The year 1781 marked the same

notable decease in the South and West as well. The common decrease was also followed by an

uninterrupted increase in jailed fugitives during the period from 1781 to 1788 only to fall slightly

during 1790. Citing Father Cabon, Fouchard claims that in Feburary 1775 the detachments of the

colonial militia at Croix des Bouquets, Grands Bois, Roucheblanche, and Fonds Parisien were

strengthened to combat possible maroon activity but probably for the safety of the colonial on

the whole.42 While 1775 is not specifically analyzed, Table 3-3 shows a marked increase in the

number of jailed fugitives in the South and West between 1774, before the strengthening of local

police forces, and 1777.

The three most obvious questions surrounding this data set center around 1777 when total

recorded maroons were at a relative high and 1781 when that high was followed by a relative

low, only to sharply increase in 1785 and remain relatively constant until the eve of the Haitian

Revolution. What occurred during this eight-year period? There must have been larger forces at

work. The colonial struggle of the American colonies certainly affected life in the Caribbean

islands in terms of supplying goods, slave importations, and viable trade partners. As for 1785, it

appears that internal influences in Saint Domingue were affecting change throughout the colony.

Several factors have been offered that help explain this marked increase in maroon activity but

ultimately those offered are merely speculative. However, one concrete influence of the

American struggle for independence was the halt of the African slave trade to Saint Domingue.

Beginning 1779, due to the insecurity on the high seas slave ships entering Saint Dominguan

ports became practically non-existent. In fact, only four vessels entered the harbors of Saint

Domingue, at least those that were legally sanctioned and published in Les Affiches.43 In 1780,


42 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons, 327.
4 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons, 130.









Saint Domingue continued to feel the effects of the war and of a blockade effectively cutting off

the arrival of slave ships. Hostilities continued through 1781 and maritime transport continued

to experience the same difficulties. The slave trade was reduced to the rare ship able run the

blockade, and a few neutral ships, perhaps Danish or Spanish, brining meager contingents of

Africans after leaving Havana.44 As the war ended, the slave trade to Saint Domingue began to

recover. From 1783 to the eve of the Haitian Revolution, Saint Domingue became the leading

destination for African slaves with nearly 30,000 annual importations. In the end, the connection

between marronage and slave importation is tenuous at best. The impact of the American War of

Independence and slaves classified as nouveaux is addressed in the following chapter.

This chapter serves as the foundation for more focused and specific discussions to come.

The main objective has been to present the most general contours of the maroon population

during the last two decades prior to the Haitian Revolution, the source from which that data was

drawn, and that data's ability to inform our knowledge of pre-revolutionary Saint Domingue.

This chapter also sought to address the question of the maroons' impact on the revolution

particularly the question of whether or not there was a rising momentum in this phenomenon

prior to 1791. While the number of maroons did indeed increase it was relative to the increasing

general slave population. Moreover, it was in the Southern and Western provinces where a

marked increased is most noticeable. This is significant because it was in the North where the

great slave uprising took place, while in the South and West colonial administrators were able to

maintain relative authority for a number of years while the North was essentially lost. Once an

article of faith for the Haitian school, the theory of a rising-tide in marronage must now be

abandoned.



44 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons, 131-32.









While understanding marronage in relation to the Haitian Revolution is important, we

must now turn our attention to more specific and under-studied aspects of marronage in Saint

Domingue. Each of the nearly twenty thousand entries offers a unique story. Issues of gendered

variation in the maroon population will be addressed. The experiences of a multitude of different

African and creole individuals can also offer various insights in the socio-economic composition

of the maroon population. Moreover, the experiences of foreign creoles will contribute to the

growing scholarship on Black Atlantic identity. The next chapter explores these specific

elements of Saint Domingue's very dynamic and diverse maroon population.












































Figure 3-1. Geographical Map of Saint Domingue.45



















45 Map Taken from "Cartes et plans de Saint Domingue: Ancienne colonies frangaise aujourd'hui appel6e HAITI,
Une Collection d'images numdriques rassembl6e mise en forme," for J. P. Manuel
< accessed January 1, 2008.









































Figure 3-2. Provinces and Towns in Saint Domingue.46






















46 Map taken from "Cartes et plans de Saint Domingue: Ancienne colonies francaise aujourd'hui appel6e HAITI, Une
Collection d'images numdriques rassembl6e mise en forme," for J. P. Manuel
< accessed January 1, 2008.












Table 3-1. Saint Domingue's Total Population Estimates.47
YEAR WHITES FREE PEOPLE OF SLAVES
COLOR
1771 18,418 6,180 219,698
1775 20,438 5,897 261,471
1780 20,543 10,427 251,471
1786 25,000 15,000 340,000
1787 24,192 19,632 364,196
1788 27,718 21,808 405,528
1789 30,826 24,848 434,429


Table 3-2. Comparative Annual Totals
Year of Advertisements Captured Total (+/-)% of Fouchard's
publication for the return runaways Recorded fluctuation Totals48
of fugitive published Maroons from
slaves in jailed previous
lists year
1770 402 895 1,297 N/A 1,300
1771 407 877 1,284 -1% 950
1772 446 864 1,310 +2% No Entry
1774 533 1,001 1,534 +17% 1,000
1777 450 1,458 1,908 +24% 2,000
1781 391 712 1,103 -42% 1,900
1783 684 820 1,504 +36% 1,386
1785 830 1,521 2,351 +56% 2,400
178749 621 1,695 2,316 -1% 2,500
178850 620 2,025 2,645 +14% 2,800
179051 632 2,019 2,651 + < 1% 3,500
TOTAL 6,016 13,887 19,903 -----


47 Table taken from Pierre Pluchon's Vaudou Sorciers Empoisonneurs de Saint-Domingue a Haiti, (Paris: Editions
Karthala, 1987), 307.
48 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons, 126-37.
49 Totals for 1787 taken from personal correspondence with Professor David Geggus from unpublished research and
were confirmed but not specifically tabulated.
50 Totals for 1788 taken from personal correspondence with Professor David Geggus from unpublished research and
were confirmed but not specifically tabulated.
51 All numbers for 1790 are taken from Geggus, "On the eve of the Haitian Revolution: Slave Runaways in Saint
Domingue in the year 1790." After personal correspondence with Professor David Geggus, we discovered he over-
counted one slave on the jailed lists from the Northern Province. The data set has been adjusted according
throughout this study.











Table 3-3. Regional Distribution of Marronage
Year of Northern Province Regional South/West Regional Overall
Publication Total of Provinces Total of Annual
Maroons Maroons Totals
Adverts Jailed Adverts Jailed
1770 162 538 700 240 357 597 1,297
177152 172 466 638 235 411 646 1,284
(219) (591) (810) (244) (427) (671) (1,481)
1772 249 543 792 197 321 518 1,310
1774 247 463 710 286 538 824 1,534
1777 166 635 801 284 823 1,107 1,908
1781 254 390 644 137 322 459 1,103
1783 407 394 801 277 426 703 1,504
1785 440 661 1,101 390 860 1,250 2,351
178753 295 772 1,067 326 923 1,249 2,316
1788 333 910 1,243 287 1,115 1,402 2,645
179054 309 1,005 1,314 323 1,014 1,337 2,651
TOTAL 3,034 6,777 9,802 2,982 7,110 10,092 19,903


52 The numbers that appear in parenthesis for 1771 are estimations. These estimates serve as a possible
representation of the actual number of advertisements and jailed lists that may have been published during this
periods. This is necessary due to missing issues of the weekly newspaper. For LesAffichesAmdricaines, editions 1-
11 are missing (Jan. 6th to March 16th) for Suppldment aux Les Affiches editions 32 and 33 are missing (Aug. 7th and
14th). Because this approach is rather problematic, the remaining years of inquiry were selected based on their
completeness. From the available weekly issues in the year in question a weekly regional average of both jailed list
and advertisements was deduced and applied accordingly. These numbers only serve as a suggestion to the actual
figures.
53 During 1787 and 1788, Les Affiches Amdricaines was published bi-weekly. However, a relatively small number
of the original Suppldment aux Affiches Amdricaines remain extant. Yet, another supplement appears under a
different name.
54 All numbers for 1790 were taken from Geggus, "On the eve of the Haitian Revolution."










CHAPTER 4
ETHNIC AND GENDER COMPOSITION IN SAINT DOMINGUE'S MAROON
POPULATION

The maroons of Saint Domingue were a varied and dynamic group. Being identified by

at least 165 separate African ethnic labels or geographic locations, every province of Saint

Domingue, and several French, English, Spanish, Dutch, and Portuguese colonies, the maroons

of Saint Domingue were an extremely heterogeneous lot.1 Some slaves were in the colony for

only a few days before taking flight while others were born, raised, and trained in a specific

occupation before pursuing life as a fugitive. The reasons for flight and the opportunities and

hindrances faced by these diverse individuals have already been discussed. This chapter will

illuminate the ethnic and gendered composition of the maroon population. It will also offer

insight into the success and failure rates of slaves en marronage.

The slaves of Saint Domingue worked mainly on two types of plantations: sucreries,

sugar plantations and caftikres, coffee plantations. For most of the period under study, sugar-

estate work forces or ateliers were largest in the North Province of Saint Domingue, which

produced the majority of the colony's semi-refined sugar. Their numbers were slightly smaller

in the West Province, which mainly made muscovado, and were smallest in the South, which








1 Along with origin and the sex of the fugitive, age was another factor to take into consideration. Yet, the data
regarding age are very incomplete. An average of fugitives would do little to explain to impact of age on the
propensity to run away. The only conclusion regarding age suggested by the advertisements was that everyone from
the 65-year-old creole to the enfant nouveau carried off by his or her mother, participated in marronage. No
particular age fared better as a fugitive. The majority of runaways fell in the 18-30 range, but many fugitives were
older. Adolescent fugitives accounted for the smallest percentage of runaways. There are very few slaves en
marronage under 15 years of age. Obtaining a complete picture of "age" in Saint Domingue slave society is
difficult due to the incomplete age data regarding those fugitives who entered the jail and those considered
nouveaux. Nevertheless, in quite a number of both the jailed and missing advertisements the slave's height is
included along with his or her age. These together could provide data for one to compare nutrition across temporal,
geographical, and social lines. However, at the present moment this line of inquiry will remain unexplored.









was the slowest of the three provinces to develop a plantation economy. Across the three

provinces, the average sugar plantation had a labor force of just under 200 slaves.2

Coffee plantations were considerably more diverse than sugar estates. They demanded far

less capital investment, and were generally smaller. The average atelier, or workforce was about

one-quarter the size of the average slaveholding in sugar cultivation. Plantations were much

smaller in the North than in the other provinces.3

On the coastal-plains of Saint Domingue it was easier for enslaved individuals to mingle

than it was for those in the mountainous regions, which had half the population density and

where travel was difficult. However, in the intensely cultivated mountainous regions of the

Northern Province the situation differed little from-in the plains because of the relative proximity

of the estates and the development of infrastructure. On the pioneer settlements of the western

and southern highlands slaves lived much more isolated lives.4 In the late eighteenth century,

most of Saint Domingue's coffee plantations were of recent foundation and were worked by

recently imported slaves; resulting in a generally larger African-born presence on coffee

plantations than on sugar estates. The Northern Province was the most creolized and had the

smallest proportion of adult men.5 It is important to bear in mind these distinctions when

evaluating both the ethnic and gender composition of the maroon population.

This chapter addresses several specific components of the maroon population, beginning

with the gendered composition of these runaways, followed by the incidence of creoles, both

local and foreign, and finally the ethnic variety among African-born maroons. Because historians



2 Geggus, "Sugar and Coffee Cultivation in Saint Domingue and the Shaping of the Slave Labor Force," in
Cultivation and Culture: Labor and the lj1,'i,, i of Slave Life in the Americas, ed. Ira Berlin and Philip D. Morgan,
(Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1993,) 74-75.
3 Geggus, "Sugar and Coffee," 76-77.
4 Geggus, "Sugar and Coffee," 78.
5 Geggus, "Sugar and Coffee," 78.









have often focused on the recently arrived Africans in the maroon population when making

claims regarding the impact of marronage on the Haitian Revolution, the nouveaux population

will be explored with special attention. This demographic analysis will reveal various trends in

the success and failure rates of various groups engaged in marronage. Thus, the analysis

provided in this chapter will illuminate the historiographic debate regarding the frequency of

marronage among the African-born and creole.6

As Table 4-1 shows, the majority of the runaways were of African origins, but were not

exclusively new arrivals. Of the African sample, Congolese slaves comprised the majority. Their

frequent appearance in both advertisements and jailed lists was a simply a result of their

numerical prominence in the colony during the latter part of the eighteenth-century. Obviously,

slaves who had been born in Saint Domingue or various other places around the New World

make up the remainder of the sample.

The jailed lists and advertisements do not identify the ethnicity of every slave listed.

12% of slaves went unidentified. Although the great majority of these individuals were likely of

African origins, many of the unidentified slaves may have been local creoles known by name or

other distinguishing characteristics in the various regions of the colony. Moreover, several

individuals of unknown origins were identified in the newspaper by their specific training in a

craft or trade, suggesting creolized origins. Overall, Africans comprised just over two-thirds of

the total sample while local creoles accounted for less than a quarter. Foreign creoles accounted

for less than 5% of the total runways. More specific analysis of these segments of the maroon

population is provided below.




6 Some historians assert that newly arrived African slaves were the most likely to take flight, while other historians
suggest that crdole slaves, with a better knowledge of the colony were the most frequent participants in marronage.









Men and Women

Basic to understanding marronage in Saint Domingue is attaining a better picture of the

sex ratio of the fugitive slave population. Geggus has noted that the colonial censuses show less

gender imbalance in the slave population than historians usually have assumed, and that the

population was more evenly balanced than the colonial censuses suggest. He accredits this to the

under-registration of the oldest slaves, who were disproportionally female. Indeed, Saint

Domingue's planters did import more males than females from Africa, but higher mortality rates

suffered by males and by Africans in general worked as a balancing factor.7 Although the exact

ratio of males to females remains somewhat uncertain, the impact of females on enslaved society

was great whether they were demographically equal or not. However, the position of enslaved

women in Saint Domingue was quite paradoxical. Although enslaved women may have been

afforded numerous advantages in Saint Dominguan society generally, they were also subjected to

a broad array of abuses within the patriarchal society in which they lived. Nevertheless, women

were essential to the agricultural and cultural development of plantation society in Saint

Domingue. The study of women in the French Caribbean is still in its infancy but much of what

does exist is focused on Saint Domingue.

Historians often assert that gender was not a consideration in the allocation of most

tasks; in the French Caribbean women engaged in hard labor and the allocation of tasks

conditioned women's responses to slavery, including resistance.8 Women on plantations in the

French Antilles performed a variety of tasks, but they were mostly relegated to the fields where

they outnumbered men in the gangs; however, men maintained their influence in artisan crafts;



SGeggus, "Sugar and Coffee," 79.
8 Moitt, Bernard, "Women, Work, and Resistance in the French Caribbean during Slavery, 1700-1848," in
Caribbean Slavery in the Atlantic World: A Student Reader, edited by Verne Shepherd and Hilary McD. Beckles
(Kingston: Ian Randle, 2000,) 1017.









coopering, carpentry, masonry, and blacksmithing, sugar-boiling, coach-driving amongst other

specialized occupations. The gangs of field slaves were broken into three groups. The first was

reserved for the strongest males and females who did the majority of the difficult work, the

second gang also performed a number a difficult tasks while also being responsible for the

cultivation of provision grounds and was reserved for newly arrived slaves, the weak, pregnant

women, and adolescent children. The third gang performed janitorial duties around the mill and

was usually driven by a woman who not only asserted control but was also responsible for the

care of and socialization of young slaves into the slave system.9 In a study of sugar and coffee

estates, Geggus suggests that the "typical gang of seventy field slaves" was one-half Africans,

equally divided between males and females, about ten were creole men, and more than one-third

young creole women.10

Although gender imbalance in the colony was not extreme, marronage in Saint Domingue

was dominated by males. Explanations for this pattern of resistance remain largely male

centered and unsatisfactory. Bernard Moitt asserts that the issues are more complex than they

appear. Traditional explanations imply that men were simply better able to endure the hardships

of life on the frontier or were historically less restricted in both Africa and the Caribbean. Moitt

suggests that women may have been less mobile than men in African, but in both Africa and the

Caribbean they were the primary agricultural producers. It is likely that this was also the case in

maroon communities in the Caribbean.11







9 Moitt, "Women, Work, and Resistance," 1019.
10 Geggus, "Sugar and Coffee," 88
1 Bernard Moitt, Women and Slavery in the French Antilles, 1635-1848, (Bloomington: Indiana University Press,
2001), 133.









Mobility has also been linked to maturity. Arlette Gautier has suggested that children

and maintaining familial bonds served as deterrents to would-be fugitives.12 The advertisements

and jailed lists provide surprising information about female fugitives. It appears that neither

pregnancy nor the age of their children seem to have prevented some women in Saint Domingue

from running away, although, the majority of women en marronage were without child.13

However, some women did flee with their children for example an unidentified woman was

jailed,

Au Cap, le 29 du mois dernier, une Negresse nommee Zaire, avec son enfant griffe a la
mamelle, laquelle a dit appartenir d M. Dion, en cette ville. 14

At Cap, the 29 of the last month, a Negresse named Zaire, with a nursing child said to
belong to Mr. Dion, in this city.

Another example of women taking flight with children is

Une Negresse nommee Francoise, nation Nago, etampde P BELLY AU CAP, estpartie
maronne le 17 de ce mois avec deux enfants, I 'un nommd Jean-Louis, dge de cinq ans, et
S'autre a la mamelle. Ceux qui reconnoitront ladite Negresse, sontpries de la fire
arreter et d'en donner avis a Pierre belly, Tailleur, rue Espagnol, ou sur son habitation
au Fonds-Lodin: ily a recompense. 15

A Negresse named Francoise, nation Nago, branded P BELLY AU CAP, went maroon on
the 17h of this month with two children, the one said person John-Louis, five years old,
and the other a nursing enfant. Those that know of this Negresse, are prayed to tell it to
stop and give some notice to Pierre belly, Tailor, Spanish street, or his dwelling at the
Fonds-Lodin: there is a reward.

Women also fled with their small family units like,

Jean, Creole, dge de 22 ans; Marie-Louise aussi creole, dgee 28 ans, grande et maigre;
Lisette, safille, dgde de 12 ans, et Jeannit, sonfils, dge de 8 ans, sont sortis de
l'Habitation de M. Provost, sise a la Coupe-du-LimbN, la nuit du ler au 2 de ce mois, et
ont emportd avec eux leurs effets.16


12 Moitt, Women and Slavery, 133.
13 During the twenty-year period understudy ten women were identified as pregnant and fifteen were nursing an
infant, usually of mixed racial descent.
14 February 5th 1770, Suppl6ment aux Affiches Amdricaines
15 April 24h 1781, Les Affiches Amdricaines
16 January 13th 1770, Suppl6ment aux Affiches Amdricaines









Jean, Creole, 22 years old; Marie-Louise also creole, 28 years old, big and lean; Lisette,
his girl, 12 years old, and Jeannit, his son, 8 years old, went out of the Dwelling of Mr.
Provost, fled to the Coupe-du-Limbe, the night of the 1st or 2nd of this month, and has
taken their effects with them.

Another example on a family unit en marronage:

Jacques, nation Cotocolly, dge de 50 ans: Rene, Creole, dge de 18 ans: Manon, nation
Ibo, dgde de 40 ans: Narcisse sonfils, Creole dge de 12 ans: Joseph, idem, dge de 4 ans:
Catherine, idem, dgee de 7 ans: Marie-Louise, Creole, dgee de 9 ans: FranCoies, mtme
nation, fils d'une Negresse libre, dgde de 12 ans; et Adelaide sa soeur, dgde de 9 ans,
sont marons depuis le 25 dudit mois de D&cembre dernier. Cuex qui les reconnoitront,
sontpries de lesfaire arreter et donner avis a Mrs Sabourinfreres, Huissiers au
Boucassin. Ily aura recompense.17

Jacques, nation Cotocolly, 50 years old: Rene, creole, 18 years old: Manon, nation Ibo,
40 years old: Narcisse his son, 12 years old Creole: Joseph, also creole, 4 years old:
Catherine, creole, 7 years old: Marie-Louise, Creole, 9 years old: Francois, creole, son
of a free-black Negresse, 12 years old; and Adelaide his sister, 9 years old, are maroons
since the 25 day in the month of last December. Those that know of them are requested
to have them arrested and to inform Mr. Sabourin brothers, court bailiffs in Boucassin.
There will be a reward.

While these examples highlight a sense of collective marronage, it is important to remember that

these examples only occur intermittently during the twenty-year and by and large marronage was

solitary endeavor. However, these examples do highlight the ability of enslaved individuals to

form and maintain personal relationships en marronage.

Overall, females accounted for 14 % of the total sample. Smaller independent annual

studies by Gautier, Debien, Fouchard, and Geggus have returned percentages of female

runaways ranging from 12 % to 15-20%. Table 4-2 reveals that women appeared less frequently

in jailed lists than in runaway advertisements. The advertisements appear to be constant in both

regions of the colony. However, the table does demonstrate that those advertisements increased

in appearance as the Haitian Revolution approached.



1 March 20t 1771, Les Affiches Amrricaines









This increase is probably the result of growing towns and cities, places that afforded

refuge for female runaways. It is also possible however that this swell was a reflection of an

increase in the publication and circulation of the newspaper. While the number of women in the

advertisements increases during the years approaching the Haitian Revolution, the percentage of

women in advertisements remains close to 15%. However, in both 1783 and 1785 women

comprised nearly one-fifth of total advertisements. In 1790, the percentage (13%) of women in

advertisements drops to an absolute low. Suggesting a higher rate of men running away as the

revolution approached.

As for the captured female population, the percentages remained fairly consistent,

hovering around 13% of the total captured population. If women were more prone to flee toward

cities rather than the mountains then it is logical to find more women jailed in the North than the

South/West because the North had the largest city into which many female runways may have

attempted to assimilate. On average, for every three women jailed in the North, one was

advertised as missing compared to a ratio of 2:1 in the South/West. It is important to remember

while Le Cap in the North was the largest city in Saint Domingue, the South/West offered a

variety of smaller towns where the population may have been less familiar with local slaves or

even more willing to employ fugitives because of a lack of an urban workforce.

Women comprised 12% of total recorded maroons in the North and 9% in the

South/West. Total number of women in the North was nearly 20% greater than in the

South/West. The North had more female slaves in both advertisements and jailed lists. Geggus

suggests that the South/West contained more women than the North; if this is true then it seems

that women in the North, despite fewer numbers, were more prone to flight and recapture.18 It

appears that a woman's chance of escape were slightly better in the South/West than in the North

18 Geggus, "On the Eve of the Haitian Revolution," 118.









because the region contained fewer female slaves in the total slave population but those fewer

women were re-captured proportionally fewer times.19

Creoles

While women held a distinctive position within both the fugitive and general populations

in Saint Domingue, so too, did creoles, those born locally or within the Caribbean. Creoles

possessed many qualities that could improve their status within slave society. Moreover, much of

their specialized knowledge could be employed to facilitate their resistance to bondage through

flight. Local creoles might know not only creolized French, but continental French as well,

while foreign creoles might have had Spanish, Dutch, and/or English in their linguistic

repertoires. The ability to speak a variety of foreign languages allowed for broader opportunities

in marronage. Foreign language skills also illustrate the mobility of certain slaves. Foreign

creoles' knowledge of the outside world and the opportunities for freedom that ports throughout

the Caribbean offered also helped transform maroons into free persons of color. A broader

linguistic base, knowledge of the outside world, their status as new-comers most surely made it

easier to assume different identities. For example:

Un Muldtre, Creole, nommd Antoine, sans etampe, dge d'environ 25 ans, taille de 5 pieds
un pouce, extremement vNlu, bon Matelot et parlant, bon Francais, Anglois, Hollandois,
estparti marron de Saint-Marc le 28 du mois dernier. Ceux qui le reconnoitront, sont
pries de lefaire arreter et d'en donner avis Mrs Corpron et Patte Negocians a Saint-
Marc: ily aura recompense.20

A Mulatto, Creole, named Antoine, without a brand, about 25 years old, 5 pieds 1 pouce,
extremely hairy, good Sailor and speaks, good French, English, Dutch, went maroon
from Saint-Marc on the 28 of the last month. Those that know of him are requested to
have him arrested and to give notice to Mrs Corpron and Patte Negocians in Saint-Marc:
there will be a reward.


19 In his study of 1790, Geggus offered the same assertion but suggested that the data was incorrect and this apparent
success was caused by ethnic differences. However, this much larger data set seems to prove otherwise. Using a
regional ratio of "jailed to fled," women in the South/West fared slightly better in flight during this twenty year
period.
20 October 17th 1770, Les Affiches Amdricaines











Antoine was probably not only light-skinned but also of prime age, and more than likely familiar

with the port at Saint Marc. His ability to speak multiple languages coupled with his nautical

acumen could have afforded him opportunities on various ships leaving port for any number of

foreign colonies. Once aboard he could have assumed an identity as a free person of color,

earned a wage and effectively used the system for his own gain. Antoine is only one of these

industrious fugitives who attempted flight for a better life. Slaves of this sort must work against

the Haitian school's idea of collective resistance aimed at revolutionary upheaval.

Another "nameless" fugitive that illustrates the interconnectedness of France and Saint

Domingue was

Un Muldtre, creole de la Martinique, Menuisier sans etampe, dge d'environ 30 ans,
taille 5 pieds 2 a 3 pouces,sachant un peu l'Espagnol et l'Anglais, et ayant &td en France,
assez bien taille, mais d'une foible constitution, les yeux enfoncis belle jambe et bienfait,
est maron depuis le 6 Aott dernier. On prie ceux qui auront connoissance de ce Muldtre
de lesfaire arreter et d'en donner avis a M. marchandfils, Nlgociant au Port-au-Prince:
ily aura pour chacun 120 liv. de recompense, outre le prix ordinaire21

A Mulatto, creole of Martinique, Carpenter without brandings, about 30 years of age, 5
pieds 2 to 3 pouces, knows a little Spanish and English, and having been in France, of
good height, but of a weak constitution, sunken eyes and beautiful and good legs, been
maroon since last August 6. If one knows of this Mulatto are requested to have him
arrested and give notice to the son of M. Merchand, Merchant of Port-au-Prince: there
will be 120 livre reward, besides the ordinary price

Table 4-3 presents the general composition of the fugitive creole population in Saint

Domingue during the period 1770-1790. In general, slaves born in the New World make up 20%

of the total data set. Women comprised 13% of the total number of creoles en marronage.22

Geggus suggests that creoles constituted about one-third of the adult slaves in Saint Domingue.



21 February 9th 1774, Les Affiches Americaines
22 The percentage of creole women en marronage steadily increased over the twenty-year period from 11% to 17%
of the total creoles en marronage. This may have been a result of more attempts at marronage as cities grew larger
and the crowds within became increasing ambiguous. On the other hand, it may simply be a result of increasing
advertisements.









In his analysis of 1790, creoles account for less than one-fifth of the sample leading him to

suggest that creoles were "clearly underrepresented" in marronage.23 In every year, creoles were

more frequently "missing" than "caught" and hence presumably more successful in escaping.

Although the percentage of creoles in the total population was changing, it was always greater

than the percentage of creoles among maroons. Thus, creoles were underrepresented in the

maroon population. Ultimately, the data set suggests that creoles enjoyed particular success in

flight. On the other hand, it may be suggested that creoles were simply less likely to flee perhaps

due to the relatively elevated positions they enjoyed within the slave system. Ultimately, it is

hard to say for certain whether creoles were either better en marronage or more likely not to

participate en marronage. The generalizations of Table 4-3 mask regional variations which are

the subject of Table 4-4.

In his analysis of various agricultural estates, David Geggus suggests that the Northern

Province was more creolized than the Southern and Western provinces the regional breakdown

of Table 4-4 speaks to that assertion. Creoles comprise 26% of all advertisements and 18% of

those jailed across both regions. This seems to suggest that creoles may have enjoyed some

success in evading re-capture. However, it is clear that creoles did not fare particularly well en

marronage in the North because the number of creoles jailed in the North almost always exceeds

the number advertised for as missing. In fact, in 1777 the number of creoles jailed in the North

is four times as many advertised and in 1790 it is nearly twice as many. During the years of the

American War of Independence, when the African slave trade to Saint Domingue nearly ceased,

creoles represented nearly a third of the total recorded maroons. These years represented the

height of the percentage of creoles en marronage. The creole percentage then declined up until

the Haitian Revolution. It seems reasonable to suggest that with increasing numbers of Africans,

23 Geggus, "On the Eve of the Haitian Revolution," 119.









who were perhaps more easily caught, creoles began to maintain relative success in running

away.

The creole segment of the population was not a monolithic group. To get a better

understanding of the stratified nature of French colonial society, it is necessary to delineate the

various groups under this general heading. Table 4-5 presents the "color breakdown" of the

locally-born creole maroon population.

The vast majority of the locally-born crroles were black. Of the nearly 2,500 local

creoles recorded only 12% were identified as "colored." Muldtres comprised nearly the entire

sample of the colored population while griffes, children of black and mulatto parents, account for

the small remainder of the local creole population. Only five quarteroons appear en marronage

during this twenty year period under study, and not a single one appeared in jail. This is radically

different from the 1790 figures, where the colored percentage (2%) was roughly what it was in

the general population. Thus, suggesting that creoles took flight more frequently than once

suggested by Geggus's 1790 figures.

The composition of the foreign population is also interesting on several different levels.

Table 4-6 presents the breakdown of the 575 foreign creoles tabulated during this period. Slaves

from the British Caribbean including Jamaica, the Windward Islands, Grenada, St. Vincent, St.

Christophe, and Suriname comprise 37% of the total foreign creole population. Martinique and

Guadeloupe provided another 24% of the sample. Foreign slaves from the Dutch Caribbean,

typically Curacao, constitute 18%, while the final 11% were from the Spanish Caribbean,

Portuguese Brazil or Angola, and various places from the North American continent. Several

slaves arrived in Saint Domingue from Louisiana, New England, and New York. While foreign

creoles comprised only 19% of the total creole maroons recorded their presence in Saint









Domingue highlights the interconnectedness of the Atlantic World and the mobility of people,

even those in bondage, across these vast trade networks.

The most notable aspect of Table 4-6 is the marked increase in foreign slaves en

marronage after the American War of Independence. During the 1770s, foreign creoles were but

only a small contingent of the total creole maroons recorded. However, by 1783 and 1785 their

numbers had more than tripled. The majority (85%) of these foreign creoles were black while the

remainder of the sample, mainly muldtres, but several griffes and a few quarteroons, is

accounted for by "colored" fugitives. A substantial number of black foreign creoles were jailed

over the twenty-year period under study, but their "colored" counterparts maintained relative

success en marronage as they rarely appear in the published jailed lists.

Specialists

Like Antoine, foreign and local creoles alike could often be "skilled workers," trained in

a variety of professions. Nearly fifty different occupations or artisan crafts, most of them held

exclusively by male creoles were used to identify fugitive slaves. Similarly, but with less

frequency, African-born men were also skilled laborers. Geggus suggests that about one-fifth of

all slaves in Saint Domingue had an occupation other than that of field hand.24 Also he contends

that men were eight times more likely than women to escape the drudgery of field labor to gain a

position of relative independence and responsibility. Very few women en marronage were

identified by a skilled occupation.

In his sample, Africans made up more than one-third of sugar estate specialists on the eve

of the revolution and a large majority of those on coffee estates. This is dramatically higher than

the proportion of skilled Africans en marronage. Yet, as the data suggest for both the general

slave population and those en marronage, there was a clear-cut preference for creole slaves,

24 Geggus, "Sugar and Coffee," 84.









particularly for the few jobs performed by women and for posts attached to the plantation house

or allowing for travel off the plantation.25 Nevertheless, certain African groups were generally

praised by planters for other talents-Congos as domestics, craftsmen, and fishermen;

Senegalois as domestics and stockmen; and Bambaras also as craftsmen.26

Many slaves who appear in the fugitive advertisements were identifiable by their unique

skill set, many more also had more than one specialization listed.27 For example,

Un Negre Congo, nommn Cupidon dge d'environ 27 ans, taille d'environ 5 pieds,
Perruquier pour home etpourfemme, Cuisiner, Blanchisseur de Bas defoie et Joueur
du violon. Ceux qui le reconnoitront, sontpries de lefaire arreter et d'en donner avis a
M. Cami sat-de-Mauroy, Nlgociant au Cap, ac qui il apparent: ily aura recompense.
Ledit Negre est marque petite-verole.28

A Negre Congo, named Cupidon about 27 years of age, around 5 pieds tall, Wigmaker
for men and for women, Cook, Launder, and violin player. Those that know of him are
requested to have him arrested and give some notice to Mr. Cami sat-de-Mauroy,
Merchant in Cap: there will be a reward. The aforementioned Negre has small-pox
marks.

Another example of a multi-talented fugitive appeared just a under a year later,

Un Negre, nommn la Rose, Congo, etampd LE ROY ETLOVET, dge de 24 ca 25, taille de
5 pieds 4 pouces: Valet, charpentier, macon, couvreur, peintre, et cuisinier, ayant une
culotte de drap bleu, boutonnieres rouges, jarretieres et bouton d'or, est maron depuis le
7 de ce mois. Ceux qui en auront connoissance, sontpries d'en donner avis M Sauve, au
Petit-Goave: ily aura recompense.29

A Negre, named la Rose, Congo, branded LE ROYETLOVET, 24 to 25 years of age, 5
pieds 4 pouces tall: Servant, carpenter, mason, roofer, painter, and cook, wearing knee-
breeches of blue cloth, with red button-holes, garters and golden buttons, been maroon
since the 7th of this month. Those that have known of him are requested to give notice
Mr. Sauve, of Petit-Goave: there will be rewards.

The maroons of Saint Domingue were employed in almost every occupation in the

colony from goldsmith to wigmaker. Details of fugitives' occupations were typically recorded in


25 Geggus, "Sugar and Coffee," 84.
26 Geggus, Sugar and Coffee, 86.
27 Of the 486 skilled slaves 80 (16%) were identified with multiple occupations.
28 June 22nd 1771, Suppl6ment aux Affiches Amdricaines
29 May 23rd 1772, Les Affiches Amdricaines










advertisements en marronage.30 Table 4-7 presents, in the most generic terms, the percentages

of skilled slaves en marronage.31

Skilled slaves accounted for 10% of the total advertisements. This percentage is skewed

by the last two years of the sample when the appearance of skilled slaves declined. Skilled

slaves had probably not stopped running away; it seems much more likely that advertisers and

publishers were simply omitting these details. Most of the major occupational categories are

represented in the data sample.32 However, slaves with particular occupations appear to have

produced relatively more fugitives. Table 4-8 presents the occupation breakdown of slaves en

marronage.

Of all the occupational categories, slaves identified as cooks or bakers appear most en

marronage, 18% of the total skilled slaves recorded. Cooks were followed strangely by

wigmakers who comprise another 17% of the total skilled slaves en marronage. Slaves trained

in artisan crafts, carpenters, roofers, coopers, and blacksmiths, comprised nearly one-third of the

sample, while domestics, coachmen, valets, and household servants, account for 12% of the

sample. Geggus has suggested that carpenters were the occupational group most prone to



30 1 found several occasions when occupations appeared on the jailed lists. As it was presented, it appeared to
suggest that skilled slaves managed to avoid being jailed all together. This probably not being the case, it seems
more likely that the jailers took little interest in recording supposed occupations. Nevertheless, several years in
Table 4-7 are footnoted with those skilled slaves who were jailed during the twenty year period under inquiry.
31 In the case of multiple occupations only the first was tabulated.
32 At least one slave was listed to be trained in each of these occupations: l'art de la Chirurgie: the art of surgery;
Blanchisseuse: washer women; Boucher (de Moutons): Butcher (of Sheep); Boulanger: Baker; Cabrouettier :
Carter/Wainman; Canoteur: Boatman; Charpentier: Carpenter; Charron: Cartwright; Cocher: Coachman; Coeffeur
(pour femmes): Hairdresser (for women); Conduisant des Chevaux de Charge: Driving Pack Horses; Confiseur:
Confectionner; Commandeur : Slave-Driver; Cordonnier: Cobbler; Couturibre: Seamstress; Couvreur: Roofer;
Cuisinier: Cook; Domestique: Domestic (household servant); Doleur: Roofer/Shingle-maker; Forgeron: Blacksmith;
Hospitaliere: Nurse; Indigotier: Indigo Maker; Machoquie : Blacksmith or makes/mends tools; Macon: Mason;
Maitre-Cabrouetier: Master carter/wainman; Maquignon: Horse-dealer; Marchand (du pain) : Bread seller; Marin:
Sailor; Matelassier: Mattress maker; Matelot: Sailor; Menuisier: Carpenter /Cabinet Maker; Navigateur de
Prosession : Navigator of Procession; Orfevre: Goldsmith; Pacotilleur: Tinker; Pitissier: Pastrycook; PNcheur :
Fisherman; Peintre: Painter; Perruquier (pour homme, pour femme : Wigmaker (for man, for woman); Postilion:
Coachman; Repasseus : Presser; Scieur de Long: Pit Sawyer; Sellier: saddler; Tailleur: Tailor; Tanneur: Hide
Tanner; Tonnelier: Wet Cooper (Barrel maker); Valet: Body Servant; Voilier: Sailmaker









marronage because they could command good wages in the colony and were much in need in

both town and countryside.33 This is most certainly true as it probably was for the other artisan

craftsmen. Cooks, bakers, and pastry-chefs may have also found employment in both town and

countryside. However, what is to be made of the high percentage of wigmaking fugitives? An

firm explanation eludes the author. Perhaps, it may be reasonable to suggest that domestics and

body servants, who were closely associated with the master were less likely to accept harsh

treatment and consequently more prone to runaway after what they deemed cruel or unwarranted

treatment.

Along with being multi-lingual and trained in specific occupations, creoles might have

also been literate. Literacy could have helped facilitate successful marronage. Essentially, an

educated fugitive could have falsified a travel pass or other written documents that might attest

to his or her freedom. For example:

Un Muldtre, sans dtampe, nommn Almazor, perruquier et mnme cusinier, parlant bon
Francois, taillede 5 pieds 4 pouces, marqud de petite virole, les cheveux longs, lajambe
bienfaite, la voix forte, fcachant lire et dcrire et ayant appartenu a Mde la Marquise de
Virieux,, qui l'a vendu a M. Mazeres, lequel l'a revendu au sieur Bego, a qui il
appartient, estparti maron, la nuit du 19 au 20juillet dernier, sur un beau Cheval
Anglois, poil rouan, harnachN d'une selle du cuir de Russie, garnie en velours cramoisi,
la house et les faux fourreaux de velours violet, galonnis en or, avec une pair du
pistolets months en argent et a emmend avec lui un Negre nommn Etienne, appartenant
au Sieru Arteaux, Charpentier au Cap, monte aussi sur un Cheval, poil alezan, les quarter
pieds blancs, etampe a l'Npaule du c6te du montoir BY, avec une selle ac valet et unporte-
manteau. Ledit Muldtre est toujours bottW ou chauffe, etparle la Langue Espagnole et la
Hollandoise. Ceux qui les reconnoitront, sontpries de les fair arreter34

A Mulatto, without branding, named Almazor, wigmaker and cook, speaking good
French, 5 pieds 4 pouces tall, small pox marks, long hair, good legs, strong voice, taught
to read and write and having belonged to Mde the Marquise of Virieux, that sold it to M.
Mazeres, who sold it to the sieur Bego, to be apprenticed, went maroon, the night of the
last, on a beautiful English Horse, harnessed with a saddle of leather from Russia,
outfitted in crimson velvet, slip-cover and falsefourreaux of purple, trimmed with a
velvet braid, with a pair of the pistols and money and took with him a named Negre

33 Geggus, "On the Eve of the Haitian Revolution," 125.
34 August 1st 1772, Suppl6ment aux Affiches Amdricaines









Etienne, belonging to the Sieur Arteaux, Carpenter of Cap, also climbed on a horse,
chestnut hair, the four feet white, Montoir BY, with a saddle to servant and a door coat.
The aforementioned Mulatto always has boots or shoes, and speaks the Spanish
Language and Dutch. Those that know of them are requested to have them arrested.

In the end, skin color, literacy, language proficiency, and occupational specialization all provided

certain benefits on the plantation, in the city, and en marronage. In general, creoles enjoyed

these benefits much more than did Africans.

Africans

Saint Domingue's African-born slaves made up a fascinating ethnic mosaic that varied

through time and across different regions, as well as between different types of plantations. The

populating of Saint Domingue by the slave trade drew upon a vast geographic area embracing

innumerable nations and peoples. Table 4-9 presents the general composition of Africans en

marronage.

Overall, Africans accounted for 67% of the total recorded maroons. Their frequency in

appearance remains relatively stable until 1790 when African comprised four-fifths of the annual

total. More than likely this is a function of the increasing importation of Africans during the last

few years approaching the Haitian Revolution. However, the percentage of unclassified slaves, a

majority of which were of African origins, must also be taken into consideration. Interestingly,

during the years of the American War of Independence, the percentage of Africans was at its

lowest. However, Africans still constitute nearly two-thirds of the total sample. It has been

suggested that marronage was an African dominated practice, so a marked decrease during the

curtailment of the African slave trade would seem logical, but this cannot explain the increase in

creoles taking flight during this same period. It is important to remember the continued growth

of the creole population. In theory, one would expect the total recorded maroons to decrease, but

the evidence shows a consistent rate of runaways with a fluctuation in composition but not









frequency. We will return to the question of the relationship between new arrivals and

marronage shortly.

Where the enslaved Africans originated is also a critical question. French planters

employed an elaborate lexicon to identify the origins of their slaves. However, these designations

were frequently Eurocentric and did not necessarily represent enslaved Africans' own sense of

ethnic identities. Thus, one should not assume the attributed national origins of the enslaved

individuals reported as runaways were the actual identities they might have claimed for

themselves.35 During the period under study, more than 160 different ethnic labels were used to

identify the maroons. Further complicating the issue of identity or origin was that many

enslaved peoples were identified by Europeans by their port of departure rather than their actual

homeland. Even though most of the main nations identified by colonists could be found on all

types of plantations, to a significant degree, sugar and coffee planters tended to buy Africans

from different ethnic regions. Regional variation was a function of crop-related planter

preferences as French slavers delivered a different ethnic mix to each of the colony's three

provinces, typically based on the differing mix of crops.36

Coffee planters bought a proportionately greater number of slaves of those ethic groups

that Saint Domingue's slaveholders as a whole disdained-Bibi, Mondongue, Igbo, and Congo.

Conversely, the most highly regarded nations could be found more frequently on sugar estates.37

Less well-established in the market, buying smaller quantities, but with greater urgency, coffee

planters were less selective in purchasing slaves than were sugar planters. Geggus suggests that

planters based their African stereotypes on a variety of factors, including physical strength,


35 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons, 114.
36 Geggus, "Sugar and Coffee," 80.
7 Those most highly regarded by Saint Domingue's planters included slaves from the Bight of Benin: Arada, Fon,
Foeda, Adia, Nago, Barba, Cotocoly, Taqua, Tiamba, Aoussa among several others.









height, health, dietary preferences, and agricultural experience, as well as ascribed attributes of a

more fanciful nature.38

Slaves from the Bight of Benin were highly valued in Saint Domingue because they

were considered physically strong and both men and women were good agriculturalists,

accustomed to wielding a hoe and able to take charge of their own provision grounds. Congo

slaves were notably shorter, and in their homeland the majority of agricultural work was left to

women. They also proved unhealthier on the sugar plains. In general, sugar planters expressed a

strong aversion to them. Slaves from the Bight of Biafra, including Igbo and Bibi, were

generally concentrated on mountain plantations and believed to be sickly and sometimes

suicidal. Mandingues also attracted an indifferent assessment; however, their height usually

made them favorites of sugar planters. The height of slaves from the Windward Coast may also

explain their selection by sugar planters.39 The Mondongues approached average height but

were avoided by sugar planters, doubtless because of their widespread reputation as cannibals

who were difficult to feed. Colonists expressed contrasting opinions concerning the Bambara,

and their Senegalois neighbors as they were regarded differently in different regions.40 In the

end, it is clear that planters took into account the traits, whether true of false, they ascribed to

different African nations. These ethnic stereotypes then influenced the purchasing habits of

diffuse planters and therefore impacted the work routines and opportunities for marronage

presented to enslaved individuals from different regions of Africa. In other words, not all

enslaved Africans in Saint Domingue had the same opportunities to run away from their

bondage.




38 Geggus, "Sugar and Coffee," 80.
39 Slaves from the Windward Coast include, Sosso, Kissi, Cap Lao, Mesurade and Canga.
40 The details of the various African nations were taken from, Geggus "Sugar and Coffee," 80-82.









With these stereotypes in mind, by and large the majority of slaves en marronage were of

African origin. Aside from the aforementioned maroons of unspecified origins, the public

notices specified the "national origin" of each slave. Africans were both far more likely to flee

and the most prone to recapture.

Congolese slaves were the most prominent of the African nations to appear in both

advertisements and jail. While Congolese slaves do not always constitute a numerical majority

of the data set, they do remain the highest percentage of all African nations of the total recorded

maroons. Over the twenty-year period the Congo account for 35% or the total recorded maroons

and over half of the African sample. Table 4-10 presents the frequency of the Congo in the total

recorded maroons.

However, their frequency in appearance does not necessarily relate to their collective

ability to escape, or their propensity for recapture. The data present no evidence to suggest that

their numbers benefited or hampered them in marronage. However, it may be reasonable to

suggest that specific Africans may have been willing to help one another with common linguistic

and cultural backgrounds. Yet, Geggus suggests that "the paradoxical reputation [of the Congo]

as runways was probably based simply on their numerical prominence in the colony."41 Other

African groups also appear with great frequency in the newspapers including the Bambara,

Mandingue, Arada, Mondongue, among several others.

Among these Africans, many were classified as 'NMgres Nouveaux' who had yet to

acquire competence in the creole language and were believed to have spent less than a year in

Saint Domingue. Table 4-11 reveals a rather complex picture of new arrivals in Saint

Domingue. Of the 2,526 newly arrived slaves only 183 (7%) were women. As the African slave



41 Geggus, "On the Eve of the Haitian Revolution," 122-23.









trade brought only twice as many males as females to Saint Domingue during those decades,

newly arrived males evidently had a greater propensity to flee than their female counterparts.

Fouchard asserts that individual flights were the most frequent due to the very fact that

marronage was ventured more often by new blacks.42 He further suggests that marronage by

new blacks is positive evidence of true marronage which was equivalent to hostility to slavery

and therefore a precursor to revolution.43 His argument is based on a fifteen-day sample during

1786 that disproportionately represented the number of new arrivals in the colony. Contrary to

Fouchard's assertions, only a small percentage of runaways were those classified as nouveaux.

The evidence proves that negres nouveaux, who account for 17% of the total sample, did not

appear more frequently en marronage than creoles (20%). It should seem obvious that creoles

appear more frequently in advertisements, but if Fouchard and others are to be believed then

nouveaux should greatly outnumber creoles in the jailed list. On the contrary, the percentage of

nouveaux who were listed as entries a la Ge6le (19%) was only one percent higher than the

percentage of creoles (18%). The prominence of new arrivals as fugitives depended on the rate

of importation. Slave imports averaged more than 30,000 per annum in the years 1785-90. This

high rate of importation followed a virtual halt to the legal importation of slaves in Saint

Domingue, during the middle years of the American War of Independence.

Beginning in 1779, because of insecurity on the high seas, slave ships entering Saint

Domingue's ports almost ceased entirely. In fact, Fouchard cites just four vessels that legally

entered Saint Domingue's harbors and were announced in Les Affiches Americaines.44 In 1780,

Saint Domingue continued to feel the effects of the war and of a blockade effectively cutting of

the arrival of slave ships. Hostilities continued through 1781 and maritime transport remained in

42 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons, 262.
43 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons, 257.
44 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons, 130.









decline. The slave trade was reduced to a trickle, with new imports arriving only when small and

speedy vessels managed to run the blockade or when the occasional Danish or Spanish ship

carried unsold enslaved Africans from Havana to the French colonial ports.45 As the war waned,

the slave trade to Saint Domingue began to recover-from 1783 to the eve of the Haitian

Revolution Saint Domingue became the leading depository for African slaves-to nearly 30,000

annual importations. Table 4-11 reflects this fluctuation in the curtailment of the African slave

trade to Saint Domingue. Prior to 1777 those classified as nouveaux comprised 15-22% of the

total recorded maroons. Planters may have been less likely to advertise for newcomers as those

jailed made up at least twice as many as those advertised. Nouveaux typically comprised 10-

15% of the total advertisements while those jailed typically accounted for 20-25% of the total

jailed population. This is excluding the years between 1777-1785 when newcomers made up

less than 10% of advertisements and less than 15% of the total jailed population. The absolute

low point occurred in 1781 when negres nouveaux comprised only 2% of the total recorded

maroons. These fluctuations have certainly skewed the data, and the relationship between new

arrivals and increasing runaways.

Success and Failure En Marronage

The question remains whether these data represent some larger collective fugitive

revolutionary movement. Table 4-12 whose rationale is much more specific, yet contestable,

addresses the question of success in marronage. Table 4-12 presents "jailed: fled" ratios for

different groups at the colonial level. These comparisons probably provide a rough guide to the

failure rates as runaways in broad groupings.





45 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons, 131-32.









It is true that this table may favor more valuable slave while neglecting those from the

coffee plantations in the north and newly arrived Africans for reasons mentioned earlier.46

Consequently, it is hard to conclude with any certainty which group was more prone to

recapture. While comparable relative success between Africans and creoles cannot be certainly

deduced from this table, gender differences and differences between blacks and coloreds should

be ascertainable. Ultimately, it does reveal the broader differences in marronage among the

different groups.

Overall, the table, as suggested earlier, reveals that light-skinned foreign creoles enjoyed

the most success en marronage. Their locally-born light-skinned counterparts also maintained

relative success. That fact that local and foreign black creoles fared considerably worse en

marronage suggests that light skin was the most important factor in successfully assimilating

into Saint Domingue's free black society. Geggus has suggested that light skin was the chief

factor in success because of the implied employment skills. However, foreign creoles and

presumably their language skills or knowledge of the outside world must be considered the

second most important factor in successful marronage. Gender must also be considered as

important to success. In general, women fared substantially better than men en marronage.

Creole women and both newly arrived African and "seasoned" African women all fared

considerably better than their male counterparts. However, newly arrived Africans by and large

fared the absolute worst en marronage. Yet, this could be a result in the unequal publication of

advertisements for creoles en marronage.

In the end, the evidence attests to a dynamic and varied composition of the Haitian

maroons during the two decades leading up to the Haitian Revolution. Many factors influenced

46 The propensity for a planter to advertise for runaway slaves most likely depended on the slave's value, the
agricultural cycle, the ability to accurately identify the fugitive and the plantation's proximity to Cap Franqais or
Port-au-Price where the newspapers were published.









the composition of the maroon population, the buying habits of planters, the type of crop worked,

and the geographic location of plantation all helped determine where enslaved Africans ended up

once they reached the shores of Saint Domingue. These factors also dictated where and when

slaves could and would attempt running away. The differences in not only marronage but also

the plantation complex, between Africans and creoles are evident. Language skills, skin color,

time in the colony, occupational training, and knowledge of the outside world were all important

factors in determining success in marronage. Ultimately, this chapter sought not only to

highlight the plight of these disparate groups, but also to simply outline the ethnic and gendered

composition of the maroon population. Historians have failed to explore this composition and

subsequently their assumptions about the role of marronage in Saint Domingue have generally

been ill-informed. The once dim picture of marronage in Saint Domingue may now begin to

illuminate. The final chapter of this work seeks to review the conclusions drawn for the

evidence extrapolated from Les Affiches Americaines and will also offer several suggestions for

the future study of marronage in Saint Domingue.

Table 4-1. General Ethnic Composition
Year of Total Total Total Local Total Foreign Total
publication Unspecified Africans Creoles47 Croles48 Recorded
Origins Maroons
1770 192(15%) 887 (68%) 180(14%) 38 (3%) 1,297
1771 184(14%) 844(66%) 224(17%) 32(3%) 1,284
1772 172(13%) 826(63%) 256(20%) 56(4%) 1,310
1774 197 (13%) 1,016 (66%) 263 (17%) 58 (4%) 1,534
1777 333 (17%) 1,257 (66%) 259 (14%) 59 (3%) 1,908
1781 112(10%) 660(60%) 266(24%) 65(6%) 1,103
1783 211(14%) 898 (60%) 304 (20%) 91(6%) 1,504
1785 386 (16%) 1,491 (64%) 380 (16%) 94(4%) 2,351
179049 102 (4%) 2,113 (80%) 354 (13%) 82 (3%) 2,651
TOTAL 1,889 (12%) 9,992 (67%) 2,486 (17%) 575 (4%) 14,942


47 Local crdoles include: local black crdoles, mulatres and mulatresses, griffes, and quarterons.
48 Foreign crdoles include: all slaves who had come from other European colonies.
49 All numbers for 1790 are taken or converted from Geggus, "On the eve of the Haitian Revolution."









Table 4-2. Gender Composition
Year of Total Regional Total Women Total Regional Total Total Women
Publication Adverts Distribution of in Jailed Distribution Women Recorded
Women in Advertisements of Women Jailed
Advertisements Jailed
North South North South
/West /West
1770 402 24 22 46 (11%) 895 75 41 116(13%) 162 (12%)
1771 407 30 39 69(17%) 877 80 31 111(13%) 180(14%)
1772 446 39 32 71(16%) 864 92 39 131(15%) 202 (15%)
1774 533 31 30 61(11%) 1,001 63 73 136 (14%) 197 (13%)
1777 450 30 38 68(15%) 1,458 98 96 194(13%) 262(14%)
1781 391 47 20 67(17%) 712 65 41 106(15%) 173(16%)
1783 684 87 44 131(19%) 820 53 46 99(12%) 230(15%)
1785 830 73 79 152(18%) 1,521 84 110 194 (13%) 346 (15%)
17901 632 39 45 84(13%) 2,019 129 96 225 (11%) 309(12%)
TOTAL 4,775 400 349 749(16%) 10,167 739 573 1,312(13%) 2,061(14%)


1 All numbers for 1790 are taken or converted from Geggus, "On the eve of the Haitian Revolution".









Table 4-3.


Total Creoles
Year of Total Total Local Total Total
publication Recorded Creoles1 Foreign Creoles (%
Maroons Creoles2 of total
entries)
1770 1,297 180 38 218 (17%)
1771 1,284 224 32 256 (20%)
1772 1,310 256 56 312(24%)
1774 1,534 249 53 302 (20%)
1777 1,908 254 59 313 (16%)
1781 1,103 266 65 331(30%)
1783 1,504 303 91 394 (26%)
1785 2,351 380 94 474 (20%)
17903 2,651 354 82 436 (16%)
TOTAL 14,942 2,459 569 3,029 (20%)


1 Local crdoles include: local black creoles, mulatres and mulitreffes, and griffes
2 Foreign crdoles include: all fugitives slaves born within the Americas or having come from other colonies.
3 All numbers for 1790 are taken or converted from Geggus, "On the eve of the Haitian Revolution: Slave Runaways
in Saint Domingue in the year 1790," in Out of the House of Bondage ed. G. Heuman









Table 4-4. Regional Distribution of Creoles
Year of Total Regional Total Creoles Total Regional Total Creoles Total Creoles
Publication Adverts Distribution of in Jailed Distribution Jailed
Creoles in Advertisements of
Advertisements Creoles Jailed
North South North South
/West /West
1770 402 43 47 90(22%) 895 45 83 128(14%) 218(17%)
1771 407 56 65 121(30%) 877 70 65 135 (15%) 256 (20%)
1772 446 86 46 132(30%) 864 101 79 180(21%) 312(24%)
1774 533 56 65 121 (23%) 1,001 94 105 199 (20%) 320 (21%)
1777 450 38 66 104(23%) 1,458 122 92 214(14%) 318(17%)
1781 391 106 46 152 (39%) 712 96 83 179 (25%) 331(30%)
1783 684 109 94 203 (30%) 820 87 105 192 (23%) 395 (26%)
1785 830 109 92 200(24%) 1,521 122 151 273(18%) 473 (20%)
17901 632 73 69 142(22%) 2,019 142 152 294(15%) 436(16%)
TOTAL 4,775 675 588 1,263(26%) 10,167 879 915 1,794(18%) 3,059(20%)


1 All numbers for 1790 are taken or converted from Geggus, "On the eve of the Haitian Revolution: Slave Runaways in Saint Domingue in the year 1790," in Out
of the House of Bondage edited by G. Heuman










Table 4-5. Local Creole Composition
Year of Black Muldtres Griffes Quarterons Total Local
publication Creoles Creoles1
1770 162 14 4 --- 180
1771 202 20 2 --- 224
1772 237 18 1 --- 256
1774 232 21 10 --- 263
1777 231 22 6 --- 259
1781 227 29 10 --- 266
1783 264 34 5 1 304
1785 324 44 10 2 380
17902 300 42 10 2 354
TOTAL 2,178 244 58 5 2,486


1 Local creoles include: local black creoles, mulatres and mulitreffes, griffes, and quarteroons.
2 All numbers for 1790 are taken or converted from Geggus, "On the Eve of the Haitian Revolution" or else have
been taken from personal correspondence with Professor David Geggus.










Table 4-6. Foreign Creole Composition
Year of "Francais" "Anglois" "Espagnol" "Hollandois "Portugais" North Total
publication French1 English2 Spanish "Dutch3 Portuguese American Foreign
Continent4 Creoles5
1770 6 9 6 11 3 3 38
1771 10 8 3 7 2 2 32
1772 15 17 9 9 4 2 56
1774 15 18 10 14 1 --- 58
1777 11 23 7 12 4 2 59
1781 14 35 6 8 --- 2 65
1783 25 40 4 14 6 2 91
1785 28 27 7 17 12 3 94
17906 14 327 4 14 12 6 82
TOTAL 137 209 56 106 44 22 575


1 Includes Martinique, Guadeloupe, and Madagascar.
2 Includes Generic Anglois, Isle du vent, Jamaique, Grenade, St. Vincent, St. Christophe, and Suriname.
3 Includes Generic Hollandois, and Curacao.
4 Includes, Americaine, Nord Americaine, Mississippian, Louisianan, Nouvelle Angleterre, Nouvelle Yorcke, and Boston.
5 Foreign creoles include: all fugitives slaves having come from other colonies.
6 All numbers for 1790 are taken or converted from Geggus, "On the eve of the Haitian Revolution."
7 For 1790 two slaves were classified as Danish and for the sake of continuity they were included in the English category.









Table 4-7. Skilled Slaves en Marronage
Year of Ad
publication ft


[vertisements
r the return
of fugitive
slaves


Skilled Workers
en Marronage
(Advertisements)


17701 402 53 (13%)
17712 407 39 (10%)
17723 446 46 (10%)
17744 533 60 (11%)
17775 450 50 (11%)
1781 391 58(15%)
17836 684 81 (12%)
1785 830 74 (9%)
17907 632 31(5%)
TOTAL 4,775 492 (10%)


1 1 Jailed skilled slave (Macon)
21 Jailed skilled slave (Boulanger/perruquier)
3 5 Jailed skilled slaves (Macon, navigateur de prosession, domestique, perruquier, l'art de la Chirugrie)
41 Jailed skilled slave (Charpentier)
5 5 Jailed skilled slaves (perruquier, cuisinier, machoquier, cuisinier/perruquier, matelot)
6 1 Jailed skilled slave (marin)
7 All numbers for 1790 are taken from Geggus, "On the eve of the Haitian Revolution: Slave Runaways in Saint
Domingue in the year 1790," in Out of the House of Bondage edited by G. Heuman










Table 4-8. Occupational Breakdown
Occupations 1770 1771 1772 1774 1777 1781 1783 1785 TOTALS

Carter/Cartwright 1 1 1 1 ----- ----- ----- 1 5

Indigo-maker --- 1 ----- ----- 1 1 ---------- 3
Slave Driver 1 1 1 ----- 3 ----- ----- --- 6
Blacksmith8 1 --- 1 2 1 3 1 1 10
Carpenter9 11 2 5 10 5 3 6 16 58
Mason 3 3 5 3 4 2 6 2 28
Cobbler/Shoe-maker 5 --- 1 2 2 2 1 2 15
Roofer1o 2 ----- 3 ----- ----- 1 ----- ----- 6
Cooper" 5 2 4 3 6 4 5 4 33
Coachman12 3 4 1 4 5 2 2 3 24
Baker/Cook13 7 10 5 5 6 11 19 20 83
Household Servant14 1 2 2 2 1 4 7 5 24
Valet/Body-Servant15 1 --- 3 3 ----------- 1 1 9
Sailor/Mariner16 4 1 1 8 4 10 2 2 32
Merchant/Craftsmen17 3 3 2 1 3 2 3 --- 17

Tailor /Seamstress 4 4 4 4 2 3 6 2 29
Wigmaker18 1 5 7 12 7 10 22 15 79
TOTALS19 53 39 46 60 50 58 81 74 461


8 Includes tool-repairmen. The category includes one tinker from 1774; 4 goldsmiths, one from 1777 and 3 from
1781
9 This category includes cabinet-makers.
10 Shingle-maker
1 Barrel-maker
12 This category includes one pack-horse driver from 1772; one navigator from 1777
13 All slaves recorded in this category were identified as bakers and cooks but several maroons had specialized
pastry skills.
14 The category includes four washerwomen, one from 1771, 1774, 1783, and 1785; one violin player from 1774;
one painter from 1783
15 This category includes one nurse from 1783
16 The category includes small boatmen and fishermen.
17 This category includes generic merchants; one bread seller from 1774; one horse dealer from 1771; two butchers
from 1777 and 1783; one sail-maker from 1770; three saddle-makers, two from 1774 and one from 1783; three
mattress-makers, two from 1771 and one from 1783
18 This category includes one hairdresser from 1774
19 1790 has been excluded from this table because the Geggus does not detail the composition the skilled sample for
this year.









Table 4-9. African Composition
Year of
publication


Total
Africans (%
of total
entries)


Total
Recorded
Maroons


1770 887 (68%) 1,297
1771 844 (66%) 1,284
1772 909 (69%) 1,310
1774 1,016 (66%) 1,534
1777 1,257 (66%) 1,908
1781 660 (60%) 1,103
1783 898 (60%) 1,504
1785 1,491 (64%) 2,351
179020 2,113 (80%) 2,651
TOTAL 10,075 (67%) 14,942


Table 4-10. Congo Composition


Total Africans


887
844
909
1,016
1,257
660
898
1,491
2,113
10,075


Total Congo
(% of total/% of
Africans
584 (45%/63%)
457 (36%/54%)
504 (38%/61%)
552 (36%/54%)
685 (36%/54%)
341 (31%/49%)
411 (27%/46%)
795 (34%/53%)
951 (36%/45%)
5,280 (35%/52%)


20 All numbers for 1790 are taken or converted from Geggus, "On the eve of the Haitian Revolution."
21 All numbers for 1790 are taken or converted from Geggus, "On the Eve of the Haitian Revolution."


Year of
publication


1770
1771
1772
1774
1777
1781
1783
1785
179021
TOTAL


Total
Recorded
Maroons
1,297
1,284
1,310
1,534
1,908
1,103
1,504
2,351
2,651
14,942










Table 4-11. Regional Distribution of nouveaux
Year of Total Regional Total Nouveaux Total Regional Total Total
Publication Adverts Distribution of in Advertisements Jailed Distribution of Nouveaux Nouveaux
Nouveaux in Nouveaux Jailed
Advertisements Jailed
North South/ North South
West /West
1770 402 24 37 61(15%) 895 159 60 219(24%) 280(22%)
1771 407 22 21 43 (11%) 877 118 52 170 (19%) 213 (17%)
1772 446 19 24 43 (10%) 864 85 30 115(13%) 158(12%)
1774 533 31 53 84 (16%) 1,001 86 105 191(19%) 275 (18%)
1777 450 11 40 51(11%) 1,458 79 232 311(21%) 362 (19%)
1781 391 12 6 18(5%) 712 5 1 6 (<1%) 24(2%)
1783 684 37 19 56(8%) 820 47 23 70(9%) 126(8%)
1785 830 71 67 138 (17%) 1,521 185 218 403 (26%) 541(23%)
17901 632 -- ----- 111(18%) 2,019 -- ----- 436 (22%) 547 (21%)
TOTAL 4,775 -- ----- 605 (13%) 10,167 ----- ----- 1,921(19%) 2,526 (17%)


1 All numbers for 1790 are taken or converted from Geggus, "On the Eve of the Haitian Revolution."









Table 4-12. Success and Failure
Description Jailed : Fled


Total Men
Total Women
Total Creoles
Total Creole Women
Total Creole Men
Local Black Creoles
Local Colored Creoles
Foreign Black Creoles
Foreign Colored Creoles
Total Africans
African Women
African Men
Total Nouveaux
Nouveaux Women
Nouveaux Men
Total Unspecified Origins


8,857 : 4,026
1,312: 749
1,794: 1,263
223 : 243
1,571 :1,020
1,173 : 703
75 :178
221 : 200
22: 41

5,506 : 2,373
698 : 373
4,808 : 2,000
1,921 : 605
137 : 47
1,784 : 559
1,142: 645


Ratio per 100
'fled'
Success Index1
220
175
142
92
154
167
42
111
54


232
187
240
318
291
319
177


1 The "success index" is calculated by dividing the jailed category by the fled category and then multiplying that
decimal by one hundred. This provides a guide in relation to one hundred slaves. A lower number theoretically
represents more success in marronage.









CHAPTER 5
CONCLUSIONS

In the end, the underlying purpose of this work was to revisit the debate regarding

marronage and the slave insurrection that eventually led to the Haitian Revolution. However, this

work also sought to delineate the general contours of Saint Domingue's maroon population, and

more generally the slave population as a whole during the two decades prior to the Haitian

Revolution. This work attempted to shed light on the causes, the typology, the dimensions, the

composition, and the evolution of marronage in Saint Domingue. A more balanced assessment of

this phenomenon was presented to effort to explore marronage independent from the Haitian

Revolution. It is evident that slaves of all sorts practiced marronage: young and old, male and

female; newly arrived as well as "seasoned" Africans; creoles, and Indians; muldtres, griffes, and

quarterons; fieldworkers, artisans, and domestics; the well nourished and the hungry, the weak

as well as the strong; those with cruel masters, and those with good ones. There is little doubt

that nearly all districts of Saint Domingue were affected by marronage.

The evidence attests to the dynamic and varied composition of the Haitian maroons

during the two decades leading up to the Haitian Revolution. Many factors influenced the

composition of the maroon population, the buying habits of planters, the type of crop worked,

and the geographic location of plantations all helped determine where enslaved Africans ended

up once they reached the shores of Saint Domingue. These factors also dictated where and when

slaves could and would attempt running away. The differences in not only marronage but also

the plantation complex and between Africans and creoles are evident. Language skills, skin

color, time in the colony, occupational training, and knowledge of the outside world were all

important factors in determining success in marronage. Typically, previous historians have

failed to explore the complexities of this composition and subsequently their assumptions about









the role of marronage in Saint Domingue have generally been ill-informed. The once dim

picture of marronage in Saint Domingue has been brought to light.

The primary assertion of the Haitian school is that there is an easily recognizable increase

in marronage and maroon activity during this period and that that increasing revolutionary

activity eventually led to the Haitian Revolution. European scholars tend to argue against this

point by explaining marronage as a disconnected form of resistance. Combining insights from

these two schools offers a more complete account of marronage in Saint Domingue by presenting

the growth of marronage relative to the population, the impact of both petit and grand marronage

on colonial society and the revolution, and the logical link between maroons and rebels. This

present work has sought to bridge these two divided schools of thought. Methodical research in

primary sources was at the heart of this work. The data were calculated and tabulated with a

concerted effort to eliminate the bias of the historiography and the colonial newspapers have

proven to be an invaluable resource in recovering the fugitive history of marronage in Saint

Domingue.

In returning to the question of the maroons' impact on the revolution and particularly

whether or not there was a rising momentum in this phenomenon prior to 1791, the evidence

suggests several conclusions. While the number of maroons did indeed increase it did so no

more than the increasing general slave population. The Haitian article of faith, a rising tide in

marronage, was created by Fouchard's sometimes underestimated but usually overestimated total

slaves en marronage. This is especially true for 1790, as it created an artificial "upsurge" on the

eve of the 1791 uprising. Moreover, it was in the Southern and Western provinces where a

marked increase is most noticeable. This is significant because it was in the North where the

great slave uprising took place, while in the South and West colonial administrators were able to









maintain relative authority for a number of years while the North was essentially lost. Once an

article of faith for the Haitian school, the theory of a rising-tide in marronage must now be

abandoned. Yet, the French school's assertion that marronage was simply a collection of

disconnected individuals does not accurately portray the maroons of Saint Domingue either.

This study has sought to present the maroons of Saint Domingue as both individuals and as a

collective group. By highlighting the varied nature of the maroons and also their collective

impact on colonial society, the study of marronage in Saint Domingue becomes much less

divergent.

It is clear that planters took into account the traits, whether true of false, they ascribed to

different enslaved individuals en marronage. These ethnic stereotypes then influenced the

purchasing habits of diffuse planters and therefore impacted the work routines and opportunities

for marronage presented to enslaved individuals from different regions. In other words, not all

enslaved Africans in Saint Domingue had the same opportunities to run away from their

bondage. In the end, gender, skin color, literacy, language proficiency, and occupational

specialization all provided certain benefits on the plantation, in the city, and en marronage. In

general, creoles enjoyed these benefits much more than Africans did, while the newly arrived

experienced the greatest difficulties en marronage. Ultimately, the connection between the

importation of Africans and an increase in marronage remains inconclusive. During the twenty-

year period, creoles and newly arrived Africans constituted similar proportions of the data

sample while creolized Africans comprised the majority.

The maroons of Saint Domingue have enjoyed a fairly controversial place within the

historiography of Saint Domingue. This controversy was most certainly a product of historians

failing to explore the complexities of this dynamic and varied group of individuals. No longer









can the maroons of Saint Domingue be considered a proto-revolutionary mass of discontented

individuals awaiting their opportunity to overthrow the French colonial government. On the

other hand, viewing this group, like the French school, as a disconnected and apathetic crowd of

aimless vagabonds aimed at satisfying personal agenda will also not suffice. Instead, this work

has sought to deliver the individuals en marronage from obscurity. From here, one can only

hope that the study of marronage continues to be informed by more methodical archival research

and not the unsubstantiated claims of historians bound by certain pre-determined conclusions put

forward by their corresponding schools.

In the end, when discussing the impact of marronage on the Saint Dominguan society and

the Haitian Revolution the conclusions of this work must be taken into considerations. Les

Affiches Amdricaines has gained the much needed attention it deserved; now the maroons of

Saint Domingue and across New World slave societies also deserve a more even-handed and

methodical study. Only then we may begin to better understand how this dynamic and diverse

group interacted with colonial society and ultimately their place within the narrative of slavery in

the Caribbean.









LIST OF REFERENCES

Primary Sources

Newspapers

Les Affiches Amnricaines

Supplement aux Affiches Amnricaines

Secondary Sources

Books

Ardouin, Beaubrun, Etudes sur l'histoire d'Haiti. 11 vols. 1853-1865. Reprint, (Port-au Prince:
Dalencorut, 1958).

Begouen Demeaux, Maurice, Stanislas Foache: Memorial d'une famille du Havre, (Le Havre,
Impr. M. Etaix, 1948).

Blackburn, Robin, The Ove0i tilu 1m of Colonial Society: 1776-1848, (London: Verso, 1988).

Brutus, Edner, Revolution dans Saint-Domingue, (Paris: Editions du Pantheon, 1973).

Cullion, Valentin, de, Examen de 'esclavage etparticulierement de 'esclavage des negres dans
les colonies de I'Amnrique (Paris, 1803).

Debien, Gabriel, Les esclaves aun AntillesfranCaises, (Basse Terre: Societe d'histoire de la
Guadeloupe, 1974).

Dubois, Laurent, Avengers of the New World: The story of the Haitian Revolution, (Cambridge:
Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2004).

Dubois, Laurent and Garrigus, John, D., Slave Revolution in the Caribbean, 1789-1804: A Brief
History i/ ih Documents, (Boston: Bedford, 2006).

Fick, Carolyn, E. The Making ofHaiti: The Revolution from Below, (Knoxville: University of
Tennessee Press, 1990).

Fouchard, Jean, The Haitian Maroons: Liberty ofDeath, translated from French by A. Faulkner
Watts (New York: E.W. Blyden Press, 1981).

Franco, Jose, L. Historia de la Revoluci6n de Haiti, (La Habana: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales,
2004).

Gaspar, David Barry, and David Geggus, eds. A Turbulent Time: The French Revolution and the
Greater Caribbean, (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997).










Geggus, David, Haitian Revolutionary Studies, (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002).

Geggus, David, ed. The Impact of the Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World, (Columbia:
University of South Carolina Press, 2001).

Geggus, David, Slavery, War, and Revolution: The British Occupation of Saint Domingue: 1793-
1798, (London: Oxford, 1982).

James, C. L. R., The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L 'Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution,
2nd ed. (New York: Random House, 1963).

Laurent, Gerand, Quand les c hi/ine' violent en eclats (Port-au-Prince: Deschamps, 1979).


Madiou, Thomas, Histoire d'Haiti, 8 vols. 1847-1848. Reprint, (Port-au-Prince: Henri
Deschamps, 1989).

Moitt, Bernard, Women and Slavery in the French Antilles, 1635-1848, (Bloomington: Indiana
University Press, 2001).

Ott, Thomas, The Haitian Revolution, 1789-1804, (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press,
1972).

Peytraud, L., L'esclavage aux Antilles franaises avant 1789: d'apres des documents inedits des
archives colonials, (Paris: Edition et diffusion de la Culture antillaise, 1984).

Pluchon, Pierre, Vaudou Sorciers Empoisonneurs de Saint-Domingue ac Haiti, (Paris: Editions
Karthala, 1987).

Popkin, Jeremy, D., Facing Racial Revolution: Eyewitness Accounts of the Haitian Insurrection,
(Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2007).

Rogsifiski, Jan A Brief History of the Caribbean: From the Arawak to the Carib to the Present,
(New York: Penguin Putman, 2000).

Saint-Marie, M. Poyen de, De l'exploitation des Sucreries ou Conseil d'un Vieux Planteur aux
Jeunes Agriculteurs des Colonies (Basse Terre: Imprimerie de la Republique, 1792).

Stoddard, Lothrop, T., The French Revolution in San Domingo, (New York: Houghton Mifflin
Company, 1914).

Trouillot, Michel-Rolph, Silencing the Past: Power and the Production ofHistory, (Boston:
Beacon Press, 1995).









Articles and Chapters in Edited Collections


Altman, Ida, 'The Revolt of Enriquillo and the Historiography of Early Spanish America," in
The Americas, 63:4 (April 2006): 587-614.

Cauna, Jacques, "The Singularity of the Saint Domingue Revolution: Marronage, Voodoo, and
the Color Question" in Plantation Society in the Americas III, 3 (1996): 321-45.

Debbasch, Yvan, "Le Maniel: Further Notes" in Maroon Societies: Rebel Slave Communities in
the Americas, ed. Richard Price Third edition (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University
Press, 1996).

Debbasch, Yvan. "Le marronage: essai sur la desertion de l'esclave antillais," L 'Annee
Sociologique (1962): 117-95.

Debien, Gabriel, 'Les Marrons autour du Cap,' Bulletin de l'Institut Francais d'Afrique Noir, 27,
serie B (1965), 755-99.

Debien, Gabriel and Fouchard, Jean, 'Le Petit Marronage du Cap,' Cahiers des Ameriques
Latines, (1969).

Debien, Gabriel, 'Les Esclaves Maroons a Saint-Domingue en 1764," Jamaican Historical
Review, 61 (1969): 9-20.

Debien, Gabriel, "Marronage in the French Caribbean" in Maroon Societies: Rebel Slave
Communities in the Americas, ed. Richard Price Third edition (Baltimore: The Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1996).

Geggus, David, "Sex Ratio, Age, and Ethnicity in the Atlantic Slave Trade: Data from French
Shipping and Plantation Records," in Journal of African History, 30 (1989): 23-44.

Geggus, David, "Slave Resistance Studies and the Saint Domingue Slave Revolt: Some
Preliminary Considerations," (Miami: Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida
International University, 1983).

Geggus, David, "Slave Runaways on the Eve of the Haitian Revolution, 1791," in Out of the
House ofBondage: Runaways, Resistance and Marronage in Africa and the New World,
ed. Gad Heuman (London: Cass, 1986).

Geggus, David, "Sugar and Coffee Cultivation in Saint Domingue and the Shaping of the Slave
Labor Force," in Cultivation and Culture: Labor and the .\hiqmg of Slave Life in the
Americas, ed. Ira Berlin and Philip D. Morgan, (Charlottesville: University of Virginia
Press, 1993).

Geggus, David, "The French Slave Trade: An Overview," in William andMary Quarterly, 58,
no. 1 (January 2001): 119-38.









Geggus, David, "The Major Port Towns of Saint Domingue in the Later Eighteenth Century," in
Port Cities: Economy, Culutre, and Society in the Atlantic World, 1650-1850, edited by
Franklin W. Knight and Peggy K. Liss, (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1990);
87-116.

Manigat, Leslie, F., "The Relationship between Marronage and Slave Revolts and Revolution in
Saint Domingue-Haiti," in Annals New York Academy of Sciences, (June 1977).

Moitt, Bernard, "Women, Work, and Resistance in the French Caribbean during Slavery, 1700-
1848," in Caribbean Slavery in the Atlantic World, edited by Verne Shepherd and Hilary
McD. Beckles (Kingston: Ian Randle, 2000).

Thorton, John, K., "African Soliders in the Haitian Revolution," in Journal of Caribbean
History, 25, no. 1 and 2 (1991): 59-80.

Trouillot, Michel-Rolph, Review of Les Maroons de liberty in New West Indian Guide, 56
(1982): 180-82.









BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Jason Daniels was born in Fredericksburg, Virginia in 1982. As the only child of Richard

and Judith Daniels, he grew up in Palm City, Florida and graduated from Martin County High

School in 2000. Jason has a half-sister, Meredith Onderko, who lives with her husband, Richard

and their three daughters, Parker, Jenna, and Carson in Tampa, Florida. Jason earned a B.A. in

history from the University of Florida in 2006. Upon the completion of his M.A. in Latin

American history, Jason will be teaching at Indian River State College in Ft. Pierce, Florida,

while taking a hiatus in his graduate training. Jason currently resides in Hobe Sound, Florida,

and intends to return to his studies in 2009 to complete his doctoral research.





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1 MARRONAGE IN SAINT DOMINGUE: APPROACHING THE REVOLUTION, 1770 1791 By JASON DANIELS A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULLFILLMENT OF THE REQU IR EMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF M ASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2008

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2 2008 Jason Daniels

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3 For Melissa

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4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I thank the members of my supervisory committee, Jon Sensbach and Jeffery Needell Both of them played inte gral roles in my development as a historian. I would also like to express my appreciation of two of my graduate colleagues, James Broomall and Brian Bredehoeft, for their honesty in critique and their tireless support of my research. However, I am most an d forever grateful to David Geggus for his years of guidance and academic support. I especially acknowledge my indebtedness to him with much gratitude and respect.

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5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 4 LIST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................... 6 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 7 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 8 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION: RECOVERING THE FUGITIVE HISTORY OF MARRONAGE IN SAINT DOMINGUE ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 10 2 THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF MARRONAGE IN SAINT DOMINGUE ........................... 21 3 GENERAL CONTOURS OF MARRONAGE IN SAINT DOMINGUE ............................. 38 Marronage from Discovery to 1770 ................................ ................................ ....................... 44 The Evidence ................................ ................................ ................................ .......................... 50 4 POPULATION ................................ ................................ ................................ ....................... 67 Men and Women ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 70 Croles ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 75 Specialists ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................... 79 Africans ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 83 Success and Failure En Marronage ................................ ................................ ........................ 88 5 CONCLUSIONS ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 101 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 105 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 109

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6 LIST OF TABLES Table page 3 1 ................................ ................................ 65 3 2 Comparative Annual Totals ................................ ................................ ............................... 65 3 3 Regional Distribution of Marronage ................................ ................................ .................. 66 4 1 General Ethnic Composition ................................ ................................ .............................. 90 4 2 Gender Composition ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 91 4 3 Total Croles ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 92 4 4 Regional Distribution of Croles ................................ ................................ ...................... 93 4 5 Local Crole Composition ................................ ................................ ................................ 94 4 6 Foreign Crole Composi tion ................................ ................................ .............................. 95 4 7 Skilled Slaves en Marronage ................................ ................................ ............................. 96 4 8 Occupational Breakdown ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 97 4 9 African Composition ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 98 4 10 Congo Composition ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 98 4 11 Regional Distribution of nouveaux ................................ ................................ .................... 99 4 12 Success and Failure ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 100

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7 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 3 1 Geographical Map of Saint Domingue. ................................ ................................ ............. 63 3 2 Provinces and Towns in Saint Domingue. ................................ ................................ ......... 64

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8 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Ful fillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts MARRONAGE IN SAINT DOMINGUE: APPROACHING THE HAITIAN REVOLUTION, 1770 1791 By Jason Daniels August 2008 Chair: David Geggus Major: History Marronage and its supposed impact on the Haitian Revolution has created much controversy among historians. In general, the main terms of the debate regard the extent of the connections (if any) between this phenomenon and the Haitian Revolution T he und erlying purpose of this work is to revisit this debate regarding marronage and the slave insurrection that eventually led to the Haitian Revolution However, this work also seeks to delineate the general whole during the two decades prior to the Haitian Revolution. This work attempts to shed light on the causes, the typology, the dimensions, the composition and t he evolution of marronage in Saint Domingue. A more balanced a ssessment of this phenomenon will be presented in effort to explore marronage independent from the Haitian Revolution. The evidence attests to the dynamic and varied composition of the Haitian maroons during the two decades leading up to the Haitian Revolution. Many factors influenced the composition of the maroon population, the buying habits of planters, the type of crop worked, and the geographic location of plantations all helped determine where enslaved Africans ended up once they reached the shores of Saint Domingue. These factors also dictated where and when

PAGE 9

9 slaves could and would attempt running away. The differences in not only marronage but also the plantation complex and between Af ricans and croles are evident. Language skills, skin color, time in the colony, occupational training, and knowledge of the outside world were all important factors in det ermining success in marronage. In the end, this quantitative study explores the et hnic and gender composition of an influential sector of pre revolutionary Saint Domingue society. While it is rather difficult to disassociate marronage in Saint Domingue from the Haitian Revolution, studying marronage independent of the Haitian Revolutio n will allow decades prior to the revolution in Saint Domingue.

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10 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION: RECOVERING THE FUGIT IVE HISTORY OF MARRO N AGE IN SAINT DOMINGUE During the eighteenth century, marronage (the act of becoming a fugitive) was a conspicuous and regular feature of the slave plantation system in the French Caribbean, as it was in many other American slave societies. The practice of running away is as old as slavery itself and the phenomenon existed before and persisted after the temporal framework of this discussion. Slaves of all sorts practiced marronage: young and old, male and female; newly ; croles and Indians; multres, griffes, and quarterons; fieldworkers, artisans, and domestics; the well nourished and the hungry, the weak as well as the strong; those with cruel masters, and those with good ones. 1 The hard conditions of their lives, a incidental causes all pushed slaves, in the view of some historians, toward their decision to run away. Others historians suggest an innate desire for liberty ma y have been the leading cause of marronage and maroon activity. 2 The special case of Saint Domingue sheds light on the causes, the typology, and the evolution of marronage and on the complexity of the relationship between marronage and the Haitian Revolut ion. The lived reality of marronage may be further revealed by uncovering the dynamics of this relationship. 3 A long standing debate exists between those scholars who explain marronage as the expression of a freedom impulse in the enslaved individual and those 1 Multre, Griffe, a nd Quarteroon are Fr ench terminology which describes varying d egrees of African parentage. Multre or mulatto refers to a person with one black and one white parent. Griffe refers to a person with one mulatto and one black parent. Quarteroon was used to describe a person who had one black grandparent and three Caucasian grandparents. These racial distinctions reflect the highly stratified nature of French colonial society. 2 A distinction needs to be made between marronage and maroon activity. In th is study, marronage refers to the act of becoming a fugitive both short and long term. Maroon activity denotes the actions of organized maroon bands such as attacking plantations, provision grounds, and city suburbs among other subversive actions against the established plantation system. 3 Annals New York Academy of Sciences 292, (June 1977): 426.

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11 who depict marronage as a tool for negotiating small concessions to improve the daily life of the slave. However, it is likely that the conditions and causes of marronage changed over time, along with the colonial class structure and occupational hi erarchy, and that the variety of individuals choosing marronage reflected this evolution, although historians have tended to ignore this. 4 Nevertheless, historians often divide marronage into two categories, petit and grand marronage. Petit marronage re fers to short term absences, when maroons traveled to visit friends or family, went off to market or other gatherings without permission, or hid on the fringes of their plantation or in the hut of another slave nearby to avoid punishment or to satisfy othe r personal agendas. It may be suggested that a sizable proportion of slaves practiced this type of absenteeism at various moments during the colonial period especially during, but not limited to, holidays, market days, and weekends. This form of absentee ism could have also been a result of the temperament of the slave, the nature of work assigned or the conditions of that work. 5 Historians view this practice as a necessary part of the colonial slave system. In fact, it is likely that contemporary colo nial planters also accepted this behavior as a condition of the slave systems that they managed. Because petit marronage often posed little if any overt threat to the plantation society or lave system. However, more recently historians, Carolyn Fick and Robin Blackburn, have attempted to highlight the 4 27. 5 Ma roon Societies: Rebel Slave Communities in the Americas ed. Richard Price Third edition (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), 111.

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12 of resistance, such as the slave revolt on t he Plaine du Nord in 1791. 6 Contrary to petit marronage which was temporary flight, enslaved individuals practicing grand marronage intended to remove themselves from bondage permanently. Slaves who chose to flee and/or bear the hardships of marronage u sually did so alone, and less often in small groups. However, a select number of slaves either created or joined larger maroon communities that dotted the landscape of the colonial frontier. Many details regarding the composition and activity of maroon c ommunities in Saint Domingue remain elusive, despite a number of sources that address these autonomous communities. 7 Throughout the Caribbean, maroons engaged in illicit activities with the broader colonial society. These activities included trading wi th both black and white sectors of colonial society; raiding plantations and local provision grounds and/or stealing animals and other implements essential for surviving on the frontiers of Saint Domingue. A small number of militant groups achieved offici al standing within the greater Caribbean by making treaties with colonial officials. would be maroons. It is uncertain how colonial society, white, black, fr ee or enslaved, viewed trade relationships and interactions with fugitive slaves, but this paper will attempt to elucidate details of these relationships. Moreover, while this study will chiefly employ data regarding captured fugitives those who failed in their attempt at flight it will also speak to the plight of 6 Carolyn Fic k, The Making of Haiti: The Revolution from Below (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1990); Robin Blackburn, The Overthrow of Colonial Society: 1776 1848 (London: Verso, 1988). 7 Much of the historiography rests upon a substantial number of adm inistrative reports concerning maroon activity

PAGE 13

13 Where and when success en marronage emerged differed throughout American slave societies. Maroons could seek refuge in groups or solitude, in frontier enclaves o r through urban assimilation, by utilizing illicit trade networks or participating in minor pilferage or by employing guerrilla warfare. Ultimately, grand marronage may or may not have posed an overt threat to the economies and mechanics of the plantation system but it has most certainly attracted more attention than petit marronage from both contemporaries and historians. A relative lack of source material makes recovering the fugitive history of marronage in Saint Domingue a difficult task; however, th e Saint Domingue press provides extremely rich and diverse documentation of the history of the most important Caribbean colony of the early modern period. 8 Newspapers offer a wealth of information for examining the daily life of people in Saint Domingue d every aspect of colonial affairs: the theatre, literary and scientific life, the wealth of landed estates, the flow of merchandise and commodities, and slave ship arrivals. Poli tics, legislation, educations, meteorological observations, important commercial and population statistics, arrivals and departures of colonist s rumors from around the Atlantic World, food recreations, the progress of plantations and manufactures all find coverage in the press. 9 The newspapers are of particular importance to this study of Saint Domingue slave 8 Surprisingly, Jean Fouchard is among few historians to utili ze the data available from this contemporary source thus far. Having been one of a few historian s to seriously attempt to quantify (however, with suspect methodology) marronage and maroon activity in Saint Domingue, much of my work has been inspired by a need to be more newspapers in their assessments of marronage and maroon activity in the colony prior to the Haitian Revolution. 27, srie B (1965), 755 Cahiers des Amriques Latines (1969); G. Ja maican Historical Review 6 (1969); David Geggus, in Out of the House of Bondage: Runaways, Resistance and Marronage in Africa and the New World ed. Gad Heuman (Lon don: Cass, 1986). 9 Jean Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons: Liberty of Death translated for French by A. Faulkner Watts (New York : E.W. Blyden Press, 1981), 3.

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14 of guaranteeing their rights, filed affidavits at the public registry, or less often, had their rights to the person of the fugitive notarized. However, when Monceaux, an attorney in Cap Franais, produced the first Gazette de Saint Domingue on Februrary 8, 1764, he issued an invitation for the submission of lists of incarcerated fugitive slaves. These announcements appeared so useful that the colonists on their own initiative also demanded of the Gazette de Saint Domingue the publication, beginning at th e end of February 1764, of the first notices denouncing slaves en marronage with their descriptions and all details pertinent to their capture. 10 Posterity is surely grateful for the Royal Ordinance of 18 November 1767, which made it compulsory to publish both of these lists in Les Affiches Amricaines thus making a much more manageable search for the fugitive history of marronage in Saint Domingue. 11 The thereafter official, and until 1789 the only, newspaper of Saint Domingue, Les Affiches Amrica ines offers unparalleled information on slave society in Saint Domingue through three types of sources, two of which are of utmost importance: advertisements for missing slaves, paid for by individual slave owners, and lists of fugitives captured and jail ed in marronage. 12 about his or her proprietor, place arrested, talents and trade, state of health, the wearing of jewelry, gait, bearing, dress, language skills, traces of punishments, wounds, descriptions of 10 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons 8. 11 Apparently, as F ouchard suggests, the independent name of th e newspaper, Le Gazette de Saint Domingue may have alarmed the metropolitan government; the name of the paper was subsequently changed to Les Affiches Amricaines 12 The third category of data is lists of unclaimed captured slaves put up at auction in ef fort to alleviate the penal population pressure as well as a method for generating income. This data has been deliberately left out of this analysis because it represents obvious repetitions in the data sample. This methodology runs counter who included these adverts in his estimations of total slaves en marronage. This lapse in judgment led him to misrepresent (either deliberately or unintentionally,) the data by varying degrees.

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15 brands, teeth, hair, and skin color, sex, ethnic identity, perceived personality traits, and other distinguishing physical chara cteristics. 13 Other contemporary sources include plantation records and a vast quantity of administrative correspondence on which most of the historiography rests. Reports of militia r help supplement these other sources and prove very useful in constructing a top down view of Saint Domingue slave society. Such sources frequently present a highly subjective and skewed perspective of planters common to the era. Nevertheless, they do offer invaluable insights into colonial life necessary to support this analysis of marronage in Saint Domingue. These sources typically mention, address, and express fe ars and concerns about well established maroon communities that posed In terms of methodology, quantitative analysis is central to this paper. The data and analysis present a complex demographic snapshot of This paper examines data drawn from Les Affiches Amricaines and its supplement during the period 1770 to 1791. 14 Published in Port au Prince the paper provides data for the Southern and Western Provinces of the colony. The Supplment aux Affiches Amricaines was published in Cap Franais (Le Cap) and provides data for the Northern Province. The purpose of this paper is the slave population as a whole during the two decades before the Haitian Revolution. Les 13 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons Eve of the Haitian Revolution: Slave Runaway in Out of the House of Bondage: Runaways, Resistance and Marronage in Africa and the New World ed. Gad Heuman (London: Cass, 1986), 113 14. 14 This paper specifically examin es publications from 1770, 1771, 1772, 1774, 1777, 1781, 1783, 1785, 1787, 1788, and 1791. The majority of these years were selected for their completeness. However, the data set from1771 is incomplete.

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16 Affiches Amricaines sheds light on a number of aspects of marronage and slave society, including nutrition (using height and age data,) sex ratios and relations, li nguistics, scarification, master/slave relations and differences between the experiences of Africans and croles More specifically, these data help to clarify the picture of ethnic, sexual, and regional variations among pulation. Quantitative analysis of the data available from Les Affiches will help to focus the still blurry picture of marronage in Saint Domingue. This paper presents a series of tables that evaluate the data gathered from the newspaper. Critical commen tary explains the tabulated figures and their potential to inform the present historiography of marronage in Saint Domingue. Of particular interest is the impact of marronage on the Haitian Revolution. Some historians, notably Jean Fouchard, argue that a growth of marronage provided the foundation for the slave revolt in 1791 by providing both a large number of potential revolutionaries and by helping to forge leaders capable of organizing an armed resistance effort. Although the identification of maroon s among the insurgents of 1791 lies beyond the scope of this thesis, the question remains: was the fugitive slave population increasing faster than or in proportion to the total population? In the early 1770s the slave population was at least 200,000 and by the eve of the revolution in 1791 it had risen to nearly 500,000. The socio economic and political conditions of pre revolutionary Saint Domingue society were certainly complex, so this is not just a question of numbers. However, recognizing the rate of increase of the fugitive population in relation to the general population will help to Marronage and its supposed impact on the Haitian Revolution has created muc h controversy among historians. In general, the main terms of the debate regard the extent of

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17 the connections (if any) between this phenomenon and the Ha itian Revolution. 15 Scholarly opinion on marronage in Saint Domingue is distinctly divergent. Cautious scholars like Gabriel Debien and Yvan Debbasch deny any connection between marronage and revolutionary potential or action and thus represent one extreme side of the debate. Similarly, David Geggus describes marronage as primarily an alternative to rebellion, a safety valve within the slave system that larger more coordinated movements. For Geggus, the absence of slave revolts in eighteenth century Saint Domingue illustrates this argument. 16 By contrast, Jean Fouchard and Edner Brutus contend that this type of unchecked behavior might have helped stimulate and perpetuate the greater, organized rebellion in Saint Domingue in 1791. More recently, Robin Blackburn and Carolyn Fick have suggested there was a revolutionary contribution of petit marronage in the organization of larger resistance movements. 17 Neverthe less, before historians can reach a consensus about whether maroons in Saint Domingue were essentially apolitical or proto revolutionary, it is critical that we first arrive at a sense of not only the historical context of marronage in Saint Domingue but a lso the contemporary dimensions and makeup of the maroon population that interacted with the larger colonial society. While this examination of marronage in Saint Domingue may inform this discussion of a potential impact on the Haitian Revolution, particu larly on the slave revolt in the Plaine du Nord in August 1791, it will also force those who claim that marronage was directly related to the revolution to re evaluate their positions and the evidence that supports it. 15 Saint Domingue Slave Revolt: Some Preliminary 16 David Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002), 74. 17 Car oline Fick, The Making of Haiti: The Saint Domingue Revolution from Below, (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press,1990); Robin Blackburn, Overthrow of Colonial Slavery, 1776 1848 (London: Verso, 1988).

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18 The remainder of this work is divide d into specific sections that address particular of marronage in Saint Domingue from the earliest contemporary historians to the latest work on runaways on the eve of the Haitian Revolution by David Geggus. Initially, this work will delve into the contemporary literature, as well as a large body of secondary work and then evaluate the data gathered which will help to support and dispel many assumptions and conclusi ons made is the subject of Chapter Three. This chapter opens with a brief discussion of marronage and il 1770. In addition, this chapter will present quantitative data on the total numbers of slaves en marronage from the period from 1770 to 1790. 18 The data will be broken down into various categories to highlight regional variations. This chapter also see ks to compare the maroon population with the slave population overall and will address the ever present question about a growing fugitive slave movement toward revolution. Chapter Four addresses the gender and ethnic composition of the maroon populatio n in Saint Domingue. This chapter will seek to highlight the differences between males and females en marronage and between the crole slave and the African slave. I will also examine distinctions between locally born croles and foreign croles from ar ound the Atlantic World. groups of fugitive slaves. Was a woman more likely to remain a fugitive than a man; did a foreign crole fare better than a local crole ; and how did the experiences of different Africans compare? 18 As a point of reference I will compare my number s with the generalizations offered by Jean Fouchard, the only other historian to address the phenomenon over several decades with comparable methodology.

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19 Nowhere else in the contemporary sources do the lives of individual slaves come to life as they do in the pages of the aged newspapers of colonial Saint Domingue. The picture of slavery offered by these descriptions is unparalleled as it provides scholars, some two hundred and fifty years later, a chance to view slaves as individuals rather than as undifferentiated chattel as they so often appear in the literature. While the same white men who presented slaves as this undifferentiated lot also wrote these colorful advertisements, this chapter will seek to interpret these advertisements in the context of a black Atlantic identity despite the inherent bias of the authors. An entire monograph coul d be written about individual slaves from the thousands of advertisements in Les Affiches Amricaines With this in mind, a number of examples are presented to bring the individual slave who chose to throw off the yoke of slavery to the foreground of this picture of slave society in Saint Domingue during the dying days of the ancien rgime Finally, Chapter Five summarizes the preceding discussions and offers a number of conclusions regarding marronage in Saint Domingue, its typology, its evolution and ul timately its place within the narrative of the Haitian Revolution. The underlying purpose of this work is to revisit the debate regarding marronage and the slave insurrection that eventually led to the Haitian Revolution. Aside from the efforts of J ean Fouchard, historians have failed to quantify the number of runaway slaves in Saint Domingue or rather those who appear in the colonial newspaper, prior to the revolution. This work does exactly this. 19 The quantitative analysis is the main contribution of this work, for it will help to clarify the blurry picture of marronage in Saint Domingue. However, with a clearer understanding of the gender, ethnic, and regional variations of the fugitive population, this work seeks to do much more than inform this rather tired debate. At bottom, the quantitative data to be presented are intended to illustrate the composition and dynamics of an essential and 19 The precise relation between these data and the number of total maroons in the colony is unknown.

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20 revolutionary society. While it is rather difficult to disassoci ate marronage in Saint Domingue from the Haitian Revolution, studying marronage independent of the Haitian Revolution will allow scholars to more fully appreciate this n in Saint Domingue.

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21 CHAPTER 2 THE HISTORIOGRAPHY O F MARRONAGE IN SAINT DOMINGUE In 1897, just over a century after the great slave revolt began on the Plaine du Nord, Lucien Peytraud published the first European commentary on marronage in Saint Domingue. 1 2 (marronage was the running sore of the West Indies). Peytraud claimed that as soon as there were slaves in the islands, there were maroons and the numbers of those maroons continually increased. Why? 3 (so innate to the heart of man of marronage grew steadily in Saint Domingue and throughout the French Caribbean chiefly as a result of an intangible desire for liberty. Various authors, particularly those associated with the 4 Some six decades later, Jean Fouchard cited this precise quotation. 5 In point of fact, the study of marronage dates as far back as the colonial period when many memoirs, surveys, and papers on maroons were prepared, which attest that the phenomenon was a matter of intere st and concern for the colonists and the French colonial administration. 6 While Peytraud, a Frenchman, and Fouchard, a Haitian, agree on this point, there is a clear division between French and Haitian schools of thought on this topic. This division is mo st apparent in their disparate assertions about various issues regarding marronage but particularly its impact on the Haitian Revolution. For many Haitians and Haitian scholars alike the impact of 1 Lucien Peytraud, L'esclavage aux Antilles franaises avant 1789: d'aprs des documents indits des archives colonials (Paris: Edition et diffusion de la Culture antillaise, 1984). For the section of marronage see pages 405 40. This work is the first part of a voluminous collection on slavery and abolition in the French Caribbean. 2 Peytraud, 406. 3 Peytraud, 406. 4 Including Jean Fouchard, Edner Brutus, and Grand Laurent 5 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons 93. 6 Maniga

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22 marronage on the Haitian Revolution is central to an argum ent that stresses indigenous influences on the Haitian Revolution, as opposed to external ones, and its supposed historical role has become for many Haitians an object of national pride. 7 The majority of the primary sources are located in France, thus b oth schools have not been able to access all the available sources; nevertheless, they tend to utilize their available memoirs, letters, official corresponden ce, plantation papers, and newspapers. The Haitian school tends to focus on a lengthy list of reports of maroon attacks on plantations during which they pillaged and plundered food, arms, and women. However, the data available from runaway advertisements and jailed lists do not typically inform discussions of maroon activity, the two of which are not always related. While slaves taking flight might have envisioned joining a frontier maroon community admittance into such an enclave theoretically involved a number of considerations for both parties involved, primarily food, shelter, and defensibility. Debien, Fouchard, and Geggus have all utilized the colonial newspapers in their attempts to unravel the complexities of marronage in Saint Domingue. Althoug h each of these scholars has made important contributions to the field, their findings are limited by the scope of their inquiries. By focusing on year or less, both Debien and Geggus observed only a brief historical xamination of more than thirty years relies too heavily on broad generalizations often losing sight of the individual experiences in the process. The present work focuses on the colonial newspaper and examines a twenty year period and attempts to distance itself from both French and Haitian interpretations. Leslie Manigat offered an astute commentary on these conflicting schools of thought in a brief article in 1977. The French school represented primarily by French born historians, views 7 Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies 69.

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23 marronage as a freedom. This school downplays the disruptive impact of fugitive slaves on French colonialism by stressing the variety of behaviors marronage encompassed. 8 Furthermore, thi s French school, which encompasses an ethnocentric French perspective, studies the maroons as individuals, normal daily life of the plantation. This type of oversimplification may have also been employed by contemporary planters in their discussion of marronage as an ad hoc phenomenon that opposition to the labor regim e. In effect, these empirical studies stress a lack of intensity in the phenomenon over an extended time period, its dispersion, and it disparate character through the singularity and subjectivity of individual maroons and was essentially developed as a c ritique of the Haitian school. 9 This micro study approach results in dismissing marronage as a serious and regular occurrence. Moreover, the French school tends to address the heterogeneous composition of maroon bands and so grand marronage is presented a s a collection of discontented individuals rather than a collective form of resistance. 10 The most prominent supporters of this interpretation are Yvan Debbasch and Gabriel Debien. 11 nplays the impact of even well established maroon communities suggesting that they caused serious troubles only in certain districts and particular circumstances. He goes on to suggest that they posed a real danger to crops, but rare was the colonist who really believed his personal safety 8 Michel Rolph Trouillot, Review of Les Maroons de libert in New West Indian Guide 56 (1982): 180 82 ; Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies 70. 9 10 11 Anne Sociologique (1962); G. Deb ien, Les esclaves aun Antilles franaises aux 17e et 18e sicles (Basse Terre, 1974).

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24 was threatened. 12 Citing Valentin de Cullion, Debien also downplays the impact of petit marronage. Debien asserts that neither planters nor managers in Saint Domingue brought up the issue with the owners in France. 13 It was only when maroons deserted in groups or when an unfriendly neighbor threatened to mention them to the master living in France did representatives of the planters began to speak about maroons. 14 Debien agrees with Peytraud in that marronage was as old as slavery in the islands as it existed among white indentured servants as well as during the first days or weeks after they were bought from the slave traders we re the most numerous en marronage However, Debien suggests that newly arrived enslaved Africans were the least dangerous of all maroons, since they knew neither the countryside nor the creole language. 15 e refusal of slavery was an illustration of an inherent desire for freedom that would be realized in 1804. In the end, newly arrived Africans would have probably been the least dangerous but they were certainly not the most numerous, as this paper will la ter demonstrate. Debien suggests it is rather easy to sum up the principal causes of marronage: harsh treatment, fear of punishment and/or an inadequate diet are given as the most prominent reasons for flight. Other reasons given included drunken celebrat ions on prolonged holidays, the transfer of slaves from one plantation to another or a desire to escape after committing theft or assault. 16 Nowhere does Debien mention an innate desire for freedom as a cause for flight. 12 13 Claude Franois Valentin de Cu llion les co (Paris, 1803). 14 15 16

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25 milarly stresses the harshness of the slave system, but regards the quest for freedom as the primary cause for marronage. Moreover, this school ardently links maroon activities with the slave uprising of 1791. This linkage consists of two core claims: th at the slave rebellion grew out of a rising tide of marronage that built up momentum through the colonial period and that the rebellion was organized and led by maroons. 17 While they (those who adhere with the Haitian school) all emphatically agree on the existence of a link between marronage and the Haitian Revolution, their individual analyses are influenced by a variety of ideologies. 18 In general, the Haitian school tends to base their assertions on a priori reasoning which has led more empirical histor ians to harshly criticize those assumptions. Moreover, this humanity. Again, Leslie Manigat succinctly explains these different ideological influences within the Haitian school. classical position of Haitian historians on marronage. The school stretches from Beaubrun Ardouin in 1850 to Jean Fouchard in 1970. This ideol ogy draws on the oft forgotten human nature of an enslaved individual faced with the degrading slave system. Marronage remains a natural reaction in favor of freedom and independence in the face of the exploitative nature of colonial slavery. The Haitian Marxist school, which insists on the action of the masses and the role of violence, represents a second ideological trend. In effect, maroons were the revolutionary historical vanguard of the popular revolution. 19 A third trend is marked by the Haitian n oiriste school, which insists on race and color as the driving forces of the revolution. In this approach, 17 Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies 70. 18 19

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26 opposition to the world of the masters allowed them t o the spearhead the black revolution and Haitian scholars presented the class and race dynamics in their studies of Haitian independence noiriste Emmanuel Paul criticized Haitian leftist Etienne Charlier for depicting marronage merely as an early stage in the national liberation struggle that was supplanted by the uprising in 1791. As a representative of hat typically sees the Haitian Revolution as a by product of the French Revolution. For Paul and many other Haitian historians, the black struggle for freedom predated that of the Europeanized free coloreds, marronage being the illustration of this deep s eated resistance. 20 The fourth and final ideological trend is a blend of Marxism and noirisme The most prominent representatives of the Haitian school, which is obviously not monolithic, are Edner Brutus, Jean Fouchard and Grard Laurent. 21 The Haitian expatriate Leslie Manigat adopts a critical stance towards the Haitian school but displays distinct affinities with it both in methodology and ideology. 22 Manigat is critical of Fouchard and Brutus who tend to ennoble marronage by directly attributing to i t the emergence, the dynamism, and the successful outcome of the Haitian Revolution and by classifying all the but provide no evidence. 23 However, he supports the id ea that the experience of marronage naturally progressed into the Haitian Revolution. He also disagrees with Fouchard in his definition of marronage. Fouchard asserts that petit marronage represented small calculated steps to freedom. On the contrary, Ma nigat asserts that not all running away is marronage and 20 Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 70. 21 See Grand Laurent, Quand les chanes volent en clats (Port au Prince: Deschamps, 1979); Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons ; and Edner Brutus, Rvolution dans Saint Domingue (Paris: Editions du Panthon, 1973). 22 23

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27 24 While Manigat does not explicitly state that marronage played an integral role in the Haitian Revolution, he is consistent with many Haitian school scholars in his insistence that marronage in Saint Domingue can only be understood against the backdrop of the Haitian Revolution. However, there is little evidence that connects the two. Throughout the Americas during the Age of Revolutio n, many slave societies experienced both slave revolt and marronage. While no other colony underwent a black revolution, one cannot simply connect these issues on the basis of racial solidarity or pre national consciousness. In a sense, most colonials we re struggling with the same issues during the onset of their own revolutions, slavery, freedom, taxation, representation, among others. It does not necessarily follow that one form of resistance to bondage running away leads to another revolution. If any thing, marronage represents an individual choice, not a collective racial or national front against the colonial establishment. Slaves only now and again ran off in groups and those were typically small family units or a group of skilled slaves that may ha ve had interests in exploiting the system from within and not from the frontier enclaves praised by the Haitian school as bastions of revolutionary training and ideology. It is also hard to find evidence from the onset of the slave revolt in the Northern Plain that the rebels were ever fugitives. Perhaps, combining insights from these two schools might offer a more complete account of marronage in Saint Domingue by presenting the growth of marronage relative to the population, the impact o f both petit and grand marronage on colonial society and the revolution, and the logical link between maroons and rebels. Assuming slaves would naturally want to resist the system without quantifying that resistance has generated the most criticism of the Haitian school. However, while the French school seems to suggest a need for an empirical and 24

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28 quantitative study, it has failed to deliver one. This present work seeks to bridge these two divided schools of thought. Nevertheless, a stark division will still be readily apparent as many of these assertions on both sides have become politically charged as they continue to be informed by both black Haitian nationalism and French ethnocentrism. However, several authors have suggested that the two schools m ay not be as disparate as they first appear. David Geggus suggests that their differences are merely semantic. He contends that the short term absenteeism with apparently easily identifiable causes, which the French school observes was very much the most common variety, is excluded by the Haitian school, particularly Fouchard, from his definition of marronage altogether. However, Fouchard does address petit 25 Fo of his frequent escapes Boukman (an early rebel leader) was already nursing his dream of 26 Nevertheless, this statement can neither be vali dated nor disproven as we cannot know what Boukman was thinking during the years prior to the Haitian Revolution or if he even frequently escaped. But, Fouchard does at least address the impact of these short term absences, if not in name at least in theo ry, as he suggests that it was on these absences that slaves succeeded in establishing the extraordinary network of complicity and the careful plan for the general uprising. 27 It becomes clear that quantifying the different types of marronage is necessary before attempting to evaluate its impact on colonial society. 28 25 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons 248. 26 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons, 249. 27 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons, 249. 28

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29 Following Peytraud, some eighty years later, Edner Brutus, who best represents the confluence of the Marxist and noiriste segment of the Haitian school, commented on marronage in Rvolutio n dans Saint Domingue (1973): the class struggle in Saint Domingue. An insurrectionary movement, it is prior to the revolution and its preparations. Various elem ents give rise to it, food and maintenance. If, in triggering and in continuity, the economical factor remains determining and predominant, religious or cultural causes also play an important role from the beginning. The racial notion there holds its plac e and confuses so narrowly with the social claim that it ends up being formulated in terms of color: the black fought against the white. Marronage represents the martial refusal of the transplanted Africans and their descendants to accept the colonial syst em, a passionate reaction of the most spirited, and erasure of all the inequalities created by the powers of one civilization enslaving 29 Brutus attends t o material circumstances, the innate need to challenge oppressive white colonial institutions, and a desire for freedom as underpinnings of his arguments. Ultimately, for Brutus, marronage is an expression of the class struggle in a black slave/white mast er society. 30 With his comparatively well documented study of marronage, Jean Fouchard positions himself as essentially the dean of the Haitian school. However, his work Les marrons de la libert (1972) translated as The Haitian Maroons: Liberty o r Death is laden with political overtones as he castigates not only French colonials but also French historians who tend to down play the impact of maroons on the Haitian Revolution. He even suggests that Yvan esteemed, inadequate ess with imaginary statistics. 31 29 This excerpt was translated from Edner Brutus, Rvolution dans Saint Domingue (Paris: ditions du Panthon, 1973,) 70. 30 25. 31 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons, 90.

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30 While it has typically been an article of faith for the Haitian school that marronage continually increased until the eve of the revolution, to date, Fouchard is the only histor ian to attempt to quantify the phenomenon. 32 Fouchard suggests that there is evident proof that marronage continued to grow until the revolution. In fact he argues, the proscriptions and prohibitions aimed at blocking the road to marronage, the organizati on and permanent maintenance of militias for the pursuit of the fugitives, and the extraordinary abundance, in every region of the country, of retreats bearing the names of maroon leaders all indicate the maroon presence increased. Yet, this only indicate s that a maroon population existed and it does nothing to illustrate an increase in the phenomenon. Fouchard goes on to suggest that the century long resistance from the Bahoruco Mountains and the necessity to negotiate a peace treaty with the rebels, as one powerful people with another, also indicates an increase. However, Debbasch argues that the problem posed by le Maniel was modified by an increasing interest in the territory controlled by the maroons and this was the reason a political solution was co nsidered at the very end of the eighteenth century, not the exaggerated numbers of le Maniel or its supposed talent for prolonged resistance. 33 Moreover, Fouchard fails to recognize that officials in Saint Domingue rarely negotiated with rebels and this ca se was the primary exception; in point of fact the treaty was not ratified by the French government. The general theme running through the arguments of the Haitian school focuses on the activities of a select group of maroon communities throughout the hist ory of Saint Domingue, which because of little evidence, can contribute little to the discussion about the growth of marronage before the Haitian Revolution. 32 below) and two other short articles by Debien. See footnote 8. 33 Yvan D Maroon Societies: Rebel Slave Communities in the Americas ed. Richard Price Third edition (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), 145 46.

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31 been as wide as suggested by David Geggus. Fouchard does well to utilize a variety of primary sources, specifically the colonial newspapers, but he offers little evidence to support his discussion of motives for marronage. Fouchard also seems to equate maroo n activity (organized bands attacking plantations and such) throughout this period with more general and individual cases of petit and grand marronage. However, while both imply a resistance to slavery it is important to remember that in several maroon gr oups were often deployed against would be maroons as runaway slave catchers. Moreover, their involvement in the planning or carrying out of the revolution has yet to be determined. This work seeks to evaluate his assertions by employing a more methodical approach in analyzing the data available from the Saint The Haitian Revolution, 1789 1804 (1973) suggested that there is little evidence that when the rev olution erupted, maroons came to the aid of their fellow blacks. A member of the French school, Ott, like T. Lothrop Stoddard, maintained that maroons played a reactionary role. Ott and Stoddard believed that it is possible that maroons viewed the genera l freedom of the slaves as a threat to their own position. 34 While not explicitly stating so, Ott grounds himself near the French end of the spectrum. Ott maintains that fugitive slaves, living in isolated communities only seldom challenged white authorit y directly, except for occasional raids on plantations. However, contrary to Debien, Ott suggests that white colonists feared the maroons because they may have 35 Ott offers no evidence for his insi ghts into the mind of the fearful white colonists. 34 Thomas Ott, The Haitian Revolution, 1789 1804, (Knoxville: U niversity of Tennessee Press, 1972,) 18 19; T. Lothrop Stoddard The French Revolution in San Domingo, (New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1914,) 63 64. 35 Ott, The Haitian Revolution 18.

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32 Carolyn Fick also argues that white planters feared maroons and maroon activity. Ultimately, Fick argues that petit marronage played an integral role in the development of the Haitian Revolution. For Fick, marronage was the most viable and consistent from of resistance in Saint Domingue. In the vein of the Haitian school, Fick asserts that enslaved individuals f characteristic that converged with the turbulent political climate, creating an opportunity for enslaved individuals to claim their freedom. 36 Maroon band activity, for Fick, was collective and illustrated a constant struggle against the colonial regime. She suggests that during the two decades prior to the Haitian Revolution, colonial correspondence, official reports, and administrative ordinances continued to undersco re the threat of marronage to the general security of the colony; however, examples of such correspondence are not presented in her arguments. 37 Fick goes as far as to suggest that organized maroon activity, particularly the actions of Makandal, drew upon various African beliefs and practices and were aimed at nothing less than the destruction of the white masters and slavery. 38 Ultimately, Fick argues that this short term absenteeism allowed slaves to organize the slave insurrection of 1791, in the sense t hat week end and nocturnal gatherings helped perpetuate communication networks among disparate slaves which ultimately led to organized resistance. Fick assumes that these clandestine meetings involved some type of petit marronage since not all slaves coul d obtain travel passes. 39 36 Fick, The Making of Haiti 49. 37 Fick, The Making of Haiti 53. 38 Fick, The Making of Haiti 61. 39 Fick, The Making of Haiti 94 95.

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33 In The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery: 1776 1848 Robin Blackburn presents a similar argument about the impact of petit marronage. 40 Blackburn highlights the absence of major slave uprisings in the French Antilles in the 1770s and 1780s and suggests that larger scale marronage did not seem to have grown in consequence, perhaps because the French military authorities achieved a high level of mobilization in the colony during this decade as troops were withdrawn from North America However, Blackburn suggests that petit marronage produced a layer of slaves with outside knowledge, experience and contacts, with a continuing presence within plantations, a combination that could, under the right conditions, lead to plantation revolts. 41 Yet, Blackburn does not address the particular conditions necessary for plantation revolts. By contrast, Geggus believes that the revolt was planned from within rather than without. He suggests that slaves had ample opportunities within the system to meet and organize: on the way to provision grounds, at Sunday markets, and at weekend festivals, which some whites thought harmless. Citing Moreau de Saint Mry, Geggus calls attention to the Cap Franais market that attracted nearly 15,000 slaves each week with dances and stick fighting taking place infamous Bois Caman ceremony was held on a Sunday night to the knowledge of many white planters. 42 commentary on marronage in Saint Domingue can be found in two chapters in eggus seeks to explore the assertions of Fouchard and the general claim of the Haitian school for a rising tide 40 Robin Blackburn, The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery: 1776 1848 (London: Verso, 1988,) 169 and 208. 41 Blackburn, The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery 208. 42 Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary St udies 73.

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34 in marronage. In the end, Geggus offers tentative conclusions regarding the maroon population on the eve of the revolution. Ultimately, he att empts to explore the unsubstantiated claims of previous historians and calls for more a methodical archive based mode of historical inquiry. Domingue. However, his obser vations are based on an analysis of a single year or runways and may not stand up to a broader analysis of marronage. Saint Domingue Revolution: Marronage Voodoo, and the problematic analysis stems from his limited definition of marronage. Cauna defines marronage 43 As stated before, marronage and semi autonomous groups of maroon slaves are not necessarily equivalent. Moreover, he defines grand marronage as a group effort; again, this is not the typical definition of grand marronage for either the Haitian or French schools of thought. 44 Furthermore, Cauna suggests that creoles and artisans, more than any other slaves became fugitives. 45 As the data will attest this is a false assumption. Contrary to Debien and others from the French school, Cauna suggests that even petit marronage was a continual complaint of planters/managers even on well ru n plantations. 46 Nevertheless, Cauna does eventually align with the French school, and more specifically with Geggus, in stating the there is nothing to confirm that the fugitive movement was growing larger in the years leading up to the revolution. 47 Yet, he does suggest that marronage during the late eighteenth century does reflect a turning point towards a more aggressive and systematic stance 43 Marronage Voodoo, and the Color Plantation Society in the Americas III 3 (1996), 321 45. 44 45 Cauna 46 47

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35 against the colonial regime. 48 Though he cites a work protest in the late 1770 s and a clandestine meeting led by a mulatto these incidents are more suggestive than definitive and have little to do Saint Domingue except complication. In a pamphlet Slave Resistanc e Studies and the Saint Domingue Slave Revolt: Some Preliminary Considerations (1983) Geggus offers a few guidelines for studying the issues under review with a stronger methodology. Geggus explores the main questions surrounding marronage in Saint Domin gue: the motivations of slaves running away, the extent of marronage, on that the leaders of the slave insurrection in 1791 were former maroon band leaders. Geggus concludes that while Boukman, Jean Franois, Biassou and Jeannot, the first four to achieve prominence, are generally asserted by historians to have commanded ba nds of maroons, no proof of this seems to have been put forward. While Geggus admits there is a logical connection between the revolutionary leadership and an experience of marronage, there is also evidence that suggests that Boukman and Jeannot, and prob ably Biassou were all residents on their plantations at the time of the uprising. He offers documentation from memoirs and letters that suggest two of them participated in marronage but there is no evidence that they were leaders or members of organized m aroon bands. 49 50 In an edited collection, Haitian Revolutionary Studies, (2002) Geggus sums up his assertions re 48 49 50 10.

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36 of marronage prior to the revolution is mixed, but it does not indicate a sustained increase in nothing to support 51 However, Geggus does not discard the impact of marronage on the slave revolt, alive a spirit of resistance, and it states that while most plantations lost maroons, very few were attacked by them. The differences between micro and macro l evel manifestations of the phenomenon explain the divergent depictions of marronage by Haitian and European historians. For Geggus, the armed bands of fugitives that troubled colonial administrators, and whom novelists and nationalists had found so appeal thousands escaped each year. 52 rebellion, a safety valve that helps explain the remarkable absence of slave revolts in eighteenth 53 deny a rising tide in marronage, while his theoretical observations force him to combine the two te, less politically charged account of marronage in Saint Domingue. In conclusion, the historiography of marronage in Saint Domingue is complex and varied. While it is true that not every work regarding marronage in Saint Domingue has been reviewed here with both schools of thought being explored with relative detail, it seems fair to suggest that the sources, assertions, and conclusions of each school are evident. Many of these authors, both Haitian and French, remain bound by their national identitie s and the claims associated with 51 Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies 73. 52 Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies 70. 53 Geggus, Haitian Rev olutionary Studies, 74.

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37 their particular schools of thought. More often than not, methodical historical research remains absent from their analysis. In the most recent work on marronage in Saint Domingue, Geggus suggests a need for a more empiri cal approach to the study of this topic. He, like Fouchard, employs in his research the main colonial newspaper Les Affiches Amricaines to examine the maroon population. 54 However, unlike Fouchard, Geggus suggests his conclusions to be only tentative. In the chapters to follow Les Affiches Amricaines garners the much needed attention called for by Geggus. Through this analysis a much clearer picture of the gender, ethnic, and regional variations will emerge exclusive from the previous schools of thought and ultimately claims; rather, through quantitative analysis a justifiable picture of marronage in Saint Domingue takes shape. Methodical research in primary sources is at the heart of this work. The data have been calculated and tabulated with a concerted effort to eliminate the bias of the historiography. It may be true that marronage was a relatively constant phenomenon that reflected material circumstanc life. Ultimately, this work does not seek so much to understand the reasons for marronage, as this has been well studied even if under substantiated, rather it seeks to illustrate the dimension and composition of the maroon population in Saint Domingue during the years approaching the Haitian Revolution. The historical context of this phenomenon is important for understanding the breadth of both an individual and collect ive form of resistance. 54 As stated in the introduction, the source material for studying marronage in Saint Domingue is particularly rich, The Haitian Maroons

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38 CHAPTER 3 GENERAL CONTOURS OF MARRONAGE IN SAINT D OMINGUE Marronage took many forms and impacted various segments of colonial society: black, brown, and white, free and enslaved. Disparate groups of enslaved individuals practice d marronage, from the newly arrived African to the locally born artisan crole Sometimes slaves absconded in small groups, but more typically marronage was a solitary endeavor. Running away was most certainly a conspicuous form of resistance, but answer ing the questions of why, how, where, and when slaves chose to run away is a more complex matter. This chapter is divided into three sections. The first explores the historical context of marronage on Hispaniola and in French Saint Domingue. The second section offers commentary on some general themes of marronage and relates some significant maroon events during the period from discovery until 1770. The final section is simply a quantitative study of the general contours of the maroon population during the period from 1770 to 1791. The first two sections provide the necessary context for the quantitative study. The third section seeks to illustrate the lack of quantitative research by previous historians and suggests a need to re evaluate previously u nsubstantiated assertions regarding marronage in Saint Domingue. Although this chapter is informed by the conclusions of previous historians, the more expansive methodology utilized here allows this study to push beyond more speculative analysis, as it se eks to illuminate the dim picture of marronage in Saint Domingue during the two decades prior to the Haitian Revolution. Ultimately, this quantitative study reveals a relatively stable rate of marronage in the three provinces of Saint Domingue during the period under examination. However, this chapter also seeks to highlight regional variations that add nuance to the study of marronage in Saint Domingue.

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39 Certain aspects of the colonial milieu helped determine where slaves practiced marronage. Secure h iding places were not lacking in the colony with vast stretches of woodlands and the ubiquitous mountains which ringed most of its parishes. To these geographic spaces of freedom was added the relative proximity of the Spanish boarder, collusion based on fellowship and common interests, the anonymity of the swarming crowds in the suburbs of the large cities, the system of transportation between parishes by land and sea, and finally the disappearance of all fugitive traces over the long marches to distant c antons or mountain heights sheltering organized bands. 1 The geography of Saint Domingue includes bushy savannahs, wooded hills, and karst topography. Karst topography is characterized by sinkholes, subterranean caverns and caves, and tropical creeper ve getation in remote areas. However, the zones of traditional maroon activity tended to be mountainous regions on the colonial frontier. Therefore, it is not surprising that the rich plains of Le Cap, Cul de Sac, and Les Cayes were prominent areas of marro nage not portion of slaves lived there. Nevertheless, slaves actually livin g in the mountains may have been more likely to escape. The border between French Sai nt Domingue and Spanish Santo Domingo was also a traditional zone of marronage as it offered the possibility to where fugitive slaves found refuge and in some cases may have even been welcomed by the neighboring colonial authorities. I advantages of asylum in a foreign land. 2 Moreover, the organization of plantations, with cultivated land, fields for grazing, provision grounds, and slave quarters scattered in different locations, certainly facilitated 1 Fo uchard, The Haitian Maroons, 271. 2 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons 276.

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40 evasion, whether it be short or long term. It is quite possible that maroons may have remained on the fringes of society for many years, eating cane from the fields and/or food brought to them by friends and kin. Other times, fugiti ves may have stolen from provision grounds or garden plots. However, it is important to note that in some instances slaves were co opted in the fight against maroon slaves and at other times slaves may have participated in providing the necessary elements to support marronage. Other slaves, most likely skilled croles and particularly women, ran away to the towns, where they could often blend into the population of urban slaves and free coloreds, especially if they were trained in a craft. 3 Runaways may h ave also chosen to join various semi autonomous maroon communities that dotted the frontier throughout the colony. To reiterate, the three provinces, North, South, and West, are all divided by mountain chains, again perfect places for Africans and croles alike to create easily defended enclaves. The North provided the largest town in Saint Domingue, Cap Franais, while the Southern and Western provinces had several port cities and small towns that may have provided fugitives with crowed streets and ports of departure. The question of why slaves chose to run away has generated much debate. This question deals with both personal and collective reasoning behind flight and it directly informs the competing arguments of the two divergent schools on marronage in Saint Domingue. Some historians suggest that individual marronage must be explained in the context of the living conditions of the slaves. A slave may have reacted against the conditions of work (length, organization, and/or intensity) in several ways (laziness, apathy, walkouts) but the absolute refusal to work was running away. This type of resistance most likely engendered cases of petit marronage rather than grand marronage. Presumably, if a driver or master attempted to 3 Dubois, Avengers of the New World 52.

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41 ameliorate the conditions o would return to work as certain conditions improved. In preparation for returning to the plantation, runaways might have made contact with old timers on the plantation, a district pri est 4 If the plantation was unable to provide the basic needs housing, health, clothes, or food a slave may have also chosen to flee the plantation. It has been suggested by several scholars that a great deal of marronage was associated with a lack of food. Here again, this appears to be more likely a cause for petit marronage. Both stealing and fleeing punishment have also been the traditional explanations for marronage amo ng French historians. However, as Manigat suggests slaves did not typically take flight to practice thievery but rather maroons were forced to steal because of the harsh conditions of life on the fringes of structured colonial society. 5 Escaping punishm ent may have generated more long term episodes of flight because any cause for punishment would have likely been increased if the slave attempted flight. On the opposite side of this causal spectrum is flight occurring when slaves ran away during their da ys off or during holidays looking for entertainment, leisure, and general amusement. This entailed gatherings for story telling, singing songs, drinking, playing games, and of course, sexual exploits. Again, this most certainly was a case of petit marrona ge. The most cited incidents of marronage by the Haitian school are those brought about by to adapt themselves to a servile life, for the Haitian school, il lustrates an innate desire for freedom. Jean Fouchard, among others, has suggested that the majority of slaves en marronage 4 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons 249. 5

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42 were those classified as nouveaux or those who had newly arrived in the colony who had little or no working knowledge of the creole language; however, the evidence suggests otherwise. During any given year, slaves classified as nouveaux never accounted for more a quarter of the total slaves en marronage. Over the twenty year period under investigation slaves classified as nouveaux a ccounted for seventeen percent of the total sample. This point will be addressed in more detail below. In the end, slaves ran off for a variety of reasons. 6 While many incidents were most certainly impulsive, many others may have been well calculated deci sions based on the agricultural cycle, various holidays, or other times of distraction when success in marronage may have been more easily attainable. Whether or not slaves intended to remain on the fringes of colonial society indefinitely or intended to return once a personal situation improved still remains an important distinction. It informs both the nature of slave flight on the individual level society but also the Haitian Revolution. While the motivations of individual maroons suggest spontaneity, or at most a pre political consciousness, group marronage may offer evidence of a political consciousness, a revolutionary consciousness, and/or a pre national co nsciousness or so the Haitian school suggests. Maroon groups can be organized into three categories according to their degree of internal order. The first category is that of the wandering band with a loose structure that changes according to circumstan ces but maintains a strong central authoritative figure. The second represents a more stable community with the ability to change location for safety, 6 The causes of marronage are a m ajor point of contention between the French and Haitian schools. Indeed, contemporary sources comment on the motivations for flight, but these claims must be viewed in light of the inherent biases of their authors and ultimately they may tell us very litt le about the psyche of enslaved individuals en marronage

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43 structured only enough to maintain a minimum of order and control. The third is a well organized and pe rmanent camp. Manigat suggests that this grouping is a military society that thrives on self reliance, self government, and self defense, essentially an independent enclosed micro state. 7 However, this assertion that some maroon groups displayed an emergi ng collective proto revolutionary identity remains unsubstantiated and speculative at best. This retrospective projection of a political consciousness onto maroon groups is typical of the Haitian school. However, it is important to remember that maroon co mmunities were often the exception that proved the rule. Indeed, maroon communities have a long history in the Caribbean. Those in Jamaica, Suriname, and Brazil have received the most attention from scholars and are consequently the most well known. How ever, different groups of fugitives carved out places of refuge on the frontiers of Saint Domingue at various times in its history as well. A quick account of some of the most influential maroon groups as well as other incidents of maroon oriented resista nce are worth retelling because those incidents speak to the intents and purposes of many slaves en grand marronage who chose to abandon the relative stability of the plantation for the hazardous life of a maroon. 8 To preface a focused analysis of the quan titative data for the latter third of the eighteenth century, several salient maroon events will be related in an effort to provide the necessary The episodes o f Enriquillo, Padre Jean, Polydor, Franois Makandal and the Maniel group are 7 8 Chronolog continually asserts that marronage continued to grow in number and influence. But the quantitative data suggest nothing of the sort especially when viewed in the context of the general population increase. Nevertheless, his chronology paints a rather comprehensive picture of marronage in Saint Do approaches the 1770s and 1780s it becomes considerably thinner than decades prior.

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44 struggle for independence. After a brief account of some of the most important affa irs, the third section turns to the period from 1770 to 1790, in a discussion of the general contours of the maroon population during those years. The data will be presented in a number of contexts ch address the impact of marronage on the slave uprising in the North. Marronage f rom Discovery t o 1770 In relating t he maroon events until the 1770 s, this study will present the events utilized by the Haitian school as evidence for increasing maroon ac tivity. However, it is easily recognizable that these events are disconnected by both time and space. In fact, the only long running source of agitation for white colonials appears to have come from the Bahoruco Mountains in the French and Spanish border lands. Even the actions of this enclave, do not seem to be very continuous. The history of marronage in the Americas begins with the discovery of the New World. In 1499, the first African slaves, shipped from Spain, began to arrive in Hispaniola. 9 Soon after, African slaves began to desert the work gangs of the Spanish and participate in localized rebellions such as in 1522 when a group of Africans sacked and pillaged a sugar mill belonging to Don Diego Columbus. Fouchard illustrates these incidents thr ough the commentary of Governor Ovando, Bartolom de Las Casas and Father Charlevoix. In doing so, Fouchard sought to demonstrate an inherent desire for liberty in response to the oppressive colonial regime. While these incidents offer little insight int o the psyche of those first African slaves, they do highlight the legacy of maroons and foreshadow the subsequent actions of maroons to challenge slave plantation systems. 9 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons 300; Jos L. Franco Historia de la Revolucin de Hait 35.

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45 The first significant maroon group on the island of Hispaniola was led by Enriqui llo, a Tano Indian. While Ida Altman has recently called attention to the importance of the revolt of Enriquillo to the historiography of early Spanish America, this narrative also speaks toward various aspects of marronage in what became the French colo ny of Saint Domingue. 10 From 1519 to 1533, Enriquillo along with a number of Tano Indians revolted against Spanish forces in the Bahoruco Mountains. 11 Eventually, Enriquillo was able to negotiate freedom and the right of possession of his mountain enclave Mountain enclaves, guerrilla warfare, autonomous subsistence, raiding, and negotiations with colonial officials are aspects that would come to typify maroon communities in Saint Domingue for the next three centuries. Most significant is that this was the first maroon treaty after which the Indians agreed to hunt for fugitive Africans with whom they were previously allied. Not until the early seventeenth century did French interlopers begin to make inroads into Hispaniola. They utilized the abandoned herds of pigs and cattle that the Spanish left behind as they settled the mainland, to support their presence as they transformed Tortuga into a way station for pillaging the returns from the Spanish Main. Beginning in 1665, Tortuga and the western third France were to impose order in Tortuga by settling farmers along the west coast of His paniola. 12 By 1681, 10 The Americas 63:4 (April 2006): 587 614. 11 The Bahoruco Mountains harbored a number of maroon communities throughout the colonial period However, historians have not as of yet attempted to link the fugitiv e communities in the Bahoruco Mountains during the colonial period. 12 Jan Rog oz iski, A Brief History of the Caribbean: From the Arawak to the Carib to the Present (New York: Penguin Putman, 2000), 93.

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46 nearly four thousand settlers lived in the French section, centered on the town of Port de Paix, opposite Tortuga. In 1697, (with the Treaty of Ryswick) Spain conceded the western third of Hispaniola to France. Nearly twenty years earlier, in 1679, a slave named Padre Jean rose up and assassinated his master in Spanish Santo Domingo. Jean then made his way to the western third of the island and settled ne ar Port de Paix. While there, he convinced a number of his African counterparts to rise up against the planter class. The uprising began near Port Margot where the participants killed several slave holders and subsequently retreated into the mountains ne arby. Padre Jean was eventually killed by pirates, serving as the French settlement s main defensive unit, who had tracked him down in his mountain retreat. Padre Jean was killed alongside several other maroons. The rebellion was one of the earliest recor ded in Saint Domingue and Padre Jean is viewed as an early fighter against the cruelties of French imposed slavery. Today, Padre Jean is recognized as a Haitian national hero. The eighteenth century saw a number of important maroon affairs unfold. Dur ing the late seventeenth century, in March 1685, King Louis XIV issued the Code Noir which stipulated a number of measures for slave societies in the French Antilles. The code regulated slave markets, other social gatherings, marriage, the carrying of arm s and fixed a number of other restrictions on the enslaved in the French Caribbean. This code also standardized punishments for marronage. A slave who had been away from the plantation for more than a month was to have one of his ears cut off and a fleur de lis branded on his shoulder. A slave who ran away again for a month was to receive a second brand and have a hamstring cut. The punishment for the third offense was death. Rather than follow these prescriptions for mutilation, most masters and

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47 manage rs devised other punishments that caused suffering but did not cause fatal damage to their human property. 13 Masters usually whipped captured slaves upon their return. At other times, a returning might also be locked up in plantation added to make running difficult, and/or iron spikes on an iron collar placed around the neck. Only a blacksmith could re move these restraints. However, such devices did not always deter fugitives from fleeing a second or third time. 14 From 1770 to 1790 over seventy five slaves were jailed with some type of restraint mechanism attached to their body. Maroon bands of vario us dimensions were present throughout Saint Domingue during the eighteenth century. During the first half of the eighteenth century, maroon activity, particularly plantation raids, focused in the Sud du Cap region. From the beginning of the eighteenth ce ntury, bands of maroons had been devastating crops. Attempts were made to co opt other slaves and free coloreds to pursue these fugitives, eventually a maroon chief was taken at Montgre, above the village of Tannerie, between Grande Rivire and Limonade. He was Colas Jambes Coupes, another maroon celebrated by Haitian nationalists. 15 In 1730 in the Grande Anse region, on the southern peninsula, colonists mounted a successful counter attack against a maroon band that operated around Nippes. In the hills of Anse du Clerc, the attack resulted in twenty three prisoners and a number more maroons, among them Plymouth, (the band leader originally from the British West Indies) dead. 16 However, 13 Dubois, Avengers of the New World 53. 14 Dubois, A vengers of the New World 53. 15 Maroon Societies: Rebel Slave Communities in the Americas Third edition, ed. Richard Price Third edition (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), 109 110 16 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons,

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48 vulnerable areas remained around Trou and Fort Dauphin, between Le C ap and the Spanish frontier. Polydor terrorized white colonists in the Trou region. Planters, joined by the marchausse, mounted a successful attack against this group, killing Polydor in the savanna that now bears his name. 17 Polydor was denounced by a nother slave who subsequently gained his freedom. 18 This incident reveals much about the ways in which colonial society may have viewed the activities of fugitives. However, colonists in this region had great difficulty gaining support for this campaign f rom black slaves and the colored militia. In January 1758, Franois Macandal, a fugitive slave, after an extraordinary eighteen year period of marronage came to an end, was made to kneel in a plaza in Le Cap wearing sign fire was lit beneath him. Makandal had become legendary among both blacks and whites in Saint Domingue. For enslaved blacks and members of the Haitian school, Makandal, who was born in Afri ca and became a slave on a plantation in the parish of Limb in the Northern legendary status might have grown out of his ability to gather together large ban ds of fugitives to attack plantations. Nevertheless, his primary source of terror was his suspected use of poison. While Makandal was neither the first nor the last slave to use poison as a means of resistance, the extent of his activities and the publici ty they gained help set in motion a pattern of paranoia and violence that continued in Saint Domingue for decades. 19 For colonial whites, Makandal came to represent the danger of a mass uprising that could destroy the whites in the colony. This fear was r ealized thirty five years later in August 1791. 17 In the 1730s, a local police force, the marchausse was founded to supplement the colonial militia in the policing of slaves. The marchausse was comprised of m ainly free men of color who patrolled the roads, searched slave huts, and pursued fugitives into the interior. 18 19 Dubois, Avengers of the New World, 51 52; Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons 317.

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49 Perhaps the most famous of the French maroon communities was le Maniel, which straddled the border of French Saint Domingue and Spanish Santo Domingo Yvan Debbasch suggests that in fact two separate bands existed in the borderlands at a very early date (1717), but there was no indication that they were allied. 20 The Maniel maroon band was once thought to number in 1778 at most 700 800 but in 1785 a census revealed, after many had died of small pox, only 133 comprised the group. 21 While the role of maroon bands in the revolution is ambiguous, Geggus points out that le Maniel is the only band we know of who participated in the events of the Haitian Revolution. The members of le Maniel kept aloof for several ye ars, and keeping or selling their black captives as slaves. 22 Prior to the revolution, in 1785, the governor of Saint Domingue negotiated with these borderland maro ons. However, as discussed earlier Haitian and French scholars disagree as to why. The period of this quantitative study begins in 1770. Coincidently, on June 3, 1770, an earthquake desolated Port au Prince. During the aftermath of this disaster, pr inters in Le Cap Les Affiches Amricaines started publishing once again six weeks later. A contemporary commentator reveals much about the uncertainty in the months after t of maroons increased to such proportions that we had the gravest fears for the tranquility of the 23 However, the evidence for thi s period reveals nothing remarkable about the published maroon population 20 Yvan Debba Le Maniel Maroon Societies: Rebel Slave Communities in the Americas ed. Richard Price Third edition (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), 143. 21 22 23 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons 327; C astonnet des Fosses, Saint Domingue sous Louis XV 36.

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50 during this year. The last section of this chapter will focus on a more empirical approach to the study of marronage in Saint Domingue during the two decades prior to the Haitian Re volution. The Evidence Although these significant maroon events in Saint Domingue help to provide historical context and illustrate the development of marronage during this period, they do little to suggest how many slaves participated in this form o f resistance, organized communities, or the overall numbers of slaves who took flight. These events were not led by individuals practicing petit marronage trying to secure some small advantage. Rather, they were led by individuals in grand marronage dete rmined to exist outside of and as a challenge to the colonial regime. These individuals and these events were quite unique in the history of marronage in Saint Domingue. Ultimately, these episodes of organized maroon activity waned during the years appro aching the Haitian Revolution and subsequent ly offer very specific insight into marronage prior to the Haitian Revolution. To develop a better understanding of more typical maroon experiences, the newspaper, Les Affiches Amricaines must be consulted. Th ere are a number of issues that need to be addressed before evaluating the data fugitives and moreover the overall population composition of Saint Dominguan maroons. In examining the evidence, it is important to remember that the number of fugitives advertised for or jailed bears no certain relation to the total number who fled or were caught, still less the total number at large. 24 As the number of jailed is nearly twice and sometimes three times as great as the number advertised as missing, it is clear only a minority of runaways were the subject of advertisements. The propensity of a planter to advertise for runaway slaves most likely depended on the slave 24

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51 au Prince 25 Another factor worth d for his/her return. Fugitives recaptured or who returned during this time obviously did not generate missing advertisements. Similarly, the number of those who were jailed does not necessarily accurately represent the actual number of fugitives. Man y other factors contributed to this as well, including, those slaves who were returned directly to their master, those who died before or after being recaptured, and the honesty of the marchauss e the mainly free colored rural police force, who were know n to seize slaves on the roads and destroy their travel passes. This was in an effort to collect rewards for returning fugitives, a practice that may have increased as the revolutionary period loomed over Saint Dominguan society because of an increasing a ctivity of this rural police force. However, it is important to remember that the police and free colored militia became less active, or more, at certain times. In the 1770s and 1780s, as the importation of enslaved Africans reached its peak, colonial go vernors ordered the free colored militiamen to help the constabulary with slave policing duties. 26 Meanwhile, the rights of free coloreds were being restricted as their numbers continued to grow. This may have contributed to the already widening social cl eavage between enslaved blacks and free people of color as free coloreds continued to try to distance themselves from black slaves. Also, the sending of jail lists from distant towns also fluctuated in frequency. It is important to remember that the form er may have increased the number jailed and the other factors may have decreased that number. Perhaps the most important factor was the successful fugitive slaves that were never caught. Unfortunately, the evidence suggests little about those successes. 25 116. 26 Laurent Dub o i s and John D. Garrigus, Slave Revolution in the Caribbean, 1789 1804: A Brief History with Documents (Boston: Bedford, 2006), 15.

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52 is debatable. The slaves entrs la Gele were of all types, African, crole male, female, skilled and nouveau and thus the jailed lists offer a picture of the broad spectrum of the truant slave population. It is true that not every slave who ran away was arrested and/or jailed in a local prison so in turn it is impossible to recreate an exact picture of the fugitive population. Consequently, these data cannot provide a picture of the complete maroon population, but several larger trends can be determ ined through a careful evaluation. The analysis provided here has been extracted from 19,903 separate and unique entries taken from eleven years during the period from 1770 to 1790. Without neglecting the variations in annual totals and the factors that influenced those totals, it may be suggested that during the entire period, 30,000 to 40,000 entries might be a reasonable estimate. With an annual average of about 1,800 total recorded fugitives compared with a total population that averaged about 330,000 during the period under discussion. This would suggest at least 0.55% of slaves ran away in a given year. However, at the present moment it is impossible to know how long each maroon was absent from the plantation and in turn the total annual number of ru naways. Geggus has suggested that one possible way to come to a reasonable estimation is through the use of plantation records. By comparing lists of slaves drawn up annual by managers with the data from Les Affiches it may be possible to quantify the ph enomenon in terms of how slaves flee each year and for how long. 27 27 17.

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53 Ultimately, the evidence suggests that with close to 1,000 fugitives jailed each year, at the very least some 1 in 200 slaves per year ran away for the period prior to 1785. 28 After 1789 th e total slave population had risen to nearly 450,000, so with around 2500 slaves running away each year the ratio remains fairly balanced. This may be the biggest indicator that the rate of marronage was a relatively consistent phenomenon and during the y ears approaching the revolution it may in fact have been in decline. Of course there may be a number of factors that help explain the changes in these ratios. Table 3 1 offers population estimates for Saint Domingue during this twenty year period. One st ever increasing sector of free people of color. Nearly as large as the white population the almost 25,000 free people of color provided an unparalleled outlet for runaways, par ticularly skilled and/or female slaves, who fled to city centers attempting to pass themselves off as a member of the free colored segment of Saint Dominguan society. On the other hand, as coffee plantations were being carved out of the mountainside, this may have limited the opportunities for marronage. It is also important to remember that forty percent of the total population lived in the North. Table 3 2 presents the general contours of the data drawn from Les Affiches Amricaines in the form of annu al totals of total recorded maroons 29 These precise annual totals are The Haitian Maroons: Liberty or Death While Fouchard calculated rough estimates for total slaves en 28 When compared wit h average annual population of 330,000 slaves in Saint Domingue during the period under discussion 29 En marronage is an ambiguous term, since the people in jail were no longer en marronage A phrase lik more accurat e Moreover, there is an uncertain relationship of its component figures respectively to the total who went absent and the total captured in a given year, and an additional problem of overlap (since some advertised also were jailed). Therefore, there is an a rtificial nature of the numbers in this category; nevertheless, it will serve as a heuristic device, since it is the best available figure that is likely to approach the unknowable total of slaves who fled each year.

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54 ma rronage these data reflect careful and methodical counting and tabulation attempting not to misrepresent the information contained in the newspapers. A concerted effort was made to eliminate duplicate advertisements from the data set. 30 David Geggus, in a similar study of the data from the year 1790, suggests that Fouchard conflated not only runaway advertisements and prison lists but also the published lists of paves sub sequently advertised for sale. 31 Furthermore, Fouchard also used data from other newspapers, which duplicated those in Les Affiches Amricaines 32 and he may not have taken into account that fact that duplicate advertisements also appeared within the same n ewspaper. 33 These oversights may have led Fouchard to count individual slaves multiple times. This oversight, coupled with the strong political overtones of his arguments has generated much criticism by more empirical historians in the late twentieth cent ury. However, this criticism of his methodology may have been unjustified as Table 3 2 suggests that the totals presented by Fouchard are not particularly exaggerated except for 1781 and 1790. In fact, he even appears to have under estimated for 1771, 177 relatively accurate with a fluctuation between an over count of 72% and an undercount of 35%. runaways just pr ior to the slave revolt. Finally, though the apparent size of the decline in 1781 is rather surprising, the fact there was a decline is not remotely surprising, nor that there was a post increase in the 30 While some slaves may have appeared in both the advertisements and the jailed lists, the two data sets have been combined to illustrate the broader picture of marronage in Saint Domingue. 31 The period of time before a slave was resold varied from two to six months. 32 This is only applicable to years after 1789 when other colonial newspapers were being published in Saint Domingue. 33

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55 maroon population except for a few explicit cases that may be explained by particular circumstances to be discussed below. This data set offers a number of general observations. First, during the period from 1770 to 1790 the annual total of recorded fugitives doubled from 1,297 in 1770 to 2,651 in 1790. As mentioned earlier the general slave population had also more than doubled during the same period from around 200,000 to nearly 500,000. Thus, this general increase in the maroon popul ation must be viewed in light of the general population increase. However, Debien has suggested, that this apparent increase may have been a result of the increased circulation and publication of the newspaper itself. Otherwise, it may have also been a re sult in the increased effectiveness of the rural police force. Second, three periods have marked fluctuations: between 1777 and 1781 a forty two percent decrease is observable; between 1781 and 1783 the total rebounded by thirty six percent only to incre ase even more during the period 1783 1785 by over fifty percent. The mid 1780s average figure of around 2,250 total recorded maroons remains relatively constant until the eve these data and sharply after 1784, it does offer a counterpoint in that that sharp increase was followed by a relatively stable period when marronage contin ued to increase by only small increments. Thus, it is hard to suggest a rising tide in maroon activity caused by proto revolutionary elements. petit marronage whic h may not be represented in these data, indicated some type of pre revolutionary collective consciousness, though the bases of this assertion remains unclear. Fouchard suggest that short term flights were not always the behavior of the individual timid,

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56 f rightened slave but also of many aggressive, determined slaves feeling their way along the road of freedom. 34 It appears that 1785 saw a sharp increase of marronage in both advertisements and jailed lists across all regions. Durin g the decade before the Haitian Revolution, Saint Domingue achieved its greatest economic potential. In this period exports were at their height, and slave imports averaged nearly 30,000 per year. Contemporary sources make note of this sharp increase in 1785. In November of that year a Saint Dominguan merchant expressed his growing 35 h complaints were as old as the colony and in this instance were directed toward the withdrawal of 36 Yet, the data seems to support this contemporary complaint. The merchant wrote just a year after les procureurs 3 dcembre 1784 was issued. This ordinance gave slaves in Saint Domingue the right to complain about Geggus refers. The law generated great alarm within the ruling class of Saint Domingue. A report from the in June 1785 seems to indicate a growing concern over increasing marronage as well. Further complicating the matter, in September 1786, the new governor wrote that m arronage had been decreasing for two years and its incidence had probably never been so low. The data extrapolated from Les Affiches suggests otherwise. Nevertheless, the governor repeated his claim in August of 1787 despite the activities of a small gro up of fugitives in the mountains of Port Margot. He goes on to suggest that the great majority of 34 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons 248. 35 Maurice Begoun Demeaux, Stanislas Fo Havre (Le Havre, Impr. M. taix, 1948),110. 36 Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies 71.

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57 marronage cases were short term and local. 37 Again, if the governor was referring to overt actions from maroon communities, then his assessment seems well gr ounded and his appraisal of marronage as a short term and local phenomenon is perhaps accurate as the data suggests. Another factor that may have increased marronage was the circulating rumor that the governor was negotiating with le Maniel maroon com munity. Colonial administrators of both the Spanish and French colonies signed a treaty with this group of around 100 maroons living in the frontier region of Bahoruco. 38 This could have encouraged other slaves to flee while also distressing the white pla nter class who typically thought the only way to deal with maroons was to eliminate them. Nevertheless, as Geggus has suggested, it must have been increasingly difficult to become a successful rural maroon after the enormous expansion of coffee cultivatio n in the mountains that began at mid century, the extradition treaty in 1777 with Santo Domingo, and le Maniel treaty of 1785. It comes as no surprise that maroon band activity might have decreased at this time. 39 Nevertheless, maroons, while not drastica lly increasing, consistently appeared in Les Affiches up until the Haitian Revolution. While the annual general totals offer insights into the fugitive slave population, they also mask issues of regional variation that must still be considered. As separa te editions of colonial (Port au Prince) the data can easily be presented by region as well. This is of particular importance in distinguishing the North Province, w here the great slave uprising was soon to take place from the West and South Provinces where the slave revolution developed more slowly. Table 3 3 presents the general contours of the maroon population in terms of regional variations. 37 Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies 71. 38 Dubois, Avengers of the New World, 54. 39 Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies 74.

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58 In general, the t otal recorded maroons appear to be increasing intermittingly in both regions over this twenty year period. 40 However, in the South/West during the period from 17 77 to 1781 the number of total recorded maroons dropped drastically by fifty percent. From tha t point the total recorded maroons in the South/West continually increased until 1788 only to decline slightly in 1790. In the North, 1781 also marked a low point in total recorded maroons from that point un til 1790 the total s steadily increased. However except for 1772, 1781, and 1783 the total number of entries is higher in the South/West than the North. It appears the North experienced more marronage during the early part of the period under examination and for reasons mentioned earlier successful fl ight may have been becoming increasing difficult. Moreover the total recorded maroons is slightly greater in the South/West than the total in the North. More specifically, the number of advertisements in the North decreased during the period from 1783 to 1790 after the total steadily increased during the period from 1770 to 1785. The year 1785 as in the South/West, marks a high point in advertisements over the twenty year period. This decrease is paradoxical because previous historians have assumed the numbers in the North should illustrate a marked increase up until the eve of the revolution. One possible explanation for this decline may be attributed to an increase in advertising rates. Geggus has suggested that continuity is also difficult to find between maroon activity and the revolution in terms of geography. He suggests that the areas where Fouchard states maroon bands were present on the eve of the revolution were not those where the slave revolt broke out; in fact they tended to be the distric ts where the slave regime remained intact the longest. Geggus has also suggested that the newspaper advertisements, which have nothing to do with the activities of maroon bands, suggest a somewhat higher incidence of marronage in the North 40 population lived in the North during this period.

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59 Province than e lsewhere. 41 The evidence does not necessarily bear this out however. Further research called for by Geggus has now proven, as far as the publication of slaves en marroange is concerned, that maroons in the South/West outnumber those in the North in total, for every year in the 1780s and majority of the remainder of the data set. This seems logical as 60% of the total population lived in the Southern and Western Provinces. While the Haitian argument is that both petit and grand marronage facilitated the development of communication networks to organize and carry out the only successful slave revolt in history, slaves had similar opportunities to organize and gather that were known to the white planter class. In fact, the supposed organizing ceremony of B ois Caman was an event known to a number of white planters. Nevertheless, the data for those being advertised as number of advertisements in the South /West Provinces, there appears to be a bit more variation. The low point in advertisements for the South/West in 1781 with only 137 slaves advertised as fugitives. Before and after that year the number of advertisement fluctuates between 197 and 390. are two waves of notable increase separated by a marked decrease in the middle. For the period from 1770 to 1777 the number of jailed maroons increased steadily. Ho wever, in 1781 a sharp decrease in the number jailed is observed. For the remainder of the data set, the period from 1781 to 1790, the number of fugitives jailed most certainly increases, but that increase may not However, from 1781 to 1790 the number of those jailed did indeed triple. As for the South/West Provinces one can observe a similar pattern. During the period from 1770 to 1777, the evidence illustrates a steady increase, in fact an 41 Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies 72.

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60 increase that is pro portionally higher than that of the North. The year 1781 marked the same notable decease in the South and West as well. The common decrease was also followed by an uninterrupted increase in jailed fugitives during the period from 1781 to 1788 only to fal l slightly during 1790. Citing Father Cabon, Fouchard claims that in Feburary 1775 the detachments of the colonial militia at Croix des Bouquets, Grand s Bois, Roucheblanche, and Fonds Parisien were strengthened to combat possible maroon activity but probab ly for the safety of the colonial on the whole. 42 While 1775 is not specifically analyzed, Table 3 3 shows a marked increase in the number of jailed fugitives in the South and West between 1774, before the strengthening of local police forces, and 1777. The three most obvious questions surrounding this data set center around 1777 when total recorded maroons were at a relative high and 1781 when that high was followed by a relative low, only to sharply increase in 1785 and remain relatively constant until the eve of the Haitian Revolution. What occurred during this eight year period? There must have been larger forces at work. The colonial struggle of the American colonies certainly affected life in the Caribbean islands in terms of supplying goods, slave importations, and viable trade partners. As for 1785, it appears that internal influences in Saint Domingue were affecting change throughout the colony. Several factors have been offered that help explain this marked increase in maroon activity but ultim ately those offered are merely speculative. However, one concrete influence of the American struggle for independence was the halt of the African slave trade to Saint Domingue. Beginning 1779, due to the insecurity on the high seas slave ships entering Sa int Dominguan ports became practically non existent. In fact, only four vessels entered the harbors of Saint Domingue at least those that were legally sanctioned and published in Les Affiches 43 In 1780, 42 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons 327. 43 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons 130.

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61 Saint Domingue continued to feel the effects of th e war and of a blockade effectively cutting off the arrival of slave ships. Hostilities continued through 1781 and maritime transport continued to experience the same difficulties. The slave trade was reduced to the rare ship able run the blockade, and a few neutral ships, perhaps Danish or Spanish, brining meager contingents of Africans after leaving Havana. 44 As the war ended, the slave trade to Saint Domingue began to recover. From 1783 to the eve of the Haitian Revolution, Saint Domingue became the leading destination for African slaves with nearly 30,000 annual importations. In the end, the connection between marronage and slave importation is tenuous at best. The impact of the American War of Independence and slaves classified as nouveaux is addr essed in the following chapter. This chapter serves as the foundation for more focused and specific discussions to come. The main objective has been to present the most general contours of the maroon population during the last two decades prior to the Haitian Revolution, the source from which that data was revolutionary Saint Domingue. particularly the question of whether or not there was a rising momentum in this phenomenon prior to 1791. While the number of maroons did indeed increase it was relative to the increasing general slave population. Moreover, it was in the Southern and Western province s where a marked increased is most noticeable. This is significant because it was in the North where the great slave uprising took place, while in the South and West colonial administrators were able to maintain relative authority for a number of years wh ile the North was essentially lost. Once an article of faith for the Haitian school, the theory of a rising tide in marronage must now be abandoned. 44 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons 131 32.

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62 While understanding marronage in relation to the Haitian Revolution is important, we must now turn our attention to more specific and under studied aspects of marronage in Saint Domingue. Each of the nearly twenty thousand entries offers a unique story. Issues of gendered variation in the maroon population will be addressed. The experiences of a multitu de of different African and crole individuals can also offer various insights in the socio economic composition of the maroon population. Moreover, the experiences of foreign croles will contribute to the growing scholarship on Black Atlantic identity. The next chapter explores these specific

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63 Figure 3 1 Geographical Map of Saint Domingue 45 45 Domingue: Ancienne colonie franaise aujo u << http://www.rootsweb. com/~htiwgw/cartes/images/sd_bellin/sd_Bellin 1758.jpg >> accessed January 1, 2008.

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64 Figure 3 2 Provinces and Towns in Saint Domingue 46 46 u or J. P. Manuel << http://www.rootsweb.com/~htiwgw/cartes/images/sd_bellin/sd_Bellin 1758.jpg >> accessed January 1, 2008.

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65 Table 3 1 Saint Domingue 47 YEAR WHITES FREE PEOPLE OF COLOR SLAVES 1771 18,418 6,180 219,698 1775 20, 438 5,897 261, 471 1780 20, 543 10,427 251,471 1786 25,000 15,000 340,000 1787 24,192 19,632 364,196 1788 27,718 21,808 405,528 1789 30,826 24,8 48 434,429 Table 3 2 Comparative Annual Totals Year of publication Advertisements for the return of fugitive slaves Captured runaways published in jailed lists Total Recorded Maroons (+/ ) % of fluctuation from previous year Totals 48 1770 4 02 895 1,297 N/A 1,300 1771 407 877 1,284 1% 950 1772 446 864 1,310 +2% No Entry 1774 533 1,001 1,534 +17% 1,000 1777 450 1,458 1,908 +24% 2,000 1781 391 712 1,103 42% 1,900 1783 684 820 1,504 +36% 1,386 1785 830 1,521 2,351 +56% 2,400 1787 49 621 1,695 2,316 1% 2,500 1788 50 620 2,025 2,645 +14% 2,800 1790 51 632 2,019 2,651 + < 1% 3,500 TOTAL 6,016 13,887 19,903 --------47 Vaudou Sorciers Empoisonneurs de Saint Domingue Hati (Paris: Editions Karthala, 1987), 307. 48 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons 126 37. 49 Totals for 1787 taken from personal correspondence with Professor David Geggus from unpublished research and were confirme d but not specifically tabulated. 50 Totals for 1788 taken from personal correspondence with Professor David Geggus from unpublished research and were confirmed but not specifically tabulated. 51 Haitian Revolution: Slave Runaways in Saint counted one slave on the jailed lists from the Northern Province. The data set has been adjusted acc ording throughout this study.

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66 Table 3 3 Regional Distribution of Marronage Year of Publication Northern Province Regional Total of Maroons South/We st Provinces Regional Total of Maroons Overall Annual Totals Adverts Jailed Adverts Jailed 1770 162 538 700 240 357 597 1,297 1771 52 172 (219) 466 (591) 638 (810) 235 (244) 411 (427) 646 (671) 1,284 (1,481) 1772 249 543 792 197 321 518 1,310 1774 247 463 710 286 538 824 1,534 1777 166 635 801 284 823 1,107 1,908 1781 254 390 644 137 322 459 1,103 1783 407 394 801 277 426 703 1,504 1785 440 661 1,101 390 860 1,250 2,351 1787 53 295 772 1,067 326 923 1,249 2,316 1788 333 910 1,243 287 1,115 1,40 2 2,645 1790 54 309 1,005 1,314 323 1,014 1,337 2,651 TOTAL 3,034 6,777 9,802 2,982 7,110 10,092 19,903 52 The numbers that appear in parenthesis for 1771 are estimations. These estimates serve as a possible representation of the actual number of advertisements and jailed lists that may have been published during this periods. T his is necessary due to missing issues of the weekly newspaper. For Les Affiches Amricaines editions 1 11 are missing (Jan. 6 th to March 16 th ) for Supplment aux Les Affiches editions 32 and 33 are missing (Aug. 7 th and 14 th ). Because this approach is rather problematic, the remaining years of inquiry were selected based on their completeness. From the available weekly issues in the year in question a weekly regional average of both jai led list and advertisements was deduced and applied accordingly. T hese numbers only serve as a suggestion to the actual figures. 53 During 1787 and 1788, Les Affiches Amricaines was published bi weekly. However, a relatively small number of the original Supp l ment aux Affiches Amricaines remain extant. Yet, anoth er supplement appears under a different name. 54

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67 CHAPTER 4 ETHNIC AND GENDER CO MPOSITION IN SAINT D POPULATION The maroons of Saint Domingue were a varied and dyna mic group. Being i ndentified by at least 165 separate African ethnic labels or geographic locations, every province of Saint Domingue, and several French, English, Spanish, Dutch, and Portuguese colonies, the maroons of Saint Domingue were an extremely heterogeneous lot. 1 Some slaves were in the colony for only a few days before taking flight while others were born, raised, and trained in a specific occupation before pursuing life as a fugitive. The reasons for flight and the opportunities and hindrances faced by these div erse individuals have already been discussed. This chapter will illuminate the ethnic and gendered composition of the maroon population. It will also offer insight into the success and failure rates of slaves en marronage The slaves of Saint Domingue wo rked mainly on two types of plantations: sucreries sugar plantations and cafires coffee plantations. For most of the period under study, sugar estate work forces or ateliers were largest in the North Province of Saint Domingue, which produced the majo refined sugar. Their numbers were slightly smaller in the West Province, which mainly made muscovado, and were smallest in the South, which 1 Along with origin and the sex of the fugitive, age was another factor to take into consideration. Yet, the data rega rding age are very incomplete. An average of fugitives would do little to explain to impact of age on the propensity to run away. The only conclusion regarding age suggested by the advertisements was that everyone from the 65 year old crole to the enfan t nouveau carried off by his or her mother, participated in marronage. No particular age fared better as a fugitive. The majority of runaways fell in the 18 30 range, but many fugitives were older. Adolescent fugitives accounted for the smallest percenta ge of runaways. There are very few slaves en marronage difficult due to the incomplete age data regarding those fugitives who entered the jail and those consi dered nouveaux included along with his or her age. These together could provide data for one to compare nutrition across temporal, geographical, and socia l lines. However, at the present moment this line of inquiry will remain unexplored.

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68 was the slowest of the three provinces to develop a plantation economy. Across the three provinces, the average sugar plantation had a labor force of just under 200 slaves. 2 Coffee plantations were considerably more diverse than sugar estates. They demanded far less capital investment, and were generally smaller. The average atelier or wor kforce was about one quarter the size of the average slaveholding in sugar cultivation. Plantations were much smaller in the North than in the other provinces. 3 On the coastal plains of Saint Domingue it was easier for enslaved individuals to mingle tha n it was for those in the mountainous regions, which had half the population density and where travel was difficult. However, in the intensely cultivated mountainous regions of the Northern Province the situation differed little from in the plains because of the relative proximity of the estates and the development of infrastructure. On the pioneer settlements of the western and southern highlands slaves lived much more isolated lives. 4 In the late eighteenth century, tations were of recent foundation and were worked by recently imported slaves; resulting in a generally larger African born presence on coffee plantations than on sugar estates. The Northern Province was the most creolized and had the smallest proportion o f adult men. 5 It is important to bear in mind these distinctions when evaluating both the ethnic and gender composition of the maroon population. This chapter addresses several specific components of the maroon population, beginning with the gendered co mposition of these runaways, followed by the incidence of croles both local and foreign, and finally the ethnic variety among African born maroons. Because historians 2 Cultivation and Culture: Labor and the Shaping of Slave Life in the Americas ed. Ira Berlin and Philip D. Morgan, (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1993,) 74 75. 3 77. 4 5

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69 have often focused on the recently arrived Africans in the maroon population when makin g claims regarding the impact of marronage on the Haitian Revolution, the nouveaux population will be explored with special attention. This demographic analysis will reveal various trends in the success and failure rates of various groups engaged in marron age. Thus, the analysis provided in this chapter will illuminate the historiographic debate regarding the frequency of marronage among the African born and crole 6 As Table 4 1 shows, the majority of the runaways were of African origins, but were no t exclusively new arrivals. Of the African sample, Congolese slaves comprised the majority. Their frequent appearance in both advertisements and jailed lists was a simply a result of their numerical prominence in the colony during the latter part of the ei ghteenth century. Obviously, slaves who had been born in Saint Domingue or various other places around the New World make up the remainder of the sample. The jailed lists and advertisements do not identify the ethnicity o f every slave listed 12% of sla ves went unidentified. Although the great majority of these individuals were likely of African origins, many of the unidentified slaves may have been local croles known by name or other distinguishing characteristics in the various regions of the colony. Moreover, several individuals of unknown origins were identified in the newspaper by their specific training in a craft or trade, suggesting creolized origins. Overall, Africans comprised just over two thirds of the total sample while local croles acco unted for less than a quarter. Foreign croles accounted for less than 5% of the total runways. More specific analysis of these segments of the maroon population is provided below. 6 Some historians assert that newl y arrived African slaves were the most likely to take flight, while other historians suggest that crole slaves, with a better knowledge of the colony were the most frequent participants in marronage.

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70 Men a nd Women Basic to understanding marronage in Saint Domingue is attaining a better picture of the sex ratio of the fugitive slave population. Geggus has noted that the colonial censuses show less gender imbalance in the slave population than historians usually have assumed, and that the population was more evenly bala nced than the colonial censuses suggest. He accredits this to the under registration of the oldest slaves, who were disproportionally female. Indeed, Saint suf fered by males and by Africans in general worked as a balancing factor. 7 Although the exact ratio of males to females remains somewhat uncertain, the impact of females on enslaved society was great whether they were demographically equal or not. However, the position of enslaved women in Saint Domingue was quite paradoxical. Although enslaved women may have been afforded numerous advantages in Saint Dominguan society generally, they were also subjected to a broad array of abuses within the patriarchal soc iety in which they lived. Nevertheless, women were essential to the agricultural and cultural development of plantation society in Saint Domingue. The study of women in the French Caribbean is still in its infancy but much of what does exist is focused on Saint Domingue. Historians often assert that gender was not a consideration in the allocation of most tasks; in the French Caribbean women engaged in hard labor and the allocation of tasks 8 Women on plantations in the French Antilles performed a variety of tasks, but they were mostly relegated to the fields where they outnumbered men in the gangs; however, men maintained their influence in artisan crafts; 7 8 Women, Work, and Resistance in the French Caribbean during Slavery, 1700 Caribbean Slavery in the Atlantic World: A Student Reader edited by Verne Shepherd and Hilary McD. Beckles (Kingston: Ian Randle, 2000,) 1017.

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71 coopering, carpentry, masonry, and blacksmithing, sugar boiling, coach driving amongst other specialized occupations. The gangs of field slaves were broken into three groups. The first was reserved for the strongest males and females who did the majority of the difficult work, the second gang also performed a number a difficult tasks while also being responsible for the cultivation of provision grounds and was reserved for newly arrived slaves, the weak, pregnant women, and adolescent children. The third gang performed janitorial duties a round the mill and was usually driven by a woman who not only asserted control but was also responsible for the care of and socialization of young slaves into the slave system. 9 In a study of sugar and coffee half Africans, equally divided between males and females, about ten were creole men, and more than one third young creole women. 10 Although gender imbalance in the colony was not extreme, marronage in Saint Domingue was dominated by males. Explanations for this pattern of resistance remain largely male centered and unsatisfactory. Bernard Moitt asserts that the issues are more complex than they appear. Traditional explanations imply that men were simply better able to endure the hardships of life on the frontier or were historically less restricted in both Africa and the Caribbean. Moitt suggests that women may have been less mobile than men in African, but in both Africa and the Caribbean they were the primary agricul tural producers. It is likely that this was also the case in maroon communities in the Caribbean. 11 9 10 11 Bernard Moitt, Women and Slavery in the French Antilles, 1635 1848 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2001), 133.

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72 Mobility has also been linked to maturity. Arlette Gautier has suggested that children and maintaining familial bonds served as deterrent s to would be fugi tives. 12 The advertisements and jailed lists provide surprising information about female fugitives. It appears that neither pregnancy nor the age of their children seem to have prevented some women in Saint Domingue from running away, although, the majori ty of women en marronage were without child. 13 However, some women did flee with their children for example an unidentified woman was jailed, Au Cap, le 29 du mois dernier, une Ngresse nomme Zare, avec son enfant griffe la mamelle, laquelle a dit appa rtenir M. Dion, en cette ville. 14 At Cap, the 29 of the last month, a Ngresse named Zare with a nursing child said to belong to Mr. Dion, in this city. Another example of women taking flight with children is Une Ngresse nomme Franoise, nation N ago, tampe P BELLY AU CAP, est partie Louis, g de cinq ans, et Tailleur, rue Espagnol, ou sur son habitation au Fonds Lodin: il y a recompense. 15 A Ngresse named Franoise, nation Nago, branded P BELLY AU CAP, went maroon on the 17 th of this month with two children, the one said person John Louis, five years ol d, and the other a nursing enfant. Those that know of this Ngress e, are prayed to tell it to stop and give some notice to Pierre belly, Tailor, Spanish street, or his dwelling at the Fonds Lodin: there is a reward. Women also fled with their small fami ly units like, Jean, Crole, g de 22 ans; Marie Louise aussi crole, ge 28 ans, grande et maigre; Lisette, sa fille, ge de 12 ans, et Jeannit, son fils, g de 8 ans, sont sortis de l'Habitation de M. Pr ovost, sise la Coupe du Limb la nuit du 1e r au 2 de ce mois, et ont emport avec eux leurs effets. 16 12 Moitt, Women and Slavery 133. 13 During the twenty year period understudy ten wo men were identified as pregnant and fifteen were nursing an infant, usually of mixed racial descent. 14 Feb ruary 5 th 1770, Supplment aux Affiches Am ricaines 15 Apr il 24 th 1781, Les Affiches Amricaines 16 Jan uary 13 th 1770 Supplment aux Affiches Amricai n es

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73 Jean, Creole, 22 years old; Marie Louise also creole, 28 years old, big and lean; Lisette, his girl, 12 years old, and Jeannit, his son, 8 years old, went out of the Dwelling of Mr. Provost, fled to the Coupe du Limb the night of the 1st or 2nd of this month, and has taken their effects with them. Another example on a family unit en marronage : Jacques, nation Cotocolly, g d 50 ans: Ren, Crole, g de 18 ans: Manon, nation Ibo, ge de 40 a ns: Narcisse son fils, Crole g de 12 ans: Joseph, idem, g de 4 ans: Catherine, idem, ge de 7 ans: Marie Louise, Crole, ge de 9 ans: Franoies, mme nation, fils d'une Ngresse libre, ge de 12 ans; et Adelade sa soeur, ge de 9 ans, sont ma rons depuis le 25 dudit mois de Dcembre dernier. Cuex qui les reconnotront, sont pris de les faire arrter et donner avis Mrs Sabourin freres, Huissiers au Boucassin. Il y aura recompense 17 Jacques, nation Cotocolly, 50 years old: Ren, creole, 18 years old: Manon, nation Ibo, 40 years old: Narcisse his son, 12 years old Creole: Joseph also creole, 4 years old: Catherine creole, 7 years old: Marie Louise, Creole, 9 years old: Franois, creole, son of a free black Ngresse, 12 years old; and Adelade his sister, 9 years old, are maroons since the 25 day in the month of last December. Those that know of them are requested to have them arrested and to inform Mr. Sabourin brothers, court bailiffs in Boucassin. There will be a reward. While the se examples highlight a sense of collective marronage, it is important to remember that these examples only occur intermittently during the twenty year and by and large marronage was solitary endeavor. However, these examples do highlight the ability of e nslaved individuals to form and maintain personal relationships en marronage Overall, females accounted for 14 % of the total sample. Smaller independent annual studies by Gautier, Debien, Fouchard, and Geggus have returned percentages of female runaways ranging from 12 % to 15 20%. Table 4 2 reveals that women appeared less frequently in jailed lists than in runaway advertisements. The advertisements appear to be constant in both regions of the colony. However, the table does demonstrate that those adv ertisements increased in appearance as the Haitian Revolution approached. 17 March 20 th 1771, Les Affiche s Amricaines

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74 This increase is probably the result of growing towns and cities, places that afforded refuge for female runaways. It is also possible however that this swell was a reflection of a n increase in the publication and circulation of the newspaper. While the number of women in the advertisements increases during the years approaching the Haitian Revolution, the percentage of women in advertisements remains close to 15%. However, in both 1783 and 1785 women comprised nearly one fifth of total advertisements. In 1790, the percentage (13%) of women in advertisements drops to an absolute low. Suggesting a higher rate of men running away as the revolution approached. As for the captured fe male population, the percentages remained fairly consistent, hovering around 13% of the total captured population. If women were more prone to flee toward cities rather than the mountains then it is logical to find more women jailed in the North than the South/West because the North had the largest city into which many female runways may have attempted to assimilate On average for every three women jailed in the North, one was advertised as missing compared to a ratio of 2:1 in the South/West. It is im portant to remember while Le Cap in the North was the largest city in Saint Domingue, the South/West offered a variety of smaller towns where the population may have been less familiar with local slaves or even more willing to employ fugitives because of a lack of an urban workforce. Women comprised 12% of total recorded maroons in the North and 9% in the South/West. Total number of women in the North was nearly 20% greater than in the South/West. The North had more female slaves in both advertisements and jailed lists. Geggus suggests that the South/West contained more women than the North; if this is true then it seems that women in the North, despite fewer numbers, were more prone to flight and recapture. 18 It were slightly better in the South/West than in the North 18

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75 because the region contained fewer female slaves in the total slave population but those fewer women were re captured proportionally fewer times. 19 Croles While women held a dis tinctive position within both the fugitive and general populations in Saint Domingue, so too, did croles those born locally or within the Caribbean. Croles possessed many qualities that could improve their status within slave society. Moreover, much of their specialized knowledge could be employed to facilitate their resistance to bondage through flight. Local croles might know not only creolized French, but continental French as well, while foreign croles might have had Spanish, Dutch and/or Engli sh in their linguistic repertoires. The ability to speak a variety of foreign languages allowed for broader opportunities in marronage. Foreign language skills also illustrate the mobility of certain slaves. Foreign croles ld and the opportunities for freedom that ports throughout the Caribbean offered also helped transform maroons into free persons of color. A broader linguistic base, knowledge of the outside world, their status as new comers most surely made it easier to assume different identities. For example: Un Multre, Crole, nomm Antoine, sans tampe, g d'environ 25 ans, taille de 5 pieds un pouce, extrmement vlu, bon Matelot et parlant, bon Franais, Anglois, Hollandois, est parti marron de Saint Marc le 28 d u mois dernier. Ceux qui le reconnotront, sont pris de le faire arrter et d'en donner avis Mrs Corpron et Patte Ngocians Saint Marc: il y aura recompense 20 A Mulatto, Creole, named Antoine, without a brand, about 25 years old, 5 pieds 1 pouce ext remely hairy, good Sailor and speaks, good French, English, Dutch, went maroon from Saint Marc on the 28 of the last month. Those that know of him are requested to have him arrested and to give notice to Mrs Corpron and Patte Ngocians in Saint Marc : ther e will be a reward. 19 In his study of 1790, Geggus offered the same assertion but suggested that the data was incorrect and this apparent success was caused by ethnic diff erences. However, this much larger data set seems to prove otherwise. Using a period. 20 October 17 th 1770, Les Affiches Amricaines

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76 Antoine was probably not only light skinned but also of prime age, and more than likely familiar with the port at Saint Marc. His ability to speak multiple languages coupled with his nautical acumen could have afforded him opportuniti es on various ships leaving port for any number of foreign colonies. Once aboard he could have assumed an identity as a free person of color, earned a wage and effectively used the system for his own gain. Antoine is only one of these industrious fugitiv es who attempted flight for a better life. Slaves of this sort must work against Domingue was Un Multre, crole de la Martinique, Menuisier sans tampe, g d'environ 30 ans, taille 5 pieds 2 3 pouces,sachant un peu l'Espagnol et l'Anglais, et ayant t en France, assez bien taille, mais d'une foible constitution, les yeux enfonc s belle jambe et bien fait, est maron depuis le 6 Aot dernier. On prie ceux qui auront connoissance de ce Multre de les faire arrter et d'en donner avis M. marchand fils, Ngociant au Port au Prince: il y aura pour chacun 120 liv. de rcompense, outre le prix ordinaire 21 A Mulatto, creole of Martinique, Carpenter without brandings, about 30 years of age, 5 pieds 2 to 3 pouces knows a little Spanish and English, and having been in France, of good height, but of a weak constitution, sunken eyes and bea utiful and good legs, been maroon since last August 6. If one knows of this Mulatto are requested to have him arrested and give notice to the son of M. Merchand Merchant of Port au Prince : there will be 120 livre reward, besides the ordinary price Table 4 3 presents the general composition of the fugitive crole population in Saint Domingue during the period 1770 1790. In general, slaves born in the New World make up 20% of the total data set. Women comprised 13% of the total number of c role s en marro nage 22 Geggus suggests that creoles constituted about one third of the adult slaves in Saint Domingue. 21 Fe bruary 9 th 1774, Les Aff iches Amricaines 22 The percentage of crole women en marronage steadily increased over the twenty year period from 11% to 17% of the total croles en marronage This may have been a result of more attempts at marronage as cities g rew larger and the crowds within became increasing ambiguous. On the other hand, it may simply be a result of increasing advertisements.

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77 In his analysis of 1790, croles account for less than one fifth of the sample leading him to marronage. 23 In every year, croles were Although the percentage of croles in the total population was changing, it was always gr eater than the percentage of crole s among maroons. Thus, croles were underrepresented in the maroon population. Ultimately, the data set suggests that croles enjoyed particular success in flight. On the other hand, it may be suggested that croles were simply less likely to flee perhap s due to the relatively elevated positions they enjoyed within the slave system. Ultimately, it is hard to say for certain whether croles were either better en marronage or more likely not to participate en marronage. The generalizations of Table 4 3 mas k regional variations which are the subject of Table 4 4. In his analysis of various agricultural estates, David Geggus sugg ests that the Northern Province was more creolized than the Southern and Western provinces the regional breakdown of Table 4 4 speak s to that assertion. Croles comprise 26% of all advertisements and 18% of those jailed across both regions. This seems to suggest that croles may have enjoyed some success in evading re capture. However, it is clear that croles did not fare particula rly well en marronage in the North because the number of croles jailed in the North almost always exceeds the number advertised for as missing. In fact, in 1777 the number of croles jailed in the North is four times as many advertised and in 1790 it is nearly twice as many. During the years of the American War of Independence, when the African slave trade to Saint Domingue nearly ceased, croles represented nearly a third of the total recorded maroons These years represented the height of the percenta ge of croles en marronage The crole percentage then declined up until the Haitian Revolution. It seems reasonable to suggest that with increasing numbers of Africans, 23 Geggus, 119

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78 who were perhaps more easily caught, croles began to maintain relative success in ru nning away. The crole segment of the population was not a monolithic group. To get a better understanding of the stratified nature of French colonial society, it is necessary to delineate the various groups under this general heading. Table 4 5 p locally born crole maroon population. The vast majority of the locally born croles were black. Of the nearly 2,500 local croles recorded Multres comprised nearly the entire sample of the colored population while griffes children of black and mulatto parents, account for the small remainder of the local crole population. Only five quarteroons appear en marronage during this twenty year period under study, and not a single one appeared in jail. This is radically different from the 1790 figures, where the colored percentage (2%) was roughly what it was in the general population. Thus, suggesting that croles took flight more frequently than once gures. The composition of the foreign population is also interesting on several different levels. Table 4 6 presents the breakdown of the 575 foreign croles tabulated during this period. Slaves from the British Caribbean including Jamaica, the Windward Islands, Grenada, St. Vincent, St. Christophe, and Suriname comprise 37% of the total foreign crole population. Martinique and Guadeloupe provided another 24% of the sample. Foreign slaves from the Dutch Caribbean, typically Curaao, constitute 18%, wh ile the final 11% were from the Spanish Caribbean, Portuguese Brazil or Angola and various places from the North American continent. Several slaves arrived in Saint Domingue from Louisiana, New England, and New York. While foreign croles comprised only 19% of the total crole maroons recorded their presence in Saint

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79 Domingue highlights the interconnectedness of the Atlantic World and the mobility of people, even those in bondage, across these vast trade networks. The most notable aspect of Table 4 6 is the marked increase in foreign slaves en marronage after the American War of Independence. During the 1770s, foreign croles were but only a small contingent of the total crole maroons recorded However, by 1783 and 1785 their numbers had more than tri pled. The majority (85%) of these foreign croles were black while the remainder of the sample, mainly multres but several griffes and a few quarteroons is croles were jailed over the twenty success en marronage as they rarely appear in the published jailed lists. Specialists Like Antoine, foreign and local croles a variety of professions. Nearly fifty different occupations or artisan crafts, most of them held exclusively by male croles were used to indentify fugitive slaves. Similarly, but with less frequency, African born men were also ski lled laborers. Geggus suggests that about one fifth of all slaves in Saint Domingue had an occupation other than that of field hand. 24 Also he contends that men were eight times more likely than women to escape the drudgery of field labor to gain a positio n of relative independence and responsibility. Very few women en marronage were identified by a skilled occupation. In his sample, Africans made up more than one third of sugar estate specialists on the eve of the revolution and a large majority of thos e on coffee estates. This is dramatically higher than the proportion of skilled Africans en marronage Yet, as the data suggest for both the general slave population and those en marronage there was a clear cut preference for crole slaves, 24

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80 particularly for the few jobs performed by women and for posts attached to the plantation house or allowing for travel off the plantation. 25 Nevertheless, certain African groups were generally praised by planters for other talents Congos as domestics, craftsmen, and f ishermen; Sngalois as domestics and stockmen; and Bambaras also as craftsmen. 26 Many slaves who appear in the fugitive advertisements were identifiable by their unique skill set, many more also had more than one specialization listed. 27 For example, U n Negre Congo, nomm Cupidon g d'environ 27 ans, taille d'environ 5 pieds, Perruquier pour homme et pour femme, Cuisiner, Blanchisseur de Bas de foie et Joueur du violon. Ceux qui le reconnotront, sont pris de le faire arrter et d'en donner avis M. Cami sat de Mauroy, Ngociant au Cap, qui il apparient: il y aura rcompense. Ledit Negre est marque petite verole 28 A Negre Congo, named Cupidon about 27 years of age, around 5 pieds tall, Wigmaker for men and for women, Cook, Launder, and violin play er. Those that know of him are requested to have him arrested and give some notice to Mr. Cami sat de Mauroy Merchant in Cap : there will be a reward. The aforementioned Negre has small pox marks. Another example of a multi talented fugitive appeared ju st a under a year later, Un Negre, nomm la Rose, Congo, tamp LE ROY ET LOVET, g de 24 25, taille de 5 pieds 4 pouces: Valet, charpentier, maon, couvreur, peintre, et cuisinier, ayant une culotte de drap bleu, boutonnieres rouges, jarretieres et b outon d'or, est maron depuis le 7 de ce mois. Ceux qui en auront connoissance, sont pris d'en donner avis M. Sauv, au Petit Goave: il y aura recompense 29 A Negre, named la Rose Congo, branded LE ROY ET LOVET 24 to 25 years of age, 5 pieds 4 pouces tal l: Servant, carpenter, mason, roofer, painter, and cook, wearing knee breeches of blue cloth, with red button holes, garters and golden buttons, been maroon since the 7 th of this month. Those that have known of him are requested to give notice Mr. Sauv of Petit Goave: there will be rewards The maroons of Saint Domingue were employed in almost every occupation in the 25 84. 26 Geggus, Sugar and Coffee, 86. 27 Of the 486 skilled slaves 80 (16%) were identified with multiple occupations. 28 June 22 nd 1771, Supplment aux Affiches Amricaines 29 May 23 rd 1772, Le s Affiches Amricaines

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81 advertisements en marronage 30 Table 4 7 presents, in the most generic terms, the percentages of skilled slaves en marronage 31 Skilled slaves accounted for 10% of the total advertisements. This percentage is skewed by the last two years of the sample when the appearance of skilled slaves decli ned. Skilled slaves had probably not stopped running away; it seems much more likely that advertisers and publishers were simply omitting these details. Most of the major occupational categories are represented in the data sample. 32 However, slaves with p articular occupations appear to have produced relatively more fugitives. Table 4 8 presents the occupation breakdown of slaves en marronage Of all the occupational categories, slaves identified as cooks or bakers appear most en marronage 18% of the tota l skilled slaves recorded. Cooks were followed strangely by wigmakers who comprise another 17% of the total skilled slaves en marronage Slaves trained in artisan crafts, carpenters, roofers, coopers, and blacksmiths, comprised nearly one third of the sam ple, while domestics, coachmen, valets, and household servants, account for 12% of the sample. Geggus has suggested that carpenters were the occupational group most prone to 30 I found several occasions when occupa tions appeared on the jailed lists As it was presented, it appeared to suggest that skilled slaves managed to avoid being jailed all together. This probably not being the case, it seems more likely that the jailers took little interest in recording supp osed occupations. Neverthe less, several years in Table 4 7 are footnoted with those skilled slaves who were jailed during the twenty year period under inquiry. 31 In the case of multiple occupations only the first was tabulated. 32 At least one slave was li Blanchisseuse: washer women; Boucher (de Moutons): Butcher (of Sheep); Boulanger: Baker; Cabrouettier : Carter/Wainman; Canoteur: Boatman; Charpentier: Carpenter; Charron: Cartwright; Cocher: Coachman; Coffeur (pour femmes): Hairdresser (for women); Conduisant des Chevaux de Charge: Driving Pack Horses; Confiseur: Confectionner; Commandeur : Slave Driver; Cordonnier: Cobbler; Couturire: Seamstress; Couvreur: Roofe r; Cuisinier: Cook; Domestique: Domestic (household servant); Doleur: Roofer/Shingle maker; Forgeron: Blacksmith; Hospitaliere: Nurse; Indigotier: Indigo Maker; Machoquie : Blacksmith or makes/mends tools; Maon: Mason; Matre Cabrouetier: Master carter/ wainman; Maquignon: Horse dealer; Marchand (du pain) : Bread seller; Marin: Sailor; Matelassier: Mattress maker; Matelot: Sailor; Menuisier: Carpenter /Cabinet Maker; Navigateur de Prosession : Navigator of Procession; Orfevre: Goldsmith; Pacotilleur: Tink er; Ptissier: Pastrycook; Pcheur : Fisherman; Peintre: Painter; Perruquier (pour homme, pour femme : Wigmaker (for man, for woman); Postillon: Coachman; Repasseus : Presser; Scieur de Long: Pit Sawyer; Sellier: saddler; Tailleur: Tailor; Tanneur: Hide Ta nner; Tonnelier: Wet Cooper (Barrel maker); Valet: Body Servant; Voilier: Sailmaker

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82 marronage because they could command good wages in the colony and were much in ne ed in both town and countryside. 33 This is most certainly true as it probably was for the other artisan craftsmen. Cooks, bakers, and pastry chefs may have also found employment in both town and countryside. However, what is to be made of the high percen tage of wigmaking fugitives? An firm explanation eludes the author. Perhaps, it may be reasonable to suggest that domestics and body servants, who were closely associated with the master were less likely to accept harsh treatment and consequently more pro ne to runaway after what they deemed cruel or unwarranted treatment. Along with being multi lingual and trained in specific occupations, croles might have also been literate. Literacy could have helped facilitate successful marronage. Essentially, an educated fugitive could have falsified a travel pass or other written documents that might attest to his or her freedom. For example: Un Multre, sans tampe, nomm Almazor, perruquier et mme cusinier, parlant bon Franois, taillede 5 pieds 4 pouces marqu de petite vrole, les cheveux longs, la jambe bien faite, la voix forte, fachant lire et crire et ayant appartenu Mde la Marquise de Virieux,, qui l'a vendu M. Mazeres, lequel l'a revendu au sieur Bego, qui il appartient, est parti maron, la nuit du 19 au 20 juillet dernier, sur un beau Cheval Anglois, poil rouan, harnach d'une selle du cuir de Russie, garnie en velours cramoisi, la housse et les faux fourreaux de velours violet, galonns en or, avec une pair du pistolets monts en argent et a emmen avec lui un Negre nomm Etienne, appartenant au Sieru Arteaux, Charpentier au Cap, mont aussi sur un Cheval, poil alezan, les quarte pieds blancs, tamp l'paule du ct du montoir BY, avec une selle valet et un porte manteau. Ledit Mul tre est toujours bott ou chauff, et parle la Langue Espagnole et la Hollandoise. Ceux qui les reconnotront, sont pris de les faire arrter 34 A Mulatto, without branding, named Almazor, wigmaker and cook, speaking good French, 5 pieds 4 pouces tall, sm all pox marks, long hair, good legs, strong voice, taught to read and write and having belonged to Mde the Marquise of Virieux that sold it to M. Mazeres who sold it to the sieur Bego to be apprenticed, went maroon, the night of the last, on a beautiful English Horse, harnessed with a saddle of leather from Russia, outfitted in crimson velvet, slip cover and false fourreaux of purple, trimmed with a velvet braid with a pair of the pistols and money and took with him a named Negre 33 34 August 1 st 1772, Supplment aux Affiches Amricaines

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83 Etienne belonging to the Sieur Arteaux Carpenter of Cap, also climbed on a horse, chestnut hair, the four feet white, Montoir BY, with a saddle to servant and a door coat. The aforementioned Mulatto always has boots or shoes, and speaks the Spanish Language and Dutch. Those that know of them are requested to have them arrested. In the end, skin color, literacy, language proficiency, and occupational specialization all provided certain benefits on the plantation, in the city, and en marronage In general, croles enjoyed the se benefits much more than did Africans. Africans born slaves made up a fascinating ethnic mosaic that varied through time and across different regions, as well as between different types of plantations. The populating of Saint Dom ingue by the slave trade drew upon a vast geographic area embracing innumerable nations and peoples. Table 4 9 presents the general composition of Africans en marronage Overall, Africans accounted for 67% of the total recorded maroons Their frequency in appearance remains relatively stable until 1790 when African comprised four fifths of the annual total. More than likely this is a function of the increasing importation of Africans during the last few years approaching the Haitian Revolution. However, the percentage of unclassified slaves, a majority of which were of African origins, must also be taken into consideration. Interestingly, during the years of the American War of Independence, the percentage of Africans was at its lowest. However, African s still constitute nearly two thirds of the total sample. It has been suggested that marronage was an African dominated practice, so a marked decrease during the curtailment of the African slave trade would seem logical, but this cannot explain the increa se in croles taking flight during this same period. It is important to remember the continued growth of the crole population. In theory, one would expect the total recorded maroons to decrease, but the evidence shows a consistent rate of runaways with a fluctuation in composition but not

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84 frequency. We will return to the question of the relationship between new arrivals and marronage shortly. Where the enslaved Africans originated is also a critical question. French planters employed an elaborate lexicon to identify the origins of their slaves. However, these designations ethnic identities. Thus, one should not assume the attributed national origins of the enslaved individuals reported as runaways were the actual identities they might have claimed for themselves. 35 During the period under study, more than 160 different ethnic labels were used to identify the maroons. Further complicating the issue of ident ity or origin was that many enslaved peoples were identified by Europeans by their port of departure rather than their actual homeland. Even though most of the main nations identified by colonists could be found on all types of plantations, to a significa nt degree sugar and coffee planters tended to buy Africans from different ethnic regions. Regional variation was a function of crop related planter provinces, ty pically based on the differing mix of crops. 36 Coffee planters bought a proportionately greater number of slaves of those ethic groups Bibi, Mondongue, Igbo, and Congo. Conversely, the most highly r egarded nations could be found more frequently on sugar estates. 37 Less well established in the market, buying smaller quantities, but with greater urgency, coffee planters were less selective in purchasing slaves than were sugar planters. Geggus suggests that planters based their African stereotypes on a variety of factors, including physical strength, 35 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons 114. 36 37 slaves from the Bight of Benin: Arada, Fon, Foda, Adia, Nago, Barba, Cotocoly, Taqua, Tiamba, Aoussa among several others.

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85 height, health, dietary preferences, and agricultural experience, as well as ascribed attributes of a more fanciful nature. 38 Slaves from the Bight of Ben in were highly valued in Saint Domingue because they were considered physically strong and both men and women were good agriculturalists, accustomed to wielding a hoe and able to take charge of their own provision grounds. Congo slaves were notably short er, and in their homeland the majority of agricultural work was left to women. They also proved unhealthier on the sugar plains. In general, sugar planters expressed a strong aversion to them. Slaves from the Bight of Biafra, including Igbo and Bibi, wer e generally concentrated on mountain plantations and believed to be sickly and sometimes suicidal. Mandingues also attracted an indifferent assessment; however, their height usually made them favorites of sugar planters. The height of slaves from the Win dward Coast may also explain their selection by sugar planters. 39 The Mondongues approached average height but were avoided by sugar planters, doubtless because of their widespread reputation as cannibals who were difficult to feed. Colonists expressed co ntrasting opinions concerning the Bambara, and their Sngalois neighbors as they were regarded differently in different regions. 40 In the end, it is clear that planters took into account the traits, whether true of false, they ascribed to different Africa n nations These ethnic stereotypes then influenced the purchasing habits of diffuse planters and therefore impacted the work routines and opportunities for marronage presented to enslaved individuals from different regions of Africa. In other words, not all enslaved Africans in Saint Domingue had the same opportunities to run away from their bondage. 38 39 Slaves from the Win dward Coast include, Sosso, Kissi, Cap Lao, Mesurade and Canga. 40 The details of the various African nations 82.

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86 With these stereotypes in mind, by and large the majority of slaves en marronage were of African origin. Aside from the aforementioned maroons of un specified origins, the public and the most prone to recapture. Congolese slaves were the most prominent of the African nations to appear in both advertisem ents and jail. While Congolese slaves do not always constitute a numerical majority of the data set, they do remain the highest percentage of all African nations of the total recorded maroons Over the twenty year period the Congo account for 35% or the total recorded maroons and over half of the African sample. Table 4 10 presents the frequency of the Congo in the total recorded maroons However, their frequency in appearance does not necessarily relate to their collective ability to escape, or their pr opensity for recapture. The data present no evidence to suggest that their numbers benefited or hampered them in marronage. However, it may be reasonable to suggest that specific Africans may have been willing to help one another with common linguistic a 41 Other African groups also appear with great frequency in the newspapers incl uding the Bambara, Mandingue, Arada, Mondongue, among several others. who had yet to acquire competence in the creole language and were believed to have spent less than a year in Saint Domin gue. Table 4 11 reveals a rather complex picture of new arrivals in Saint Domingue. Of the 2,526 newly arrived slaves only 183 (7%) were women. As the African slave 41 23.

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87 trade brought only twice as many males as females to Saint Domingue during those decades newly arrived males evidently had a greater propensity to flee than their female counterparts. Fouchard asserts that individual flights were the most frequent due to the very fact that marronage was ventured more often by new blacks. 42 He further sugges ts that marronage by new blacks is positive evidence of true marronage which was equivalent to hostility to slavery and therefore a precursor to revolution. 43 His argument is based on a fifteen day sample during 1786 that disproportionately represented the number of new arrivals in the colony. Contrary to nouveaux The evidence proves that ngres nouveaux who account for 17% of the total sample, did not appear more frequen tly en marronage than croles (20%). It should seem obvious that croles appear more frequently in advertisements, but if Fouchard and others are to be believed then nouveaux should greatly outnumber croles in the jailed list. On the contrary, the perce ntage of nouveaux who were listed as entrs la Gele (19%) was only one percent higher than the percentage of croles (18%). The prominence of new arrivals as fugitives depended on the rate of importation. Slave imports averaged more than 30,000 per an num in the years 1785 90. This high rate of importation followed a virtual halt to the legal importation of slaves in Saint Domingue, during the middle years of the American War of Independence. Beginning in 1779, because of insecurity on the high se as, slave ships entering Saint Les Affiches Amricaines 44 In 1780, Saint Domingue continued to feel the effects of the war and of a blockade effectively cutting of the arrival of slave ships. Hostilities continued through 1781 and maritime transport remained in 42 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons 262. 43 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons 257. 44 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons 130.

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88 decline. The slave trade was reduced to a trickle, with new imports arriving only when small an d speedy vessels managed to run the blockade or when the occasional Danish or Spanish ship carried unsold enslaved Africans from Havana to the French colonial ports. 45 As the war waned, the slave trade to Saint Domingue began to recover from 1783 to the e ve of the Haitian Revolution Saint Domingue became the leading depository for African slaves to nearly 30,000 annual importations. Table 4 11 reflects this fluctuation in the curtailment of the African slave trade to Saint Domingue. Prior to 1777 those cl assified as nouveaux comprised 15 22% of the total recorded maroons. Planters may have been less likely to advertise for newcomers as those jailed made up at least twice as many as those advertised. Nouveaux typically comprised 10 15% of the total advert isements while those jailed typically accounted for 20 25% of the total jailed population. This is excluding the years between 1777 1785 when newcomers made up less than 10% of advertisements and less than 15% of the total jailed population. The absolute low point occurred in 1781 when ngres nouveaux comprised only 2% of the total recorded maroons These fluctuations have certainly skewed the data, and the relationship between new arrivals and increasing runaways. Success a nd Failure En Marronage The question remains whether these data represent some larger collective fugitive revolutionary movement. Table 4 12 whose rationale is much more specific, yet contestable, addresses the question of success in marronage. Table 4 atios for different groups at the colonial level. These comparisons probably provide a rough guide to the failure rates as runaways in broad groupings. 45 Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons 131 32.

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89 It is true that this table may favor more valuable slave while neglecting those from the coffee plan tations in the north and newly arrived Africans for reasons mentioned earlier. 46 Consequently, it is hard to conclude with any certainty which group was more prone to recapture. While comparable relative success between Africans and croles cannot be cert ainly deduced from this table, gender differences and differences between blacks and coloreds should be ascertainable. Ultimately, it does reveal the broader differences in marronage among the different groups. Overall, the table, as suggested earlier, reveals that light skinned foreign croles enjoyed the most success en marronage Their locally born light skinned counterparts also maintained relative success. That fact that local and foreign black croles fared considerably worse en marronage sugges ts that light skin was the most important factor in successfully assimilating factor in success because of the implied employment skills. However, foreign crole s and presumably their language skills or knowledge of the outside world must be considered the second most important factor in successful marronage. Gender must also be considered as important to success. In general, women fared substantially better th an men en marronage C role women and both newly arrived African women all fared considerably better than their male counterparts. However, newly arrived Africans by and large fared the absolute worst en marronage Yet, this could be a result in the unequal publication of advertisements for croles en marronage In the end, the evidence attests to a dynamic and varied composition of the Haitian maroons during the two decades leading up to the Haitian Revolution. Many fa ctors influenced 46 agricultural cycle, the abil Port au Price where the newspapers were published.

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90 the composition of the maroon population, the buying habits of planters, the type of crop worked, and the geographic location of plantation all helped determine where enslaved Africans ended up once they reached the shores of Saint Domingu e. These factors also dictated where and when slaves could and would attempt running away. The differences in not only marronage but also the plantation complex, between Africans and croles are evident. Language skills, skin color, time in the colony, occupational training, and knowledge of the outside world were all important factors in determining success in marronage. Ultimately, this chapter sought not only to highlight the plight of these disparate groups, but also to simply outline the ethnic and gendered composition of the maroon population. Historians have failed to explore this composition and subsequently their assumptions about the role of marronage in Saint Domingue have generally been ill informed. The once dim picture of marronage in Sai nt Domingue may now begin to illuminate. The final chapter of this work seeks to review the conclusions drawn for the evidence extrapolated from Les Affiches Amricaines and will also offer several suggestions for the future study of marronage in Saint Do mingue. Table 4 1 General Ethnic Composition Year of publication Total Unspecified Origins Total Africans Total Local Croles 47 Total Foreign Croles 48 Total Recorded Maroons 1770 192 (15%) 887 (68%) 180 (14%) 38 (3%) 1,297 1771 184 (14%) 844 (66 %) 224 (17%) 32 (3%) 1,284 1772 172 (13%) 826 (63%) 256 (20%) 56 (4%) 1,310 1774 197 (13%) 1,016 (66%) 263 (17%) 58 (4%) 1,534 1777 333 (17%) 1,257 (66%) 259 (14%) 59 (3%) 1,908 1781 112 (10%) 660 (60%) 266 (24%) 65 (6%) 1,103 1783 211 (14%) 898 (60%) 304 (20%) 91 (6%) 1,504 1785 386 (16%) 1,491 (64%) 380 (16%) 94 (4%) 2,351 1790 49 102 (4%) 2,113 (80%) 354 (13%) 82 (3%) 2,651 TOTAL 1,889 (12%) 9,992 (67%) 2,486 (17%) 575 (4%) 14,942 47 Local croles include: local black croles multres and mul tresses, griffes, and quartero ns. 48 Foreign croles include: all slaves who had come from other European colonies. 49

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91 Table 4 2 Gender Composition Year of Publication Total Adverts Regional Distribution of Women in Advertisements Total Women in Advertisements Total Jailed Regional Distribution of Women Jailed Total Women Jailed Total Women Recorded North South /West North South /West 1770 402 24 22 46 (11%) 895 75 41 116 (13%) 162 (12%) 1771 407 30 39 69 (17%) 877 80 31 111 (13%) 180 (14%) 1772 446 39 32 71 (16%) 864 92 39 131 (15%) 202 (15%) 1774 533 31 30 61 (11%) 1,001 63 73 136 (14%) 197 (13%) 1777 450 30 38 68 (15%) 1,458 98 96 194 (13%) 262 (14%) 1781 391 47 20 67 (17 %) 712 65 41 106 (15%) 173 (16%) 1783 684 87 44 131 (19%) 820 53 46 99 (12%) 230 (15%) 1785 830 73 79 152 (18%) 1,521 84 110 194 (13%) 346 (15%) 1790 1 632 39 45 84 (13%) 2,019 129 96 225 (11%) 309 (12%) TOTAL 4,775 400 349 749 (16%) 10,167 739 573 1,31 2 (13%) 2,061 (14%) 1 oluti

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92 Table 4 3 Total Croles Year of publication Total Recorded Maroons Total Local Croles 1 Total Foreign Croles 2 Total Croles (% of total entries) 1770 1,297 180 38 218 (17%) 1771 1,284 224 32 256 (20%) 1772 1,310 256 56 312 (24%) 1774 1,534 249 53 302 (20%) 1777 1,908 254 59 313 (16%) 1781 1,103 266 65 331 (30%) 1783 1,504 303 91 394 (26%) 1785 2,351 380 94 474 (20%) 1790 3 2,651 354 82 436 (16%) TOTAL 14,942 2,459 569 3,029 (20%) 1 Local croles include: local black creoles, multres and multreffes, and g riffes 2 Foreign croles include: all fugitives slaves born within the Americas or having come from other colonies. 3 All numbers for 1790 are taken or converted from Geggus, Out of the House of Bondage ed. G. Heuman

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93 Table 4 4 Regional Distribution o f Croles Year of Publication Total Adverts Regional Distribution of Croles in Advertisements Total Croles in Advertisement s Total Jailed Regional Distribution of Croles Jailed Total Croles Jailed Total Croles North South /West North South /West 1770 402 43 47 90 (22%) 895 45 83 128 (14%) 218 (17%) 1771 407 56 65 121 (30%) 877 70 65 135 (15%) 256 (20%) 1772 446 86 46 132 (30%) 864 101 79 180 (21%) 312 (24%) 1774 533 56 65 121 (23%) 1,001 94 105 199 (20%) 320 (21%) 1777 450 38 66 104 (23%) 1 ,458 122 92 214 (14%) 318 (17%) 1781 391 106 46 152 (39%) 712 96 83 179 (25%) 331 (30%) 1783 684 109 94 203 (30%) 820 87 105 192 (23%) 395 (26%) 1785 830 109 92 200 (24%) 1,521 122 151 273 (18%) 473 (20%) 1790 1 632 73 69 142 (22%) 2,019 142 152 294 (15 %) 436 (16%) TOTAL 4,775 675 588 1,263 (26%) 10,167 879 915 1,794 (18%) 3,059 (20%) 1 Out of the House of Bondage edited by G. Heuman

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94 Table 4 5 Local Crole Composition Year of publication Black Croles Multres Griffes Quarterons Total Local Croles 1 1770 162 14 4 ----180 1771 202 20 2 ---224 1772 237 18 1 ----256 1774 232 21 10 ----263 1777 231 22 6 ----259 1781 227 29 10 ----266 1783 264 34 5 1 304 1785 324 44 10 2 380 1790 2 300 42 10 2 354 TOTAL 2,178 244 58 5 2,486 1 Local creoles include: local black croles multres and multreffes, griffes, and quarteroons. 2 been taken from personal correspondence with Professor David Geggus.

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95 Table 4 6 Foreign Crole Composition Year of pu blication French 1 English 2 Spanish 3 Portuguese North American Continent 4 Total Foreign Croles 5 1770 6 9 6 11 3 3 38 1771 10 8 3 7 2 2 32 1772 15 17 9 9 4 2 56 1774 15 18 10 14 1 ----58 1777 11 23 7 12 4 2 59 1781 14 35 6 8 ----2 65 1783 25 40 4 14 6 2 91 1785 28 27 7 17 12 3 94 1790 6 14 32 7 4 14 12 6 82 TOTAL 137 209 56 106 44 22 575 1 Includes Martinique, Guadeloupe, and Madagascar. 2 Includes Generic Anglois, Isle du vent, Jamaque, Grenade, St. Vincent, St. Christophe, and Surina me. 3 Includes Generic Hollandois, and Curaao. 4 Includes, Americaine, Nord Americaine, Mississippian, Louisianan, Nouvelle Angleterre, Nouvelle Yorcke, and Boston. 5 Foreign creoles include: all fugitive s slaves having come from other colonies. 6 All nu 7 For 1790 two slaves were classified as Danish and for the sake of continuity they were included in the English category.

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96 Table 4 7 Skilled Slaves en Marronage Year of publication Advertisements for the return o f fugitive slaves Skilled Workers en Marronage (Advertisements) 1770 1 402 53 (13%) 1771 2 407 39 (10%) 1772 3 446 46 (10%) 1774 4 533 60 (11%) 1777 5 450 50 (11%) 1781 391 58 (15%) 1783 6 684 81 (12%) 1785 830 74 (9%) 1790 7 632 31 (5%) TOTAL 4,775 492 (10%) 1 1 Jailed skilled slave (Maon) 2 1 Jai led skilled slave (Boulanger/perruquier) 3 4 1 Jailed skilled slave (Charpentier) 5 5 Jailed skilled slaves (perruquier, cuisinier, machoquier, cuisin ier/perruquier, matelot) 6 1 Jailed skilled slave (marin) 7 Out of the House of Bondage edited by G. Heuman

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97 Table 4 8 Occupational Breakdown Occupations 1770 1771 1772 1774 1777 1781 1783 1785 TOTALS Carter/Cartwright 1 1 1 1 ------------1 5 Indigo maker ----1 --------1 1 --------3 Slave Driver 1 1 1 ----3 -----------6 Blacksmith 8 1 ----1 2 1 3 1 1 10 Carpenter 9 11 2 5 10 5 3 6 16 58 Mason 3 3 5 3 4 2 6 2 28 Cobbler/Shoe maker 5 ----1 2 2 2 1 2 15 Roofer 10 2 ----3 --------1 --------6 Cooper 11 5 2 4 3 6 4 5 4 33 Coachman 12 3 4 1 4 5 2 2 3 24 Baker/Cook 13 7 10 5 5 6 11 19 20 83 Household Servant 14 1 2 2 2 1 4 7 5 24 Valet/Body Servant 15 1 ----3 3 ---------1 1 9 Sailor/Mariner 16 4 1 1 8 4 10 2 2 32 Merchant/Craftsmen 17 3 3 2 1 3 2 3 ----17 Tailor /Seamstress 4 4 4 4 2 3 6 2 29 Wi gmaker 18 1 5 7 12 7 10 22 15 79 TOTALS 19 53 39 46 60 50 58 81 74 461 8 Includes tool repairmen. The category includes one tinker from 1774; 4 goldsmiths, one from 1777 and 3 from 1781 9 This category includes cabinet makers. 10 Shingle maker 11 Barrel maker 12 This category includes one pack horse driver from 1772; one navigator from 17 77 13 All slaves recorded in this category were identified as bakers and cooks but several maroons had specialized pastry skills. 14 The category includes four washerwomen, one from 1771, 1774, 1783, and 1785; one violin player from 1774; one painter from 17 83 15 This category includes one nurse from 1783 16 The category includes small boatmen and fishermen. 17 This category includes generic merchants; one bread seller from 1774; one horse dealer from 1771; two butchers from 1777 and 1783; one sail maker from 1 770; three saddle makers, two from 1774 and one from 1783; three mattress makers, two from 1771 and one from 1783 18 This category includes one hairdresser from 1774 19 1790 has been excluded from this table because the Geggus does not detail the compositi on the skilled sample for this year.

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98 Table 4 9 African Composition Year of publication Total Africans (% of total entries) Total Recorded Maroons 1770 887 (68%) 1,297 1771 844 (66%) 1,284 1772 909 (69%) 1,310 1774 1, 016 (66%) 1,534 1777 1,257 (66%) 1,908 1781 660 (60%) 1,103 1783 898 (60%) 1,504 1785 1,491 (64%) 2,351 1790 20 2,113 (80%) 2,651 TOTAL 10,075 (67%) 14,942 Table 4 10 Congo Composition Year of publication Total Recorded Maroons Total Africans T otal Congo (% of total/% of Africans 1770 1,297 887 584 (45%/63%) 1771 1,284 844 457 (36%/54%) 1772 1,310 909 504 (38%/61%) 1774 1,534 1,016 552 (36%/54%) 1777 1,908 1,257 685 (36%/54%) 1781 1,103 660 341 (31%/49%) 1783 1,504 898 411 (27%/46% ) 1785 2,351 1,491 795 (34%/53%) 1790 21 2,651 2,113 951 (36%/45%) TOTAL 14,942 10,075 5,280 (35%/52%) 20 21 All numbers for 1790 are taken or ve of the Haitian Revolution

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99 Table 4 11 Regional Distribution of nouveaux Year of Publication Total Adverts Regional Distribution of Nouveaux in Advertisements Total Nou veaux in Advertisements Total Jailed Regional Distribution of Nouveaux Jailed Total Nouveaux Jailed Total Nouveaux North South/ West North South /West 1770 402 24 37 61 (15%) 895 159 60 219 (24%) 280 (22%) 1771 407 22 21 43 (11%) 877 118 52 170 (19 %) 213 (17%) 1772 446 19 24 43 (10%) 864 85 30 115 (13%) 158 (12%) 1774 533 31 53 84 (16%) 1,001 86 105 191 (19%) 275 (18%) 1777 450 11 40 51 (11%) 1,458 79 232 311 (21%) 362 (19%) 1781 391 12 6 18 (5%) 712 5 1 6 (<1%) 24 (2%) 1783 684 37 19 56 (8%) 8 20 47 23 70 (9%) 126 (8%) 1785 830 71 67 138 (17%) 1,521 185 218 403 (26%) 541 (23%) 1790 1 632 --------111 (18%) 2,019 --------436 (22%) 547 (21%) TOTAL 4,775 --------605 (13%) 10,167 --------1,921 (19%) 2,526 (17%) 1 All numbers for 179

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100 Table 4 12 Su ccess and Failure Description Jailed : Fled Ratio per 100 Success Index 1 Total Men 8,857 : 4,026 220 Total Women 1,312 : 749 175 Total Croles 1 794 : 1 263 142 Total Crole Women 223 : 243 92 Total Crole Men 1,571 : 1 020 154 Local Black Cr oles 1 173 : 703 167 Local Colored Croles 75 : 178 42 Foreign Black Croles 221 : 200 111 Foreign Colored Croles 22 : 41 54 Total Africans 5 506 : 2 373 232 African Women 698 : 373 187 African Men 4,808 : 2,000 240 Total Nouveaux 1,921 : 605 318 Nouveaux Women 137 : 47 291 Nouveaux Men 1 784 : 559 319 Total Unspecified Origins 1,142 : 645 177 1 decimal by one hundred. This provides a guide in relation to one hundred slaves. A lower number theoretically represents more success in marronage.

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101 CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSIONS In the end, the underlying purpose of this work was to revisit the debate regarding marronage and the slave insurrection that eventually led to the Haitian Revolution. However, this more generally the slave population as a whole during the two decades prior to the Haitian Revolution. T his work attempted to shed light on the causes, the typology, the dimensions, the composition and the evolution of marronage in Saint Domingue. A more balanced assessment of this phenomenon was presented to effort to explore marronage independent from the Haitian Revolution. It is evident that slaves of all sorts practiced marronage: young and old, male and croles and Indians; multres, griffes, and quarterons; fieldworkers, artisans, and domestics; the well nourished and the hungry, the weak as well as the strong; those with cruel masters, and those with good ones. There is little doubt that nearly all districts of Saint Domingue were affected by marronage. The evidence attests to the dynamic and va ried composition of the Haitian maroons during the two decades leading up to the Haitian Revolution. Many factors influenced the composition of the maroon population, the buying habits of planters, the type of crop worked, and the geographic location of p lantations all helped determine where enslaved Africans ended up once they reached the shores of Saint Domingue. These factors also dictated where and when slaves could and would attempt running away. The differences in not only marronage but also the pl antation complex and between Africans and croles are evident. Language skills, skin color, time in the colony, occupational training, and knowledge of the outside world were all important factors in determining success in marronage. Typically, previous historians have failed to explore the complexities of this composition and subsequently their assumptions about

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102 the role of marronage in Saint Domingue have generally been ill informed. The once dim picture of marronage in Saint Domingue has been brought to light. The primary assertion of the Haitian school is that there is an easily recognizable increase in marronage and maroon activity during this period and that that increasing revolutionary activity eventually led to the Haitian Revolution. Europe an scholars tend to argue against this point by explaining marronage as a disconnected form of resistance. Combining insights from these two schools offers a more complete account of marronage in Saint Domingue by presenting the growth of marronage relativ e to the population, the impact of both petit and grand marronage on colonial society and the revolution, and the logical link between maroons and rebels. This present work has sought to bridge these two divided schools of thought. Methodical research in primary sources was at the heart of this work. The data were calculated and tabulated with a concerted effort to eliminate the bias of the historiography and the colonial newspapers have proven to be an invaluable resource in recovering the fugitive hist ory of marronage in Saint Domingue. whether or not there was a rising momentum in this phenomenon prior to 1791, the evidence suggests several conclusions. While the nu mber of maroons did indeed increase it did so no more than the increasing general slave population. The Haitian article of faith, a rising tide in slaves en marro nage eve of the 1791 uprising. Moreover, it was in the Southern and Western provinces where a marked increase is most noticeable. This is significant because it was in the N orth where the great slave uprising took place, while in the South and West colonial administrators were able to

PAGE 103

103 maintain relative authority for a number of years while the North was essentially lost. Once an article of faith for the Haitian school, the t heory of a rising tide in marronage must now be disconnected individuals does not accurately portray the maroons of Saint Domingue either. This study has sought to pr esent the maroons of Saint Domingue as both individuals and as a collective group. By highlighting the varied nature of the maroons and also their collective impact on colonial society, the study of marronage in Saint Domingue becomes much less divergent. It is clear that planters took into account the traits, whether true of false, they ascribed to different enslaved individuals en marronage These ethnic stereotypes then influenced the purchasing habits of diffuse planters and therefore impacted t he work routines and opportunities for marronage presented to enslaved individuals from different regions. In other words, not all enslaved Africans in Saint Domingue had the same opportunities to run away from their bondage. In the end, gender, skin col or, literacy, language proficiency, and occupational specialization all provided certain benefits on the plantation, in the city, and en marronage In general, croles enjoyed these benefits much more than Africans did, while the newly arrived experienced the greatest difficulties en marronage Ultimately, the connection between the importation of Africans and an increase in marronage remains inconclusive. During the twenty year period, c roles and newly arrived Africans constituted similar proportions o f the data sample while creolized Africans comprised the majority. The maroons of Saint Domingue have enjoyed a fairly controversial place within the historiography of Saint Domingue. This controversy was most certainly a product of historians failing t o explore the complexities of this dynamic and varied group of individuals. No longer

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104 can the maroons of Saint Domingue be considered a proto revolutionary mass of discontented individuals awaiting their opportunity to overthrow the French colonial govern ment. On the other hand, viewing this group, like the French school, as a disconnected and apathetic crowd of aimless vagabonds aimed at satisfying personal agenda will also not suffice. Instead, this work has sought to deliver the individuals en marrona ge from obscurity. From here, one can only hope that the study of marronage continues to be informed by more methodical archival research and not the unsubstantiated claims of historians bound by certain pre determined conclusions put forward by their cor responding schools. In the end, when discussing the impact of marronage on the Saint Dominguan society and the Haitian Revolution the conclusions of this work must be taken into considerations. Les Affiches Amricaines has gained the much needed attention it deserved; now the maroons of Saint Domingue and across New World slave societies also deserve a more even handed and methodical study. Only then we may begin to better understand how this dynamic and diverse group interacted with colonial society and ultimately their place within the narrative of slavery in the Caribbean.

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105 LIST OF REFERENCES Primary Sources Newspapers Les Affiches Amricaines Supplment aux Affiches Amricaines Secondary Sources Books Ardouin, Beaubrun, Etude 11 vols. 1853 1865. Reprint, (Port au Prince: Dalencorut, 1958). Impr. M. taix, 1948). Blackburn, Robin, The Overthrow of Colonial Society: 1776 1848 (London: Verso, 1988). Brutus, Edner, Rvolution dans Saint Domingue (Paris: ditions du Panthon, 1973). Cullion, Valentin, de, (Paris, 18 03). Debien, Gabriel, Les esclaves aun Antilles franaises Guadeloupe, 1974). Dubois, Laurent, Avengers of the New World: The story of the Haitian Revolution (Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2004). Dub o i s, Laurent and Garrigus, John, D., Slave Revolution in the Caribbean, 1789 1804: A Brief History with Documents (Boston: Bedford, 2006). Fick, Carolyn, E. The Making of Haiti: The Revolution from Below (Knoxville: University of Tennessee P ress, 1990). Fouchard, Jean, The Haitian Maroons: Liberty of Death translated from French by A. Faulkner Watts (New York : E.W. Blyden Press, 1981). Franco, Jos, L. Historia de la Revolucin de Hait (La Habana : Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 2004). Gaspar, David Barry, and David Geggus, eds. A Turbulent Time: The French Revolution and the Greater Caribbean (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997).

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106 Geggus, David, Haitian Revolutionary Studies (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002). Geg gus, David, ed. The Impact of the Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2001). Geggus, David, Slavery, War, and Revolution: The British Occupation of Saint Domingue: 1793 1798 (London: Oxford, 1982). Ja mes, C. L. R., 2 nd ed. (New York: Random House, 1963). Laurent, Grand, Quand les chanes volent en clats (Port au Prince: Deschamps, 1979). Madiou, Thomas, 8 v ols. 1847 1848. Reprint, (Port au Prince: Henri Deschamps, 1989). Moitt, Bernard, Women and Slavery in the French Antilles, 1635 1848 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2001). Ott, Thomas, The Haitian Revolution, 1789 1804, (Knoxville: University o f Tennessee Press, 1972). Peytraud, L., L'esclavage aux Antilles franaises avant 1789: d'aprs des documents indits des archives colonials (Paris: Edition et diffusion de la Culture antillaise, 1984). Pluchon, Pierre, Vaudou Sorciers Empoisonneurs d e Saint Domingue Hati (Paris: Editions Karthala, 1987). Popkin, Jeremy, D., Facing Racial Revolution: Eyewitness Accounts of the Haitian Insurrection (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2007). Rogsiski, Jan A Brief History of the Caribbean: From the Arawak to the Carib to the Present (New York: Penguin Putman, 2000). Saint Marie, M. Poyen de, Jeunes Agriculteurs des Colonies (Basse Terre: Imprimerie de la Rpublique, 1792). Stoddard, Lothrop, T., The French Revolution in San Domingo, (New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1914). Trouillot, Michel Rolph, Silencing the Past: Power and the Production of History (Boston: Beacon Press, 1995).

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107 Articles and Chapters i n Edited Co llections The Americas 63:4 (April 2006): 587 614. Marronage Voodoo, and n Plantation Society in the Americas III 3 (1996): 321 45. Le Maniel Maroon Societies: Rebel Slave Communities in the Americas ed. Richard Price Third edition (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996). De Sociologique (1962): 117 95. 27, srie B (1965), 755 99. Debien, Gabriel a Cahiers des Amriques Latines (1969). Jamaican Historical Review 61 (1969): 9 20. n Maroon Societies: Rebel Slave Communities in the Americas ed. Richard Price Third edition (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996). Shipping and Pl Journal of African History 30 (1989): 23 44. International Univers ity, 1983). Out of the House of Bondage: Runaways, Resistance and Marronage in Africa and the New World, ed. Gad Heuman (London: Cass, 1986). Cultivation in Saint Domingue and the Shaping of the Slave Cultivation and Culture: Labor and the Shaping of Slave Life in the Americas ed. Ira Berlin and Philip D. Morgan, (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1993). Geggus, William and Mary Quarterly 58, no. 1 (January 2001): 119 38.

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108 Port Cities: Economy, Culutre, and Society in the At lantic World, 1650 1850 edited by Franklin W. Knight and Peggy K. Liss, (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1990); 87 116. Saint Domingue Anna ls New York Academy of Sciences (June 1977). Caribbean Slavery in the Atlantic World edited by Verne Shepherd and Hilary McD. Beckles (Kingston: Ian Rand le, 2000). Journal of Caribbean History 25, no. 1 and 2 (1991): 59 80. Trouillot, Michel Rolph, Review of Les Maroons de libert in New West Indian Guide 56 (1982): 180 82.

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109 BIOGRAPHI CAL SKETCH Jason Dani els was born in Fredericksburg, Virginia in 1982 As the only child of Richard and Judith Daniels, he grew up in Palm City, Florida and graduated from Martin County High School in 2000. Jason has a half sister, Meredith Onderko, who lives with her husband, Richard and their three daughters, Parker, Jenna, and Carson in Tampa, Fl orida. Jason earned a B.A. in h istory from the University of Florida in 2006. Upon the completion of his M.A. in Lati n American h istory, Jason will be teach ing at Indi an River State College in Ft. P i e rce, Florida, while taking a hiatus in his graduate training. Jason currently resides in Hobe Sound, Florida and intends to return to his studies in 2009 to complete his doctoral research.


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