Looking for Bridges

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0022536/00001

Material Information

Title: Looking for Bridges Dovetailing Conservation and Development in a Rural Mexican Community
Physical Description: 1 online resource (183 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Mishkin-Chavez, Miramanni
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2008


Subjects / Keywords: michoacan, natural, orchids, product, sustainable, trade
Interdisciplinary Ecology -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Interdisciplinary Ecology thesis, M.S.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation


Abstract: Orchids are a marketable non-timber forest product (NTFP) of cultural and economic value in the general study area, the Lake P?tzcuaro basin of Michoac?n, Mexico. In the study community of Oponguio, and others, there is a need to improve the livelihood system (mainly production) to alleviate poverty, community fragmentation and ecological pressure. The Sondeo method was combined with Ethnographic Linear Programming modeling to perform an ex-ante analysis of the viability of an orchid culture activity. The results indicated that even while the orchid activity requires up to three years to generate cash, all households with available cash (including credit) and labor can participate without an adverse impact on the current livelihood system. The orchid activity acted as a significant supplemental activity even while the amount of cash generated was conservative. The general conclusion is that, with sufficient support, this sustainable management plan is a practical compromise and a significant step in bridging conservation and development.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Miramanni Mishkin-Chavez.
Thesis: Thesis (M.S.)--University of Florida, 2008.
Local: Adviser: Popenoe, Hugh L.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2008
System ID: UFE0022536:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0022536/00001

Material Information

Title: Looking for Bridges Dovetailing Conservation and Development in a Rural Mexican Community
Physical Description: 1 online resource (183 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Mishkin-Chavez, Miramanni
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2008


Subjects / Keywords: michoacan, natural, orchids, product, sustainable, trade
Interdisciplinary Ecology -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Interdisciplinary Ecology thesis, M.S.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation


Abstract: Orchids are a marketable non-timber forest product (NTFP) of cultural and economic value in the general study area, the Lake P?tzcuaro basin of Michoac?n, Mexico. In the study community of Oponguio, and others, there is a need to improve the livelihood system (mainly production) to alleviate poverty, community fragmentation and ecological pressure. The Sondeo method was combined with Ethnographic Linear Programming modeling to perform an ex-ante analysis of the viability of an orchid culture activity. The results indicated that even while the orchid activity requires up to three years to generate cash, all households with available cash (including credit) and labor can participate without an adverse impact on the current livelihood system. The orchid activity acted as a significant supplemental activity even while the amount of cash generated was conservative. The general conclusion is that, with sufficient support, this sustainable management plan is a practical compromise and a significant step in bridging conservation and development.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Miramanni Mishkin-Chavez.
Thesis: Thesis (M.S.)--University of Florida, 2008.
Local: Adviser: Popenoe, Hugh L.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2008
System ID: UFE0022536:00001

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2 2008 Miramanni Maringola Mishkin


3 To Sr. Carlos Charlie for imparting upon me the importance of thoroughness, the high cost of arrogance and the power of innocence


4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS There are a num ber of people w ithout whom this thesis would not have been possible. I would like to extend my special thanks to the fo llowing long but un-editable list (and of course I have to write in linear order so order is abso lutely not indicative of my level of gratitude): Special thanks to Dr. Kristina Ernest and Dr. Eugene Bozniak for their recognition of what I needed to do with my life and their gentle nudging; Special thanks to Dr. Ignacio Porzecanski for guiding me, teaching me to think more precisely, letting me vent and reviewing my work even though he wasnt even on my committee. I could not have done it without you. Special thanks to the SNRE officewithout whom there are so many reasons I wouldnt be herethank you Meisha, Cathy and Dr. HumphreyI cannot thank you enough for all of your support. I would also like to take this opportunity to thank Ana Peterson for taking a chance and extending me her hand, Jon Dain for being supportive and teaching me about diplomacy and the real value of the learning experience, the TCD program for being there and giving me a travel grant (especially to Hanna, Wanda and Patriciabut to all the TCD staff fo r all the hard work you do). Of course, I want to spec ially thank my committee: Hugh Popenoe for being so impressively knowledgeable and keeping me on track, Pete Hildebrand for keeping me straight, being so patient and creating the model in the first place and to Wagner for knowing so much about orchids and being open minded, having a great outlook and sense of humor. My gratitude also goes to Carlos for making the research possi ble and demonstrating true altruism and to Candido for making the research possible and teaching me about real intelligence and dedication.


5 I extend special thanks to Dr. Alejandro Palacios for working with me for a decade now and helping me coordinate research teams and ge nerally collaboratingand being really patient. I would also like to thank Dr. Alejandro Casas for giving me personal classes in Ethnobotany. Special thanks also goes to Diana for everything (especially letti ng me crash the car) and being a great big sister, to Julio for being a good brother, a good la wyer and a true friend and to Chacha for being unconditionally supportive and motivating; And to all of them for reinforcing just how important family is. My gratitude also to Amy for reminding me that my life is great and assuring motivation for the futureand teaching me the valu e of patience and steadfastness, to Faith for being hilarious and letting me know when I am not myselfand how to be a better me, to Bob and Caanie for supporting me for no other reason than because they are profoundly good people, to Joe for talking to me almost every day at point s and helping me reason through a couple of tough parts, to Brain for great camping storieswithout which I wouldnt be as happy to come back and write, to Estelle for being real and all the l ong venting sessions and to Ondi for inspiring me to appreciate my temple and my limits. I am grateful to my dear Polo for undying love and support and watching from afar. Many thanks to my parents and my Grandparents for your support in this endeavor that was such a long time in coming, to my sister Crystal just for being there and sh aring the same genes (not jeans); to my Pap Luis and Mam Yolanda for keeping perspective and not letting me get caught up in the minutia and being great Godparentsfor helping me to be the best version of myself. And finally, my gratitude to Salvador Tzitziki Sr. Carlos Charlie and Bto for being the best roommates I could ask for.


6 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ............................................................................................................... 4 LIST OF TABLES ...........................................................................................................................9 LIST OF FIGURES .......................................................................................................................11 ABSTRACT ...................................................................................................................... .............13 CHAP TER 1 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................. 14 2 LITERATURE REVIEW .......................................................................................................17 Background .................................................................................................................... .........17 Previous Research ...................................................................................................................21 3 THE PURHPECHA ............................................................................................................26 Area Overview and Historic Progression ............................................................................... 26 Zona Purhpecha ...................................................................................................................27 Physical Characterist ics of the Study Area ............................................................................. 28 Cognitive Base Knowledge of the Natural Environment ....................................................... 30 Prehispanic to Colonial Purhpecha ....................................................................................... 33 Modern Purhpecha ................................................................................................................38 4 ORCHIDS ....................................................................................................................... ........49 Why Conserve Them? ............................................................................................................49 Orchid Culture, Domestic orchids ..........................................................................................50 Endemic Orchids: Euch ile citrina and Laelia autumnalis ......................................................53 Euchile citrina .................................................................................................................53 Laelia autumnalis ............................................................................................................54 Cultural Significance ..............................................................................................................54 Day of the Dead ...............................................................................................................54 Pasta de Caa de Maz .....................................................................................................56 Propagation Techniques ........................................................................................................ ..58 Ex situ ..............................................................................................................................58 In situ ...............................................................................................................................60 Orchids as NTFPs .............................................................................................................. .....61 5 EXTERNAL INFLUENCES AND PRESSURES ................................................................. 70 A Brief Examination of External Pressures ............................................................................ 73


7 NAFTA and Immigration .......................................................................................................74 Remittances ................................................................................................................... ..........79 Nafta and the Environment .....................................................................................................80 Bilateral Resource Management Limitations ......................................................................... 83 Sustainability as a Compromise .............................................................................................. 85 6 METHODS ....................................................................................................................... ......92 Researchable Problem and Objectives .................................................................................... 92 Sondeo ....................................................................................................................................93 Linear Programming ............................................................................................................ ...95 ELP Model ..............................................................................................................................96 The Variables and Constraints ..............................................................................................100 7 THE PARTICIPATING COMMUNITY: OPONGUIO ...................................................... 107 Household Goods ..................................................................................................................108 Agriculture ............................................................................................................................109 Wild Plants ............................................................................................................................111 Cattle ........................................................................................................................ .............112 Fishing ....................................................................................................................... ...........112 Education ..............................................................................................................................113 Employme nt .................................................................................................................... ......114 Artisanal Products .................................................................................................................115 External Support Programs ...................................................................................................116 Emigration .................................................................................................................... ........117 Remittances ................................................................................................................... ........117 Homes ......................................................................................................................... ..........118 Livelihood Strategies ......................................................................................................... ...118 Marginalization ............................................................................................................... ......119 8 RESULTS ....................................................................................................................... ......129 HH 1 1 2 0 1 0 ............................................................................................................... .......129 HH 4 1 1 0 0 1 ............................................................................................................... .......131 HH 5 1 3 0 0 2 ............................................................................................................... .......132 HH 6 3 1 2 3 0 ............................................................................................................... .......133 HH 7 4 3 0 0 0 ............................................................................................................... .......134 HH 8 2 1 0 0 1 ............................................................................................................... .......135 HH 16 4 3 0 0 0 .............................................................................................................. ......136 HH 19 0 2 1 0 0 .............................................................................................................. ......136 HH 21 2 1 1 0 1 .............................................................................................................. ......137 HH 31 2 1 2 0 3 .............................................................................................................. ......138 Discussion .................................................................................................................... .........139 Individual Households ...................................................................................................139 General Observations ....................................................................................................141


8 9 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ............................................................... 153 Utility of This Research ........................................................................................................155 Recommendations ............................................................................................................... ..155 APPENDIX A DATA .......................................................................................................................... .........158 B BREVE REPORTE SONDEO ............................................................................................. 170 C ELP Model ............................................................................................................................172 Link to ELP Model ...............................................................................................................172 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .......................................................................................................183


9 LIST OF TABLES Table page 3-1 Examples of Purhpecha classificati on nom enclature modified from Barrera Brassols (2003). .............................................................................................................. ...48 5-1 Mexico: indicators of tariff protection by percentage; Tornell and Esquivel, 1997. ....... 89 6-1 An example of household composition input table for HH 5. ......................................... 105 6-2 Age classification for household co m position as used in this thesis ............................... 105 6-3 Labor availability across household m ember categories a nd unit time (available days per two month time period).............................................................................................. 105 6-5 Example of regression results of bim onthly household expenses input table. ................ 106 6-6 Labor requirements for or chid activity per period. ..........................................................106 7-1 Labor requirement activity cal endar f or livelihood system. ............................................ 128 8-1 Labor availability and use by season and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH1. ... 144 8-2 Labor availability and use by season and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH4. ... 144 8-3 Labor availability and use by season and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH5. ... 145 8-4 Labor availability and use by season and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH6. ... 145 8-5 Labor availability and use by season and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH7. ... 146 8-8 Labor availability and use by season and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH19. 147 8-9 Labor availability and use by season and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH21. 148 8-10 Labor availability and use by season and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH31. 148 A-1 EPWCP data for HH1. .....................................................................................................158 A-2 EPWCP data for HH4. .....................................................................................................159 A-3 EPWCP data for HH5. .....................................................................................................160 A-4 EPWCP data for HH6. .....................................................................................................161 A-5 EPWCP data for HH7. .....................................................................................................162 A-6 EPWCP data for HH16. ...................................................................................................163


10 A-7 EPWCP data for HH19. ...................................................................................................164 A-8 EPWCP data for HH31. ...................................................................................................165 A-9 SUCC scenario data for households 1-31. ....................................................................... 166 A-10 Labor associated with Househol d composition for EPW CP scenario. ............................169


11 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 3-1 Map of Michoacn de Ocampo .......................................................................................... 45 3-2 Map of the Zona Purhpecha ............................................................................................46 33 An Index map showing location of Lago de Ptzcuaro .....................................................47 3-4 Purhpecha tools from post-classic to classic periods. ..................................................... 47 4-1 Illustrated orchid diagram ................................................................................................ ..66 4-2 The Bee Orchid ( Ophrys apifera )and the Orchid Bee ( Euglossini sp. ) ............................. 66 4-3 Euchile c itrina ....................................................................................................................67 4-4 Laelia autm nalis .................................................................................................................67 4-5 Altar decorated for the day of the dead in Janitzio (left) ...................................................67 4-6 A Catrina created in Capula, Michoacn 2007 ................................................................. 68 4-7 Pasta de caa de ma ize as practiced today ......................................................................... 68 4-8 Burial place of Don Vasco de Quiroga, Basilica d e la Virgen de la Salud ........................ 69 4-9 A shade house for Rustic Cultivation in Chiapas ..............................................................69 5-1 Mexicans get less aid from immigrants ........................................................................ 90 5-2 A framework for sustai nable rural livelihoods .................................................................. 91 7-1 Map of Oponguio relati ve to Lake Ptzcuaro ..................................................................122 7-2 The Hacien da found at the head of the barrio for which it is named ............................. 122 7-3 The local church .......................................................................................................... .....123 7-4 The primary school ........................................................................................................ ..123 7-5 A local woman selling produce in the large market in Quiroga ...................................... 123 7-6 Public transportation: A combi .......................................................................................124 7-7 An example of a similar machine to the one used in agriculture ..................................... 124 7-8 Cattle grazing rastrojo .....................................................................................................125


12 7-9 Local fisherman ........................................................................................................... ....125 7-10 Charales after pr eparation for cooking ............................................................................125 7-11 Local Butterfly fishermen ................................................................................................125 7-12 Woman weaving traditional peta te bed. ..........................................................................126 7-13 Woven baskets and assorted crafts for sale in front of a residence ................................. 126 7-14 One of the typical mid-level houses in the community. .................................................. 126 7-15 Map of marginalization and indigenous presence in the Zona Purhpecha ................... 127 8-1 Male and female participation vs credit in SUCC scenario f or HH1. ............................ 149 8-2 Male and female participation vs credit in SUCC scenario f or HH4. ............................ 149 8-3 Male and female participation vs credit in SUCC scenario f or HH5. ............................ 150 8-4 Male and female participation vs credit in SUCC scenario f or HH6. ............................ 150 8-5 Male and female participation vs credit in SUCC scenario f or HH7. ............................ 151 8-6 Male and female participation vs credit in SUCC scenario f or HH16. .......................... 151 8-7 Male and female participation vs credit in SUCC scenario f or HH19. .......................... 152 8-8 Male and female participation vs credit in SUCC scenario f or HH31. .......................... 152


13 Abstract of Thesis Presen ted to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Science LOOKING FOR BRIDGES: DOVETAILING CONSERVATION AND DEVELOPMENT IN A RURAL MEXICAN COMMUNITY By Miramanni Maringola Mishkin August 2008 Chair: Hugh Popenoe Major: Interdisciplinary Ecology Orchids are a marketable non-timber forest product (NTFP) of cultu ral and economic value in the general study area, the Lake Ptzcuaro basin of Michoacn, Mexico. In the study community of Oponguio, and others, there is a ne ed to improve the livelihood system (mainly production) to alleviate poverty, community fragmentation and eco logical pressure. The Sondeo method was combined with Ethnographic Line ar Programming modeling to perform an ex-ante analysis of the viability of an orchid culture activity. The results indicated that even while the orchid activity requires up to three years to generate cash, all households with available cash (including credit) and labor can participate without an adverse impact on the current livelihood system. The orchid activity acted as a significa nt supplemental activity even while the amount of cash generated was conservative. The general conclusion is that, w ith sufficient support, this sustainable management plan is a practical compromise and a signifi cant step in bridging conservation and development. Key words: Natural product trade orchids Sondeo ELP modeling Michoacn, Mexico


14 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION This thesis is about exploring the relationshi p, in a broad sense, be tween natural resource conservation, household livelihoods and economics and how these can be understood in order to reduce rural poverty and its ecologica l im pact. The research delves into the very complex issue of resource conservation through livelihood diversification in a rural Mexican community using orchids as a vehicle. Mexico is a country rich in cu ltural diversity, endemism and biodiversity. It is also home to some of the greatest social disparities in the Western Hemi sphere (Faux 2003). The state of Michoacn, in south-central Mexico is particularly interesting due to the long settlement history that the Purhpecha people have there in cluding more than 3,000 years of agriculture (particularly around Lake Ptzcuar o), high biodiversity and endemism, as well as some of the highest numbers of Mexicans that emigrate to the U.S. every year. Extern al political and market pressures have perpetuated poverty, community fr agmentation and environm ental strain in the rural communities along the shore of Lake Ptzcuaro, and others. The focus of this thesis was to look at the imp act of an orchid cultiv ating activity on a rural communitys livelihood system. The idea is to alleviate pressure on wild orchid populations and aid conservation efforts in the Ptzcuaro basin wh ile seeking to alleviat e rural poverty, promote sustainable resource management and s upport rural livelihood di versification. One year (2006-2007) was spent collecting data in the community of San Jos Oponguio (Oponguio) in relation to the live lihood system and household intere st in participation in an orchid cultivation project. A Sondeo (survey) wa s completed that resulted in general information related to the livelihood system and reproductive household activ ities. From there, various Ethnographic Linear Programming (ELP) models were created to simulate the household


15 livelihood strategies based on th e greater livelihood sy stem. Through these models, the impact of the addition of the orchid cultivation activity on the livelihood strategies of several households were analyzed, as well as the impact on the over all livelihood system. This information will be presented to the community and the University of Michoacn upon completion of the thesis. Chapter Overviews: Chapter 1, the Literature Review discusses the body of research related to rural povert y, livelihood diversification and natu ral product trade. Chapter 2, The Purhpecha explores the ecological background and physical characteristics of the Zona Purhpecha developing the ecological c ontext of the study area. Th is chapter also discusses the elaborate knowledge of the Purhpecha pe ople of the areas ecology and a general introduction of cultural foundation of the Purhp echa civilization. And finally, the development of the pre-Hispanic to the modern Purhpecha w ill be discussed along with the implications that their development has for this research project as well as current social and ecological dynamics occurring in the Zona Purhpecha and the state of Michoacn (i n which it is found). A brief overview of orchid complexity as species in an ecological as well as commercial context will be discussed in Chapter 3, Orchids Their historic importance as a commercial product as well as their importance in ecological composition is also discussed. Later, the physical characteristics of two species that are the focus of this research ( Euchile citrina and Laelia autumnalis ) will be detailed as well as their cultural significance. The different techniques that can be applied to orchid propagation and conservation are also briefly discussed as well as orchids applicability to non-timber forest product trade and examples of their efficacy. Chapter 4, External Pressures, includes a general discussion of international market pressure and how it can cause a ripple effect with negative consequences for the ru ral impoverished. Speci fically, NAFTA and its impact on Mexico are mentioned and how it has also been an influence on emigration from


16 Michoacn and subsequently the remittances th at make up part of the economy. Sustainable livelihood analysis and development is approached as a means for resolving some of these issues in getting rural people reconn ected with the natural environment in a mutually sustainable manner and as a solid and consistent foundation fr om which researchers can consider sustainable development programs in order to reconnect marg inalized rural poor with the greater market system that they are disconnected from. Chapter 5, Methods, describes, in detail, the ELP modeling process along with the Sondeo method. The two scenarios that were tested are also briefly discussed. Chapter 6, The Community: Oponguio explores the commun ity itself. Local ecological details and census information will la y the foundation for the community overview. The general social dynamics and the community live lihood system is described as well as a bit of the communitys history. The livelihood activitie s specific to the over a ll livelihood system are detailed. Marginalization is briefly discussed as it relates to this community as well as the political structure along w ith local infrastructure The results of the model simulation of the overall livelihood system created thro ugh ELP is discussed in Chapter 7, Results and Discussion along with the orchid activitys impact on the livelihood strategies specific to the households tested. Chapter 8, Conclusions and Recommendations, elaborates the conclusions drawn from the results obtained from the model and the conclusion of this thesis.


17 CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW According to an Institute of Developm ent Studies (IDS) report in 2006, there is high spatial concurrence between the lo cation of the worlds rural poor a nd areas of high biodiversity. While this seems counterintuitive, the myriad of influences that ranges from a global scale to a national one, trickle down into the rural communities where many still maintain a tenuous, subsistence lifestyle. This has distinct implications for livelihood studies and development programs in terms of being mindful of what is available and of valu e placed on activities (or resulting product) when developing a program. Activities th at deplete the resource base are more costly in the long term in contrast to the initial cash return that results from them. However, in the absence of alternatives, these depleting activities must and will be chosen. This makes sense when economic pressures force market incorporati on to acquire needed goods and services. Commercialization, however, is not an end in itse lf. While commercializa tion is interesting and theoretically viable, there is an immense need to ensure that a solid sustainable framework is applied to such development programs as this is transforming the way resources are used and therefore extracted. Background Communitie s with greater ecological diversity and a more conserved environment have greater productive diversity (Tole do et al. 1987). In contrast, the populations that have great specificity in trade or production activity are ge nerally associated with ecological deterioration (due to over-exploitation of resources), which only serves to make subsistence more tenuous. Thus, if conservation efforts can be combined with diversification of household livelihood strategies based on local resour ces then there is a greater li kelihood of long-term sustainable


18 resource management and livelihood success (Sha ckleton et al. 2007; Marshall et al. 2006; McSweeny 2004; Takasaki et al. 20 04; Forsyth et al. 1998). In many rural communities the need to further diversify their livelihood strategies (mainly through production) is due to environmental pr essure, poverty and low standards of living. Diversification is one of the ways that rural communities achieve an adaptive economic stability (Shackleton et al. 2007; McSweeny 2004; Takasaki et al. 2004; Fors yth et al. 1998). Ashley and Maxwell (2001) discuss the need for sustainabl e development programs to favor livelihoodstrengthening diversification options that prom ote risk averse, multi-occupational households. Therefore, alternatives that a dd to diversification of livelihood strategies are helpful for resilience and necessary for livelihoo d security as well as sustainable use of local resources. It is not a question of over estimating the potential of a given natural product to support a community so much as it is seeing natural products as a potential component of the greater livelihood system. In integrating natu ral products into livelihood strategies and with appropriate management, there is great potential to conserve natural product habita t in the process thus building a bridge between conser vation and development. A practical way in which the actual system can be modified is through the determ ination of alternatives based on resource availability, historic success and tradi tional knowledge for commercial development. The effort to comprehend poverty and its causes now focuses on income distribution, human capital, vulnerability, and an obligation to protect the poor (Ashley & Maxwell, 2001). Natural product trade has an important role in this process. A study done by Shackleton et al. (2007) demonstrated that natural products cl early make a differen ce in the welfare and development of the most marginalized sectors of communities. According to a review of nontimber forest product (NTFP) development projec ts in Mexico and Bolivia (Marshall et al.


19 2006), NTFPs are instrumental in satisfying subsistence needs and generating cash for rural communities. They assert that the current push towards a more global economy could be a benefit to natural product producers in rural, fore sted areas as it has pote ntial to develop more trade linkages to the greater market system while acting to maintain forests as a resource base from which to draw. Even where the returns are not sizeable, in al l cases involving natural product trade the benefits are socio-economically significant (Shackleton et al. 2007, Marshall et al. 2006). Shackleton et al. (2007) developed a compelling discourse on the reasons for rural poverty, natural resource dependence and fail ed development programs. They argue that natural resource products in rural areas often yield marginal retu rns which has much to do with market access and production capacity. This creates a push toward s focusing on activities with higher returns. When development programs concentrate on hom ogenizing livelihood strategies focusing on one potentially lucrative activity, a poverty trap is created as th eir dependence on one resource or few activities results in limited diversification making them less resilient in the event of market failure or changes in market demand. In the Ptzcuaro basin, selli ng orchids has been a part of the livelihood system of the Purhpecha people for centuries but many orchids (a number of them endemic like L. autumnalis and E. citrina ) are becoming rarer as habitat is encroached upon by industry and urban sprawl. The Purhpecha people's historic and current willingness to participate in general conservation efforts and development programs as well as ecological and ethnographic studies demonstrates that these people ar e willing to integrate sustaina ble, modern techniques with traditional ones in order to retu rn to the level of ecological and economic equilibrium they had previously maintained for centuries (Toledo et al. 1987). Their successful use of natural


20 products in trade goes back to the pre-colonial period and was re-estab lished during the Spanish occupation as local poles of development. Th is concept is very much consistent with the sustainable livelihood philosophy that was domin ant and successful in the area for several centuries, possibly millennia. Poles of development are referenced here as complementary clusters of production that rely on resources and skills specific to certain communities or localized areas that allow for market competition w ithout competing with one another. All of the trades in this area are partially traditional a nd partially residual from a sustainable resource management plan developed by Vasco de Quir oga during the Colonial period. The plan developed by Vasco de Quiroga rested on the con cept of poles of develo pment. It has been considered a type of economic utopia as it was a successful barter system for local communities and developed refined artesian skills, many of which have persisted to the present day (Tuck 2002). Nowadays, in metal work, textile, ceram ic and woodwork there ar e many success stories in terms of economic growth and participation in the modern, global market (Tuck 2002, State of Michoacn 2000). These examples demonstrate great potential for se lf-sufficiency through NTFP trade as well as long-term natural resour ce management if development programs are approached with sustainable development in mind. Orchids are a practical link between sustainable development and c onservation due to their ecologi cal interdependence, cultural significance and economic market value. Commercialization, however, is not an end in itself. While commercialization is interesting and theoretically viab le, there is an immense need to ensure that a solid sustainable framework is applied to such development progr ams as this is transforming the way resources are used and therefore extracted. Production time is another a factor in conservation/ development programs as natural products are us ually immediately profitable when they are


21 taken from natural populations as they are already developed and thus an immediately marketable product. This must be offset. Put another way, economic concerns for limitedresource households are immedi ately pressing even while the eventual return for the cultured orchid plants is significant for the households even at a conservative amount. This means that many producers face a real dilemma in terms of devoting labor th at brings immediate economic benefits to an activity that will not have a return for up to two years in the future. For some households, this makes the labor more costly in th e short-term. This is particularly true when there is little or no infrastruc tural or institutional support for su ch activities. The conundrum is that long-term sustainable development and c onservation of natural products ensures livelihood diversity and subsequently security once such activ ities are established. Socio-economic and even political marginaliz ation is a huge obstacle to development programs as communities have limited access to ma rket and market information, infrastructural supports for basic human services and law enforcement (Shackleton et al. 2007, IDS 2006, Marshall et al. 2006). These basic issues and how they act as pot ential barriers to development must be taken into consideration if a developm ent program is to be successful over the longterm. Previous Research Because of the m arked ecological deterioration that has been a result of the globalization (industrial revolution, modern agricultural practic es), poor public works infrastructure, urban sprawl and subsequent concern by local communities, Ptzcuaro 2000 was organized by a group of scientists in 1992. This project was s upported by the government organization SEMARNAP ( Secretaria de Medio Ambiente y Recursos Naturales y Pesca ) and PNUD ( Programas de Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo ). The goal was to research and subsequently publish a series of studies including prognostics and sugge stions for natural resource management and


22 ecological conservation to organi ze efforts to understand the proce sses integral in the ecological deterioration of the Ptzcuaro va lley and halt or reverse them. At the invitation of SEMARNAP and PNUD in 1997, a committee was formed ( Comit Tcnico de Ptzcuaro, established by the state of Michoacn), that integrated diverse muni cipal, state and federal institutions, as well as civil ( e.g., Instituto de Estudios Indgenas) and academic groups ( e.g., UNAM, UMSNH). They were all brought together to c oordinate the efforts to save La ke Ptzcuaro and the lake valley around it and disseminate the information generated by the effort. Initially, the research focused on ecological processes and how those processe s have been impacted over the last several centuries. These studies (some of which are still ongoing) took several y ears to complete and their goal was to have a solid, organized knowledge base by the year 2000 (including conservation and restoration plans). Some headway was made in terms of reforestation, sanitation (especially in the lake-shore communities), water treatm ent and creation of organizations like the Fondo Mexicano para la Conservacin de la Naturaleza so that funding for research could continue (Ptzcuaro informe 2000). Subsequently, the human influence was determ ined to have had the most impact and another round of studies was perf ormed in reference to the impact of anthropogenic activities and their impact on the lake valley. Unfortunately, th is second phase of research has not been as organized as the first phase was. Here, it is especially important to mention that this progression of events has a great deal to do with how this Masters research plan came in to being. In early 1999, Dr. Alejandro MartinezPalacios (of the University of Michoacn, UMS NH) and I were collabora ting on research that pertained to endangered and/or threatened orchids and their di stribution around Lake Ptzcuaro.


23 The precise locations of populations were ma pped with a GPS device and transects were established for long term monitoring. The goa l was to determine their current distribution relative to their previous dist ribution and the reasons for their scarcity. Once this was accomplished, a plan for their conservation (although, admittedly, we were thinking in preservation terms) would be developed. In the summer of 2000, after collecting ecological information about the orchids we began collecting information from the communities aro und Lake Ptzcuaro. Dr. Martinez-Palacios and I started by going into the communiti es where the orchids were historically proliferous with local guides who showed us scattered orchid populati ons in the forest from which orchids were collected. We were informed that commun ity members rarely extracted orchids from overexploited populations although people from outsid e were not always as aware and respectful of these practices. Next, families that sold orchids in the markets were intervie wed (to expound on the information we were given by the guides). We were able to ascertain that, in general, the flowering season coincides with the time of year when the orchids were collected. If an orchid plant was collected, in general, just a portion of the entire plant (usually a section containing approximately two pseudobulbs) was taken. This is generally not to the detriment of the portion of the plant that stays in it s habitat as each pseudobulb can grow on its own under appropriate conditions. Also, some were divided in home gardens and sold from there when possible. Two of the families interviewed sell orchids in the two largest markets in Morelia, as part of a generational livelihood-being one of severa l successive generations that participated in orchid collection. Both families informed us th at selling plants, including various species of orchid was common. We were told of areas rich in orchids that have been more or less clear-cut


24 and that extraction, even of the orchids in the felled trees, was prohibited by the government. We were also told of areas where certain species once proliferated but ar e now rare. Orchids are also frequently sold along the highway between Morelia and Quiroga (two relatively large cities) and have been taken to market as far away as th e states of Mexico, Jalisco and Puebla (more than 400km distance) where they receiv e a relatively high market price (as much as half a weeks working wage per flower/pseudobulb depending on th e species). We were also informed that several communities were interested in conser ving well-established, second-growth forest (as virgin forest is almost nonexistent in the vall ey due to human presence over millennia). The State of Michoacn recognized several of these fo rest areas as protected areas between the years 2000 to 2006. Oponguio, the study community located in the heart of the Zona Purhpecha was one of them. They were chosen due to thei r willingness to participate, their interest in orchid propagation and conservati on and the fact that both specie s of orchids were historically found within the forest that forms part of thei r community. The P'urh pecha people in general have been extremely receptive to conservation effo rts and have been very involved in sustainable management programs. They have developed and, to a large degree, maintained complex methods of sustainable resource allocation and usage (Toledo et al. 1980, Caballero 1982). They have also developed a certain mistrust of development projects due to various past failures. It became clear that certain specific endemic orchids have been part of the livelihood strategies of the Purhpecha people for centuri es but they are becoming rarer as habitat is encroached upon by industry and urban sprawl. According to the previous research, these orchids are endangered due to the destruction of their habitat for indus trial and subsistence purposes as well as their extraction from their habitat for cultural a nd commercial purposes.


25 Several years later in 2005 (as part of this Mast ers thesis), the next logical research phase was to deal with sustainable community develo pment through conservation of the orchids as the rural communities dependence on local natural resources had beco me evident. I determined that, in order to do this responsibly, it was im perative to understand the diversity in community livelihood activities and al so the local natu ral resources in conjuncti on with the ecological dynamics that promote ecosystem health. Moreover, to assure long term sustainability, it was necessary to find ways to combine the two efforts. With such a diversity of natural resources and historic specificity of local produc tion, this is an effort that has great potential to succeed. When it became apparent how integral a part of life th e orchids were for the Me xican people (especially the Purhpecha of this area) a plan of cons ervation through commercial ization was discussed. The idea was to ensure that the people who relied on the orchids might continue to do so, but without such a detrimental impact on the wild p opulations and as a way to conserve them while extraction and unchecked industr ialization encroaches on their habitat. In the case of Laelia autumnalis and Euchile citrina and the people who live in the va lley, there is an interesting dynamic that I believe lends itself to a mutually beneficial compromise.


26 CHAPTER 3 THE PURHPECHA Area Overview and Historic Progression The state of Michoacn de Ocam po (as its boundaries are recognized today) was established as a State in 1824 (Fi g. 2-1). It was not delineated with its many municipalities until 1918 and its over all territory contained the major ity of the Purhpecha empire at its height (Secretaria de Educacin, 2003). It is located in south-central Mxic o, within the tropic of Cancer, and extends from the Pacific coast east, into the heart of the Mexican territory. Its extension includes ocean, highla nd (dry tropical) and lowland valleys (tropical), sierras, volcanoes and various freshwater lakes and ri vers. It covers a territory of 58,836.95 km2 and is considered 5th in the nation in ecological diversity and biodiversity (SEMARNAP 2000). Michoacn is not a culturally homogenous entity There have always been several ethnic groups present in the same territorial area: the Nahuas along the coas t, Mazahuas and Otomies to the east, and the Purhpech a in the central partthe meseta and the lakes areas. The term Michoacn comes from the Nhuatl, Michihuacan place where the people have the fish ( michi: pescado, huac: possessive pronoun, an: place ). This is a direct refere nce to the freshwater, high altitude lakes in the heart of th e empire, which are also in the h eart of the current state (CorreaPerez 1997 ). The cultural resistance of these groups in the face of the Spanish Conquest and resulting mestizaje has left in its path their languages and other manifestations (although fragmented, subordinate and in many ways separated from their orig inal roots) that to this day give each area its own flavor, personality and au thority that defines it even in the face of dominant modern westernization.


27 Zona Purhpecha Evidence exists of hum an civi lization dating back approxima tely 5,500 years and evidence of agriculture dating back 3,500 years in the curr ent Zona Purhpecha located in the northcentral portion of the state of Mic hoacn (Caballero 1982). This area is considered the capital of the Purhpecha Empire, as Ptzcuaro is loca ted there (Fig. 2-2). Tzintzuntzan, only a few kilometers away is believed to be the religious center. The people who currently inhabit the area are believed to be one of the few and, in some cases relatively insolated survivors from the prehispanic era. Their actual territory has been documented to have extended from Michoacn, Jalisco, Nayarit, extreme north of Colima, the southern portion of the state of Guanajuato, southeastern portion of the state of Mxico, southwest of Quertaro, and western Guerrero occupying approximately 100,000km2. The Purhpecha language has been compared (in terms of complexity) with classic Latin and Greek (D urn Carmona and Sevilla Palacios (ed.) 2003). Their most notable contributions in terms of skills are their ceramic techniques, medical practices, social organization, a nd complex political and religious practices (Duran Carmona and Sevilla Palacios (ed.) 2003). What makes them different than the vast ma jority of native North American cultures is that, while they showed patterns of decadence and splendor, their decline wa s not part of natural process inasmuch as it was due to human interventi onthe invasion of the Eu ropeans. In spite of this (as in many regions of Mxico), the P urhpecha people demonstrated a passive but tenacious resistance that is eviden t today. It is reflected in the complex mixtures of symbols and significance that can be clearly s een in religious festivals, combinations of the traditional with the European in their foods, music, clothing and art and artesana The Purhpecha developed and, to a large degree, have maintained comp lex methods of resource allocation and usage


28 (Caballero 1982). This will be elaborated a bit la ter on in this chapters Prehispanic to Colonial Purhpecha section. Many factors make the particular area of study ideal for this thesis, not the least of which are available natural resources and the historic development of the Purhpecha civilization and culture. The natural environment in the Zona Purhpecha is very diverse along with the communities found there. The diversity of na tural resources lends itself to community development and livelihood diversity. The total extension of thei r territory includes considerab le variation in topography ( e.g., mountains, rivers, valleys, lacustri ne areas), micro-climates and soil types. This creates diverse ecological systems as well as considerable divers ity in flora and fauna. They also have been touted as having maintained and even augmented the biodiversity found in their territory (Toledo et al. 1997, Correa Perez 1997 ). Three main lakes are found in the Purhpecha region: Chapala, Cuintzeo and Ptzcuaro. The lake ecosystems are varied and represented by species composition that indicates modification by humans (direct or indirect). The highlands are repres ented mostly by oak and oak-pine forests which, depending on their lo cation within the area, have very notable differences in distribution, composition and structure. Physical Characteristics of the Study Area Situated in the heart of the Zona Purhpecha is the Ptzcuaro valley. Th e Ptzcuaro valley lies around 101 26 N and 101 54 W longitude and 19 25 N latitude and sits at an altitude of approximately 2369m. The lake-river valley, approximately 1000 km2 (93,430 ha), is a closed valley (meaning that the water is stored in lakes from rain, not river-fed) with marked gradients and abrupt topography. The altit ude can vary from 2,035 m to 3,300m above sea level. This is a consequence of the complex geolog ical history responsible for th e formation of the neo-volcanic


29 mountain chain (as part of the Eje Neovolcnico Transversal) and the results of which are the large number of sierras and the 150 small volcanoes in the area (Duran Carmona and Sevilla Palacios (ed.) 2003). Complex geo-history is also re sponsible for high ecological diversitymicro-climates and micro-ecology. In spite of the relatively small extension of th e valley (approximately 1000km2), impressive geographical and ecologica l diversity is present. This is evident in the six distinct altitude gradients (steps), eight vegetation types, five distinctly different climate types, and at least eighteen different soil types (SEMARNAP 2000). Since the valley is closed the area is afforded a sort of continental insularity. This means that it is isolated enough as to experience a certain independence in development with respect to the surrounding areas. This also means that th e process of developmen t established a delicate balance based specifically on this insularity and on its componentsparticularly its forests and lakes. This has enormous implicati ons for resource use and management. The most influential factor in the balance of the area (as determined by the same study done by SEMARNAP 2000), is the hydrologic balance and particular ly, Lake Ptzcuaro (Fig. 23). Therefore, the quantity of water that is pr ovided by rains, evaporation rates, runoff, filtering and accumulation rates are extremely important. It is estimated that the region receives 10 x 1012m3 of rainwater (an average between 900 and 1000mm annually) of which 7 x 1012 are lost to evapo-transpiration. Of the 3 x 1012 m3 that remain, one third is lost to runoff and the rest is leached through the soil. The lakes (especially Lake Ptzcuaro) are receptors for this rainfall. With a total area of 130km2 and a depth of approximately 5-8 meters, Lake Ptzcuaro maintains a relatively constant temperature between the surface and its depths (Platt Bradbury, 2000).


30 The forest that surrounds the lake aids in wate r and gas cycling and f iltration. Evidence of a great deal of species rich, secondary growth forest is present, which is considered a sign of human activity over an extended period of time (Toledo et al. 1987). According to a study compiled by the Secretaria de Educacin de l Estado (revised 2003), the forest composition directly around the lake is very distinct from th e rest of the oak-pine forest that inhabits the majority of the interior of the state of Michoac n. Just around Lake Ptzcuaro the forest is dry tropical forest (which boasts very fertile soils and species richness) The dry tropical forest here is considered dense to moderately dense with a canopy being between 6 to 12 meters. In general, it is found at altitudes of 2000m or higher where light freezes occur each year. This forest type previously made up more than 45% of the fore st cover in Michoacn but now makes up barely five percent (Duran Carmona and Sevilla Palacios (ed.) 2003). Mu ch of the territory is now oakpine forest, grassland or parc eled into agricultural plots. Cognitive Base Knowledge of the Natural Environment The Purhpecha developed a com plex system of species classification and nomenclature which has largely been conserved to the modern day. For example, of a list of 506 documented species of wild plants found in the area, those pe ople who were consulted were able to name at least 244 in Purhpecha and/or Spanish (Toledo, et al. 1980). Of a list of 136 collected fungi in the region, 64 had indigenous names, as well. The classification system for plants and fungi found in the area expresses utility (or lack thereof) of a given species, whet her it is terrestrial or aquatic, wild or cultivated, indicative of reproductive season, etc. There is an unca nny parallel between the Purhpecha and the Linnaean system of classification (Toledo et al 1987). The fungi are classified in groups of edibles and hallucinogenic or they are grouped by tim e of year that they appear or germinate. The names given to fungi species usually refer to th e color of the cap or su rface, stipe, type of


31 reproductive structure (or possible ab sence of these) as well as phenology and habitat. They are considered Flores de la Tierra (flowers of the earth. Currently 25 species are still considered a regular part of the Purhpecha diet A even more complex taxonomic classification system for plants is broken down into five taxa that are significant of biological criteria defined by life form or habit; one of which is for plants with anomalous habitsa sort of misce llaneous category. Notably, there are also many terms that refer to distinct parts of plants (some are allegorical) as well as a direct correlation to the importance of a given species and the number of terms associated with it (Toledo et al. 1980). It is also interesting to note the Purh pechas extensive understanding of successional stages and species composition in ecological comm unities both after disturbance such as forest fires and in areas of cultivation that are fallowed. A classifica tion of different ecosystem types that are related to human modification was also developed as part of th eir knowledge base. For example, the communities around Lake Ptzcuaro would be considered an altered or transformed environment, where the lake itsel f and the forests surround ing it are considered natural or unaltered (as they are forests and lakes by natu re) (Toledo et al. 1980). The transformed environment refers to the areas where horticulture, arboric ulture, agriculture, livestock and the cultivation and management of certain aquatic plants occurs (or occurred and modified the ecosystem over the long-term). This has strong, positive implications for modern management and conservation. It is well documented that there were many species collected for medicinal purposes. The Purhpecha even developed a system very akin to institutionalized medicine that is referenced in the colonial literature-numerous doctors in th e service of the Purhpecha ruler that received


32 patients from surrounding areas (Ruiz 1978). In the co lonial literature there is direct mention of trade and possible commerce of me dicinal plants (Caballero 1982). To the present day, many homes have a small medicinal home garden. The Purhpecha classification system is extens ive (ex. Table 2-1). A large portion of their vocabulary is dedicated to the classification of diff erent soil types (there are ten according to the Purhpecha and 6 designated by pe dologists), seasonal cy cles of winds that occur in the basin, clouds (in terms of signals), types of rain, cons tellations and their location for navigation, and season classification as well as moon phases and how they affect fishing activity, i.e. fertility (Toledo et al. 1980). Also noteworthy is that th e words related to the annual cycles of the seasons incorporate the cardinal direction from which they origin ate. The determination of soil classification describes texture, color, productive potential an d general phenomena associated with each of the ten designated soil types (i.e. parent material, sediment si ze, fertility, etc.). Based on their classification, they were even able to construct an accurate area map based on soil type described in a study done by Barrera Brassols (2003). A study conducted by Toledo (et al. 1987) showed a base of 160 named and classified species of mammals, amphibians, reptiles, bi rds and fish. Animal classification and nomenclature is also determined by biological characteristics and distribu tion in their habitat, especially in the case of fish. Aquaculture and fishing were a large part of Purhpecha life. Many of these traditions were carried on until well into the XX century and some even into the XXI (although many are now restricted by scarcity a nd governmental re strictions). The literature also refers to a highly developed system of sustainable forestry (for which the exact techniques are unfort unately unknown), which is demonstrated in the diversity and


33 composition as documented by Fray Alonzo de la Rea in 1643 (Caballero 1982). According to Ruiz (1978), the forests were documented as bei ng impenetrable and only a certain group of high priests, while in charge of keeping their use and integrity under observation, were permitted to freely enter. As mentioned previously, the seco ndary growth forest is common in the region and is considered a sign of human intercession. It is important to note that, according to hist oric accounts, the Purhpecha also received tributes from groups surrounding th eir territory. It is also believed (based on documented biodiversity and forest density) that their management and consumption practices were sustainable over an indefinite, extended time pe riod (Barrera-Bassols & Zinck 2003). This is largely based on colonial writings that describe the areas diverse ecological composition which appears consistent with the composition as recentl y as 50 years ago. For all of the modifications and alterations over the last five centuries, it was apparent that, until approximately 50 years ago, there were no major changes or shifts in ecological structure (Toledo et al. 1980). Another example of resource management is di rectly mentioned in the colonial literature was a wild-life park in which various species of anim al were maintained. It is believed that this park existed mainly for bird c onservation since that feather art was central to the region and culture (Caballero 1982). Feather art was very prominent and multicolored feathers were used like mosaics in geometrical patterns or in the lik eness of animals. These designs were worn on ceremonial capes, fans, pins a nd wall hangings (Correa Prez 1997) and involved the use of a process involving orchid pseudobulbs called Pasta de Caa de Maz. Prehispanic to Colonial Purhpecha Fortunately, history of the Purhpecha people is well documented since the XVI centuryincluding ten works that docum ent traditional kn owledge and use of natural resources (AlvarezIcaza et al. 1990). During the height of the Purhpecha civilization in the XVI century, the


34 estimated population was 80-100 thousand inhabitants and was distributed in 90-95 settlements across their territory (A lvarez-Icaza et al. 1990). They we re primarily hunters, farmers and fishermen. Agriculture and fish were the base of their economy (Correa Perez 1997). They grew a variety of cropsfrom food crops (like cha maize and beans) to crops like cotton and tobacco. It is asserted that they were ab le to flourish and maintain biodiver sity due to the hi gh variation in resources that is naturally available there (S EMARNAP 2000). They used wood for construction and firewood for cooking and heating. Evidence has been found that shows the use of bronze tools as early as the XIV century (Fig. 2-4). The Purhpecha are considered to have some of the most prolific and advanced techniques for metalwork (copper in particular) in Mesoamerica (Correa Prez 1997). They used metallurgy to construct tools (for example hoes and planting tools), weapons, and for artistic applications like inlay and filigre e. They worked in copper, bronze, silver and gold utilizing techniques like firing, soldering and molds. They are documented as also having very developed techniques in stonework ( e.g., construction, statues, obsidia n weapons and tools), woodwork ( e.g., statues, furniture and construction) and barro (terracotta) which was used for domestic, commercial and ceremonial pur poses (Correa Prez 1997). Agriculture was considered a collective prac tice (although there were also plots of land that were devoted to the political figures and priests). Four dis tinct forms of agriculture were found in the area: highland farming, lowland farmi ng, riparian farming and terrace farming. The agricultural procedures were dete rmined specifically by ecological conditions and they appeared to have utilized methods that were consid ered minimally manipulative of the natural environment; in other words, with a minimum of external inputs.


35 Terrace agriculture was practiced mainly in th e peninsular area in th e eastern portion of Lake Ptzcuaro, due to rocky so il and steep topography and was ma intained by manual labor. Terracing both for building and agriculture was preval ent. In fact, many of these terraces are still used in area agriculture t oday. They were/are used to prevent erosion and run-off into the lake. Irrigation systems were also developed that utilized wells, lake water and rainwater ( Toledo et al. 1989). Home gardens were also commonly used for fr uits and vegetables lik e tomatoes and chiles that are common in daily use (Caballero 1982). The vertical space was maximized in the gardens to make the best prac tical use of the smaller space. According to historic accounts, the Purhpech a were still using (up until the late XX centuryand even today in some cases) the same species of maize ( blanco amarillo colorado, pinto y azul ) and several species of chile. Beans, how ever, are species that are commercially available today (commonly Navy bean, Flor de J unio and Flor de Mayo). They also cultivated amaranth, a grain commonly used in many Prehispani c/ Mesoamerican cultures, and is still part of the Purhpecha diet, usually in conjunction with wheat or corn. Unfortunately, past references to other food plants are vague and unspecific bu t there are many references to wild species frequently collected for food. This is still done today especially as a way to supplement what they grow and/or to save money ( e.g., nopal--which is a staple in th e Mexican diet and is sold in the more urban areas) (Refer to Oponguio chapter). The area surrounding Lake Ptzcuaro housed the administrative centers of the Purhpecha. As was previously mentioned Ptzcuaro itself and Tzintzuntzan housed the political and religious centers, respectively. The local resources were traded between and among communities due to the sp ecialization of services and products that were available through the


36 local resources in each area (local natural reso urces could be specialized by the local flora and faunamedicinal herbs, feathers, specific wood, et c.). There was also ar tisanal production like embroidery, metal work, wood work, painting, carpent ry, stone cutting, etc. Clay, semi-precious stones like turquoise, gold, silver and copper, were resources that were used but were not found in the lake area although they existed inside th e Purhpecha territory. The presence of these resources is indicative of trade which occurred al so outside of the Purhpecha communities with other groups (Ruiz 1978). The colonial period (XVI century) brought a major change in the lifestyle of the Purhpecha people as well as a major shift in resource management. The territory was broken into parcels that were called encomiendas and were under the control of a European land owner. This change meant that, as soon as the Spaniards came in to rule, there was no longer a system of communal land and the power structure of th e Purhpecha civilizat ion was effectively dismantled. Epidemics like measles and others decimated the indigenous population. In fact, between the XVI and XVIII centuries, enti re populations disappeared (CESE 2000 ) To make matters worse, the European farming practices and crops were impractical as they were nonnative and required a great deal of external inputs in order to produ ce. They were also frequently devastated by plagues, pests and drought due to limited defenses to environmental conditions. The result of such radical social and ecological changes was that the soci al organization of the settlements was drastically altered, population became disper se as well as accelerated hydrologic deficits of Lake Ptzcuaro that had begun pre-col onialization (Platt Bradbury 2000; OHara et al. 1993; Toledo et al. 1989) am ong other environmental problems (CESE 2000). Socioeconomic disparity became rampant exacerb ating cruelty and labor abuse while natural resources were irrationally exploited for export to Europe.


37 Schmal (2004) writes, Professor Verstique writes that "three fa ctors contributed to the loss of life in Michoacn: warfare, ecological collapse, and the loss of life resulting from forced labor in the encomienda system." Between 1520 and 1565, the populat ion of Michoacn had declined by about thirty percent, with a loss of some 600,000 pe ople. For the rest of th e colonial period the better part of three centuries Michoacn woul d retain its predominantly agrarian economy. A little later in the XVI century, in order to facilitate the conversion of the indigenous people to Christianity, the Fran ciscans and the Augustines formed towns around their churches and convents. This gave rise to a new form of organization which allowed for a return to communal farming, which was shared, as well as somewhat improved access to resources like health care and water. At the end of the XVI century, land tenure was dictated by a new legisl ation that one could purchase land and resources (i.e. water and forest) and haciendas were formed, once again displacing indigenous communities. Frequent structuring and restructuri ng occurred continually during the XVII and XVIII centuries and caused fu rther social instability except for some exceptions in very rural, insulated areas. During this time, the lakes in the region and particularly Lake Ptzcuaro lost a great deal of their extension (m ore than one third of its surface area) due to drainage ( e.g. for building and farming), eutrophi cation and water usage (irrigation, drinking, etc.) (Platt Bradbury 2000) as the fo cus of settlements and resource exploitation occurred largely in the lake areas. In the XIX century, the social and political issues reached crisis proportions and many towns and farms were abandoned due to the war of independence (1810-1821) as their inhabitants sought greater stability, security and safety (not to mention those that left to


38 participate). After the war, a new government was established and people returned to the abandoned homes and farms and emigration diminish ed considerably. The post war XIX century brought about more resource exploitation and land tenure disputes as the system of governance and land tenure did not change considerably. However, in 1786 the process to establish muni cipalities and the poli tical boundaries of the state of Michoacn began in earnest with the idea of emulating Spains organization in order to create a more modern state (Duran Carmona and Sevilla Palacios (ed.) 2003). Territories were divided among the politically powerful. Michoacn then became one of the 19 founding states of the New Mexican Republic in 1824. Mexico went through a great d eal of political turmoil and change over that century and resulted in a more traditional European system of organization and governance by the end of it resulting in the delinea tion of Michoacn more or less as it is known today. Modern Purhpecha The m ost recent demographic research done by the Secretara del Medio Ambiente, Recursos Naturales y Pesca (SEMARNAP) (1990), found that there are approximately 112,000 people in 92 communitiesa density of approximately 112 people per km2 in the state of Michoacn (compared to 53 people per km2 in the country). Of these, 33% of the rural population is considered indigenous and living in the Zona Pur hpecha. Although the conquest saw the disappearance of many of their traditions there are pockets of communities that have conserved much of their cultural and traditional k nowledge. The vast majority of people in this area consider themselves Purhpecha, retaining many of the same customs. A census done in 2000 (CESE 2000) showed 121,409 persons were regist ered as speaking Purhpecha; while the majority (85%) spoke Spanish, 15% spoke Purhpecha alone or Pur hpecha and a language other than Spanish.


39 Excluding Lake Ptzcuaro, there are approxi mately 77,516 ha of la nd resources allotted for indigenous use. Of this area, about two-thir ds is natural ecosystem (considered not modified: forest, grassland, and other vegetative areas) a nd the other one-third is used for agriculture, horticulture, arboriculture and cultivated mea dowland (modified ecosystems). According to a study done by Toledo et al. (1980) land use categories can be br oken down into percentages: forests 41.8%, agriculture 34.8% (24.3% seasonal agriculture, 8.6 % humid agriculture and 1.9% irrigated land), livestock 0.5%, and horticu lture and arboriculture 0.4% respectively. Horticulture tends to be practiced around the lake and agriculture is practiced in the highlands ( mesomontaa) and lowlands. There is distinct seasonality (dry and wet seasonthe dry season seeing potential frost in the highlands). Irrigation is utilized for horticulture and in some cases for lowland agriculture. The staple crops are maize, beans and wheat. There is a variable fallow period of one to three years. Aquaculture is still practiced today, in some cases even as it was before colonization. However, dependence on wild fish for subsistenc e and commerce still exists. According to some studies, there are approximately 14 species of fi sh extracted through fish ing (10 native and 4 introduced) as well as a few species of amphibi ans and turtles (Alvarez-Icaza et al. 1990). However, according to the data collected by th is study, the fish populations have declined drastically in the last decade and fishing is no longer a viable economic activity and barely sufficient for subsistence. Where once it was a common activity, it is now limited to only a few communities and the number of fishermen has dropped by more than two thirds (MartinezPalacios personal communication Durn Carmona and Sevilla Pa lacios (ed.) 2003). A common example is the Whitefish (pescado blanco: Chriostoma sp.), a fish endemic to Lake Ptzcuaro that is now considered extremely endangered. E fforts are being made to farm and reestablish


40 this fish into its habitat but the results are inconclusive (Mar tinez-Palacios 2002). Fish are now being brought in from other states. Agricultural practices have changed due to mechanization, land tenure laws, removal of subsidies and market pressures. However, some traditional techniques have remained prevalent in small scale, modern farming. Terracing is st ill practicedeven simply through maintaining old terracesas well as home gardens, in some cases Draft animals are employed to help with farming in the highlands, lowlands and ripa rian areas where mechanism is unaffordable, unavailable or not possible due to rocky soils. The use of oxen occurs but horses are generally favored due to their multiple use potential and relative cost-effectiveness (Toledo et al. 1990; Martnez, personal communication). According to Toledo et al. (1990), quite a bit of diversity exists in agricultural crops. Documented, are nine varieties of corn, two of wheat, fourteen varieties of bean, five of squash, twenty fruits, fifteen plants used for tea, el even leafy greens, and more than fifteen other vegetables (carrot, radish, beet, potato, tomato, tomatillo, onion, cauliflower, etc.). The staple crops are maize, beans and squash which are alte rnated with wheat and barley. Maize and beans are often intercropped. In areas close to the lakes edge, the lake water is used for garden irrigation. In general, these gardens are tended by the women and have a great diversity of both domestic and semi-domestic plants (Toledo et al. 1990). They also utilize a vertical technique in gardening (i.e vertical multi-cropping), ma king greater productive use of a smaller space (Alvarez-Icaza et al. 1990). There are five common irrigation techniques th at originate in Purhpecha traditional knowledge. In the gardens near Lake Ptzcuaro, th ey employ a method that is believed to be of pre-Hispanic origin. It is de signed with a lever with a cup-li ke attachment that pushed water


41 from the lake into the gardens through stone li ned canals (Toledo et al. 1990). Water is also transported by hand from the lake areas where there is greater poverty and smaller plots. Another method is to dig into the water ta ble (generally 100-200 meters from the lake) approximately 2-4 m into the ground creating a well and possibly canals that lead to the gardens (Toledo et al. 1987). Some use is also made of animal-run chain pumps, which are generally utilized in riparian areas. A nd finally, some electric pumps are used to pull water directly from the lake or previously constructed wells. A complex system of subsistence based on the multiple-use of ecosystems is common-home gardens, aquaculture, etc. (Toledo et al. 1 980). There are several main activities that have always been a part of the Purhpecha live lihood system. For the people inland but around the lake, agriculture is a main activity while is land communities focus on fishing activities. A growing industry for ecotourism for some communiti es with direct access to the lake waters is emerging (personal communication a nd observation). A number of mi nor activities are also part of the livelihood systems of different communities. These activities will be detailed further in the chapter on Oponguio, the commun ity specific to this study. The majority of the communities in the Zona Purhpecha have some area of specialization as far as community livelihood-generally agricultural products or artesania. It is notable that as recently as 1980 of the 24 communities studied by Toledo et al., 16 of them had a specialized trade that involved some direct use of the na tural environment. Around the lake, many of the trades that were prevalent at the height of the Purhpecha empire are stil l prevalent today: clay (Capula), metalwork (Sta. Clara del Cobre), woodwork (Patzcuaro), Reed weaving (throughout the lake region), textiles (Eronga rcuaro), fishing and aquacultur e, etc. These trades are, however, (in many cases) less localized and due to external pressures (see External Pressures


42 chapter) are limited by over-exploit ation of resources and limited market access. Limited employment that requires certain skill (i.e. educators, nurses a nd political leaders) and which supplies labor to industry (i.e. railroad, c onstruction, etc) is al so available. All of the trades that are prevalent in the Zona are partially traditiona l and partially residual from a plan of self sufficiency developed by Fray Don Vasco de Quir oga during the colonial period (Tuck 2002). The plan was successfully designed to provide religious instruction, training in marketable trades (some of which were traditional and simply maintained) and education in the fundamentals of governance as deemed appropriate by the European system. In the later XX century, the Mexican government steppe d in to subsidize private, foreign initiatives at the expense of the people of the Zona Purh pecha. In metal work, textiles, ceramic and woodworking (especially furniture) there are many su ccess stories in terms of profitability in the local and even, in some cases, the global market are formed. These examples (alongside historic developm ent) demonstrate a high likelihood of selfsufficiency, adaptive management and sustainab ility. However, the socio-economic disparity which was not present in histor ic accounts of the prehispanic Purhpecha culture and was not apparent at the peak of Vasco de Quirogas sustainable development plan, is very evident today. Currently, it has been observed that the co mmunities with greater ecological diversity and more conserved environment have greater productive diversity and greater economic success (Toledo et al. 1990). In contrast, the populations that have great specificity in trade or production activity are generally associated with ecological deteri oration and social fragmentation, which only serves to make subsis tence more tenuous (Davis et al. 2007, Barret et al. 2001, Bebbington 1999).


43 With the encroachment of urban sprawl, pove rty and impractical land use and land tenure laws, in the XX and XXI century it has beco me evident that thei r traditions and the environmental integrity of what once was an ecologically rich and healthy area are suffering greatly. A marked ecological deterioration exists in the Zona Purhpecha and particularly the Lake Ptzcuaro region which has increased with fr ightening rapidity. This has been directly correlated with industry, povert y and land use restrictions (Alvarez-Icaza et al. 1990, Toledo et al. 1980). From 1963-1990 the forest cover diminished from 33,000 ha to 18,000 haa disappearance of 45% of the total forest cove r (Alvarez-Icaza et al. 1990). This and other types of disturbance (forest fires, resin extraction, defo restation) are believed to have left remaining forests vulnerable to disease and blight. This ha s grave implications not only fo r the forests and the ecosystems that they sustain, but also the peopl e and livelihoods that depend on them. Livelihoods were affected by resour ce exploitation (in particular the forests) that occurred in the XX century. Particularly in the 1970s, there was an irrational exploitation of the forests in the Zona Purhpecha not only by the residents but also by outside interests and industry. Many of the natural forest resources presently end up in development cen ters outside of the area even today (Morelia, Quiroga, etc). Th e most common uses for the trees are pine resin (for paint and solvents), material for construction, heating for metal processing, a nd paper. This leaves local communities with limited forest resources, water scar city and few alternatives to exploitation as the products have high industrial value. According to a study done by SEMARNAP (2000), it was determined that between the years of 1963 to 1991 some 45% of the forest in the Lake Ptzcuaro valley was removed.


44 Where erosion and vegetative debris have always been an issu e (especially in the lake areas) they have had graver impacts in the last few decades due to removal of forest cover, according to the same study. This is causing eu trophication in the lakes that is resulting in seriously declining fish populati ons, poor water quality and sedimentation (Alvarez Icaza et al. 1999). Unfortunately, conservation efforts have lagged exploitation and have not been sufficient to balance out the quantity of extraction and continued consequences of previous damage at this time. In terms of the lake areas, a full 50% of La ke Ptzcuaro (a wealth of resources for the entire lake river valley) is considered in a se rious state of degradati on and high continued risk having low chlorophyll-a values, high phosphorus concentrations, severe erosion causing high ppm of suspended solids, and the direct infl uence of agricultural and human wastes-all accelerating eutrophication at an alarming rate (Alvarez-Icaza et al. 1990). According to the study done by SEMARNAP (2000), the principal cause s of the Lakes contamination are due to insufficient and underutilized public works infras tructure, agrochemicals and poor solid waste treatment in adjacent communities. Due to many of the same causes, severe contamination of the rivers and streams in the valley continues. A great effort is being made to increase awar eness of the plight of this area along with others made by local residents ( e.g., establishing forest as pr otected area in Oponguio), government organizations (e.g., SEMARNAP), and NGOs ( e.g., EcoMorelia) since the early 1990s. It is my hope that the dissemination of the information in this thesis will help to support this effort along with practical development programs that take conservation into account when creating development plans.


45 Figure 3-1. Map of Michoacn de Ocampo; Courtesy of Enciclopedia Britnica, Inc.


46 Figure 3-2. Map of the Zona Purhpecha courtesy of Carlos Villaseor. A) The study area lies within the municipali ty, Erongaricuaro, outline d by the red circle.


47 Figure 33. An Index map showing location of Lago de Ptzcuaro. A) 5 and 10 m bathymetric contours are shown; Adapted from Chac n-Torres (1993) and taken from Platt Bradbury (2000). Figure 3-4. Purhpecha tools from post-classic to classic periods courtesy of Carlos Villaseor.


48 Table 3-1. Examples of Pur hpecha classification nomenclature modified from Barrera Brassols (2003). Earth or hard matter P'urhpecha Spanish English Echeri Tierra Earth Tzacapu uiramu Canto Boulder Zacapurhu Piedra Stone Tzacapu pupurash Piedra deleznable Brittle stone Charaki Grava Gravel Poksinda Terrn Ped (sic.) Echeri kuatapiti Tierra suelta Loose earth Echeri choperi Tier ra dura Hard earth Echeri ietakata Tier ra mixta Mixed earth Substances or soft matter P'urhpecha Spanish English Itsi Agua Water Itsrhuky Jugo Juice Tariat Aire Air Terendani Materia or gnica Organic matter Iorhejpiti Fuerza vitamina Vitamin nutrient (sic.) Tsipitcha Organismo vi viente Living organism Plants and roots P'urhpecha Spanish English Plantecha Planta Plant Siringua Raz Root Siringua sahupiti Raz delgada Fine root Siringua tepari Raz gruesa Coarse root Soil classes P'urhpecha Spanish English Echricha kurhnda Capa Layer Echricha Todas las clases de tierra All soil classes Echeri ietakata Tierra mixta Soil mixture Echeri sahuapiti Tierra simple o delgada Simple or shallow soil Echeri jaumiti Tierra gruesa o profunda Deep soil Echeri jaukurini Tierra compuesta Composite soil Echeri kharshi Tierra seca Dry soil Echeri ukndeni Tierra hmeda Humid soil Soil function P'urhpecha Spanish English Itsrhini Chupar Water infiltration Uekndeni Hmedo Moist Jirjtani Respirar To breathe Aphreni Sudar To sweat Khhni Hinchar To swell


49 CHAPTER 4 ORCHIDS Why Conserve Them? Orchids have m orphological charac teristics that have led to their presence over a diverse range of microhabitats from the tropics to Patago nia (Arditti, 1992). As they are monocots, there are commonalities in their basic characteristics (i.e. parallel vena tion, tri-merous flower pattern, etc.). The flowers are frequently bisexual, bila terally symmetrical with an inferior ovary and have a modified third petal, called the labellum. th at makes orchid species di stinctive (Fig. 4-1). There are other adaptive commonalities in orchid plant structure. The foremost is the epiphytic root system, which is characteri zed by a spongy covering called velamen whose function is to capture and retain sufficient amounts of water to be absorbed internally by the plants cells. During dry periods, velamen also acts as a barrier against excessive water loss through transpiration, protecting in terior cells from ultraviolet radiation (Arditti 1992). In many epiphytic orchids, the stalk is highly modified into a structure called a pseudobulb that is also designed for storag e and permeated by vascular tissue. Other orchids have rhizomesalthough these tend to be terrestr ial. A commonality in most or chids is a very long juvenile period (anywhere from two to thirteen years). Flow ering is considered the indicator of maturity. Once formed, a mature fruit can hold hundreds of thousands of small seeds, which in the majority of species have a specialized, symbiotic relationship with miccorhizal fungi (Arditti, 1992). The reason for this is that orchid seeds have no endosperm which holds nutrients for the developing embryo. This means that the seeds need outside nourishment, which is provided by the fungi. Orchids have been prized throughout the world for their beauty, uniqueness, medicinal and culinary value. There is record of orchids as far back as in the Materia Medica of the Mythical


50 Emperor published during the Han dynasty (206 B.C220 A.D.) in China. There are also orchids mentioned in several hundred ancient Chinese books on botany and medicine (Arditti 1992). The Aztecs used the vanilla orch id pods frequently in a beverage called xocolatl It is well documented that by the late 1700s, orchid s were highly valued throughout the world and were cultivated, collected and traded (especially by Europeans) throughout the worldAfrica, Asia, the Americas, etc. They are now unders tood to have both economic significance and ecological importance (Koopowitz 2001). Orchids are clearly highly adap ted to their environm ent having very specialized features and interactions. Their exact role in the ecosystems in which they are found is not well understood and has not been the focus of ex tensive study (Koopowitz 2001); Although, it is understood that their presence indicates a general level of ecological health (Kati et al. 2004). The co-existence implicit in their ecological presence as a comensal species is also indicated by their specific and intimate relationship with many pollinating species, as well as humans (Kearns et al. 1998). There are compelling examples that appear to demonstrate co-evolution (Fig. 4-2) (Dressler 1982). Orchids have a number of purposes whether it be as indicators of e nvironmental integrity (in terms of their presence in co njunction with general diversity), as a charismatic conservation species, breeding, exotic ornamental s, cultural significance, and/or artistic purposes. The orchids specific to this study are intimatel y involved in all of these. B ecause their habitat is forest, conservation is a complex issue (s ee chapter on Purhpecha history). Orchid Culture, Domestic orchids Orchids, outside of their ha bitat, are generally grown fo r ornam ental purposes and the unique, often showy flowers can bring relative ly large amounts of money in the local and world market (Arditti, 1992).


51 Modern commercial trade of orchids as a valuable commodity appears to have its establishment in the XVIII century through European travelers (merchants, missionaries, etc.) although orchids as ornamentals are mentioned in literature as far back as the XVI century B.C in China (Arditti, 1992). Afte r the XVIII century, they became common features in botanical gardens and valued by private collectors (Koopowitz, 2001). Orchids were collected in huge numbers (som etimes including the trees that hosted them) to ensure that at least some pe rcentage arrived alive and in breeding condition. This had much to do with the fact that orchids are sensitive and often specific to their e nvironment and therefore the high mortality rate for wild species taken from their natural habitat. Particularly in the 19th century, there was a huge push in the European mark et for tropical orchid s that resulted in the further irrational exploitation of orchids and their habitat (Koopowitz, 2001). It is argued that this, as well as the onset of the industrial revolution and a global economy, is the reason that rare orchid populations are believed to have sustained great dama ge as well as many forest ecosystems of which orchids were, histor ically, a natural part (Koopowitz 2001). Currently, the global market for orchids is ve ry strong. Commercial orchids are generally hybrids that have been developed to have more fragrant and show ier flowers, are easier to grow and maintain and can be more easily produced. Ra re, wild orchids have a much smaller market niche but bring in larger amount s of money-sometimes simply based on their endangered or rare status. According to an article published in the Gainesv ille Florida Sun newspaper in 2004, in the U.S. more than 16 million orchids were sold in 2003, generating more than $121 million in retail monies. It is considered the fastest growin g sector of the horticultural market. In some areas of the world, wild orchids have a market ni che based on local traditions (i.e.Da de los Muertos) or ornamental value due to beauty, uniqueness and ende mism (Yellow Ladys Slipper).


52 In the markets in South-central Mexico, certain orchid flowers can bring in anywhere from 100 to 400 pesos -between what would be a typical days wage and up to a typical weeks wage Conservation of their habitat ( in situ ) as an important method for maintaining orchid diversity is well knownespecially since there are so many that ar e very difficult to culture and maintain in non-native environments. When it comes to species that are considered exotic, it is a necessary form of assuring the longevity of ev en the hybrids that result from a wild origin. Generally, the features favored by orchid growers ar e not suitable for survival in the wild (larger flowers, fragrance, colors and patterns that would not appeal to the pollinators a native species has developed for over time). Hybrids are also su sceptible to viruses that wild orchids are not. As such, it is important to maintain wild specie s diversity in order to have a broad and diverse genetic base from which to draw. As in any breeding practice, it is necessary to offset the consequences of inbreeding. Crossbreeding with wild species to encourage hybrid vigor is a common solution. Wild orchid species are ideal because they can also introdu ce favorable secondary ch aracteristics into the genetic line ( e.g., decreased time to flower, disease resist ance, greater tolera nce of artificial cultivation conditions, etc). B ecause of the aforementioned sp ecificity of orchid morphology, line breeding is often employed (otherwise, the favored characteristics would be quickly lost from one generation to the next). Also, just as there are changes in fashion (whe ther it be furniture, clothing, etc), there are also changes in ornamental flower style. Someti mes this is fostered by market competitionthe drive to have a better product, a more unique creation or simply a more appealing one. This requires the introduction of wild genes, from time to time, in order to subtly or dramatically influence the characteristics that have become common, shorten flowering time, and heighten


53 adaptability, among others. Orchid breeding is a complex and fascinatin g process, in which hybrid breeders depend heavily on hybrids native cousins. I believe that it is a vitally importantt hat breeders have a ready access to new germ plasm. But with this also comes the responsibil ity to protect our [wild] sources and that means effective conservation in the wild. Harold Koopowitz, Orchids and their conservation (2001). Endemic Orchids: Euc hile citrina and Laelia autumnalis The two species favored in this study are Euchile citrina and Laelia autumnalis Both species are endemic to Mxico and have significant economic and cultural value. Euchile citrina Euchile citrina is epiphytic with sm aller, e gg shaped pseudobulbs that tend to range from 4-6 cm in length, 2-3 cm wide (Fig. 4-3). Th ey are commonly covered by a persistent papery sheath that should not be removed. The leav es are a silvery-green and number 2-4 per pseudobulb. They are elliptical in shape and tend to range from 18-25 cm in length and 2-4 cm wide. The foliage has a fine, powdery coating ov er the leaves. The flowers are generally found in inflorescence of 6-10 cm in length. One or two large, hanging flowers are generally found on each stalk. The blooms are pale yellow to deep yellow (or even almost orange) having fleshy sepals. Petals are elliptical, be ing 5-6.5 cm in length, 1.5-2 cm wide with a labellum more or less of the same length and ruffled with darker vein s that can have varying amounts of white at the tip. Plants may be upright or pe ndant, but the flowers are always pendant. The flowers release a strong lemony fragrance, which lead to the common name Limoncito in Michoacn. They bloom from late winter to spring in the dry oak-pine forests found between 1300-2600m in South-Central Mxico.


54 Laelia autumnalis W ithin the genus Laelia there is a great deal of variation. This variation can even be seen in the species themselves which can vary quite a bit from population to population (Harbinger and Soto 1997). Laelia autumnalis can be described generally as an epiphytic orchid, with a dark green and oblong pseudobulb, about 15 cm l ong and 3 cm wide (Fig. 4-4). Like many psuedobulbs, it is hard and fibrous with the same papery sheath mentioned in Euchile citrine There are generally 1-3 leaves pres ent which are dark green and can be tinged with purple. It has an erect flower stalk with 5 to 12 flowers alternating on bracts and can be as long as a meter (Harbinger and Soto 1997). Flowers can be anywhere from a very light li lac to a rich magenta generally having a yellow stripe on the labellum. The fragrance varies greatly and it is said that the fragrance it stronger if it is exposed to more sunlight (Harbi nger and Soto 1997). It flowers during fall, from September to November. This Laelia is typical of the Mexican highlands, generally being found between 1800-2700 meters. Cultural Significance Day of the Dead Laelia autu mnalis is used in the altars for the Da de los Muertos (Day of the Dead), a ceremony which has been altered th rough the centuries and varies fr om location to location (Fig 3-5, 3-6). In Prehispanic Mexic o, the general purpose of the Day of the Dead was to celebrate death and, at the same time (paradoxi cally), the conti nuity of life. The original celebration goes back to the fe stivities held during the Aztec month of Miccailhuitontli ritually presided over by the goddess Mictecacihuatl ("Lady of the Dead"), dedicated to children and the dead (Salvador 2003). In the Aztec calendar, this ritual fell roughly at the end of the month of July and the beginning of August. However, in the post conquest era Catholic priests made it coincide with the All Hallows Eve likely to further their effort in


55 converting the native people to Cath olicism. The result is that Mexicans currently celebrate the day of the dead during the firs t two days of November. The simplest description of the celebration is that families celebrate departed relatives. Some families celebrate the passing of a departed family member one year after their passing and some families celebrate the passing of a dear rela tive every year for several years. The following description of the altars by Ja ime Stransky (1996) is very apt: Gravesites or family altars are profusely deco rated with flowers (primarily large, bright flowers such as marigolds and chrysanthemums a nd [the orchid] Laelia autumnalis, and adorned with religious amulets and sometimes with o fferings of food, cigarettes and alcoholic beverages. (The latte r mentioned items being favorites of the honored relative). Elaborate Catrines (skeletal figurines) are also considered a representative craft that can be seen during the year and sometimes adorning day of the dead cele brations as well as colorful skull confections made from white sugar and paper cut-outs of skulls and skeletons (Fig. 4-5 and 4-6). The Day of the Dead can range from a very im portant cultural event, with definite social and economic responsibilities for pa rticipants (exhibiting what so cial anthropologists would term socially equalizing behavior, for example in the community of El Espiritu near Lake Ptzcuaro) consisting of food, flowers and favorite items of the late relatives, to a religious observance featuring actual worship of the dead ( e.g., Cuilapan and Oaxaca), to simply a uniquely Mexican holiday characterized by special foods and confections ( e.g., Mexico D.F., Morelia). There is also the tourist element that plays a role in places like the Island of Janitzio, famous for its celebration, in the middle of Lake Ptzcuaro. People from all over Mxico and the world come to see how the Day of the Dead is celebrated there every November.


56 Economically speaking, its import is due to the tourist value (input) of the holiday and community involvement (expenditure). Because of this, its observan ce is considered of greater social importance in southern Mexico than in the northern part of the country due to a more dilute indigenous cultural influence (Stransky 19 96). It also means a greater importance of Laelia autumnalis in south-central Mexico, which is intimately associated with the flowers. There is a notable impact on wild populations as they are generally collected from the wild and placed on altars or sold in the public markets, in quantity, during this time. It is understood that the more urban the setting the less religious and cultural importa nce appears to be preserved by observers. It can also be said that the more rural (and indigenous) the locality, the greater the religious and economic significan ce of most celebrations. On the island of Janitzio, (located within a few kilometers of the study area), the celebration is elaborate, especially with flower decorations of the many altars. Pasta de Caa de Maz The use of pseudobulbs in m aking an adhesive compound (gum) is another cultural use of orchids. The Purhepecha use the word tatzingui to describe the adhesive gum, which has been used in making pasta de caa de maz and othe r activities during pre-Colombian, colonial times and even into the present day. It has also been used all over Mexico as the adhesive for feather mosaics (called tzauhtli by the Aztecs) and tempera pa intings (Gonzlez Tirado 2004). The reason for its adhesive quality is that pseudo-bulbs, among other things, are the storage area for nutrients taken into the plant. These nutrients are stored in the form of polysaccharides. This can be made into a vegetabl e gum and then converted into a powder. This is how it was sold in the pre-Colombian market s by the Aztecs and perhaps others (Gonzlez Tirado 2004). Otherwise, raw cellulose and star ch are insoluble in wa ter although starch will suspend in water to form a paste when heated. Th e percentage of starch in pseudo-bulbs is low-


57 approximately 7% (Arditti 1992). The fiber cont ent can be considerable, however, depending on the species. When cooked, it generally produces more of a paste or pu tty rather than a gum (Gonzlez Tirado 2004). It is documented in the Florentine codex that tatzingui was used by the Aztecs as an adhesive in paper-making (Gonzlez Tirado 2004). It is theorized that it might also have been employed in the creation of three-dimensional paper figures, which have been found in burial offerings in the Templo Mayor of Tenochtitlan (Gonzlez Tirado 2004). It is also known to be an important ingredient in an additional preh ispanic art form known as Pasta de Caa de Maz (Fig. 4-7). The product of pasta de caa de maz (or pasta de caa) is a lightweight sculpture made of multiple of ingredients including corn paste (as its name describes) and the orchid a dhesive compound, among other ingred ients. Many Mesoamerican tribes believed that the presence of effigies on the battlefield served to increase the warriors power and likelihood of victory (Stransky 1996). In general, the sculptures were believed to have been made largely of metal and wood. The Purhpecha, however, used pasta de caa as a lightweight, practical and durable way to take images of thei r gods into battle. During the conquest, the procedure was used to create Catholic effigies. It is believed that many of the statues made of pasta de caa that are currently in the churches (especially in the Zona Purhpecha) are originals from the XVI century. In fact, according to an informe created by the state of Michoa cn, la Virgen de la Salud, (patron Saint of the region) who resides in the chur ch associated with the hospital in Santa Fe de la Laguna, near Lake Ptzcuaro, is an exam ple of this (Fig. 4-8). There is documentation that Don Vasco de Quirogas development plan in this area involved Ptzcuaro as a center for the pasta de caa process during colonialization (Stransky


58 1996). And it is a process that is still practiced there. In fact there is an organization, the Latin American Design Foundation that is dedicated to its preservation as a traditional art form and has developed a program of employment for local women interested in pr eserving the technique since 2002. Referring back to the chapter on Purhpecha hi story, all of this (history, beauty, hybrid potential) of course, lends itself not only to local tradition and attrac tion of tourists to the area but it also has enormous implications for marketing the orchids produced with commercialization in mind. Tourism is becoming more and more a so lid part of the areas economy and livelihood system ( Mexican Secretara de Turismo ). This has broad implications in terms of other fountains of employment that sp ring out of the arrival of people from the outside. Currently, tourism is national as well as international so that there is a broad spectrum of possibilities for the commercialization of the orchids and other pl ants that would have a solid national market with international potential. Propagation Techniques In order to b reed orchids, the stock must be cultivated or collected from wild populations. Historically, the demand for orchid s is greater than their natural capacity to reproduce so that humans have developed ways to propagate them in greater numbers. There are many forms of propagation. There are also many variations on general propagation methods. Two basic and well studied techniques will be briefly discussed and in general terms. Ex situ Many of the sem inal breakthroughs in orchid seed propagation (inc luding recognition of their mycorrhizal relationship) were discovered mainly in the first half of the XIX century (Arditti, 1992). Seeds were unknown to botan ists until the mid XVIII century (Koopowitz, 2001). As mentioned previously, orchid seeds (unlike most other plants) do not contain an


59 endosperm. It is believed that the reason for this is that they are very tiny (sometimes microscopic) and are wind dispersed. This adds greatly to the complexity and difficulty in growing orchids from seed as they require outs ide help in obtaining necessary nutrients for gestation to occur. While many plants benefit from mycorrhizal fungi in the ground; orchids depend on them to provide necessary nutrients for seed germination. Most orchids have an intimate relationship with specific, local myco rrhizal fungi. The mycorrhizal relationship is a complex and individual associati on that appears to be largely environmentally contextual and therefore difficult to easily replicate out side of the natural environment. This indirectly provoked the study of asymbio tic propagation (without mycorrhizal fungi). Asymbiotic seed propagation of orchids is sti ll a common propagation tool and is useful in exsitu conservation as a way of maintaining more diverse gene pools presen t in wild populations Just like any breeding outside of natural population breeding in situ it would be a process of crossbreeding individuals and/or sampling seeds from wild populations. This process requires growth medium as well as specific light and temperature conditions. The growth medium contains the necessary nutrients for seed development as the mycorrhizae are not present to provide them. Another common propagation method is tissue cu lture. Tissue culture involves taking a piece of the green plant and pl acing it in a growth medium where the cells multiply and a complete individual plant is created in vitro (Arditti, 1992). It is belie ved that clonal propagation of orchids through tissue cu lture was developed by a graduate st udent of Botany in the first half of the 20th century (Arditti 1992). Individuals created by tissue culture are considered clones, which for commercial purposes is not necessarily problematic but for c onservation purposes can be disastrous due to limited genetic variation unless certain precautions ar e taken. In order to


60 ensure variation, a range of individuals from a population can be cloned then crossed with one another. The seeds that are generated from th ese crossings have more genetic variability and their seed offspring can be reintr oduced back into the natural habitat. This is similar to the process used in asymbiotic orchid culture. Ho wever, the tissue must be collected from wild populations or from indivi duals propagated from seed from the wild populations to ensure the population gene pool is conserved to allow for natural selection. It can also be useful with plants that have fallen from their host tree (ECOSUR 2002). Collection, however, can be complicated if orchids are scarce, threatened or endangere d as environmental laws may limit their sampling or availability. In situ Conservation in situ as an im portant method for maintain ing biodiversity (as more species means higher biodiversity) is well known. It ha s even been argued that the consummate way to conserve orchids is in their natural habitat. This ensures survival and flexibility through the ecological and biological mechanisms that have a llowed orchids to maintain great diversity in a variety of areas across the globe. Their long-term presence for fu ture research and thus (among others) a greater understanding of species interactions and population dynamics as orchids are very complex, unique and, in these spheres, invaluable. An (albeit arguable) element of conservation, is the presentation of ch arismatic species in order to give ecosystem conservation greater impact Charismatic species ha ve historically given humans a point of reference and impetus to more carefully manage ecosystems (Kotoleon and Swanson 2003). Essentially, these charismatic species give a face to the urgency of conservation issues. As is hist orically apparent, forest conser vation becomes a very complicated issue due to socio-economic and political dynamics that cause decision-making to be problematic and frequently environmentally unfriendly. Howeve r, as deforestation has been directly linked


61 to humans greatest current environmental woes (desertification, water cycling and global climate change to name a few) it would be a r easonable side benefit to conserving orchid habitat. Orchids are, due to their ornamental, environmental, botanical and commercial value a species with the kind of charisma and intrigue that make them appropriate for this role. Orchids as NTFPs This study looks at th e possibility for a ru ral community in Michoacn, Mxico to link some aspect of community development with conservation. Orchids are a perfect bridge between conservation and development as they have a stable local and international market as well as being threatened species intimately c onnected to their local forest habitat. Conservation in situ requires a commitment to conser ve not only the orchids but their forest habitat, as well. Conveniently, the co mmunity participating in the study has already set aside over 100 ha of well conserved, diverse secondary growth fore st as a protected area. The species composition is consistent with oak dry forest-natural or chid habitat. This greatly increases the likelihood of developm ental success for this program. However, it is important not to overlook the importance of protection and law enforcement that requires effort and organization on the part of the participants a nd community members as well as the municipal government for which there is some local infras tructural support (refer to Oponguio chapter). Non-timber forest products (NTFPs) are b ecoming a clear instrument in poverty and environmental pressure alleviation in rural co mmunities all over the world. According to a compilation of studies across Mexico and Boliv ia edited by Marshall et al. (2006), it was determined that NTFPs make up between 7 and 95% of a households annua l discretionary cash, act as a buffer for economic hardship (particula rly when the main cash generating activity is no longer reliable) and can serve as a means for poverty alleviation. In fact, th ey go as far as to say, and never lead to an increase in poverty. Ma rshall et al. also found that NTFPs serve as a


62 form of empowerment for community members, particularly women as women tend to be the most involved in processing and cultivation. They also found that these NTFP related activities encouraged labor sharing (versus gender disaggre gation) at the household level as labor sharing greatly increases the likelihood of economic viability and return for these activities. While they did not find that involvement in NTFP production/utilizatio n inherently lead to reduced rights for collection of wild individuals, they did fi nd that communally owned resources saw improved harvest and management practices. According to Shackleton et al. (2007) ther e are several reasons why natural product commercialization is a favorable addition to livelihood strategies across the globe (assuming it is not a normal part of the lo cal livelihood strategy): [By] providing additional options for inco me generation in the context of few opportunities, allowing households to divers ify and supplement their income base, providing a safety net for t hose facing shock and hardsh ip, reducing reliance on other safety nets such as inter household transfer s and state welfare, and generating extra cash for things like school, etc. There is a notable example in Chiapas of a successful conservation and cultivation program started in the Soconus co region using the methodology, El Cultivo Rstico y Sustentable de Orqudeas Nativas en el Soconusco (1999) (Fig. 4-9). The program was initially developed by a doctoral candidate at the Colegio de la Frontera Sur (ECOSUR). It was designed to offer training and long-term advisement for plant growers, specifically coffee producers interested in cultivating and conserving native orchids and di versifying their liveli hood strategies. The objectives were to: Conserve the existing wild orchid po pulations in the Soconusco region


63 Restore the populations in protected areas and in forest fragments in the area Educate the local people in sustainability and more efficient use of natural resources Offer a viable economic alternative for the local people in the region The program began in 1999 and persists to the present day, boasting the participation of 45 producers in 7 communities in La Reserva El Triunfo (Damon et al. 2005). According to Damon et al. (2005), the program has successfully achieve d cultivation of numerous native orchids. A few government organizations have granted some financial support (Fundacin Produce [NGO], SEMARNAT and CONANPO), but she reports that it has not been sufficient to cover all of the expenses incurred by the many tasks associated with the initiation (initial pr opagation) of such an extensive program that requires long-term monitoring and due to intense external pressures and severe poverty, also requires infrastructural support (see Ex ternal pressures chapter). While the expectation of ECOSUR was that all coffee producers woul d participate, some stopped due to the inordinately l ong juvenile periods of several of the orchids. There was also the barrier of the general distrust of diversification strategies due to innume rable and devastating past failures. She reports, however, that all 45 of those who maintained participation have achieved positive results. The limit in interest may be related to the orchids as only a commercial product having limited cultural value a nd market access in this community making it necessary to create a market niches and innovative products. Damon (2005) does say that the main goal was conservation and the secondary goal was commercialization: While the goal of cultivation is important to keep in mind, the most important aspect of these programs is the environmen tal education that starts a shift in perception which leads to


64 greater awareness. Since certain commercial products like orchids maintain their value due to uniqueness and rarity, it is not necessarily a failure that not all growers in the ECOSUR study participated until the end. This supports the commercial orchid business but not flooding the market and assuring that these native orchids are c onserved in their natural habitatas well as the protection of their very important habitat. The method is practical and ideal for rural environments as it requires very little inputs and the inputs that are re quired can be easily found locally. In the cas e of the aforementioned project, parts of the plants can also be used to make products for sale. It is also possible to sell the immature plants in slants (tubes with grow th medium and an explanation of how to grow the orchid plant) as a market product. The plants are grown in vitro in a laboratory (until they can be more easily cultivated in the field) and brought to the community once they are sufficiently developed to grow on their own. This makes university involvement key in the ECOSUR project as well as the propos ed project in Oponguio, Michoacn. Pieces of oak bark can be used as substrate fo r acclimatization of the cultivated plants in shade houses that can be communal or individua l (dependent on community preference) before being sold or before being reestablished in their habitat. Oaks ( Quercus spp. ) are the preferred host species for L. autumnalis and E. citrina so that pieces of their bark and branches are an ideal substrate prior to sale or reestablishment. Thes e pieces of oak are taken from fallen branches or pieces from sustainably logged trees (or aclareo ). This is already practiced in the study community. In terms of orchid conservation, once the cu ltivators have established a solid base of plants, a certain percentage can be reestablished into the habitat. Due to the orchids economic value, it is important to focus on establis hing the cultivators befo re conserving through


65 reestablishment or the reestablishe d plants run a much higher risk of illicit extraction. In the case of Oponguios reserve area, there is already a sy stem of protection in place. These factors combined with establishing a solid cultivation ac tivity increase the likelihood of the success of both the cultivation and conserva tion endeavors. The two goals also reinforce one another. In spite of the differences and complications associated with the orchid commercialization project in Chiapas, there are positive implications for this research project as the local people in the study area of Oponguio, Michoa cn have already set aside 100 ha of forest as protected area for conservation. They have greater market acce ss. The orchids chosen for commercialization were intentionally chosen due to their cultural and local market value. The people of Oponguio have been interested in conser ving the plants for some time and have the support of the local university (University of Michoacn) to pursue the pr oject if they decide to. First, however, due to limited resources it was necessary to dete rmine the projects viability and for whom. This kind of cultivation has broader implications as ther e are many endemic orchids to Mexico (as well as all of Latin America) wh ich could be grown and commercialized as a livelihood in conjunction with c onservation efforts. As there are special cultural attributes ( artesana ) for given areas, there are plants that are also associated with those same areas. The orchids have real potential to become signature of the places in which they are commercialized. They would then be an attraction as well as a way to maintain them, as their presence is instrumental in their value.


66 Figure 4-1. Illustrated orchid diagram taken from Sheehan and Sheehan(1994) An Illustrated Survey of Orchid Genera p.383 Figure 4-2. The Bee Orchid ( Ophrys apifera )and the Orchid Bee ( Euglossini sp. ); Courtesy of the BBC (online resource).


67 Figure 4-3. Euchile citrine courtesy of Jess Moreno. Figure 4-4. Laelia autmnalis c ourtesy of AMO (online resource). Figure 4-5. Altar decorated for the day of the dead in Janitzio (lef t); Courtesy of Inside Mexico (onlineresource)


68 Figure 4-6. A Catrina created in Capula, Michoacn 2007; Courtesy of the author. Figure 4-7. Pasta de caa de maize as practiced today; C ourtesy of CREFAL.


69 Figure 4-8. Burial place of Don Vasco de Quiroga, Basilica de la Virgen de la Salud; Courtesy of the State of Micho acn (online reference). Figure 4-9. A shade house for Rustic Cultivation in Chiapas; Courtesy of A. Damon (2005).


70 CHAPTER 5 EXTERNAL INFLUENCES AND PRESSURES Globalization is the process of networking national econom ies into an international market system. This process has taken an interesting directi on, particularly since the development of neoclassical economic theory. In attempting to standardize the market system with the outcome of balanced participation, the result is an economic homogeni zation (with a focus on industry and large corporations) that has manifested itself at the local level as greater socio-economic disparity and resource degrada tion in much of the world. This outcome is likely related to the disconnect between scientific pr inciples of material and energy related to production and the focus on gr eater profits and market value. Production is a physical process that relies on a series of activ ities that requires energy to transform a raw resource into a refined or productive oneeven in th e case of natural products. Christensen (1989) makes a very compelling argument that somewhere between the classic economic theorists and the neoclassic theorists, economic theory began to ignore the material origin of products and the laws of thermodynamics. The integration of basic physical principles of material and energy were apparently present in pre-classical, physiocratic and early XVI century classical economics but absent in modern theory (Christensen 1989). Inte restingly, pre-classical and physiocratic economic theorist s integrated thermodynamic princi ples even before they were formulated in the 1840s To elaborate a bit with an example from Christensen (1989): The physiocrats, for exampl e, regarded the land as productive because it yielded a surplus of output about the material input advanced at the beginning of productio n: one livre of seed planted yielded five livres of output. Artisan activities, by contrast, were transformations of raw materials. Industry buys raw materials from agri culture [or nature] in order to work them up.


71 Manufacturing gives raw materials form, but adds nothing to them materially [in a physical sensethe compositional elements]. A similar distinction was made by classical writers. Malthus (1815, 1836) argues that only the machinery of the land could produce food and raw materials. This was something that no industrial machine could do. However Christensen (1989) points out that, in the transition from classical to neoclassical economic theory, the material origins of the products themselves were ignored while the application of theory focused on the process of transforming the materials. In other words, neoclassical economic theory took the classical theorys omission in specifying the material and energy resources moving through the produc tive system and extended it into the manufacturing process and origin of capital stock which is fundamental to the current economic system as units of material worth that ca n be invested in at a fixed point in time, in monetary units. This converts worth into a concep t of investment in a firm versus the worth of the materials and their origin. Removing the material origins further translates into a failure to take environmental services provided by natural resources into account when determining the value of a market product. The assumptions that are made in defini ng the marginal produc tivity of an input according to neoclassic economic theory are very much at odds with the basic physical principles governing material and energy transformations (Christensen 1989; Ayres 1978; GeorescuRoegen 1971). Marginal productivity makes the assu mption that the output above the input cost is based solely on the market value of the i nputs, again not taking in to account the socioecological costs and benefits. This is even fu rther reflected in the concept of diminishing marginal returns. The marginal product of one i nput is assumed to fall as long as some other


72 input to production does not change but the market is constantly chan ging and the nature of finite resources as finite must be taken into account unless the long term ac cessibility of the raw material is assured in the process. The value ca nnot be determined res ponsibly if the input and output cost/benefit analysis excludes opportunity co sts of the depletion of the raw materials at their point of origin. That is to say, the value is then determined without taking into consideration the long term existence of such resources and their value as ex istent sinks of possible products and services in the present and in the futurethus arriving at only a partial present value of the product. These external political and economic pres sures have a great impact on community development and livelihood development both in urban and rural areas, so mething particularly true in a world with a globalized economy a nd foreign interests which depend on the national and regional infrastructure. In frastructure, in socio-economic terms, is represented by the structural elements that allow for production of goods and services with out being part of the production processthe avenues for product transport (roads, railroa d, airports, etc.), markets for finished products, etc. In soci o-political terms, it refers to many aspects of a nations overall framework of support to provide for its people, for example public works, political structure, social programs, education, etc. Clearly these tw o kinds of infrastructure overlap in many areas and are dependent on one anot her to function optimally. The institutional fabric that underlies these production systems that underpin the sociopolitical structures (i.e. gove rnment and non-government agencies, laws and their enforcement, regulations, subsidies, capacity building, information disseminati on, etc.) is very important to highlight in this process. It is this fabric th at is both the result a nd the perpetua tor of the disconnect between value assessment and market value that creates such a gap between rural


73 communities and particularly rural poor and th ese institutions. The result is limited access to markets and few, if any, input provisions which in turn result in lower economic resilience and higher levels of poverty. A Brief Examination of External Pressures Sym ptomatic of the disconnect, environmental dete rioration (particularly in rural areas) is a consequence of greater numbers of people l ooking to fragile ecosystems and poor ecosystem management practices for subsistence. There is also an historic trend of community dissolution and reorganization caused by outside, systemic pressures which result in the loss of traditional knowledge, successful long term resource management and culture (Ramirez 2007; Henrich 1997; Toledo and Argueta 1990) particularly where in frastructure is weak. As infrastructure is central to management of resources, governments (w hether they be local or national) are relied upon to provide infrastructure supporting institutions to aid in the integrat ion or reintegration of marginalized communities or groups into the soci o-economic system. Private sector support it usually limited and specialized in investment scope. When governments do not or cannot support efforts to reintegrate rura l communities into the economy, there are limited private sector initiatives to invest in rural communities thus leav ing rural people further from the market. This is largely due to rural communities being consider ed poor investments as a result of their limited production potential per capita and limited market acce ss. Because of these limitations, there is a dependence on support in the form of subsid ies, loans, capacity building programs and regulation. Many developing countries turn to market liberalization and international investments to satisfy these needs and with the goal of buildin g a stronger economy. Market liberalization an d trade, in theory, give all produc ers the opportunity to participate in the market system, whether it be through local production or intern ational trade. However, in practice, it is apparent that economic grow th does not ensure pove rty alleviation.


74 According to Kuyvenhoven (2004), Most developing countries have implemented a wide array of market liberalization and trade policy reforms in recent decades as part of structural readjustment programsbut there has been little progress in dismantling the repressive restrictions imposed by rich countries on access to their own agricultural [and ot her] marketsRemoval of input subsidies and public marketing agencies has opened up new opportunities for the private sector, but which have often been curtailed by inadequate public investment in key infrastructu res like roads and communications and by weak market regulati on and support services. NAFTA and Immigration NAFTA, the North Am erican Free Trade Agreemen t, is a clear example of the trend that has been perpetuated as a result of the disconnect and the immens e difficulties that arise from creating development programs without taking socio-economic and environmental implications of market behavior into account. Apart from having been implemented recently (in the last twenty years), it is also a piece in the myriad of political and econom ic influences that affect the very fabric of development in terms of sociopolit ical and economic infrastructure. It will be briefly discussed in the cont ext of its overall impact on the Mexican economy and its implications for development and environmental impact as a direct result of trade and foreign investment. Among the stated aims of NAFTA was the goal of stimulating Mexicos struggling economy. The peso had been devalued in order to reduce Mexicos inflation and NAFTA was to be a major force in generating employment for th e large percentage of Mexicos impoverished population (Hufbauer and Schott 2005; Wein traub 2004; Faux 2003; Cameron and Tomlin 2000). In practice, what it failed to do was aid in the elaboration of infrastructure to ensure maximum benefit for all parties involved, focusi ng solely on the industr ial private sector. The


75 agreement only extended protection to corporate interests in that trade was liberalized but mainly benefited large industry (Table 5-1) (IDS 2006 ; Tornell and Esquivel 1997 ; Husted and Logsdon 1997; Esquivel and Lpez 2003). Mexico is privy by its very phys ical location to have direct access to U.S. borders and, therefore, the U.S. Market. This created a fo cus on Northern Mexican development and upper and upper-middle class professionals at the expense of the southe rn agricultural producers and rural indigenous people (Hufbauer and Schott 20 05; Weintraub 2004; Faux 2003; Wiggins et al. 2002; Cameron and Tomlin 2000). One of the promises made by the Mexican government was that as tariffs on US agricultural products went down, subsidies and technical assi stance would be prioritized for small farms so that they could augment productivity and increase quality in order to effectively compete (Faux 2003). However, according to Faux (2003), farm program funding dropped from 2 billion dollars a year to 500 thousand betw een 1994 and 2000 while subsidies for US farmers exporting to Mxico were increased over that time period. To furt her exacerbate the issue, there was limited employment in nearby urban areas. The subsidy cuts were a result of de-prioritizing rural infrastructure in response to structural re adjustments that focused on industrial development due to its greater initial economic growth pot ential. For example, according to Faux (2003), economic stimulation was almost exclusively on th e border that Mexico shares with the United States in maquiladoras (assembly factories) and be tween the years of 1994 and 2000 maquiladora employment doubled while em ployment growth was stagnating elsewhere. Added to this, one must look at the priv atization of Banks and other inve stment services resulting in an opening here, as well, for foreign investment.


76 Wiggins et al. (2002) outline a pe rtinent synopsis of cr itics of the agricultural reform that was a result of trade liberalizat ion started in the late 1980s (inc luding NAFTA), part of which is pertinent here: A free market does not necessarily deliver social justice. If the distribution of income and assets that determines the market power is sk ewed and unjust-and Mexicos home distribution is notably unequal then the market outcome cannot be socially optimal (unless government intervenes). The buying power of the rich few will di ctate what is produced, rather than the needs of the many poor Liberalization amounts to globalization with a marked bias to capital. The economic liberalism of the Salinas administ ration integrated Mexico within the world economy, thereby exposing the peasantry to the co ld winds of global competition. If market forces work against organized labour in industrial so cieties such as the USA, then they are likely to be equally if not more destructiv e when operating in rural Mexico. The removal of subsidies is not by itself probl ematic inasmuch as doing so when crucial input activities are the object of subsidy. Kuyvenhoven (2004) provides a good example in the removal of pesticide subsidies in Indonesia. Because the subsidy removal was offset by integrated pest management techniques, the in put costs were lowered over the long term and agriculture production and producer s benefited both in the shor t term and in the long term. However, Kuyenhoven (2004) is careful to clarify that removal of input subsidies that are the difference between productive farming practices and poverty and environmental degradation as illustrated by following the example given from Africa. Because of reduced fertilizer subsidies on small farms and areas of low productive potential, there is a marked increase in soil nutrient mining, lower yields and thus lower future yields in an environment where subsistence is already tenuous and environmental degradation a nd poverty are reaching frightening levels


77 NAFTA ultimately plays a definitive role in the kind of external pressure that forces dispersionrather like bearing down on a box full of ball beari ngs. Eventually, the pressure forces the ball bearings from a high entropy state to a state of lower entropyalthough in this case, the pressure is not physical so much as so cio-political and economic. In this instance, a lower entropy state translates into a dispersion more commonly known as emmigration. A significant indicator of this imbalanced polic y and the result of overlooking the importance of rural infrastructure specific to NAFTA are the hundreds of thousands of Mexican immigrants crossing into the United States every year. These numbers have increased steadily over the last twenty years (USINS 2003) meaning that the eco nomic stimulation promised by NAFTA did not stimulate employment growth as was anticipated and therefore did not benefit over all development or economic stability in Mexico (Weintraub 2004; Cameron and Tomlin 2000; Esquivel and Rodriguez-Lopez 2003; Krue ger 1999; Husted and Logsdon 1997). According to the U.S. Immigration and Na turalization service (USINS) 2003, from 19912001 Mexico accounted for 24.7 % of all legal immigrants coming into the U.S. It is estimated that during that time they made up as many as 55 % of all illegal immigrants coming into the U.S. (USINS 1999). This contrasts starkl y with the next highest group of immigrants during that time, El Salvador, registering around 7%. Michoacn, Mexico is considered in the top five states for highest emigration to the Un ited States in the country. To give some historical context, Mexico (b efore 1970) made up a small percentage of immigrants to the U.S. during the latter half of the XIX century and beginning of the XX century when the largest number of immigrants (legal and illegal) were coming from Europe. In fact, Mexican immigration until the 1990s was seasonal and impermanent. This seasonal migration was a product of the Brasero program implemented after WWII.


78 The relatively recent spike in immigration is believed to be a result of the disparate economic growth stimulated by NAFTA, poor infras tructure and other in adequate Government policies. The labor and lower-lev el jobs that were expected to have been created by NAFTA never materialized, pressuring ru ral and urban poor to look fo r employment wherever it was available. The devaluation of the peso served to exacerbate this and the immigration vectors that had been established during seasonal Brasero labor in the U.S .became means for encountering permanent employment (partially due to stricter immigration la w enforcement making crossing the border a higher risk and more costly). The exchange rate betw een the devalued peso and the U.S. dollar (the strongest world currency at the time), created further in centive for job-seeking across the border. The U.S.s job market wa s flourishing while Mexico was in a recession. Remittances became a major source of income to Mexican communities at this time, in the mid 1990s. Although it is projected that remittances will drop steadily as US immigration reform tightens, the U.S. economy weakens and with the drastic drop in population growth in Mexicofrom 6.1 children per female in 1974 to 2.4 ch ildren in 1999 (Bean and Lowell 2004; CONAPO 1999). The labor surplus and economic need in rural Mexico have opened the door to an exodus in the last several decades to seek work outside of rural communities. This has heavily impacted Michoacn so that community fragmentation has been an enormous obstacle to rural development. There are various communities where women, children and the elderly stay behind while the working age males seek work else where in larger urban cen ters or even outside of the country. The general study area of the P tzcuaro basin has shown diverse impacts as each community is impacted with varying degrees of se verity. Some communities have lost the vast majority of their working age males, while othe rs still eke out a living through services, trade,


79 agriculture and remittances. The particular community that participated in this analysis has been impacted, certainly, by the aforementioned fact ors however, the community is struggling to maintain a local economy in order to keep community members at home (refer to Oponguio chapter). Remittances Re mittances are considered to play a vital role in the Mexicos economy and certainly remain a buffer for many low income families when income generating activities are scarce and/or limited. While the monthly amount is often not enough to support the entire household, it is enough to supplement the household income when cash is scarce raising the income status of the household. Remittances are helpful in the temporary improvement of living conditions in households that receive them (Acosta et al. 2008 ). Remittances can make a difference in the development and evolution of household liveliho od strategies (Ruiz 2004) if the quantity and frequency facilitate participation in a particular activity. There are isolated examples of migrants organizing remittances for community betterment (Ruiz 2004). A recent study by Acosta et al. (2008) found that, while remittances raised the household income and therefore lowered the poverty level, it was not as signifi cant as the monetary figures of income flow would suggest in poverty alleviation, in general (Acost a et al. 2008; Taylor 1999). It is also interesting to note that remittances are slowing substantially both to Mexico (a significant drop of 6.8%) and Brazil which are the two largest remittance providers in Latin America, according to a report by the Multilateral Investment Fund in 2007 (Fig. 5-2). These are the largest drops to have been reported in the last thirteen years. This is related to the current U.S. economic downturn and economists are speculating that this will result ev en greater emigration to the U.S. as remittance dependent families seek income unavailable to them in their communities and cities (RoigFranzia 2008, Washington Post).


80 Remittances, although individually they are re latively small quantities per month, are considered to be the second highest source of income for many communities with high emigration rates, in Mexico. In the study community of Oponguio, remittances have been instrumental in some family economic developm ent (for example the cr eation of one of the restaurants in the community). They are not a widespread or generally consistent augmentation of discretionary household income for many families. There are families that receive sporadic remittances but few that receive consistent remittances to make them part of the livelihood strategy. This has great potential to change if the labor surp lus continues to grow without alternatives within the community or even the study area for income generating activities. This shift towards dependence on exte rnal support is consistent in areas with poor resource management and few cash generating alternatives. Nafta and the Environment Industries from affluent countries take advantage of the absence or under enforcement of laws in developing countries as the short-term investment will be prioritized over future costs (IDS 2006; Daly 1993; Faber 1992). Th is kind of industrial behavior exists largely due to poor internal infrastructure in deve loping countries on the local scal e and a weak institutional base that result in ineffective minist ries, weak and/or under-enforced la ws, regulations that favor large international business and short term economic gain s that allow for compe tition in international markets and attract foreign investment (Hufbauer and Schott 2005; Kuyvenhoven 2004; Weintraub 2004; Faux 2003; Wiggins et al. 2002; Cameron and Tomlin 2000). The previously discussed neoclassical disconnect between res ource use and exploitation is both a result and a perpetuator of this infrastructural weakness. For example, Canada negotiated much more ri gidly with the U.S. than Mexico ensuring that their environmental concer ns were addressed in the cont ract. The Canadian government


81 even issued a review of the NAFTA agreement of 1992 and its environmental impact potential looking at the environmental degradation that was a result of the impact of multinational companies constructing factories in Northern Mexi co. This review was in response to the severe environmental damage done by certain factories called maquiladoras and as a way to add strength to their own argument in re ference to environmental concerns. A study done by SEDUE ( Secretara de Desarrollo Ur bano y Ecologa International ) in 1990 on the maquiladoras shows the progression and devasta ting impacts of these factories on the Mexican environment (speaking both ecologically and socially). This study showed that only a minute percentage (6%) of the more than one t housand factories that were a result of foreign investment capital in the first decade of NAFTA complied with operating license requirements in relation to environmental considerations (emi ssions, hazardous waste production and disposal, etc.) in spite of the NAFTA contract requirement s that clearly outline participants cooperation with environmental laws and standards to avoi d sanctions or embargo (Weintraub 2004; Husted & Logsdon 1997; Bowen et al. 1995; Fr umpkin et al. 1995; Gomez 1993). According to the Science and Technology Division of the Parliamentary Research Branch of the Canadian government (Murray 1993), Suppression of the labour movement and human rights has prevented Mexican workers from achieving the benefits of industrialization. Workers in the maquiladora region receive the lowest manufacturing wages in Mexico and are subjected to poor air quality and to some of the most environmentally degraded la nd and water in the country. Murray (1993) goes on to explain that the cost lower cost of factory wages in Mexico (in the case of Canada, 1/10 the hourly wage) along w ith the lack of environmental law enforcement


82 create strong inducements for th e migration of capital investment s to Mexico in spite of the costs of environmental law compliance rarely ex ceeding 2% of value added, in these cases. There is some evidence that the implementa tion of NAFTA between the U.S., Canada and Mexico created an elevated continental conscious ness of environmental issues and their impact on development (both for developing and dev eloped nations) which is indicated by the subsequent creation of the North American Commission of Environmental Cooperation or CEC after investigations like that of SEDUE (1990). This is likely due to the costs of such industrial behavior outweighing the benefits for Mexico. This is also attrib uted in some part to trade negotiations and foreign investme nt creating greater dissemina tion of technical information among the involved parties. It is also implied th at because the U.S. and Canada are industrial nations that enforce comparable levels of e nvironmental protection, standard of living, civil rights, labor standards, hea lth care and education, Mexico benefits by proxy through the interaction and exposure to such established socio-poli tical and public works infrastructures. A supporting example of this is the enactment of the Federal Law on Ecological Equilibrium and Environmental Contamination in Mexico in 1988 as a compan ion to the NAFTA agreement to enforce environmental laws that were previously being abused and overlooked. This was a major advancement for Mexico without further underm ining their bargaining power; Although, with the recent shift in the late 1990s to early 2000 in foreign i nvestments to Asia, Mexico is enjoying less leverage in industrial trade negotiation. The double edge to that by proxy sword is that Mexicos weak infrastructure stands in stark contrast to the U.S. and Canada and while the example is present, building such infrastructure requires time and independencesomething that th e free trade agreement has not fostered to this point. This means that while Mexico has benefited from greater information


83 dissemination, more political transparency, technological awareness and environmental consciousness, the level of political transparency both in Mexico and between negotiating parties has not been sufficient to optimize economi c and trade policies in holding negotiating governments fully accountable for their actions. Pr oblematically, the same limited infrastructure that results in under enforced environmental laws and dependence on foreign investment in poorer countries, preclude the enforcement of NAFTA rules by the exploited party. While there is a dispute-resolution mechanisms particularly for environmental issues written into the NAFTA agreement through the CEC, it has (at least until 2004) not been employed. A contract is only as legitimate as its enforcement. This is a blatant indicator of the imbalance that such an agreement creates as one party is privileged ov er the other. This imbalance perpetuates the already stratified social structure exacerbating social disparity and diso rganization resulting in irrational further environmental exploitation and degr adation, particularly in rural areas. This has had a huge negative impact on Michoacn s rural communities and the creation and implementation of development programs there. Bilateral Resource Management Limitations As general trade ag reements like NAFTA are drafted and adopted, there is a pressure for developing nations like Mexico to step up to the rules established by the more economically powerful developed ones with out an underlyi ng support of the necessary infrastructure to maintain such an agreement. The premise of NA FTA (after 1993) has been discussed as a two level bargaining approach (Cameron and Tomlin 2000). This means that a more comprehensive linkage between domestic and international politic s is sought by negotiators so that the impacts of decisions made in one political sphere impact others. The failures that are associated with NAFTA are largely due to the inability of countries like Mexico to meet such stringent and broad international demands for higher standards without multilateral investment in the production


84 process of goods and services as well as market accessibility. This comes with a complex set of issues (social capital, resource allocation and usage, education, health, among many others) that must be confronted internally and supported in the agreement itself. A st rong socio-political and public works infrastructure is central to this (par ticularly developmental security). Infrastructure development is dependent on internal needs and prio rities as well as the needs and priorities of the external stakeholdersnot withstanding the in vestment potential of both sectors. This means that the basic needs of the loca l stakeholders are fundamental to any agreement, particularly where local, natural resources are essential. Resource management is further complicated when the management is shared by a wide array of stakeholders from many s cales-local to national to intern ational. This implies the need for a framework by which all involved parties can negotiate and from which agreements can be reached that are mutually beneficial to all negotiating parties. Becau se each stakeholder group (from local to international) has different reso urces, specialties and priorities, developing a framework can be very difficult. Management within a framework that looks beyond the neoclassical economic approach and takes long term resource management into account to ensure a greater likelihood of equal participation and/or benefit is imperative. There are enormous implications that are a pparent in ecological st rain and degradation worldwide caused by current livelihood and i ndustrial practices. This disconnect does not represent all vectors to the socio-economic disparities experienced by many rural people, however, it is very useful in c onsidering development plans that seek to bridge the gap between conservation of local resources and the inescapa ble human development that requires their use and, therefore, management.


85 Rural poor have been, in many cases, removed fr om historic practices that allowed for a successful, albeit subsistence, way of life through the process of globalizat ion (Barrera Brassols & Zink 2004; also refer to Chapter on Purhpe cha history). Livelihood ac tivities were based on local resource availability and trade with nearby communities. Th eir livelihood strategies were not based on a greater market access and soci opolitical limitations from a large central government. Sustainability as a Compromise According to the W orld Resources report (2000 ), there is consistency between areas high in biodiversity and rural poor. This has been c onsidered an impetus for development programs that integrate the local natural resource base with live lihood strategies in or der to conserve the natural environment thus ensu ring long-term stability (Shakl eton et al. 2007). The general consensus is that sustainable commercializati on of local, natural resource products is an important vector for this to be achieved (S hackleton et al. 2007, Scherr et al. 2004, IDS 2006). Although many sources refer to poverty as the impe tus for resource dependence, it seems more appropriate to frame it in the cont ext of the greater production syst em. It is well researched that most of the worlds rural poor are dependent on lo cal natural resources fo r their subsistence and household economy (Shackleton et al. 2007; ID S 2006; Belcher 2005; Scherr et al., 2004; Belcher et al. 2004; Arnold 2001; Narendran et al., 2001; Godoy et al., 2000; Sherr 2000). In areas of high biodiversity and natural resource w ealth, this fundamentally means that the basic elements are present to assure food security, livelihood diversity and sustainable development. Restrictions, however, are placed on activities and development of communities not based on local resource availability but by land tenure laws, political boundaries and government policy having little or nothing to do with on local conditions, traditions or knowledge (Shackleton et al.


86 2007; IDS 2006; Scherr 2000). This perpetuates the aforementioned d isconnect between peoples basic needs, sustainable livelihoods a nd the greater sociopoliti cal infrastructure. Kuyvenhoevn (2004) expresses the need for a legal framework for the enforcement of contracts in the market system that must be provided by the state. He goes on to discuss how inappropriate interventions by the state can be very destructive environmentally and socially. An example to revisit would be the removal of fertilizer subsidies in Africa. Public works infrastructure is also an issue that must be approached taking local ci rcumstances into account. The inappropriate construction of public works in frastructure in environmentally fragile areas that would be seriously damaged by wider access and settlement wh ich is evident, for example, in the Brazilian rainforest (Laurance 1998; Tu rner 1996). There is also the danger of oversubsidizing activities th at cannot be locally sustained crea ting dependence on external funds and environmental use practices that are unsuitable for the area as in South Africa in the 1980s (Kuyvenhoven 2004; OMeager et al. 2001). The issue of government-generated market pr ice distortions cannot be overlooked. Market prices rarely adequately reflect environmental costs and benefits associated with market products and are undervalued not only by the market dictates but also by local pro ducers who have little flexibility to take these costs and benef its into account (Kuyvenhoven 2004). A problematic result of this is that even when market acce ss is improved, the producers gain more by growing or selling what is commercially valuable withou t taking into consideration environmental impact because of this. A clear compromise would be policy and development programs that reflect the local environmental and social circumstances in needs assessments, development programs and policy definition.


87 A term that has been used liberally in the la st twenty years sustainability will be used here in the context of sustainable development. For the purposes of th is discussion the term sustainable development is defi ned as ensuring the indefinite pe rpetuation of a natural resource in its use and management while contributing in no way to the detriment of the environment in which it is found nor to the indivi duals (in a eco-biological contex t) who utilize it in order to meet basic and future needs. To extend that definition of sustainable deve lopment to sustainable livelihood, the definition adapte d by the IDS team in Scoones IDS Working Paper 72 was adopted: A livelihood comprises the capabilities, as sets (including both material and social resources) and activities requi red for a means of living. A liv elihood is sustainable when it can cope with and recover from stresses and shocks, maintain or enhance its capabilities and assets, while not undermining the natu ral resource base. (also see Fig. 5-3) An area where these issues of development, market and natural resource management dovetail is the natural product trade. Since the in troduction of the concept of sustainability in the 1980s, some attention has been given to deve loping links between conservation of local resources and the natural product trade (Shaklet on et al. 2007). Liveli hood diversification in rural communities is often based on risk mitig ation and to improve standards of living and dependent on local natural resource s (Kunyenhoven 2004, Hildebrand and Schmink 2004, Tarasaki et al. 2004, Ellis 1998). These activi ties range from seasonal production (due to seasonal availability) and raw vs. processed materials (produce vs. skilled craf t products) to emergency use as a fall back in the event of s carcity or disturbance (n atural disaster, economic) (Shackleton et al. 2007; McSweeny 2004; Takasaki et al. 2004). It has also been asserted that natural product trade is one of the few low barrier and direct links that th e rural poor (particularly


88 women) have to the income generating market (Shackleton et al. 2007; Shackleton & Shackleton 2004; Campbell et al. 2002). This kind of trade can act as a buffer betw een the sectors involv ed in bilateral and multilateral management that resu lt in a global market. There are many examples in Africa and Latin America where these products have secured the welfare of even th e most marginalized rural poor, yielding financial and non-financial benefits (Shackle ton et al. 2007; Marshall et al. 2006; Shackleton & Shackleton 2004; Campbell et al. 2002; Ashley & Maxwell, 2001). A development plan based on livelihood divers ification through su stainable, natural product trade results in a more solid compromise between market dictates and political ambition. A more responsible approach to rural deve lopment and resource management, taking local resources and their total value into account creates a valuatio n that incorporates ecological opportunity costs and social capital. Since diversification is an im portant element of a stable economy (national, community or household), biodiversity becomes integral in the development process as a means for assuring ecological as well as socioeconomic resi lience. This requires that conservation oriented approaches to natura l resource trade and management be adopted in order to assure long-term sustaina bility of the resources and the livelihoods that depend on them.


89 Table 5-1. Mexico: indicators of tariff protection by percentage; Tornell and Esquivel, 1997.


90 Figure 5-1. Taken from Roig-Franzia 2008, M exicans get less aid from immigrants The Washington Post.


91 Figure 5-2. A framework for sustainabl e rural livelihoods taken from Scoones (1998).


92 CHAPTER 6 METHODS Diversification is a com mon way that rural hous eholds strategize to ach ieve some level of economic resiliency (refer to External pres sures chapter). Recognizing and supporting this diversity is instrumental in determining the fact ors that contribute to th e success or failure of a development program. Development program is de fined here as a proposed modification of the livelihood system. Livelihood system is defined as the composite of activities available to all households within a community from which to choose to secure their household livelihoods (Hildebrand 1980). When considering development programs it is necessary to take this diversity external influences into account in order to ensure that a proposed development program does not fail over time due to poor internal s upport, and/or systemic limitations within and without the greater livelihood system--i.e. market access, political support, etc. (refer to External pressures chapter). Many development programs overlook the essential diversity of livelihood activities needed for the long term ecological and economi c survival of communities. It is this diversity that makes them more resilient to external market change s and influences as well as local disturbances (drought, plague, etc.). It also means that, wh ere poverty is rampant (especially where there is natural resource diversity), alternatives are imperative for household and ecological sustainability. Researchable Problem and Objectives This study was designed to find a way to determin e the v iability of introducing an activity like commercializing orchids in a rural livelihood system in order to avoid as many of the historic development pitfalls as possible. In this community and others there is a need to improve the livelihood system (mainly production) to alleviate poverty, community


93 fragmentation and ecological pressure. Also, b ecause this is a proposed project that would require a number of years to generate money due to the reproductive characteristics of the orchids, it was necessary to perform an ex ante analysis. The project objectives are as follows: a. to determine the viability of the additi on of orchid culture for both commercial and conservation purposes in a rural community ba sed on their current liv elihood strategies by employing the methodology of Ethnographic Linear Program modeling. b. to determine the viability of an orchid cu ltivation activity based on resource availability, historic success and traditional knowledge for commercial development. It is hypothesized that, if an ex-situ production system is created that takes into account a households current livelihood stra tegies, then a households discretionary income will be increased by the modification of an orchid growing activity if deemed viable by the ex-ante analysis developed through ELP modeling. This w ill in turn influence conservation efforts (both in-situ and ex-situ ) once established. It is important also to consid er that what is viable for one household, or certain household members, is not necessarily viable for all households or all members. This makes an ex-ante viability determination a necessary and useful tool to avoid undermining the livelihood system developed over time by communities. Chambers (1997) argued that the only feasible approach to poverty and livelihood analysis was by allowing the people themselves to define the criteria which are important which increas es the likelihood of success. Sondeo The Sondeo m ethodology is an informal but struct ured interview type originally developed at the Guatemalan Institute of Agricultural Science and Technology (ICTA) to more thoroughly gather information in relation to agricultural sy stems where technological a lternatives were being


94 considered and promoted (Hildebrand 1981). It is a methodology ideal for interdisciplinary studies as it incorporates a number of researchers of various backgrounds to conduct the semistructured interviews in teams. This ensu res a more thorough and less biased obtaining of information that results in a more objective assess ment of the interaction between the agro-socioeconomic circumstances in the community and the resources on which it is dependent. A Sondeo is a practical means for acquainting researchers with the research area as a system-instead of focusing on one specific facet that does not incorporate all factors in the local decision-making process. The Sondeo can also high light the limitations to certain activities that may exist but that are not obvious to the outside observer. It also serves to illustrate the framework that makes up the greater livelihood sy stem. According to Hildebrand (1981), it was useful to determine the homogeneity of farming systems to discover the adjustments that were common to farmers in the system. It is also us eful for determining the boundaries of a diverse livelihood system and clarify th e limitations that community me mbers confront when choosing activities to secure their househol d livelihood strategies. For this reason it was considered ideal for this project as an orientation tool. In order to initiate the Sondeo, four multi-disc iplinary teams of two researchers per team were organized to interview all willing househol ds in the community. Each team was rotated before each interview day and interviewed as ma ny households as were possible in the workday period. Participant interviewers ranged from a so cial scientist, botanist, ecologist, sustainable technology specialist, agriculturalist, to university students with a focus in biology and agriculture. The intervie ws were focused on the elements that make up and affect the livelihood system. Once the interviews were concluded ea ch working day, they were discussed among all members and the interview topic was refocused fo r the next outing. Once all interviews were


95 completed, a brief report was corroborated and discussed among all members of the interview teams. This report served to summarize the community livelihood system and focus subsequent interviews specifically to the information needed to complete the ELP model. The variables, constraints and resources were specified in more in-depth questioning of interviewees (particularly families that voiced interest in pa rticipating in the project) once the Sondeo was completed. Linear Programming Linear programm ing has been used since the 1950 s in order to maximize (or minimize) an objective, subject to a set of speci fic constraints (Dorfman, 1951). It was initially used to help farmers determine better farm management practi ces and to augment their profits (Heady 1958). The method optimizes the allocat ion of constrained resources (i.e. land, labor, capital) in potential alternative combinations. Bernard (2000) defines Ethnographic methods as causal analyses that predict what kinds of choices people will make under specific circum stances. Here, the term ethnographic is being interpreted as a way to approach understanding a human system by looking at the decisions that were made in the recent past and are likely to co ntinue to be made in the same manner (based on slowly changing local circumstances and consistent limitations), in the future. This creates a pattern of predictability that allows for fu rther (and more specific) predictions on how any change or modification would impact the general system or its component parts. The Ethnographic Linear Programming (ELP) mode l is based on these premises but uses specific information regarding th e decisions made in a household. ELP is a basic tool for the economic and ethnographic analysis of a livelih ood system based on household decision-making and local economy.


96 It is assumed that the criteria will be similar in making fu ture decisions. Where the ELP model methodology incorporates the term model it is not a purely stochastic mathematical model This model is a descriptive and predictive tool based on the actual activities that a given household or community participates in. This is a method that ac ts as an intermediary by giving a quantifiable element to what has traditionally been considered purely qualitative and therefore less precise or predictable The basic mathematical description of linear programming is as follows: Max (or min): P= CjXj (j = 1. .n) Subject to: AijXj <= Rj (i = 1. .m) Xi >= 0 P is the variable objective to be maximized (or minimized); Cj is the cost (debit) or returns (credit) of Xj (each of the n activities); Aij is the set of input or out put coefficients for each activity (j) and resources or constraints (i) and R is the set of total minimum or maximum constraints or restrictions. P frequently represents the end of y ear, discretionary cash available to the household and was used for this purpose in this study. ELP Model When it becam e evident that the ideal approach would be an ex-ante determination of viability, the Ethnographic Linear Program ming (ELP) model became methodologically significant (Hildebrand et al. 2003). This ex-ante analysis creates a deta iled description of the livelihood system of the community without falli ng prey to the assumptions common in general economic analyses. It is also consistent with fundamental elements outlined in the Sustainable Livelihood Framework developed by the Institute of Developmental Studies (IDS) and elaborated by Scoones (1998).


97 The ELP modeling of a potentially sustaina ble livelihood system based on the actual community livelihood system is a gentler and more pr actical alternative to th e previous trial and error method of resource management. ELP m odeling was designed to specify the variables and constraints of the people invo lved in the research program while taking into consideration local resources-along with their po tential and limitations. This ensures that, even with ample room for error, the communities (and/or those suggesting livelihood modification) will obtain an educated preview of how a proposed modification might impact a li velihood system be before its implementation. It is a powerful tool through which the ex ante viability determination of a sustainable livelihood modifi cation plan is utilized as a guide in order to avoid wasting precious time and limited resources in rural communities, w ith broad applicability throughout the world. ELP modeling takes into account not only the diversity in household livelihood activities but also the diversity in variables that impact the participation in each households activities and resources. Since the communities are made up of diverse households (based on household composition, gender disaggregation, economic stability, skills, access, etc.), what might be viable for one household will not be viable for all house holds in a community. While this is intuitive many development programs have not, historically, ta ken this into account. It is often assumed that one activity will be appr opriate for all community member s or even enough to contribute substantially to the local econom y based on widespread participat ion and is frequently based on using averages. Averaging makes the assumption that all households are similar and will respond in the same way. It is also important to menti on that the model (as a reflection of the actual system used by a household) is a way to quantify th at which has historically been considered entirely qualitative This means, based on the previous and consiste nt decisions that are made by a household, one


98 can ascertain what changes and in what quantit ies would be necessary to the current livelihood system to render any modification viable-or not. Specifically, with resp ect to the current study, it is possible to see how the current activities would be impacted by the addition of the commercialization of the endemic orchids, as pr oposed. This saves the households that are interested in participating (as well as the comm unity) a great deal of time and resources (both natural and social) by having an ex-ante determination versus an analys is after the fact. In this way, various policy and production alternatives can be tested in th e virtual ELP system giving an educated approximation of how th e actual system might respond. Th is also has implications for the delicate community economy which would not suffer the impacts of trial and error (i.e. limited resources that could have been reserved for other activities or conserved for future use-land, labor, money, etc.). It also allows program developers to ta rget specific economic domains. This is especially pertinent where development programs have a history of being implemented with low success rates and large de bt accrual as a result (not to me ntion the natural resources that were exhausted in the process). Historic use of this methodol ogy demonstrates a diverse util ity due to its fundamental function as a descriptive tool with the ability to project certain impacts a nd outcomes. Its utility on a more general scale lies within the struct ure of the methodology itself. It supplies a framework (matrix) that is situational (as we ll as circumstantial, as necessary) but broadly applicable. This means the method can be us ed anywhere, under any circumstances and still have useful predictive ab ilities based on what is available to th e people in the research area. In fact, ELP and linear programming modeling ha ve been used on several occasions in sustainability studies, comparing agro-ecosyst em management practic es and production over


99 multiple spatial and temporal scal es (Davis et al. 2007; Thangata et al. 2007; Cabrera et al. 2004; Breuer 2003; Mudhara et al. 2003; Turner et al. 2002; Raja et at.1997). It is a predictive model due to its projective capabilities based on what is entered into the model. This makes it very us eful as factors like changing household composition, production potential and other factors (lik e production time) can be taken into account over successive years, thus its predictive ability for specific activities as well as how they would be impacted by a development program. This method was employed to understand the basis of the diverse livelihood system and how modifying household liv elihood strategies (or activities) with an additional livelihood activity would impact the households. Once the specific information is gathered, it is in tegrated into a matrix in a spreadsheet in the Excel program of Microsoft Office that includes the minimum quantity of products necessary to continue th e current livelihood status of the house hold, and what variables affect it (including seasonality, labor availa bility, market changes, etc). Labor and expenditures that are necessary for household subsistence are taken speci fically into account. Then the Excel Solver function (found in the program tools) performs hundr eds of iterations of all the variables in all possible combinations until the objective as specified by the modeler is maximized (or minimized) In the current model, end cash refers to the discretionary cash that is left after necessary expenses are met (necessary referring to those expenses rela ting directly to the maintenance of the household). The rows hold the input-output coefficien ts related to the livelihood system ( e.g., labor, consumption, production, land allocation for certain activities, etc.). Rows also include the amount of cash necessary to complete each activit y as well as accounting rows for consumption. In this model (since discretionary cash has been delineated as the objective to be maximized), the

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100 maximization function is used in Solver in order to seek the combination of variables that will result in the greatest amount of end-year discre tionary cash. However, anything in the model can be maximized or minimized, from end cash a nd crop production to catt le production, labor and leisure time. In this model, the end cash is maximized. It is important to note that once a model is cr eated, it is still useful as long as the livelihood system remains generally consistent. It can also be modified as necessary as new inputs and outputs appear. The Variables and Constraints Input tables were used to enter data rela ted to household composition and consumption directly into the model without ha ving to recalculate and enter the data into the matrix for each change in household composition (Table 6-1). This made modeling each household easier and left less room for human error in the transfer of information. Below is the family composition of Household 5. The example tables are ta ken directly the household analyses. Household composition influences labor availability and consumption greatly as they contribute differently to both. Aged family me mbers are considered like children as they are able to give very little support and still require resources be it from the household income or time that might otherwise be devoted to household or production labor. They are comparable across labor, consumption and monthly expenses to childr en and are therefore considered the same for analysis purposes. Elderly household members are considered able to co ntribute approximately the equivalent of an adolescent family member (T able 6-1). In order to categorize each member group, it was necessary to determine the ages that were appropriate per category (Table 6-2). Family or household compositions in the results section are re presented as numbers to the side of the household number (c reated for anonymity), for example HH 1 1 2 0 1 0. The first number represents the number of Adult Males, the second repr esents the number of Adult

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101 Females, and so on (refer to household composition table 6-1). This numeric representation will appear next to the corresponding household numbe r when discussing individual households, for convenience. Labor refers to the amount of human days that a given household composition category can expect to contribute per unit of time. The to tal hours devoted to an activity are broken into 8 hour segments that represent days worked in re ference to a given activity. The total available labor was determined for males by the total amou nt of labor they could contribute based on 8 hour workdays, 6 days a week. Female labor, ho wever, was the available labor after household reproduction activities were completed. Children and the aged are consider ed a labor drain as they require care and maintenance but cannot contribute to household labor activities. This information was placed into the correspond ing activity column in the matrix from the labor input table (Table 6-3). For practical purp oses the time units used were increments of two months: Period I represents January-February, peri od II represents March-April, etc. Because labor and consumption vary cons istently between the gender groups in the various households, they are gender disaggregated. The livelihood ac tivities are also generally (although not always) gender disaggregated. The labor availability ta ble is connected direc tly into the household composition table so that the amount of total male and female labor is household composition specific. The bottom row named total labor signifies the labor ava ilable based on household composition. It is this value th at is connected to the matrix. The Consumption table (Table 6-4) works much the same way that the labor table does. The amount that each adult male consumes of a given product is multiplied by the total number of adult males in the household (the same is applied to each of the other household member categories) and then totaled for each consumption category (i.e. maz [corn], frijol [beans], etc.)

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102 and linked directly into the available resource column in the model for inclusion in the Solver function. Table 6-5 is based on a linear regression of expenses per household member category per two month time period to tie expenses to house hold composition and enter it directly into the model. Using this regression, a close appr oximation of the monthly expense per household member category was determined using data fr om 31 interviewed households in the community.In cases where external influences are pertinent, for example consistent remittances, those are incorporated as a part of the monthly family cash. In the case of inconsistent remittances, the months of low discretionary cash are the months in which remitt ances are added to act in the model as they do in the household economy-as a stabilizing factor during times of cash shortage. In the elaboration of the livelihood system model, certain actions were taken to ensure that the impacts of the orchid activity in the scenar ios that were performed would be consistent. First, the livelihood activities th at are currently part of each individual household strategy are fixed in the Excel Solver so that they do not exceed the maximum dictated by the original data collected. The value is set, however, as less than or equal to the demand so that the influence that the orchid activity has can be measured in relation to which activity is prioritized. Environmental or demand limitations (as in the case of fishing, music activity and tortilla selling) are taken into account in the solver itself so that the model does not exceed certain levels that, in reality, are restricted by limited availabili ty or demand (which can mean ability for others to pay for the goods or services or envi ronmental supply limitation making the product unavailable beyond a certain quantity). Because of over-fishing and pollution in Lake Ptzcuaro, the number of fishermen and the quantity of fish that can be taken from the lake is severely

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103 limited to personal consumption and many are limited to certain times of year that they can fish. For this reason, the fishing activity was set to no more than 10% of what is caught as this reflects the catch limit due to low fish populations. Due to limited local demand, activities (like selling tortillas, the music activity, carpe ntry, etc.) are constrained by the demand within the community as expansion of these activities is currently infeasible due to travel cost s and common availability of these services elsewhere. It was also necessary to restrict th e household models to the original activities in which the individua l households participate due to low demand and surplus labor. This is due to the models tendency to utilize all available labor in activities that earn the most cash per day of labor. This demand constraint is taken into account directly in the Solver function of Excel. In this way, the livelihood strategies employed by each household in the livelihood system are individually recreated so that th e impact of the addition of an alternative activity (or activities) can be estimated. All ap proximations or speculati ons were conservative. The orchid activity data that was used in the ex -ante analysis in the li velihood strategies of the individual households was loosely based on the orchid cultivation activity developed by ECOSUR and Damon (2005) in Chiapas, Mexico (refer to Orchid chapter). The methodology includes either individual, household shade houses or, in the case of Damon (2005) a communal shade house (this is dependent on community and cultivator prefer ence). The labor requirements were calculated based on the same project resu lting in higher labor requi rements during the first year and slightly lower and more consistent labor in subse quent years, once the plants are established, seeds are collected and the environmen t is created for their care and development in the community (refer to ELP models and Table 66). The costs were calculated based on fuel, transportation and material costs for plant maintenance that resulted in approximately 600 pesos

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104 in start up costs. Initial invol vement by the university is requir ed and the costs incurred by the University were not considered as they would be under university protocol and research project funding. University involvement in the initial orchid propagati on is instrumental if seed propagation is the method of choice to minimize fu rther impact on wild orchid communities as they provide laboratory faciliti es and professional involvement. The orchid activity was adde d into the livelihood system after the modeled livelihood system was calibrated. When credit was added for orchid production, it wa s necessary to set the male and female credit cells less than or equal to the amount of orchid activity so as not to take credit for other activities (see Appendix A). Two scenarios were explored to determine what level of participation in the orchid activity could be expected. One considered that initi ation of the activity ha d no cost to producers (EPWCP) and the other involved associated startup costs with credit (SUCC) at 15% interest compounded over 3 years. An analysis was performed over 6 years and the outcome was comparable so that the initial 3 year analysis was elected. The orchid activity is not set to generate income until the third year in the three year models and in the 6th year in the 6 year model as the orchids take between 2 to 5 years to reach reproductive maturity. The cash earned from the orchid activity is a conservative estim ate based on the lowest amount that the plants bring when sold in the markets (210 peso s per 2 month period per 100 plants).

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105 Table 6-1. An example of househol d composition input table for HH 5. Family Composition Adult Male 1 Adult Female 3 Elderly/Adolesc. Male 0 Elderly/Adolesc. Female 0 Aged/Children 2 Table 6-2. Age classification for house hold composition as used in this thesis. Children 0-12 Adolescent 13-18 Adult 19-69 Elderly 70-80 Aged 81 and up Table 6-3. Labor availability across household member categories and unit time (available days per two month time period). Labor Availability Unit of time (per 2 mo. period) in days I II III IV V VI Adult Male 55 55 55 55 55 55 Adult Female 22 22 22 22 22 22 Elderly/Adolesc. Male 30 30 30 30 30 38 Elderly/Adolesc. Female 22 22 22 22 22 22 Aged/Children -5 -5 -5 -5 -5 -5 Total Male Labor 55 55 55 55 55 55 Total Female Labor 46 56 56 56 56 56

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106 Table 6-4. Example of household consumption requirements input table. Consumption Unit of time (yr.) Masa (kg) Frijol (kg) Charal (kg) Acumara (kg) Leche (kg) Adult Male 300 72 35 35 140 Adult Female 250 68 30 30 140 Elderly/Adolesc. Male 300 72 35 35 140 Elderly/Adolesc. Female 250 68 30 30 140 Aged/Children 150 50 20 20 140 Total 1350 376 165 165 700 Table 6-5. Example of regression results of bimonthly household e xpenses input table. Table 4: Gastos (regression) Unit of time (2mo.) Adult Male (AM) 92.93958 Adult Female (AF) 422.8771 Elderly/Adolesc. Male (E/AM) 0 Elderly/Adolesc. Female (E/Af) 0 Aged/Children (A/Ch) 404.8728 Total 920.685 Table 6-6. Labor requirements for orchid activity per period. Labor Requirements for Orchid activity (days) Year 1 Year 2-3 Period I (Jan-Feb) 8 8 Period II (Mar-Apr) 8 8 Period III (May-Jun) 14 8 Period IV (Jul-Aug) 8 8 Period V (Sep-Nov) 12 8 Period VI (Nov-Dec) 14 8

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107 CHAPTER 7 THE PARTICIPATING COMMUNITY: OPONGUIO The vast m ajority of the information contained in this chapter comes from the interviews and subsequent personal communication after th e completion of the Sondeo. San Jos Oponguio is located at 19 36' 0" North, 101 40' 30" West and falls within the municipality of Erongaricuaro which extends from Quir oga to Ptzcuaro, approximately 242.67 km2 (Fig. 7-1). The name, Oponguio, means place to rest in the Purhpecha language. This area is known for local production of crops like corn, beans, peaches, avocado, cherries ( Prunus salicifolia ), figs ( Ficus carica ), apricot and cherimoya ( Anona cherimolia ). It also falls within the zone known for its lumber, woodworking, pottery and hand embr oidery. The products pr oduced for sale are: milk, tortillas, corn, beans, beef, lamb pork, goat, and some crafts, for example petate mezcal and hand-embroidery. There are 400 people in the community of Oponguio that make up approximately 80 families. The community is broken up into four barrios (or concentrations of houses): La Hacienda, La Cancha Los Bautistas, and Las Palmas. Not a great deal is known about them. Only the stories that are passed down from ol der members of the community throughout the generations provide hi storic information. La Hacienda is the oldest of the barrios (Fig. 7-2). The older community members talk about it having been a functional hacienda having been owned by a very wealthy man and his family (Mejia) and established be fore the revolution of 1910. The hacienda system forced the local indigenous people to work under the wealthy ow ners with the idea that they would work off their debt and eventually own their allotted parcel of land. This was often done through sharecropping and was equated with indentured servitude. The hacienda system hugely influenced the mix of European and indigenous culture that is still present today.

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108 La Cancha is the next oldest and is also the largest of the barrios. It was founded by the hacienda owners cousin along with several laborers who were able to gain independence from the haciendado (or hacienda owner) after the revolution. It now contains the auditorium, the small church and the primary school (Fig. 7-3, 7-4). The barrio Los Bautistas is named for the family that came to Oponguio from Janitzio (a nearby island in Lake Ptzcuaro). They were the first traditional fishermen to return to the area after the establishment of the hacienda. They were the only family that spoke Purhpecha as a first language (native languages were forbidden in many haciendas). Many in the family still speak Purhpecha. They would come seasonally every year to farm on land that was lent to them in exchange for produce and forage for the land owners cattle. Ev entually, they settled permanently in the barrio Las Palmas is the most recently established of the barrios and is so named for the abundance of palm trees found there. It is notable that it was in this barrio that the first local celebration of the town occurred in honor of Jos Mejia, a me mber of the original founding family. The celebration occurs yearly on the 19th of May on the Day of Saint Josthe patron saint of Jos Mejia and of the community, San Jos Oponguio. Household Goods The m ajority of families from all four barrio s generally go to the markets in Erngaricuaro on Tuesday and to Quiroga on Thursdays as this is the day of the tianguis (the day all venders come together to sell their products in the local market) (Fig. 7-5). Combis (Volkswagen buses converted into micro-buses) or bus es are the means of local trans portation (Fig. 7-6). Travel to either commercial center (Quiroga or Erongaricuaro) takes approxi mately 20 minutes and costs 8 pesos each way.

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109 According to the interviews, residents purchas ed things like: to mato, avocado, lettuce, radish, zucchini and potato that are not grown in the community be cause of the climate. Winter is cold and can even frost for several consecutive days as the community is in the highlands. The majority of the rainfall occurs in the rainy season (June-September) making it too wet for many crops during that time. The soil is also very saline. According to interviews, chicken is consumed more than beef (4 times per week and once a week, respectively). Eggs are generally not cons umed on a regular basis. All of these, when consumed are purchased in the market. The local store stocks the things that house holds run out of quickly like instant coffee, sugar, chili peppers, flour, bread, and sometimes s easonal fruit. In general, the local store sells the products that are in cans or packages with a long sh elf life. The prices at the local store are comparable to the markets and supermarkets in the commercial centers. Agriculture Agriculture as an incom e generating activity wa s once a great deal more prevalent than it is today. It is still the main form of community subsistence accounting for approximately 90% as the vast majority of the people in the comm unity grow and store the produce for household consumption. Land preparation begins in Febr uary, planting begins in June and harvesting occurs in late November to early December. January is a month of rest before preparations for the next year begin again. The staple crops are corn and beans (also Habas a legume), which are often intercropped. Corn is largely used for masa (the flour paste or dough made from the corn that is used for a variety of food products like atole corundas and tortillas ), although the grain can be used for nixtamal (hominy) before grinding. Corn is sometimes used for animal feed and/or rastrojo (the corn plant after the ear of corn is harvested). Surplus beans and corn are sold

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110 locally and in the markets when possible. Also cultivated are wheat, oats, alfalfa, and forage grasses. The farmers no longer plant crops in the same manner as they previously did, due to a government program, ProCampo, that was established in the community which taught them to plant using a form of resource conservation fa rming. This technique was introduced in 2001 by five community members. The other farmers were hesitant in the begi nning but all of them ultimately accepted its utility. The process is locally called labranza de conservacin which employs the use of a machine called dobladence (Fig. 7-8) that serves the purpose of planting, fertilizing and applying pesticide. The machin e was purchased among the farmers in 2001 with a grant from the Instituto Nacional de Investigaciones Forestales, Agrcolas y Pecuarias (INIFAP). It is used communally by the farmers and a schedule is decided based on size of plot and need. After the initial planting and a pplication of chemicals, there are two more fertilizing events once in July and once in August. The previous method used by farmers prior to this one required a great deal more manual labor, time and inputs. According to a local farmer, when the two methods are compared after the initial cost of the machinery, the previous cropping method cost approximately 2800 pesos, while the new method resu lts in a cost of approximately 1800 pesos. Labor and costs are considerably lower with the second method but productivity is the same. According to the local farmers, this method sa ves resources as well by working with the right quantities of fertilizer, pesticide, seed and season. Three families have gardens, one of whom grows avocado and the rest have home gardens that produce lettuce, chili peppers various greens, and herbs fo r cooking that include mint,

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111 cilantro, cumin, marjoram, etc. These gardens are for family consumption and not for sale. They are sometimes shared, particularly between and among family households. Wild Plants Various plants are harvested in the w ild. Th e staple plant is Nopal (Prickly Pear), an Opuntia sp. of cactus native to Mexico. According to the information gathered in the interviews, 20 of the pencas (platyclades) are harvested every two weeks. This is likely a dietary staple due to its high nutritional value and even medicinal benefits. They contain vitamin A, vitamin C, vitamin K, riboflavin, vitamin B6, magnesium, potassium, and manganese, as well as iron and copper (Sawaya et al. 2005). They are also believed to lower the glycemic effect of certain foods and particularly benefit diabet ics (Frati et al. 1990). It is not known locally how extraction impacts the wild populations but it does not appear to have caused any sc arcity of the Nopales. Wild greens are also collected for dietary consumption ( e.g., verdolagas, acelgas, quelites and certain species of fungi). Some of the green s are cultivated in home gardens or simply in plant pots near the home. A few herbs are collected for their medicinal benefits and are commonly cultivated around the home for example, chamomile (ex. Anti-inflammatory and calming agent), gordolobo ( Gnaphalium spp.) (ex. for blood circulation, anti-inflammatory), mint (ex. for stomach discomfort and as an herb), Camelina spp (ex. teas and food) eucalyptus (ex. colds), borraja (Borago officinalis), epasote (Chenopodium ambrosioides), arnica (ex. joint health) and passiflora (ex. anxi ety). Aloe ( Savila spp. ) and Maguey ( Agave sp.) are often used to treat animals for superficial wounds and skin irritations. Some cooking spices can be both collected and cultivated around the home like laur el, anis, marjoram and rosemary.

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112 Cattle Cattle do no t represent a prevalent activity in the community but they are a significant one for those who do (Fig. 7-9). Five families participate in this activity. Of the five families that rely on cattle as their primary income generating activity, only one has a herd larger than four animals. There are others that have one anim al for milk and dairy products to supplement the household diet and as a limited source of cash. Sometimes the dairy products are purchased or traded. Neither dairy nor meat ar e staples in this community. Th e animals are sold in June or December mostly in Quiroga and secondarily in Erongaricuaro and sometimes in Ptzcuaro. Usually no more than two animals are sold per year as the herds are small and they are sold in the commercial centers outside of the community. One animal can bring in (depending on the market) around 5,000 pesos. They are not sold in side the community as they are considered primarily a cash-generating activity and not a food item. Fishing One of the activities that was once prevalent in the lake-side communities but has been seriously limited by over consumption and lake contamination is fishing (Fig. 7-10, 7-11, 7-12). Previously, fishing was a stable livelihood activ ity for two-thirds of the people who live in communities around the lake for centuries. Now th ere are approximately 30 fishermen and often there are not enough fish to keep fishing as a viab le livelihood by itself. In general, the native fish are Charral ( chrostoma spp .), Acumara ( Algansea lacustris), and the endemic White Fish ( Chirostoma estor ). Carp, Mojarra and tilapia are non-native species that are also fished from the lake. There are only three fishermen who fish year round, the rest fish between January and May (particularly during Lent). Usually 300 kilos of fish per fisherman are taken out of the lake each fishing season and the fish that br ing in the best market price are C harales, Acumara and M ojarra The native fish population of Lake Ptzcuar o has suffered greatly in the last thirty

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113 years. The non-native species were introduced into the lake to help cut down eutrophication (a serious problem in the lake) and alleviate pressure on native species Most of the fished species are natives due to the higher price and market demand as the others are more common and easier to acquire. Those who fish often do it at night, pa rticularly during the mating of the acumara, which are harvested young and still relatively small (appr oximately the size of a large sardine or small herring) during lent. Education The general education level of people between the ages of 60-80 is prim ary school (grades K-4). The average education level of those between the ages of 40-60 is secondary school (grades 5-8) and average educat ion level for those between the ages of 30-40 is high school (grades 9-12). However, education level is rarely a priority for those who wish to stay in the community as there are few jobs that require skilled labor and can pay for a higher skill level within the community itself. There is also a financial barrier for those who have low household income levels and are not eligible for gran ts and scholarships (which are few and very competitive) in order to continue on to higher education. The community has a primary school located in the barrio La Cancha. However, children must travel to San Andrs (a nearby commun ity approximately 5 km distance) to attend secondary school. They must travel to Quir oga (approximately 20 km) to attend high school. Public school is free to atte nd but requires expenses like unifo rms and school supplies costing around 500 pesos per year and add itionally 50-60 pesos per week, per student for things like supplies and food. In order to attend colleges or universities, student s generally travel to Morelia. In a few cases, students will study in Guadalajara and Mexico City where the largest universities are located. Ones academic specialty determines the school that one attends. The

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114 costs associated with college are between 300-600 pesos per w eek and are dependent on the academic focus ( e.g ., teaching totals 300-400 pesos while biology averages 500-600 pesos per week). According to local statistics, of 10 student s, one or two finish a two-year degree ( carrera ) while most complete the seconda ry school or high school level. Employment Many of the jobs created in the com munity are services provided to other community members like construction/carpentry, gardening/la wn care, house cleaning, waiting tables in local restaurants, cooking, day laborers, livestock hand, field laborer, tortilla making, construction/carpentry, yard-work, agriculture, etc. There are also several areas of entrepreneurship like store-keepers, restaurants, Mezcal production (from local agaves), etc. There are also farmers whose activ ities are discussed more in dept h in the secti on on agriculture. The restaurants employ 22 people from the comm unity. Twelve of the employees have permanent, full-time employment while the rest wo rk when there is need-most frequently on weekends and holidays. The first restau rant opened 18 years ago and started as a cocina econmica. This means that it was a very small esta blishment that was run out of the home kitchen. The other restaurant opened 11 years ago in the Hacienda barrio in much the same way. Since then two others have opened in the la st five years. They a ll take advantage of the lake view and tourists who util ize the scenic highway on their way to Ptzcuaro, Erongaricuaro, Quiroga and Morelia. A group of eight local musicians play music generally twice a monthquince-aos, birthdays, holidays, etc. The instruments are varied: guitar, mandolin, violin, base, trumpet, clarinet, trombone, saxophone and drums. Members are taught in neighboring San Andrs or by a local music teacher. Three members sing and groups are formed depending on circumstance and availability of members. The musicians prac tice regularly and only in their spare time. The

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115 demand for musicians is limited to local need and can be cost prohi bitive (travel, instruments, etc.). During large community celebrations and certain family functions they will sometimes volunteer their services. This is a supplemental but signifi cant livelihood ac tivity and most musicians devote the majority of their av ailable labor to more consistent jobs. Some community members are employed outside of the community. A wide variety of outside jobs exist which generally require some level of education or skill: office work, teachers, administrators, architects, engine ers, veterinarians, health care workers administrative assistants and advertisers. One of the women in the comm unity is a nurse and travels five hours to work weekly, staying in the area where she works dur ing the week and coming home on weekends. Others work on the railroad, construction and carpentry in companies or nearby communities when employment is available. Railroad workers are also few in this community as a small crew of people work over an established area of railroad and only two from the community are needed. One of them has worked for the railroad for over 25 years. Artisanal Products The m ain skilled and traditional craft pr oduced in Oponguio involves the weaving of water reeds ( Typha spp.). The water reeds (locally called tule ) grow in the shallow waters near the lake shore (Fig. 7-12 and 7-13). The tule is cut in the month of March for use throughout the rest of the year. It is woven into products and is often made into mats that the Purhpecha traditionally use as beds called, Petate The sleeping mats (they are made in single sizes as well as a full size called matrimonial ) are laid out for sleeping and ro lled up when not in use to take better advantage of habitational space. They can also be used for drying other products like tortillas, pumpkin seeds, corn, etc. in the s un. Other products like baskets, bags and woven animal figures are made out of tule as well and sold in larger markets, along the highway and in tourist centers. They are a mid leve l of labor intensity (one full sized petate taking 3 hours to

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116 complete if woven until finished) and bring in a very low monetary amount (20 pesos per full sized petate and 10 pesos for a bunch of tule ). External Support Programs Several support program s are available to the community members of Oponguio: Tercera edad (for elderly people), Oportunidades (for poor families), and ProCampo (for farmers). Women who are not eligible for Oportunidades but have children in sc hool may be eligible for grants through a governme nt agency, SEDESOL ( Secretara de Desarrollo Social). The programs are briefly detailed as follows: Community members eligible for Tercera Edad are given support for 70% of estimated monthly expenses. Whatever this does not cove r, as it is considered a very conservative estimate, is supplemented by a package of food staples that are given to qualifying individuals every month. Of the community members who farm, a bout 60% have some support coming from ProCampo. This helps with input n eeds and capacity build ing (from extension) for qualifying farmers. The aid they are currently receiving is only from extension. About 85% of the women in the community count on Oportunidades This program gives qualifying (impoverished) mothers 315 pesos every three months. About 15% of the school age children receiv e scholarships through SEDESOL. The rest either have jobs that bring in enough income fo r education (about 5%) or are unable to afford education above primary school. This grant resu lts in 450 pesos per eligible student per school year and covers the cost of attendance for the school year. The clinic in San Andrs gives eligible families medical care covered under their socialized medicine program-although medicat ion is not included and must be purchased through the pharmacy. Four families in the comm unity have elderly persons in the household

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117 who require special care due to chronic illness. For example, there is an elderly woman who needs a wheelchair, supplies and medications. Th e other three require costly medications and their families cannot afford insurance and are not eligible for government aid and are forced to pay for them out of their household cash when possi ble. Otherwise they rely on natural remedies and herbs found locally. Emigration A number of families have left their homes to find work outside the community. Some of them have even left the country and can be ab sent from the community for months, sometimes years at a time. Those that have houses keep th em in the family and th ey are looked after and maintained by family members who stayed in the community or by community members contracted to do so. When possible, the emigrants pay for those services. Limited information was available on this topic as the dynamics of emigration are still being studi ed and it is taboo to discuss it in great deta il with outsiders. Remittances Fa milies that receive remittances are relativ ely few and are spread out among the four barrios. Of the 12 families in La Hacienda barrio six receive sporadic remittances. In La Cancha, six of the 42 families also receive sporadic remittances. Only one of the families receives consistent monthly remittances. In the barrio Los Bautistas, there are six of the eighteen families that also receive sporadic remittances. In the final barrio, Las Palmas there are eight families. Of these eight, two of them receive regular bimonthly remittances. The majority of the family members who send remittances are sending them from the U.S. although there are some who are sending them from large urban centers in Mexico, for example Monterrey and Mexico City.

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118 Homes In gener al, established families live in homes that are already paid for-whether it be through inheritance, building by hand or paying for construction as they go (although many of them are finished as the parents have children w ho are almost grown). Houses can be made of adobe, brick or plywood (Fig. 7-14) The households are usually ma de up of several generations of family members-grandparents, parents and their children. Children live at home in most cases until they marry (and even after), often helping with the maintenance and income of the household. It can also be said th at the larger th e household, the larger the diversity of activities and even more so when children are of working age. Working age is dependent on accessibility to school and usually starts between 13-18 years of age. Livelihood Strategies The vast m ajority of families participate in a variety of activities in order to meet and, when possible, go above the basic household and family needs (Table 7-1). For example, a large number of male family members farm corn a nd beans for household consumption but work in other activities when they are not farming in orde r to generate cash. Ma ny participate in more than one alternate activity on a pa rt-time basis in order to retain flexibility for seasonal labor requirements like farming and fishing. Women are more limited in the activities that they can participate in outside the home than men but also diversify their livelihood strategi es when labor and access allow. Some women make and sell tortillas from surplus masa. Others participate in serv ice oriented activities like house cleaning (particularly for wealthier hom e owners who are only in the community seasonally) or waitressing in the local, family owned restaurants. Some women participate in more than one activity, however the household re sponsibilities lower their available labor for such activities, particularly if they ha ve young children or aged family members.

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119 If remittances are sent back to the household from those who emigrate then they are considered part of the househol d income, especially if they ar e consistent and can be depended on by the household on a regular basis. Many, however, are not consistent as stated earlier in the chapter and act as an economic buffer during times of severe cash shortage. Marginalization According to the Comisin Federal para el Desarrollo de los Pueblos Indgenas (Federal Commission for the Development of Indige nous Communities) (2005), Oponguio, Michoacn, falls in an indigenous area that is considered to represent a midlevel of marginalization (Fig. 716). According to the Miriam Webster dictionary, ma rginalization is to relegate to an unimportant or powerless position within a soci ety or group. Socio-eco nomic marginalization as referenced in the literature takes Miriam-Web sters definition into acc ount as it pertains to rural communities and poverty. Howard (1998) includes the ecologi cal (or resource) aspect of marginalization by saying: Ecological marginalization results from a rapid growth in human population and a degradation in the quality or quant ity of natural resources within the context of an inegalitarian resource regime that denies a portion of th e population regular access to healthy resources. The integration of the environment into the co ncept of marginalization is appropriate in Mexico as it is still a system where the wealthy few own the majority of the fertile, agricultural or building land. This means that land is genera lly utilized in accordance with its market value without taking into account the environmental op portunity costs of exploiting it and limiting who can use it. Land tenure in Oponguio is made up of small pe rsonal properties that were gained by the members of the hacienda over the years after it was no longer operationa l. The rest is still owned by the Mejia family. It is interesting that land and resources are often sh ared in the community.

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120 For example, one familys grazing land can be us ed by another who wishes to farm it. If the farmers leave forage (rastrojo) for the cattle, they can use the land free of ch arge. In another case of private land with community access, approximately 100 ha of forest was set aside in 2005 as protected community forest land by the Mejia family and the Forest Commission. All community members take part in protecting the protected forest land fr om clandestine logging, unsustainable firewood collection, over-collection of herbaceous and flowering plants and forest fires. A reforestation project called Proyecto de Forestacin orga nizes conservation efforts. It was established by the community, the University of Michoacn, and UNAM to ensure sustainable extraction practices, a nd aclareo, a process which aids in the conservation of large, native trees and protects old growth stands by appropriate thinning. According to one community leader, We take care of it because it feels as if it belongs to the whole community even though the Mejia family actually owns it. But everyon e in the community has open access to it with no problem from the owners. We all consider it a community resource. The political organization of this community lends itself to this kind of management as local decisions are agreed upon by the majority of the community of Oponguio. Community meetings are set up monthly to discuss any events or decisions that will involve or impact the community as a whole. This is a remnant of the historic Purhpecha political process. A cooperative was also formed to give commun ity residents access to loans and as a way to save money without having to travel all the wa y to a commercial center ba nk. It is centered in the community of Oponguio but now extends to ei ght other neighboring communities in the area. Sixty eight members live in Oponguio. A savings account (fondo de ahorros) is available where a minimum of 10 and a maximum of 200 pesos mu st be deposited every week in order to

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121 participate. Any loans that are provided accu mulate 3% interest a nd are only given to community members to avoid collection difficulty. This is largely to cover management costs and so that lenders receive a small benefit for part icipation. The interest is given out at the end of every year in December. A members m oney can be withdrawn at any time although a minimum of two to four weeks not ice is required. It is believed that this cooperative has been the difference between a successful liveli hood strategy and extreme poverty for some participating families as it gave them start-up ca pital for activities that augment their household discretionary cash.

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122 Figure 7-1. Map of Oponguio relati ve to Lake Ptzcuaro. A) It is approximately 50 kilometers around the lake; Courtesy of www.segundamano.com Figure 7-2. This is the Hacienda found at the head of the barrio for which it is named. A) It is the original structure and has been kept up since it was built before the Mexican Revolution; Courtesy of the author.

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123 Figure 7-3. The local church ; Courtesy of the author. Figure 7-4. The primary schoo l; Courtesy of the author. Figure 7-5. A local woman selling produce in the large market in Quiroga; Courtesy of the author.

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124 Figure 7-6. Public transportation: A combi ; Courtesy of the author. Figure 7-7. An example of a similar machine to the one used in agriculture. A) It is called the Sembradora de precision (precision planter) and acts similarly to the dobladence ; Courtesy of the author.

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125 Figure 7-8. Cattle grazing rastrojo ; Courtesy of the author. Figure 7-9. Local fisherman, cour tesy of Carlos Villaseor. Figure 7-10. Charales afte r preparation for cooking, courtesy of the author. Figure 7-11. Local fishermen, courtesy of Carlos Villaseor.

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126 Figure 7-12. Woman weaving traditional petate bed. Figure 7-13. Woven baskets and a ssorted crafts for sale in front of a residence; Courtesy of author. Figure 7-14. One of the typical mid-level house s in the community; Courtesy of the author.

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127 Figure 7-14. Map of margin alization and indigenous pr esence, Courtesy of the Comisin Federal para el Desarrollo de los Pueblos Indigenas A) The study area, the municipa lity of Erongaricuaro is demarcated by a red circle between Nahuatzen and Ptzcuaro.

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128Table 7-1. Labor requirement activity calendar for livelihood system. Maize/frijol Cattle Fishing Petate Tortillas Orchids Musico Jardineria trabajo fuera limpieza mesero albanil January February March April May June July August September November December LaborRequirement light medium heavy

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129 CHAPTER 8 RESULTS The results from the two scenarios that we re modeled (as described in the Methods chapter) will be discussed in this section: 1) The earning potential without cost to producers (EPWCP); associated start-up costs. 2) The addition of credit (SUCC) at 15% comp ound interest payable at the end of 3 years along with the option of not using credit. An analysis was performed over 6 years and the outcome was comparable so that the initial 3 year analysis was elected in the interest of practicality and consistency with the previous scenario. In order to test the EPWCP, the revenue started at 560 pesos per two-month period and decreased incrementally by half until reaching 0.000188 pesos. The cash amount used for orchid earnings in the SUCC scenario was a conserva tive 210 pesos for one hundred orchids and over each two-month period as this is the lowest amount that that these orchids bring in the local market. The amount of start-up cost was estimated at 600 pesos (Damon 2005). The household livelihood strategies are briefl y outlined at the beginning of each household section. In the interest of convenience, th e headings for each household will contain the household number followed by the household composition in abbreviated form (ex. HH 1 1 2 0 1 0, as seen below ). The first number represents the num ber of Adult Males, the second represents the number of Adult Females, and so on (refer to household composition table 6-1). This numeric representation will appear next to the corresponding household number when discussing individual households, for convenience. HH 1 1 2 0 1 0 Corn is produced for consumption onl y, which is not uncommon. The females participate in the petate -making activity while the adolescent ma le participates in the part-time

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130 albail (construction/carpentry) activ ity. The male activities were not impacted by the addition of the orchid activity. The livelihood activ ity that was impacted by the orchid activity was the making of petate which is a female activity. The results from the EPWCP scenario showed that participation was unaffected by the amount of cash generated by the activity (Appendix A). Males participated equally regardless of how much the activity earned unt il revenue dropped to zero. Fe males produced 453 plants until the activity earned less than 140 pesos per two m onth unit of time. At that point, females dropped production to 385 plants where production stayed until the earning reached zero. Only when the earning potential reached zero was the activity abandoned by the model. Male labor in year 1 was constraining in period III (Table 8-1) because of start-up labor requirements. Years 2 and 3 show a more even and consistent distribution of labor throughout the year and there was no time period when labor was completely used up. More female labor was utilized in year 2 and 3 than in year 1 (Table 8-1). Unus ed female labor was at a minimum in period VI and was non-existent in year 1. In years 2 and 3, unused fema le labor decreased and labor was more evenly distributed as the females participated more in the orchid activity than the petate activity. Male and female labor are lim iting in period III for year 1 effectively determining the limit of participation in the orchid activity. In the SUCC scenario, male participation (103 plants) dropped dramatically to 11 plants when credit decreased from 600 to 500 pesos. Participation by males co mpletely stopped once credit went below 500 pesos (Fig. 8-1). Female participation produced 453 plants when they received full credit. Once credit dropped from 600 to 500 pesos, participation dr opped dramatically to 15 plants. Females continued to participate although participation remained low (10 plants and under) as credit was

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131 reduced (Fig. 8-1). Females part icipated even when there was no credit to cover start-up costs although participation was limited to fewer than 10 plants. In comparing the two scenarios (EPWCP vs SUCC), female participation was higher when the value of the orchids was above 140 pe sos per two month unit of time, producing 453 plants versus 385. HH 4 1 1 0 0 1 In this young household, corn is produ ced for household consumption. The Adult Female participates in the limpieza (house-cleaning) activity part time while the adult male participates in the jardinero (gardening) activity full time. Th e orchid activity did not impact participation in any of the or iginal livelihood activities. The results from the EPWCP scenario showed th at participation in the orchid activity was unaffected by the amount of cash generated by th e activity. Male participation remained constant at 206 plants and fema le participation stayed at 97 plants. Only when the earning potential reached zero was the activity abandoned by the model. Male labor was not constraining for participation in the orchid activity in any of the time periods although it comes closest in period VI of year 1 (38 of a possible 43 days). Years 2 and 3 show a more even and consistent distribution through all time periods (T able 8-2). Between years 1 and 2 male unused labor in creases, particularly in periods III (12 days), V (8 days) and VI (12 days). Labor remains consistent from year 2 to year 3. Participation in the jardinero activity is unaffected by the addition of the orchid activity. Female labor was constraining in period VI of year 1, limiting participation in orchids, however, labor was more consistently and evenly di stributed in years 2 and 3 with the addition of

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132 the orchid activity. The females participation in the limpieza activity was unaffected by the addition of the orchid activity. The SUCC scenario showed that male particip ation decreased as credit decreased (Fig. 82). Initial male participation producing 206 plants dropped to 102 plants when credit was reduced to 300 pesos and continued to drop by a pproximately half each time credit was reduced. Female participation, however, was consistent regardless of credit amount staying at approximately 95 plants. Participation was comparable in both the EPWCP and SUCC scenarios except in the case of male participation once cred it dropped below 400 pesos at wh ich point male participation decreased as credit decreased. HH 5 1 3 0 0 2 In this cash-constrained househol d with abundant fe male labor, male labor is devoted to corn production for sale as well as for consumpti on. Females in this household do not participate in any cash generating activities because there is no demand for their services. Female labor is reduced a bit due to the presence of two children that require labor time. The results from the EPWCP scenario showed that participation fluctuated when orchids brought in between 560 and 8.75 pesos per two m onth unit of time. Female unused labor increased slightly between years 1 and 2 for all periods except V and VI. In periods V and VI between years 1 and 2, unused labor goes up considerably 9 days and 13 days, respectively. Female labor use is consistent between years 2 and 3 for all periods. Because of the cash constraint an relatively abundant labor, this household is ripe for emigration of the male member. However, this may not be possible because in this community women do not produce corn. The SUCC scenario for this household showed that male participation dropped substantially after credit was re duced to 400 pesos and ceased completely after it dropped from

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133 300 pesos. Female participation decreased slig htly when credit dropped to 500 pesos and also ceased after credit dropped below 300 pesos (Table 8-3). Comparing the two scenarios, male particip ation fluctuated as credit decreased and remained relatively constant in the EWPCP scen ario. Females participated equally in the EWPCP and SUCC but only when there was full credit. HH 6 3 1 2 3 0 In this household with abundant male labor, corn is produced for sale as well as for consumption. The males dedicate labor to grow ing and selling corn as well as fishing for consumption. One of the males participates part time in the jardinero activity. Ther e is also one male who lives outside of the household and sends remittances which are consistent and significant to the household income but does not impact consumption or add to available household labor. Females participate in the limpieza activity but no other income generating activity. The remittances that the family receives go to the adult female to cover household expenses. According to the ELP model, the female shares this cash with the male. The remittances, limpieza jardinero and sharing activities were not impacted by the addition of the orchid activity. Corn production, however, goes up 193 kg in year 3 in the EPWCP scenario. In the EPWCP scenario, the participation level for both males and females remained consistent (males producing 414 plants and fema les producing 555 plants) until revenue reached zero, at which point the model abandoned the activity (Appendix A). Male labor was constraining in period II (T able 8-4) thus determining the limit of participation. This is also true in years 2 and 3. Unused female labor was low as the orchid ac tivity raised labor to 86 days in period VI in the first year, which is 2 days under the total avai lable female labor for the household. However, female labor in all periods was c onsistent between years 2 and 3.

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134 The SUCC scenario in this household show ed that female participation dropped dramatically (from producing 555 plants to pr oducing only 4) once cred it decreased from 600 to 500 pesos. Female participation ceased altogether below 50 0 pesos of credit. Male participation decreased when credit dropped from 600 to 500 pesos (from 414 plants to 389 plants). Production decrea sed more dramatically when cr edit dropped from 600 to 500 pesos (389 plants to 110 plants) and ceased co mpletely once credit went below 400 pesos. In comparing the two scenarios, particip ation was the identical between EPWCP and SUCC. However, when credit dropped below 600 pesos, participation also decreases in the SUCC scenario where there is no ch ange in participation in the EPWCP scenario until the cash price for the orchids reaches zero. HH 7 4 3 0 0 0 In this mature household, corn is produced and fish are caught exclusively for household consumption. These are male dominated activities. There is also male labor allotted full time to the jardinero activity and the albail activity quarter time. Female labor is allotted to the limpieza activity. The participation in these activ ities was unchanged by the addition of the orchid activity. The EPWCP scenario showed th at participation in the orchid activity remained constant (408 plants) for the females whil e male participation started at 909 plants and decreased to701 plants when cash generated by the activity droppe d below 560 pesos per two month unit of time. After that drop in credit amount, male participati on stays at 701 plants until the cash earnings reach zero. Male labor was constraining in period III of year 1. In years 2 and 3 labor remained consistent between all periods.

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135 Female labor remained consistent among years in all periods except in periods V and VI where unused labor increased 16 days and 25 days, respectively. Female labor in these periods remained consistent between years 2 and 3. In the SUCC scenario, male participation c eased completely (from 669 plants to zero production) once credit dropped from 600 to 500 pesos (Fig. 5). Fe male participation decreased dramatically (from 408 plants to 19) when credit dropped from 600 to 500 pesos. Once credit dropped below 400 pesos, female participation was nominal showing a production of only 3-4 plants. In comparing the two scenarios, participation by males is lower in the SUCC scenario even with full credit (dropping from 909 pl ants to 687 plants) while female participation is the same at full credit. Both male and female participation d ecreases as credit decreases, while participation remains constant in the EPWCP scenario regard less of cash generated by the orchid activity. HH 8 2 1 0 0 1 In this household with relatively abundant male labor, corn is grown both for both consumption and sale. The males devote their la bor to this activity as well as fishing for consumption and cattle production for sale (as well as for milk for household consumption). One of the males works outside of the community to earn money for the house hold but contributes to household labor and consumption. Female labor is used in the limpieza activity which uses all but 2 days of her available labor (8 days) in year 1 and she has no availabl e labor in years 2 or 3 in period I and comes within a day of using all ava ilable labor in periods II, III, IV and V (Table 8-6). The amount of labor necessary for these activitie s uses all available male labor in period II for all years and all available female labor in period I in years 2 and 3 and leaves one day of

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136 available labor for periods I-V in years 2 and 3. This makes participation in the orchid activity labor constraining and the model is unable to in corporate the orchid ac tivity into the livelihood strategy for this household. HH 16 4 3 0 0 0 In this labor abundant and mature household, corn is grown by males for household consumption. Fishing by males for consumption is also present in this livelihood strategy. The males earn cash by participating in the jardinero and albail activities full time. Females participate in the limpieza activity. The EPWCP simulation showed male and female participation remained constant regardless of the cash amount generated by the activity. Males and females participated almost equally with males prod ucing 400 plants and females producing 408 plants. Labor was not constraining in any time period in any year for males or females, however, females came within two days of th e total available labor (66 days) in period VI in the first year. Female labor remained consistent for all periods except for periods V and VI in year 1. The SUCC scenario showed that males and fe males participate in the orchid activity at the same level as the EPWCP simulation regardless of the amount of credit available. HH 19 0 2 1 0 0 This is a female headed household. The adoles cent male participates in growing corn for consumption. One of the women works as a mesera (waitress) full time and the adolescent male participates in odd jobs ear ning the equivalent of a jardinero working quarter time. According to the ELP model, the females shared cash with the male in the original scenario. However, once the orchid activity is incorporated, females shared with the male until year 3 when he had a surplus and shared with the females.

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137 The results of the EPWCP scenario show that participation in the orchid activity remained consistent for both the male (188 plants) and females (157 plants) so that participation was unaffected by the amount of cash generated by the activity. Only when the earning potential reached zero was the activity abandoned by the model. Available labor fluctuated across periods and across years for both males and females (Table 8-8). In some periods unused labor incr eased substantially. Ma ximum labor was reached in year 1, period VI for females and reached within a day of maximum labor for males in the third year during period VI. The results of the SUCC scenar io show that male participat ion remained consistent (188 plants) regardless of credit amount. Female partic ipation, however, decrease d from 157 plants to 97 plants once the credit amount drops to 300 pesos. Female participation continues to decrease as credit is reduced. The comparison of participation between the tw o scenarios shows that participation in the orchid activity was consistent between the EPWCP and the SUCC scenarios until credit dropped below 300 pesos at which point particip ation decreased as credit decreased. HH 21 2 1 1 0 1 In this household with relatively abundant male labor, several activities that are participated in for household cons umption only: growing corn, m ilk cow and fishing. These are predominantly male activities. The cash generati ng male activities consist of working outside the community ( fuera ), and livestock. The female participates in the limpieza activity to generate cash. The amount of labor necessary for these activit ies uses all available male labor in period II in years 2 and 3 (Table 8-9). Female labor is also constraining as there is less than a full day available in periods I-V for all ye ars. These labor constraints prohibit participation in the orchid

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138 activity and the model does not inco rporate the orchid activity into the livelihood strategy for this household under either scenario. HH 31 2 1 2 0 3 This household has abundant adult and adol escent male labor and highly limiting female labor because of the number of children. Corn is produced and fish are caught exclusively for household consumption. Male labor is devoted to these activities as well as devoting full time labor to the albail activity (construction/carpentry). The female has very little labor available due to the three children that constrain female labor and prior to the orchid activity does not participate in any cash generating activities. The addition of the orchid activity does not impact male participation in the other cash generating ac tivities as the labor devoted to those activities does not change. The results of the EPWCP scenario show that female participation remained constant and low (only producing 16 plants) throughout the th ree year simulation but did not cease until cash value reached zero (Appendix A). Male particip ation, however, remained constant until the cash value per two month approached zero (0.000375 pesos). Male labor is not constraini ng in any time period, even with the addition of the orchid activity(Table 8-10). In fact, unused male labor goes up consider ably in the third year in periods I, II and III. Female labor remained consistent in all periods for year s 2 and 3. There is no unused female labor in period III and VI and only a fraction of a day available in period V in year 1. In years 2 and 3 there is le ss than one day of unused female labor. The results of the SUCC scenar io show that male participat ion decreased from 202 plants to 59 plants as credit was reduced from 600 to 500 pesos (Fig. 8-8). There was a further decline in participation (from 59 to 21 plants) as credit dropped from 500 to 400 pesos. Once credit was

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139 reduced from 300-200 pesos, male participation dropped below 10 plants. Male participation ceased once credit dropped below 200 pesos. Female participation remained low and constant (16 plants) until credit dropped below 200 pesos, at which point female participation dr opped gradually. Female participation, although low, did not cease even when there was no available credit. A comparison of the SUCC and EPWCP scenario s shows that initial participation is consistent in both scenarios when there is fu ll credit and the cash va lue does not fall below 0.000375 for males, respectively. Discussion Individual Households In HH 1, the only incom e generating activity impacted by the addition of the orchid activity was petate When end cash is maximized, the activity that earns more per unit of labor is favored. In this case, the orchid activity has mo re cash earning potential than the petate activity and is therefore favored. The petate activity is not abandoned, how ever. This is probably because there is enough surplus la bor to allow for participation in both activities and the model considers the petate activity lucrative and labo r inexpensive enough to continue participation. Female participation varies depending on credit available in the SUCC scenario and earning potential in the EPWCP scenario. This is likely because the model considers petate more remunerative per unit of time once orchids drop below 140 pesos. In HH 4, female participation was consistent re gardless of credit. The cash sharing activity showed that the male supplied the necessary cash for her to continue participation. HH 5 the fluctuations in labor are due to the need to give males a large amount of start-up cash (7500 pesos) to make the model feasible to r un the scenarios. This means that the male of the household is able to produce more in year 1 (according to the model) because of start-up

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140 capital. In year 2, the male can only expand the activity to the amount of cash that was transferred from year 1 to year 2 and is this limited as the amount is less than the start up cash that was inserted for year 1. Labor goes back up in year 3 as the male expands labor into the orchid activity as year 2 yielded less cash than was available in y ear 1 for the corn activity. HH 6 shows that there was positive impact on one of the subsistence activities-corn production goes up goes up 193 kg in year 3. The model shows that female cash sharing with the male allows him to grow more corn in year 3. It is interesting that the female participation stopped when credit dropped from 600 to 500 pe sos where the male did not stop until credit dropped below 400 pesos. This is likely due to the greater number of adult males (3) than females (1) in the household thus raising the quantity of available adult male labor for income generating activities and therefore the amount of discretionary cash av ailable to fund the activity. It is notable that in HH 7, male and females ceased participation in the orchid activity once credit dropped below 500 pesos. This household is able to participate in all of the livelihood activities present in their household strategy because there is a more mature household composition and the members were able to estab lish a livelihood st rategy that includes non-farm labor. HH 16 is a more economically stable househol d, having all household members of adult working age and participating in steady cash generating activities. It is interesting that, due to surplus labor, all household member s of working age appear to participate in the orchid activity. Males and females participated consistently regardless of scenario likely due to higher discretionary cash available to household members. It is interesting to note that females share cash with males for year 1 and then males share with females in years 2 and 3. Credit did not

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141 impact participation at all, whic h is likely due to the available cash and sharing that allows for household members to participate re gardless of credit availability. It is noteworthy in HH 19 that females shar e cash with the adolescent male thus making male involvement in the activity possible. Ho wever, in year 3 the Adolescent male in the household shared with the females. Male unus ed labor decreases between year 2 and 3 in periods V (5 days) and VI (13 days). This was likely due to the different labor requirements per time period for farming which was increased as a result of the increased cash available and increased participation in the corn growing activity. General Observations It is clear that agricultural activities are still the m ain activity as food production for household consumption is common in the majority of the households in this study, as well as across various Latin American countries. Davis et al (2007) talk about the importance and interrelation of agricult ure and non-farm activities: In rural areas, this implies that a shrinki ng agricultural sector and expanding rural nonfarm (RNF) activities, as well as a changing defin ition of rural itself, shoul d be viewed as likely features of economic development. The availabl e empirical evidence une quivocally points out to the existence of a large RNF economy. While few data sources exist which allow for consistent measurement of changes in RNF income and employment over time, available information points to an increasing role for RNF activities. It would be mi sleading, however, to see this growth in RNF activities in isolation from ag riculture, as both are linked through investment, production and consumption throughout the rura l economy, and both form part of complex livelihood strategies adopted by rural households.

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142 Of the 31 households interviewed for this study, ten households elected to participate in the ELP modeling. Eight, according to these results, would be able to participate in the orchid activity. Two households would be unable to part icipate due to labor c onstraints. It is significant to mention that none of the original livelihood activities were abandoned as a result of the presence of the orchid activity (with or wi thout start-up costs) although there were some impacts on the labor allocated to the petate and corn activities. The labor tables show that all households adopted the orchid activity to utilize unused resources (labor) where they were available but did not compromise the other income generating activities. The consistent increas e in unused male and female labor after year 1 in all scenarios is due to the decrease in labor re quirement for the orchid activity in years 2 and 3. There is a greater labor requirement in year 1 due to initial preparation activities of the ex-situ habitat. The vast majority of the unused labor in all of the households was allocated to the orchid activity when start up costs were not constraining. If all av ailable labor is used in the first year, then that limits participation in subsequent years. Even based on a conservative amount of cas h earned for orchid sales, in several households the orchid activity substantially raised the cash earned at the end of three years for orchid growers. In some cases, it was the di fference between having discretionary cash or not having any cash at all. While production time is sometimes a barrier to participation, there are many successes in the case of tree crops and other perennial crops ( e.g., Agave). In the case of the orchids used in this study, Euchile citrina and Laelia autumnalis the development period ranges from 2 to 5 years to (flower) but the plants without flower ar e marketable at a lower return by the first or second year. This is where the pressure is high for extraction of wild popul ations, as opposed to

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143 cultivating them, because the return is relativ ely immediate in the market. However, besides selling plants that are reproducti vely mature (floweri ng) there is also th e option of selling slants where orchid plants are in early stages of development but come with a picture of the eventual flower and instructions for their care. Th ese could be sold to tour ists at a low price and generate income within the first and certainly second year of production. They would be a direct result of cultivation and help alle viate pressure on wild populations. These results and their implicat ions support the previously cited literature and that shows how diversification makes sense in these places Activities are chosen based on earned cash per unit of labor as well as utilizing surplus labor when alternatives are available. In the absence of a variety of cash generating alternatives, any activity that generates cash, however small will be utilized.

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144 Table 8-1. Labor availability and use by season and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH1. HH 1 Available Labor (days) by 2 month period Yr 1 Yr 2 Yr 3 Male labor I (43) 35.03 35.03 35.03 Male labor II 34.28 34.28 34.28 Male labor III 43 36.83 36.83 Male labor IV 35.03 35.03 35.03 Male labor V 38.39 34.28 34.28 Male labor VI 34.7 28.53 28.53 Female Labor I (66) 39.17 66 66 Female Labor II 38.96 54.24 54.24 Female Labor III 66 54.24 54.24 Female Labor IV 38.96 54.24 54.24 Female Labor V 56.99 54.24 54.24 Female Labor VI 65.92 50.04 50.04 Table 8-2. Labor availability and use by seas on and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH4. Labor HH 4 Available Labor (days) per 2 month period Yr 1 Yr 2 Yr 3 Male labor I (43) 21.66 21.66 21.66 Male labor II 21.16 21.16 21.16 Male labor III 35.20 22.86 22.86 Male labor IV 21.66 21.66 21.66 Male labor V 29.39 21.16 21.16 Male labor VI 38.00 25.66 25.66 Female Labor I (17) 11.32 11.32 11.32 Female Labor II 11.32 11.32 11.32 Female Labor III 11.32 11.32 11.32 Female Labor IV 11.32 11.32 11.32 Female Labor V 15.11 11.32 11.32 Female Labor VI 16.00 10.32 10.32

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145 Table 8-3. Labor availability and use by seas on and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH5. Labor HH 5 Available labor (days) per 2 month period Yr 1 Yr 2 Yr 3 Male labor I (43) 14.34 12.71 14.78 Male labor II 12.25 11.30 12.51 Male labor III 26.34 16.08 20.23 Male labor IV 14.34 12.71 14.78 Male labor V 16.92 11.30 12.51 Male labor VI 38.00 23.95 32.93 Female Labor I (56) 18.63 17.00 17.00 Female Labor II 18.63 17.00 17.00 Female Labor III 18.63 17.00 17.00 Female Labor IV 18.63 17.00 17.00 Female Labor V 26.25 17.00 17.00 Female Labor VI 30.06 17.00 17.00 Table 8-4. Labor availability and use by seas on and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH6. HH 6 Available Labor (days) by 2 month period Yr 1 Yr 2 Yr 3 Male labor I (180) 111.37 111.02 111.70 Male labor II 179.81 179.61 180.00 Male labor III 71.06 45.55 46.90 Male labor IV 40.57 40.22 40.90 Male labor V 54.76 38.01 38.40 Male labor VI 84.29 57.97 60.90 Female Labor I (88) 54.68 54.68 54.68 Female Labor II 54.68 54.68 54.68 Female Labor III 54.68 54.68 54.68 Female Labor IV 54.68 54.68 54.68 Female Labor V 76.89 54.68 54.68 Female Labor VI 86.00 52.68 52.68

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146 Table 8-5. Labor availability and use by seas on and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH7. HH 7 Available labor (days) by 2 month period Yr 1 Yr 2 Yr 3 Male labor I (172) 128.54 128.54 128.54 Male labor II 127.14 127.14 127.14 Male labor III 172.00 131.88 131.88 Male labor IV 73.34 73.34 73.34 Male labor V 98.69 71.94 71.94 Male labor VI 118.35 78.23 78.23 Female Labor I (66) 41.52 41.52 41.52 Female Labor II 41.52 41.52 41.52 Female Labor III 41.52 41.52 41.52 Female Labor IV 41.52 41.52 41.52 Female Labor V 57.84 41.52 41.52 Female Labor VI 64.00 39.52 39.52 Table 8-6. Labor availability and use by seas on and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH8. Labor HH 8 Available labor (days) per 2 month period Yr 1 Yr 2 Yr 3 Male labor I (86) 58.26 60.95 60.95 Male labor II 86.00 86.00 86.00 Male labor III 32.00 41.15 41.15 Male labor IV 29.46 32.15 32.15 Male labor V 28.40 28.40 28.40 Male labor VI 37.92 62.15 62.15 Female Labor I (8) 6.50 8.00 8.00 Female Labor II 6.50 7.13 7.13 Female Labor III 6.50 7.13 7.13 Female Labor IV 6.50 7.13 7.13 Female Labor V 6.50 7.13 7.13 Female Labor VI 4.50 4.81 4.81

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147 Table 8-7. Labor availability and use by season and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH16. Labor HH 16 Available labor (days) per 2 month period Yr 1 Yr 2 Yr 3 Male labor I (172) 144.61 144.61 144.61 Male labor II 143.22 143.22 143.22 Male labor III 172.00 147.95 147.95 Male labor IV 89.41 89.41 89.41 Male labor V 104.05 88.02 88.02 Male labor VI 99.60 75.55 75.55 Female Labor I (66) 41.52 41.52 41.52 Female Labor II 41.52 41.52 41.52 Female Labor III 41.52 41.52 41.52 Female Labor IV 41.52 41.52 41.52 Female Labor V 57.84 41.52 41.52 Female Labor VI 64.00 39.52 39.52 Table 8-8. Labor availability and use by season and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH19. Labor HH 19 Available labor (days) per 2 month period Yr 1 Yr 2 Yr 3 Male labor I (35) 17.38 17.38 16.80 Male labor II 16.80 16.80 18.75 Male labor III 30.00 18.75 17.38 Male labor IV 17.38 17.38 16.80 Male labor V 24.31 16.80 21.95 Male labor VI 33.20 21.95 34.57 Female Labor I (44) 34.57 34.57 34.57 Female Labor II 34.57 34.57 34.57 Female Labor III 34.57 34.57 34.57 Female Labor IV 34.57 34.57 34.57 Female Labor V 40.86 34.57 34.57 Female Labor VI 44.00 34.57 0.00

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148 Table 8-9. Labor availability and use by season and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH21. HH 21 Available labor (days) per 2 month period Yr 1 Yr 2 Yr 3 Male labor I (116) 67.68 82.96 82.96 Male labor II 102.72 116 116 Male labor III 35.68 56.92 56.92 Male labor IV 30.48 44.92 44.92 Male labor V 28.32 39.92 39.92 Male labor VI 36.55 58.92 58.92 Female Labor I (8) 7.25 7.25 7.25 Female Labor II 7.25 7.25 7.25 Female Labor III 7.25 7.25 7.25 Female Labor IV 7.25 7.25 7.25 Female Labor V 7.25 7.25 7.25 Female Labor VI 5.25 5.25 5.25 Table 8-10. Labor availability and use by s eason and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH31. HH 31 Available labor (days) per 2 month period Yr 1 Yr 2 Yr 3 Male labor I (140) 124.62 124.62 69.42 Male labor II 123.26 123.26 68.06 Male labor III 140.00 127.88 72.68 Male labor IV 69.42 69.42 69.42 Male labor V 76.14 68.06 68.06 Male labor VI 67.40 55.28 55.28 Female Labor I(7) 6.04 6.04 6.04 Female Labor II 6.04 6.04 6.04 Female Labor III 7.00 6.04 6.04 Female Labor IV 6.04 6.04 6.04 Female Labor V 6.68 6.04 6.04 Female Labor VI 7.00 6.04 6.04

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149 Male and Female participation vs. credit HH1 0 1 2 3 4 5 0100200300400500600700 Credit (pesos)Participation (per 100 plants) female male Figure 8-1. Male and female participa tion vs. credit in SUCC scenario for HH1. Male and Female participation vs. cost HH4 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 0100200300400500600700 Credit (pesos)Participation (per 100 plants) female male Figure 8-2. Male and female participa tion vs. credit in SUCC scenario for HH4.

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150 Male and Female participation vs. credit HH 5 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 0100200300400500600700 credit (pesos)participation (per 100 plants) female male Figure 8-3. Male and female participa tion vs. credit in SUCC scenario for HH5. Male and Female participation vs. credit HH 6 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 0100200300400500600700 credit (pesos)participation (per 100 plants) female male Figure 8-4. Male and female participa tion vs. credit in SUCC scenario for HH6.

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151 Male and Female participation vs. credit HH 7 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 0100200300400500600700 credit (pesos)participation (per 100 plants) female male Figure 8-5. Male and female participa tion vs. credit in SUCC scenario for HH7. Male and Female participation vs. credit HH 16 3 3.5 4 4.5 5 0100200300400500600700 credit (pesos)participation (per 100 plants) female male Figure 8-6. Male and female participa tion vs. credit in SUCC scenario for HH16.

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152 Male and Female participation vs. credit HH 19 0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1 1.2 1.4 1.6 1.8 2 0100200300400500600700 credit (pesos)participation (per 100 plants) female male Figure 8-7. Male and female participation vs. credit in SUCC scenario for HH19. Male and Female participation vs. credit HH 31 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 0100200300400500600700 credit (pesos)participation (per 100 plants) female male Figure 8-8. Male and female participa tion vs. credit in SUCC scenario for HH31.

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153 CHAPTER 9 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS This study is an ex-an te analysis of the impacts and viab ility that introducing an orchid cultivating activity would have on the small-scale livelihood sy stem of the community of Oponguio, Michoacn. There is also a conservation aspect of the cultivation activity that is integral in assuring the sustainability (in the literal and development sense) of the cultivating activity as well as improving the environmental integrity of the protected forest area established by the community. Thirty-one of the eighty or so households participated in the Sondeo and ten participated in the modeling proces s. Eight of the ten households th at were chosen to participate, were chosen based on willingness to participat e in the modeling process and showed great interest in the orchid cultivat ing activity. The other two househol ds were chosen to demonstrate how labor can be a limiting factor in accepti ng a new activity into the livelihood strategy. The goal was to determine the viability and ge neral impacts of the addition of the orchid activity for commercialization a nd conservation purposes on the liv elihood strategi es of various households through Ethnographic Lin ear Program modeling. It was al so to consider the viability of the orchid activity based on historic succe ss and traditional knowledge. The results supported the hypothesis that the households discretionary income would be substantially increased by the addition of the orchid activity. Th e literature review supported the viability of the activity based on historic success and traditional knowledge. The two factors that were equally influential in participation in the orchid activity were labor availability and available ca sh (this includes credit and refe rs to the presence of start up costs). The results for all households show that t hose that have the availa ble labor to participate can participate if there is no start-up cost that they have to cover, or if there is credit available for the start-up costs. The models also show that in general, th e higher the proportion of start-up

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154 costs covered by credit, the grea ter the participation. Households with sufficient surplus cash have greater potential to participate when start-up costs are pres ent. In most cases, participation by household members (male and female) remained c onsistent regardless of the amount (high or low) of cash generated by the orch id activity when there were no st art-up costs. This is due to the presence of substantial unused labor and the absence of alternative cash ge nerating activities. The projected return for the orchid activity was conservati ve and based on the minimum amount possible for orchids in the market. Notw ithstanding, the activity wa s still substantial in augmenting the households end cash in all cases a nd in some cases, the orchid activity was the difference between having discretionary cash or notsometimes it even made a difference in augmenting other production ac tivities. It is also interesting to note that participation occurred in many households regardless of how much the orch id activity earned. Frequently, development programs are disregarded because the return is low and appears nominal. In a study of diverse livelihoods, Shackleton et al. (2007) emphasize that commercialization activities should not be rejected if the economic return for a natural resource product is not sizeable. They go on to explain that households in rural communities par ticipate in livelihood activities for different reasons and with differing goals in mind making each household and each community distinct. This is very much supported in this an alysis for the community of Oponguio. Interestingly, based on the results of the m odels, there is little likelihood that orchids (particularly in the local market and with wide spread participation), in this community of abundant labor, would make enough money per unit time to take labor priority away from other activities with greater remuneration. Also, greater remuneration for the orchid activity does not lower the utility of the servi ces that are provided by service and production activities like farming, albail (construction/carpentry), jardinero (gardening), musico (music), limpieza

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155 (cleaning) and mesero (restaurant work), etc. This is suppor tive of the research that underscores the importance and relevance of rural livelihood diversity. Utility of This Research Looking at the over-all implications for this particular program, even though there w as no cash return until the third year in the simulati ons there was substantial participation in all households with available labor and access to cred it (if necessary). This supports the benefit from having a broad activity base to choose fr om when there is limited demand for other cash generating activities in the liveli hood system. Orchids as natural products in this area worked very well as a cash generating activity in the simu lations. This, combined with the existence of an established market niche for them (particularly Laelia autumnalis ) due to their cultural and ornamental value, significantly in crease likelihood of implementation. The precise details of the application of the orchid development plan might vary a bit in reality but the trends will very likely be those demonstrated by this study since th e household priorities are very much reflected in the model-maximizing end cash and utiliz ing available labor while first prioritizing household consumption needs. This combined with available labor and w illingness to participate means a high likelihood of success with possibilities for further natural product activities with similar cash generating potential in the future. These re sults also support the research that such activities have great pot ential to aid in poverty alleviation, as well as increased economic stability and resilience for rural communities. Recommendations In order to initiate an organized m arket activ ity, there is some leve l of start up capital and capacity building necessary. Support for communities in diversifying their activities allows for the possibility of the natural progression of subs istence into specialization thus aiding in the eventual alleviation of rural pove rty. In this way the process can be adaptive versus abrupt:

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156 subsistence activities are not aba ndoned while cash gene rating alternatives are explored in order to improve quality of life and improve household economic stability. This is where external involvement and infrastructural support is bene ficial and required. In cases like this one, community participants require support and training. Researcher s trained in orchid propagation and conservation would mean the difference betw een success and failure in the start-up of the activity as there is a wide research base from which to draw that is not directly accessible by community members. Strong, long-term links are imperativ e in the implementation of the proposed program and others like it. Further, it is important to remember th at socio-economic development programs and ecological research have been ongoing in this area fo r more than a decade. Orchids have been an evasive, charismatic species with the potential to bridge these diverse e fforts. Participation, particularly with the involvem ent of the University of Michoacn in asymbiotic (nonmiccorhizal) propagation and c onservation, is viable for even the poorest households with available labor. It is not unreas onable that the university particip ate in the conservation aspect of this project as it would simply mean continui ng the work that has already been started. University participation is key in the orchid cons ervation effort and particularly the initial seed propagation. Development programs, like the one proposed, must be focused on aiding the households in diversifying livelihood activitie s based on local resources, traditions and need. In accordance with the literature, Oponguio is an ideal place to implement this kind of joint venture between the university and the community. Infrastructure is in place to conserve habitat (the conservation area established by the community which is also pr otected by the community and the state). The area has historically been traditional habitat for th ese and other orchids, and there is a significant

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157 ecological research base to draw from for long term management. These factors and the results of this study signify a real possibility to loca lly resolve the conundrum of long-term sustainable development and conservation of natural products.

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158 APPENDIX A DATA The following tables represent the data fr om the EPWCP scenario for all households modeled. Table A-1. EPWCP data for HH1. HH1 yr 1 yr 1 Prices M orchid F orchid low value high value 560 1.028571 4.526786 -420 -840 280 1.028571 4.526786 -210 -420 140 1.028571 4.526786 -105 -210 70 1.028571 3.855208 -52.5 -105 35 1.028571 3.855208 -26.25 -52.5 17.5 1.028571 3.855208 -13.125 -26.25 8.75 1.028571 3.855208 -6.56 -13.125 4.38 1.028571 3.855208 -3.28 -6.56 2.19 1.028571 3.855208 -1.64 -3.28 1.10 1.028571 3.855208 -0.82 -1.64 0.55 1.028571 3.855208 -0.41 -0.82 0.28 1.028571 3.855208 -0.21 -0.41 0.14 1.028571 3.855208 -0.1 -0.21 0.07 1.028571 3.855208 -0.051 -0.051 0.035 1.028571 3.855208 -0.026 -0.026 0.018 1.028571 3.855208 -0.0128 -0.026 0.012 1.028571 3.855208 -0.0064 -0.0128 0.006 1.028571 3.855208 -0.0032 -0.0064 0.003 1.028571 3.855208 -0.0016 -0.0032 0.0015 1.028571 3.855208 -0.008 -0.0016 0.00075 1.028571 3.855208 -0.0004 -0.008 0.000375 1.028571 3.855208 -0.0002 -0.0004 0.000188 1.028571 3.855208 -0.0001 -0.0002

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159 Table A-2. EPWCP data for HH4. HH4 Prices M orchid F orchid low value high value 560 2.057143 0.946429 -420 -840 280 2.057143 0.946429 -210 -420 140 2.057143 0.946429 -105 -210 70 2.057143 0.946429 -52.5 -105 35 2.057143 0.946429 -26.25 -52.5 17.5 2.057143 0.946429 -13.125 -26.25 8.75 2.057143 0.946429 -6.56 -13.125 4.375 2.057143 0.946429 -3.28 -6.56 2.19 2.057143 0.946429 -1.64 -3.28 1.10 2.057143 0.946429 -0.82 -1.64 0.55 2.057143 0.946429 -0.41 -0.82 0.28 2.057143 0.946429 -0.21 -0.41 0.14 2.057143 0.946429 -0.1 -0.21 0.07 2.057143 0.946429 -0.051 -0.051 0.035 2.057143 0.946429 -0.026 -0.026 0.018 2.057143 0.946429 -0.0128 -0.026 0.012 2.057143 0.946429 -0.0064 -0.0128 0.006 2.057143 0.946429 -0.0032 -0.0064 0.003 2.057143 0.946429 -0.0016 -0.0032 0.0015 2.057143 0.946429 -0.008 -0.0016 0.00075 2.057143 0.946429 -0.0004 -0.008 0.000375 2.057143 0.946429 -0.0002 -0.0004 0.000188 2.057143 0.946429 -0.0001 -0.0002

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160 Table A-3. EPWCP data for HH5. HH5 Prices M orchid F orchid low value high value 560 0.824964 0.423439 -420 -840 280 1.469563 1.387972 -210 -420 140 1.412639 1.90625 -105 -210 70 1.333311 1.90625 -52.5 -105 35 1.28174 1.90625 -26.25 -52.5 17.5 1.256565 1.90625 -13.125 -26.25 8.75 1.244127 1.90625 -6.56 -13.125 4.375 1.237944 1.90625 -3.28 -6.56 2.19 1.237944 1.90625 -1.64 -3.28 1.10 1.233331 1.90625 -0.82 -1.64 0.55 1.232558 1.90625 -0.41 -0.82 0.28 1.232179 1.90625 -0.21 -0.41 0.14 1.231982 1.90625 -0.1 -0.21 0.07 1.231884 1.90625 -0.051 -0.051 0.035 1.231884 1.90625 -0.026 -0.026 0.018 1.231884 1.90625 -0.0128 -0.026 0.012 1.231884 1.90625 -0.0064 -0.0128 0.006 1.231884 1.90625 -0.0032 -0.0064 0.003 1.231884 1.90625 -0.0016 -0.0032 0.0015 1.231884 1.90625 -0.008 -0.0016 0.00075 1.231884 1.90625 -0.0004 -0.008 0.000375 1.231884 1.90625 -0.0002 -0.0004 0.000188 1.231884 1.90625 -0.0001 -0.0002

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161 Table A-4. EPWCP data for HH6. HH6 Prices M orchid F orchid low value high value 560 4.1375 5.553571 -420 -840 280 4.1375 5.553571 -210 -420 140 4.1375 5.553571 -105 -210 70 4.1375 5.553571 -52.5 -105 35 4.1375 5.553571 -26.25 -52.5 17.5 4.1375 5.553571 -13.125 -26.25 8.75 4.1375 5.553571 -6.56 -13.125 4.375 4.1375 5.553571 -3.28 -6.56 2.19 4.1375 5.553571 -1.64 -3.28 1.10 4.1375 5.553571 -0.82 -1.64 0.55 4.1375 5.553571 -0.41 -0.82 0.28 4.1617 5.553571 -0.21 -0.41 0.14 4.1617 5.553571 -0.1 -0.21 0.07 4.1617 5.553571 -0.051 -0.051 0.035 4.1617 5.553571 -0.026 -0.026 0.018 4.1617 5.553571 -0.0128 -0.026 0.012 4.1617 5.553571 -0.0064 -0.0128 0.006 4.1617 5.553571 -0.0032 -0.0064 0.003 4.1617 5.553571 -0.0016 -0.0032 0.0015 4.1617 5.553571 -0.008 -0.0016 0.00075 4.1617 5.553571 -0.0004 -0.008 0.000375 4.1617 5.553571 -0.0002 -0.0004 0.000188 4.1617 5.553571 -0.0001 -0.0002

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162 Table A-5. EPWCP data for HH7. HH7 Prices M orchid F orchid low value high value 560 9.090306 4.080357 -420 -840 280 7.014286 4.080357 -210 -420 140 7.014286 4.080357 -105 -210 70 7.014286 4.080357 -52.5 -105 35 7.014286 4.080357 -26.25 -52.5 17.5 7.014286 4.080357 -13.125 -26.25 8.75 7.014286 4.080357 -6.56 -13.125 4.375 7.014286 4.080357 -3.28 -6.56 2.19 7.014286 4.080357 -1.64 -3.28 1.10 7.014286 4.080357 -0.82 -1.64 0.55 7.014286 4.080357 -0.41 -0.82 0.28 7.014286 4.080357 -0.21 -0.41 0.14 7.014286 4.080357 -0.1 -0.21 0.07 7.014286 4.080357 -0.051 -0.051 0.035 7.014286 4.080357 -0.026 -0.026 0.018 7.014286 4.080357 -0.0128 -0.026 0.012 7.014286 4.080357 -0.0064 -0.0128 0.006 7.014286 4.080357 -0.0032 -0.0064 0.003 7.014286 4.080357 -0.0016 -0.0032 0.0015 7.014286 4.080357 -0.008 -0.0016 0.00075 7.014286 4.080357 -0.0004 -0.008 0.000375 7.014286 4.080357 -0.0002 -0.0004 0.000188 7.014286 4.080357 -0.0001 -0.0002

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163 Table A-6. EPWCP data for HH16. HH 16 Prices M orchid F orchid low value high value 560 4.008163 4.080357 -420 -840 280 4.008163 4.080357 -210 -420 140 4.008163 4.080357 -105 -210 70 4.008163 4.080357 -52.5 -105 35 4.008163 4.080357 -26.25 -52.5 17.5 4.008163 4.080357 -13.125 -26.25 8.75 4.008163 4.080357 -6.56 -13.125 4.375 4.008163 4.080357 -3.28 -6.56 2.19 4.008163 4.080357 -1.64 -3.28 1.10 4.008163 4.080357 -0.82 -1.64 0.55 4.008163 4.080357 -0.41 -0.82 0.28 4.008163 4.080357 -0.21 -0.41 0.14 4.008163 4.080357 -0.1 -0.21 0.07 4.008163 4.080357 -0.051 -0.051 0.035 4.008163 4.080357 -0.026 -0.026 0.018 4.008163 4.080357 -0.0128 -0.026 0.012 4.008163 4.080357 -0.0064 -0.0128 0.006 4.008163 4.080357 -0.0032 -0.0064 0.003 4.008163 4.080357 -0.0016 -0.0032 0.0015 4.008163 4.080357 -0.008 -0.0016 0.00075 4.008163 4.080357 -0.0004 -0.008 0.000375 4.008163 4.080357 -0.0002 -0.0004 0.000188 4.008163 4.080357 -0.0001 -0.0002

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164 Table A-7. EPWCP data for HH19. HH 19 Prices M orchid F orchid low value high value 560 1.87551 1.571429 -420 -840 280 1.87551 1.571429 -210 -420 140 1.87551 1.571429 -105 -210 70 1.87551 1.571429 -52.5 -105 35 1.87551 1.571429 -26.25 -52.5 17.5 1.87551 1.571429 -13.125 -26.25 8.75 1.87551 1.571429 -6.56 -13.125 4.375 1.87551 1.571429 -3.28 -6.56 2.19 1.87551 1.571429 -1.64 -3.28 1.10 1.87551 1.571429 -0.82 -1.64 0.55 1.87551 1.571429 -0.41 -0.82 0.28 1.87551 1.571429 -0.21 -0.41 0.14 1.87551 1.571429 -0.1 -0.21 0.07 1.87551 1.571429 -0.051 -0.051 0.035 1.87551 1.571429 -0.026 -0.026 0.018 1.87551 1.571429 -0.0128 -0.026 0.012 1.87551 1.571429 -0.0064 -0.0128 0.006 1.87551 1.571429 -0.0032 -0.0064 0.003 1.87551 1.571429 -0.0016 -0.0032 0.0015 1.87551 1.571429 -0.008 -0.0016 0.00075 1.87551 1.571429 -0.0004 -0.008 0.000375 1.87551 1.571429 -0.0002 -0.0004 0.000188 1.87551 1.571429 -0.0001 -0.0002

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165 Table A-8. EPWCP data for HH31. HH 31 Prices M orchid F orchid low value high value 560 2.020408 0.160714 -420 -840 280 2.020408 0.160714 -210 -420 140 2.020408 0.160714 -105 -210 70 2.020408 0.160714 -52.5 -105 35 2.020408 0.160714 -26.25 -52.5 17.5 2.020408 0.160714 -13.125 -26.25 8.75 2.020408 0.160714 -6.56 -13.125 4.375 2.020408 0.160714 -3.28 -6.56 2.19 2.020408 0.160714 -1.64 -3.28 1.10 2.020408 0.160714 -0.82 -1.64 0.55 2.020408 0.160714 -0.41 -0.82 0.28 2.020408 0.160714 -0.21 -0.41 0.14 2.020408 0.160714 -0.1 -0.21 0.07 2.020408 0.160714 -0.051 -0.051 0.035 2.020408 0.160714 -0.026 -0.026 0.018 2.020408 0.160714 -0.0128 -0.026 0.012 2.020408 0.160714 -0.0064 -0.0128 0.006 2.020408 0.160714 -0.0032 -0.0064 0.003 2.020408 0.160714 -0.0016 -0.0032 0.0015 2.020408 0.160714 -0.008 -0.0016 0.00075 2.020408 0.160714 -0.0004 -0.008 0.000375 0 0.160714 -0.0002 -0.0004 0.000188 0 0.160714 -0.0001 -0.0002

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166 The following tables are the data that was collected from the SUCC scenario. Table A-9. SUCC scenario data for HH1-31. HH 1 cost M orchid F orchid credit 600 1.028571 4.526785714 600 600 0.106741 0.200629507 500 600 0 0.153685166 400 600 0 0.102456777 300 600 0 0.076842583 200 600 0 0.061474066 100 600 0 0.055885515 50 600 0 0.05345571 25 600 0 0.051658879 5 600 0 0.051228389 0 HH 4 cost 600 2.057143 0.946428571 600 600 2.057143 0.946428571 500 600 2.004523 0.946428571 400 600 1.020873 0.946428571 300 600 0.529047 0.946428571 200 600 0.233952 0.946428571 100 600 0.126645 0.946428571 50 600 0.079989 0.946428571 25 600 0.045488 0.946428571 5 600 0.037222 0.946428571 0 HH 5 cost 600 1.446314 1.90625 600 600 1.433537 1.12917003 500 600 0.599904 1.12917003 400 600 0 0 300 600 0 0 200 600 0 0 100 600 0 0 50 600 0 0 25 600 0 0 5 600 0 0 0

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167 Table A-9. Continued. HH 6 cost 600 4.1375 5.553571429 600 600 3.885312 0.043085918 500 600 1.097303 0 400 600 0 0 300 600 0 0 200 600 0 0 100 600 0 0 50 600 0 0 25 600 0 0 5 600 0 0 0 HH 7 cost M orchid F orchid credit 600 3.343367 2.040178571 600 600 0 0.194732495 500 600 0 0.064910832 400 600 0 0.048683124 300 600 0 0.038946499 200 600 0 0.035405908 100 600 0 0.033866521 50 600 0 0.03272815 25 600 0 0.032455416 5 600 0 0.032455416 0 HH 16 cost 600 4.008163 4.080357143 600 600 4.008163 4.080357143 500 600 4.008163 4.080357143 400 600 4.008163 4.080357143 300 600 4.008163 4.080357143 200 600 4.008163 4.080357143 100 600 4.008163 4.080357143 50 600 4.008163 4.080357143 25 600 4.008163 4.080357143 5 600 4.008163 4.080357143 0

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168 Table A-9. Continued. HH 19 cost M orchid F orchid credit 600 1.87551 1.571428571 600 600 1.87551 1.571428571 500 600 1.87551 1.571428571 400 600 1.87551 1.571428571 300 600 1.87551 0.967418002 200 600 1.87551 0.398832361 100 600 1.87551 0.192073946 50 600 1.87551 0.102178983 25 600 1.87551 0.102178983 5 600 1.87551 0.019775267 0 HH 31 cost M orchid F orchid credit 600 2.020408 0.160714286 600 600 0.588019 0.160714286 500 600 0.213653 0.160714286 400 600 0.088864 0.160714286 300 600 0.026469 0.160714286 200 600 0 0.149746723 100 600 0 0.136133384 50 600 0 0.130214541 25 600 0 0.125837582 5 600 0 0.124788935 0

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169 Table A-10. Labor associated with H ousehold composition for EPWCP scenario. Amount of activity as associated with HH composition Orchid M Orchid F AMAF E/AM E/ A F A/Ch HH1 1.028571429 3.855208 > 1 2 0 1 0 HH4 2.057142857 0.946429 > 1 1 0 0 1 HH5 1.651290986 0.123068 > 1 3 0 0 2 HH6 1.93021594 5.553571 > 3 1 2 3 0 HH7 7.014285714 4.080357 > 4 3 0 0 0 HH8 > 2 1 0 0 1 HH16 > 4 3 0 0 0 HH19 1.875510204 1.571429 > 0 2 1 0 0 HH21 > 2 1 1 0 1 HH31 2.020408163 0.160714 > 2 1 2 0 3

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170 APPENDIX B BREVE REPORTE SONDEO Familias: E n general, las familias tienen casa propia por generaciones o se construye cada que se puede. Tambin se quedan los hijos en casa hasta que se casena menos que salgan a la escuela y se quedan en otra ciudad trabajando. A veces se quedan an despus con sus esposos e hijos. Pesca: Temporada Feb-Abr. Se pesca en las noc hes cuando los acmaras (ms bien sardinas grandes) estn reproduciendo. Tambin pescan car pa, charales, mojarra. Desafortunadamente, los poblaciones de peces de varias especies han declinado a tal grado qu e hay pocos pescadores desde que no se puede sacar en cantidades para vender en el mercado. Ahora los pocos pescadores que hay pescan simplement e lo que puedan para autoconsumo. Agricultura : Era la actividad mas prevalerte en la comunidad. Sin embargo ahora es generalmente para autoconsumo y cada casa usa un pedacito de ti erra con 0.15-0.25 ha. Maz se siembra ms que otra cosa para auto-consumo (en su mayora para tortillas y como uso secundario atole, corundas, etc.). Junio empiezan la siembre y cosechan en Diciembre. Enero es el mes de descanso y empiezan a preparar para la siguiente temporada en Febrero. Por causa de un programa social y animo de lideres comunita rios, se ha mecanizado un poco con una maquina que se compro entre los agricultores. Maz tambi n sirve para forraje de animales de ganadera, los dos la mazorca y el rastrojo dependiendo de necesidad. Ganadera : Usualmente de vende en mayo o septiembre. Hay una familia que vende en Diciembre porque se gana ms como la carne es escasa. Solo hay pocas familias que participan en la venta pero hay varias que tienen animales para leche o como inversin. Otros fuentes de trabajo: Jardinera, limpieza de casa, msico, albail, produccin de Mezcal, agricultura (pagan por sembrar y cuidar a veces), tienda, restaurante, Trabajo fuera de la comunidad : promotor de ingeniero secretaria, enfermera, educacin. Todos trabajan tiempo completo y requieren la misma cantidad de horas. Se puede viajar muy lejos para conseguir tales trabajos. Consumen del monte varias cosas : Nopalessacan 20 pencas cada dos semanas. An ms en cuaresma. Tambin verdolagas acelgas y chile pero ellos tienen estas plantas en su jardn de masetas. Especies: laurel, ans, romero, mejo rana. En su mayora estas plan tas estn tambin en el jardn de mesetas. Plantas medicinales: manzanilla, gordolobo, hierbabuena, camelina, eucalipto, borraja, pasote, rnica, pasiflora. Para los animales: savila, magu ey. Muchas veces la gente tiene estas o algunas de ellas en sus jardines para tenerlas a la mano.

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171 Alimentos que compran: jitomate, aguacate, lechuga, rbanos, calabaza, papa. Estos se compran en Quiroga o Erongarcuaro en el merca do. En general no se siembran en casa por el climabastante fro en invierno y dema siado agua cae en tiempo de lluvia. Carne: Res (4 veces por semana/60 x kilo) Pollo (1 por semana/ 30 x kilo) Casi no consuman huevo. Tortillas se hacen en casa. Pagan todos los servicios : agua, luz, gas o cada mes o cada tercera mes. Hace poco que llegaron los servicios. Si alguie n no puede pagar, se deja el se rvicio hasta que se pueda volver a pagar. Atencin Medica: Clnica de San Andrsgratis por el gobierno (seguro social). Medicamentos tambin son gratis tanto como haya Si no hay lo medicamentos requeridos se tiene que ir y comprar en la farmacia. Unos van a Erongaricuaro, el DF, Quiroga, Morelia. Algunos tienen apoyo de seguro social y otros tienen apoyo de sus hijos.

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172 APPENDIX C ELP MODEL Link to ELP Model The following links are ELP m odels that are hyperlinked for convenience and demonstration. Feel free to cont act the author for the remainder of the household models or with any questions specific to thes e models and/or households. ELP Model HH 1 hyperlink. ELP Model HH 21 hyperlink.

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183 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Miram anni Maringola Mishkin was born in Co nnecticut and received her undergraduate degree at Central Washington Univer sity. She came to the University of Florida after working in Michoacn for approximately a decade looking for bridges between conservation and development in conjunction with other scientists from the University of Michoacn and UNAM. After receiving her Master of Science in interdisciplinary ecology with a concentration in tropical conservation and development in August of 2008, she will continue on to a PhD at the University of Florida to continue looking for bridges between conserva tion and development in rural communities.