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Anti-Smoking Messages on the World Wide Web

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0022393/00001

Material Information

Title: Anti-Smoking Messages on the World Wide Web Content Analysis of Youth-Oriented Anti-Smoking Videos on YouTube
Physical Description: 1 online resource (82 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Lee, Hyunmin
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2008

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: antismoking, communication, health, interactivity, internet, persuasion, pr, ucc
Journalism and Communications -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Mass Communication thesis, M.A.M.C.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: This study seeks a descriptive understanding of anti-smoking videos posted on a popular interactive Web site in light of the problem cigarette smoking poses for youth today. Anti-smoking videos posted on YouTube were assessed in terms of message appeals, themes, portrayed consequences, model characteristics, and venue characteristics. Furthermore, this study examined differences between two different groups of videos available on YouTube: contents created purely for the sake of expressing one's personal opinion and creativity on YouTube (non-professional videos), and contents posted on YouTube that were borrowed or created from professional sources (professional videos). One hundred twenty one non-professional videos were compared against 78 professional videos in terms of message appeals, themes, and viewers' reactions such as tone of comments. We found that both videos created by non-professionals and professional videos posted by users relied on threatened health and utilized cessation as the main theme. Both groups utilized fear as common appeals, but the strategies to conjure fear were different. For example, the tendency of non-professional videos to use statistical data and describe smoking as addiction was higher than was the tendency of professional videos. Additionally, both groups generally portrayed models that were white, male, and in their adulthood. However, non-professionally developed videos were more likely to portray Asians, teens, and students than were professionally developed videos whereas professionally developed videos were more likely to portray adults, stay-home parents and white-collar workers than were non-professionally developed videos. Cessation was the most common theme for both professionally developed videos and non-professionally created videos. However, non-professional videos tended to use the addiction theme more often than did professional videos. Finally, quantitative analyses showed that the number of comments and ratings were greater for professionally made videos whereas qualitative analyses showed YouTube users' qualitatively different stances on non-professionals and professional videos.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Hyunmin Lee.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.M.C.)--University of Florida, 2008.
Local: Adviser: Choi, Youjin.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2008
System ID: UFE0022393:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0022393/00001

Material Information

Title: Anti-Smoking Messages on the World Wide Web Content Analysis of Youth-Oriented Anti-Smoking Videos on YouTube
Physical Description: 1 online resource (82 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Lee, Hyunmin
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2008

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: antismoking, communication, health, interactivity, internet, persuasion, pr, ucc
Journalism and Communications -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Mass Communication thesis, M.A.M.C.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: This study seeks a descriptive understanding of anti-smoking videos posted on a popular interactive Web site in light of the problem cigarette smoking poses for youth today. Anti-smoking videos posted on YouTube were assessed in terms of message appeals, themes, portrayed consequences, model characteristics, and venue characteristics. Furthermore, this study examined differences between two different groups of videos available on YouTube: contents created purely for the sake of expressing one's personal opinion and creativity on YouTube (non-professional videos), and contents posted on YouTube that were borrowed or created from professional sources (professional videos). One hundred twenty one non-professional videos were compared against 78 professional videos in terms of message appeals, themes, and viewers' reactions such as tone of comments. We found that both videos created by non-professionals and professional videos posted by users relied on threatened health and utilized cessation as the main theme. Both groups utilized fear as common appeals, but the strategies to conjure fear were different. For example, the tendency of non-professional videos to use statistical data and describe smoking as addiction was higher than was the tendency of professional videos. Additionally, both groups generally portrayed models that were white, male, and in their adulthood. However, non-professionally developed videos were more likely to portray Asians, teens, and students than were professionally developed videos whereas professionally developed videos were more likely to portray adults, stay-home parents and white-collar workers than were non-professionally developed videos. Cessation was the most common theme for both professionally developed videos and non-professionally created videos. However, non-professional videos tended to use the addiction theme more often than did professional videos. Finally, quantitative analyses showed that the number of comments and ratings were greater for professionally made videos whereas qualitative analyses showed YouTube users' qualitatively different stances on non-professionals and professional videos.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Hyunmin Lee.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.M.C.)--University of Florida, 2008.
Local: Adviser: Choi, Youjin.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2008
System ID: UFE0022393:00001


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ANTI-SMOKING MESSAGES ON THE WORLD WIDE WEB: CONTENT ANALYSIS OF
YOUTH-ORIENTED ANTI-SMOKING VIDOES ON YouTube























By

HYUNMIN LEE


A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS IN MASS COMMUNICATION

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

2008




































2008 Hyunmin Lee


































To my family, who always believes in the best of me.









ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This thesis would not have been completed without the help and encouragement of the

wonderful people I met at the University of Florida. My deepest gratitude goes to my committee

chair, Dr. Youjin Choi for her valuable guidance, patience, and expertise. Her role was

indispensable for completing the thesis, and I cannot thank her enough for her advice and

dedication. Many thanks also go to my committee members Dr. Spiro Kiousis and Dr. Michael

Mitrook. Their input was crucial for the development and the quality of my thesis.

I would also like to thank all my extraordinary professors at the College of Journalism

and Communications for their guidance and expertise given to me during my master's study at

UF. It was, and is an honor to be a Florida Gator, and I will strive to keep up the reputation.

I thank my parents for raising an energetic and confident woman, and always motivating

me to do things I never thought to be possible. My lovely sister, Ho-Won, and my caring brother

Ho-Sang also deserve recognition for the endless shared laughs and tears. I thank them for being

partners in crime and creating the most memorable incidents in my life.

It was the best of luck to have such a great cohort for my master's program at UF. Thanks

go to the public relations class of 2008. They will all be missed. Greater thanks go to the

wonderful Korean Communigators. It was a privileged opportunity to study with such motivated

and intelligent students. I will always remember the valuable times, and the sincere advice shared

with my Korean cohorts. Finally, I would like to thank my Korean mentors, Dr. Bo-Seob Ahn

and Dr. Sam-sup Jo. If it were not for them, I never would have had the opportunity to study

public relations at UF.









TABLE OF CONTENTS


page

A CK N O W LED G M EN T S ................................................................. ........... ............. .....

L IST O F T A B L E S ................................ ..........................

ABSTRAC T .........................................................................................

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION ............... .......................................................... 10

2 L ITE R A TU R E R E V IE W ......................................................................... ........................ 14

H health Com m unication............... ..................................... 14
Persuasion Theory and Health Communication ............................................ ...............14
A nti-Sm king C am paigns ....................................................... .................... ............... 16
Message Appeals of Anti-Smoking PSAs .............................................. ...............17
F e a r a p p e a l ............................................................................................................... 1 7
H u m o r .........................................................................................1 8
O th ers ....................................................................................................19
Portrayed Consequences of Sm oking ...................................................................... ...20
T hem es of C ontent .............. .. ...................... ..................... 2 1
Persuasive forms of Anti-Smoking PSAs and Advertisements............................22
C celebrity endorsem ent...................................................................... ..................22
T estim onial ......................................................................................................23
D ram atization ..................................................................................................23
The W world W ide W eb ........................ ... ...... .... ................................ ..............24
Health Communication (Anti-Smoking Campaigns) and the Internet..........................24
Interactivity and Health Communication ............................................. ............... 25
Functional view ............... ......... .............. ................... 27
Contingency view ............... .. ............ .............. .... ...... .......... .. 27
Motivation and User-Characteristics................ .............................. 28
T he U C C and Y ouT ube .......................................................................... ................... 29
P publication require ent ........................................ ...........................................29
C reativ e effo rt ................................................................................................... 3 0
Creation outside of professional routines and practices.............. ..................30
Research Questions........... ...... .. ............................... .......... 32

3 METHODOLOGY ............................. ...................... ........34

Research Design and Sampling Procedure.................................................. .. ................. 34
M e a su rem en t ............. ......... .. ............. .. .........................................................3 5
T ype of A appeal ........................................................................................... .. .. ... 35
M e ssa g e F o rm ........................................................................................................... 3 6









T h e m e ................... ................... ...................8..........
C on sequ en ces ................................................................ 3 8
V iew ers' R action ................. .................................... .. ........ ....... .. .. .. 38
C reato rs ............................................................................................. . 3 9
Sponsors and P oster A affiliation ............................................................ .....................39
Pretest and C oding Procedure............................................. ................... ............... 40

4 R E SU L T S .............. ... ................................................................4 1

D ata A analysis ................................................... 41
G general Findings................................................... 41
Findings from Research Questions ................................. .......................... .........42
Additional Findings from Qualitative Analysis........................................ ........... 54

DISCU SSION ......................................... ..................... 57

C onclu sion of the Study ......................................................................................... 57
Future Research Ideas ............... ............................................... ........ 61
Suggestions and C contributions ....................................................................... ..................62

APPENDIX

A CODING SHEET FOR CONTENT ANALYSIS ...................................... ............... 66

B CODING BOOK FOR CONTENT ANALYSIS ....................................... ............... 69

L IST O F R E F E R E N C E S .................................................................................... .....................74

B IO G R A PH IC A L SK E T C H .............................................................................. .....................82
























6









LIST OF TABLES


Table page

4-1 Frequency of message appeals portrayed in the videos..................................................42

4-2 Frequency of consequences portrayed in the videos............................... ............... 43

4-3 Frequency of portrayed themes in the videos ........................................ ............... 44

4-4 Frequency of portrayed forms in the videos .................... .......................................44

4-5 Frequency of venues portrayed in the videos ........................................... .................. 46

4-6 Message appeals used across non-professional videos and professional videos ..............47

4-7 Themes used in non-professional vs. professional videos .......................................48

4-8 Persuasive forms used within non-professional videos vs. within professional videos ....49

4-9 Frequency of model's race portrayed across non-professional videos and professional
v id e o s ...................... .. .. ......... .. .. .......................................................4 9

4-10 Frequency of model's age group across non-professional videos and professional
v id e o s ...................... .. .. ......... .. .. .......................................................5 0

4-11 Frequency of model's occupation portrayed across non-professional videos and
professional videos .................................................... ................ 50

4-12 Frequency of venues used across non-professional videos and professional videos......... 51

4-13 Frequency of organizations across non-professional videos and professional videos.......52

B-l YouTube Anti-smoking User-Created Contents Code Book .........................................69









Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Mass Communication

ANTI-SMOKING MESSAGES ON THE WORLD WIDE WED: CONTENT ANALYSIS OF
YOUTH-ORIENTED ANTI-SMOKING VIDOES ON YOUTUBE

By

Hyunmin Lee

August 2008

Chair: Youjin Choi
Major: Mass Communication

This study seeks a descriptive understanding of anti-smoking videos posted on a popular

interactive Web site in light of the problem cigarette smoking poses for youth today. Anti-

smoking videos posted on YouTube were assessed in terms of message appeals, themes,

portrayed consequences, model characteristics, and venue characteristics. Furthermore, this study

examined differences between two different groups of videos available on YouTube: contents

created purely for the sake of expressing one's personal opinion and creativity on YouTube (non-

professional videos), and contents posted on YouTube that were borrowed or created from

professional sources (professional videos). One hundred twenty one non-professional videos

were compared against 78 professional videos in terms of message appeals, themes, and viewers'

reactions such as tone of comments.

We found that both videos created by non-professionals and professional videos posted

by users relied on threatened health and utilized cessation as the main theme. Both groups

utilized fear as common appeals, but the strategies to conjure fear were different. For example,

the tendency of non-professional videos to use statistical data and describe smoking as addiction

was higher than was the tendency of professional videos. Additionally, both groups generally

portrayed models that were white, male, and in their adulthood. However, non-professionally









developed videos were more likely to portray Asians, teens, and students than were

professionally developed videos whereas professionally developed videos were more likely to

portray adults, stay-home parents and white-collar workers than were non-professionally

developed videos. Cessation was the most common theme for both professionally developed

videos and non-professionally created videos. However, non-professional videos tended to use

the addiction theme more often than did professional videos. Finally, quantitative analyses

showed that the number of comments and ratings were greater for professionally made videos

whereas qualitative analyses showed YouTube users' qualitatively different stances on non-

professionals and professional videos.









CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION

Founded in February 2005, YouTube is a popular online social media Web site where

users can upload, view and share video clips. More than 100 million video clips are viewed daily

on YouTube, and 65,000 new videos are uploaded every 24 hours additionally

(Nielsen/NetRatings, 2007). In August 2006, The Wall Street Journal published an article

revealing that YouTube was hosting about 6.1 million videos (requiring about 45 terabytes of

storage space), and had about 500,000 user accounts. According to Nielsen/NetRatings (2007),

the Web site averages nearly 20 million visitors per month. The rise and increasing popularity of

social media, such as blogs and YouTube, has sparked the interest among numerous

communication researchers. This new form of media empowers end-users to create, express, and

disseminate their messages through posts, blogs, and user-created videos. Furthermore, the

popularity of this media reaches well beyond individual users, and established organizations are

also using YouTube as a tool to express creative ideas or communicate public or self-interested

views on various social issues.

An October issue of PR Week US (October 8, 2007) reported that Clinton Global

Initiatives (CGI) was launching a program called The YouTube Nonprofit Program to facilitate

donation and increase awareness of the organization's many causes. The program will provide

participating groups with numerous features-a premium channel on YouTube to upload videos,

a Google Checkout donation button on their channel or video watch pages, and a banner ad that

will take viewers to the organization's Web site. CGI and the March of Dimes are already in the

activity of using Youtube as a media channel to reach target publics, and numerous other non-

profit organizations are to sign on as well.









Multinational corporations are also paying keen attention to this media. In December

2006, Coca-Cola and YouTube launched Holiday WishCast, a promotion that allowed users send

video greetings to their friends and family members. Viewers sent video emails via YouTube by

selecting from one of the existing videos, uploading a new video, or by choosing one from the

ready-made clips, and then adding personal messages with the video. Being a Coke promotion, it

also provides video links to share famous holiday-themed Coke ads with family members and

friends as well.

Health campaigns are also utilizing YouTube as a channel to reach more people and

encourage them to live a healthy life style. QUIT, a non-profit anti-smoking charity based in

London, UK developed a new online stop smoking campaign aimed at young people, and is

using a minute-long video called "black magic" on YouTube to promote the campaign (E-Health

media, 2006). According to Ruth Bosworth, director of services at QUIT, web videos are

effective because the format appeals to young people, and posting it on YouTube extends the

reach of the message (E-Health media, 2006).

Health communication research emphasizes the World Wide Web or the Internet as an

effective outlet to persuade target publics to engage in healthy behaviors (Cassell, Jackson, &

Cheuvront., 1998; Meyer, 1996; Larkin, 1996; Skinner, Stretcher, & Hospers, 1994), and

practitioners are pursuing advanced technologies to further their reach. However, much is left

unsaid about the effects of social media, such as personal blogs and user-created contents (UCC).

UCC refers to various kinds of publicly available media content that are produced by end-users,

and it reflects the expansion of media production through new technologies (i.e., podcasts and

blogs) that are accessible and affordable to the general public (Organisation for Economic Co-

operation and Development, 2007).









The lack of research on user created contents (UCC) is especially problematic for health

issues with regard to adolescents as vulnerable populations such as anti-smoking campaigns.

According to a 2006 Nielson/NetRatings report, the key demographics for YouTube users are

12-17 years old, and this demographic is 1.5 times more likely to go on YouTube than the

average Web user. Additionally, this age group spends an average of 30 minutes a day on this

Web site. Considering the fact that an immense number of anti-smoking campaigns are targeted

towards youths and adolescents, neglecting a popular form of online media among teenagers

leaves a hole in examining the persuasiveness of youth-orientated anti-smoking messages.

To obtain a better understanding of user created anti-smoking messages on Web sites,

this research examined video clips on a popular UCC Web site, Youtube.com. The study aims to

1) discover the types of frequently appearing persuasive forms in the videos posted on YouTube,

2) discover the types of message appeals frequently appearing in the videos on YouTube, 3)

examine the model characteristics of the videos posted on YouTube, 4) examine the persuasive

form that results to have the most number of hits, and finally to 5) discover which appeal of

persuasion message has positive responses from viewers. This study replicates the measurement

variables and coding categories of the 2002 research of Christopher Beaudoin on anti-smoking

television advertisements, but also adds to the previous research by looking into unique

categories that are applicable to the new interactive media channel. Finally, this study attempts to

examine both the professionally developed videos non-professionally created videos by

individuals in order to discover if there are differences among the two groups. By studying the

persuasion forms and messages appeals of the anti-smoking video contents on YouTube, this

research hopes to expand literature on the persuasive patterns adopted on interactive social media









and gain an understanding of how health communication campaigns can utilize such media to

better persuade its publics to engage in a healthy life style.









CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW

Health Communication

The World Health Organization (WHO) defines health communication as the following:
"Health communication is a key strategy to inform the public about health
concerns and to maintain important health issues on the public agenda. The use of
the mass and multimedia and other technological innovations to disseminate
useful health information to the public, increases awareness of specific aspects of
individual and collective health as well as importance of health in development"
(2007).

The WHO emphasizes the use of mass media to inform and distribute crucial health

related issue information in order to increase awareness of different health issues. Similarly, the

field of health communication research has also focused on the uses of mass media to modify

attitudes, shape behavior, and generally persuade audiences to protect their health (Amezcua,

McAllister, Ramires, & Espionoza, 1990; Hornik, 1989; Wallack, 1989). In addition to mass

media, more personalized media; such as the Internet, are effective in increasing persuasiveness.

In fact, Parrot (2001) states that interpersonal communication channels are more effective in

creating suggested behavioral changes and attitudinal changes for health communication

campaigns among message recipients. No matter what media or strategies are utilized, the core

function of health communication is to cultivate particular attitudes and behaviors in order to

promote a healthy life style. In this process, persuasion is the pivotal factor in engaging target

publics to change previous health-threatening life styles.

Persuasion Theory and Health Communication

Persuasion theory has been used as a paradigm to understand "the use of communication

in an attempt to shape, change, and/or reinforce perception, affect, cognition, and/or behavior"

(Pfau & Wan, 2006, p. 102). A keen understanding of persuasion provides insight to effective

and strategic communication. There are various definitions regarding persuasion, but perhaps the









most comprehensive and modem term is provided by Perloff (2003) who defines persuasion as

"a symbolic process in which communicators try to convince other people to change their

attitudes or behavior regarding an issue through the transmission of a message, in an atmosphere

of free choice" (p. 8). Perloff (2003) stresses the five components of persuasion which emphasize

the use of symbols, conscious effort to influence the recipient, self-persuasion, transmission of

verbal and non-verbal messages, and ultimately, the freedom of choice to the counterpart.

Persuasion is also defined as "a successful intentional effort at influencing another's mental state

through communication in a circumstance in which the persuade has some measure of freedom"

(O'Keefe, 1990, p. 17).

Much of persuasion research has focused on how effective persuasion contributes to

communication campaigns (Pfau & Van Bockern, 1994; Ohme, 2000; Cohen, Shumate, & Gold,

2007). This is only logical due to the nature of persuasion itself, and as a corresponding effect,

attempts to discover which persuasion variables have been pervasive. Certain characteristics

have been discovered as an influential factor for persuasion; source, message, and personality

(Kelman, 1958; Allen, 1998; McGuire, 1968). Source refers to the communicator effect of

persuasion-"who says it" has a great impact on the persuasion outcome. According to Kelman

(1958), authorities, credible communicators, and attractive individuals promote attitude change

through different mechanisms. Credible communicators are perceived as having expertise,

trustworthiness, goodwill, dynamism, extroversion, sociability, and composure (Berlo, Lemert,

& Mertz, 1969; McCroskey & Young, 1981). The source of the message is associated with the

credibility; "the attitude toward a source of communication held at a given time by a receiver"

(McCroskey, 1997, p.87). A credible source, such as the American Cancer Society, has a high

possibility to appear trustworthy and having goodwill, therefore increasing the persuasiveness of









the messages it communicates to the public. Message refers to the structure, content, and

language of the persuasion (Perloff, 2003). By effectively utilizing different message sources and

emotional appeals, the persuasiveness of the communicated messages can be greatly enhanced

(Perloff, 2003).

The appeals refer to how messages are communicated, and the most common method is

to conjure fear (Perloff, 2003). Fear appeals are common in everyday life, and it is proposed to

be most effective in persuading people to change attitudes and behaviors, particularly when fear

appeals can elicit fear and provide informational or emotional support to overcome fear (Witte,

1992). In fact, Dejong and Atkin (1995) discovered that emotional appeals were prevalent, with

fear appeals being the most popular, especially in anti-smoking campaigns and PSAs (Freimuth,

Hammond, Edgar, & Monahan).

Anti-Smoking Campaigns

Anti-smoking campaigns represent one of the "most intensively funded health

communication campaigns" (Cohen, Shumate, & Gold, 2007, p. 101). For example, the State of

Massachusetts conducted a $350 million anti-smoking campaign starting in late 1993 and the

state of Arizona, California, and Florida also heavily fund anti-smoking campaigns (Institute of

Medicine & National Research Council, 2000). The U.S. Department of Health and Human

Services reported that funded mass media campaigns are crucial to reducing and preventing

tobacco use among adults and teens (1994). The Truth campaign, the largest youth smoking

prevention campaign in the country, has helped reduce youth smoking rates. From 1999 to 2000,

the two years following the launch of the campaign, cigarette smoking among high school

students fell from 28 percent to 22.9 percent a drop of more than one million smokers (National

Institute on Drug Abuse, 2007). The "Monitoring the Future" survey, sponsored by the National

Institute on Drug Abuse and conducted by the University of Michigan, cited the Truth campaign









as a factor in the dramatic declines in smoking rates among 8th, 10th, and 12th graders (NIDA,

2007).

According to Flay (1987), mass media have mainly been used in three ways to reduce

smoking among adults and youths: 1) to inform the public about the negative health

consequences related to cigarette smoking, 2) to promote specific smoking cessation actions,

such as ordering smoking cessation kits, and 3) to provide smoking cessation clinic information

to those smokers who desire to stop smoking. Since anti-smoking campaigns use different

emotional appeals and themes in response to the characteristics of their target publics, this

research will review literature about various types of persuasion in anti-smoking messages.

Message Appeals of Anti-Smoking PSAs

A detailed examination of the various message appeals utilized in anti-smoking PSAs is

required for a better understanding of the persuasive nature of such contents. Much of the

previous research suggests that fear appeal and humor have been the most popular message

appeals in youths-oriented anti-smoking PSAs (Flay, 1987; Alden, Mukherjee, & Hoyer,

2000; Cohen, Shumate, & Gold, 2007). For this reason, the literature for appeals was focused in

fear and humor.

Fear appeal

Appealing to fear has proven to be persuasive and dominant in anti-smoking campaign

messages (Flay, 1987). According to Perloff (2003), a fear appeal is "a persuasive

communication that tries to scare people into changing their attitudes by conjuring up negative

consequences that will occur if they do not comply with the message recommendations" (p. 187).

Fear-appeal oriented anti-smoking campaigns conjure threat-visuals of physically damaged









people, statistical data of tobacco-related diseases, and numeric figures of death rates-in order

to arouse feeling of fear.

However, fear appeals have been criticized by inconsistent results in terms of persuasion

(see Witte, 1992). Morris and Swann (1996) argued that "too much fear" can backfire and cause

people to deny or ignore the message. Researchers (Kleinot & Rogers, 1982; Roger. 1975; Witte,

1992) argue that fear appeals without information about how to overcome the elicited fear can

cause a boomerang effect from viewers. Appealing to fear can be most effective when an action

to prevent, or avoid the threat associated with a risky behavior is present (Kleinot & Rogers,

1982; Roger. 1975; Witte, 1992). According to the extended parallel process model (EPPM)

proposed by Witte (1992), people who are threatened will either attempt to control the danger of

physical threat or the emotion of fear. When individuals recognize the high possibility of facing

physical threat and seek to control danger, they adopt the recommended solution to reduce the

threat; but when individuals attempt to control just fear, they engage in denial or underestimating

actual risk to reduce fearful reaction (Witte, 1992). For this reason, it is important that

individuals are shown both the threat and a solution to the threat (Witte, 1992, 1994). It is

suggested that fear appeals with high level of threat (i.e., smoking leads to death) and high levels

of solution (i.e., you are physically and mentally capable of quitting smoking, and there are

information and social support for your quitting smoking) produce higher message acceptance.

Humor

Anti-smoking PSAs that contains an entertaining situation or dialog is considered a

humor message, and this is another strategy that is used in anti-smoking campaigns. As noted

above, fear may backfire and produce negative results (Morris & Swann, 1996). In certain cases,

light, humorous messages are more helpful. For example, humor appeals are more effective









when the target public already has positive attitudes toward the organization or the product brand

(Chattopadhyay & Basu, 1990).

Two types of models, cognitive and affective, are used to explain the effect of humor on

persuasion (Gelb & Zinkhan, 1986). The cognitive model explains the impact of humor on

persuasion by stimulating attention to the message (Gelb & Zinkhan, 1986). The affective model

explains the favorable attitude towards persuasion messages. According to the affective model,

humor causes positive attitude towards the message and consequently makes the message more

memorable (Biel & Bridgwater, 1990).

However, the findings of humor effects are inconsistent and it is risky to use them as the

dominant message strategy (Alden, Mukherjee, & Hoyer, 2000). For example, humorous

effects are known to vary by demographical differences, particularly in gender and ethnicity, of

the target public (Madden & Weinberger 1982) as well as culture (Unger 1996). Men are more

likely to have a positive feeling towards humor messages than women, and Whites are more

likely to recall humor messages and find them appealing than Black (Madden & Weinberger

1982). Additionally, humor appeals were found to be most prevalent in youths-oriented anti-

smoking PSAs (Beaudoin, 2002)

Others

Beaudoin's research (2002) reported that sociability and dirtiness on top of fear appeal

and humor appeal were also popular appeals utilized in anti-smoking PSAs targeted towards

teens. For example, dirtiness causes feelings of disgust. Lack of sociability which is related to the

feeling of isolation and romantic rejection may pose critical worries for youths. As a matter of

fact, Beaudoin found that sociability was most frequently used for youths than fear appeal. For









this reason, these categories were also included as message appeals in this study (USDHHS,

1994; Beaudoin, 2002).

Based on the existing literature, this study designed following research question:

RQ1: What types of message appeals most frequently appear in the anti-smoking videos on

YouTube?

Portrayed Consequences of Smoking

Portrayed consequences resulting from smoking are also important factors that increase

the effectiveness in anti-smoking campaign messages. Many studies suggest that anti-smoking

messages with long-term physical consequences are not effective for youths (Hale & Dillard,

1995; Irwin & Millstein, 1986) because young people feel detached to long-term consequences,

such as death and disease. It may be more effective to emphasize immediate physiological

change associated with smoking, such as skin damage or hair loss, when persuading young adults

to quit smoking (Birnbaum, 1975; Davidson & Rosen, 1972; Evans, Henderson, Hill, & Raines,

1979).

According to Goldman and Glantz (1998), TV ads with short-term physiological

consequences (i.e. negative cosmetic effects such as yellowing teeth, smelly hair and clothing,

etc.) can counter the tobacco industry's portrayal of smoking as a glamorous and sophisticated

activity. For example, an anti-smoking TV ad aired in Australia portrays a beautiful woman

whose face becomes more wrinkled, teeth turns more yellow, and looses hair with every puff of

smoke. Such illustration of short-term consequences is known to be effective to youths.

Pechmann and Shih (1999) discovered that students who were exposed to such ads prior to

watching a movie that involved an attractive lead actor's smoking thought the activity was

unappealing.









In addition, social consequences such as unattractiveness and undesirability are often

portrayed as negative outcomes resulting from smoking as well. Thus, the next research question

examines the three types of consequences frequented in anti-smoking messages: long-term

physical, short-term physiological and social consequences.

RQ2: What types of consequences most frequently appear in the anti-smoking videos on

YouTube?

Themes of Content

A framework for examining the themes of the content of anti-smoking campaign

messages were set forth by Goldman and Glantz (1998). This research will explore the most

frequently utilized anti-smoking themes across studies (Beaudoin, 2002; Goldman & Glantz,

1998): industry manipulation, second-hand smoke, addiction, cessation, and prevention.

Industry manipulation refers to revelation of the tobacco company's attempt to glamorize

smoking habits and minimize the risky state of health associated with smoking. Goldman and

Glantz (1998) found this form to be highly effective because they made viewers think that

tobacco companies were trying to manipulate them into smoking, and they, particularly youths,

dislike the feeling of being manipulated.

Second-hand smoking messages communicate to smokers that their behavior not only

puts their own health at sake, but also threaten the well-being of their friend, family members,

and other loved ones. Such characteristics appear to be especially effective in anti-smoking

messages targeted towards youth as they raise a sense of injustice and guilt (Goldman & Glantz,

1998).

Addiction messages emphasize that nicotine is an addictive drug, and that it is

deliberately used by tobacco companies to keep the customers hooked on it. This is also effective

in youth-oriented messages because young adults are attracted to the concept of having control.









Cessation messages acknowledge the fact that the viewer is a current smoker, and

encourages the person to quit by offering various justifications (i.e., for your own health, to be a

better role model for your children, to protect one's future, etc ) to do so. Finally, prevention

messages are mainly aimed towards youths because (1) adolescents have not yet shaped their

habits in health behaviors and (2) most smokers experimented with smoking when they were

teenagers and become addicted to tobacco since then (USDHHS, 1994). Another research

question is raised based on the literature on the themes of anti-smoking contents.

RQ3: What types of themes most frequently appear in the anti-smoking videos on YouTube?

Persuasive forms of Anti-Smoking PSAs and Advertisements

The formats of anti-smoking PSAs are also known to have an influence on the

persuasiveness of the message (Cohen, Shumate, & Gold, 2007). Perhaps some of the most

popular forms utilized are celebrity endorsements, testimonials, and dramatizations.

Celebrity endorsement

Celebrity endorsement is highly related to the source factor of persuasion, with an

emphasis on physical and social attractiveness. A celebrity is a widely-recognized or famous

person who commands a high degree of public and media attention. Organizations can build

characters that are congruent with their identity, produce positive attitudes, and enhance message

persuasiveness by utilizing the celebrity's persona (Atkin & Block, 1983; Petty, Cacioppo, &

Schumann, 1983; Tom, Clark, Elmer, Grech, Masetti, & Sandhar, 1992). Celebrities are effective

endorsers because of their symbolic inspirational reference group associations, and of their

physical attractiveness (Singer, 1983; Soloman & Assael, 1987). Source attractiveness triggers

persuasion through a process of identification-the receiver is motivated to seek a relationship

with the source and adopts a similar position in terms of beliefs, attitudes, preferences or

behaviors (Belch & Belch, 1995). According to breast cancer research (Larson, Woloshin,









Schwartz, & Welch, 2005), almost 73 % of women age 40 and older reported that they had seen

or heard celebrities talk about mammograms, and of these women, 25% reported that it made

them more likely to undergo screening mammography.

Testimonial

Utilizing testimonials are also related to the source factor of persuasion. Testimonials

refer to the similarity of the persuader- a communicator who appears to share the same

demographics, values and life style are more likely to change attitudes of the persuade (Perloff,

2003). The appearance of "average folks" allows message recipients to relate to the situation, and

is effective when people must make personal and emotional decisions (Goethals & Nelson,

1973). Additionally, testimonials are successful because the recipients may refer that if a

behavior works for someone who is similar to me, then it will work for me as well (Perloff,

2003).

Dramatization

Dramatization refers to the fictitious act of characters in a plot with or without narration

(Deighton, Romer, & McQueen, 1989). According to Scholes (1981), characters are protagonists

who act in a given story to make human values such as love, happiness, and goodwill salient to

the audience. Additionally, a plot is a fictional or true story of the proposed characters of the

drama, and a narration is characters' speech or writing directly directed to the audience (Scholes,

1981). Utilizing drama results in fewer counter-arguments towards the proposed messages

compared to formats that do not incorporate dramatization, and increases verisimilitude of the

situation (Deighton, Romer, & McQueen, 1989). Viewers of the drama consider the situation to

be relevant to real life situations.

This research is interested in examining persuasive forms online users utilize in anti-

smoking PSAs they post on YouTube.









RQ4: What types of persuasive forms most frequently appear in the anti-smoking videos on

YouTube?

In addition, the characteristics of the models and venues featured in the anti-smoking

videos will be examined as well to assess how online creators conjecture effective models of

anti-smoking messages and potential contexts of smoking.

RQ5: What are the characteristics of models (message senders) in the anti-smoking videos

posted on YouTube?

RQ6: What are the characteristics of venues in the anti-smoking videos posted on YouTube?

The World Wide Web

Health Communication (Anti-Smoking Campaigns) and the Internet

The growth and evolution of the World Wide Web has changed practically every area of

communication-health communication is no exception. In fact, Fotsch (1996) asserts that health

communication has facilitated some form of computer-mediated communication for nearly 20

years as a research, educational, and informational device. Moreover, Web sites used to promote

health-related issues are not exclusive to academic research. According to Meyer (1996), the

main purpose of most health sites on the Internet serve as marketing purposes and consumer

education materials. Larkin (1996) also reported a growing interest among consumers and health

related practitioners using online Web sites to gain health information. As a matter of fact, a

survey conducted in late 2004, revealed that 62 million people in the United States have access

to the Web, and 80% of them searched for health information via the Internet (Fox, 2005).

Specifically, 51% of Web users search for diet or nutrition information online, 42% for exercise

and fitness information, and 40% for prescription and over-the-counter drug information (Fox,

2005). Additionally, nearly half of all Americans with Internet access made health care decisions

that were influenced by on-line sources (Fox & Rainie, 2002).









Web sites can function simultaneously as an interpersonal medium and a mass medium

(Cassell et al., 1998). An interpersonal medium stimulates continuous and speedy feedback;

therefore, it is more capable to provide transactional respondent communication (Backer et al.,

1992; McQuail, 1987; Rogers & Storey, 1987). The World Wide Web may serve this function by

providing customized feedback in audible, visible forms in order to respond to the addressed

information from individuals (Cassell et al., 1998). Such interpersonal communication features

of the Internet may enhance the persuasiveness of health messages. By providing health

messages that are specific to individual's needs and benefits, the messages are "tailored" in order

to enhance persuasiveness (Skinner, Stretcher, & Hospers, 1994).

The Internet also has the ability to reach a mass audience. Moreover, geological

boundaries have no meaning in this virtual reality. Mass media have attracted many health

communicators because of its ability to disseminate messages, increase awareness, and enhance

exposure (Alemi & Higley, 1995). The Internet is also capable to deliver such desired results for

health communication campaigns. Compatible with other forms of mass media, the Internet is

"fast-paced, competitive, and increasingly commercialized" (Cassell et al., 1998, p. 76). Such

distinctive traits of the Internet make it a popular medium for health communication campaigns

as they strive to reach a mass audience with health messages customized to individualized needs

and perceptions of a good state of health. The Internet serves as the most idealistic medium for

such purposes, and increased interactive features of Web sites are making the Internet an even

more compatible medium for effective health communication campaigns.

Interactivity and Health Communication

One of the most attractive figures of the Internet is interactivity- the unique capacity to

implement two-way communication (McMillan, 1999). A number of researchers have claimed

that interactivity is a crucial variable for determining the uses and effects of new media









technologies (Jankowski & Hanssen, 1996; Morris & Organ, 1996; Rafaeli; 1988). In fact,

previous research has shown that increased interactivity is associated with higher satisfaction, a

greater sense of self-efficacy, and increased memory (Rafaeli, 1988).

Research (Prochaska, Redding, & Evers, 1997; Schacter & Fagnano, 1999; Steuer, 1992;

Stout et al., 2001; Sundar, Kalyanaraman, & Brown, 2003) has revealed that interactive features

such as high accessibility, high user control and personalized content are intriguing for health

communication as well. Stout and her colleagues (2001) found that interactivity features

discovered in health Web sites facilitate relationship building and problem solving, as well as the

learning of health information. Specifically, the relationship building tool of interactivity is

suggested to increase the recipients' perceptions of self-efficacy by enabling communications

with experts (Schacter & Fagnano, 1999). For example, the instant messaging services or chat

rooms on a health Web site can provide a cyberspace where people can exchange information,

give advice, and interact with other users or representative experts of the Web site (Prochaska,

Redding, & Evers, 1997).

The definition of interactivity varies among scholars, and different characteristics are

proposed for each concept (Heeter, 1989). Empirical research has focused on the new physical

features and functions of Web sites that suggest heightened interactivity (Rafaeli, 1988; Heeter,

1989; Steur, 1992). However, it is debatable whether the liking and affinity generated by

increased interactivity are simply reflections of the users' appreciation for a well-structured Web

site's functional features to generate a dialogue between users and a candidate, or the result of

subjective perception of psychological closeness brought about by actual online interaction with

the Web site (Sundar et al, 2003). While different researchers have different concepts of









interactivity, this paper will look into the concepts proposed by Sundar and his colleagues: the

functional view, the contingency view, and the user-characteristic view.

Functional view

According to the functional view, increased interactivity translates to the Web site's

ability to conduct dialogues or information exchanges between users and the interface (Sundar et

al, 2003). Heeter (1989) described six dimensions of media interactivity-choice, user effort,

medium responsiveness, system-use monitoring, contributing information, and the facilitation of

interpersonal communication-and the level of interactivity of these dimensions are determined

by the technological aspects of the medium. Researchers have operationalized the concept in

terms of functional features such as e-mail links, feedback forms, chat rooms, and audio or video

downloads (Ahern & Stromer-Galley, 2000; Massey &Levy, 1999). The presence of these

functions on a Web site serves as an evidence of interactivity, and the higher the number of

functions appearing in a Web site, the greater the level of interactivity.

An experimental study with political Web sites that controlled the levels of interactivity

adopted from the functional view revealed that participants in the medium interactivity (Web site

with a link to additional information about the candidate) and high interactivity (Web site with a

link to the candidate's e-mail) tended to perceive the candidate as more sensitive and caring than

participants that were exposed to low interactivity (Sundar, Hesser, Kalyanaraman, & Brown,

1998).

Contingency view

The contingency view is a message-based conceptualization of interactivity, focusing on

the transmission and reception of messages. Rafaeli (1988) illustrated such conceptualization by

viewing interactivity as "an expression of the extent that in a given series of communication

exchanges, any third (or later) transmission (or message) is related to the degree to which









previous exchanges referred to even earlier transmissions (p. 11). That is, interactivity is

conceptualized as "a process involving users, media, and messages, with an emphasis on how

messages relate to one another" (Sundar et al, 2003; p. 31). From this perspective, interactivity is

achieved by message contingency-subsequent messages should be dependent on previous

messages, and interactants need to respond to one another.

Empirical research applying the message contingency view has shown that increased

interactivity is associated with higher satisfaction, a greater sense of self-efficacy, and increased

memory (Rafaeli, 1988). Additionally, a content analysis of computer-medicated communication

(CMC) found that interactive messages were more humorous, less anonymous, and inclined to

contain first-person plural pronouns for references (Rafaeli & Sudweeks, 1997). Based on the

findings, the researchers concluded that interactivity is associated with a higher sense of

belonging and involvement.

Motivation and User-Characteristics

While motivation and user-characteristics is not a separate dimension of interactivity

proposed by Sundar and his colleagues, they proposed that the effects of interactivity are

moderated by the user's level of interest and involvement (Sundar et al, 2003). Thus, it is

meaningful to look into the individual characteristics of users who engage in interactive media.

Many scholars agree that blogs are highly interactive (McMillan, 1999); therefore, a look into the

user characteristics of blogs may give us an idea of what kind of people engage in interactive

media, and why they do so. A series of in-depth interviews with bloggers around Stanford

University discovered that those who frequently blog are attracted by the ability to "document

their life," "democratically express one's opinion," and "form a community forum" (Nardi,

Schiano, Gumbrecht, & Swartz, 2002). The study also notes that bloggers feel a sense of relief

and catharsis by publicly posting their deepest emotions, and even considered blogging as an









opportunity to refine their thinking and enhance writing skills (Nardi, Schiano, Gumbrecht, &

Swartz, 2002). These findings of motivations for blogging suggest that people who engage in

interactive media are more likely to be self-expressive, active, involved, and appreciate two-way

communication. In fact, McMillan (1999) notes that interactive features require more energy and

interest as the user needs to "scroll through pages and select sections" (p. 377) on the Web site.

The UCC and YouTube

Perhaps the most interesting and recent aspect of interactivity is its potential to further

generate content (Richards, 2006). According to Richards (2006), interactivity is not just the

exchange of communication, but also the generation of content. While generating contents and

sharing them with other users serve relationship building and social support for creators, viewers

of such generated contents may engage in information learning and relationship building. Thus,

UCC can represent the most advanced form of interactivity which requires high motivation and

skills.

While research on health communication via the Internet is fruitful, relatively no research

attempted to examine exclusively on UCC Web sites. One of the few available studies on UCC is

a world-wide report from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development

(OECD). According to the 2007 OECD's Directorate for Science, Technology and Industry

report, UCC, also known as User Generated Content (UGC), is a creative content made publicly

available over the Internet in which the creator is outside of professional boundaries and

practices. Three essential characters compose this definition: publication requirement, creative

effort, and non-professional creator.

Publication requirement

UCC should be published in some context, and be publicly accessible through a Web site.

This definition allows e-mails, instant messages, and contents in chat rooms also to be a form of









UCC. Publication requirement is critical because UCC shares ideas and meanings with various

viewers.

Creative effort

Creative effort implies that a certain amount of "creative effort" must be put into creating

the work or adapting existing works to construct a new one. That is, users must add their own

value to the work. Strictly speaking, clipping a portion of a television show and posting it on an

online video Web site would not be considered UCC. On the other hand, if a user uploads his or

her photographs, expresses his or her thoughts through a blog, or creates a new music video, this

is considered to be a UCC. However, creative effort is difficult to define because it may not be

transparent in some cases.

Creation outside of professional routines and practices

UCC should be created by non-professionals. It often does not have an institutional or a

commercial market context. UCC is not driven by commercial profit or remuneration, but by the

motive to connect with peers, achieving personal fame, emotion of prestige, and the desire to

express oneself.

While the conceptualization of UCC is much helpful, the last characteristic is now

difficult to assert as a core component of UCC. Now both individuals and organizations use

YouTube for commercial profit or public education. Established media and Internet sites (i.e.,

The New York Times, Google Inc.) are pursuing UCC formats to derive revenue (OECD, 2007).

During the times of crisis, corporations and organizations are turning to YouTube as an

alternative channel to communicate with its publics. For example, during the JetBlue airplane

hostage crisis in February 2007, JetBlue utilized YouTube as a channel to report the crisis, and

communicate its crisis plan with various publics. The company posted a video apology from the









CEO of JetBlue on YouTube in order to actively engage in communication and act transparently

(Forbes, 2007).

Individual users post their creative production to pursue a professional career. Or they

post videos aired somewhere else to show their support or liking for the products or issues

portrayed in the videos. A pilot test of this research indicates that many users post anti-smoking

PSAs which have been aired before. Thus, individual users use YouTube as an outlet to

disseminate existing views on smoking issues as well as a communication outlet to express their

own creative ideas. For this reason, it is premature to conclude that YouTube is exclusively for

non-professional, amateur video creators. Therefore, in order to better understand the whole

picture of UCCs, we need to look into both created contents purely for the sake of expressing

one's personal opinion and creativity on YouTube, and borrowed contents from other sources

that are posted on YouTube. This study will deem contents created purely for YouTube as "non-

professionally created contents" and contents borrowed from other sources to be posted on

YouTube as "professionally created contents" (OECD, 2007). The two groups of contents will be

compared to assess the similarities and the differences. In addition, this study will identify which

organizations' anti-smoking videos are most frequently posted to assess who are key leaders in

this area.

RQ 7: Are there any differences in the results for RQ1 to RQ6 between professionally developed

videos and non-professionally developed videos?

RQ 8: What organizations' anti-smoking videos are most frequently posted?

It is also important to know viewers' actual responses of a posted anti-smoking video on

YouTube because UCC intends to share ideas and encourages user interactions. Additionally,









this process gives us an understanding of the persuasiveness of the videos from different creators

and sources.

RQ 9: What types of anti-smoking videos have the most number of hits?
RQ 9-a: What appeal has the most number of hits?
RQ 9-b: What portrayed consequence has the most number of hits?
RQ 9-c: What form has the most number of hits?

RQ 10: What types of anti-smoking videos have positive responses from viewers?
RQ 10-a: What appeal has the most positive responses from viewers?
RQ 10-b: What portrayed consequence has the most positive responses from viewers?
RQ 10-c: What form has the most positive responses from viewers?

RQ 11: Is there a difference between the two groups of videos in terms of hits and positive
responses?

Research Questions

Based on the literature review, this research attempts to discover the types of persuasive

forms, message appeals, model and content characteristics illustrated in anti-smoking videos

posted on YouTube. Additionally, the study will examine the persuasive form that results in the

most number of hits, and discover which type of anti-smoking PSAs has positive responses from

viewers. Finally, the study will examine if different types of message appeals and persuasive

forms result in different numbers of hits for the proposed video.

* RQ 1: What types of message appeals appear most frequently in the anti-smoking videos
on YouTube?

* RQ2: What types of consequences appear most frequently in the anti-smoking videos on
YouTube?

* RQ3: What types of themes appear most frequently in the anti-smoking videos on
YouTube?

* RQ4: What types of persuasive forms appear most frequently in the anti-smoking videos
on YouTube?

* RQ5: What are the characteristics of models (message senders) in the anti-smoking
videos posted on YouTube?









* RQ6: What are the characteristics of venues in the anti-smoking videos posted on
YouTube?

* RQ 7: Are there any differences in the results for RQ1 to RQ6 between professionally
developed videos and non-professionally developed videos?

* RQ 8: What organizations' anti-smoking PSAs are most frequently posted?

* RQ 9: What types of anti-smoking videos has the most number of hits?
RQ 9-a: What appeal has the most number of hits?
RQ 9-b: What portrayed consequence has the most number of hits?
RQ 9-c: What form has the most number of hits?

* RQ 10: What types of anti-smoking videos have positive responses from viewers?
RQ 10-a: What appeal has the most positive responses from viewers?
RQ 10-b: What portrayed consequence has the most positive responses from
viewers?
RQ 10-c: What form has the most positive responses from viewers?

* RQ 11: Is there a difference between the two groups of videos in terms of hits and
positive responses?









CHAPTER 3
METHODOLOGY

Research Design and Sampling Procedure

A content analysis of user-created video contents on YouTube was conducted to examine

how anti-smoking messages are being communicated in this new form of social media.

According to Wimmer and Dominick (2000), content analysis is "a method of studying and

analyzing communication in a systematic, objective, and quantitative manner for the purposes of

measuring variables" (p. 135).

To gather the sample for this study, a video search on YouTube was carried out by

entering the keyword "made anti-smoking" in the search box to view the universe of

nonprofessionally created video contents. The time frame for video selection was from March

2007 to March 2008. This was because YouTube arranges the videos on a one year period. A

total of 120 video clips appeared under the key word "made anti-smoking," and because of the

small number of the sample, the whole universe was examined.

With the similar approach, the word "anti-smoking" was entered in the search box to

discover the universe of anti-smoking videos posted on YouTube. From this keyword search, a

total of 1,490 video clips were retrieved. However, some of the samples overlapped with the

videos retrieved from the first keyword search "made anti-smoking." Additionally, YouTube

only allows the Web pages to range from page 1 to page 50, with 20 videos per page, to viewers.

Thus, while the keyword search indicates a total of 1,490 video clips, only 1000 of them were

accessible. The replicated anti-smoking clips, videos that had no cues of source, and videos that

were difficult to identify whether it had been aired or not were excluded from the population. In

the end, a total of 570 videos were identified as the universe for "professionally developed" anti-

smoking messages.









However, many anti-smoking videos posted on Youtube did not fit into the proposed

timeline of the study. For instance, while the cover page notified that the video was posted a year

ago, the initial posted date was revealed to be more than one year when you actually clicked on

the video to view it. In conclusion, a total of 199 videos which were applicable to the proposed

timeline were examined for this study. Of the 199 videos, 78 videos were made by non-

professionals, and 121 videos were made by professionals.

Measurement

The unit of analysis was individual video clips about anti-smoking messages on

YouTube. Each video clip was categorized under four primary focuses; 1) the message appeals,

2) portrayed consequences of smoking, 3) themes, and 4) persuasive forms.

Type of Appeal

The message appeals were specified into fear, humor, dirtiness, and sociability. These

categories were directly adapted from the study by Beaudoin (2002), and the primary subject of

each categories is to be coded, rather than looking into all that appears.

Fear appeal. The fear appeal was counted on presence of description of physical and

social threats resulting from smoking. In particular, the fear appeal focus was coded in seven

sub-categories: 1) threatened state of health, 2) damaged physical appearance, 3) statistics of

smoke-related death rates, 4) second-hand smoking effects, 5) addictive drug, 6) social outcast,

and 7) other. Threatened state of health videos inform the various diseases caused by smoking

cigarettes, such as lung cancer, pneumonia, heart attack, gastric ulcer, loss of vision, gingivitis,

and diabetes. Damaged physical appearance videos report smoking cigarettes as an action that

results in destroying aesthetic features of a person; such as wrinkled skin, discolored and

corroded teeth, and loss of hair. Statistics of smoke-related death rates videos inform numeric

data of annual death rates due to smoking, number of diseases caused by smoking, and









comparison with other statistics. Second-hand smoking effects illustrate the effects smoking has

on family members, friends, and numerous other people. Addictive drug videos demonstrate

cigarettes as a drug, not a matter of preference, and an addiction that must be eliminated. Social

outcast videos illustrate smoking cigarettes as an unattractive behavior, and a habit that may

result in romantic rejection and loss of friends. Videos that conjure fear by using any other type

of threat were coded and specified as other.

Humor. The humor appeal was coded in terms of present or absent. An anti-smoking

PSA from the National Council Against Smoking depicts a young, attractive woman at a party.

Two men are attracted by her looks and put their attention on her. The woman, throwing sultry

looks to the men, starts to pick on her nose. Then, she pulls mucus out of her nose. The PSA

finishes with a caption that reads "What's so cool about a filthy habit?" This would be an

example of a humorous situation in an anti-smoking video.

Dirtiness. Dirtiness was also coded in terms of present or absent. Videos that illustrate

smoking to stain clothes, leave the house smelling and looking dirty, and make the smoker smell

are all examples of dirtiness utilized in anti-smoking ads.

Sociability. Sociability was coded in terms of present or absent. Videos that oppose to

the association of smoking being socially acceptable, fit, and sophisticated are examples of this

variable. Sociability is clearly distinguishable from social outcast because sociability focuses on

breaking the social norm of approving smoking as a socially acceptable and cool behavior.

Message Form

The forms are classified into celebrity endorsement, testimonial, and dramatization.

These categories were added to discover the format of persuasion in anti-smoking videos on

YouTube. In addition, characteristics associated with the featured models (message senders) and

venues are assessed.









Celebrity Endorsement. Celebrity endorsement was examined in six sub-categories of

featured models) in anti-smoking video: gender, occupation, role, race, age group, and victim.

Gender examined whether the illustrated celebrity in the video was a female, a male, or whether

both genders appeared. Occupation examined whether the celebrity was a singer, actor/actress,

comedian, sports figure, an anchor, or any other. Role examined whether the celebrity appeared

as oneself, a parent, a friend, a brother or a sister, a teacher, or as a co-worker in the video. Race

identified whether the celebrity was White, Black, Asian, Hispanic, or Other. This race category

was adapted from the 2000 US census data. Age group examines whether the celebrity was a

child, teenager, young adult, adult, or senior. Victim addressed whether the proposed celebrity

was the direct victim from smoking, or if a family member or a friend was the victim from

smoking.

Venue Attribution. The location where the anti-smoking video is taking place refers to

the venue attribution of the created content. Venue attribution was coded in terms of present or

absent for seven different categories- school, home, work place, bar, park, street, and other.

Testimonial. Testimonial was examined in the same six sub-categories of models) for

celebrity endorsement except occupation. Occupation examines whether the person was a white

collar, stay home mom/dad, student, or a blue collar worker. All the other sub-categories assess

the same variables with celebrity endorsement.

Dramatization. Dramatization was examined mainly in the presence or absence of

narration, plot, and character. Models and target viewers of the drama are examined with the

same sub-categories with testimonials.




1 This category has limitations because it relies on the coder's observation, and they may not be accurate in some
cases.









Theme


The themes of the content were categorized into industry manipulation (indicates the

characteristics of a video which illustrates how tobacco companies portray smokers to be

powerful and attractive, and how they persuade people to overlook the dangers of smoking),

second-hand smoking (indicates the characteristics of a video which illustrates how smoking can

have detrimental health effects on friends, family members and others), addiction (indicates the

characteristics of a video which informs that nicotine is an addictive drug used by tobacco

companies to hook smokers), cessation (indicates the characteristics of a video which encourages

a current smoker to change the behavior by offering reasons for quitting smoking), and

prevention (indicates the characteristics of a video which illustrates how smoking is a harmful

activity for health, but is a behavior that an individual can control).

Consequences

Consequences were coded in terms of present or absent, and they were specified in terms

of long-term health, social, or short-term physiological types. Videos illustrating long-term

consequences portray death, chronicle diseases, and risky state of health. Short-term

physiological consequences illustrate aesthetically ruined features such as yellowing teeth, loss

of hair, and wrinkly complexion. Social consequences illustrate smokers as unattractive and

socially undesirable.

Viewers' Reaction

Viewer's reactions to the UCC were coded in terms of the number of comments, the tone

of the comments, and the ratings of the posted video. Additionally, the creator, affiliation of the

poster, and sponsor of the UCC was coded in order to examine if there are differences in

viewers' reactions according to the professional status of the video.









Comments. Comments are threads of opinion listed below the posted video. The number

and tone of comment were measured along with viewers' ratings of anti-smoking videos. The

tone of comments was broken down into negative and positive. A comment was considered

negative under terms such as "not helpful at all," "fake," "unreal," "too gross" "too scary,"

"ignore," and "so what." A comment was considered positive under terms such as "very helpful,"

"inspiring," "made me quite smoking," "interesting," "people should stop smoking,"

"educational," and "keep up the good work."

Ratings. Ratings are the number of stars each posted videos receive from the viewers.

The stars are filled in with color ranging from zero to five, and the cumulative number of stars

received is notified in numeric figures. Ratings were coded in terms of how many "filled-in

stars" the video received from its' viewers.

Creators

This category was coded in terms of being a professional creator or non-professional

creator. Examples of videos created by a professional were contents from a production company

with an affiliated source, and an anti-smoking PSA that has been aired, or is airing on TV.

Examples of a non-professional, amateur creator are videos made by students for a school

project, or videos made by unidentified individuals with the purpose of sharing personal beliefs

and opinions.

Sponsors and Poster Affiliation

Presence of the sponsor was coded along with the sponsor attribution (i.e. American

Cancer Society, American Heart Association, Philip Morris, American Lung Association, etc).

Additionally, the affiliation of the poster was coded in terms of present or absent.









Pretest and Coding Procedure

Three coders, the researcher and two other graduate students, who are not familiar with

this study, conducted a pretest independently with 10 percent of the research sample to test the

coding sheet. The pretest samples will be randomly selected from the pool of sampled videos.

The reliability of each category was measured by a coding pretest, and the coding sheet and

codebook was revised until the intercoder reliability reaches more than 0.7 regarded, which is

"good" (Shoemaker, 2003). Intercoder reliability shows the level of agreement among

independent coders who code the same content with the same coding instrument (Wimmer &

Dominick, 2002).

For this study, the Scott's Pi formula (1955) was used to calculate intercoder reliability

of the pretest. The Scott's Pi formula computes the agreement expected by chance by looking at

the proportion of times particular values of a category are used in a given test and then calculates

the chance agreement or expected agreement based on those proportions. This expected

agreement is calculated using basic probability theory (Riffe, Lacy, & Fico, 2005). Thus, the

Scott's Pi accounts for the occurrence of some coder agreement strictly due to chance, and it also

corrects for the probable frequency of use and the number of categories used in the study

(Wimmer & Dominick, 2002).









CHAPTER 4
RESULTS

Data Analysis

The following statistical analyses were used to answer the research questions for this

study. Descriptive statistics, such as frequencies and cross-tabulations, was used to answer RQ1

through RQ 6, and RQ 8 through RQ 10. Chi-square tests were conducted to answer differences

between professional and non-professional contents in terms of prevalent anti-smoking message

appeals, forms, and themes for RQ 7. Finally, t-tests were conducted to answer differences

between the two groups of contents in viewers' reactions for RQ 11.

General Findings

To examine the types of persuasive forms, message appeals, model and content

characteristics of the anti-smoking videos posted on YouTube, a total of 199 video contents were

collected from the Web site from March, 2007 to March, 2008. The Scott's Pi formula (1955)

was used to calculate intercoder reliability. The intercoder reliability scores were in an

acceptable range between .71 and .85. While research usually reports reliability figures that are

.80 or higher, Riffe and his colleagues (2005) suggested that variables with Scott's Pi as low as

.667 can be acceptable with nominal data and a large sample.

Of the 199 videos examined, 39.2% were made by non-professionals (n = 78) while

60.8% were made by professionals (n = 121). Approximately 84% of the videos did not disclose

the posters' affiliation (n = 168); 15.6% revealed the affiliation of the poster with the video (n =

31). The average airtime of all of the videos were 100.64 seconds (sd= 139.37). However, the

average airtime between non-professionally created videos (M = 154.91, sd = 149.65), and

professionally created videos (M = 65.66, sd= 120.54) showed statistically significant

differences (t = 4.42, p < .01). The majority of the video contents were made in the United States









(n = 124, 62.3%), while a small number of videos came from international countries (n = 51,

25.6%). Finally, 88.9 % of the videos (n = 177) mentioned the source, while 11.1% did not

mention the source of the video.

Findings from Research Questions

RQ1: The videos had the following number of appeals: fear, 63.3% (n = 126); humor,

28.1 % (n = 56); dirtiness, 3.5% (n = 7); and sociability, 4.0% (n = 8). Fear was the most

frequently appearing consequences in the anti-smoking videos on YouTube. Of the 126 videos

that utilized fear, threatened health accounted for 30.2% (n = 60), followed by second hand

smoking (11.1%, n = 22), addictive drug (7.5%, n =15), statistical data related to the danger and

chemicals associated with smoking (6.5%, n = 13), social outcast (3.5%, n = 7), damaged

physical appearance (2.5%, n = 5), and others (2.0%, n = 4). Intellectual deficiency and sexual

impotence were coded as others. Table 4-1 illustrates the findings.

Table 4-1: Frequency of message appeals portrayed in the videos
Message Appeal Frequency Percentage
Fear Threatened Health 60 30.2

Damaged Physical Appearance 5 2.5

Statistical Data 13 6.5

Second-hand Smoking 22 11.1

Addictive Drug 15 7.5
Social Outcast 7 3.5
Other 4 2.0
Humor 56 28.1
Dirtiness 7 3.5
Sociability 8 4.0
Total 197 98.8









RQ2: Approximately seventy-six percent of the videos portrayed consequences associated

with smoking (76.4%, n = 152), while 23.6% of the videos did not portray consequences of

smoking (n = 47).

Long term consequences such as cancer or death appeared most often in the videos (63.8%,

n = 127). Social consequences (6.5%, n = 13) was the second, followed by short term

consequences (6.0%, n = 12). Table 4-2 indicates the findings.

Table 4-2: Frequency of consequences portrayed in the videos

Themes Frequency Percentage

Long term consequences 127 63.8
Short term consequences 12 6.0
Social consequences 13 6.5
Absent 47 23.0
Total 199 100.0


RQ3: The anti-smoking videos had the following number for themes: industry

manipulation, 5.5% (n = 11); second hand smoking, 11.6% (n = 23); addiction, 7.5% (n = 15);

cessation, 56.3% (n = 112); prevention, 11.6% (n = 23); and others, 7.5% (n = 15). The most

frequently appearing type of theme was cessation while the least frequently appearing type of

theme was industry manipulation. Others consisted of videos that did not have one of the three

themes. Additionally, videos that portrayed smoking as a foolish act and an unattractive behavior

that chases away the opposite sex were also included in others. Finally, videos that insisted on

more education towards young people in order to stop them from smoking were also coded as

others. Table 4-3 indicates the findings.

RQ4: The study demonstrated that 67.1% of the videos utilized dramatization (n = 153),

6.5% utilized testimonials (n = 13), and 4.5% of the videos utilized celebrity endorsement (n =









9). According to Table 4-4, dramatization was the most common form of the anti-smoking

videos. Additionally, 11.6% of the videos utilize persuasive forms such as documentaries, still-

picture slide shows, television scoops, and movie scoops that do not fit into the categories

mentioned above (n = 23).

Table 4-3: Frequency of portrayed themes in the videos

Themes Frequency Percentage

Industry manipulation 11 5.5
Second-hand smoking 23 11.6
Addiction 15 7.5
Cessation 112 56.3
Prevention 23 11.6
Other 15 10.3
Total 199 100.0

Table 4-4: Frequency of portrayed forms in the videos
Persuasive form Frequency Percentage
Celebrity Endorsement 9 4.5
Testimonial 13 6.5
Dramatization 153 76.9
Other 23 11.6
Total 198 99.5

RQ5: In 36.7% of the videos, males were the dominant character (n = 73) while 16.6% of

the videos had females appearing as the dominant model (n = 33). Approximately 34% of the

videos had both males and females appearing as the dominant character (n = 67), and 11.4% of

the videos had dominant models such as robots, animals, animated characters, and text-only

visuals that were not applicable to gender characters (n = 26).

Nine percent of the videos (n = 18) had a model that was a celebrity. Of those videos,

actors or actresses appeared the most frequently (n = 6), followed by comedians (n = 3), anchors









(n = 3), sports figures (n = 2), and singers (n = 2). Additionally, political figures (n = 2) also

appeared as a celebrity figure. Ninety-one percent of the videos had models that were not a

celebrity (n =181). Of those videos, 3% of the models were stay home parents (n = 6), 7.5% were

white collar workers (n = 15), 1.5% were blue collar workers (n = 3), 11.6% were students (n =

23), and 12.1% percent had jobs such as magicians, cowboys, and superheroes that were not

detailed above (n = 24). Additionally, 107 videos did not mention the occupation of the

appearing models, and 3 videos were not applicable for the occupation category.

The victims of the videos appeared as the following: self, 27.1% (n = 54); family

members, 13.1% (n = 26); and friends, 5.5% (n = 11). Approximately 31.2% of the videos did

not have a victim (n = 62), and 20.6% of the videos had victims such as pets, non-smokers in

general, or smokers in general (n = 41). Additionally, 2% of the videos were not applicable for

portraying victims (n =5).

The role of models in the videos appeared as the following: self, 62.3% (n = 124);

parents, 7.5% (n = 15); friends, 5.5% (n = 11), and others such as teachers, lovers, and married

couples (15.1%, n = 30). Approximately 10% of the videos were not applicable for portraying

roles of the models (9.5%, n = 19) as they were animated figures, pets, and texts.

The race of the models appeared as the following: White, 71.4% (n = 142); African-

American, 5.5% (n = 11); Asian, 4.5% (n = 9); and others, 0.5% (n = 1). Additionally, 18.1% of

the videos were not applicable for race characteristics (n = 36).

The age group of the models appeared as the following: child, 6.5% (n = 13); teenagers,

21.1% (n = 42); young adults, 14.1% (n = 28); adults, 39.2% (n = 78); seniors, 2% (n = 4); and

others, 4% (n = 8). Additionally, 13.1% of the videos were not applicable for age groups (n =

26).









RQ6: The study demonstrated that 8.5% of the videos took place in school (n = 17); 26.1%

took place at home (n = 52); 5.5% took place at work place (n = 11); 3% took place at a bar (n =

6); 3.5% took place at the park (n = 7); 14.6% took place at the streets (n = 29); and 33.7% took

place at other venues such as restaurants, TV sets, hospitals, theater stages, mountains, deserts,

and ranches (n = 67). Five percent of videos did not have a venue attribution (n = 10). Table 4-5

illustrated the findings.

Table 4-5: Frequency of venues portrayed in the videos

Themes Frequency Percentage

School 17 8.5
Home 52 26.1
Work place 11 5.5
Bar 6 3.0
Park 7 3.5
Street 29 14.6
Other 67 33.7
Absent 10 5.0
Total 199 100.0

RQ7: There were differences in the results for research question 1 to research question 6

between videos developed by professionals and videos developed by non-professionals.

Threatened state of health was the most frequently appearing message appeal for both

professionally developed videos and non-professionally developed videos. However, a

statistically significant difference between the groups was found for message appeals that

utilized fear. In particular, fear projected by using statistical data (x(1)= 5.27, p < .05) and

description of smoking as an addictive drug (X2(1)= 5.14, p < .05) were significantly different

between the two groups.





Humor
Dirtiness
Sociability
Total


As shown in Table 4-6, non-professional videos were more likely to make use of

statistical data and describe smoking as an addictive drug than were professional videos. There

were no statistical significance between the two groups in terms of utilizing dirtiness, and

sociability as appeals. However, the Chi-square test approached statistical significance for humor

appeals between the two groups ( 2(1)= 3.69, p = .055). Professionally developed videos were

more inclined to present humor in the anti-smoking videos than were non-professionally

developed videos.

There were no statistical significance between professionally developed videos and

videos developed by non-professionals in terms of consequences. However, themes showed

statistical significance between the two groups. The professional video and non-professional

video differ in using addiction (X2(1)= 5.14, p < .05) and cessation themes (X2(1)= 4.08, p < .05).

While non-professional videos were more likely to use an addiction theme, professional videos


Table 4-6: Message appeals used
Creators

Message Appeal

Fear Threatened Health
Damaged Physical
Appearance
Statistical Data
Second-hand
Smoking
Addictive Drug
Social Outcast
Other


across non-professional videos and professional videos
Non-professionals Professionals
Percentage Percentage
Frequency Frequency .
within creator within creator
22 28.2 38 31.4

2 2.6 3 2.5

9 11.5 4 3.3

7 9.0 15 12.4

10 12.8 5 4.1
3 3.8 4 3.3
0 0 4 3.3
16 20.5 40 33.1
3 3.8 4 3.3
5 6.4 3 2.5
77 98.6 120 99.2









were more inclined to use a cessation theme. Table 4-7 shows that non-professional videos were

more likely to describe an addiction theme than were professional videos. Additionally, the

tendency of professional videos to deliver a cessation theme was higher than was the tendency of

non-professional videos.

Table 4-7: Themes used in non-professional vs. professional videos
Creator Non-professional Professional

Thems Percentage Percentage
Frequency within creator y within creator

Industry manipulation 5 6.4 6 5.9
Second-hand smoking 6 7.7 17 14.0
Addiction 10 12.8 5 4.1
Cessation 37 47.4 75 62.0
Prevention 12 15.4 11 9.1
Other 8 10.3 7 5.8
Total 78 100.0 121 100.0

The persuasive forms of the messages also showed statistically significant differences

between the two groups. Specifically, dramatization forms showed statistical significance

between the two groups (2(1)= 11.79, p < .01). Table 4-8 indicates that professionally developed

videos were even more likely to utilize dramatization than non-professionally developed videos.

There was no statistical significance in terms of celebrity endorsement and testimonial.

Model attributions showed statistically significant differences between videos created by

professionals and videos created by non-professionals. Specifically, the race, the age group, and

the occupation of the non-celebrity models showed statistically significant differences.

Both professional creators (n = 94) and non-professional creators (n = 48) illustrated

White models the most frequently. However, professionally developed videos (2(1)= 6.05, p <

.05) were even more likely to portray White models than were non-professionally developed









videos. On the contrary, non-professionally created videos were more inclined to portray Asian

models than were professionally created videos (X2(1)= 9.77, p < .05). Table 4-9 illustrates the

findings.

Table 4-8: Persuasive forms used within non-professional videos vs. within professional videos
Creator Non-professional Professional
Percentage Percentage
Persuasive form Frequency within creator Frequency within creator
within creator within creator
Celebrity Endorsement 2 2.6 7 5.8
Testimonial 8 10.3 5 4.1
Dramatization 50 64.1 103 85.1
Other 17 21.8 6 5.0
Total 77 98.8 121 100.0

Table 4-9: Frequency of model's race portrayed across non-professional videos and professional
videos
Creators Non-professional Professional
Percentage Percentage
Race Frequency Frequency .
Race Freq y within creator within creator
White 48 61.5 94 77.7
African-American 6 7.7 5 4.1
Asian 8 10.3 1 0.8
Hispanic 0 0 0 0
Other 0 0 1 0.8
Not applicable 16 20.5 20 16.5
Total 78 100.0 121 100.0

Additionally, non-professionally developed videos were more likely to portray teen

models (X2(1)= 19.91, p < .01) while professionally created videos were more likely to portray

adults as main models (2(1)= 30.52, p < .01). Table 4-10 illustrates the findings.









Table 4-10: Frequency of model's age group across non-professional videos and professional
videos
Creators Non-professional Professional
Percentage Percentage
Age group Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage
Age group Frewithin creator F within creator
Child 5 6.4 8 6.6
Teenagers 29 37.2 13 10.7
Young Adults 15 19.2 13 10.7
Adults 12 15.4 66 54.5
Seniors 2 2.6 2 1.7
Others 2 2.6 6 5.0
Not applicable 13 16.7 13 10.7
Total 78 100.0 121 100.0

In terms of the occupation of the non-celebrity models, professionally developed videos

were more inclined to portray stay home parents ( 2(1)= 3.84, p < .05) and white-color workers

(2(1)= 6.87, p < .01) than were non-professionally developed videos while non-professional

videos were more inclined to portray students than were professional videos (2(1)= 8.01, p <

.05). Table 4-11 illustrates the findings.

Table 4-11: Frequency of model's occupation portrayed across non-professional videos and
professional videos
Creators Non-professional Professional
Percentage Percentage
Occupation Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage
Occupation Frequewithin creator F y within creator
Stay home parent 0 0.0 6 5.0
White collar 1 1.3 14 11.6
Blue collar 0 0.0 3 2.5
Student 15 19.2 8 6.6
Other 6 7.7 18 14.9
Absent 53 67.9 72 59.5
Not applicable 3 3.8 0 0.0
Total 78 100.0 121 100.0









Venue attributions showed statistically significant differences between videos created by

professionals and videos created by non-professionals.

Table 4-12: Frequency of venues used across non-professional videos and professional videos
Creators Non-professional Professional
Thems F y Percentage Percentage
Themes Frequenwithin creator F y within creator
School 11 14.1 6 5.0
Home 22 28.2 30 24.8

Work place 0 0.0 11 9.1

Bar 2 2.6 4 3.3

Park 5 6.4 2 1.7

Street 14 17.9 15 12.4

Other 18 23.1 49 40.5
Absent 6 7.7 4 3.3
Total 78 100.0 121 100.0

As shown in Table 4-12, non-professionally developed videos were more likely to take

place in schools than professionally developed videos (X2(1)= 5.08, p < .05) while professionally

created videos were more inclined to take settings in offices than non-professionally created

videos (X2(1)= 7.51,p < .01). Additionally, professionally developed videos had more diversity

in the venues illustrated as well (2(1)= 6.44, p < .05).

RQ8: The posted videos had the following organizations: American Cancer Society (n = 4,

1.8%); Tobacco Control (n = 1, 0.5%); Big Tobacco companies (n =4, 2.0%); American Heart

Association (n = 4, 2.0%); American Lung Association (n =3, 1.5%); and local governmental

organizations (n = 31, 15.6% ) such as the California Department of Health Services,

Massachusetts Department of Public Health, and the Florida Tobacco Pilot Program. Videos

illustrating organizations from foreign countries, television network sponsored videos, and









videos from the TRUTH campaign were all coded as others (n = 68, 34.2%). Table 4-13 shows

the findings.

Table 4-13: Frequency of organizations across non-professional videos and professional videos
Creators Non-professional Professional
Thems F y Percentage Percentage
Themes Frequenwithin creator Fr y within creator
American Cancer Society 0 0.0 4 3.3
Tobacco Control 0 0.0 1 0.8
Big Tobacco 0 0.0 4 3.3
American Heart Association 0 0.0 4 3.3
American Lung Association 1 1.3 2 1.7
Government Organizations 2 2.6 29 24.0
Other 5 6.4 63 52.1
Absent 70 89.7 14 11.6
Total 78 100.0 121 100.0

RQ9: The number of hits ranged from 14 being the lowest to 277,084 being the highest

for the anti-smoking videos (M = 6,658.43). Fear appeal that utilized second hand smoking had

the highest average number of hits (M = 16,387.32, n =22). In terms of appeals, humor appeal

videos had an average number of 9,045 (n = 56) while videos that illustrated dirtiness had the

lowest average number of 535 hits (n = 7). Additionally, videos that portrayed sociability had an

average number of 748.63 hits (n = 8). Out of persuasive forms, dramatization received the

highest number of hits, 7,248 (n = 153)-testimonials received an average of 4,108 hits (n = 13)

and celebrity endorsement received an average of 1,522 hits (n = 9).

Regarding the portrayed consequence, the average number of hits for videos that

illustrated long-term consequences were 7,969 (n = 127); short-term consequences were 6,069 (n

= 12); and social-consequences were 839 (n = 13).









RQ10: The average percent of positive responses of the posted anti-smoking videos were

35.9%, and the percentage ranged from 0% to 100% positive comments.

The appeal that had the most positive responses from viewers was fear that portrayed

smokers being a social outcast (M = 61.4%, n = 7). Positive responses for videos that portrayed

threatened health had an average of 35.3% (n = 60); damaged physical appearance had an

average of 31.6% (n = 5); statistical data related with smoking had an average of 45.2% (n = 13);

second-hand smoking had an average of 34.77% (n = 22); addictive drug had an average of

30.8% (n = 15); and others had an average of 35.87% (n = 4). Humor appeal had an average of

35.8% positive reaction from the viewers (n = 56) while dirtiness had an average of 30.9% (n =

7) positive comments. Sociability had the lowest average of 12.38% (n = 8).

The portrayed consequence that had the most positive response from viewers was long-

term consequences (M = 41.11%, n =127). Approximately an average of 38% of the comments

for videos that illustrated short-term consequences of smoking had positive responses from the

viewers (M = 38.1%, n = 12), and videos that portrayed social-consequences had an average of

12.8% of positive comments from the viewers (n = 13).

The persuasive form that had the most positive response from viewers was testimonial

(M = 39.2%, n = 13). Approximately an average of 34% of the comments for celebrity

endorsement videos were positive (n = 9) while comments for dramatizations had an average of

36.0% of positive responses from the viewers (n = 153).

RQ11: Viewer's reaction towards the two groups showed different patterns. Levene's test

results revealed unequal variance between different creator groups on hits (F= 5.71, p < .05) and

ratings (F= 5.00, p < .05). Thus, the following t-test the number of hits was based on the

assumption of unequal variance, and the result approached statistical significance (t = -1.875, p =









.063). The average number of hits for videos made by professionals (M = 9132.40, sd=

33345.17) were higher than the average number of hits for videos made by non-professionals (M

= 2820.62, sd= 12943.08). In addition, professional videos (M = 3.53, sd= 1.71) significantly

tend to get higher ratings (t = 5.934,p < .001) than unprofessional videos (M = 1.96, sd= 1.87).

However, there was no statistical significance in the number and tone of comments

between the videos made by professionals and the videos made by non-professionals. Thus, it

can be suggested that professional videos receive quantitatively better reactions than non-

professional videos.

Additional Findings from Qualitative Analysis

While the statistical analysis revealed that there are no differences between the two

different groups of videos in terms of positive responses, a qualitative analysis of the posted

comments gives us different views on videos created by professionals and videos created by non-

professionals. First of all, professionally developed videos provoked more comments and

broader topics related to anti-smoking messages. For example, a video entitled "The magical

amount" created by the Truth campaign (Poster ID: AdFreakblog) had a total of 2,786

comments. The topics ranged from praising the effectiveness of the video (ID: cololo69) to

raising confusion whether the video wants people to continue smoking or not (ID:

baNaNaMaN6; sailormoonwario). Additionally, viewers were sharing their favorite part of the

video (ID: SomeonewhoisFrench; nygerl77), and even talking about the effectiveness of the song

(ID: catdemonl994, laroldPburman). Comments on other professionally developed videos

included debates between viewers who smoke and viewers who don't smoke. One commenter

stressed that smoking is a matter of free choice, and it is ridiculous to ban smoking as it is the

complete opposite concept to democracy (ID: toptop90). Furthermore, some viewers were

skeptical of the statistics mentioned in the videos, felt that they were safe from the consequences









related to smoking, and mentioned that they were going to die anyway (ID: winkle3166). Non-

smokers responded to such comments by saying that it is a fact that smoking kills, and that it

affects other people's lives as well.

The videos developed by non-professionals tended to be longer in time, portrayed models

close to their age group (teens), and communicated more direct and simple anti-smoking

messages. This may be due to the fact that non-professional creators do not have the resources to

practice savvy techniques and may rely on friends or classmates to appear as models for their

videos. Another interesting aspect of the videos created by non-professionals was the one-on-one

responses from the video producer. For example, the creator for an anti-smoking video titled

"anti smoking video" (ID: samjwhite) responded to the comments from other viewers and

thanked people who praised his work and criticized people who did not think smoking was

harmful to one's health. Furthermore, some non-professional creators appeared to be very

passionate about persuading people to quit smoking. Poster ID directormusab, Goldberg,

stopsmoking41ife, antecs2, and 3ii3 all posted anti-smoking videos they made more than once,

and also provided links to other anti-smoking videos on their video page.

The comments on the professionally developed videos rarely praised the quality of the

video, and yet are more critical about the messages. On the other hand, comments on non-

professionally made videos were commonly related with the quality of the video-viewers

commented that it was "well made for your first time" (ID: vulga) and "a great job for a student"

(ID: vancityguy). It may be suggested that viewers are more generous and forgiving towards

non-professional creators. Such reasons may be that these people are not affiliated with a certain

organization and are creating videos without any commercial interest. Thus, non-professional

creators may seem more sincere about the topic and viewers may feel more connected to them as









they are ordinary folks just like them. In fact, the comments for a 10 minute self-documentary

video of the last days of his mother dying from lung cancer had 100% positive responses from

the viewers. All 887 comments were positive, and viewers commented that "this video will be

the reason why I finally quit cigarettes" (ID: Messbot); and "I am 18 and I promise never to

smoke" (ID: SPKY321). The poster responded to the comments, and encouraged people to quit

smoking and praised those who said that they quit smoking.

Geological boundaries are meaningless on the Internet, and such trait is supported once

again in this study. Almost 26% of the posted videos came from foreign countries such as the

United Kingdom, New Zealand, the Netherlands, the Philippians, Canada, India, and so forth.

Viewers were aware of this, and commented that the anti-smoking advertisements or public

service announcements airing in the United States were "more humorous and witty like the ones

in Canada" (ID: langercan). Another viewer mentioned that the anti-smoking messages from

New Zealand were "powerful and shocking" (ID: chuuer).









CHAPTER 5
DISCUSSION

Conclusion of the Study

This study set out to hone a descriptive understanding of anti-smoking messages on a

popular interactive social Web site among youth. The anti-smoking videos posted on YouTube

showed that fear was the most popular message appeal for both professionally developed videos

and non-professionally developed videos. Specifically, both videos created by non-professionals

and videos created by professionals commonly used threatened health to promote cessation in a

dramatization form. Overall findings revealed that settings of the anti-smoking videos usually

took place at home, and the models appearing in the videos were inclined to be adult white

models. This finding may imply that minorities could have a difficult time relating to the models

of the video, and falsely believe that smoking is not a problem for them. Additionally, most of

the victims and roles portrayed in the videos were themselves.

Fear appeal that illustrated the effects of second-hand smoking generated the highest

average number of hits for the videos in terms of appeals, while videos that illustrated dirtiness

had the lowest average number of hits. Long term consequences and dramatization generated the

highest average number of hits in terms of portrayed consequences and persuasive form.

Additionally, fear appeal portraying smokers as social outcasts received the most positive

comments from viewers. In terms of portrayed consequences and persuasive forms, anti-smoking

videos illustrating long term consequences and testimonial forms received more positive

responses from viewers. It can be suggested that the testimonial form received the most positive

reactions because the appearance of "average folks" allowed viewers to relate to the situations.

When the viewers saw people just like them trying to quit smoking, it conjured more positive

responses from them. Such findings are meaningful as empirical study asserts that testimonials









are effective when people make emotional and personal decisions (Goethals & Nelson, 1973).

While it is not surprising that testimonials received the most positive responses from

viewers, it is interesting that the number of videos utilizing celebrity endorsement is so few.

Even for professionally developed videos, only 7 videos out of 121 videos portrayed a celebrity.

Moreover, the comments on the celebrity videos centered around the physical attractiveness and

charisma of the celebrity rather than the actual anti-smoking message he or she was endorsing.

Furthermore, viewers were critical about the fact that the celebrity appearing in the video was a

smoker, and framed the proposed celebrity as a hypocrite. Such findings may suggest for

practitioners that celebrity endorsement is not effective for youth-orientated anti-smoking

messages, and one must be extremely careful when selecting the appropriate celebrity model to

communicate antismoking messages.

The study revealed that there are several differences between professionally developed

videos and non-professionally developed videos. For example, statistical analysis revealed that

portraying cigarettes as an addictive drug and using statistical data were utilized by non-

professionally created videos more frequently than by professionally created videos. Such

findings may be mirroring the limited access to resources and references non-professionals have.

Most non-professional videos were created as a school project. It may be that the limited budget,

lack of equipment, and relevantly low level of knowledge (i.e., compared to professionals) about

the different kinds of fear appeals in anti-smoking messages made them more likely to create

messages using statistical data related with smoking as it is easier to obtain information and

create messages because production of images and settings related to physical consequences

from smoking and related disease might cost more skills and resources. Additionally, the settings

for non-professional videos were more likely to take place at school than professionally created









videos, while professionally created videos were more inclined to take place at workplaces, and

also showed more diversity on its settings compared to non-professionally created videos as well.

Such findings may also parallel to the lack of resources and skills of non-professional creators.

While cessation was the most common theme for both professionally developed videos

and non-professionally created videos, non-professional videos were more likely to use the

addiction theme than were professional videos. While it is not evident, this may be due to the

fact that videos sponsored by big tobacco companies are also included in the professionally made

videos. It can be suggested that such companies are not likely to frame cigarettes as an addictive

drug as such frame is maleficent to its business profit.

Non-professionally developed videos were more likely to portray Asians, teens, and

students than professionally developed videos. On the other hand, professionally developed

videos were more likely to portray adults, stay-home parents and white color workers than non-

professionally developed videos. The findings reveal that non-professional anti-smoking video

creators on YouTube represent more diverse characters, especially in terms of portraying

minorities. Such results may be due to the fact that the creators of the non-professional videos

come from various countries around the globe, and are students themselves. That is, the diversity

of the creators may have been reflected in the video contents as well. Additionally, empirical

research asserts that interactive media (especially the Internet) are more likely to portray various

voices, opinions, and beliefs compared to traditional mass media such as newspapers, television,

and magazines (Papacharissi, 2002). These characteristics of the media may have been reflected

in the model characteristics of the video as well.

The statistical analysis reports that professionally developed videos tend to have higher

number of hits, and this implies that viewers favor anti-smoking videos created by professionals.









In addition, professional videos significantly tend to get higher ratings than unprofessional

videos. Interestingly, qualitative analysis suggests that this may not be the case. Viewers'

comments are more complimentary and appreciative (i.e., good job! thanks to your video, I quit

smoking) towards videos created by non-professionals whereas the comments on professionally

created videos assessed more critics, heated debates, and even name-calling. In particular,

smokers tend to show reactance to professional videos by claiming that smoking is a freedom of

choice and non-smokers are hypocrites. Non-smokers tend to rebut these claims, e.g., smokers

are losers. Thus, discussion over professional videos center around actual smoking issues such as

smokers' rights. Regarding non-professional videos, viewers tend to comment on the quality of

the production. If the non-professional creator is a victim, viewers tend to identify with the

creator.

The findings of this study support some of the discoveries drawn by Beaudoin's research

(2002), but also show many differences as well. Both studies conclude that cessation is a

common theme and the portrayed models are mostly youths and young adults. Additionally,

appealing to fear was found common in both studies as well. However, contrary to Beaudoin's

findings, long term consequences were most common and industry manipulation was not a

popular theme in the videos posted on YouTube. The differences in findings may be projected

because non-professional creators were included in this study. Additionally, while Beaudoin's

research focused on the orientation of anti-smoking ads in terms of appeals, themes, and

consequences, this study was focused on discovering the differences between the creators in an

interactive social media. However, such similarities and differences in the results between the

two studies are meaningful as it provides an illustration of how anti-smoking messages should

structure messages and appeals in a setting that is different from the traditional media.









It is interesting that the average airtime of the videos showed significant differences

between professionally developed videos and non-professionally developed videos. Non-

professional videos were much longer in average than the professional videos. The viewers,

however, did not seem to mind the lengthened airtime of the video as comments complaining

about the lengthy airtime were absent.

This study has several limitations. The nature of content analysis encounters subjective

judgment and message appeal elements such as fear, humor, dirtiness, and sociability may not

mean the same thing to different people. Additionally, age group and race relies on the naked eye

for the decision making. Finally, many of the comments used abbreviations and jargons that were

difficult to interpret the tone or intention of the viewers.

Future Research Ideas

Findings of this study generate several potential research topics. Unlike previous studies

(Beaudoin, 2002), the theme of industry manipulation, short-term or social consequences, and

celebrity endorsement are not favored by YouTube creators and viewers. Future research needs

to re-assess the effectiveness of using the persuasive strategies and find out whether these

strategies reach saturation points in getting message viewers' acceptance.

In addition, this study found that viewers tend to react more positively towards an anti-

smoking message directly posted by an individual when the creator makes the initiative to

interact with the viewers by replying to their comments, providing links to other anti-smoking

videos, and promoting rewards programs to facilitate participation. Future research needs to find

out if viewers also respond positively to interactive two-way communication initiated by

representatives from non-profit organizations or other associations that support anti-smoking

campaigns.









More importantly, it is important to see whether posting comments may affect actual

attitude or behavioral changes associated with smoking. Posting comments and accordingly

engaging in online discourse on a health problem of smoking can be regarded as a behavior with

high involvement in the given topic. Further research is required to provide a better

understanding of how viewers' exposure to anti-smoking messages posted on YouTube and their

online discussions can affect their information seeking, interpersonal discussion, and actual

attitudes or behaviors associated with smoking.

Suggestions and Contributions

This study seeks to provide a deeper understanding of a popular interactive social Web

site among youths in order to benefit both the academia and practical implications. Although

cursory, the current study provides useful stepping stones for such research. Based on the

findings, it is suggested that YouTube can be used as an alternative channel to communicate

more detailed anti- smoking messages as the time restraints are less rigorous, and the space is

virtually unlimited. Many of the videos, especially the ones created by non-professionals, were

much longer than the anti-smoking PSAs you see on television. Such findings may suggest that

practitioners can utilize YouTube as a space to communicate more in-depth and wide-breadth

information with their target publics.

YouTube can be also used as a channel to garner the opinions of the recipients of the

anti-smoking messages. One of the most attractive features of YouTube is the instant feedback

from viewers. Viewers of the videos leave comments, ratings, and even post "response videos"

to the original video. By analyzing the tones, frames, and frequencies of the comments, a

practitioner can effectively garner the opinions of the recipients of anti-smoking messages.

Additionally, YouTube can serve as an effective channel to pre-test message strategies

and visual characters for successful communication campaigns, and also be utilized as a channel









to build relationships with publics that are passionate about the topic. Participants of interactive

social media such as blogs and UCC Web sites are attracted by the media's ability to

"democratically express one's opinion," and "form a community forum" (Nardi, Schiano,

Gumbrecht, & Swartz, 2002). Thus, YouTube would be an ideal channel to pre-test new

strategies, analyze public opinion, and build relationships.

True stories, personal experiences, and empathy strategies should be utilized in order to

achieve positive responses from viewers. One of the videos posted by a non-professional creator

had 887 comments, and they were all positive. The format of this video was a self-documentary,

and it followed the last days of his mother's life that was soon to end because of lung cancer.

Viewers said that they were deeply touched, and vowed never to smoke again after seeing this

video. Additionally, testimonial formats received more positive responses from views than other

forms of videos. Therefore, emphasizing personal experiences and true stories may be more

effective for anti-smoking messages to be successful.

Practitioners should actively respond to the viewers and clear out confusion of messages

and proactively analyze the dialogs of the viewers. Creators of the non-professional videos

actively responded to the comments posted by other viewers. In this process, much of the

confusion or misunderstanding of the proposed anti-smoking message was cleared. Additionally,

the non-professional creators strived to persuade pro-smokers by replying directly to their

messages that support smoking. Such effort should be adapted to practitioners as well, and

engage in a more interpersonal relationship with the recipients.

This research contributes both practically and theoretically in the area of health

communication campaigns utilizing interactive social media. First of all, the study gives us a

better understanding of how to communicate effectively, and implement anti-smoking campaigns









targeted towards publics who utilize interactive social media. By analyzing at the comments of

the viewer's, one can gain a better understanding of how people feel about certain message

appeals and persuasive forms.

Additionally, this study contributes to the area of public relations by providing the

opportunity for practitioners to expand in terms of media channel, communication channel, and

stress the uniqueness of public relations for health communication campaigns. Practitioners can

utilize the primary user of YouTube utilize as "third party endorsers" of the anti-smoking

campaigns, and receive feedback from them. The information garnered from such users is

valuable because users engaged in interactive social media are passionate and are highly

affectionate about the issues that they express their opinions. Moreover, there is no "space limit"

on the Web, so an organization can easily create a channel at YouTube and communicate with its

publics. Identifying such findings involves environmental scanning and relationship building

with target publics, and this may be a place where PR practitioners can be more appreciated than

other strategic communication practitioners.

The study contributes to theoretical building as it sheds light on methods to target,

understand, and effectively communicate with active YouTube users who can be regarded as

highly involved publics. Identifying the traits of active, motivated, and involved publics has been

a crucial issue for public relations as it projects light on how to build and maintain beneficial

relationships with primary publics (Hallahan, 2001; Grunig, 1997; Petty & Cacioppo, 1986). The

findings on most common persuasive strategies such as message appeals, forms, themes, and

model characteristics and reactions to the persuasive strategies help understand main concerns of

the highly involved YouTube users on smoking issues. The findings of this study imply that their

concerns might have been neglected by public health practitioners. Identifying this group of









highly involved publics and understanding their main concerns is very critical in the light of the

assertion of Hallahan (2001) that motivated publics are more likely to seek information and

engage in interpersonal discussion than those who are inactive or unmotivated. As a matter of

fact, the qualitative analysis of this study shows that certain people (people with high knowledge

and high involvement) are more likely to become active publics in a given issue, and certain

message creators (non-professional creators with high knowledge and high involvement) are

more likely to facilitate two-way communication even in a setting where the character of the

media promises more interactive communication among users.

In terms of interactivity, the traits of YouTube propose illustrations of a media that

achieves both the functional view and the contingent views of media interactivity asserted by

Sundar and his colleagues (2003). The specific technical features (such as posting threads,

posting responding videos, promoting other videos, being able to create an individual playlist

and blog page, having a message center, and so forth) of YouTube allows for viewers to interact

with one another more frequently and more effectively. However, the comments, responding

videos, and playlist videos are all relevant and contingent with the posted video, or the previous

video. In this sense, the videos of YouTube illustrate the contingent view of interactivity.

Moreover, the viewers of the videos are also people who are more likely to participate in

interactive media as well, as it takes effort and attention to search, view, and express one's

opinion of the videos. Thus, this study builds to interactivity theory in terms of illustrating a

picture of interactivity effects in a media that complies with all three aspects of interactivity.

In conclusion, the study hones a better understanding of the dynamics of involvement

activation of publics, and the various persuasion strategies proposed for a crucial health issue for

youths in a new media setting that promotes interactivity.









APPENDIX A
CODING SHEET FOR CONTENT ANALYSIS

Youtube Anti-smoking User-Created Contents Code Sheet

1) Case number

2) Coder initials and date:

3) Air Time: (seconds)

4) Source present: 0. Absent 1. Present

5) Creator: 1. Unprofessional 2. Professional

If you're coding anti-smoking messages, please answer the following

6) Date of Posting:

7) Name of the content title:

8) Poster ID:

9) Affiliation of the poster: 0. Absent 1. Present

10) Sponsor present: 0. Absent 1. Present

11)Name of sponsor organization
1. American Cancer Society
2. Tobacco Control
3. Philip Morris
4. American Heart Association
5. American Lung Association
6. Government Organizations (including State government organizations)
7. Others

12) Theme of content

1. Industry manipulation
2. Second-hand smoke
3. Addiction
4. Cessation
5. Prevention
6. Other (specify)
13) Venue Attribution:










1. School
2. Home
3. Work place (office)
4. Bar
5. Park
6. Street
7. Other (specify)

14) Message appeal: Fear

1. Threatened health
2. Damaged physical appearance
3. Statistical data
4. Second-hand smoking effects
5. Addictive drug
6. Social outcast
7. Other

15) Message appeal: Humor

16) Message appeal: Dirtiness

17) Message appeal: Sociability

18) Persuasive Form:

1. Celebrity endorsement
2. Testimonial
3. Dramatization


1. Present

1. Present

1. Present


0. Absent

0. Absent

0. Absent


19) Gender
1. Female 2. Male 3. Both

20) Occupation for the celebrity
1. Singer 2. Actor/Actress 3. Comedian 4. Sports figure
5. Anchor 6. Others

21) Occupation for the non-celebrity
1. Stay home mom/dad 2. White collar 3. Blue collar
4. Student 5. Other


22) Victim
1. Self


2. Family member


3. Friends


4. NA


5. Others









23) Role
1. Self 2. Parents
5. Teacher 6. Co-worker

24) Race
1. White 2. African-American


25) Age group
1. Child


3. Sibling
7. Others


4. Friend


3. Asian 4. Hispanic 5. Others


2. Teen 3. Young adults 4. Adults 5. Seniors


6. Others


26) Consequences


0. Absent 1. Present


27) Type of Consequences
1. Long-term consequences
2. Short-term consequences
3. Social consequences


28) The number of total hits:

29) Ratings:


30)Favorited:



31) Number of Comments

32) Proportion of Negative comment?

33) Proportion of Positive comment?









APPENDIX B
CODING BOOK FOR CONTENT ANALYSIS


Table B-l: YouTube Anti-smoking User-Created Contents Code Book

1. Case Unique number identifying each story Num
2. Coder initials and date coder should include their initials String
and the date of coding.
3. Air time Length of video in seconds Num
4. Source Present Whether there is a notified source or not. 0. Absent
1. Present
5. Creator Whether the creator of the video is a professional 1. Unprofessional
(i.e., content from a production with an affiliated source, a (amateur)
PSA or a Ad aired on TV), or an unprofessional amateur 2. Professional
(i.e., student, unidentified individual)
6. Date of Posting date that the video content was published Num
in the Web site.
7. Name of the Content Title title of the video content String
containing coded story.
8. Poster ID the user ID of the poster of the video content. String
9. Affiliation of the poster- Whether the affiliation of the 0. Absent
poster was mentioned in the video. For example, if the 1. Present
poster indicates that he or she is a member of a certain
group or organization within or during the description of the
video, then the affiliation status is present.
10. Sponsor present Whether the sponsor of the video 0. Absent
content was mentioned or not. For instance, if a video has a 1. Present
narration or a caption any time within the video notifying
that an organization (such as American Cancer Society or
American Heart Association) is sponsoring this video, then
sponsoring is present.
11. Name (Title) of sponsorship organization- The name/title 1. American Cancer
of the proposed organization in the video. Others will be Society
coded if the organization appearing in the video does not fit 2. Tobacco Control
into any of those that are listed. 3. Philip Morris
4. American Heart
Association
5. American Lung
Association
6. Government
Organizations
(including State
government
organizations)
7. Others









Table B-l: Continued
12. Theme of content: Primary character of the video content
a) Industry manipulation (Indicates the characteristics of a video
which illustrates how tobacco companies portray smokers to be
powerful and attractive, and how they persuade people to
overlook the dangers of smoking).
b) Second-hand smoking (Indicates the characteristics of a video
which illustrates how smoking can have detrimental health effects
on friends, family members and others).
c) Addiction (Indicates the characteristics of a video which
informs that nicotine is an addictive drug used by tobacco
companies to hook smokers).
d) Cessation (Indicates the characteristics of a video which accepts
that a viewer is a current smoker, and then attempt to change the
behavior; offering objectives to quit smoking such as family or
health).
e) Prevention (Indicates the characteristics of a video which
illustrates how smoking is a harmful activity for health, and a
behavior that an individual can control).
f) Other- (Indicates any other characteristics of a video that is not
mentioned above).
13. Venue Attribution: Place or location that takes place in the video
content.
a) School The setting of the video is at a classroom, school
playground, school parking lot, school gym, etc.
b) Home The setting of the video is in a kitchen, living room,
bedroom, hallway, garage, back yard, etc)
c) Work Place (office) The setting of the video is at the office,
rest area, lounge at the work place, etc).
d) Bar The setting of the video is at a bar, party, pub, etc.
e) Park The setting of the video is in the park.
f) Street The setting of the video is on the street.
g) Others Any other place than the ones mentions on the list
should be coded as others


1. Industry
manipulation
2. Second-hand
smoking
3. Addiction
4. Cessation
5. Prevention
6. Other


1. School
2. Home
3. Work place
4. Bar
5. Park
6. Streets
7. Others









Table B-l: Continued
Message Appeal: Fear Fear appeal in the video content.
14. Fear:
a) Threatened Health videos cover smoking cigarettes as an action
that causes severe physical and mental illness to the human body.
The videos informs the various diseases caused by smoking
cigarettes, such as lung cancer, pneumonia, heart attack, gastric
ulcer, loss of vision, gingivitis, and diabetes. Visuals of people
suffering from illness and cues and indicators that smoking will
threaten your health were coded for this category.
b) Damaged Physical Appearance videos report smoking
cigarettes as an action that results in destroying aesthetic features
of a person, such as wrinkled skin, discolored and corroded teeth,
and loss of hair.
c) Statistical Data videos inform numeric data of annual death
rates due to smoking, number of diseases caused by smoking, and
comparison with other statistics.
d) Second-hand smoking illustrate the effects smoking has to
family members, friends, and numerous other people.
e) Addictive Drug videos demonstrate cigarettes as a drug, not a
matter of preference, and an addiction that must be eliminated.
f) Social Outcast videos illustrate quitting smoking cigarettes as a
method to be accepted into the social norm.
g) Other any other threat that is not indicated above must be
specified.


1. Threatened
health
2. Damaged
physical
appearance
3. Statistical
data
4. Second-
hand smoking
5. Addictive
drug
6. Social
outcast
7. Others


Message Appeal: Humor
15. Humor Whether the video content illustrated a humorous situation or 0. Absent
not. 1. Present
Message Appeal: Dirtiness
16. Dirtiness Videos that illustrated smoking to stain clothes, leave the 0. Absent
house smelling and looking dirty, and make the smoker smell are all 1. Present
examples of dirtiness utilized in anti-smoking ads.

Message Appeal: Sociability
17. Sociability- Videos that associate smoking with being socially acceptable, 0. Absent
fit, and sophisticated are examples of this variable. 1. Present









Table B-l: Continued
Persuasive form: Variables 18- 25 are concerned with the form of persuasion.
18. Persuasive Form Does the proposed video content utilize celebrity 1. Celebrity
endorsement? endorsement
2. Testimonial
3. .Dramatization
19. Gender The presented gender of the model 1. Female
2. Male
3. Both
20. Occupation of the celebrity- The occupation of the model. If the 1. Singer
presented celebrity has more than one area he/she is practicing in, 2. Actor/ Actress
check the dominant one. For instance, Lindsay Lohan is considered an 3. Comedian
actress rather than a singer, and Chris Brown is considered a singer 4. Sports Figure
rather than an actor. Other should be specified. 5. Anchor
6. Other
21. Occupation of the non-celebrity- The presented occupation the 0. Absent
person/people. Should be coded for all appeared occupations in the 1. Stay-home
video. White collar workers refer to professional, clerical occupations, parents
such as doctors, physicians, lawyers, scribes, and accountants. 2. White-collar
3. Blue-collar
4. Student
5.Other
22. Victim This variable addresses whether the model was the direct 1. Self
victim from smoking, or if a family member or a friend was the victim 2. Family member
from smoking 3. Friend
4. None
5. Others
23. Role This variables examines whether the model appeared as 1. Self
oneself, a parent, a friend, a brother or a sister, a teacher, or as a co- 2. Parents
worker in the video. 3. Sibling
4. Friend
5. Teacher
6. Co-worker
7. Others
24. Race This variable identifies whether the model was White, 1. White
African-American, Asian, American-Indian, Hispanic, Native- 2. African-
Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander, and Two or more race. This race American
category was adapted from the 2000 US census data. 3. Asian
4. Hispanic
25. group This variable examines whether the model was a child, 1. Child
teenager, college student-age, adult, or senior. Child refers to those 2. Teenager
from age 4-10. Teenager refers to those from 11-17. Young adults 3. Young Adults
refer to those in their early to mid 20s while an Adult refers to those in 4. Adult
their 30s and 40s. Senior refers to those of 55 and older. Others should 5. Senior
be specified. 6. Others









Table B-l: Continued
Consequences Variables 26 and 27 are concerned with illustrated consequences related to
smoking in the video content.
26. Consequences Does the video illustrate consequences (results, effects) 0. Absent
related to smoking? cigarettes? 1. Present
27. Consequences: 1. Long-term
a) Long-term health- Videos illustrating long-term consequences physical health
portray death, chronicle diseases, and risky state of health. 2. Short-term
b) Short-term physiological- Short-term physiological physiologic
consequences illustrate aesthetically ruined features such as al
yellowing teeth, loss of hair, and wrinkly complexion. 3. Social
c) Social- Social consequences illustrate smokers as unattractive
and socially undesirable.
Viewers' reaction Variables 28 35 concern viewers' qualitative and quantitative reactions.
28. The number of total hits- The number of total people who viewed the Num
video content will be illustrated in numeric data.
29. Ratings- the average number of stars people gave to the video content. Num
It can range from zero (lowest) to five (highest). The stars fill up in
"half' (i.e., one and a half stars, two stars, three and a half, etc)
30. Favorite The number of times people added the content to their Num
favorites.

31. Number of comments The total number of comments of the posted Num
video.
32. Proportion of Negative Comments A comment that contains negative Percentage
terminologies such as "not helpful at all" "fake" "unreal" "too gross"
"too scary" "ignore" "so what". Other should be specified.
33. Proportion of Positive Comments A comment will be considered Percentage
positive under terms such as "very helpful" "inspiring" "made me quite
smoking" "interesting" "people should stop smoking" "keep up the good
work" "wonderful" "incredible" "awesome" "very well-made". Other
should be specified.









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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Hyunmin Lee is a South Korea native. She graduated from Sookmyung Women's

University in 2005, earning a B.A. in public relations and advertising, and double majoring in

telecommunication. After graduation, she studied abroad to continue her graduate study

specializing in public relations at University of Florida. After completing her Master of Arts in

Mass Communication at University of Florida with an emphasis in public relations, she plans to

begin her doctoral study in the University of Missouri-Columbia in public relations.





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1 ANTI-SMOKING MESSAGES ON THE WORLD WI DE WEB: CONTENT ANALYSIS OF YOUTH-ORIENTED ANTI-SMOKING VIDOES ON YouTube By HYUNMIN LEE A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN MASS COMMUNICATION UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2008

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2 2008 Hyunmin Lee

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3 To my family, who always believes in the best of me.

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4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This thesis would not have been completed without the help and encouragem ent of the wonderful people I met at the University of Flor ida. My deepest gratitude goes to my committee chair, Dr. Youjin Choi for her valuable guida nce, patience, and expertise. Her role was indispensable for completing the thesis, and I cannot thank her enough for her advice and dedication. Many thanks also go to my committ ee members Dr. Spiro Kiousis and Dr. Michael Mitrook. Their input was crucial for the deve lopment and the quality of my thesis. I would also like to thank all my extraordin ary professors at the College of Journalism and Communications for their guidance and exper tise given to me during my masters study at UF. It was, and is an honor to be a Florida Gato r, and I will strive to keep up the reputation. I thank my parents for raising an energe tic and confident woman, and always motivating me to do things I never thought to be possible. My lovely sister, Ho-Won, and my caring brother Ho-Sang also deserve recognition for the endless sh ared laughs and tears. I thank them for being partners in crime and creating the most memorable incidents in my life. It was the best of luck to have such a great cohort for my masters program at UF. Thanks go to the public relations cla ss of 2008. They will all be missed. Greater thanks go to the wonderful Korean Communigators. It was a privileged opportunity to study with such motivated and intelligent students. I will always remember the valuable times, and the sincere advice shared with my Korean cohorts. Finall y, I would like to thank my Korean mentors, Dr. Bo-Seob Ahn and Dr. Sam-sup Jo. If it were not for them, I never would have had the opportunity to study public relations at UF.

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5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...............................................................................................................4 LIST OF TABLES................................................................................................................. ..........7 ABSTRACT.....................................................................................................................................8 CHAP TER 1 INTRODUCTION..................................................................................................................10 2 LITERATURE REVIEW.......................................................................................................14 Health Communication...........................................................................................................14 Persuasion Theory and Health Communication..................................................................... 14 Anti-Smoking Campaigns......................................................................................................16 Message Appeals of Anti-Smoking PSAs.......................................................................17 Fear appeal...............................................................................................................17 Humor.......................................................................................................................18 Others.......................................................................................................................19 Portrayed Consequences of Smoking.............................................................................. 20 Themes of Content.......................................................................................................... 21 Persuasive forms of Anti-Smoking PSAs and Advertisements....................................... 22 Celebrity endorsement..............................................................................................22 Testimonial............................................................................................................... 23 Dramatization........................................................................................................... 23 The World Wide Web............................................................................................................. 24 Health Communication (Anti-Smoking Ca mpaigns) and the Internet............................24 Interactivity and Health Communication........................................................................ 25 Functional view........................................................................................................27 Contingency view.....................................................................................................27 Motivation and User-Characteristics........................................................................ 28 The UCC and YouTube...................................................................................................29 Publication requirement........................................................................................... 29 Creative effort..........................................................................................................30 Creation outside of professional routines and practices ........................................... 30 Research Questions............................................................................................................. ....32 3 METHODOLOGY................................................................................................................. 34 Research Design and Sampling Procedure.............................................................................34 Measurement.................................................................................................................... .......35 Type of Appeal................................................................................................................35 Message Form.................................................................................................................36

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6 Theme..............................................................................................................................38 Consequences..................................................................................................................38 Viewers Reaction...........................................................................................................38 Creators....................................................................................................................... .....39 Sponsors and Poster Affiliation....................................................................................... 39 Pretest and Coding Procedure................................................................................................. 40 4 RESULTS...............................................................................................................................41 Data Analysis..........................................................................................................................41 General Findings.....................................................................................................................41 Findings from Research Questions......................................................................................... 42 Additional Findings from Qualitative Analysis...................................................................... 54 DISCUSSION................................................................................................................................57 Conclusion of the Study........................................................................................................ ..57 Future Research Ideas.............................................................................................................61 Suggestions and Contributions............................................................................................... 62 APPENDIX A CODING SHEET FOR CONTENT ANALYSIS.................................................................. 66 B CODING BOOK FOR CONT ENT ANALYSIS................................................................... 69 LIST OF REFERENCES...............................................................................................................74 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.........................................................................................................82

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7 LIST OF TABLES Table page 4-1 Frequency of message app eals portrayed in the videos ..................................................... 42 4-2 Frequency of consequences portrayed in the videos..........................................................43 4-3 Frequency of portrayed themes in the videos.................................................................... 44 4-4 Frequency of portrayed forms in the videos...................................................................... 44 4-5 Frequency of venues portrayed in the videos .................................................................... 46 4-6 Message appeals used across non-profe ssional videos and professional videos ............... 47 4-7 Themes used in non-profe ssional vs. professional videos .................................................48 4-8 Persuasive forms used within non-professional videos vs. within professional videos ....49 4-9 Frequency of models race portrayed acr oss non-professional vide os and professional videos .................................................................................................................................49 4-10 Frequency of models age group across non-professional videos and professional videos .................................................................................................................................50 4-11 Frequency of models occupation port rayed across non-professional videos and professional videos.............................................................................................................50 4-12 Frequency of venues used across non-pro fessional videos and professional videos ......... 51 4-13 Frequency of organizations across non-prof essional videos and professional videos ....... 52 B-1 YouTube Anti-smoking User-Created Contents Code Book............................................. 69

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8 Abstract of Thesis Presen ted to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Mass Communication ANTI-SMOKING MESSAGES ON THE WORLD WI DE WED: CONTENT ANALYSIS OF YOUTH-ORIENTED ANTI-SMOKING VIDOES ON YOUTUBE By Hyunmin Lee August 2008 Chair: Youjin Choi Major: Mass Communication This study seeks a descriptive understandi ng of anti-smoking videos posted on a popular interactive Web site in light of the problem cigarette smoking poses for youth today. Antismoking videos posted on YouTube were assess ed in terms of message appeals, themes, portrayed consequences, model char acteristics, and venue character istics. Furthermore, this study examined differences between two different grou ps of videos available on YouTube: contents created purely for the sake of expressing ones personal opinion and creativity on YouTube (nonprofessional videos), and contents posted on YouTube that were borrowed or created from professional sources (professiona l videos). One hundred twenty one non-professional videos were compared against 78 professional videos in terms of message appeals, themes, and viewers reactions such as tone of comments. We found that both videos created by non-pr ofessionals and profe ssional videos posted by users relied on threatened h ealth and utilized cessation as the main theme. Both groups utilized fear as common appeals, but the strategies to conjure fear were different. For example, the tendency of non-professional videos to use st atistical data and descri be smoking as addiction was higher than was the tendency of professiona l videos. Additionally, both groups generally portrayed models that were white, male, and in their adulthood. However, non-professionally

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9 developed videos were more likely to portr ay Asians, teens, and students than were professionally developed videos whereas professionally developed videos were more likely to portray adults, stay-home pare nts and white-collar workers th an were non-professionally developed videos. Cessation was the most co mmon theme for both professionally developed videos and non-professionally created videos. However, non-professional videos tended to use the addiction theme more often than did prof essional videos. Finally, quantitative analyses showed that the number of comments and ratings were greater for professionally made videos whereas qualitative analyses s howed YouTube users qualitatively different stances on nonprofessionals and professional videos.

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10 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Founded in February 2005, YouTube is a popular online social me dia Web site where users can upload, view and share video clips. Mo re than 100 million video clips are viewed daily on YouTube, and 65,000 new videos are upl oaded every 24 hours additionally (Nielsen/NetRatings, 2007). In August 2006, The Wall Street Journal published an article revealing that YouTube was hosting about 6.1 m illion videos (requiring a bout 45 terabytes of storage space), and had about 500,000 user accounts. According to Nielsen/NetRatings (2007), the Web site averages nearly 20 million visitors per month. The rise and increasing popularity of social media, such as blogs and YouTube has sparked the interest among numerous communication researchers. This new form of media empowers endusers to create, express, and disseminate their messages through posts, blogs, and user-created videos. Furthermore, the popularity of this media reaches well beyond indivi dual users, and established organizations are also using YouTube as a tool to express creativ e ideas or communicate public or self-interested views on various social issues. An October issue of PR Week US (October 8, 2007) reported that Clinton Global Initiatives (CGI) was launching a program called The YouTube Nonprofit Program to facilitate donation and increase awareness of the organi zations many causes. The program will provide participating groups w ith numerous featuresa premium channel on YouTube to upload videos, a Google Checkout donation button on their channel or video watch pages, and a banner ad that will take viewers to the organizations Web site. CGI and the March of Dimes are already in the activity of using Youtube as a media channel to reach target publics, and numerous other nonprofit organizations are to sign on as well.

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11 Multinational corporations are also paying k een attention to this media. In December 2006, Coca-Cola and YouTube launched Holiday Wish Cast, a promotion that allowed users send video greetings to their friends and family memb ers. Viewers sent video emails via YouTube by selecting from one of the existing videos, upl oading a new video, or by choosing one from the ready-made clips, and then adding personal messa ges with the video. Being a Coke promotion, it also provides video links to share famous ho liday-themed Coke ads with family members and friends as well. Health campaigns are also utilizing YouTube as a channel to reach more people and encourage them to live a healthy life style. QUIT, a non-profit anti-smoking charity based in London, UK developed a new online stop smoki ng campaign aimed at young people, and is using a minute-long video called black magic on YouTube to promote the campaign (E-Health media, 2006). According to Ruth Bosworth, director of services at QUIT, web videos are effective because the format appeals to young pe ople, and posting it on YouTube extends the reach of the message (E-Health media, 2006). Health communication research emphasizes th e World Wide Web or the Internet as an effective outlet to persuade targ et publics to engage in health y behaviors (Cassell, Jackson, & Cheuvront., 1998; Meyer, 1996; Larkin, 1996; Skinner, Stretcher, & Hospers, 1994), and practitioners are pursuing advanced technologies to further their reach. However, much is left unsaid about the effects of social media, such as personal blogs and user-c reated contents (UCC). UCC refers to various kinds of publicly availabl e media content that are produced by end-users, and it reflects the expansion of media producti on through new technologies (i.e., podcasts and blogs) that are accessible and affordable to th e general public (Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, 2007).

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12 The lack of research on user created contents (UCC) is especially problematic for health issues with regard to adolescents as vulnerab le populations such as anti-smoking campaigns. According to a 2006 Nielson/NetRatings report, the key demographics for YouTube users are 12-17 years old, and this demographic is 1.5 ti mes more likely to go on YouTube than the average Web user. Additionally, this age group sp ends an average of 30 minutes a day on this Web site. Considering the fact that an immens e number of anti-smoking campaigns are targeted towards youths and adolescents, neglecting a pop ular form of online media among teenagers leaves a hole in examining the persuasiveness of youth-orientated antismoking messages. To obtain a better understanding of user cr eated anti-smoking messages on Web sites, this research examined video clips on a popular UCC Web site, Youtube.com. The study aims to 1) discover the types of frequently appearing persuasive forms in the videos posted on YouTube, 2) discover the types of message appeals freque ntly appearing in the videos on YouTube, 3) examine the model characteristics of the videos posted on YouTube, 4) examine the persuasive form that results to have the most number of h its, and finally to 5) discover which appeal of persuasion message has positive responses from vi ewers. This study replicates the measurement variables and coding categories of the 2002 research of Christ opher Beaudoin on anti-smoking television advertisements, but also adds to the previous re search by looking into unique categories that are applicable to the new interactive media channel. Finally, this study attempts to examine both the professionally developed videos non-professionally created videos by individuals in order to discove r if there are differences among the two groups. By studying the persuasion forms and messages appeals of the anti-smoking video contents on YouTube, this research hopes to expand literature on the persua sive patterns adopted on interactive social media

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13 and gain an understanding of how health comm unication campaigns can u tilize such media to better persuade its publics to engage in a healthy life style.

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14 CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW Health Communication The World Health Organization (WHO) defi nes health communication as the following: Health communication is a key strategy to inform the public about health concerns and to maintain important health issues on the public agenda. The use of the mass and multimedia and other tec hnological innovations to disseminate useful health information to the public, increases awareness of specific aspects of individual and collective health as well as importance of health in development (2007). The WHO emphasizes the use of mass media to inform and distribute crucial health related issue information in order to increase awar eness of different health issues. Similarly, the field of health communication re search has also focused on the uses of mass media to modify attitudes, shape behavior, and generally persuade audiences to protect their health (Amezcua, McAllister, Ramires, & Espionoza, 1990; Horn ik, 1989; Wallack, 1989). In addition to mass media, more personalized media; such as the Inte rnet, are effective in increasing persuasiveness. In fact, Parrot (2001) states that interpersona l communication channels are more effective in creating suggested behavioral changes and at titudinal changes for health communication campaigns among message recipients No matter what media or stra tegies are utilized, the core function of health communication is to cultivate particular attitudes and behaviors in order to promote a healthy life style. In this process, pe rsuasion is the pivotal f actor in engaging target publics to change previous h ealth-threatening life styles. Persuasion Theory and Health Communication Persuasion theory has been used as a para digm to understand the use of communication in an attempt to shape, change, and/or reinfo rce perception, affect, cognition, and/or behavior (Pfau & Wan, 2006, p. 102). A keen understanding of persuasion provides insight to effective and strategic communication. There are various de finitions regarding persuasion, but perhaps the

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15 most comprehensive and modern term is provi ded by Perloff (2003) who defines persuasion as a symbolic process in which communicators tr y to convince other people to change their attitudes or behavior regarding an issue through the transmission of a message, in an atmosphere of free choice (p. 8). Perloff (2003) stresses th e five components of persuasion which emphasize the use of symbols, conscious effort to influen ce the recipient, self-per suasion, transmission of verbal and non-verbal messages, and ultimately, the freedom of choice to the counterpart. Persuasion is also defined as a su ccessful intentional effort at in fluencing anothers mental state through communication in a circumstance in which the persuadee has some measure of freedom (OKeefe, 1990, p. 17). Much of persuasion research has focused on how effective persua sion contributes to communication campaigns (Pfau & Van Bocker n, 1994; Ohme, 2000; Cohen, Shumate, & Gold, 2007). This is only logical due to the nature of persuasion itself, and as a corresponding effect, attempts to discover which persuasion variables have been pervasive. Certain characteristics have been discovered as an infl uential factor for persuasion; source, message, and personality (Kelman, 1958; Allen, 1998; McGuire, 1968). Sour ce refers to the communicator effect of persuasion who says it has a great impact on the persuasion outcome. According to Kelman (1958), authorities, credible communicators, and attractive individuals pr omote attitude change through different mechanisms. Credible commun icators are perceived as having expertise, trustworthiness, goodwill, dynamism, extroversion, sociability, a nd composure (Berlo, Lemert, & Mertz, 1969; McCroskey & Young, 1981). The sour ce of the message is associated with the credibility; the attitude towa rd a source of communication held at a given time by a receiver (McCroskey, 1997, p.87). A credible source, such as the American Canc er Society, has a high possibility to appear trustworthy and having goodw ill, therefore increasing the persuasiveness of

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16 the messages it communicates to the public. Mess age refers to the structure, content, and language of the persuasion (Perloff, 2003). By eff ectively utilizing different message sources and emotional appeals, the persuasiveness of the communicated messages can be greatly enhanced (Perloff, 2003). The appeals refer to how messages are co mmunicated, and the mo st common method is to conjure fear (Perloff, 2003). Fear appeals are common in ever yday life, and it is proposed to be most effective in persuading people to change attitudes and beha viors, particularly when fear appeals can elicit fear and provide informationa l or emotional support to overcome fear (Witte, 1992). In fact, Dejong and Atkin (1995) discovered that emotional appeals were prevalent, with fear appeals being the most popular, especially in anti-smoking campaigns and PSAs (Freimuth, Hammond, Edgar, & Monahan). Anti-Smoking Campaigns Anti-smoking campaigns represent one of the most intensively funded health communication campaigns (Cohen, Shumate, & Go ld, 2007, p. 101). For example, the State of Massachusetts conducted a $350 million anti-smo king campaign starting in late 1993 and the state of Arizona, California, a nd Florida also heavily fund anti-smoking campaigns (Institute of Medicine & National Research Council, 2000). The U.S. Depa rtment of Health and Human Services reported that funded mass media camp aigns are crucial to reducing and preventing tobacco use among adults and teens (1994). The Truth campaign, the largest youth smoking prevention campaign in the country, has helped reduce youth smoking rates. From 1999 to 2000, the two years following the launch of the campaign, cigarette smoking among high school students fell from 28 percent to 22.9 percent a dr op of more than one million smokers (National Institute on Drug Abuse, 2007). The "Monitoring the Future" surv ey, sponsored by the National Institute on Drug Abuse and conducted by the Univer sity of Michigan, ci ted the Truth campaign

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17 as a factor in the dramatic declines in sm oking rates among 8th, 10th, and 12th graders (NIDA, 2007). According to Flay (1987), mass media have mainly been used in three ways to reduce smoking among adults and youths: 1) to info rm the public about the negative health consequences related to cigarette smoking, 2) to promote specific smoking cessation actions, such as ordering smoking cessation kits, and 3) to provide smoking cessation clinic information to those smokers who desire to stop smoking. Since anti-smoking campaigns use different emotional appeals and themes in response to the characteristics of thei r target publics, this research will review literature about various types of persua sion in anti-smoking messages. Message Appeals of Anti-Smoking PSAs A detailed examination of the various messa ge appeals utilized in anti-smoking PSAs is required for a better understanding of the persua sive nature of such contents. Much of the previous research suggests th at fear appeal and humor have been the most popular message appeals in youths-oriente d anti-smoking PSAs (Flay, 1987; Alden, Mukherjee, & Hoyer, 2000; Cohen, Shumate, & Gold, 2007). For this reason, the literature for appeals was focused in fear and humor. Fear appeal Appealing to fear has proven to be persua sive and dom inant in anti-smoking campaign messages (Flay, 1987). According to Perloff (2003), a fear appeal is a persuasive communication that tries to scare people into changing their attitudes by conjuring up negative consequences that will occur if they do not co mply with the message recommendations (p. 187). Fear-appeal oriented anti-sm oking campaigns conjure threat visuals of physically damaged

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18 people, statistical data of tobacco-related di seases, and numeric figures of death rates in order to arouse feeling of fear. However, fear appeals have been criticized by inconsistent results in terms of persuasion (see Witte, 1992). Morris and Swann (1996) argued that too much fear can backfire and cause people to deny or ignore the message. Researchers (Kleinot & Rogers, 1982; Roger. 1975; Witte, 1992) argue that fear appeals wi thout information about how to overcome the elicited fear can cause a boomerang effect from viewers. Appealing to fear can be most effective when an action to prevent, or avoid the threat associated with a risky behavior is pr esent (Kleinot & Rogers, 1982; Roger. 1975; Witte, 1992). According to th e extended parallel process model (EPPM) proposed by Witte (1992), people who are threatened will either attempt to control the danger of physical threat or the emotion of fear. When i ndividuals recognize the hi gh possibility of facing physical threat and seek to control danger, th ey adopt the recommended solution to reduce the threat; but when individuals attemp t to control just fear, they enga ge in denial or underestimating actual risk to reduce fearful reaction (Witte, 1992). For this reason, it is important that individuals are shown both the threat and a solution to the threat (Witte, 1992, 1994). It is suggested that fear appeals with high level of threat (i .e., smoking leads to d eath) and high levels of solution (i.e., you are physica lly and mentally capable of quitting smoking, and there are information and social support for your quit ting smoking) produce higher message acceptance. Humor Anti-smoking PSAs that contains an entertai ning situation or dial og is considered a humor message, and this is another strategy that is used in anti-smoking campaigns. As noted above, fear may backfire and produce negative re sults (Morris & Swann, 1996). In certain cases, light, humorous messages are more helpful. For example, humor appeals are more effective

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19 when the target public already has positive attitu des toward the organization or the product brand (Chattopadhyay & Basu, 1990). Two types of models, cognitive and affective, are used to explain the effect of humor on persuasion (Gelb & Zinkhan, 1986) The cognitive model explai ns the impact of humor on persuasion by stimulating attention to the me ssage (Gelb & Zinkhan, 1986) The affective model explains the favorable attitude towards persuasion messages. Acco rding to the affective model, humor causes positive attitude towards the messa ge and consequently makes the message more memorable (Biel & Bridgwater, 1990). However, the findings of humor effects are inc onsistent and it is risky to use them as the dominant message strategy (Alden, Mukherjee, & Hoyer, 2000). For example, humorous effects are known to vary by demographical differe nces, particularly in gender and ethnicity, of the target public (Madden & Weinberger 1982) as well as culture (Unger 1996). Men are more likely to have a positive feeling towards hum or messages than wome n, and Whites are more likely to recall humor messages and find them appealing than Black (Madden & Weinberger 1982). Additionally, humor appeals were found to be most preval ent in youths-o riented antismoking PSAs (Beaudoin, 2002) Others Beaudoins research (2002) repor ted that sociability and dir tiness on top of fear appeal and hum or appeal were also popul ar appeals utilized in antismoking PSAs targeted towards teens. For example, dirtiness causes feelings of disgust. Lack of sociability which is related to the feeling of isolation and romantic rejection may pose critical wo rries for youths. As a matter of fact, Beaudoin found that so ciability was most frequently used for youths than fear appeal. For

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20 this reason, these categories were also included as message appeals in this study (USDHHS, 1994; Beaudoin, 2002). Based on the existing literatu re, this study designed follo wing research question: RQ1: What types of message appeals most freque ntly appear in the anti-smoking videos on YouTube? Portrayed Consequences of Smoking Portrayed consequences resulting from smoki ng are also important f actors that increase the effectiveness in anti-smoking campaign mess ages. Many studies sugg est that anti-smoking messages with long-term physical consequences are not effective for youths (Hale & Dillard, 1995; Irwin & Millstein, 1986) because young people feel detached to long-term consequences, such as death and disease. It may be more effective to emphasize immediate physiological change associated with smoking, such as skin da mage or hair loss, when persuading young adults to quit smoking (Birnbaum, 1975; Davidson & Rosen, 1972; Evans, Henderson, Hill, & Raines, 1979). According to Goldman and Glantz (1998) TV ads with short-term physiological consequences (i.e. negative cosmetic effects such as yellowing teeth, smelly hair and clothing, etc.) can counter the tobacco industrys portrayal of smoking as a glamorous and sophisticated activity. For example, an anti-smoking TV ad aired in Australia portr ays a beautiful woman whose face becomes more wrinkled, teeth turns more yellow, and l ooses hair with every puff of smoke. Such illustration of short-term consequences is known to be effective to youths. Pechmann and Shih (1999) discovered that stude nts who were exposed to such ads prior to watching a movie that involved an attractive lead actors smoking thought the activity was unappealing.

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21 In addition, social consequences such as unattractiveness and undesirability are often portrayed as negativ e outcomes resulting from smoking as we ll. Thus, the next research question examines the three types of consequences fr equented in anti-smoking messages: long-term physical, short-term physiological and social consequences. RQ2: What types of consequences most frequen tly appear in the anti-smoking videos on YouTube? Themes of Content A framework for examining the themes of the content of anti-smoking campaign messages were set forth by Goldman and Glantz (1998). This research wi ll explore the most frequently utilized anti-sm oking themes across studies (Beaudoin, 2002; Goldman & Glantz, 1998): industry manipulation, second-hand smok e, addiction, cessation, and prevention. Industry manipulation refers to revelation of the tobacco companys attempt to glamorize smoking habits and minimize the risky state of health associated with smoking. Goldman and Glantz (1998) found this form to be highly effective because they made viewers think that tobacco companies were trying to manipulate them into smoking, and they, particularly youths, dislike the feeling of being manipulated. Second-hand smoking messages communicate to smokers that their behavior not only puts their own health at sake, but also threaten the well-being of their friend, family members, and other loved ones. Such characteristics appear to be especially effective in anti-smoking messages targeted towards youth as they raise a sense of injustice and guilt (Goldman & Glantz, 1998). Addiction messages emphasize that nicotine is an addictive drug, and that it is deliberately used by tobacco companies to keep th e customers hooked on it. This is also effective in youth-oriented messages because young adults are attracted to the concept of having control.

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22 Cessation messages acknowledge the fact th at the viewer is a current smoker, and encourages the person to quit by offering various jus tifications (i.e., for your own health, to be a better role model for your childr en, to protect ones future, et c ) to do so. Finally, prevention messages are mainly aimed towards youths becaus e (1) adolescents have not yet shaped their habits in health behaviors and (2) most smoke rs experimented with smoking when they were teenagers and become addicted to tobacco since then (USDHHS, 1994). Another research question is raised based on the literature on the themes of anti-smoking contents. RQ3: What types of themes most frequently appear in the anti-smoking videos on YouTube? Persuasive forms of Anti-Smoking PSAs and Advertisements The formats of anti-smoking PSAs are also known to have an influence on the persuasiveness of the message (Cohen, Shumat e, & Gold, 2007). Perhaps some of the most popular forms utilized are celebrity endorseme nts, testimonials, and dramatizations. Celebrity endorsement Celebrity endorsem ent is highly related to the source factor of persuasion, with an emphasis on physical and social attractiveness. A celebrity is a widely -recognized or famous person who commands a high degree of public an d media attention. Organizations can build characters that are congruent w ith their identity, produce positive attitudes, and enhance message persuasiveness by utilizing the celebritys persona (Atkin & Block, 1983; Petty, Cacioppo, & Schumann, 1983; Tom, Clark, Elmer, Grech, Masetti, & Sandhar, 1992). Celebrities are effective endorsers because of their symbolic inspirati onal reference group associ ations, and of their physical attractiveness (Singer, 1983; Soloman & Assael, 1987). Source attractiveness triggers persuasion through a process of identificationthe receiver is motivated to seek a relationship with the source and adopts a similar position in terms of beliefs, attitudes, preferences or behaviors (Belch & Belch, 1995). According to breast cancer research (Larson, Woloshin,

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23 Schwartz, & Welch, 2005), almost 73 % of women ag e 40 and older reported that they had seen or heard celebrities talk about mammograms, a nd of these women, 25% reported that it made them more likely to under go screening mammography. Testimonial Utilizing tes timonials are also related to th e source factor of persuasion. Testimonials refer to the similarity of the persuader a communicator who appears to share the same demographics, values and life style are more likely to change attitudes of the persuadee (Perloff, 2003). The appearance of average fo lks allows message recipients to relate to the situation, and is effective when people must make persona l and emotional decisions (Goethals & Nelson, 1973). Additionally, testimonials ar e successful because the recipients may refer that if a behavior works for someone who is similar to me, then it will work for me as well (Perloff, 2003). Dramatization Dram atization refers to the fict itious act of characters in a plot with or without narration (Deighton, Romer, & McQueen, 1989). According to Scholes (1981), characte rs are protagonists who act in a given story to make human values such as love, happiness, and goodwill salient to the audience. Additionally, a plot is a fictional or true story of the proposed characters of the drama, and a narration is characters speech or writ ing directly directed to the audience (Scholes, 1981). Utilizing drama results in fewer counte r-arguments towards the proposed messages compared to formats that do not incorporate dr amatization, and increases verisimilitude of the situation (Deighton, Romer, & McQueen, 1989). Viewer s of the drama consid er the situation to be relevant to real life situations. This research is interested in examining persuasive forms online users utilize in antismoking PSAs they post on YouTube.

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24 RQ4: What types of persuasive forms most freq uently appear in the anti-smoking videos on YouTube? In addition, the characteristics of the m odels and venues featured in the anti-smoking videos will be examined as well to assess how online creators conjecture effective models of anti-smoking messages and poten tial contexts of smoking. RQ5: What are the characteristic s of models (message senders ) in the anti-smoking videos posted on YouTube? RQ6: What are the characteristics of venues in the anti-smoking videos posted on YouTube? The World Wide Web Health Communication (Anti-Smokin g Campaigns) and the Internet The growth and evolution of the World Wide Web has changed practically every area of communication health communication is no exception. In f act, Fotsch (1996) a sserts that health communication has facilitated some form of computer-mediated communication for nearly 20 years as a research, educational, and informational device. Moreover, Web sites used to promote health-related issues are not exclusive to academ ic research. According to Meyer (1996), the main purpose of most health s ites on the Internet serve as ma rketing purposes and consumer education materials. Larkin (1996) also reported a growing interest among consumers and health related practitioners using online Web sites to gain health information. As a matter of fact, a survey conducted in late 2004, revealed that 62 m illion people in the United States have access to the Web, and 80% of them searched for h ealth information via th e Internet (Fox, 2005). Specifically, 51% of Web users search for diet or nutrition information on line, 42% for exercise and fitness information, and 40% for prescripti on and over-the-counter drug information (Fox, 2005). Additionally, nearly half of all Americans with Internet access made health care decisions that were influenced by on-line sources (Fox & Rainie, 2002).

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25 Web sites can function simultaneously as an interpersonal medium and a mass medium (Cassell et al., 1998). An interpersonal medium stimulates continuous and speedy feedback; therefore, it is more capable to provide tran sactional respondent comm unication (Backer et al., 1992; McQuail, 1987; Rogers & Storey, 1987). The World Wide Web may serve this function by providing customized feedback in audible, visible forms in orde r to respond to the addressed information from individuals (Cassell et al., 1998 ). Such interpersonal communication features of the Internet may enhance th e persuasiveness of health messages. By providing health messages that are specific to indi viduals needs and bene fits, the messages are tailored in order to enhance persuasiveness (Skinner, Stretcher, & Hospers, 1994). The Internet also has the ability to reach a mass audi ence. Moreover, geological boundaries have no meaning in th is virtual reality. Mass media have attracted many health communicators because of its abi lity to disseminate messages, increase awareness, and enhance exposure (Alemi & Higley, 1995). The Internet is al so capable to deliver such desired results for health communication campaigns. Compatible with other forms of mass me dia, the Internet is fast-paced, competitive, and increasingly comm ercialized (Cassell et al., 1998, p. 76). Such distinctive traits of the Internet make it a popular medium for health communication campaigns as they strive to reach a mass audience with heal th messages customized to individualized needs and perceptions of a good state of health. The Internet serves as the most idealistic medium for such purposes, and increased intera ctive features of Web sites ar e making the Internet an even more compatible medium for effectiv e health communication campaigns. Interactivity and Health Communication One of the most attractive figures of the Internet is interactivity the unique capacity to implement two-way communication (McMillan, 1999) A number of researchers have claimed that interactivity is a crucial variable for determining the uses and effects of new media

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26 technologies (Jankowski & Hanssen, 1996; Morr is & Organ, 1996; Rafaeli; 1988). In fact, previous research has shown that increased interactivity is asso ciated with higher satisfaction, a greater sense of self-efficacy, and increased memory (Rafaeli, 1988). Research (Prochaska, Redding, & Evers, 1997; Schacter & Fagna no, 1999; Steuer, 1992; Stout et al., 2001; Sundar, Kalyan araman, & Brown, 2003) has revealed that interactive features such as high accessibility, high user control and personalized content are intriguing for health communication as well. Stout and her colleague s (2001) found that inte ractivity features discovered in health Web sites facilitate relati onship building and problem solving, as well as the learning of health information. Sp ecifically, the relationship build ing tool of interactivity is suggested to increase the recipients percepti ons of self-efficacy by enabling communications with experts (Schacter & Fagnano, 1999). For exampl e, the instant messaging services or chat rooms on a health Web site can provide a c yberspace where people can exchange information, give advice, and interact with other users or representative experts of the Web site (Prochaska, Redding, & Evers, 1997). The definition of interactivity varies among scholars, and different characteristics are proposed for each concept (Heeter, 1989). Empiri cal research has focused on the new physical features and functions of Web sites that suggest heightened interactivity (Rafaeli, 1988; Heeter, 1989; Steur, 1992). However, it is debatable whether the liking and affinity generated by increased interactivity are simply reflections of the users appreciation fo r a well-structured Web sites functional features to gene rate a dialogue between users and a candidate, or the result of subjective perception of psychological closeness brought about by actual on line interaction with the Web site (Sundar et al, 2003). While different researchers have di fferent concepts of

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27 interactivity, this paper will look into the concepts proposed by Sundar and his colleagues: the functional view, the contingency view and the user-characteristic view. Functional view According to the functio nal view, increased in teractivity translates to the Web sites ability to conduct dialogues or information exch anges between users and the interface (Sundar et al, 2003). Heeter (1989) described six dimensions of media inte ractivitychoice, user effort, medium responsiveness, system-use monitoring, c ontributing information, and the facilitation of interpersonal communicationand the level of interactivity of these dimensions are determined by the technological aspects of the medium. Researchers have operationalized the concept in terms of functional features such as e-mail links, feedback forms, chat rooms, and audio or video downloads (Ahern & Stromer-Galley, 2000; Ma ssey &Levy, 1999). The presence of these functions on a Web site serves as an evidence of interactivity, and th e higher the number of functions appearing in a We b site, the greater the level of interactivity. An experimental study with poli tical Web sites that controlled the levels of interactivity adopted from the functional view revealed that part icipants in the medium interactivity (Web site with a link to additional information about the ca ndidate) and high interactivity (Web site with a link to the candidates e-mail) tended to perceive the candidate as more sensitive and caring than participants that were exposed to low interactivity (Sundar, Hesser, Kalyanaraman, & Brown, 1998). Contingency view The contingency view is a m essage-based conc eptualization of inte ractivity, focusing on the transmission and reception of messages. Raf aeli (1988) illustrated such conceptualization by viewing interactivity as an expression of the extent that in a given series of communication exchanges, any third (or later) transmission (o r message) is related to the degree to which

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28 previous exchanges referred to even earlier transmissions ( p.111). That is, interactivity is conceptualized as a process involving users, media, and messages, with an emphasis on how messages relate to one another (S undar et al, 2003; p. 31). From this perspective, interactivity is achieved by message contingencysubsequent messages should be dependent on previous messages, and interactants need to respond to one another. Empirical research applying the message c ontingency view has shown that increased interactivity is associated with higher satisfaction, a greater sens e of self-efficacy, and increased memory (Rafaeli, 1988). Additionally, a content an alysis of computer-medicated communication (CMC) found that interactive me ssages were more humorous, less anonymous, and inclined to contain first-person plural pronouns for references (Rafaeli & Sudweeks, 1997). Based on the findings, the researchers conclude d that interactivity is associ ated with a higher sense of belonging and involvement. Motivation and User-Characteristics W hile motivation and user-characteristics is not a separate dimension of interactivity proposed by Sundar and his colleagues, they pro posed that the effects of interactivity are moderated by the users level of interest a nd involvement (Sundar et al, 2003). Thus, it is meaningful to look into the individual characteris tics of users who engage in interactive media. Many scholars agree that blogs are highly interac tive (McMillan, 1999); theref ore, a look into the user characteristics of blogs may give us an idea of what kind of peopl e engage in interactive media, and why they do so. A series of in-d epth interviews with bloggers around Stanford University discovered that those who frequently blog are attracted by the ability to document their life, democratically express ones opini on, and form a community forum (Nardi, Schiano, Gumbrecht, & Swartz, 2002). The study al so notes that bloggers feel a sense of relief and catharsis by publicly posting th eir deepest emotions, and even considered blogging as an

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29 opportunity to refine their thinking and enhance writing skills (Nardi, Schiano, Gumbrecht, & Swartz, 2002). These findings of motivations for blogging suggest that people who engage in interactive media are more likely to be self-expressi ve, active, involved, a nd appreciate two-way communication. In fact, McMillan (1999) notes that interactive f eatures require more energy and interest as the user needs to s croll through pages and se lect sections (p. 3 77) on the Web site. The UCC and YouTube Perhaps the most interesting and recent as pect of interactivity is its potential to further generate content (Richards, 2006). Accord ing to Richards (2006), inte ractivity is not just the exchange of communication, but also the generati on of content. While generating contents and sharing them with other users se rve relationship building and social support for creators, viewers of such generated contents may engage in info rmation learning and relationship building. Thus, UCC can represent the most advanced form of interactivity which requires high motivation and skills. While research on health comm unication via the Internet is fr uitful, relatively no research attempted to examine exclusively on UCC Web site s. One of the few available studies on UCC is a world-wide report from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). According to the 2007 OECDs Direct orate for Science, Technology and Industry report, UCC, also known as User Generated Cont ent (UGC), is a creativ e content made publicly available over the Internet in which the creator is outside of professional boundaries and practices. Three essential characters compose th is definition: publicati on requirement, creative effort, and non-professional creator. Publication requirement UCC should be published in som e context, and be public ly accessible through a Web site. This definition allows e-mails, instant messages, and contents in chat rooms also to be a form of

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30 UCC. Publication requirement is critical because UCC shares id eas and meanings with various viewers. Creative effort Creative effort im plies that a certain amount of creative effort must be put into creating the work or adapting existing works to construct a new one. That is, users must add their own value to the work. Strictly sp eaking, clipping a portion of a te levision show and posting it on an online video Web site would not be considered UCC. On the other hand, if a user uploads his or her photographs, expresses his or her thoughts through a blog, or cr eates a new music video, this is considered to be a UCC. However, creative effort is difficult to define because it may not be transparent in some cases. Creation outside of professional routines and practices UCC should be created by non-professionals. It of ten does not have an institutional or a commercial market context. UCC is not driven by commercial profit or remuneration, but by the motive to connect with peers, ac hieving personal fame, emotion of prestige, and the desire to express oneself. While the conceptualization of UCC is much helpful, the last characteristic is now difficult to assert as a core component of U CC. Now both individuals and organizations use YouTube for commercial profit or public educa tion. Established media a nd Internet sites (i.e., The New York Times Google Inc.) are pursuing UCC format s to derive revenue (OECD, 2007). During the times of crisis, cor porations and organizations are turning to YouTube as an alternative channel to communicate with its publ ics. For example, during the JetBlue airplane hostage crisis in February 2007, JetBlue utilized YouTube as a channel to report the crisis, and communicate its crisis plan with various publics. The company posted a video apology from the

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31 CEO of JetBlue on YouTube in or der to actively engage in communication and act transparently (Forbes, 2007). Individual users post their creative production to pursue a pr ofessional career. Or they post videos aired somewhere else to show thei r support or liking for the products or issues portrayed in the videos. A pilot test of this re search indicates that many users post anti-smoking PSAs which have been aired before. Thus, individual users use YouTube as an outlet to disseminate existing views on smoking issues as well as a communication outlet to express their own creative ideas. For this reason, it is premature to conclude that YouTube is exclusively for non-professional, amateur video creators. Theref ore, in order to bette r understand the whole picture of UCCs, we need to look into both created contents purely for the sake of expressing ones personal opinion and crea tivity on YouTube, and borrowed contents from other sources that are posted on YouTube. This study will deem contents created purely for YouTube as nonprofessionally created contents and contents borrowed from other sources to be posted on YouTube as professionally created contents (OECD, 2007). The two groups of contents will be compared to assess the similarities and the differe nces. In addition, this study will identify which organizations anti-smoking videos are most frequently posted to assess who are key leaders in this area. RQ 7: Are there any differences in the results fo r RQ1 to RQ6 between pr ofessionally developed videos and non-professionally developed videos? RQ 8: What organizations anti-smoking vide os are most frequently posted? It is also important to kn ow viewers actual responses of a posted anti-smoking video on YouTube because UCC intends to share ideas an d encourages user interactions. Additionally,

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32 this process gives us an understand ing of the persuasiveness of the videos from different creators and sources. RQ 9: What types of anti-smoking videos have the most number of hits? RQ 9-a: What appeal has the most number of hits? RQ 9-b: What portrayed consequence has the most number of hits? RQ 9-c: What form has the most number of hits? RQ 10: What types of anti-smoking videos have positive responses from viewers? RQ 10-a: What appeal has the most positive responses from viewers? RQ 10-b: What portrayed consequence has the most positive responses from viewers? RQ 10-c: What form has the most positive responses from viewers? RQ 11: Is there a difference between the two groups of videos in terms of hits and positive responses? Research Questions Based on the literature review, this r esearch attempts to discover the types of persuasive forms, message appeals, model and content ch aracteristics illustrated in anti-smoking videos posted on YouTube. Additionally, the study will examin e the persuasive form that results in the most number of hits, and discover which type of anti-smoking PSAs has positive responses from viewers. Finally, the study will examine if diff erent types of message appeals and persuasive forms result in different numbers of hits for the proposed video. RQ1: What types of message a ppeals appear most frequently in the anti-smoking videos on YouTube? RQ2: What types of consequences appear mo st frequently in the anti-smoking videos on YouTube? RQ3: What types of themes appear most frequently in the anti-smoking videos on YouTube? RQ4: What types of persuasive forms appear most frequently in th e anti-smoking videos on YouTube? RQ5: What are the characteri stics of models (message senders) in the anti-smoking videos posted on YouTube?

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33 RQ6: What are the characteristics of ve nues in the anti-smoking videos posted on YouTube? RQ 7: Are there any differences in the re sults for RQ1 to RQ6 between professionally developed videos and non-prof essionally developed videos? RQ 8: What organizations anti-smoki ng PSAs are most frequently posted? RQ 9: What types of anti-smoking videos has the most number of hits? RQ 9-a: What appeal has the most number of hits? RQ 9-b: What portrayed consequence has the most number of hits? RQ 9-c: What form has the most number of hits? RQ 10: What types of anti-smoking videos have positive responses from viewers? RQ 10-a: What appeal has the most positive responses from viewers? RQ 10-b: What portrayed consequen ce has the most positive responses from viewers? RQ 10-c: What form has the most positive responses from viewers? RQ 11: Is there a difference between the two groups of videos in terms of hits and positive responses?

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34 CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY Research Design and Sampling Procedure A content analysis of user-created video contents on YouTube was conducted to examine how anti-smoking messages are being communicated in this new form of social media. According to Wimmer and Dominick (2000), co ntent analysis is a method of studying and analyzing communication in a systematic, objective, and quantitative manner for the purposes of measuring variables (p. 135). To gather the sample for this study, a video search on YouTube was carried out by entering the keyword made anti-smoking in the search box to view the universe of nonprofessionally created video contents. The time fram e for video selection was from March 2007 to March 2008. This was because YouTube a rranges the videos on a one year period. A total of 120 video clips appeared under the ke y word made anti-smoking, and because of the small number of the sample, th e whole universe was examined. With the similar approach, the word "ant i-smoking" was entered in the search box to discover the universe of anti-smoking videos pos ted on YouTube. From this keyword search, a total of 1,490 video clips were retrieved. Howeve r, some of the samples overlapped with the videos retrieved from the first keyword sear ch "made anti-smoking." Additionally, YouTube only allows the Web pages to range from page 1 to page 50, with 20 videos per page, to viewers. Thus, while the keyword search indicates a total of 1,490 video c lips, only 1000 of them were accessible. The replicated anti-smoking clips, videos that had no cues of source, and videos that were difficult to identify whether it had been aired or not were excluded from the population. In the end, a total of 570 videos were identified as the universe for "professionally developed" antismoking messages.

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35 However, many anti-smoking videos posted on Youtube did not fit into the proposed timeline of the study. For instance, while the cover page notified that the video was posted a year ago, the initial posted date was revealed to be more than one year when you actually clicked on the video to view it. In conclu sion, a total of 199 videos which we re applicable to the proposed timeline were examined for this study. Of the 199 videos, 78 videos were made by nonprofessionals, and 121 videos were made by professionals. Measurement The unit of analysis was individual video clips about anti-smoking messages on YouTube. Each video clip was categorized under f our primary focuses; 1) the message appeals, 2) portrayed consequences of smoking, 3) themes, and 4) persuasive forms. Type of Appeal The m essage appeals were spec ified into fear, humor, dirt iness, and sociability. These categories were directly adapted from the st udy by Beaudoin (2002), and th e primary subject of each categories is to be c oded, rather than looking into all that appears. Fear appeal. The fear appeal was counted on pres ence of description of physical and social threats resulting from smoking. In particul ar, the fear appeal focus was coded in seven sub-categories: 1) threatened st ate of health, 2) damaged physical appearance, 3) statistics of smoke-related death rates, 4) second-hand smoking effects, 5) addictive dr ug, 6) social outcast, and 7) other. Threatened state of health videos inform the various diseases caused by smoking cigarettes, such as lung cancer, pneumonia, heart at tack, gastric ulcer, loss of vision, gingivitis, and diabetes. Damaged physical appearance videos report smoking cigare ttes as an action that results in destroying aesthetic features of a person; such as wrinkled skin, discolored and corroded teeth, and loss of hair. Statistics of smoke-related death rates videos inform numeric data of annual death rates due to smoking, number of diseases caused by smoking, and

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36 comparison with other statistics. Second-hand smoking effects illustrate the effects smoking has on family members, friends, and numerous other people. Addictive drug videos demonstrate cigarettes as a drug, not a matte r of preference, and an addiction that must be eliminated Social outcast videos illustrate smoking ciga rettes as an unattractive be havior, and a habit that may result in romantic rejection and loss of friends. Videos that conjure fear by using any other type of threat were coded and specified as other. Humor. The humor appeal was coded in terms of present or absent. An anti-smoking PSA from the National Council Against Smoking depicts a young, attractive woman at a party. Two men are attracted by her looks and put thei r attention on her. The woman, throwing sultry looks to the men, starts to pick on her nose. Then, she pulls mucus out of her nose. The PSA finishes with a caption that reads Whats so cool about a filthy habi t? This would be an example of a humorous situation in an anti-smoking video. Dirtiness. Dirtiness was also coded in terms of pres ent or absent. Videos that illustrate smoking to stain clothes, leave the house smellin g and looking dirty, and make the smoker smell are all examples of dirtiness ut ilized in anti-smoking ads. Sociability. Sociability was coded in terms of pr esent or absent. Videos that oppose to the association of smoking being socially acceptable, fit, and sophisticated are examples of this variable. Sociability is clearly distinguishable from social outcast because sociability focuses on breaking the social norm of approving smoking as a socially acceptable and cool behavior. Message Form The for ms are classified into celebrity endorsement, testimonial, and dramatization. These categories were added to discover the fo rmat of persuasion in anti-smoking videos on YouTube. In addition, characteristic s associated with the featured models (message senders) and venues are assessed.

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37 Celebrity Endorsement. Celebrity endorsement was exam ined in six sub-categories of featured model(s) in anti-smoking video: gende r, occupation, role, r ace, age group, and victim. Gender examined whether the illustra ted celebrity in the video was a female, a male, or whether both genders appeared. Occupation examined whether the celebrity was a singer, actor/actress, comedian, sports figure, an anchor, or any other. Role examined whether the celebrity appeared as oneself, a parent, a friend, a brother or a sist er, a teacher, or as a co-worker in the video. Race identified whether the celebrity was White, Blac k, Asian, Hispanic, or Other. This race category was adapted from the 2000 US census data. Age group 1examines whether the celebrity was a child, teenager, young adult, adult, or senior. Victim addressed whether the proposed celebrity was the direct victim from smoking, or if a fa mily member or a friend was the victim from smoking. Venue Attribution. The location where the anti-smoking video is taking place refers to the venue attribution of the created content. Venu e attribution was coded in terms of present or absent for seven different categories school, home, work place, bar, park, street, and other. Testimonial. Testimonial was examined in the same six sub-categories of model(s) for celebrity endorsement except occupation. Occupation examines whether the person was a white collar, stay home mom/dad, student, or a blue collar worker. A ll the other sub-categories assess the same variables with celebrity endorsement. Dramatization. Dramatization was examined mainly in the presence or absence of narration, plot, and character. Models and target viewers of the drama are examined with the same sub-categories with testimonials. 1 This category has limitations because it relies on the code rs observation, and they may not be accurate in some cases.

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38 Theme The them es of the content were categorized into industry manipul ation (indicates the characteristics of a video which illustrates how tobacco companies portray smokers to be powerful and attractive, and how they persuade people to overlook the dangers of smoking), second-hand smoking (indicates the characteristics of a video wh ich illustrates how smoking can have detrimental health effects on friends, family members and others), ad diction (indicates the characteristics of a video which informs that nicotine is an addictiv e drug used by tobacco companies to hook smokers), cessation (indicates th e characteristics of a video which encourages a current smoker to change the behavior by offering reasons for quitting smoking), and prevention (indicates the characteristics of a vi deo which illustrates how smoking is a harmful activity for health, but is a behavior that an individua l can control). Consequences Consequences were coded in terms of present or absent, and they were specified in terms of long-term health, social, or short-term phys iological types. Videos illustrating long-term consequences portray death, chronicle diseas es, and risky state of health. Short-term physiological consequences illustra te aesthetically ruined features such as yellowing teeth, loss of hair, and wrinkly complexion. Social consequences illustrate smokers as unattractive and socially undesirable. Viewers Reaction Viewers reactions to the UCC were coded in terms of the number of comments, the tone of the comments, and the ratings of the posted video. Additionally, the creator, affiliation of the poster, and sponsor of the UCC was coded in or der to examine if ther e are differences in viewers reactions according to the pr ofessional status of the video.

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39 Comments. Comments are threads of opinion listed below the posted video. The number and tone of comment were measured along with viewers ratings of anti-smoking videos. The tone of comments was broken down into nega tive and positive. A comment was considered negative under terms such as not helpful at all, fake, unreal, too gross too scary, ignore, and so what. A comment was considered positive under terms such as very helpful, inspiring, made me quite smoking, i nteresting, people should stop smoking, educational, and keep up the good work. Ratings. Ratings are the number of stars each posted videos receive from the viewers. The stars are filled in with color ranging from zero to five, and the cumulative number of stars received is notified in numeric figures. Ratings were coded in terms of how many filled-in stars the video received from its viewers. Creators This category was coded in term s of bei ng a professional creator or non-professional creator. Examples of videos created by a prof essional were contents from a production company with an affiliated source, and an anti-smoking PSA that has been aired, or is airing on TV. Examples of a non-professional, amateur crea tor are videos made by students for a school project, or videos made by unidentified individu als with the purpose of sh aring personal beliefs and opinions. Sponsors and Poster Affiliation Presence of the sponsor was coded along with the sponsor attribution (i.e. American Cancer Society, American Heart Association, Ph ilip Morris, American Lung Association, etc). Additionally, the affiliation of the poster was coded in terms of present or absent.

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40 Pretest and Coding Procedure Three coders, the researcher and two other graduate students, who are not familiar with this study, conducted a pretest independently with 10 percent of the research sample to test the coding sheet. The pretest samples will be random ly selected from the pool of sampled videos. The reliability of each category was measured by a coding pretest, and the coding sheet and codebook was revised until the intercoder reliability reaches more than 0.7 regarded, which is good (Shoemaker, 2003). Intercoder reliabi lity shows the level of agreement among independent coders who code the same conten t with the same coding instrument (Wimmer & Dominick, 2002). For this study, the Scotts Pi formula (1955) wa s used to calculate in tercoder reliability of the pretest. The Scotts Pi formula comput es the agreement expected by chance by looking at the proportion of times particular va lues of a category are used in a given test and then calculates the chance agreement or expected agreemen t based on those proportions. This expected agreement is calculated using ba sic probability theory (Riffe, Lacy, & Fico, 2005). Thus, the Scotts Pi accounts for the occurrence of some co der agreement strictly due to chance, and it also corrects for the probable frequency of use and the number of categorie s used in the study (Wimmer & Dominick, 2002).

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41 CHAPTER 4 RESULTS Data Analysis The following statistical analyses were used to answer the research questions for this study. Descriptive statistics, such as frequencies and cross-tabulations, was used to answer RQ1 through RQ 6, and RQ 8 through RQ 10. Chi-square tests were conducted to answer differences between professional and non-profes sional contents in terms of prevalent anti-smoking message appeals, forms, and themes for RQ 7. Finally, t-tests were conducted to answer differences between the two groups of contents in viewers reactions for RQ 11. General Findings To examine the types of persuasive fo rms, message appeals, model and content characteristics of the anti-smoking videos poste d on YouTube, a total of 199 video contents were collected from the Web site from March, 2007 to March, 2008. The Scotts Pi formula (1955) was used to calculate intercoder reliability. Th e intercoder reliability scores were in an acceptable range between .71 and .85. While research usually reports reliability figures that are .80 or higher, Riffe and his colleagues (2005) suggest ed that variables with Scotts Pi as low as .667 can be acceptable with nominal data and a large sample. Of the 199 videos examined, 39.2% were made by non-professionals ( n = 78) while 60.8% were made by professionals ( n = 121). Approximately 84% of the videos did not disclose the posters affiliation (n = 168); 15.6% revealed the affiliati on of the poster with the video ( n = 31). The average airtime of all of the videos were 100.64 seconds ( sd = 139.37). However, the average airtime between non-profe ssionally created videos (M = 154.91, sd = 149.65), and professionally created videos (M = 65.66, sd = 120.54) showed statistically significant differences (t = 4.42, p < .01). The majority of the video cont ents were made in the United States

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42 ( n = 124, 62.3%), while a small number of vi deos came from intern ational countries ( n = 51, 25.6%). Finally, 88.9 % of the videos ( n = 177) mentioned the source, while 11.1% did not mention the source of the video. Findings from Research Questions RQ1: The videos had the following num b er of appeals: fear, 63.3% (n = 126); humor, 28.1 % (n = 56); dirtiness, 3.5% ( n = 7); and sociability, 4.0% ( n = 8). Fear was the most frequently appearing consequences in the an ti-smoking videos on YouTube. Of the 126 videos that utilized fear, threatened health accounted for 30.2% ( n = 60), followed by second hand smoking (11.1%, n = 22), addictive drug (7.5%, n =15), statistical data related to the danger and chemicals associated with smoking (6.5%, n = 13), social outcast (3.5%, n = 7), damaged physical appearance (2.5%, n = 5), and others (2.0%, n = 4). Intellectual deficiency and sexual impotence were coded as others. Ta ble 4-1 illustrate s the findings. Table 4-1: Frequency of message appeals portrayed in the videos Message Appeal Frequency Percentage Fear Threatened Health 60 30.2 Damaged Physical Appearance 5 2.5 Statistical Data 13 6.5 Second-hand Smoking 22 11.1 Addictive Drug 15 7.5 Social Outcast 7 3.5 Other 4 2.0 Humor 56 28.1 Dirtiness 7 3.5 Sociability 8 4.0 Total 197 98.8

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43 RQ2: Approximately seventy-six percent of the videos portrayed consequences associated with smoking (76.4%, n = 152), while 23.6% of the videos did not portray consequences of smoking ( n = 47). Long term consequences such as cancer or death appeared most often in the videos (63.8%, n = 127). Social consequences (6.5%, n = 13) was the second, followed by short term consequences (6.0%, n = 12). Table 4-2 indi cates the findings. Table 4-2: Frequency of conseque nces portrayed in the videos Themes Frequency Percentage Long term consequences 127 63.8 Short term consequences 12 6.0 Social consequences 13 6.5 Absent 47 23.0 Total 199 100.0 RQ3: The anti-smoking videos had the follo wing number for themes: industry manipulation, 5.5% ( n = 11); second hand smoking, 11.6% ( n = 23); addiction, 7.5% ( n = 15); cessation, 56.3% ( n = 112); prevention, 11.6% ( n = 23); and others, 7.5% ( n = 15). The most frequently appearing type of theme was cessation while the least frequen tly appearing type of theme was industry manipulation. Others consisted of videos that did not have one of the three themes. Additionally, videos that portrayed smoking as a foolish act and an unattractive behavior that chases away the opposite sex were also includ ed in others. Finally, videos that insisted on more education towards young people in order to stop them from smoking were also coded as others. Table 4-3 indicates the findings. RQ4: The study demonstrated that 67.1% of the videos utilized dramatization ( n = 153), 6.5% utilized testimonials ( n = 13), and 4.5% of the videos utilized celebrity endorsement ( n =

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44 9). According to Table 4-4, dramatization wa s the most common form of the anti-smoking videos. Additionally, 11.6% of the videos utilize persuasive form s such as documentaries, stillpicture slide shows, television scoops, and movi e scoops that do not fit into the categories mentioned above ( n = 23). Table 4-3: Frequency of portr ayed themes in the videos Themes Frequency Percentage Industry manipulation 11 5.5 Second-hand smoking 23 11.6 Addiction 15 7.5 Cessation 112 56.3 Prevention 23 11.6 Other 15 10.3 Total 199 100.0 Table 4-4: Frequency of portr ayed forms in the videos Persuasive form Frequency Percentage Celebrity Endorsement 9 4.5 Testimonial 13 6.5 Dramatization 153 76.9 Other 23 11.6 Total 198 99.5 RQ5: In 36.7% of the videos, males were the dominant character ( n = 73) while 16.6% of the videos had females appearing as the dominant model ( n = 33). Approximately 34% of the videos had both males and females a ppearing as the dominant character ( n = 67), and 11.4% of the videos had dominant models such as robots, animals, animated characters, and text-only visuals that were not appli cable to gender characters ( n = 26). Nine percent of the videos ( n = 18) had a model that was a celebrity. Of those videos, actors or actresses appeared the most frequently ( n = 6), followed by comedians ( n = 3), anchors

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45 ( n = 3), sports figures ( n = 2), and singers ( n = 2). Additionally, political figures ( n = 2) also appeared as a celebrity figure. Ninety-one per cent of the videos had models that were not a celebrity (n =181). Of those videos, 3% of th e models were stay home parents ( n = 6), 7.5% were white collar workers (n = 15), 1.5% were blue collar workers ( n = 3), 11.6% were students ( n = 23), and 12.1% percent had jobs such as magici ans, cowboys, and superheroes that were not detailed above (n = 24). Additionally, 107 videos did not mention the occupation of the appearing models, and 3 videos were not applicable for th e occupation category. The victims of the videos appear ed as the following: self, 27.1% ( n = 54); family members, 13.1% ( n = 26); and friends, 5.5% (n = 11). Approximately 31.2% of the videos did not have a victim (n = 62), and 20.6% of the videos had victims such as pets, non-smokers in general, or smokers in general ( n = 41). Additionally, 2% of the videos were not applicable for portraying victims ( n =5). The role of models in the videos appeared as the following: self, 62.3% ( n = 124); parents, 7.5% ( n = 15); friends, 5.5% ( n = 11), and others such as teachers, lovers and married couples (15.1%, n = 30). Approximately 10% of the videos were not applicable for portraying roles of the models (9.5%, n = 19) as they were animated figures, pets, and texts. The race of the models appeared as the following: White, 71.4% ( n = 142); AfricanAmerican, 5.5% (n = 11); Asian, 4.5% ( n = 9); and others, 0.5% ( n = 1). Additionally, 18.1% of the videos were not applicable for race characteristics (n = 36). The age group of the models appeared as the following: child, 6.5% ( n = 13); teenagers, 21.1% ( n = 42); young adults, 14.1% (n = 28); adults, 39.2% ( n = 78); seniors, 2% (n = 4); and others, 4% ( n = 8). Additionally, 13.1% of the videos were not applicable for age groups ( n = 26).

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46 RQ6: The study demonstrated that 8.5% of the videos took place in school ( n = 17); 26.1% took place at home ( n = 52); 5.5% took place at work place ( n = 11); 3% took place at a bar ( n = 6); 3.5% took place at the park ( n = 7); 14.6% took place at the streets ( n = 29); and 33.7% took place at other venues such as restaurants, TV sets, hospitals, theater stages, mountains, deserts, and ranches ( n = 67). Five percent of videos did not have a venue attribution ( n = 10). Table 4-5 illustrated the findings. Table 4-5: Frequency of venue s portrayed in the videos Themes Frequency Percentage School 17 8.5 Home 52 26.1 Work place 11 5.5 Bar 6 3.0 Park 7 3.5 Street 29 14.6 Other 67 33.7 Absent 10 5.0 Total 199 100.0 RQ7: There were differences in the results for research question 1 to research question 6 between videos developed by professionals and videos developed by non-professionals. Threatened state of health was the most frequently appearing message appeal for both professionally developed videos and non-professionally developed videos. However, a statistically significant difference between th e groups was found for message appeals that utilized fear. In particular, fear projected by using statistical data ( 2(1)= 5.27, p < .05) and description of smoking as an addictive drug ( 2(1)= 5.14, p < .05) were signi ficantly different between the two groups.

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47 Table 4-6: Message appeals us ed across non-professional vide os and professional videos Creators Non-professionals Professionals Message Appeal Frequency Percentage within creator Frequency Percentage within creator Fear Threatened Health 22 28.2 38 31.4 Damaged Physical Appearance 2 2.6 3 2.5 Statistical Data 9 11.5 4 3.3 Second-hand Smoking 7 9.0 15 12.4 Addictive Drug 10 12.8 5 4.1 Social Outcast 3 3.8 4 3.3 Other 0 0 4 3.3 Humor 16 20.5 40 33.1 Dirtiness 3 3.8 4 3.3 Sociability 5 6.4 3 2.5 Total 77 98.6 120 99.2 As shown in Table 4-6, non-professional videos were more likely to make use of statistical data and describe smoking as an addi ctive drug than were professional videos. There were no statistical significances between the tw o groups in terms of utilizing dirtiness, and sociability as appeals. However, the Chi-square test approached statistic al significance for humor appeals between the two groups ( 2(1)= 3.69, p = .055). Professionally de veloped videos were more inclined to present humor in the anti -smoking videos than were non-professionally developed videos. There were no statistical significance be tween professionally developed videos and videos developed by non-professionals in terms of consequences. However, themes showed statistical significance between the two groups The professional vide o and non-professional video differ in using addiction ( 2(1)= 5.14, p < .05) and cessation themes ( 2(1)= 4.08, p < .05). While non-professional videos were more likely to use an addiction theme, professional videos

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48 were more inclined to use a cessation theme. Ta ble 4-7 shows that non-professional videos were more likely to describe an addiction theme th an were professional vi deos. Additionally, the tendency of professional videos to deliver a ces sation theme was higher than was the tendency of non-professional videos. Table 4-7: Themes used in non-pr ofessional vs. professional videos Creator Non-professional Professional Themes Frequency Percentage within creator Frequency Percentage within creator Industry manipulation 5 6.4 6 5.9 Second-hand smoking 6 7.7 17 14.0 Addiction 10 12.8 5 4.1 Cessation 37 47.4 75 62.0 Prevention 12 15.4 11 9.1 Other 8 10.3 7 5.8 Total 78 100.0 121 100.0 The persuasive forms of the messages also showed statistically significant differences between the two groups. Specifically, dramatization forms showed statistical significance between the two groups ( 2(1)= 11.79, p < .01). Table 4-8 indicates th at professionally developed videos were even more likely to utilize drama tization than non-professi onally developed videos. There was no statistical signi ficance in terms of celebrity endorsement and testimonial. Model attributions showed statistically signi ficant differences between videos created by professionals and videos create d by non-professionals. Specifica lly, the race, the age group, and the occupation of the non-celebri ty models showed statistica lly significant differences. Both professional creators ( n = 94) and non-profes sional creators ( n = 48) illustrated White models the most frequently. Howe ver, professionally developed videos ( 2(1)= 6.05, p < .05) were even more likely to portray White models than we re non-professionally developed

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49 videos. On the contrary, non-profe ssionally created videos were more inclined to portray Asian models than were profes sionally created videos ( 2(1)= 9.77, p < .05). Table 4-9 illustrates the findings. Table 4-8: Persuasive forms used within non-prof essional videos vs. within professional videos Creator Non-professional Professional Persuasive form Frequency Percentage within creator Frequency Percentage within creator Celebrity Endorsement 2 2.6 7 5.8 Testimonial 8 10.3 5 4.1 Dramatization 50 64.1 103 85.1 Other 17 21.8 6 5.0 Total 77 98.8 121 100.0 Table 4-9: Frequency of model s race portrayed across non-profe ssional videos and professional videos Creators Non-professional Professional Race Frequency Percentage within creator Frequency Percentage within creator White 48 61.5 94 77.7 African-American 6 7.7 5 4.1 Asian 8 10.3 1 0.8 Hispanic 0 0 0 0 Other 0 0 1 0.8 Not applicable 16 20.5 20 16.5 Total 78 100.0 121 100.0 Additionally, non-professionally developed vi deos were more likely to portray teen models ( 2(1)= 19.91, p < .01) while professionally created vi deos were more likely to portray adults as main models ( 2(1)= 30.52, p < .01). Table 4-10 illustrates the findings.

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50 Table 4-10: Frequency of models age group ac ross non-professional videos and professional videos In terms of the occupation of the non-celeb rity models, professionally developed videos were more inclined to po rtray stay home parents ( 2(1)= 3.84, p < .05) and white-color workers ( 2(1)= 6.87, p < .01) than were non-professionally de veloped videos while non-professional videos were more inclined to portray students than were professional videos ( 2(1)= 8.01, p < .05). Table 4-11 illustrates the findings. Table 4-11: Frequency of models occupation portrayed across non-prof essional videos and professional videos Creators Non-professional Professional Occupation Frequency Percentage within creator Frequency Percentage within creator Stay home parent 0 0.0 6 5.0 White collar 1 1.3 14 11.6 Blue collar 0 0.0 3 2.5 Student 15 19.2 8 6.6 Other 6 7.7 18 14.9 Absent 53 67.9 72 59.5 Not applicable 3 3.8 0 0.0 Total 78 100.0 121 100.0 Creators Non-professional Professional Age group Frequency Percentage within creator Frequency Percentage within creator Child 5 6.4 8 6.6 Teenagers 29 37.2 13 10.7 Young Adults 15 19.2 13 10.7 Adults 12 15.4 66 54.5 Seniors 2 2.6 2 1.7 Others 2 2.6 6 5.0 Not applicable 13 16.7 13 10.7 Total 78 100.0 121 100.0

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51 Venue attributions showed statistically signi ficant differences between videos created by professionals and videos cr eated by non-professionals. Table 4-12: Frequency of venues used across non -professional videos a nd professional videos Creators Non-professional Professional Themes Frequency Percentage within creator Frequency Percentage within creator School 11 14.1 6 5.0 Home 22 28.2 30 24.8 Work place 0 0.0 11 9.1 Bar 2 2.6 4 3.3 Park 5 6.4 2 1.7 Street 14 17.9 15 12.4 Other 18 23.1 49 40.5 Absent 6 7.7 4 3.3 Total 78 100.0 121 100.0 As shown in Table 4-12, non-professionally developed videos were more likely to take place in schools than professionally developed videos (2(1)= 5.08, p < .05) while professionally created videos were more inclined to take se ttings in offices than non-professionally created videos ( 2(1)= 7.51, p < .01). Additionally, professionally de veloped videos had more diversity in the venues illustrated as well ( 2(1)= 6.44, p < .05). RQ8: The posted videos had the following orga nizations: American Cancer Society ( n = 4, 1.8%); Tobacco Control ( n = 1, 0.5%); Big Tobacco companies ( n =4, 2.0%); American Heart Association ( n = 4, 2.0%); American Lung Association ( n =3, 1.5%); and local governmental organizations ( n = 31, 15.6% ) such as the California Department of Health Services, Massachusetts Department of Public Health, and the Florida Tobacco Pilot Program. Videos illustrating organizations from foreign countri es, television network sponsored videos, and

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52 videos from the TRUTH campaign were all coded as others ( n = 68, 34.2%). Table 4-13 shows the findings. Table 4-13: Frequency of organizat ions across non-professional vi deos and professional videos Creators Non-professional Professional Themes Frequency Percentage within creator Frequency Percentage within creator American Cancer Society 0 0.0 4 3.3 Tobacco Control 0 0.0 1 0.8 Big Tobacco 0 0.0 4 3.3 American Heart Association 0 0.0 4 3.3 American Lung Association 1 1.3 2 1.7 Government Organizations 2 2.6 29 24.0 Other 5 6.4 63 52.1 Absent 70 89.7 14 11.6 Total 78 100.0 121 100.0 RQ9: The number of hits ranged from 14 being the lowest to 277,084 being the highest for the anti-smoking videos (M = 6,658.43). Fear appeal that util ized second hand smoking had the highest average number of hits (M = 16,387.32, n =22). In terms of appeals, humor appeal videos had an average number of 9,045 (n = 56) while videos that illustrated dirtiness had the lowest average number of 535 hits ( n = 7). Additionally, videos that portrayed sociability had an average number of 748.63 hits (n = 8). Out of persuasive form s, dramatization received the highest number of hits, 7,248 (n = 153)testimonials received an average of 4,108 hits ( n = 13) and celebrity endorsement received an average of 1,522 hits ( n = 9). Regarding the portrayed consequence, the average number of hits for videos that illustrated long-term consequences were 7,969 ( n = 127); short-term consequences were 6,069 (n = 12); and social-consequences were 839 ( n = 13).

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53 RQ10: The average percent of positive responses of the posted anti-smoking videos were 35.9%, and the percentage ranged from 0% to 100% positive comments. The appeal that had the most positive responses from view ers was fear that portrayed smokers being a social outcast (M = 61.4%, n = 7). Positive responses for videos that portrayed threatened health had an average of 35.3% ( n = 60); damaged physical appearance had an average of 31.6% (n = 5); statistical data related w ith smoking had an average of 45.2% (n = 13); second-hand smoking had an average of 34.77% ( n = 22); addictive drug had an average of 30.8% ( n = 15); and others had an average of 35.87% ( n = 4). Humor appeal had an average of 35.8% positive reaction from the viewers ( n = 56) while dirtiness had an average of 30.9% ( n = 7) positive comments. Sociability ha d the lowest average of 12.38% ( n = 8). The portrayed consequence that had the most positive response from viewers was longterm consequences (M = 41.11%, n =127). Approximately an average of 38% of the comments for videos that illustrated short-term consequences of smoking had positive responses from the viewers (M = 38.1%, n = 12), and videos that portrayed so cial-consequences had an average of 12.8% of positive comments from the viewers ( n = 13). The persuasive form that had the most pos itive response from viewers was testimonial (M = 39.2%, n = 13). Approximately an average of 34% of the comments for celebrity endorsement videos were positive ( n = 9) while comments for dram atizations had an average of 36.0% of positive responses from the viewers ( n = 153). RQ11: Viewers reaction towards the two groups s howed different patterns. Levenes test results revealed unequal variance between different creator groups on hits (F= 5.71, p < .05) and ratings (F= 5.00, p < .05). Thus, the following t-test th e number of hits was based on the assumption of unequal variance, and the result approached sta tistical significance (t = -1.875, p =

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54 .063). The average number of hits for videos made by professionals (M = 9132.40, sd = 33345.17) were higher than the average number of h its for videos made by non-professionals (M = 2820.62, sd = 12943.08). In addition, professional videos (M = 3.53, sd = 1.71) significantly tend to get higher ratings (t = 5.934, p < .001) than unprofessional videos (M = 1.96, sd = 1.87). However, there was no statistical signifi cance in the number and tone of comments between the videos made by professionals and the videos made by non-professionals. Thus, it can be suggested that professional videos receive quantitatively better reactions than nonprofessional videos. Additional Findings from Qualitative Analysis While the statistical analysis revealed th at there are no differences between the two different groups of videos in terms of positive responses, a qualitative analysis of the posted comments gives us different views on videos cr eated by professionals and videos created by nonprofessionals. First of all, professionally developed videos provoked more comments and broader topics related to anti-smoking messages. For example, a video entitled The magical amount created by the Truth campaign (Poste r ID: AdFreakblog) had a total of 2,786 comments. The topics ranged from praising the effectiveness of the video (ID: cololo69) to raising confusion whether the video wants people to continue smoking or not (ID: baNaNaMaN6; sailormoonwario). A dditionally, viewers were shari ng their favorite part of the video (ID: SomeonewhoisFrench; nygerl77), and even talking about the eff ectiveness of the song (ID: catdemon1994, laroldPburman). Comments on other profe ssionally developed videos included debates between viewers who smoke and viewers who dont smoke. One commenter stressed that smoking is a matter of free choice, and it is ridiculous to ban smoking as it is the complete opposite concept to democracy (ID: toptop90). Furthermore, some viewers were skeptical of the statistics mentioned in the videos, felt that th ey were safe from the consequences

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55 related to smoking, and mentioned that they were going to die anyway (ID: winkle3166). Nonsmokers responded to such comments by saying that it is a fact that smoking kills, and that it affects other peoples lives as well. The videos developed by non-pr ofessionals tended to be long er in time, portrayed models close to their age group (teens), and communicat ed more direct and simple anti-smoking messages. This may be due to the fact that nonprofessional creators do not have the resources to practice savvy techniques and may rely on friends or classmates to appear as models for their videos. Another interesting asp ect of the videos created by non -professionals was the one-on-one responses from the video producer. For example, the creator for an an ti-smoking video titled anti smoking video (ID: samjwhite) responde d to the comments from other viewers and thanked people who praised his work and cr iticized people who did not think smoking was harmful to ones health. Furthermore, some nonprofessional creators appeared to be very passionate about persuading people to quit sm oking. Poster ID dir ectormusab, Goldberg, stopsmoking4life, antecs2, and 3ii3 all posted anti -smoking videos they made more than once, and also provided links to other an ti-smoking videos on their video page. The comments on the professionally developed videos rarely praised the quality of the video, and yet are more critical about th e messages. On the other hand, comments on nonprofessionally made videos were commonly re lated with the quality of the videoviewers commented that it was well made for your first time (ID: vulga) and a great job for a student (ID: vancityguy). It may be suggested that view ers are more generous and forgiving towards non-professional creators. Such reasons may be that these people are not a ffiliated with a certain organization and are creating vi deos without any commercial interest. Thus, non-professional creators may seem more sincere about the topic and viewers may f eel more connected to them as

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56 they are ordinary folks just like them. In f act, the comments for a 10 minute self-documentary video of the last days of his mother dying fr om lung cancer had 100% positive responses from the viewers. All 887 comments were positive, an d viewers commented that this video will be the reason why I finally quit ciga rettes (ID: Messbot); and I am 18 and I promise never to smoke (ID: SPKY321). The poster responded to the comments, and encouraged people to quit smoking and praised those who sa id that they quit smoking. Geological boundaries are meaningless on the Internet, and such tr ait is supported once again in this study. Almost 26% of the posted vi deos came from foreign countries such as the United Kingdom, New Zealand, the Netherlands, the Philippians, Canada, India, and so forth. Viewers were aware of this, and commented th at the anti-smoking advertisements or public service announcements airing in the United Stat es were more humorous and witty like the ones in Canada (ID: langercan). Another viewer mentioned that the anti-smoking messages from New Zealand were powerful and shocking (ID: chuuer).

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57 CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION Conclusion of the Study This study set out to hone a descriptive understanding of anti-sm oking messages on a popular interactive social Web site among yout h. The anti-smoking videos posted on YouTube showed that fear was the most popular message a ppeal for both professionally developed videos and non-professionally developed videos. Specifically, both videos created by non-professionals and videos created by professionals commonly used threatened health to promote cessation in a dramatization form. Overall findings revealed that settings of the anti-smoking videos usually took place at home, and the models appearing in the videos were inclin ed to be adult white models. This finding may imply that minorities coul d have a difficult time relating to the models of the video, and falsely believe that smoking is not a problem for them. Additionally, most of the victims and roles portrayed in the videos were themselves. Fear appeal that illustrated the effects of second-hand smoking generated the highest average number of hits for the videos in terms of appeals, while videos th at illustrated dirtiness had the lowest average number of hits. Long term consequences and dramatization generated the highest average number of hits in terms of portrayed consequences and persuasive form. Additionally, fear appeal portray ing smokers as social outcasts received the most positive comments from viewers. In terms of portrayed consequences and persuasive forms, anti-smoking videos illustrating long term consequences and testimonial forms received more positive responses from viewers. It can be suggested that the testimonial form received the most positive reactions because the appearance of average folks allowed viewers to relate to the situations. When the viewers saw people just like them tr ying to quit smoking, it conjured more positive responses from them. Such findings are meaningful as empirical study asserts that testimonials

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58 are effective when people make emotional a nd personal decisions (Goethals & Nelson, 1973). While it is not surprising that testimonia ls received the most positive responses from viewers, it is interesting that the number of vi deos utilizing celebrity endorsement is so few. Even for professionally developed videos, only 7 videos out of 121 videos portrayed a celebrity. Moreover, the comments on the celebrity videos centered around the physi cal attractiveness and charisma of the celebrity rather than the actual anti-smoking message he or she was endorsing. Furthermore, viewers were critical about the fact that the celebr ity appearing in the video was a smoker, and framed the proposed celebrity as a hypocrite. Such findings may suggest for practitioners that celebrity endorsement is not effective for youth-orientated anti-smoking messages, and one must be extremely careful when selecting the appropriate celebrity model to communicate antismoking messages. The study revealed that there are several differences betw een professionally developed videos and non-professionally de veloped videos. For example, stat istical analysis revealed that portraying cigarettes as an addi ctive drug and using statistica l data were utilized by nonprofessionally created videos more frequently than by professionally created videos. Such findings may be mirroring the limited access to re sources and references non-professionals have. Most non-professional videos were created as a school project. It may be that the limited budget, lack of equipment, and relevantly low level of knowledge (i.e., compared to professionals) about the different kinds of fear appeals in anti-sm oking messages made them more likely to create messages using statistical data related with smok ing as it is easier to obtain information and create messages because production of images and settings related to physical consequences from smoking and related disease might cost more skills and resources. Additionally, the settings for non-professional videos were more likely to take place at school than professionally created

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59 videos, while professionally create d videos were more inclined to take place at workplaces, and also showed more diversity on it s settings compared to non-professionally created videos as well. Such findings may also parallel to the lack of resources and skills of non-professional creators. While cessation was the most common theme for both professionally developed videos and non-professionally created videos, non-professional videos were more likely to use the addiction theme than were profe ssional videos. While it is not evident, this may be due to the fact that videos sponsored by big tobacco compan ies are also included in the professionally made videos. It can be suggested that such companies ar e not likely to frame ciga rettes as an addictive drug as such frame is maleficent to its business profit. Non-professionally developed videos were more likely to portray Asians, teens, and students than professionally developed videos. On the other hand, professionally developed videos were more likely to por tray adults, stay-home parents and white color workers than nonprofessionally developed videos. The findings reveal that non-pr ofessional anti-smoking video creators on YouTube represent more diverse ch aracters, especially in terms of portraying minorities. Such results may be due to the fact that the creators of the non-professional videos come from various countries around the globe, and ar e students themselves. That is, the diversity of the creators may have been reflected in th e video contents as well. Additionally, empirical research asserts that interactive media (especially the Internet) are more likely to portray various voices, opinions, and beliefs compared to tradit ional mass media such as newspapers, television, and magazines (Papacharissi, 2002). These characteristics of the media may have been reflected in the model characteristics of the video as well. The statistical analysis reports that profe ssionally developed videos tend to have higher number of hits, and this implies that viewers favor anti-smoking videos created by professionals.

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60 In addition, professional videos significantly tend to get hi gher ratings than unprofessional videos. Interestingly, qualitative analysis suggest s that this may not be the case. Viewers comments are more complimentary and appreciative (i.e., good job! thanks to your video, I quit smoking) towards videos created by non-professi onals whereas the comments on professionally created videos assessed more cr itics, heated debates, and ev en name-calling. In particular, smokers tend to show reactance to professional videos by claiming that smoking is a freedom of choice and non-smokers are hypocrites. Non-smok ers tend to rebut these claims, e.g., smokers are losers. Thus, discussion over professional vi deos center around actual smoking issues such as smokers rights. Regarding non-professional videos, viewers tend to comment on the quality of the production. If the non-profession al creator is a victim, viewer s tend to identify with the creator. The findings of this study s upport some of the discoveries drawn by Beaudoins research (2002), but also show many differe nces as well. Both studies conclude that cessation is a common theme and the portrayed models are mostly youths and young adults. Additionally, appealing to fear was found common in both studie s as well. However, contrary to Beaudoins findings, long term consequences were most common and industry ma nipulation was not a popular theme in the videos posted on YouTube. Th e differences in findings may be projected because non-professional creators were include d in this study. Additionally, while Beaudoins research focused on the orientation of anti-sm oking ads in terms of appeals, themes, and consequences, this study was focused on discovering the differences between the creators in an interactive social media. However, such similar ities and differences in the results between the two studies are meaningful as it provides an illustration of how anti-smoking messages should structure messages and appeals in a setting that is different from the traditional media.

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61 It is interesting that the average airtime of the videos showed significant differences between professionally developed videos and non-professionally developed videos. Nonprofessional videos were much longer in averag e than the professional videos. The viewers, however, did not seem to mind the lengthened ai rtime of the video as comments complaining about the lengthy airtime were absent. This study has several limitations. The nature of content analysis encounters subjective judgment and message appeal elements such as fear, humor, dirtiness, and sociabili ty may not mean the same thing to different people. Addi tionally, age group and race relies on the naked eye for the decision making. Finally, many of the commen ts used abbreviations and jargons that were difficult to interpret the tone or intention of the viewers. Future Research Ideas Findings of this study generate several potential research topics. Unlike previous studies (Beaudoin, 2002), the theme of indus try manipulation, short-term or social consequences, and celebrity endorsement are not favored by YouTube creators and viewers. Future research needs to re-assess the effectiveness of using the pe rsuasive strategies and find out whether these strategies reach saturation points in getting message viewers acceptance. In addition, this study found that viewers tend to react more positively towards an antismoking message directly posted by an individua l when the creator makes the initiative to interact with the viewers by re plying to their comments, providing links to other anti-smoking videos, and promoting rewards programs to facilita te participation. Future research needs to find out if viewers also respond positively to in teractive two-way communication initiated by representatives from non-profit organizations or other associ ations that support anti-smoking campaigns.

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62 More importantly, it is important to see whether posting comments may affect actual attitude or behavioral changes associated with smoking. Posting comments and accordingly engaging in online discourse on a health problem of smoking can be regarded as a behavior with high involvement in the given topic. Further research is required to provide a better understanding of how viewers exposure to anti-smoking messages posted on YouTube and their online discussions can affect their informati on seeking, interpersona l discussion, and actual attitudes or behaviors asso ciated with smoking. Suggestions and Contributions This study seeks to provide a deeper understanding of a popul ar interactive social W eb site among youths in order to benefit both th e academia and practical implications. Although cursory, the current study provi des useful stepping stones for such research. Based on the findings, it is suggested that YouTube can be us ed as an alternative channel to communicate more detailed antismoking messages as the time restraints are less rigorous, and the space is virtually unlimited. Many of the videos, especi ally the ones created by non-professionals, were much longer than the anti-smoking PSAs you see on television. Such findings may suggest that practitioners can utiliz e YouTube as a space to communicate more in-depth and wide-breadth information with their target publics. YouTube can be also used as a channel to garner the opinions of the recipients of the anti-smoking messages. One of the most attractive features of YouTube is the instant feedback from viewers. Viewers of the videos leave co mments, ratings, and even post response videos to the original video. By analyzing the tones, frames, and frequencies of the comments, a practitioner can effectively garn er the opinions of the recipients of anti-smoking messages. Additionally, YouTube can serve as an effective channel to pre-test message strategies and visual characters for successf ul communication campaigns, and al so be utilized as a channel

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63 to build relationships with publics that are passionate about the topic. Participants of interactive social media such as blogs and UCC Web s ites are attracted by the medias ability to democratically express ones opinion, and form a community forum (Nardi, Schiano, Gumbrecht, & Swartz, 2002). Thus, YouTube w ould be an ideal channel to pre-test new strategies, analyze public opinion, and build relationships. True stories, personal experi ences, and empathy strategies sh ould be utilized in order to achieve positive responses from viewers. One of the videos posted by a non-professional creator had 887 comments, and they were all positive. The format of this video was a self-documentary, and it followed the last days of his mothers life that was soon to end because of lung cancer. Viewers said that they were deeply touched, an d vowed never to smoke again after seeing this video. Additionally, testimonial fo rmats received more positive res ponses from views than other forms of videos. Therefore, emphasizing persona l experiences and true stories may be more effective for anti-smoking messages to be successful. Practitioners should actively respond to the viewers and clear out confusion of messages and proactively analyze the dialogs of the vi ewers. Creators of the non-professional videos actively responded to the comments posted by other viewers. In this process, much of the confusion or misunderstanding of the proposed anti-smoking message was cleared. Additionally, the non-professional creators strived to persua de pro-smokers by replyi ng directly to their messages that support smoking. Such effort should be adapted to practitioners as well, and engage in a more interpersonal relationship with the recipients. This research contributes both practically and theoretically in the area of health communication campaigns utilizing interactive social media. First of all, the study gives us a better understanding of how to co mmunicate effectively, and implement anti-smoking campaigns

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64 targeted towards publics who utilize interactive social media. By analyzing at the comments of the viewers, one can gain a better understand ing of how people feel about certain message appeals and persuasive forms. Additionally, this study contributes to the ar ea of public relations by providing the opportunity for practitioners to expand in terms of media channel, communication channel, and stress the uniqueness of public relati ons for health communication campaigns.Practitioners can utilize the primary user of YouTube utilize as third party endorsers of the anti-smoking campaigns, and receive feedback from them. Th e information garnered from such users is valuable because users engaged in interactiv e social media are passionate and are highly affectionate about the issues that they express their opinions. Moreover, th ere is no space limit on the Web, so an organization can easily create a channel at YouTube and communicate with its publics. Identifying such findings involves envi ronmental scanning and relationship building with target publics, and this may be a place wher e PR practitioners can be more appreciated than other strategic communication practitioners. The study contributes to theo retical building as it sheds light on methods to target, understand, and effectively communicate with ac tive YouTube users who can be regarded as highly involved publics. Identifying the traits of active, motivated, and involved publics has been a crucial issue for public relations as it projects light on how to build and maintain beneficial relationships with primary publics (Hallahan, 2001; Grunig, 1997; Petty & Cacioppo, 1986). The findings on most common persuasive strategies such as message appeals, forms, themes, and model characteristics and reactions to the persuasive strategies help understand main concerns of the highly involved YouTube users on smoking issu es. The findings of this study imply that their concerns might have been neglected by public he alth practitioners. Iden tifying this group of

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65 highly involved publics and understanding their main concerns is very critical in the light of the assertion of Hallahan (2001) that motivated pub lics are more likely to seek information and engage in interpersonal discus sion than those who are inactive or unmotivated. As a matter of fact, the qualitative analysis of this study shows that certain people (people with high knowledge and high involvement) are more likely to become active publics in a given issue, and certain message creators (non-professi onal creators with high knowledge and high involvement) are more likely to facilitate two-way communication even in a setting where the character of the media promises more interac tive communication among users. In terms of interactivity, th e traits of YouTube propose il lustrations of a media that achieves both the functional view and the continge nt views of media inte ractivity asserted by Sundar and his colleagues (2003). The specific t echnical features (such as posting threads, posting responding videos, promoting other videos, be ing able to create an individual playlist and blog page, having a message center, and so fort h) of YouTube allows for viewers to interact with one another more frequently and more effectively. However, the comments, responding videos, and playlist videos are a ll relevant and contingent with the posted video, or the previous video. In this sense, the videos of YouTube illu strate the contingent view of interactivity. Moreover, the viewers of the videos are also people who are more likely to participate in interactive media as well, as it takes effort a nd attention to search, view, and express ones opinion of the videos. Thus, this study builds to interactivity theory in terms of illustrating a picture of interactivity effects in a media that complies with all three aspects of interactivity. In conclusion, the study hones a better unders tanding of the dynamics of involvement activation of publics, and the vari ous persuasion strategies proposed for a crucial health issue for youths in a new media setting that promotes interactivity.

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66 APPENDIX A CODING SHEET FOR CONTENT ANALYSIS Youtube Anti-smoking User-Created Contents Code Sheet 1) Case number ___________ 2) Coder initials and date: _______________ 3) Air Time: _____________ (seconds) 4) Source present: 0. Absent 1. Present 5) Creator: 1. Unprofessional 2. Professional If youre coding anti-smoking mess ages, please answer the following 6) Date of Posting: _____________________ 7) Name of the content title: ___________________________________________ 8) Poster ID: ________________________________________________________ 9) Affiliation of the poster: 0. Absent 1. Present 10) Sponsor present: 0. Absent 1. Present 11) Name of sponsor organization 1. American Cancer Society 2. Tobacco Control 3. Philip Morris 4. American Heart Association 5. American Lung Association 6. Government Organizations (includi ng State government organizations) 7. Others 12) Theme of content 1. Industry manipulation 2. Second-hand smoke 3. Addiction 4. Cessation 5. Prevention 6. Other (specify) __________________ 13) Venue Attribution:

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67 1. School 2. Home 3. Work place (office) 4. Bar 5. Park 6. Street 7. Other (specify) __________________ 14) Message appeal: Fear 1. Threatened health 2. Damaged physical appearance 3. Statistical data 4. Second-hand smoking effects 5. Addictive drug 6. Social outcast 7. Other __________________ 15) Message appeal: Humor 1. Present 0. Absent 16) Message appeal: Dirtiness 1. Present 0. Absent 17) Message appeal: Sociability 1. Present 0. Absent 18) Persuasive Form: 1. Celebrity endorsement 2. Testimonial 3. Dramatization 19) Gender 1. Female 2. Male 3. Both 20) Occupation for the celebrity 1. Singer 2. Actor/Actress 3. Comedian 4. Sports figure 5. Anchor 6. Others 21) Occupation for the non-celebrity 1. Stay home mom/dad 2. Wh ite collar 3. Blue collar 4. Student 5. Other 22) Victim 1. Self 2. Family member 3. Friends 4. NA 5. Others

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68 23) Role 1. Self 2. Parents 3. Sibling 4. Friend 5. Teacher 6. Co-worker 7. Others 24) Race 1. White 2. African-American 3. Asian 4. Hispanic 5. Others 25) Age group 1. Child 2. Teen 3. Young adults 4. Adults 5. Seniors 6. Others 26) Consequences 0. Absent 1. Present 27) Type of Consequences 1. Long-term consequences 2. Short-term consequences 3. Social consequences 28) The number of total hits: ____________________________________________ 29) Ratings: _________________________________________________________ 30) Favorited: _________________________________________________________ 31) Number of Comments ________________ 32) Proportion of Negative comment? 33) Proportion of Positive comment?

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69 APPENDIX B CODING BOOK FOR CONTENT ANALYSIS Table B-1: YouTube Anti-sm oking Us er-Created Contents Code Book Var. Definitions Coding 1. Case Unique number identifying each story Num 2. Coder initials and date coder should include their initials and the date of coding. String 3. Air time Length of video in seconds Num 4. Source Present Whether there is a notified source or not. 0. Absent 1. Present 5. Creator Whether the creator of the video is a professional (i.e., content from a production with an affiliated source, a PSA or a Ad aired on TV), or an unprofessional amateur (i.e., student, unident ified individual) 1. Unprofessional (amateur) 2. Professional 6. Date of Posting date that the video content was published in the Web site. Num 7. Name of the Content Title title of the video content containing coded story. String 8. Poster ID the user ID of the poster of the video content. String 9. Affiliation of the poster Whether the affiliation of the poster was mentioned in the video. For example, if the poster indicates that he or sh e is a member of a certain group or organization within or during the description of the video, then the affiliation status is present. 0. Absent 1. Present 10. Sponsor present Whether the sponsor of the video content was mentioned or not. Fo r instance, if a video has a narration or a caption any time within the video notifying that an organization (such as American Cancer Society or American Heart Association) is sponsoring this video, then sponsoring is present. 0. Absent 1. Present 11. Name (Title) of sponsorship organization The name/title of the proposed organization in the video. Others will be coded if the organization appear ing in the video does not fit into any of those that are listed. 1. American Cancer Society 2. Tobacco Control 3. Philip Morris 4. American Heart Association 5. American Lung Association 6. Government Organizations (including State government organizations) 7. Others

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70 Table B-1: Continued 12. Theme of content: Primary character of the video content a) Industry manipulation (Indicates the characteristics of a video which illustrates how tobacco co mpanies portray smokers to be powerful and attractive, and how they persuade people to overlook the dangers of smoking). b) Second-hand smoking (Indicates the characteristics of a video which illustrates how smoking can ha ve detrimental health effects on friends, family members and others). c) Addiction (Indicates the characteristics of a video which informs that nicotine is an addictive drug used by tobacco companies to hook smokers). d) Cessation (Indicates the characteris tics of a video which accepts that a viewer is a current smoker, and then attempt to change the behavior; offering objectives to quit smoking such as family or health). e) Prevention (Indicates the characteristics of a video which illustrates how smoking is a harmful activity for health, and a behavior that an indi vidual can control). f) Other (Indicates any other characteris tics of a video that is not mentioned above). 1. Industry manipulation 2. Second-hand smoking 3. Addiction 4. Cessation 5. Prevention 6. Other 13. Venue Attribution: Place or location that takes place in the video content. a) School The setting of the video is at a classroom, school playground, school parking lot, school gym, etc. b) Home The setting of the video is in a kitchen, living room, bedroom, hallway, garage, back yard, etc) c) Work Place (office) The setting of the video is at the office, rest area, lounge at the work place, etc). d) Bar The setting of the video is at a bar, party, pub, etc. e) Park The setting of the video is in the park. f) Street The setting of the video is on the street. g) Others Any other place than the ones mentions on the list should be coded as others 1. School 2. Home 3. Work place 4. Bar 5. Park 6. Streets 7. Others

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71 Table B-1: Continued Message Appeal: Fear Fear appeal in the video content. 14. Fear: a) Threatened Health videos cover smoking ci garettes as an action that causes severe physical and mental illness to the human body. The videos informs the various diseases caused by smoking cigarettes, such as lung cancer, pn eumonia, heart attack, gastric ulcer, loss of vision, gingivitis, a nd diabetes. Visuals of people suffering from illness and cues and indicators that smoking will threaten your health were coded for this category. b) Damaged Physical Appearance videos report smoking cigarettes as an action that result s in destroying aesthetic features of a person, such as wrinkled sk in, discolored and corroded teeth, and loss of hair. c) Statistical Data videos inform numeric data of annual death rates due to smoking, number of diseases caused by smoking, and comparison with other statistics. d) Second-hand smoking illustrate the effects smoking has to family members, friends, and numerous other people. e) Addictive Drug videos demonstrate cigarettes as a drug, not a matter of preference, and an addiction that must be eliminated f) Social Outcast videos illustrate quitting smoking cigarettes as a method to be accepted into the social norm. g) Other any other threat that is not indicated above must be specified. 1. Threatened health 2. Damaged physical appearance 3. Statistical data 4. Secondhand smoking 5. Addictive drug 6. Social outcast 7. Others Message Appeal: Humor 15. Humor Whether the video content illust rated a humorous situation or not. 0. Absent 1. Present Message Appeal: Dirtiness 16. Dirtiness Videos that illustrated smoking to stain clothes, leave the house smelling and looking dirty, and make the smoker smell are all examples of dirtiness utilized in anti-smoking ads. 0. Absent 1. Present Message Appeal: Sociability 17. SociabilityVideos that associate smoking with being socially acceptable, fit, and sophisticated are ex amples of th is variable. 0. Absent 1. Present

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72 Table B-1: Continued Persuasive form: Variables 1825 are concerned w ith the form of persuasion. 18. Persuasive Form Does the proposed video co ntent utilize celebrity endorsement? 1. Celebrity endorsement 2. Testimonial 3. .Dramatization 19. Gender The presented gender of the model 1. Female 2. Male 3. Both 20. Occupation of the celebrity The occupation of the model. If the presented celebrity has more than one area he/she is practicing in, check the dominant one. For instance Lindsay Lohan is considered an actress rather than a singer, and Chris Brown is considered a singer rather than an actor. Ot her should be specified. 1. Singer 2. Actor/ Actress 3. Comedian 4. Sports Figure 5. Anchor 6. Other 21. Occupation of the non-celebrity The presented occupation the person/people. Should be coded for all appeared occupations in the video. White collar workers refer to professional, clerical occupations, such as doctors, physicians, lawy ers, scribes, and accountants. 0. Absent 1. Stay-home parents 2. White-collar 3. Blue-collar 4. Student 5.Other 22. Victim This variable addresses wh ether the model was the direct victim from smoking, or if a family member or a friend was the victim from smoking 1. Self 2. Family member 3. Friend 4. None 5. Others 23. Role This variables examines whether the model appeared as oneself, a parent, a friend, a brother or a sister, a teacher, or as a coworker in the video. 1. Self 2. Parents 3. Sibling 4. Friend 5. Teacher 6. Co-worker 7. Others 24. Race This variable identifies whether the model was White, African-American, Asian, Ameri can-Indian, Hispanic, NativeHawaiian and Other Pacific Islander, and Two or more race. This race category was adapted from the 2000 US census data. 1. White 2. African American 3. Asian 4. Hispanic 25. group This variable examines whether the model was a child, teenager, college student-age adult, or senior. Child refers to those from age 4-10. Teenager refers to those from 11-17. Young adults refer to those in their early to mid 20s while an Adult refers to those in their 30s and 40s. Senior refers to those of 55 and older. Others should be specified. 1. Child 2. Teenager 3. Young Adults 4. Adult 5. Senior 6. Others

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73 Table B-1: Continued Consequences Variables 26 and 27 are concerned with illustrated consequences related to smoking in the video content. 26. Consequences Does the video illustrate cons equences (results, effects) related to smoking? cigarettes? 0. Absent 1. Present 27. Consequences: a) Long-term healthVideos illustrating long-term consequences portray death, chronicle diseases and risky state of health. b) Short-term physiologicalShort-term physiological consequences illustrate aesthetically ruined features such as yellowing teeth, loss of hair and wrinkly complexion. c) SocialSocial consequences illustrate smokers as unattractive and socially undesirable. 1. Long-term physical health 2. Short-term physiologic al 3. Social Viewers reaction Variables 28 35 concern viewers qua litative and quantitative reactions. 28. The number of total hits The number of total people who viewed the video content will be illustrated in numeric data. Num 29. Ratings the average number of stars pe ople gave to the video content. It can range from zero (lowest) to fi ve (highest). The stars fill up in half (i.e., one and a half stars, two stars, thre e and a half, etc) Num 30. Favorited The number of times people added the content to their favorites. Num 31. Number of comments The total number of comments of the posted video. Num 32. Proportion of Negative Comments A comment that contains negative terminologies such as not helpful at all fake unreal too gross too scary ignore so what. Other should be specified. Percentage 33. Proportion of Positive Comments A comment will be considered positive under terms such as very helpful inspiring made me quite smoking interesting people should stop smoking keep up the good work wonderful incredible awesome very well-made. Other should be specified. Percentage

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82 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Hyunm in Lee is a South Korea native. She graduated from Sookmyung Womens University in 2005, earning a B.A. in public relations and advertisi ng, and double majoring in telecommunication. After graduati on, she studied abroad to co ntinue her graduate study specializing in public relations at University of Florida. After co mpleting her Master of Arts in Mass Communication at University of Florida with an emphasis in public relations, she plans to begin her doctoral study in the University of Missouri-Columbia in public relations.