Concepcion de la Vega 1495-1564

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0022363/00001

Material Information

Title: Concepcion de la Vega 1495-1564 A Preliminary Look at Lifeways in the Americas' First Boom Town
Physical Description: 1 online resource (319 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Kulstad, Pauline
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2008


Subjects / Keywords: 16th, archaeology, architecture, caribbean, carnival, columbus, concepcion, dominican, history, kulstad, latin
Latin American Studies -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Latin American Studies thesis, M.A.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation


Abstract: This thesis integrates and synthesizes the information from various sources (documentary, architectural and archaeological) about everyday lifeways at Concepcion de la Vega from 1495 to 1564, into a cultural patrimony resource. It focuses primarily on the expression of the social dynamics of the community, especially regarding the different activities undertaken at specific locations within the site. In this way the general public can be educated about the archaeological site's patrimony and history, while at the same time, heritage tourism at the site can be encouraged. Concepcion de la Vega was the second settlement founded by Christopher Columbus in 1495 on the island of Hispaniola in the present-day Dominican Republic. Two areas of occupation have been identified - the site where Concepcion was located between 1512 and 1564, known as 'Pueblo Viejo' or 'La Vega Vieja,' and the city's post-1564 (and actual) location on the banks of the Cam? River known as 'La Vega.' This thesis focuses on Concepcion de la Vega pre-1564, both historically and archaeologically. The combination of both historical and archaeological data about Concepcion will help create a better understanding of the process through which the Spanish-American cultural tradition was created, and later disseminated, to the rest of Latin America.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Pauline Kulstad.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.)--University of Florida, 2008.
Local: Adviser: Deagan, Kathleen A.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2008
System ID: UFE0022363:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0022363/00001

Material Information

Title: Concepcion de la Vega 1495-1564 A Preliminary Look at Lifeways in the Americas' First Boom Town
Physical Description: 1 online resource (319 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Kulstad, Pauline
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2008


Subjects / Keywords: 16th, archaeology, architecture, caribbean, carnival, columbus, concepcion, dominican, history, kulstad, latin
Latin American Studies -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Latin American Studies thesis, M.A.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation


Abstract: This thesis integrates and synthesizes the information from various sources (documentary, architectural and archaeological) about everyday lifeways at Concepcion de la Vega from 1495 to 1564, into a cultural patrimony resource. It focuses primarily on the expression of the social dynamics of the community, especially regarding the different activities undertaken at specific locations within the site. In this way the general public can be educated about the archaeological site's patrimony and history, while at the same time, heritage tourism at the site can be encouraged. Concepcion de la Vega was the second settlement founded by Christopher Columbus in 1495 on the island of Hispaniola in the present-day Dominican Republic. Two areas of occupation have been identified - the site where Concepcion was located between 1512 and 1564, known as 'Pueblo Viejo' or 'La Vega Vieja,' and the city's post-1564 (and actual) location on the banks of the Cam? River known as 'La Vega.' This thesis focuses on Concepcion de la Vega pre-1564, both historically and archaeologically. The combination of both historical and archaeological data about Concepcion will help create a better understanding of the process through which the Spanish-American cultural tradition was created, and later disseminated, to the rest of Latin America.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Pauline Kulstad.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.)--University of Florida, 2008.
Local: Adviser: Deagan, Kathleen A.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2008
System ID: UFE0022363:00001

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2008 Pauline M. Kulstad 2


To my parents and family 3


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to first thank th e people of Pueblo Viejo and La Vega who made this all possible, most especially Archaeologist Fabio Pimentel. I would like to thank all my family (Bob, Norma, Tess and Roger) for their untiring support over the years. I would like to thank the chai r and members of my supervisory committee, Dr. Deagan, Dr. Murray and Dr. Milbrath, for their mentoring and all their help. I would also like to thank Dr. Martha Ellen Davis for her untiring support. I also thank all the staff at the Center for Latin American Studies who were always willing to le nd an ear and give advice, especially Myrna Sulsona, Margarita Gandia and Wanda Carter. Thank you also to all the members of the Archaeology Department at the Florida Museum of Natural History who made having lunch at the Museum a fun and learning experience, especially Al Woods, Gifford Waters, Jamie Anderson, Jeremy Cohen and Terry Weik. I would especially like to thank the Casa del Ritmo crew, as well as the Computer lab buddies for all the fun and feedback over the years. I would also specially thank the Russin family for all th e help received throughout my last year of writing, especially Benjamin (my pers onal IT person) and Toni (my time manager). This thesis has been called many things by many people, my personal favorite being Magnus Opus. It has taken me 8 years to fi nish, through many high and low points in my life. The explanation for this long process is simple (according to my DR re latives), and explained magnificently by Junot Dazs Pulitzer Prize wi nning book The Brief Wondrous Life of Oscar Wao it is the Fuk of the Admiral (Columbus). Like Daz, I hope this document serves as my counter spell. ZAFA! 4


TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...............................................................................................................4 LIST OF TABLES ...........................................................................................................................8 LIST OF FIGURES .........................................................................................................................9 ABSTRACT ...................................................................................................................................11 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK..................................................12 Introduction .............................................................................................................................12 Modern Context of Concepcin de la Vega ...........................................................................14 Theoretical Framework ...........................................................................................................15 Organization and Approach ....................................................................................................17 2 SOURCES AND AVENUE S OF INQUIRY.........................................................................21 First Avenue of Inquiry: Historical Sources ...........................................................................21 Second Avenue of Inquiry: Ar chitecture and Art History ......................................................28 Third Avenue of Inquiry: Material Remains ..........................................................................29 3 HISTORY...................................................................................................................... .........32 Introduction .............................................................................................................................32 Columbus and the Establishment of Hispaniola .....................................................................32 Castile and Aragon in 1493 ....................................................................................................33 La Isabela Colony: Factora vs. Reconquista Model ..............................................................35 The Establishment of the Concepcin Fort ............................................................................38 Battle of La Vega Real (1495) ................................................................................................39 Fray Ramn Pan Studies the Tano at Concepcin ...............................................................41 Concepcin and the Roldn Rebellion (1496-1498) ..............................................................42 Guarionex Rebellion (1497-1499) ..........................................................................................45 Bobadilla Government (1500-1502) .......................................................................................46 Ovando Government (1502-1509) ..........................................................................................48 The Governorship of Diego Columbus (1509-1514) ..............................................................52 Repartimiento of 1510 .....................................................................................................53 Bishopric of Concepcin de la Vega (1511) ...................................................................55 The new Repartimiento of 1514 ......................................................................................58 Situation on Hispaniola 1515 ..................................................................................................61 Hispaniola under Juana and Charle s: Jeronymite Government (1516-1519) .........................62 Figueroa Government (1519-1520) ........................................................................................67 Impact of the Enriquillo Rebellion on Concepcin ................................................................68 5


Diego Columbuss Second Governorship ..............................................................................68 Creation of the Consejo de Indias (1524) ...............................................................................70 Interim Government (1524-1528) ...........................................................................................71 Fuenreal Government (1528-1531) ........................................................................................72 Fuenmayor Government (1533-1543) ....................................................................................73 Cerrato Government (1543-1548) ..........................................................................................74 Religious Debates in Spain and it s Consequences on Hispaniola (1550) ..............................76 The Last Years at the Co ncepcin Study Site (1549-1564) ...................................................77 Concluding Remarks ..............................................................................................................78 4 ARCHAEOLOGY: METHODOLOGY AND FIELDWORK..............................................94 Introduction .............................................................................................................................94 Chronology of Archaeology at the Site ..................................................................................94 Project for the Conservation and Developm ent of the Rural, Physical and Human Resources at the Parques Nacionales of the Dominican Republic: La Isabela and Concepcin de la Vega (1996-1999) ...................................................................................98 Artifact Recovery and Classification: 1996-1999 ................................................................101 Shepard Report .....................................................................................................................102 Numismatic Studies ..............................................................................................................102 5 CONCEPCIONS GEOGRAPHICAL SETTING AND BUILT ENVIRONMENT...........108 Definition of the Concepcin Site........................................................................................108 Geographical Setting ............................................................................................................108 Spanish Towns on Hispaniola ..............................................................................................109 Origin and Development of Concepcin ..............................................................................112 Concepcin's Physical Layout: A Grid-plan Town? ............................................................113 Concepcins Built Environment .........................................................................................116 Buildings and Materials ........................................................................................................118 The Fort ................................................................................................................................120 The Franciscan Monastery / Monasterio de San Francisco .................................................123 The Cathedral ........................................................................................................................125 Other Religious Structures at Concepcin ............................................................................127 The Concepcin Water Distribution System: Aljibe and Aqueduct .....................................129 Casa de Fundicin/Casa de M oneda: Royal Foundry/Royal Mint .......................................130 The Hospital ..........................................................................................................................132 Palacio/Casas de Cabildo: Government House Complex ...................................................135 Stables ...................................................................................................................................136 Slaughterhouse ......................................................................................................................136 Cemeteries ............................................................................................................................137 Private Masonry Structures ...................................................................................................138 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................139 6 LABOR AND PEOPLE AT CONCEPCION.......................................................................158 Introduction ...........................................................................................................................158 6


Cultural Origins ....................................................................................................................158 Native American Social Organi zation on Hispaniola Pre-Contact .......................................158 Spanish Social Organization in Spain Previous to 1492 ......................................................162 African Social Organization in Spain Prior to Arrival in the New World ............................165 Native American Social Organization at Concepcin Post-Contact ....................................166 Inhabitants from Europe (Spanish) .......................................................................................171 Elite Castilian (Spanish) Colonists at Concepcin ....................................................171 Non-Elite Spanish Colonists ..........................................................................................176 Africans at Concepcin .........................................................................................................179 From Labor System to Colonial Society ..............................................................................187 7 ECONOMIC ACTIVITY AT CONCEPCION DE LA VEGA...........................................222 Introduction ...........................................................................................................................222 Large-scale Rural Economic Industries: Gold ......................................................................223 Large-scale Rural Economic Indus tries: Agriculture and Sugar ..........................................228 Large-scale Rural Economic I ndustries: Cattle Ranching ....................................................232 Urban Economic Activities and Occupations .......................................................................233 Construction Industry at Concepcin ............................................................................233 Urban Economic Activity at Concepcin: Government ................................................235 Small-Scale Urban Economic Activities .......................................................................236 Clothing Production and Mending at Concepcin........................................................237 Merchants and Commerce at Concepcin .....................................................................238 Crafts and Occupations at Concepcin .................................................................................243 Domestic Labor at Concepcin ............................................................................................245 8 DOMESTIC DAILY LIFE AND PR ACTICE AT CONCEPCION....................................255 Introduction ...........................................................................................................................255 Foodways at Concepcin ......................................................................................................256 Domestic Material Technology at Concepcin ....................................................................261 Native American Domestic Technology Artifacts ........................................................266 African Influence on Domestic Technology .................................................................267 Clothing and Sumptuary Laws .............................................................................................267 Entertainment and Leisure ....................................................................................................271 9 CONCLUSION................................................................................................................... ..278 LIST OF REFERENCES .............................................................................................................285 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .......................................................................................................319 7


LIST OF TABLES Table page 3-1 Timeline of Historical Ev ents Pertinent to Concepcin ....................................................82 3-2 Government Chronology: (1492-1564) .............................................................................90 3-3 Highlights in Native American Labor Policies (1492-1564) .............................................92 4-1 Pattern Recognition Method-Group Categories ...............................................................105 4-2 Coins at Concepcin ........................................................................................................106 5-1 Building Construction Timeline (1492-1890) .................................................................156 6-1 List of Caciques at Concepcion (1514) ............................................................................190 6-2 Spanish Population Policies .............................................................................................192 6-3 Partial List of Concepcin de la Vegas First Inhabitants ...............................................195 6-4 Partial List of Concepcin de la Vegas Inhabitants in 1514...........................................197 6-5 Partial List of Concepcin de la Vegas Inhabitants after 1515 ......................................202 6-6 Inhabitants at Concepcin by Activity 1495-1514 ..........................................................208 6-7 Inhabitants at Concepcin by Activity (1515-1564) ........................................................213 6-8 African Population Policies (1500-1564) ........................................................................219 7-1 Highlights in Hispaniolas Gold Economy (1492-1564) .................................................248 7-2 Highlights in Hispaniolas Agriculture Economy (1492-1564).......................................251 7-3 Highlights in Hispaniolas Cattle Economy (1492-1564) ...............................................254 9-1 Colonial Social System (1495-1514) ...............................................................................284 9-2 Colonial Social System (1515-1564) ...............................................................................284 8


LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 1-1 Colonial settlements fou nded by Christopher Columbus ..................................................18 1-2 Dominican Republic: Geographical Location ...................................................................19 1-3 Concepcion de la Vega Park ..............................................................................................20 3-1 Fort network on Hispaniola ...............................................................................................80 3-2 Spanish Towns on Hispaniola (1509). ...............................................................................81 4-1 Schematic plan of 16th century Concepcin....................................................................103 4-2 Extent of Concepcin site based on DNP excavations (1976-1994) ...............................104 5-1 Location of the Cibao Valley ...........................................................................................142 5-2 Figure-Ground Drawing of Sa nta Fe de Granada (1491) ................................................143 5-3 Figure-Ground Drawing of Santo Domingo (1586) ........................................................144 5-4 Sixteenth-Century structural ruins at Concepcin ...........................................................145 5-5 Site Base Map with Identified Mounds ...........................................................................146 5-6 Masonry building remains at Concepcin .......................................................................147 5-7 Architectural plan view of Concepcin fort.....................................................................148 5-8 Cathedral remains ............................................................................................................149 5-9 The Aljibe ........................................................................................................................149 5-10 Slag remains at Concepcin. ............................................................................................150 5-11 Hispanic medicine vial forms ca. 1500-1550 ..................................................................151 5-12 Medicine vial fragments ..................................................................................................152 5-13 General forms of Hispanic ceramics ................................................................................153 5-14 Candeleros (candlesticks) ................................................................................................154 5-15 Distribution map of Hospital-related artifacts .................................................................155 8-1 Cermica de Transculturacin .........................................................................................273 9


8-2. Utilitarian Wares: Bacines............................................................................................... 274 8-3 Early-style Olive jar .........................................................................................................275 8-4 Hawks bells and rumbler bells .........................................................................................276 8-5 Book clasps ......................................................................................................................277 10


Abstract of Thesis Presen ted to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts CONCEPCION DE LA VEGA 1495-1564: A PRELIMINARY LOOK AT LIFEWAYS IN THE AMERICAS FIRST BOOM TOWN By Pauline M. Kulstad August 2008 Chair: Kathleen A. Deagan Major: Latin American Studies This thesis integrates and synthesizes the in formation from various sources (documentary, architectural and archaeological) about everyday lifeways at Concepcin de la Vega from 1495 to 1564, into a cultural patrimony resource. It focuses primarily on the expression of the social dynamics of the community, especi ally regarding the different act ivities undertaken at specific locations within the site. In th is way the general public can be educated about the archaeological sites patrimony and history, while at the same time, heritage tourism at the site can be encouraged. Concepcin de la Vega was the second sett lement founded by Christopher Columbus in 1495 on the island of Hispaniola in the present-day Dominican Republic. Two areas of occupation have been identified the site where Concepcin was lo cated between 1512 and 1564, known as "Pueblo Viejo" or "La Vega Vieja," and the city's post-1564 (and actual) location on the banks of the Cam River known as "La Vega." This thesis focuses on Concepcin de la Vega pre-1564, both historically and archaeologically. The combination of both histor ical and archaeological data about Concepcin will help create a bette r understanding of the process thr ough which the Spanish-American cultural tradition was created, and later dissem inated, to the rest of Latin America. 11


CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK Introduction The purpose of this thesis is to integrate a nd synthesize information from various sources (documentary, architectural and archaeological) about everyday lifeways at Concepcin de la Vega from 1495 to 1564, as a cultural patrim ony resource. It will focus primarily on the expression of the social dynamics of the communit y, especially regarding the different activities undertaken at specific lo cations within the site. The general public can then be educated about the archaeological sites patrimony and history, while at the same time, heritage tourism at the site can be encouraged. Concepcin de la Vega was the second sett lement founded by Christopher Columbus in 1495 on the island of Hispaniola (Figure 1-1), in the present-da y Dominican Republic (Figure 12). Although originally the name "Concepcin de la Vega" only referred to the fort outpost located in the central Cibao Valley, the name eventu ally was used to designate one of two cities on Hispaniola during the early co lonial period (the other being Santo Domingo). Like the Santo Domingo settlement, which changed its physical location in 1498 due to ant plague (VelozMaggiolo and Ortega 1992), Concepcin de la Vega's physical location changed more than once due to incidents such as the Battle of the Vega Real in 1495 and the earthquake of 1562. Two areas of occupation have been identified-the site where Concepcin was located between 1512 and 1564, known as "Pueblo Viejo" or "La Vega Vieja," and the city's post-1564 (and actual) location on the banks of the Cam River, is known as "La Vega." This thesis will focus on Concepcin de la Vega pre-1564, both historically and archaeologically. Historically it wi ll deal with events which occu rred from the moment of the settlement's foundation in 1495, but the archaeologi cal data will come primarily from the site 12


identified as "La Vega Vieja," which was sett led after 1512. To unify these two concepts, and also to distinguish it from the present-day city, I have chosen to use the term "Concepcin" to designate the pre 1564 occupation site. The combin ation of both histori cal and archaeological data about Concepcin will create a better understanding of the process through which the Spanish-American cultural tradi tion was created, and later disse minated, to the rest of Latin America. The understanding and dissemination of info rmation about cultural patrimony is an increasingly critical aspect of national iden tity and economic development. Knowledge about cultural patrimony can be used for both education of the general population, and for the creation of successful sustainable tourism projects. Education about cultural heritage can help diminish the loss of the cultural and natural patrimony that is a part of a country's id entity, especially among young people (UNESCO 2002). This loss is a consequence of the accelerated rhythm of economic change brought about by globalization (UNESCO 2002). Validation of the cultu ral past is a way in which many nations, especially in the Caribbean, find modern social worth (Sued-Badillo 1992: 605). There are also economic advantages accrui ng from cultural heritage. The World Bank, UNESCO, and many other intern ational development agencies now consider a countrys cultural patrimony as a viable asset for development. UNESCO Director-General Kochiro Matsuura expressed that, access to information a nd knowledge increasingly determines patterns of learning, cultural expression and social part icipation, as well as providing opportunities for development, more effective poverty reduction an d the preservation of peace. Indeed, knowledge has become a principal force of so cial transformation (UNESCO 2003). 13


The Concepcin de la Vega site provides a good example of the importance of disseminating information about a cultural patrim ony. It is a very important archaeo logical and historical site in which considerable archaeological work has been car ried out. It is also an excellent candidate for tourism development and visitation, in that it contains unique ruins and objects. Nevertheless, the site is little known within th e country, and largely unknown outsi de of the Dominican Republic. The rich information derived from historical an d archaeological research is contained only in academic written reports, and hundreds of boxes of artifacts are not available to the public for conservation reasons. This thesis will attempt to help correct this problem and offer suggestions for the integration of scholarly informati on and public cultural patrimony information. Modern Context of Concepcin de la Vega The modern-day city of La Vega is one of the countrys main agro-industry centers, specifically meat packing and several rice packing plants (Banco Central 2007). A large free trade zone, located at the Duarte Highway exit to the town of Jarabacoa is also another important industry (Banco Central 2007). The region also produces la rge amounts of agricultural products, such as rice, coffee, tobacco, plantains, manioc, beans, cor n, fruits and vegetables. Livestock is also a big section of the economy (Banco Central 2007). The area immediately around the ar chaeological site is not as prosperous. Tobacco production and chicken farming have been allowed in recent y ears, but the cultivation of tubers, like manioc, is discouraged by authorities to avoid site disturbance (Abreu 1998; Pimentel 1997). This mandate is difficult to reinforce because, alt hough the Parque Nacional Concepcin de la Vega (Concepcion de la Vega National Pa rk) protects part of the site, mo st of it lies under the fields of the local residents (Cohen 1997: 9; Deagan 1999; Woods 1999). The Park is comprised of 3 noncontiguous units the ruins of the monastery, the fort and the cistern, or aljibe (Cohen 1997: 12; Deagan 1999; Woods 1999) (Figure 1-3). 14


The Park was created in 1979 by the Dominican government thanks to an agreement with two local landowners (Cohen 1997: 9). The excavations at the Monastery and the Fort were conducted between 1976 and 1994 under the directi on of Architect Jos Gonzlez (Cohen 1997: 12; Deagan 1999: 12). From 1996-1999 the Universi ty of Florida and th e Florida Museum of Natural History worked at Concepcin, in an effort to delimit the site boundaries and organize all the previously excavated material (Deagan 1999: 12). Over the years its administration has passed through several governme nt units, and as of 2007, the s ite is administered by the Secretara de Medio Ambiente. In spite of its central location, close to the modern city of La Vega, the Park is hardly visited, and is practically unknown. This has led th e community to consider tourism as a way to highlight the sites history (Roca-Pezzoti 1984: 32), and communicate Concepcins heritage to the public. This thesis is intended to provide a basis from which to realize this goal. Theoretical Framework As stated before, the documentary base create d through this thesis wi ll focus primarily on the ways social interactions were expressed at Concep cin de la Vega from 1495-1564, examining the different activities undertaken at sp ecific locations within th e site. The theoretical approach I employ is that of historical et hnography (Little 1996: 45), which attempts to reconstruct past activiti es through the interpretation of data from various avenues of inquiry. Historical ethnology, a subset of historical archaeology, uses data obtained from various avenues of inquiry to interpret the past. Historical ethnology is divided into three major sections: reconstruction of past lifeways, cognitive studies, and the study of cultural processes (processual studies) (Deagan 1982: 25; Little 1996: 45). The reconstruction of past lifeways deals with specific events which affect the lives of persons living in a particular tim e, place and community (Deagan 1982: 25). Cognitive studies is a field th at seeks to discover and define how a person 15


thought and behaved based on the ma terial record created through data found in various sources (Deagan 1982: 32). This conjunction of thought processes and behaviors is known as mind-set (Deagan 1982: 32). Processu al studies, or the stu dy of cultural processes, aim to identify general principles of behavior on a larger scale, not n ecessarily specific to a particular time, place and community (Deagan 1982: 25). Originally, these three sub-divisions were considered separate areas of study (see Deagan 1982), but their interdependency has prompted their unification under the historical ethnology category (Little 1996: 45). Historical et hnology is one of the approaches used in historical archaeology to undertake one of its main focuses the reconstruction of past lifeways (Little 1996: 45). Given the extensive historical documentation ava ilable, the question arises as to why past lifeways at Concepcin should be reconstructed using histori cal ethnography and historical archaeology. Colonial historians (Moya-Pons 1974, 1978, 1983, 1987; Morales-Padrn 1974; Chocano-Mena 2000; Didiez-Burgos 1971: 41-42; Floyd 1973; Sauer 1966: 89; Stevens-Arroyo 1993; Wilson 1990b: 90-91) have writte n extensively about the early colonial era, so why write from the historical ethnography/ historical ar chaeology perspective? The answer lies in an inherent flaw of historical documents of the period. Historical accounts of the early contact period in the Americas only recorded events which concerned the literate Spanish elites which controlled colonial activities, us ually those related to the Chur ch and government (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 4). These documents were doubly biased by the fact that few literate people traveled to the New World at th is time, limiting the available firs t-hand documents to chronicles, and official correspondence. The matter is furt her complicated by the fact that many of the chronicles were never meant to be objective, but rather were written with a persuasive purpose in mind (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 4), such as Bartolom de Las Casas (1985, 1994) writings, 16


most of which are geared towards objecti on against the use of Tano workers in the Repartimiento system. Historical archaeology and the related field of historical ethnography, on the other hand, combine information obtained from diverse sour ces such as archaeological exploration and historical research. This data is then used to create a more comple te picture of the inhabitants of a particular community (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 4; Scott 1994; McGuire and Paynter 1991; Singleton 1998). It informs us about foodways, material possessions, ar chitecture, and urban planning thanks to interpretati on of the material record found in the ground (South 1977; Deetz and Dethlefson 1967; Deagan 2002). In this way the contributions of all members of the society, not just those of the dominan t social, political and economic group, can be examined (Scott 1994: 3; Little 1996: 45). Organization and Approach The data presented in this thesis is drawn fr om both primary and secondary sources within various avenues of inquiry, including historical, archaeological, art history, and architectural. Since its main purpose is to compile and analyz e existing data about th e site, no archaeological excavations were conducted at the site for this thesis Analysis of the documentary information reveal ed two distinct and separate periods in the life at Concepcin, namely one from 1495 to 1514 and another from 1515 to 1564. The first period constituted the citys boom period thanks to gold production, whil e the second was made up of various attempts to replicate pre-1514 lifeways through different economic activities. The Repartimiento of 1514 marks the division between the two periods because this is when the final distribution of gold workers at Concepcin cau sed subsequent loss in social and economic mobility. 17


Figure 1-1. Colonial settle ments founded by Christopher Columbus [Based on Deagan, Kathleen, 1999 Cultural and Historical Resources at the Parques Nacionales Concepcin de la Vega and La Isabela. Final Report (Figure 1). Florida Museum of Natural History, Gainesville.] 18


Figure 1-2. Dominican Republic: Geographical Location [Based on www.dominicana.com.do] 19


Figure 1-3. Topographic contour map showing the 3 parts of the Concepcion de la Vega Park [Based on Deagan, Kathleen, 1999. Cultura l and Historical Resources at the Parques Nacionales Concepcin de la Vega and La Isabela. Final Report (Figure 5). Florida Museum of Natural History, Gainesville.] 20


CHAPTER 2 SOURCES AND AVENUES OF INQUIRY No researcher has attempted to collect all existing inform ation about Concepcin in a single volume, as has been attempted for Sa nto Domingo (see for example Rodriguez-Morel 1999 and Marte 1981). Part of the reason may be that primary historical documents are only available at the Archivo Gene ral de Indias in Seville (Chappell 2003), si nce both the 1562 earthquake and a fire in the late 19 th or early 20 th century destroyed the documents available in La Vega (Pimentel 1998). Also, most of the data (both from historical and physical sources) about Concepcin is uneven and often sparse. For example, there is much more historical and economic data about the site than ther e is archaeological or architectural. Another source of difficulty is the fact th at a large part or the archaeological and architectural archival research has been guided by restoration needs, rather than historical questions. For example, more research has been undertaken on monumental public buildings and on important Spanish residents of the town than on subjects such as the Native American laborers or the city jail. Because of this bias, special effort has been made in this study to include sources which offer information about non-elite and non-Spanish residents of the community and their activities. First Avenue of Inquiry: Historical Sources Although excavations at the site have been conducted by a number of researchers (Boyrie 1960; Cohen 1997; Deagan 1998, 1999; Goggin 1960, 1968; Woods 1999), most of the data available about Concepcin from 1495-1564 comes from historical documents. For the purposes of this thesis, these documents have been divi ded into primary and secondary sources. Primary sources have been defined as those contem porary documents which were written about Concepcin by authors who did not base their work on other accounts. Secondary historical 21


sources are considered to be t hose interpretive or na rrative studies based on the works of earlier chroniclers. It is important to note that these are all Spanish documents, since no documents have been found written by the Native Am ericans or the Africans who liv ed at Concepcin during this period of occupation. Spanish documents are divided into two main cat egories: official chronicles and official correspondence. Information from the official ch roniclers was commissioned by the government. Official correspondence covers both government and religious sources. Both the Spanish government and the Church were highly bur eaucratic, and many details which may seem superfluous today were faithfully recorded dur ing the early contact pe riod. These documents record names of travelers, objects commerciali zed by the Spanish, and rules of behavior. They also record certain aspects of Native American and African lifeways, esp ecially those concerning these groups interactions with the Spanis h religious and governmental authorities. Few literate people traveled to the New Worl d at this time, and even fewer visited Concepcin. This limited the available first-hand documents to chronicles by Fray Ramn Pan (1974, 1990, 1999), Christopher Columbus (Varela 1982), Ferdinand Columbus (Keen 1959), Bartolom de las Casas (1945, 1951, 1958, 1967, 1985, 1994), Pietro Martire dAnghiera (1989) and Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes (1959). Official correspondence, on the other hand, cam e from various government and religious officials and dealt with various subjects, coveri ng not only religious and governmental matters, but also interaction between groups in the colony and especially the role of Native American and African workers within the colony. Rodri guez-Morel (2000) was an important source for religious documents, while Marte (1981) provi ded government correspondence dealing with 22


Hispaniola as a whole. Both of their books compile official correspondence from various sources, including Governors Ovando and Diego Co lumbus, and friars such as Las Casas. The following section will highlight the main historical sources, both primary and secondary, which provided information abou t lifeways at Concepcin. The discussion emphasizes two distinct time periods, the fi rst spanning from 1495-1514, and the second from 1515-1564. The 1514 Repartimiento was chosen as a dividing poi nt due to its role in the solidification of societal clas sification within the Concepcin labor system. In other words, lifeways at Concepcin changed dramatically due to this Repartimiento and all chapters will compare and contrast lifeways before and after this event. Historical sources for Concepci n de la Vega are most abunda nt in the early period (14951514) of its occupation. Although the second period (1515-1564) be gan with governmental and religious control divided between Concepcin and Santo Domingo, by 1564 all administrative power was concentrated in the city of Santo Domingo. This change was a consequence of the political and social impact of the labor redistributions made by the 1514 Repartimiento (explored in detail in Chapter 6), as well as of the expa nsion of the Spanish empire into the American mainland. With this loss of prominence came less mention in official chronicles. Only three of the early Spanish chronicler s who wrote about Con cepcin during the first period of study actually lived in the city. These were Fray Ramn Pan, Fray Bartolom de las Casas and Christopher Columbus. Gonzalo Fern andez de Oviedo, never lived in Concepcin, and did not live on Hispaniola until 1533 (Rueda 1988: 14). Pietro Martire dAnghiera was the first Chronicler of the Indies, but never se t foot in the New World (Anghiera 1989: 3). Fray Ramn Pan, a Jeronymite priest, cam e to Hispaniola on Christopher Columbuss second voyage and became fluent in the Native la nguage spoken in the La Isabela area, and for 23


this reason was chosen by Columbus and the Cr own to record the Tano religious tradition (Arrom 1988). Since the research was undertaken at Concepcin from 1496 to 1498, it is the first chronicle of lifeways at the settlement. It is believed to be the first ethnography of the New World (Arrom 1988). It is also a first-hand acco unt of the uneasy relationship between the Spanish and the Tano (Pan 1990, 1999). Many historians and anthropologists have used Pans work to try to recreate Tano lifeways before 1492 throughout the Caribbean area, but this use has become controversial in recent years (Arrom 1988; Chez-Checo 1989). The main cause for doubt is related to the fact that the native language at Concepcin was different than the one spoken at La Isabela, and Pan used an interpreter to gather his information (Chez-Checo 198 9; Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 39). Due to this controversy, and although the inform ation contained in Pans book is based on the Tano living in Concepcin, this thesis will not us e this chronicle as a source of information on pre-Contact Tano lifeways. Rather, only the in formation about the post-Contact Tano-Spanish relations will be employed in this analysis. Although Christopher Columbus founded the fo rtress of Concepcin in 1495, his writings do not offer much information about his time at Concepcin. It is believed that his writings were edited by his son and by Las Casas (Keen 1959; Vare la 1982), and it is possible that pertinent information about Concepcin may have not have been included. Fray Bartolom de las Casas lived at C oncepcin around the year 1523 (Rueda 1988), and it is possible that his experience influenced his writings, particularly Brevsima relacin de la destruccin de las Indias ( 1945, 1994), Historia de las Indias (1951, 1985), and the Apologtica historia Sumaria (1958, 1967). However, most of Las Casass writings focused on exposing the mistreatment of the Tanos by the Spaniards. Fo r this reason, there is li ttle information about 24


everyday life at Concepcin in his work. C oncepcin is mentioned specifically in the Apologtica Historia Sumaria, but this sour ce only covers from 1492 to 1520, and was not written until 1527 (Rueda 1988: 30). This means much of the pertinent data found in Las Casas sources only deals with the first period of study. Although Pietro Martire dAnghiera was the first to publish information related to the New World (Anghiera 1989: 3), he neve r lived in Concepcin, or even the Americas. His work is nevertheless very important, since he had firsthand access to Columbuss writings, to Columbus himself, and the accounts of others who had al so returned from the New World (Anghiera 1989). His work, divided into decades, was published at different intervals, but by 1516 the Third Decade had been published (Anghiera 1989: 3). This in formation is thus more closely related to the early years of Concepcin, rather than the later period, which is more commonly interpreted by other chroniclers, such as Las Casas (Anghiera 1989: 3). Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo arrived in Hispaniola in 1533, when he was named Mayor of the Fort at Santo Domingo and Official Ch ronicler of the Indies (Rueda 1988: 14). His Historia general y na tural de la Indias (1959) covers events in the New World from 1492 to 1548. The Historia general y natural de las Indias is an important primary source on the colony as a whole for the second period of study. This chr onicle offers specific de tails about the political and economic life of the colony as a whole, espe cially in regard to go ld and sugar production (Oviedo in Rueda 1988), as well as the colonys political responses to changes in Spanish policy. There is little information about the city of Concepcin, however, in Oviedos writing. This may be because Concepcin was no longer as important within the colonial system by the time of his arrival. It has been suggested that because of Oviedos important position within the colonial government, he may have believed that Santo Domingo was the only really civilized 25


place on the island (Rueda 1988: 224). There is li ttle evidence that Oviedo visited Concepcin, and in fact he received most of his informa tion about Concepcin from Alonso de Valencia, who had lived in Concepcin in the early 16th cen tury, but by the 1530s lived in Santo Domingo (Rueda 1988: 79). One important document does, however, provi de specific first hand information about lifeways at Concepcin during the second half of its existence a nd can be used to complement the Oviedo data. This is the Pro ceso contra Alvaro De Castro 1532, which covers the trial of the one-time Dean of the Cathedral of Concepcin, a ccused of smuggling illegal African slaves into the colony (Patronato 1995). Given De Castros important position within the Church and the government, extensive interrogation of several important members of Concepcin society are included in the document. The answers give information about religious life, commercial conduct and misconduct, relationships between the different class and ethnic groups within the city, foodways and clothing. Several histories which offer important info rmation about Concepcin were written during the later colonial peri od. These include Antonio de Herrera (1601), Pedro Francisco Charlevoix (1730), and Luis Joseph Peguero (1975). Like Martire dAnghiera and Oviedo, Antonio de Herrera was Chief Chronicler of the Indies, and did not visit Concepci n, receiving his information from persons who had lived there. His chronicles cover the period from 1492 to 1554. Due to his official position, Herrera had access to many court documents of th e colonial period, especially the chronicles of Bartolom de las Casas. Due to the large amount of data contained in Herrera's works, in 1762 Luis Joseph Peguero extracted and collected the parts of his history which dealt with Hispaniola. He also added data 26


from other unspecified sources to create his document, Historia de la conq uista de la isla Espaola de Santo Domingo trasumpt ada el ao de 1762: traducida de la Historia general de las Indias escrita por Antonio de Herrera cronista mayor de Su Majestad, y de las Indias, y de Castilla, y de otros autores que han escrito sobre el particular These documents offer information about the second period of study, especi ally regarding population. Herrera is the first source to mention the earthquake which destroyed the settlement. Another eighteenth century chronicle is that of the French Jesuit priest Pedro Francisco Charlevoix (1730). Charlevoix was di rected to write a history of the French possessions in the New World, and decided to chronicle the entire history of Hispaniola island, both Spanish and French. He bases much of his historical data on the Spanish chroniclers, but also traveled throughout the island (1717-1722) and described the condition of each place (Charlevoix 1730a: X). Of particular importance is his description of the architectural remains still present at the Concepcin site during his tr avels (Charlevoix 1730a). Modern Historical Treatments of Concepcin de la Vega There are many modern histories of colonial Hispaniola that provide useful context and information about the time periods focused on in th is thesis. Some of these include Cass (1978), Garca (1906), Guitar (1998) Inchustegui (1955) and Moya-Pons (1974, 1978, 1983, 1998) to name a few. However, a group of La Vega hi storians must be highlighted amongst them, principally Mario Concepcin, his niece Patria Quisqueya Ana Concepcin, and Francisco Torres-Petitn. In his 1981 book, Mario Concepcin offers a comp lete history of Conc epcin de la Vega from its foundation to 1981, providing only a brief historical review of pre-earthquake (1564) lifeways in favor of highlighting later events. When his niece, Patria Concepcin (2000), updated the book, she added few new details to the early period. Meanwhile, Torres-Petitn (1988) offers 27


an excellent, albeit short, chronology of events at the archaeological site, which served as an outline for this study. Second Avenue of Inquiry: Architecture and Art History A second avenue of inquiry is the informati on related to the monumental architecture which survives at the site. Information about these remains can be obtained through historical studies of architecture and art. Pr imary research has been carried out in this area at Concepcin due in large part to existence of multiple vestiges of monumental architecture, and the Dominican governments goal of restoring the central part of the city to it s colonial appearance (Torres-Petitn 1998). Erwin Walter Palm, Section Chief for Col onial Archaeology of the IDIA (Instituto Dominicano de Investigaciones Arqueolgicas) from 1948 to 1952, wa s the first to investigate the monumental remains at Concepcin. Palm undertook both on-site, as well as archival exploration, on the monumental build ings that stood at the site, pa rticularly the Fort (1952) and the Hospital (1950). The belief that the Concepcin site should be restored to its colonial splendor also influenced the appointment of Architect Jose Go nzalez as head of the excavations undertaken at the site during the 1980s and early 1990s (Gonzlez 1980; Torre s-Petitn 1998). Although most of the data generated by Architect Gonzalez wa s not published before hi s death in 1998, much can be obtained from those who collaborated with him Fabio Pimentel (1997) and Hiplito Abreu (1998). Like the historical data, much of the inform ation found relating to monumental architecture at the site is biased towards the Spanish inhabitant s of the site. This is due to the fact that these were the settlers who would inhabit such structures. 28


Third Avenue of Inquiry: Material Remains A third source of information comes from the material remains found at the site's archaeological record. Archaeological excav ation at the site, until 1996, was seen as complementary to the goal of restoring the site architecturally, causing a bias towards excavation at sites with associated monu mental structures. This resulte d in large numbers of Spanish material artifacts, as evidenced in Cohen (1997); Deagan (1998, 1999) ; Deagan and Kulstad (1998); and Woods (1999). Emile de Boyrie (1960) and John Goggin ( 1960, 1968) conducted archaeological research to complement Palm's architectural investig ations. They undertook a joint University of Florida/Universidad de Sa nto Domingo/Grupo Guama project in 1952 and 1953 (Boyrie 1960: 41), and further excavations were undert aken in 1954, 1956 and 1958 (Boyrie 1960: 46, 54, 72). Dominican archaeologist Emile de Boyrie, director of the Instituto Dominicano de Investigaciones Arqueolgicas (IDIA) at the Universidad de Santo Domingo, conducted explorations, surveys and measur ements at Concepcin with the purpose of declaring the site a National Monument, and re-locat ing the inhabitants of the area away from the most archaeologically important areas (Boyrie 1960: 72). The data generated in the joint project, as well as data recorded in further explorat ions in 1954, 1956 and 1958 (Boyrie 1960: 46, 54, 72), are drawn upon in the following chapters. John Goggin used the data generated by the jo int 1952-53 project to in form his effort to create a Caribbean-wide Spanish ceramic cl assification and colle ction. Goggin (1960, 1968) mainly concentrated on Spanish majolica types a nd olive jars. At Concepcin he carried out an extensive surface recollection, and even named a style after the site: La Vega Blue on White (Goggin 1968). 29


In 1976 the Direccin Nacional de Parques of the Dominican Republic allowed a group of archaeologists to excavate in the Vega Vieja Na tional Park, in part to complement Architect Gonzalez's efforts to restore the site (Pimente l 1998). They also hoped to make the site more visible to the public (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 277). The archae ologists included Jose Mara Cruxent from Venezuela, Irving Rouse from th e Smithsonian and Prof. Alcina-Franch from Spain, amongst several Dominican archaeologi sts (Prez-Monts 1984: 82). The project was partially funded by the Organization of American States (OAS) and excavated the central part of the town, revealing on e of the fort's towers, a foundr y, house foundations and an aqueduct (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 278; Prez-Monts 1984: 82). The next large-scale archaeological project was also a joint venture between Dominican counterparts and the University of Florida undertaken between 1996 and 1999. The Project for the Conservation and Development of the Rural, Physical and Human Resources at the Parques Nacionales of the Dominican Repub lic: La Isabela and Concepcin de la Vega, co-sponsored by the University of Florida, the Dominican National Parks Service, and PRONATURA, accomplished two crucial stages of investigation at the Park. The first was the creation of a computerized database containing basic informat ion about the materials excavated from 1976 to 1998 at the site. The second was the delineation of the site boundaries through a sub-surface archaeological survey. The data generated by this project can be found in Cohen (1997); Deagan (1998, 1999); Deagan and Kulstad (1998); and Woods (1999). Much of the data presented in these Project... reports have served as a crucial basis for the documental base presented in this thesis. Of particular importance have been the previous attempts at recollection of data from a histor ical archaeology perspe ctive by Cohen (1997) and Deagan (1999). Of equal importance is the data presented in the artifact distribution diagrams, 30


especially in regards to origin group se ttlement patterns (Deagan 1999; Woods 1999). Meanwhile, the preliminary labora tory analysis of the artifacts found at the site (Deagan and Kulstad 1998) has provided insight into the natu re of material culture at Concepcin, permitting the investigation of such issues as trade, adaptation, soci al and economic diversity, cultural hegemony and resistance. 31


CHAPTER 3 HISTORY Introduction This chapter will provide a holistic synopsis of historical events which influenced daily life at Concepcin de la Vega during the two pe riods of study (1495-1514) and (1515-1564). This review is based fundamentally on historical sources. Concepcins lifeways and cultura l practices were shaped by its particular environment and events which occurred within the city, bu t events occurring outside the city had great influence as well. Events which occurred prior to the establishment of the settlement will be considered here in order to understand the government and religious policies that molded Concepcins lifeways during the two periods of study (1495-1514) a nd (1515-1564). Table 3-1 presents a timeline of pertinent events, and Table 3-2 lists the government officials who influenced policy related to Concepci n, both on Hispaniola and in Spain. Concepcin was established during the turbul ent early period of Spanish colonization, before the great bureaucratic machine with its set procedures that we identify with the Spanish empire, existed. In fact, the country of Spain its elf was not unified under one ruler until Phillip IIs reign (1555), only 7 years befo re the 1562 earthquake. This polit ical instability allowed for the existence of power struggles between differi ng factions in the governmental and religious sectors in Spain, and was often played out on Hispaniola. Concepcins inhabitants played an important role in these power clashes, both in the larger colony and in their own community. Columbus and the Establishment of Hispaniola To begin to understand Concepcins role and po sition during this turbulent early colonial period, one must understand the creation of the New World enterprise by Columbus and the 32


Spanish monarchs Isabella and Ferdinand. The ne gotiations between these three set the stage for many of the events described below. As has been amply documented elsewhere, Colu mbus did not anticipate arriving in a New World in 1492. His mission was to find a new trade route to the Indies so that the Spanish could create trade colonies there, similar to those already held by the Portuguese known as factoras (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 12; Diffie and Wi nius 1977: 41-50; Mac Alister 1984: 46-51). Isabella, Queen of Castile, offered to sponsor Columbus in his quest under a set of generous terms contained in the Capitul aciones de Santa Fe. Signed in April 1492, the Capitulaciones gave Columbus and his heirs th e right to govern the lands he discovered in perpetuity, as well as economic benefits similar to those given to the l eaders which fought with the Crown during the Reconquista and the coloni zation of the Canary Islands (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 12; Stevens-Arroyo 1993). It has been suggested by some that the ample rights given Columbus in the Capitulaci ones reflect a lack of confid ence in his success (Garca-Gallo 1987: 29; Prez-Collados 1992: 95). Nevertheless, Columbus was successful, and returned to Spain in early 1493 with the idea of expanding the colony he had left on the northern coast of the island of Hispaniola (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 47). The way in which this colony would be organized and governed became a point of cont ention between Columbus, Queen Isabella, and King Ferdinand. Castile and Aragon in 1493 The Spanish political situation at the time of Columbuss return from his first voyage was greatly affected by various events which in turn later affected the way in which the New World colony would be governed. These events included the end of the Spanish Reconquista in 1492, and the power conflicts between th e kingdoms of Castile and Aragn. 33


Spain had just completed the Reconquista in 1492. The Reconquista had been an 700 year war which had the unification of the country under Christian rule as its principal purpose. This process was mainly achieved through the conquest of lands in the hands of Moslem Moors living on the Iberian Peninsula (Fernndez-Alvarez 2000: 49; Moya-Pons 1983: 11; Prez-Collados 1992: 116; Prez de Tudela 1955a). Success came part ly due to the unifica tion of the two main kingdoms, Castile and Aragon, through the marriag e of its rulers, Isab ella and Ferdinand (Fernndez-Alvarez 2000: 49). Although both Castile and Aragon ha d worked together in the Reconquista effort, each kingdom functioned as a separate entity, and would do so until th e death of both Isabella and Ferdinand, and their joint heir ascended to th e throne (Fernndez-Alvarez 2000: 176). Of the two, Castile, governed by Isabella, had the most pow er, including the right to explore parts of the Atlantic, a Papal right shared with the kingdom of Portugal (Prez-Collados 1992: 66; PrezEmbrid 1951). The Papal mandate m eant that when Columbus retu rned, only Castile could ask the Pope for the rights to these new territories (Ballesteros-Beretta 1945: 440; Charlevoix 1730a: 64; Gimenez-Fernndez 1955: 316-317; Prez-Collados 1992: 67) In 1493 the Pope granted Castile exclusive rights to th e territories found by Columbus through the Bulas de Donacin (Garca-Gallo 1982: 638; Prez-Collados 1992: 36). These Bulas not only excluded other European countries from ownership of the new territories, but also excluded other Spanish kingdoms as well, including Aragon (Charlevoix 1730a: 64). Despite the Papal exclusion, several Aragonese became involved in this project, since Aragon had more experience governing overseas col onies, such as Naples and Sicily (IbarraRodrguez 1892; Mir 1892; Prez-Collados 1992: 69; Serrano-Sanz 1918). The first person in charge of the Indies in the Castilian court was the Aragonian Rodrguez de Fonseca (Rogozinski 34


2000: 27), a loyal subject, and previously a servant of King Ferdinand (Gimenez-Fernndez 1953; Prez-Collados 1992: 183). Nevertheless, major decisions regarding the Columbus enterprise during this period were undertaken by Queen Isabella as ruler of Castile. This continued until her death in 1504 (Fernndez-Alvarez 2000: 262). La Isabela Colony: Factora vs. Reconquista Model The settlement Columbus founded on Hispanio la upon his return was named La Isabela, leaving little doubt as to the Qu eens leadership role in the enterprise. Records show that Kingdom of Castile alone, not Aragon, financed the settlement (Charlevoix 1730a: 64; Inchustegui 1955: 53), and seemed willing to support the factora-s tyle model delineated in the Capitulaciones de Santa Fe (Deagan and Cr uxent 2002b: 12). This was in opposition to King Ferdinands proposal to use the Castilla-Len Reconquista model to organize the settlement (Prez-Collados 1992: 116; P rez de Tudela 1954: 317-318). It is important to review the differences between these two pr oposed settlement models to understand the different positions held by differi ng political factions in both Spain and on Hispaniola throughout the first period of st udy (1595-1514) in regard to governing styles. Factoras were a type of settlement set up in isolated locations to f acilitate trade between two distant locations (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b : 8). These settlements often exploited raw materials not readily ava ilable in Europe, such as gold or sp ices (Haring 1947: 31; Inchustegui 1955: 53; Prez-Collados 1992: 117; Prez de Tudela 1954: 317318). These settlements were backed by private capital, and led by an individual who hired artisans, craftsmen, and laborers to undertake the labor (Arr anz-Mrquez 1991: 27; Deagan and Cr uxent 2002b: 8). These types of trading posts had been used in the Mediterran ean by several different countries since the mid14th century (Deagan an d Cruxent 2002b: 8). 35


Prez de Tudela (1954) established that Colu mbus was quite familiar with the Portuguese factora model used in West Africa. Accordi ng to this model, the community leader would receive a license from the Portuguese Crown to start his colony and funds to pay the workers wages. In exchange, the Crown would receive on e-fifth of the profits generated, however, the Portuguese Crown did not assume political control over the territo ry in which the factora was established (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 8). These settlements were considered purely economic (Moya-Pons 1983: 13) (For more detailed inform ation on factoras see Di ffie and Winius 1977: 41-50; Mac Alister 1984: 46-51). Columbus planned to organize a gold-acquiring factora at Fort La Navidad, where he had left a group of Spaniards during his firs t trip (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 47). The Capitulaciones not only made him Governor of the settlement, but also gave him the right to receive 1/10 of the merchandise acquired, i. e. the gold produced (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 12). King Ferdinand, however, was concerned that a factora settlement gave Columbus too much power (Prez-Collados 1992: 116, 160). For y ears, as part of the Reconquista process, Ferdinand and Isabella had been centralizi ng power around their unite d Crown, taking it away from the old landed nobles in both of their kingdoms (Fernndez-Alva rez 2000: 49; Guitar 1998: 133). If the La Isabela colony were successful, Co lumbuss success would threaten this effort. For this reason, Ferdinand proposed that La Isabela be settled us ing the Castilla-Len Reconquista model used during th eir campaigns in both Spain and the Canary Islands (AznarVallejo 1983; Prez-Collados 1992: 116; Prez de Tudela 1954: 317-318; Stevens-Arroyo 1993). In the Reconquista model, land conquered from infidels was distributed among those elite Christians who had helped in the c onquest (Moya-Pons 1983: 15; Prez-Collados 1992: 116; Willis 1984: 12). In exchange, the new owners promised to convert the infidel and establish 36


municipal centers and towns (Prez-Collados 19 92: 116; Prez de Tudela 1954: 317-318). This type of structure is inherently dependent on centralized Crown control (Prez-Collados 1992: 163). Municipal centers and towns were led by a gr oup of landowners who chose their leaders from amongst themselves (Moya-Pons 1983: 16-17). There were several posts, and together they formed a town government (ayuntamiento ) whose main functions included collecting taxes, keeping the peace, guaranteeing town supplies, regulating prices, and executing public works (Moya-Pons 1983: 16-17). (For a more comprehensive analysis of this model see Prez de Tudela 1954, 1956, 1983). An important difference between the Reconquista and factora m odels was that the factora did not assume political ownership over the terr itory where it was located, while the Reconquista model was intrinsically linked to political ownership of land. In other words, the Crown must have the right to the land it is going to distribute. Unlike the inherently economi c factora system, the Reconquista model followed an intricate moral code of ethics (Moya-Pons 1983: 13). Chivalry, known as hidalgismo, was an important element of this code (Elliott 1963: 38; Vicens-Vives 1969: 349). One of the main precepts of hidalgismo was the disdain for manual labor (Moya-Pons 1983: 12). It considered work done by tradesmen, merchants, and those in volved in agricultural labor, to be of less quality (Moya-Pons 1983: 12). These precepts were to greatly impact the development of the Spanish colonial system. Isabella did not take Ferdinands suggesti on, and funded Columbuss settlement as a factora. Ferdinand did not give up, however, and managed to send se veral loyal Aragonese subjects within the expedition to try to infl uence the way the colony was run (Prez-Collados 37


1992: 116). Chief among them were Father Bu il and Mosn Margarit (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 19; Oviedo 1959: 51; Prez-Colla dos 1992: 123). Buil, in fact, as chief representative of the Church, had an equivalent position to Columb us within the colony, and used to it to block many of Columbuss initiatives (Ovi edo 1959: 51; Prez-Collados 1992: 123). The lack of able-bodied Spanish men, as we ll as their unwillingness to perform manual labor (Moya-Pons 1983: 12), cont ributed to the adaptation an d downfall of the Columbus factora system, as well as to the establishment of the first Concepcin fort. Instead of having the Spanish mine the gold, he imposed a tribute on the Tanos throughout the island (Charlevoix 1730a: 110; Cass 1978: 33; Deagan and Cruxent2002b: 62). Accordi ng to this system, Tano communities had to pay 1 hawks bell full of gold for each member of their community over 14 years of age every three mont hs (Cass 1978: 33; Charlevoi x 1730a: 110; Wilson 1990a). In those areas where gold was diffi cult to find, the tribute was negotiated at 25 lbs of cotton (Charlevoix 1730a: 110), labor, or pe rsonal services rendered to the Spanish every three months (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 62). All Tanos had to wear a brass or copper token around their neck as proof of payment. Those who did not wear it were punished (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 62; Columbus 1959: 149-50). In order to guarantee the collection of the tr ibute, forts were esta blished in those places were gold was found (Cass 1978: 33; Cohen 1997: 4). Eventually, a network of forts extended from Hispaniolas northern to southern coast (Cass 1978: 41) (Figure 3-1). The Establishment of the Concepcin Fort The first Concepcin fort was part of this network (Cass 1978: 33; Cohen 1997: 4; Inchustegui 1955: 51). (It must be noted that this is not the same location of the present-day fort in the Concepcin National Park. For more specific information about the different Concepcin fort locations see Chapter 5). It was proba bly established on, or around, December 8th, 1494, day 38


of the Virgen de la Concepcin the Virgin of Conception (Concepci n 1981). It was located close to the Tano village of Guarcano, which was ruled by the Tano Cacique (or chief) Guarionex in the Central Valley of the island (Deagan 1999: 8). Juan de Ayala was its first commander (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 60). In spite of the establishment of the forts, the collection of tribute was haphazard. This started to create tensions betw een the Spanish and the Tano, l eading the Spanish to impose the tribute through force (In chustegui 1955: 51). Battle of La Vega Real (1495) In 1495, Tano cacique Caonabo led a protes t against the gold tribute collection (Inchustegui 1955: 51). The Spanish had hoped to stop this uprising th rough the capture of Caonabo, but only succeeded in inci ting the rest of the islands caciques to join the protest, including Guarionex, ruler of the area ar ound Concepcin (Wilson 199 0b: 90-91). The great Spanish Tano confrontation occurred on the Ve ga Real, close to Concepcin fort (Anghiera in Parry and Keith 1984: 210-11; Charlevoix 1730a: 108; Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 61; DidiezBurgos 1971: 41-42; Columbus 1959: 148-49; Fl oyd 1973: 30-31; Las Casas I, CV 1985, vol.1: 413; Sauer 1966: 89; Wilson 1990b: 90-91). Columbus left La Isabela on March 24th, 1495, with about 200 Spanish men and some Tano allies led by Cacique Guacanagarix (Cha rlevoix 1730a: 108; Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 61; Wilson 1990a). The Tano forces against Colu mbus were substantial, numbering 5,000 to 100,000, depending on the source consulted (Cass 1978: 33; Las Casas I, CV 1985, vol.1: 413; Wilson 1990a). Sources also differ on the name of the leader of the Tano forces, some naming Guarionex (Cass 1978: 33; Wilson 1990a), while others name one of his subordinates Maniocatex (Garca 1906: 34; Inchustegui 1955: 51). 39


By all accounts this was a fierce battle in which many Tano were ki lled and subjugated by Spanish firepower, horses and war hounds (Anghiera in Parry and Keith 1984: 210-11; Charlevoix 1730a: 108; Deagan a nd Cruxent 2002b: 61; Didiez-Bu rgos 1971: 41-42; Columbus 1959: 148-49; Floyd 1973: 30-31; Guitar 2002; Las Casas I, CV 1985, vol.1: 413; Sauer 1966: 89; Wilson 1990b: 90-91). The Spaniards won, and were able to properly impose the tribute system (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 199; Inchustegui 1955: 52). What actually occurred during the battle, its ac tual location, and even its appropriate name, have been debated by historians a nd chroniclers since colonial times. It is important to review the pertinent details here, since these deeply affect ed lifeways and ideology at Concepcin, not only throughout colonial occupation, but also in the present. The debates around the Battle of La Vega Real st art with the other name by which it is also known, namely the Battle of the Santo Cerro. The Santo Cerro, or Holy Hill, overlooks the site of Concepcin de la Vega, and has been historica lly linked to the city (Abreu 1998; Las Casas in Inchustegui 1955: 83). Some histor ians contend that the Battle of La Vega Real and the Battle of the Santo Cerro were one and the same. Others such as Inchustegui, contend these are two separate battles. Those who contend these were a single battle, like Del Monte y Tejada (1890), base their claim on religious tradition. This tradition conten ds that the Battle of La Vega Real was undertaken at the Santo Cerro and th at the apparition of the Virgen de las Mercedes, or Virgin of Mercy, helped the Spanish win the battle. It is believed that when the Spaniards were at their breaking point, the Virgen de las Mercedes a ppeared on a cross Columbus had planted on the ground. The Tano tried to burn down the cross, but were unable to do so The Spanish rallied around the Virgin and were able to beat the Tano, in spite of the great difference in numbers 40


(Charlevoix 1730a: 399; DidiezBurgos 1971: 29; Garca 1906: 34; Rueda 1988: 78). The Spanish claimed this event as the start of the Sp anish way of life not only at Concepcin, but in all of Hispaniola. The Santo Cerro became a religious pilgrimage site soon afterwards. In colonial times the sites unburnable cross was the reason for pilgrimage (Charlevoix 1730a: 399; Lizardo and Muoz 1979). The cross was believed to have hea ling powers, and people would receive slivers from it to cure various evils. In spite of this, the cross supposedly remained the same size (Charlevoix 1730a: 399). Nowadays it is th e Virgin herself who is venerated. Other historians believe that the Battle of La Vega Real and the Battle of the Santo Cerro were two separate events. Inchustegui (1955), for example, based his position on passages by Las Casas. According to these passages, the Battle of La Vega Real occurred 2 days travel from La Isabela, making a battle at the Santo Cerro geographically impossible, since the Santo Cerro is farther away (Inchustegui 1955: 83). Inchust egui considers that hist orian Antonio del Monte y Tejada (1890) was the first to include the traditional religious belief as historical fact in his textbook, thereby distorting the actual event. Fray Ramn Pan Studies the Tano at Concepcin The Battle of La Vega Real had 2 immediate consequences for Concepcin. The first was the re-location of the fort a league from Guarcano (Las Casas in Rueda 1998: 511). The second was that Columbus commissioned a study of the Tano at this settlement. Given the importance religion played in Span ish lifeways, it should be no surp rise that the first long-term study of Tano culture researched their religious beliefs. Catal onian Jeronymite friar Ramn Pan was chosen to undertake this study because he wa s fluent in the Native language spoken in the La Isabela area (Arrom 1989; Deagan 1999: 8; Las Casas 1958: 417; Pan 1974). His resulting 41


chronicle, Relacin acerca de la s antigedades de los Indios, is the considered the first ethnography written about American I ndians (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 20). Because it appears that Pan did not speak the dialect spoken in the Magu region (Arrom 1989), many present-day researchers are wary of accepting much of Pans account of precontact Tano lifeways as accurate (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 39). Nonetheless, the document does record examples of the difficult co-exist ence between Tano and Spanish at Concepcin during the early contact period (Arr om 1989; Pan 1974). Of particular interest is an account of a misunderstanding about the proper use of Christ ian religious objects which resulted in the hanging of several Tano. Concepcin and the Roldn Rebellion (1496-1498) While Pan was undertaking his work at Concepcin, the Roldn Rebellion was occurring at La Isabela. During Pans study period, the Co ncepcin fort settlement played an important part in the Roldn rebellion, due to both its st rategic position and the in teraction with the nearby Tano settlements (Wilson 1990a). The Roldn revolt had its roots in the Aragone se questioning of the Columbus brothers rule. Complaints had already been carried back personally to Spain by Buil and Margarit in 1494 (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 60). Columbus returned to Spain to defend himself and was able to convince Queen Isabella to dismi ss the Aragonese charges, thanks in part to exclusive navigating information he threatened to sell to Portugal. In fact, she went as far as to confirm all other rights given under the Capitulaciones de Santa Fe, and assure him that no more Aragonese were going to be sent to the colonies (Cass 1978: 35; Herrera 1601: 226; Oviedo 1959: 69; Prez-Collados 1992: 149). This did not, settle the growing discontent on Hispaniola. The Aragonese protest had opened the door for others. In 1496, while Colum bus was in Spain (Prez-Collados 1992: 144), 42


and his brothers were in command of the colony, the Spanish col onists at La Isabela began to resent the fact that they were only paid workers with no stake in the enterprise. It did not help that they were starving and were unable to find much gold (Anghiera 1989: 53-54; Cass 1978: 33; Charlevoix 1730a: 127; Las Casas 1951: 448; Prez-Collados 1992: 153; Prez de Tudela 1955b: 205). The protest was led by Columbuss own servant, Francisco Roldn (Charlevoix 1730a: 127; Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 68; Garca 1906: 42). Up to one third of the Spanish on the island supported Roldn, especially those of the artisan, or non-elite, class (Cass 1978: 35; Charlevoix 1730a: 127). The rebels, known as Roldanistas, believed that by claiming to follow the King they would receive tacit support from the Crown (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 69; Las Casas 1951: 448; Prez-Collados 1992: 152). Roldn wrote th e Court and received support from Fonseca because it served to further th e possibility of organizing Hisp aniola under the Reconquista model (Charlevoix 1730a: 149; Garca 1906: 52). In order to successfully defeat the Columbus br others, the fort system had to be disabled (Wilson 1990a). To do this, Roldn had to take over Concepcin fort, locat ed in the middle of the fortification line (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 69; Garca 1906: 43). The non-elite La Isabela settlers who followed Roldn, however, found littl e Spanish support at Concepcin fort. Roldn managed to convince many of the Indian cacique s of the Vega Valley to support him, but his attack was repelled by Miguel de Ballester, co mmander of the Concepcin fort (Charlevoix 1730a: 128; Las Casas in Rueda 1988: 430; Vare la 1982: 234-235). The next day additional Spanish troops arrived led by Bartolom Colu mbus, and they disbanded Roldns troops (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 69; Las Casas in Ru eda 1988: 430). Unable to conquer Concepcin, the Roldanistas roamed the island, taking Tano food and women, and looking for gold. They 43


eventually set up a separate European settlement in Jaragua, on the western part of the island (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 69). Roldns rebellion lasted two years, fr om 1496 to 1498 (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 69; Moya-Pons 1978; Pichardo 1944). An agreement was reached in 1499 which gave Roldns group the choice of returning to Spain or staying in the offici al colony, the payment of back wages, and the right to have the vassalage of th e Tano caciques linked to the land they received (Cass 1978: 36; Charlevoix 1730a : 153; Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 201; Garca 1906: 47; Prez-Collados 1992: 156; Varela 1982: 274-275). Those who decided to stay were re-settled in the Central Cibao Valley (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 203), specifically at Bonao, and around the Rio Verde close to Concepcin, and in Santiago (Charlevoix 1730a: 153). Each settler received 1,000 manioc plants, which were cared for by their Tano workers (Charlevoix 1730a: 153). The agreement also ga ve Roldn the title of Alcalde Mayor, second-highest post on the island, which allowed the Roldanistas considerab le influence in the colony decisions (MoyaPons 1983: 23). The need to make a pact with Roldn and hi s followers, contributed to the failure of Columbuss settlement project, just as the Aragonese had hoped (Prez-Collados 1992: 144; Prez de Tudela 1954). The ex-Roldanistas did not institute the Reconquista model, instead modifying it to their own benefit in ways whic h had deep repercussions, not only in the places they settled, but in subsequent colonization proc esses as well. First, the agreement guaranteed land and Tano labor to the base-born ex-rebels, a privilege that the existing Spanish class structure had previously only allowed the hi ghest classes (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 201; Moya-Pons 1983: 24). Second, the vassalage system provided the roots of the Repartimiento 44


system of organization of Tano labor, (discusse d in more detail in Ch. 6), a system that was different from anything existi ng in Europe at the time. Guarionex Rebellion (1497-1499) Concurrently with the Roldn Rebellion, the Co lumbus brothers also had to deal with a Tano uprising led by Cacique Guarionex in th e Concepcin area (Anghier a in Gil and Varela 1984: 90-91; Las Casas I, CXV 198 5, vol. I: 445-46). Two main causes are cited as the reasons behind the revolt. The first was the burning at the stake of a group of Tano who had supposedly desecrated Christian images (For a more detail ed account of the incident see Garca 1906: 41; Pan 1974). The second was the inability to pay the tribute imposed by Columbus. Famine and disease also contributed to th e disruption of Tano society (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 62, 199; Wilson 1990a). Although Cacique Guarionex had been able to meet the tribute quota in 1495 (Wilson 1990a), it was impossible the second year, so he offered Columbus the produce of a manioc farm leagues long and 20 wide (Charlevoix 1730a: 110; Peguero 1975: 85; Wilson 1990a). Columbus did not accept, which lead to a Tano revolt (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 70). This insurrection was more dangerous than the one in 1495 because now the Tano knew how to use Spanish weaponry (Deagan and Cruxe nt 2002b: 67; Anghiera in Gil and Varela 1984: 90). They were defeated, however, in a midnight raid led by Bartolom Columbus in which he captured several of the caciques, including Gu arionex (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 67; Anghiera in Gil and Varela 1984: 90; Wilson 1990a). The caciques were imprisoned at Concepcin fort for a few days (Wilson 1990a) and later released wi th a guarantee for peace (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 67; Anghiera in Gil and Varela 1984: 90). At this point Guarionex found himself in a qua ndary. According to th e Spanish regulations, as the cacique he had the responsibility to deliv er the gold tribute in ex change for his freedom (Charlevoix 1730a: 130; Wilson 1990a). According to the Tano, he had to help liberate them 45


from the Spanish invaders (Charlevoix 1730a: 130; Wilson 1990a). He could not break his promise the Tano, and would be imprisoned at the fort again if he went against the Spanish, so Guarionex ran away to a northern province to distance himself from the conflict (Charlevoix 1730a: 130). Bartolom Columbus, however, saw this as a breach of Guarionexs agreement with the Spanish (Wilson 1990b: 102-108), recaptured, and incarcerated him again at Concepcin fort. He remained there until he was sent to Spain in 1502, drowning at sea on the way (Las Casas in Rueda 1988: 444). (For a more detailed account of the events of this rebellion, see Las Casas 1, CLX 1985, vol.2: 103; Moya-Pons 1986: 31-32; and Wilson 1990a). With Guarionex's death the Tano in the Concep cin area lost their l eader, and did not try again to do battle the Spanish for many years. This made the area around Concepcin relatively safe and attractive to settlers in the coming years. Bobadilla Government (1500-1502) By the end of 1499 the situation on Hispaniola had become chaotic. The Tano continued to rebel, and the ex-Roldanistas tried to mani pulate the political situation to their advantage through small scale uprisings (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 204). Concepcin was especially affected, since many ex-Roldanistas lived in the area (Charl evoix 1730a:158). Columbus could no longer govern the colony, and asked the Sp anish Crown to send a judge to settle the disturbances (Peguero and de los Sant os 1983: 47; Prez-Collados 1992: 161). The Crown, and especially Queen Isabella, were displeased with Columbuss decision to give Tanos in vassalage to the ex-Roldanistas, and decided that this was the last straw (Charlevoix 1730a: 157; Prez-Coll ados 1992: 166). They send Judge Francisco de Bobadilla to assess the situation, with the hidden purpose of taking over as governor of Hispaniola, and sending the Columbus brothers back to Spain to face charges (Cass 1978: 36; Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 203; Peguero and de los Sa ntos 1983: 47; Prez-Collados 1992: 161). 46


The main accusation against the Columbuses was their encroachment on what were perceived to be Crown rights in the colony, most specifically in regards to the distribution of Tano laborers to the ex-Rol danistas (Charlevoix 1730a: 158; Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 203; Moya-Pons 1987). The Crown believed that all Ta no owed vassalage to Castile and its Queen, and only she could decide what type of work, if any, the Ta no would undertake (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 206; Inchustegui 1955: 93; Prez-Collados 1992: 155). The Queen, it should be noted, did not protest the collecti on of tribute from the Tano, ju st their assignment to private individuals. On Hispaniola, Governor Bobadilla had orders to re-organize the co lony according to the Reconquista model (Prez-Collados 1992: 163). This was particular ly difficult due to the fact that a large portion of the 360 people living in the colony were ex-Roldanistas who wished to keep the privileges assigned to them by Colu mbus (Moya-Pons 1983: 24). Bobadilla opted to maintain the status quo with one notable except ion which greatly influe nced life at Concepcin (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 204). This was the d ecision to exempt gold miners from paying the 60% tax excised on their production (50% for the Crown and 10% for Columbus) in an effort to boost the industry (Cass 1978: 40; Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 204). Suddenly large amounts of gold were collected, just as Columbus had pr edicted (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 204). Much of the gold must have come from the Concepcin area, since the city was later chosen as the site of one of the colonys two foundries (Charlevoi x 1730a: 221; Deagan 1999; Garca 1906: 68). Bobadillas decision to eliminate taxes on gold revenues led to his recall by the Crown in 1502 (Cass 1978: 40; Rodrguez-Mo rel 2000: 444). The Crown did not assign him as the next governor, choosing Fray Nicolas de Ova ndo instead (Inchustegui 1955: 28-29, 89). 47


Ovando Government (1502-1509) Ovando arrived on Hispaniola with 2,500 settlers in 30 ships, including women and children. The ships carrying his expe dition were to return not only with large quantities of gold probably mined at Concepcin, but also carrying such passengers as ex-Governor Bobadilla, Roldn and other ex-Roldani stas, and the imprisoned Caci que Guarionex (Moya-Pons 1983; Peguero and de los Santos 1983). Unfortunately, a hurricane destroyed the entire fleet (MoyaPons 1983; Peguero and de los Santos 1983; R odrguez-Morel 2000: 444). Ovandos bad luck did not end there; in the first year 1,000 di ed, and 500 were sick (Arranz-Mrquez 1979: 16; Deagan and Cruxent 2002a: 276; Garca 1906: 56; Inchustegui 1955: 64; Las Casas II,VI 1985: 226; Moya-Pons 1987; Sauer 1966; Rogozinski 2000: 28) Food was scarce, due to the strain the large influx of people had cau sed on the already faulty production system; a situation exacerbated by the fact that many of the newcomer s preferred to go search for gold rather than produce food (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 205; Las Casas II,VI 1985: 226). Hispaniola experienced an economic boom in the first decade of the 16th century which attracted many Iberian Spanish to the colonies (Arranz-Mrquez 1979: 17). Tales based on get rich quick schemes began to circulate in Spai n, and many asked for permission to migrate to the colony (Arranz-Mrquez 1979: 17; Charlevoix 1730a: 221). Difficult conditions in Castile made Hispaniola even more attractive (Arranz-M rquez 1979: 16; Fernnde z-Alvarez 2000: 261). From 1502 to 1508 there was a grain crop shortage in Castile, but prevailing laws did not permit grain to be imported (Arranz-Mrquez 1979: 16). In 1505 Castile flooded, and in 1506 there was drought (Arranz-Mrquez 1979: 16). In 1507 the plague hit Castile and Andalusia (FernndezAlvarez 2000: 262). At the same time, through all this turmoil, between 1501 and1509, 972 ships with new settlers arrived on Hispaniola (Moya-Pons 1986: 72). 48


A personal friend and protg of King Ferdinand, Ovandos main tasks were to organize the colony according to the Reconquista model and collect the Crown s revenues (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 205; Moya-Pons 1983: 24; Pr ez-Collados 1992: 168; Prez de Tudela 1955b: 234). In order to do this, he had to re-organize bo th the power structure and the workforce. More specifically, he had to take away the power Columbus had give n the ex-Roldanistas, and find a way to have a productive wo rkforce (Charlevoix 1730a: 189). Ovando started by liberating a ll the Tanos held in va ssalage by the Roldanistas (Charlevoix 1730a: 189). In this way he took away the groups source of economic power (Charlevoix 1730a: 189). The Queen then ordered that the Tano should live in independent communities and work for the Spanish for a period of time during the year, mostly in the gold mines (Cass 1978: 44; Deagan and Cruxent 200 2b: 206; Inchustegui 1955: 94). This work would serve to pay the tribute, and the Tano were to be taught Christian ways and the Spanish way of life (Cass 1978: 44; Deagan and Cruxe nt 2002b: 206; Inchustegui 1955: 9). A final, secret, instruction to Ovando ordered the Tano co mmunities to be set up close to gold mines to provide a constant workforce (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 206; Moya-Pons 1986: 149), a practice that was later known as the Reduccin system. The plan was a failure because the Tanos ran away, would not work, and would not pay their tribute (Charlevoix 1730a: 189; Inchustegui 1955: 94). At the same time, the Spanish were unable to perform the agricultural and gold-production work, due to ei ther the lack of desire or the lack of labor (Moya-Pons 1983: 12). Ovandos solution was to suggest an expansion of the distribution system whereby all Sp anish settlers, not just the ex -Roldanistas, were entitled to hold Tano laborers (Charlevoix 1730a: 189; Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 206). As the governor representing the Crown, he would be able to decide who would be assigned laborers, 49


and in what numbers (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 205). The holding of the Tano was justified under the principle that this system would guara ntee constant exposition and indoctrination in Christian values (Charlevoix 1730a: 189; Moya-Pons 1978, 1983: 25; Peguero and de los Santos 1983: 54). The system, known as the Repartimiento was ratified by the Crown in 1503 (Cass 1978: 43; Moya-Pons 1978; Peguero and de los Sa ntos 1983: 54). (A more detailed explanation of the Repartimiento is given in Ch. 6, Table 3-3, and in Moya-Pons 1986: 36-44, 47-48). The labor provided by the Tano helped create the financial base necessary for the implantation of the Reconquista model (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 207; Las Casas II, X (1985, vol.2: 241). By the end of his term in 1509, Ov ando had either create d or reorganized 16 settlements to follow the Spanish municipal struct ure: Lares de Guahaba, Puerto Real, Puerto Plata, Santiago de los Caballe ros, Concepcin de La Vega, Cotu, Bonao, Santa Cruz de Icayagua, Higey, Santo Domingo, Buenaventura, Azua San Juan de la Maguana, La Vera Paz, Yaquimo, and La Sabana (Cass 1978: 42; Charlevoix 1730a: 196; Deagan 1999: 9; Garca 1906: 65; Moya-Pons 1987; Sauer 19 66) (Figure 3-2). (For a more comprehensive analysis of the Spanish municipal structure model see Prez de Tudela 1954, 1956, 1983). Ovando visited each of the settlements to pe rsonally present the communities with their coat of arms (Garca 1906: 70). Concepcins coat of arms reflect s the citys re ligious history (Peguero 1975: 154-155). It has a red background, with a silver castle in the center. Over the castle is a smaller blue shield with twelve gold stars. The color blue and the placement of the stars symbolize the Virgin of Mercy (Peguero 1975: 156). The Governor took the occasion to set up the city governance structure, order the construction of municipal buildings and churches, install the mayor and the priests, etc. (Garca 1906: 70). In other words, he organized the town infrastructure in a manner that guaranteed 50


alliance to the Spanish Crown (Concepcin 1981; Lamb 1956; Moya-Pons 1978; Palm 1951, 1952). These settlements were to be run by the settlement's elite members, or vecinos (landowning families). The vecino condition was based on the three el ements of Castilian worthiness honesty, good upbringing and clean bloodlines (Arranz-Mrquez 1991: 172) and on marital status (Rodrguez-Demorizi 1971: 266). No Jews, Moors, or anyone converted from these religions could be considered a vecino Ideally, the person had to be older than 20, and both a Christian and a Castilian (Haring 1939: 131; Inchustegui 1955: 62). Only two settlements Santo Domingo and Concepcin were formally designated as cities (as opposed to being towns as the re st were considered) by King Ferdinand in 1508 (Concepcin 1981; Herrera 1601; Marte 1981; Peguero 1975: 154155; Rodrguez-Morel 2000: xvii). Concepcin was designated as a city because of its economic and geographical importance, and in fact is thought to have been larger in area than Santo Do mingo during the early 16th century (Deagan 1999: 9). A large portion of Ova ndos settlers went to the gold-mining regions, Concepcin de la Vega and Buenaventura (in th e south) (Charlevoix 1730 a: 221; Las Casas II,VI 1985: 226), and by 1503 these were the two places on the island where gold was smelted twice a year (Charlevoix 1730a: 221; Garc a 1906: 68). Concepcin's central location also led to its having legal jurisdiction over the northern half of the island, namely the towns of Santiago, Puerto Plata, Puerto Real, Bonao, Lares de Guahaba, and Montecristi (Peguero 1975a: 167). In 1504, during Ovandos term as governor of Hispaniola, Queen Isabella died, altering the political circumstances of Hispaniola. While Isab ella was alive, Ferdinand had no direct control over the Spanish colonization process; however upon her death in 1504, he inherited half of America as her consort (Arco 1939: 440-442; Ga rca 1906: 69; Gimenez-Fernndez 1943: 12751


182; Prez-Collados 1992: 91). The other half bel onged to his daughter Juana, as heiress of the throne of Castile (Inchustegui 1955: 70; Fernndez-Alvarez 2000: 95) In 1506, the year of Christopher Columbuss death, Juanas consort Ph illip also died. Suffering greatly from her husbands death, Juana was declared mentally unstable by her father, Ferdinand (FernndezAlvarez 2000: 141). Ferdinand then made himself regent of Castile (and the Americas) which he remained until his death in 1516 (Fernndez-Alva rez 2000: 165; Herrera 1601, Vol. III: 61; Las Casas 1985, Vol. II: 324; Peguero and de los Santos 1983: 55; Prez-Collados 1992: 169). The Governorship of Di ego Columbus (1509-1514) Two years later, after having tried unsuccessfully to restor e his familys rights through personal petitions to King Ferdinand (Prez-Collados 1992: 171), Diego Columbus, Christophers son, tried to regain the privileges offered in the Capitulaciones de Santa Fe through a trial in the Spanish Courts (C harlevoix 1730a: 225; Garca 1906: 71; Peguero and de los Santos 1983: 54; Prez-Collados 1992: 170). Diego had some powerful allie s. He was married to the niece of the Duke of Alba, a powerful Casti lian Grandee, and cousin to King Ferdinand (Charlevoix 1730a: 225; Garca 1906: 71; Rueda 1988: 106). He also had the Archbishop of Seville, Diego de Deza, and the Archbishop of Toledo, Francisco Jimenez de Cisneros, on his side (Charlevoix 1730a: 214; Pre z-Collados 1992: 169). In fact, Diego Columbus and the House of Alba had enough political and economic power to seriously ch allenge Ferdinands power in Castile (Prez-Collados 1992: 171). In 1509, Ferdinand sent Diego as Governor of the Indies in an effort to appease his supporters and get him away from the Court de liberations (Prez-Collados 1992: 171; Rueda 1988: 106). He did not, however, ha ve any special privileges beyond those Ovando had held in the same post (Garca 1906: 71; Prez-Colla dos 1992: 172). At the same time, Ferdinand overturned the law prohibiting the immigration of Aragonese to America (Oviedo 1959, I: 69; 52


Prez-Collados 1992:149) and used this as an opportunity to surround Diego with Aragonese government officials (Peguero and de los Sa ntos 1983: 55; Prez-Co llados 1992: 122). This included Miguel de Pasamonte, who was sent to the colony in 1508 to hold the second-highest position, that of Tesorero General (Royal Treasurer) in to have at his post before Diegos arrival in 1509 (Garca 1906: 69; Las Casas in Ru eda 1988: 98, Las Casas in Rueda 1988: 108). Despite his later disclaimers (Garca 1906: 73), it appears Diego intend ed to set up a courtlike atmosphere around himself in Santo Domi ngo. His wife brought many ladies-in-waiting (Charlevoix 1730a: 229; Garca 1906: 71), the first large group of elite Spanish women to ever arrive in the colony. Many of them married Diegos supporters in Santo Domingo (Garca 1906: 71). Meanwhile, Miguel de Pasamonte was assigned to be in charge of Concepcin fort (Herrera 1601, III: 110; Moya-Pons 1978: 82; Prez-Collados 1992: 176). He resided there, and King Ferdinand concentrated a group of Aragone se men around him (Herrera 1601, III: 136-138; Prez-Collados 1992: 172, 174). Other Aragonese men were assigned important positions within the Treasury, such as Cristbal Tapia, Veedor de Fundiciones, who had to mark, stamp, and record, all the smelted gold of th e colony (Prez-Collados 1992: 174). Diego Columbuss governorship was a constant power struggle between his supporters and those of King Ferdinand. Most of the conflicts centered around two main topics: who controlled the Tano workforce, and whether the colony shou ld follow a centralized or decentralized style of government rule (Moya-Pons 1983: 26; Pr ez-Collados 1992: 191). Th is conflict consumed important time and efforts that could have been better spent in other areas of colonial life, and directly influenced the ci rcumstances at Concepcin. Repartimiento of 1510 It seems that Diego Columbuss original plan was to reinstate the tribute system organized by his father (Garca 1906: 72) but he decided to use the Repartimiento system as a means of 53


empowering his supporters (Moya-Pons 1983: 24). As Ovando had done at the beginning of his term, Ovando collected all of the Tano work ers and distributed them according to his own benefit and convenience. Although officially he was to distri bute the Tano amongst all qualified vecinos, in practice he favored the men married to his wifes ladi es-in-waiting (Charlevoix 1730a: 229), and those who supported his style of govern ment (Moya-Pons 1983: 26; Rodr guez Demorizi 1971: 52). As a result, he concentrated most of the workfor ce, and the means to gain economic power, in his supporters hands. Now the Crown had even less control than it did during the Ovando governorship, and needless to say, the King, Pasamonte, and thei r followers were not pleased (Arranz-Mrquez 1991; Moya-Pons 1983: 26). One measure design ed to remedy the labor situation was Ferdinands decree in 1509 that Native Amer icans from other parts of the Caribbean (presumably resistant to conversion or canni bals) could be enslaved, and imported into Hispaniola. Those loyal to the King were favor ed in this enterprise (Marte 1981: 89). Another effort to offset Diego Columbus s growing powers was the creation of the Real Audiencia (Royal Court of Appeals) in 1511 (Cass 1978: 50; Charlevoix 1730a: 239; GarcaMenendez 1981; Inchustegui 1955: 115; Peguero and de los Santos 1983: 57). This court was made up of three judges, or oidor es, who held the colony's judicial administrative and legislative powers. As the highest provincia l court in the New World, the Real Audiencia handled civil and criminal cases in the colonies, which previ ously would have been resolved in Spain. From 1511 to 1528, the Real Audiencia in Santo Domingo dealt with cases from all the colonies in the Americas (Rogozinski 2000: 48). The first three judges ap pointed (Marcelo de Villalobos, Juan Ortiz de Matienzo and Lucas V squez de Aylln) were all from Aragon (Moya54


Pons 1978: 114). Vsquez de Aylln was a vecino at Concepcin who had lost some of his Tano workers under Diego Columbuss Repartimiento He became Pasamontes close ally, and often ruled in favor of other settlers in his same situation (Moya-Pons 1983: 27). Two disputing factions arose in the colony as a consequence of these conflicts: the Servidores and the Deservidores The Servidores were those who followed the King's commands, and had Miguel de Pasamonte, re siding in Concepcin, as their leader. The Deservidores were those who followed Governor Di ego Columbus who resided in Santo Domingo (Garca 1906: 72; Las Casas 1985, II: 379-380; Moya-Pons 1983: 27; Oviedo 1959, 1: 90). Bishopric of Concepcin de la Vega (1511) Although the Church had sent individual representatives throughout the early colonial period, no organized religious administrative st ructure existed in the New World until 1511. That year three bishoprics were create d, in Santo Domingo (under Garca de Padilla, who died before reaching Santo Domingo), Concepcin de la Vega (under Pedro Surez de Deza), and San Juan, Puerto Rico (under Alonso Ma nso) (Charlevoix 1730a: 260; Garc a 1906: 74; Rodrguez-Morel 2000: xvii). These were dependent on the Bishopric of Seville (R odrguez-Morel 2000: xvii) and because the Archbishop of Seville, Diego de De za, had been one of Christopher Columbuss close friends (Charlevoix 1730a: 214; Prez-Coll ados 1992: 169), the Bishops in Hispaniola supported the island faction following Diego Colu mbus, rather than that supporting Miguel de Pasamonte and the King. Of the three bishoprics, Concepcin de la Ve ga was the most powerful, at least until 1520. Although it officially only had juri sdiction over the northern half of the island, that is, the towns of Santiago, Puerto Plata, Puerto Real, Bonao, Lares de Guahaba and Montecristi it was the only 55


bishopric with a resident bishop during the firs t period of study (1495-151 4) (Garca 1906: 74; Peguero 1975a: 167). Franciscan priests were already in reside nce at Concepcin when the bishopric was established. Although several Franci scan priests had come with Columbus and settled in La Isabela, the first large contingent of Francisc ans reported at Concepcin arrived with Ovando in 1502. It appears that their monast ery at Concepcin may have been their principal center during the first period of study (1495-1514), because it housed the leader of the order, Alonso de Espinal (Las Casas in Rueda 1988: 535). (For more information on the Franciscans in early colonial Hispaniola, and specifi cally at La Isabela, see A rranz-Mrquez 1992: 19-32; Dobal 1987, 1991; Errasti 1998: 25-26; Tavani 1991, vol. 1: 129). Although the first members of the Dominican or der did not arrive on Hispaniola until 1510 (Charlevoix 1730a: 240; Inchustegui 1955: 105), they were nevertheless influential in New World affairs as advisers to Queen Isabella. Do minicans influenced her decision to declare the Tano free vassals of the Crown (Moya-Pons 1978). The first Domini cans were sent to Hispaniola as representatives of the Royal I nquisition in response to various complaints regarding the deficient methods used to Christianize the Tano (Charlevoix 1730a: 240; Rodrguez-Demorizi 1971). Claims were made that most of the Tano were merely baptized and no other religious instruction was provided by the Church or the colonists, which was a great infringement on the terms of the Repartimiento (Charlevoix 1730a: 240). At the same time, large numbers of the Tano in Spanish care were dying at alarming rates. The Dominicans campaign to save the Ta no from extinction through a reform of the Spanish labor system was ignited by Fray Ant on de Montesinoss Advent sermon in December 1511 in Santo Domingo (Charlevoi x 1730a: 261; Inchustegui 1955: 106; Peguero and de los 56


Santos 1983: 58; Rodrguez-Morel 2000: 23). M ontesinos, however, did not limit himself to denouncing the abuses of the Repartimiento system, but went so far as to question the Crowns right of ownership of land and Indian laborer s in the New World (Prez-Collados 1992: 183), a subject being debated in Spain at the time (Garca-Gallo 1972, 1976; Manzano-Manzano 1948). Most government officials were present wh en the sermon was read, including Diego Columbus and Miguel de Pasamonte, and were gravely insulted (Charlevoix 1730a: 261; Garca 1906: 75; Inchustegui 1955: 106). They asked Montesinos to apologi ze, but he refused (Inchustegui 1955: 108). The fact that he was on e of the representatives of the Royal Inquisition and was backed by Concepcins Bishop Deza probably saved Montesinos from grave punishment. While the Dominicans championed for Tano rights within the Repartimiento system, the Franciscans, centered in the gold-rich Concepcin area, saw no grave problems with the way Tanos were treated. They ofte n expressed their support of the Repartimiento through their leader Alonso de Espinal, headquartered at Concepcin (Las Casas in Rueda 1988: 535). As time progressed, this religious di spute was recast to fit the existing Servidores / Deservidores dispute (Prez-Collados 1992: 188; Rodrguez-Morel 2000: 23, 24; Serrano-Sanz 1918: 436). The Dominicans found sim ilarities with the followers of Diego Columbus, the Deservidores not only because of their more hands-off approach in regards to Tano life, but also because of their questioning of land owners hip, as per the factora model (Prez-Collados 1992: 188; Se rrano-Sanz 1918: 558). The Franci scans, on the other hand, supported the position of King Ferdinand, Pasamonte and their fo llowers, especially those who lived in Concepcin and benefited from the gold industry (Peguero and de los Santos 1983: 59; Prez-Collados 1992: 188; Serrano-Sanz 1918: 436). 57


The dispute between the religious orders grew to such proporti on that representatives were sent to Spain to the Castilian courts to solve the problem (Charlevoix 1730a: 262; Peguero and de los Santos 1983: 59). The Dominicans were represented by Fray Antn de Montesinos, while Fray Alonso de Espinal from Concepcin repres ented the Franciscans (Charlevoix 1730a: 262; Garca 1906: 76; Inchustegui 1955: 107; Peguero and de los Santos 1983: 59; Moya-Pons 1978: 126). Ferdinand initially officially received the Fr anciscans, but not the Dominicans (Charlevoix 1730a: 262; Rodrguez-Morel 2000: 32), since Montesinos had questioned the Crowns ownership rights the basis of his whole enterprise in the New World (Prez-Collados 1992: 183). Eventually, however, Ferdinand was forced to engage with Montesinos due to pressures from the Columbus faction (Charlevoix 1730a: 264). Court discussions and debates were held to review both sides of the argument, resulting in the Laws of Burgos of 1512 (Garca 1906: 77; Inchustegui 1955: 107; Rodrguez-Morel 2000: 32). Although the Laws declared the Tanos to be free vassals of Spain (Rodrguez-Morel 2000: 32), or more specifically to be the Hispaniolan equivalent of the Christian peasants (Guitar 1998: 166), it did little more than justify a new Repartimiento system (for a summary description of the Laws of Burgos, see Guitar 1998: 113-114). This represented a defeat for the Dominicans, who had hoped to abolish the Repartimiento system (Rodrguez-Morel 2000: 32). Instead, the Repartimientos were declared to be based on the authority given the Castilian Crown by the Holy See, and the Dominicans were not to contest it (Garca 1906: 76). The new Repartimiento of 1514 The Crown soon exercised its right to conduct a new Repartimiento It sent Rodrigo de Alburquerque and Lic. Pero Ibaez de Ibarra to conduct the Repartimiento at Concepcin (Charlevoix 1730a: 276; Garca 1906: 77; Mart e 1981: 121; Moya-Pons 1983: 27). As before, 58


specific qualities were required of a vecino who would receive Tano workers at the Repartimientos honesty, good upbringing, clean bloodlines be older than 20, Christian and Castilian (Arranz-Mrquez 1991: 172; Haring 19 39: 131; Inchustegui 1955: 62; RodrguezDemorizi 1971: 266), but few if any of these criteria were used by Alburquerque. Like Diego Columbus before him, he used the Repartimiento to benefit members of his own political faction. Alburquerque had been the Mayor of the Concepcin Fort until 1513, when he had returned to Spain (Benzo 2000; Garca 1906: 77 ). He was a confirmed follower of the Crown position as member of the Servidores group, and had a personal enmity with Diego Columbus (Charlevoix 1730a: 276). Little is known about Lic. Ibarra, except that he died soon after arriving in Santo Domingo (Garca 1906: 77; Guitar 1998: 134; Mira-Caballos 1997: 123). Ibarras death facilitated matters by allowing Alburquerque to name Miguel de Pasamonte as his assistant (Garca 1906: 77, 78; Guitar 1998: 134; Mira-C aballos 1997: 123), and thus Pasamonte was deeply involved in Albuquerques decisions as repartidor (Charlevoix 1730a: 276; Garca 1906: 78). The 1514 Repartimiento for the entire island took place at Concepcin de la Vega, from Nov. 23, 1514 to Jan. 9, 1515 (Arranz-Mrquez 1 991; Marte 1981: 121; Moya-Pons 1978: 157). Each city and town had to pick an official re presentative to go to Concepcin, and receive the Tanos assigned to that settlements vecinos (Garca 1906: 78). Diego Columbus was not allowed to be present (Moya-Pons 1978: 156). The process was plagued with corrupti on and obvious partiality towards the Servidores and their counterparts in Spain (Cohen 1997: 5; Garca 1906: 78; Guitar 1998: 134; Moya-Pons 1983: 27). Alburquerque also used the process for his own personal gain by taking large bribes (Charlevoix 1730a: 276; Garca 1906: 77). Ultimately, most of the Tano workers were 59


concentrated in the hands of a select group of rich Servidores (Moya-Pons 1983: 27). A look at Concepcins Repartimiento is full of examples of this form of manipulation. Concepcins distribution was the first co mpleted, on Nov. 23, 1514 (Garca 1906: 78). Hernando Ponce de Len represented that city's government (Garca 1906: 78). Concepcins share of the Repartimiento was the second largest, with only Santo Domingos vecinos receiving more Tanos (Arranz-Mrquez 1991; Garca 1906 : 78; Rodrguez-Demorizi 1971). The process was witnessed by two Concepcin vecinos, with no Royal scribe present (Garca 1906: 78). At Concepcin, 3,438 Indians under 52 caciques who were distributed amongst the 81 Repartimiento holders (Arranz-Mrquez 1991; Cohen 1997: 5; Garca 1906: 78; RodrguezDemorizi 1971). A number of unmarried men received Tano workers, in opposition to the governmental policy giving family units specia l privileges (Rodrgue z-Demorizi 1971: 252). Pasamonte, Alburquerque and Hernando Ponce de Len also assigned a large number of the Concepcin Tanos to themselves (Arranz-Mrquez 1991; Garca 1906: 78; Rodrguez-Demorizi 1971). The Franciscan monastery at Concepcin received several Tano workers in the Repartimiento (Arranz-Mrquez 1991; Inchustegui 1955: 106; Rodrguez-Demorizi 1971). Although the Franciscans explained that they di d not benefit personally from the work done by the commended Indians, the Dominicans saw th is as totally unacceptable (Arranz-Mrquez 1991; Inchustegui 1955: 106). This served to create a further breach between the two orders (For an in-depth, comprehensive review of the Repartimiento of 1514, see Arranz-Mrquez 1991 and Rodrguez-Demorizi 1971). One of the main complaints about 1510 Repartimiento had been that large numbers of Tano were held by persons living in Spain, not on Hispaniola. This complaint came from a group known as the Viejos Pobladores (First Settlers), which in cluded many ex-Roldanistas 60


(Guitar 1998: 133). The Servidores promised the Viejos Pobladores that this practice would be stopped if they supported the new Repartimiento The Servidores, however, did not keep their promises and three government officials in Spai n received the largest number of Tanos at Concepcin: Juan Rodrguez de Fonseca (the pe rson in Court in charge of all New World matters), the King's Secretary Lopes Conch illos, and the King himself (Arranz-Mrquez 1991; Charlevoix 1730a: 221; Garca 1906: 78; Rodrguez-Demorizi 1971). This helped create a breach between the Servidores and the Viejos Pobladores many of whom left the island soon afterwards (Guitar 1998: 135; Rueda 1988). Not unexpectedly, the Deservidores their leader Diego Columbus, the Viejos Pobladores and the less wealthy members of society challenged the Repartimiento (Garca 1906: 79; Guitar 1998: 134; Mira-Caballos 1997: 123; Moya-Pons 1983: 27). However, unlike with the 1510 Repartimiento the ProServidores Real Audiencia and the Pro-Aragonese Court officials were sufficiently powerful to prevent any changes (Gar ca 1906: 79). The Crown, in fact, decreed this to be the last Repartimiento to be undertaken on Hispaniola (Garca 1906: 79; Moya-Pons 1983: 27). It claimed that the process was too controversial and that th e Tano were dying out, but it has been argued that the real reason was to break the Deservidores power in the colony (ArranzMrquez 1991: 328; Guitar 1998: 134; Moya-Pons 1983: 27). Situation on Hispaniola 1515 The colony was still in upheaval over the 1514 Repartimiento when Ferdinand ordered Diego to return to Spain and explain his lack of control over Hispanio lan politics (Charlevoix 1730a: 277; Moya-Pons 1978: 156; Pre z-Collados 1992: 182). Diego left in 1515, in an effort to defend himself at Court and break Aragonese control over gove rnment (Cass 1978: 55; PrezCollados 1992: 181). While he was gone, Lic. Lebrn, president of the Real Audiencia headed the interim government (Garca 1906: 81; R ogonzinsky 2000: 47). Howeve r, given that the Real 61


Audiencias officers were part of the Servidores party, Pasamonte was the real leader (Cass 1978: 55; Charlevoix 1730a: 277). At this point Hispaniola was in a similar situation to that at its foundation in 1493. Power, economic and political, was in the hands of a se lect few. In La Isabela power had been in Columbuss hands, while now it was in the hands of the Pasam onte faction of the Servidores group. Unlike the outcome of the Roldn Rebelli on, however, those without Tano workers after the 1514 Repartimiento were unable to force those in power (the Servidores ) to share their privileges. Hispaniolan settlers who did not receive Indians saw no reason to remain on Hispaniola. Most left to emigrate to Centra l America and Mexico (G uitar 1998: 135; Moya-Pons 1978: 174-75; Rueda 1988). A great migration started in 1515, and by 1517, more than 800 vecinos had left Hispaniola (Arranz-Mrquez 1979; Moya-Pons 1983: 28). Alt hough it has often been assumed that the emigration was because of the lack of gold mineral (Floyd 1963: 68-69; Moya-Pons 1983, 1987), but in reality the absence of workers to labor in the mines. In an effort to stop the massive exodus, altern ate sources of wealth were encouraged, most involving a change from gold production to some form of agriculture (Moya-Pons 1978: 176; 1983: 28), and it was significant to the development of the colony that these new productive systems also included the use of a different type of laborer, specifically slaves (Garca 1906: 103; Moya-Pons 1983: 33). One of the first to sugge st a productive alternative was Concepcins Bishop, Pedro Surez de Deza, who proposed the move to sugar production (Moya-Pons 1978: 176). Hispaniola under Juana and Charles: Jeronymite Government (1516-1519) Just as the Servidores and Aragonese held relatively complete power in both Castile and on Hispaniola, the political situation once agai n became unbalanced. On January 23, 1516, King 62


Ferdinand died, forcing the Spanish government to enter into a complicated series of compromises to ensure succession. A compromise was reached in which his grandson Charles was named co-regent with his mother, Juana (Fernndez-Alvarez 2000: 175; Inchustegui 1955:71). Meanwhile, regencies were set up in both Castile and Aragon until Charles' coming of age (Fernndez-Alvarez 2000: 141). Cardinal Francisco Jimenez de Cisneros (a close friend of the Columbus family, and an enemy of the Aragonese) was named regent of Castile, and Alonzo de Aragn, Archbishop of Zaragoza, was regent of Aragon (Cha rlevoix 1730a: 214; Inchustegui 1955: 89; Moya-Pons 1983: 29; Prez-Collados 1992: 169). One of Cardinal Cisneros's first actions upon the assumption of his regency was to get rid of the vestiges of the Aragonese party still active in the Castil ian courts, namely Rodrguez de Fonseca and Lope Conchillos, who had both been responsible for governance of the Indies (Gimenez-Fernndez 1953, Book I, Chapter II; Prez-Collados 1992: 182). Cisneros also organized what was to be an impartial religi ous government in Hispaniola, with the main purpose of saving the Tano from extinction (In chustegui 1955: 121; Moya-Pons 1983: 28; Prez-Collados 1992: 183). Due to the Domi nican and Franciscan involvement in the Servidores / Deservidores dispute, a third, impartial religi ous order was summoned to take over the task, namely the Jeronymites (Charlevoix 1730a: 280; Inchustegui 1955: 121; Guitar 1998: 156; Oviedo in Rueda 1988: 114; Peguero and de los Santos 1983: 61). The Jeronymites hoped to not only save the Tano, but also to create a less polarized Spanish colony on Hispaniola. The Jeronymites were concerned with the livi ng and working conditions of the Tano, and the limiting of Christian rights over their liberty (Moya-Pons 1978, 1983: 28; Prez-Collados 1992: 188; Serrano-Sanz 1918: 558). It was obvious to Cisneros and the Jeronymites that, if continued in the manner it was currently being implemented, the Repartimiento system would 63


cause the Tanos demise (Charlevoix 1730a: 282; Inchustegui 1955: 124; Moya-Pons 1983: 29). The Jeronymites believed that by changing the main production system in the colony from mining to agriculture using African slave labor, the lives of the Tano could be spared (Cass 1978: 58; Charlevoix 1730a: 292; Garca 1906: 84; Moya-Pons 1983: 28). The shift from gold to sugar production was to be gradua l, rather than immediate, and se ttlers would be encouraged to engage in sugar production through an ambitious loan program financed by the gold quinto gathered for the Crown (Cass 1978: 66; Ch arlevoix 1730a: 292; Moya-Pons 1983: 29). The new program to be implemented on Hispan iola followed much of the rhetoric being used by the Servidores group, particularly that of the Domi nican friars, and the writings of another Columbus supporter, Bartolom de las Casas (Charlevoix 1730a: 282; Garca 1906: 82; Hanke 1935; Moya-Pons 1983: 29). It must be noted that Las Casas was a secular priest at this time, and had not yet joined the Dominican order. Essentially, the Repartimiento system would replaced by a series of parall el worker villages (Charlevoix 1730a: 282; Inchustegui 1955: 124; Moya-Pons 1983: 29). These villages would be similar to the Reducciones proposed during returned to the labor system unde r Ovandos government, in which Tanos would be reduced into towns convenient to centers of production (Inchustegui 1955: 94). Although the villages would initially be made up mostly by Tanos, they woul d eventually include other workers, especially African slaves (Charlevoix 1730a: 290; Guitar 1998: 199). The villages had three main purposes: Christ ianize the Tano, orga nize their labor, and have them pay tribute extracted from the pay received from their work (Charlevoix 1730a: 282; Garca 1906: 83). The men of the village would be required to work for the Spanish a certain number of hours a day, and be paid for th eir work (Charlevoix 1730a: 282, 283; Moya-Pons 1978). The tribute would be calculated according to the settlements location (Charlevoix 1730a: 64


282). Most of the Tano workers we re to labor in the mines, but those living in se ttlements where gold was not found would cultivate different ag ricultural products such as cotton, ginger, caafstola, indigo or sugar (Charlevoix 1730a: 283). No more than a third of the villagers could work in the gold mines during a given period of time and for no more than 2 straight months (Charlevoix 1730a: 283). These towns would have 300 people each, govern ed by a Spanish-educated cacique and a missionary priest (Charlevoix 1730a: 282, 283; Moya-Pons 1978). Within the village, each family would receive a plot of land to cultiv ate in their free time (Charlevoix 1730a: 282, 283; Moya-Pons 1978). The caciques would receive four times as much land as the rest, with the guarantee that each of the subordinates would wo rk on the plots for at least 15 days a year (Charlevoix 1730a: 283). The villages would also have their own church and hospital (Charlevoix 1730a: 283; Hanke 1935). Although the Tano were allowed to live in villages separate fr om the Spanish settlements, they were not theoretically allowed to return to their pre-contact customs and beliefs. The Tano were to be molded into Christians, which in Spanish eyes amounted to being molded into Spaniards as well. This practice was not new, since Tano noble children had been under Franciscan instruction since 1502 (Charlev oix 1730a: 191; Peguero 1975a: 187), and the caciques chosen to rule the vi llages came from among those edu cated Christians (Peguero 1975a: 187). Under the Jeronymites, however, all Ta no were to be taught Christian ways in these villages, which included w earing clothes at all times, havi ng only one wife, and learning to speak and read Spanish (Charlevoix 1730a: 282). The Jeronymites began by undertaking an In terrogatorio (or Ques tioning) into the possibility of creating the Ta no pueblos (Guitar 1998: 158, 166; Rodrguez-Demorizi 1971: 27365


354), and learned that the vecinos holding the most Tano Indians through the Repartimiento (the Servidores group) opposed the plan (Garca 1906: 82; Guitar 1998: 158; Inch ustegui 1955: 123; Rodrguez-Demorizi 1971: 273-354). These vecinos were able to influence Servidores -leaning judges and officials, in ways contrary to the Jeronymite policies (Cass 1978: 57; Garca 1906: 82; Prez-Collados 1992: 188). Although there is historical ev idence that some Tano pueblos were established in the Cibao area (Guitar 1998: 176; Hanke 1935: 38-39), the Jeronymites were never able to successfully implement their progra m, owing both to political f actors and to epidemic disease (Guitar 1998: 176; Moya-Pons 1983: 29). A sma llpox epidemic struck Hispaniola between December 1518 and January 1519, killing about to thirds of the Tano population (Guitar 2001; Moya-Pons 1983: 29; Pichardo 1944). Given the new circumstances, The Jeronymites did not need much encouragement to maintain the status quo and abandon their plan of resettlement into pueblos (Guitar 1998: 176), agreeing that the Tano should co ntinue to live with the Spanish under the Repartimiento system (Charlevoix 1730a: 287, 288). The turnabout by the Jeronymites in cha nging their plan for Tano pueblo program alienated several groups in the colony. It not only deepened the breach between Servidores and Deservidores (Inchustegui 1955: 124), but also consolidated the power of the Aragonese/ Servidores who had benefited from the 1514 Repartimiento (Cohen 1997: 5; Garca 1906: 78; Guitar 1998: 134; Moya-Pons 1983: 27). In spite of the loans offered to set up the sugar mills, the enterprise was too costly for most settlers (Garca 1906: 103). The Deservidores and Viejos Pobladores with few or no workers could not afford to buy African slaves, causing them to migrate to other colonies (G uitar 1998: 135; Juli n 1997; Rueda 1988). 66


The adjusted Jeronymite program also disa ppointed a third group, the Spanish-educated Tano who had been chosen as leaders of the Ta no pueblos (Guitar 2001). It must have been hard for these leaders to return to the Repartimiento system after being trained for the relative independence and other expected privileges c onferred by leadership of the Tano pueblos. Due to all of these failings the Jeronymites finally lost the support of the person who had once been their staunchest supporter, Bartolom de las Casas (Guitar 1998: 172; Hanke 1935: 40). Las Casas traveled to Spai n and convinced King Charles to recall the Jeronymites after only three years on Hispaniola (Ca ss 1978: 59; Guitar 1998: 177). Figueroa Government (1519-1520) After the recall of the Jeronymites, Governor Rodrigo de Figueroa was sent to Hispaniola, and the Real Audiencia was re-established in 1519 (Charlev oix 1730a: 294; Garca 1906: 85). It appears that Figueroa's main goal was to re -institute the Jeronymite program for the reduccin of Tano pueblos (Charlevoix 1730a: 341; Garca 1906: 86; Herrera 1601; Inchustegui 1955: 127). He created two model pueblos and was bound by la w to allow any Tano who wished to move there (Charlevoix 1730a: 341; Inchustegui 1955: 127). However, as had happened in all previ ous governments, the interests of the Repartimiento holders, and their power to influence government procedure, caused Figueroa to declare pueblos a failure (Charlevoix 1730a: 341; Garca 1906: 86; Hanke 1935). He claimed, as had been done before, that the Tano, once outside of the Spanish sphere of influence, ra n away into the hills rather than work, and did not follow Spanis h religion and customs (Charlevoix 1730a: 341; Guitar 1998: 149; Inchustegui 1955: 94) (For a more detailed account of the Tano pueblo experiment during Figueroas governorship, see Hanke 1935). 67


Impact of the Enriquillo Rebellion on Concepcin During this period Cacique Enriquillo, who had been offered the leadership of a Tano pueblo in the Southwestern part of Hispaniola during the Jeronymite era, rebelled against the Spanish and founded his own pueblo in the Bahor uco Mountains, where he had grown up (Cass 1978: 60; Las Casas 1967; Oviedo in Rueda 1988: 151; Wilson 1990b: 14). He was surprisingly effective in his revolt, which only ended in 1533 after receiving a signed agreement from King Charles himself (Oviedo in Rueda 1988: 151). Although Enriquillo did not attack the Concepcin area, his rebellion inspired other leaders to rebel throughout Hispanio la, and especially in the Concepcin area. He instigated the revolt of Tano leader Ciguayo in the Concepcin area (Guitar 1998: 269; Las Casas 1985: 127; Utrera 1973: 230). Ciguayo had 80 followers which roam ed the area around Concepcin, Santiago and Puerto Real in 1529 (Guitar 1998 : 269; Marte 1981: 347). He was captured the next year by a bounty hunter (Guitar 1998: 270; Utrera 1973: 230). Diego Columbuss Second Governorship Emperor Charles V is perhaps best known for the vast extent of kingdoms and lands he controlled, both in Europe and the Americas. In Europe his kingdoms stre tched from Austria to Spain (Fernndez-Alvarez 1975: 194) and it was during his reign (1517-1555) that most of the great discoveries of the New World were made (Inchustegui 1955). Charles was a co-regent with his mad mother Juana in Castile (Fer nndez-Alvarez 2000: 175; Inchustegui 1955: 71), and his European kingdoms outside Spain were appointed to him via Imperial election (Fernndez-Alvarez 1975: 28). To be able to finance his Imperi al bid, Charles asked wealthy individuals to help him, most notably Diego Columbus (Prez-Collados 1992: 198). In exchange, Charles named Diego Columbus as governor of Hispaniola again in 1520 (Prez-Collados 1992: 198; Ramos-Prez 1970: 30). 68


Diego Columbus returned to Hispaniola with the belief that this time he would be able to establish the Viceroyalty in the manner promised to his father and family (Prez-Collados 1992: 198; Ramos-Prez 1970: 30). Unfortunately, during his 6 year absence too many obstacles had surfaced to make this possibl e (Prez-Collados 1992: 198). Nevertheless, Diegos governance helped create the political environment in Hispaniola for the next 30 years. The first obstacles appeared in the Spanish courts, with the return of the Aragonese party to the administration and their designation of a pro-Aragonese/pro-Servidores Real Audiencia in Santo Domingo (Cass 1978: 59; Peguero and de los Santos 1983: 65; Prez-Collados 1992: 191). This development corresponded with the cons olidation of the colony into a system of locally autonomous municipalitie s, and each town was allowed to pick their own mayors and local authorities (Prez-Collados 1992: 198). Diego could no longer appoint these officials, guaranteeing the maintenance of the Servidores power-structure which ha d ruled the island since his absence. Miguel de Pasamonte continued to be Tesorero General (Treasurer General), and de-facto leader of the Servidores party (Prez-Collados 1992: 199). Di ego was ordered by the King to get along with him for the sake of the colony (C harlevoix 1730a: 342), and although this may have been an attempt by Charles V to bury the Deservidores / Servidores dispute, it was unsuccessful (see Peguero and de los Santos 1983: 68; Prez-Collados 1992: 199). Diego, unlike the Jeronymites and Figueroa, was ordered to help Hispan iolan settlers travel to Mexico and Central America, rather than ma king them stay. He was to allow free passage to any settler who wished to migrate, and give expeditions trav eling to the mainland help in any way they asked (Garca 1906: 90-91). This often involved resources such as cattle and other food 69


products. Many settlers, disgruntled by the 1514 Repartimiento became part of these expeditions (Guitar 1998: 135; Rueda 1988). Diego also continued the Jeronymite program of establishing sugar mills with their corresponding African slave workforce (Garca 1906: 90, 91). This was a particularly unstable period for the Tano workforce, suffering from epidemics and overwork, and resisting labor organization by constantly running away to jo in the Enriquillo rebe llion (Garca 1906: 90). By 1522, Diego was one of colonys main ingenio (sugar mill) owners (Moya-Pons 1983: 35). During Christmas that year, th e African slaves of his ingenio, together with those belonging to his neighbor, rebelled and took arms agains t the Spanish (Garca 1906: 90; Moya-Pons 1983: 35). The rebellion was quickly di ssipated, but it created a precedent that had deep repercussions for the whole island, and especially Con cepcin, where several revolts occurred. In spite of the quick resolution of the African revolt, by mid-1523 Diego still had not resolved the defiance of Enriquillo, and was not getting along with the Servidores (PrezCollados 1992: 199). The Aragonese members of th e Court asked for his return to discuss his mis-management of Hispaniola (Garc a 1906: 92; Prez-Collados 1992: 199). Creation of the Consejo de Indias (1524) Soon after Diego returned to Spain, Bishop Rodrguez de Fonseca died (Inchustegui 1955: 103). Rather than placing a si ngle person in charge of the New World affairs, Charles decided to designate an official body the Consejo de Indias to govern (Inchustegui 1955: 103; Ots Capdequi 1941: 54-55). The Consejo woul d be in charge of the political and administrative affairs in America, the designation of Crown officials, the designation of prelates, supplying of flotas, discovery expeditions, and the treatm ent of Indians (Ots Capdequi 1941: 5455). 70


The creation of the Consejo also relieved Diego of most of his official duties (PrezCollados 1992: 199). The administration of the colonies was now only in the hands of the Consejo, eliminating the duality of power whic h had existed since the founding of La Isabela (Prez-Collados 1992: 199; Ramos-Prez 1970: 21). Finally, the Spanish colonies were completely governed by a Reconquista -type government (Prez-Co llados 1992: 199; RamosPrez 1970: 21). Diego, however, did not give up his attempts at regaining his power s (Garca 1906: 92) and continued his legal dispute with the Crown ove r family rights (the Pleitos Colombinos), Unfortunately, he was unable to see the end of the suit and died in Spai n in 1526 (Prez-Collados 1992: 200). Pasamonte, his old enemy, also di ed in 1526 in Santo Domingo (Charlevoix 1730a: 369). Despite the demise of both rivals, antagonism between the Servidores and Deservidores continued. The dispute did not really end until the Pleitos Colombinos were resolved in the Spanish Court 10 years later (Prez-Collados 1992: 200). Interim Government (1524-1528) When Diego Columbus left in 1524, the col onys government was once again left in the hands of the Real Audiencia judges, namely Alonso Suazo, Cristbal Lebrn and Gaspar de Espinosa (Guitar 1998: 70; Inchustegui 1955: 8980). This was the first of several interim periods during which the Real Audiencia ruled Hispaniola (I nchustegui 1955: 117). Two important events during this period grea tly affected Concepcin. The first was the unification of the Hispaniola bishoprics in 1524 (Inchustegui 1955: 129; Garca 1906: 94; Schafer 1935: 60), and the second was the designati on of the Santo Cerro as a place of absolution in 1527 (Rodrguez-Demorizi 1971: 140). The unification of the bishoprics was justified by the mass out-migrations occurring throughout the island, particularly centered in the Concepcin area (Rodrguez-Morel 2000: 36). C oncepcin appears to have lost its bishopric as its population 71


and its importance declined. In spite of this, th e designation of the Santo Cerro as an important religious site points to Concep cins continuous religious impor tance. The sites appointment may have been a way of appeasing th e small, yet influential, Concepcin vecinos. The Santo Cerro Church was awarded 20,000 maravedes a y ear to take care of the pilgrims, and an important Mercedarian monastery was bu ilt there (Rodrguez-Demorizi 1971: 140). Fuenreal Government (1528-1531) In 1528 the post of president of the Real Audiencia was united with that of the bishop of Santo Domingo (Garca 1906: 94; Oviedo in Ru eda 1988: 91; Rodrguez-Morel 2000: 36), and Sebastian Ramirez de Fuenreal became the firs t president/bishop of the new style government. That year the Real Audiencia governance of the Americas was divided into two Audiencias, one based in Santo Domingo, and the second in Mexico (Rogozinski 2000: 48). Fuenreal presided over the Audiencia which covered the Caribbean islands, Florida and settlements in northern coast of Venezuela (Charlevoix 1730a: 371; Rogo zinski 2000: 48). The other members of the Santo Domingo Real Audiencia continued to be the same, namely Alonso Suazo, Cristbal Lebrn and Gaspar de Espinosa (Guita r 1998: 70; Inchustegui 1955: 89-80). Fuenreals governments main goal was to dive rsify the colonys economy in an effort to halt the massive outward migration (Guitar 199 8: 189; Moya-Pons 1983: 33). Sugar was mostly produced around Santo Domingo and the south coast (Concepcin 1981; Inchustegui 1955: 73; Moya-Pons 1983: 33; Ortiz 1947; Wright 1916: 199) while the area around Concepcin and the northern part of the island was mostly used for cattle ranching (Concepcin 1980, 1981). Much of Fuenreals time was spent trying to put down the Enriquillo rebellion (Guitar 1998: 264; Patronato 1995: 250). Although Fuenreal was unable to sign a peace treaty with Enriquillo, before he left Hispaniola in 1531, he instituted an interesti ng counter-revolutionary methodology. This involved creating schools for thos e Tano who remained loyal to the Spanish 72


effort (Garca 1906: 96). These schools taught religion, reading, writing and math (Garca 1906: 96). It appears that these schools, unlike the previ ous Franciscan efforts, were geared towards all Tano, not just the nobles. He left Hispaniola in 1531. A period of two years passed between Fuenreals departure and the arrival of Hispaniolas next bishop-president, during wh ich a relatively large amount of information about Concepcin de la Vega became available, generated by the documents related to Bachiller Alvaro de Castros trial in 1532 (Patronato 1995). The document pres ents Concepcin as a city where religious authorities were are believed to be capable of various crimes, including concubinage and illegal trade (Patronato 1995: 134, 136). It gives information about gold pr ospecting and cattle ranching in the area (Patronato 1995: 250). The trial documents also show that a large number of Concepcins inhabitants were nonelites (Patronato 1995: 134, 136). Fuenmayor Government (1533-1543) Lic. Alonso de Fuenmayor assumed the role of Hispaniolas pr esident/bishop in 1533 (Garca 1906: 103; Inchustegui 1955: 89-80). Although Fuenmayor governed for 10 years, little is known about his period of government, especi ally outside of Santo Domingo. Most of the chroniclers present on Hispaniola or their sources, did not tr avel much outside of Santo Domingo, due either to job requireme nts, or fear of being attack ed by Tano or African rebels (see Oviedo in Garca 1906: 103-105). At this point Emperor Charles V was more inte rested in the areas of the Americas where gold was easily obtained, such as Peru and Mexico (Fernndez-Alvarez 1975: 113). The Castro trial records that gold was st ill available around C oncepcin (Patronato 1995: 250), but it was difficult to obtain sufficient workers to sustai n viable production, as opposed to Mexico and Peru, where a vast number of Indi genous workers could be recruited. 73


During Fuenmayors government, in fact, all pr oductive areas including sugar and cattle, as well as gold were plagued with workforce problems. In 1542, the New Laws of Indies were created, eliminating the Repartimiento system and effectively making the Tano Indians of Hispaniola free citizens (Guitar 1998: 258; Rogoz inski 2000: 31; Rueda 1 988: 25). Bartolom de las Casas had led a campaign promoting non-violent pacification of Indians from Hispaniola, and his plan greatly influenced the Kings decisi on (Fernndez-Alvarez 1975: 73; Rueda 1988: 25). Although Enriquillo formally signed a peace tr eaty in 1533 (Garca 1906: 99), his example sparked many other rebellions (Guitar 1998: 277; Utrera 1973: 481-82). Ma ny workers ran away, or were recruited during the re bels frequent raids (Guitar 1998: 262; Moya-Pons 1983). At the same time, slaves were expensive an d hard to obtain (Garca 1906: 103). These workforce difficulties prompted several vecinos on Hispaniola, especially those in the Concepcin area, to focus on cattle ranc hing, which required fewer workers (Concepcin 1980, 1981; Guitar 1998: 326; Sez 1994: 267-272). Catt le thrived on Hispaniola, and were so abundant, that frequently only their hides were used in commercial trading (Guitar 1998: 281; Marte 1981: 332-335). Cerrato Government (1543-1548) Although Fuenmayor dissipated the Enriquillo rebellion, he was unable to resolve the African slave revolts. The resolution of this problem, together with the substitution of the remaining gold industry by cattle ranching, were the main goals of Alonso Lopez de Cerrato, when he was named as head of government in 1543 (Garca 1906: 114). In the 1530s, gold had still been mined on a small-scale at Concepcin (Patronato 1995: 250), but during this period cattl e and cattle derivatives were the main goods produced. This change is evidenced by the fact that, by 1547, gold was no longer being smelted at Concepcin, and miners had to go to Santo Domingo instead (Rodrguez-Morel 2000: 106). The prevalence of 74


cattle ranching is made obvious in a complaint about the Cathedral being a manure deposit because so much ranching is done close to it (Rodrguez-Morel 2000: 107). Introducing these economic changes was not as difficult as controlli ng the African slave revolts. African rebels were known as Cimarrones which was later corrupted to Maroon on French and English colonies (Deive 1989; Mintz 1974; Weik 1997). Most of the Cimarrones like those who followed Enriquillo, knew Spanish customs and language and used it to their advantage (Marte 1981: 301). They also used Spanish weapons and wore body armor made out of leather (Marte 1981: 301; Moya-Pons 1974: 83). They wished to create separate communities in a similar manner to the one created by Enriquillo during his revolt (Guitar 2001). Africans had been running away and rebelling sin ce they first arrived in Hispaniola (Garca 1906: 67). These rebellions of the 1530s, however, were the first organized efforts to create independent communities (Guitar 1998: 275). Although the Cimarrn activity was found all over the island, colonial leaders identif ied two revolts in 1546: Bahoruco (in the southwestern part of the colony) and the La Vega Valley around C oncepcin (Marte 1981: 301). The group around Bahoruco had about 300 members, both men an d women, while the group around Concepcin had about 40-50 members. The latter group was distinguished by their us e of cattle skins as clothing (Moya-Pons 1983: 36). Cimarrn activities of this period were coordi nated by a leader known as Lemba, who fought mainly in the Bahoruco area (Guitar 1998: 275; Marte 1981: 301). He was active from the 1530s to 1547 (Guitar 1998: 275). The area ar ound Concepcin, from the mid 1530s to 1546, was attacked by two of Lembas lieutenants, Diego de Ocampo and Diego de Guzmn (Guitar 1998: 277, 278; Marte 1981: 413; Utrera 1973: 481-82). Little is know n about Diego de Guzmn, but Diego de Ocampo became well kn own (Guitar 1998: 278; Moya-Pons 1983: 36; 75


Utrera 1973: 481-82). He may have been owned by a vecino named Francisco de Ocampo, who, at one point was Concepcins mayor and holder of the Bienes de los Difuntos, or the goods left when someone died (Benzo 2000). Cimarrn attacks on roads made travel between cities unsafe (Guita r 1998: 262; Patronato 1995: 250), and were thought by some historians to have impacted the sugar industry. Spanish settlers moved in groups of 15-20 with arme d guards for safety (Moya-Pons 1983: 36), and moving any product on the roads would have been cumbersome with this elaborate protection system. Sugar was especially vulnerable, since it could spoil on the wa y (Julin 1997; Ratekin 1954). Cerrato offered Cimarrn leaders a pardon and a job capturi ng other rebels (Marte 1981: 414). Ocampo and Guzman took advantage of the pardon and their lives were spared, however Lemba did not, and he was captured and kill ed in 1547 (Guitar 1998: 278; Utrera 1973: 483). Lembas death inspired other African Cimarrones to rebel. In the Concepcin area, a group of his followers rebelled in an ingenio, and escaped (Guitar 1998: 279; Saco 1932: 14-15, Vol. 2). In 1549, there were reports of a Dieguillo de Ocampo who attacked the Concepcin and Santiago area together with an unknown Indi an leader (Guitar 1998: 279; Utrera 1973: 486). There is no report of his captu re or death (Guitar 1998: 279). Religious Debates in Spain and its Consequences on Hispaniola (1550) Although the political part of the Servidores / Deservidores dispute may have abated during the 1530s and 1540s (Prez-Collados 1992: 197), the religious side was alive and well. Religious debate in Spain continued to di scuss the Crowns right to domina te the Indies, as well as the liberty and the rights of Native Americans (P rez-Collados 1992: 183). It was most strongly associated with the figure of Bartolom de la s Casas, whose arguments ultimately brought about 76


the end of the Repartimiento system (Hanke 1949; Garca-Gallo 1972, 1976; Manzano-Manzano 1948). Ultimately Las Casass victory in the dispute may have hurt Spain politically. His writings related to the dispute became well-known amongst the rebels in the Netherlands, who were fighting for independence from Charles V (Charl evoix 1730a: 398). The rebels feared that their country would be incorporated into the Spanish Empire in a way similar to that used in the American colonies (Charlevoix 1730a: 398). They soon joined the Protestant princes of Germany in their quest for independence. This independe nce was not only political and religious, but economic as well, as evidenced by the contraband trade with the Americas (Moya-Pons 1983: 42). In Concepcin, the disputes in fluences on the creation of the contraband trade seem to have been more important. The effect of the end of the Repartimiento system on Hispaniola was limited. According to documents of the time, by 1550, there were few Tano working for the Spanish, so most of the settlers were not affected (Charlevoix 1730a: 398). Some historians conten d that this lack of Tano workers was due to the Tanos virtua l extinction (see, for example Moya-Pons 1987); while others believe that it was due to the Tano being mis-identified as Amerindian slave workers in the censuses (Ferbel and Guitar 2002; Guitar 1998). (For a more complete discussion on whether the Tano were extinct by 1550, see Chapter 6). The Last Years at the Concepcin Study Site (1549-1564) Little is known about lifeways at Concepcin du ring its last 10 to 15 years of existence at the study site, between the end of the Cerrato go vernment (1548), and its eventual evacuation in 1564. We can identify the sequence of governors pr esent on Hispaniola du ring this period. These were Lic. Alonso Maldonado (1549-1559), Lic. Ce peda (1559-1560), and Lic. Alonso Arias de Herrera (1560-1562) (Guitar 1998: 70; Inchust egui 1955: 89-90). In Spain, soon after his 77


mother Juana died, Charles V abdicated in favor of his son Phillip (in 1555), finally uniting the Spanish Crown (Fernndez-Alvarez 1975: 168). The last mayor event that occurred at the C oncepcin site was the earthquake of Dec. 2, 1562. Historical accounts (RodrguezMorel 2000: 77) describe th is as a broad-ranging quake that destroyed several cities on Hispaniola (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 76; Charlevoix 1730a) and was felt on other Caribbean islands (Woods 1 999: 5). An eyewitness account mentions that only part of the Cathedral survived, as well as a shrine found half a le ague away, possibly the Church on the Santo Cerro (Rodrguez-Morel 2000: 77). Church records also show that the entire populat ion did not move at once from the site, but rather did it over a period of two years (Rodrguez-Morel 200 0: 77). It is possible that aftershocks continued to be felt weeks after th e first, as happened with the most recent earthquake in the area, on Sept. 22, 2003 (Cocco-Quezada 2006). This may explain why some historians have dated the eart hquake as occurring in 1564 (Charlevoix 1730a: 399; Garca 1906: 121). Concluding Remarks In conclusion, historical records provide an understanding of the political and economic forces that shaped the colony of Hispaniola, in which Concepcin played an important role, both political and religious, before its destruct ion in the 1562 earthquake They do not however, reveal a great deal about the daily lives of those who lived there. Historical accounts, especially those in the political realm, emphasize those events which are cons idered important for governmental reasons, and the concerns of the elite Spanish, as reflected in the continual reference to the theme of Servidores / Deservidores conflict. In order to know more about th e lives of the other Concepcin inhabitants, such as the nonelite Spanish, the Africans, the Amerindian slav es and the Tanos, it is necessary to go beyond 78


history and analyze the material world archaeo logically. The archaeological analysis will be aided by an assessment of where certain architec tural and structural elements may have been found (Chapter 5), and an assessment of the econo mic activities undertaken at the site (Chapter 7). 79


Figure 3-1. Fort network on Hispaniola: 1) La Isabela; 2) Esperanza; 3) Santiago de los Caballeros; 4) Santo Toms de Jnico; 5) Concepcin de la Vega; 6) Bonao; 7) Nueva Isabela (Santo Domingo). [Based on Peguero, Valentina and Danilo de los Santos, 1983. Visin general de la hist oria Dominicana. (Figure 1). Editora Corripio, Santo Domingo.] 80


Figure 3-2. Spanish Towns on Hispanio la in 1509 [Based on Moya-Pons 1998. The Dominican Republic: A National Histor y (Map 2, p. 448). Markus Wiener Publishers, Princeton.] 81


Table 3-1. Timeline of Historical Events Pertinent to Concepcin Date Event 1492 Columbuss first voyage (34) Columbuss 2 nd voyage (8)(34) Treaty of Tordesillas (26) 1493 Foundation of La Isabela (8) 1494 First Concepcin fortress established (31) Battle of la Vega Real (31) Apparition of the Virgen de las Mercedes (9) (30) 1495 Tribute imposed on the Cibao after Battle of Santo Cerro (5) (17) 1496-1498 Roldan Rebellion (15) (19) Pan writes Relacin acerca de las antigedades de los indios (24) Santo Domingo founded (32) Peace negotiation between Roldan and Columbus (15) 1498 Columbuss 3rd voyage (8)(34) Moors are persecuted by Cisneros in Granada (12) 1499 Ojeda explores northeastern coast of South America (15) 1499-1502 Guarionex captured and impris oned at Concepcin Fort (16) Charles V born (11) Brazil explored by the Portuguese (15) Columbus arrested and sent back to Spain. Later pardoned by the Crown (5) (15) (25) 1500 Yaez Pinzn explores South America (15) No heretics, Jews, or Moors can go to New World (14) (18) 1501 Juana becomes heiress to Castile with death of Prince Miguel (11) 82


Table 3-1. Continued Date Event Expulsion of the Moors from Spain ( 4) Vespucci concludes America is an independent continent (15) Columbuss 4 th voyage (15)(34) Ovando arrives with 30 ships and 2, 500 settlers, including women and children (19) (29) Franciscans arrive with Ovando (16) (25). Several move to Concepcin (15) 1502 Roldn, Bobadilla and others drown at sea during a hurricane (19) (25) Ovando establishes 4 fundiciones (smeltings) on Hispaniola: 2 in Buenaventura, 2 in Concepcion (6) (14) Repartimiento system officially sanctioned by Crown (5) (19) (25) 1503 Casa de Contratacin created (15) 1504 Queen Isabella dies. Juana inherits Castile. Ferdinand only King of Aragon (11) Phillip dies. Ferdinand declares Juan a mad, and rules Castile as regent until his death in 1516. (11) Columbus dies and his son Diego inherits governorship of Hispaniola (25) 1506 Sugar is first produced at Concepcion (14) (20) (22) 1507 Concepcin receives city shield (7) (13) (18) Ponce de Len colonizes Puerto Rico (29) Ovando authorizes slave-hunting expe ditions to Lesser Antilles, Cuba, and the Bahamas (19) (26) 1508 Pasamonte arrives as Tesorero General Real (13) (29) (30) Jamaica occupied by Esquivel and Narvaez (29) Gold production reaches peak (29) 1509 2 parties formed: Servidores del Rey (Pasamonte) and Deservidores (Diego, friends and family) (5) (25) 83


Table 3-1. Continued Date Event Rise in sugar prices in Europe (20) First Dominican friars ar rive on Hispaniola (28) 1510 Repartimiento by Diego Columbus (27) 1510-1530 Peak of Indian slave trade (14) Creation of Council of Indies (29) Cuba settled (19) Montesinos sermon (25) (28) Pope creates 3 bishoprics in the New World: Santo Domingo, Concepcin and San Juan-Puerto Rico. Suarez de Deza is assigned to Concepcin (28) 1511 Dominicans condemn Repartimiento system, while Franciscans do not (6) (14) 1511-1528 Creation of Santo Domingo Real Audiencia Governs all the Americas (5) (25) (29) Montesinos goes to Court to de fend Dominican position on Tano Repartimientos (28) Franciscans send Fray Espinal, head of Concepcions Monastery, to support their position in Court against Montesinos (28) 1512 Laws of Burgos (14) (25) (28) Balboa crosses Panama to Pacific (29) Ponce de Len discovers Florida (29) Government grants licenses to bring slaves directly from Africa (29) 1513 King cancels Diegos privilege to distribute Indians (19) 1514 Repartimiento of 1514 is conducted in Concepcin ( 2) (14) (19) (27) 1515 Diego goes to Spain to protest hi s gold percentage. Leaves the Real Audiencia in charge of governance (5) 1515-1517 More than 800 vecinos abandon island (14) 84


Table 3-1. Continued Date Event Ferdinand dies, and Charles is named co-regent with Juana (11) Cardinal Francisco Jimenez de Cisneros is named regent of Spain until coming of age of Charles (15) (19) (25) Old divisions resurface within Spain, caused by succession order and fear that Spain will become a peripheral interest of Charles (10) (33) 1516 Cisneros sends Jeronymites to Hispan iola to govern and mediate in the Repartimiento conflict (14) (19) 1516-1519 Real Audiencia is suppressed (15) Luthers 95 theses (10) Jeronymite Interrogatorio on Indian situation (13) (14) 1517 Smallpox epidemic starts in December (13) (14) Laws of Burgos amended (25) Juan de Grijalva explores coast of Yucatan (19) Meeting of city representatives at Franciscan Monastery in Santo Domingo (14) (15) (18) (28) 1518 Smallpox continues (14) 1518-1560s Santo Domingo main slave market for islands (29) 1518-1590s African slave trade carried on through individual licences (29) Charles V elected Holy Roman Em peror in Germany (10) (11) Cortes conquers Mexico (14) Revolts in Castile against Charles (10) (11) (33) 1519 License given to Genoese agents Adan de Vivaldo and Tomas de Forne to ship 4,000 African slaves tax-free. No t all shipped at once (13) (14) 1519-1522 Magellans trip around the world (10) 1519-1533 Enriquillo Rebellion (22) 85


Table 3-1. Continued Date Event A. Roman and F. Oregon get 500 peso s and 100 Indians to construct a sugar mill in La Vega (3) Slave trade is intensified (25) Figueroa says no negroes have been sent in nearly a year (14) Bishop Geraldini arrives in Sant o Domingo. Concepcin does not have bishop. (27) (28) Africans involved in Enri quillo revolt (22) (29) 1520 Las Casass pacific coloni zation experiment (15) Diet of Worms (11) 1521 African Slave (Wolof) uprising in Die go Columbuss sugar mill (14) (25) (30) Castilian becomes official court language (33) First significant shipment of sugar to Spain (2,000 arrobas) (14) (29) 1522 First African slave ordinances in the New World (13)(14) Pedro de Alvarado conquers Guatemala (12) Unification of Bishoprics of Sa nto Domingo and Concepcin (30) 1524 Consejo de Indias created (15) Laws of Granada issued in regards to Native American rights (14) Death of Diego Columbus in Spain (6) Death of Pasamonte in Santo Domingo (6) 1526 Royal decree prohibits migration under penalty of death. (15) (19) 1527 Phillip II born (10) 2 nd Real Audiencia created in Mexico City (29) French corsairs attack Hispaniola and Puerto Rico (14) 1528 Germans Enrique Einguez and Jeronimo Sayler granted permission to bring in 4,000 African slaves to labo r in mines, after they bring in 50 German miners (14) 86


Table 3-1. Continued Date Event Crisis of depopulation on Hispaniola (28) 1528 Between 40 vecinos (28) and 20 vecinos in Concepcin (23) 1529 Ciguayo, rebel Indian chief, has 80 followers and attacks Concepcion, Santiago and Puerto Real (14) (18) 1530 Ciguayo is captured and killed (14) 1530-1570 Sugar boom (28) 1530s-1547 Cimarrn leader Sebastian Lemba attacks Spanish settlements (14) Bachiller Alvaro de Castro, dean of the Concepcion Cathedral and Treasurer of the Church in Santo Domingo, is tried for various crimes (28) 1532 Sugar first cultivated in Brazil (19) Peace treaty with Enriquillo (13) (14) 1533 Conquest of Cuzco by Pizarro (12) (29) 15351546 Diego de Guzmn and Diego de Ocampo attack sugar mills around San Juan, Azua and Concepcin (14) (19) Crown establishes fleets of warships around Hispaniola (14) 1536 Columbuss grandson given possession of Jamaica (29) Papal Bull Sublimes Deus which proclaims the rationality of Indians and their capacity for faith and the sacraments (30) Diego and Alonso Caballero accused of bringing illegal African slaves (14) 1538 Universidad de Santo Tomas de Aquino created (25) New Laws of Indies issued to elimin ate encomienda system (14) (29) (30) 1542 Las Casas campaign for non-violent paci fication of Indians culminates in New Laws (30) Creation of flotas (19) (25) 1543 Havana is most important port of the Caribbean (20) 87


Table 3-1. Continued Date Event Little gold is being mined on Hispaniola (18) Spanish of Concepcion, Puerto Plata and Santiago afraid to leave their houses to visit haciendas except in squadrons because there are so many cimarrones (14) (19) African slaves taken from Hispanio la by owners to Honduras, New Spain and Peru (18) 1545 Discovery of San Luis de Po tosi in Upper Peru (29) Ocampo and Guzmn granted a pardon (14) Lemba killed. (14) Rebellion by Lembas followers in a sugar mill in Concepcin (14) 1546 Mass immigration from Concepcion which only has 17 vecinos (28) Gold is no longer being taken to Co ncepcin to be smelted. People leave for Santo Domingo 2 times a year to smelt it there. (28) Lemba killed. (14) Rebellion by Lembas followers in a sugar mill in Concepcin (14) 1547 Mass immigration from Concepcion which only has 17 vecinos (28) 1548 Gold discovered in Guanahuato, Mexico (12) 1549 African Cimarrn captain Dieguillo de O campo reported in Concepcin and Santiago (14) 1550 Pleito Las Casas/Sepulveda in Valladolid (30) Tobacco brought to Spain for 1rst time (19) Juana dies (10) (11) 1555 Charles V abdicates in favor of his son, Phillip II (10) 1558 Charles V dies (10) (12) Definite establishment of the flotas and Hispaniola is isolated (25) 1560 Santo Domingo administrative capital, but Havana becomes important because of flotas (29) 88


Table 3-1. Continued Date Event First English pirates in the Caribbean (25) 1562 Concepcin destroyed on Dec. 2, 1562 by an earthquake (21) Creation of 2 armed fleets of th e Carrera de Indias (29) 1564 City of Concepcin moved to banks of Cam River (28) 1587 Interrogatorio about earthqua ke at Concepcin (28) Sources 1. Arranz-Mrquez 1979: 26 2. Arranz-Mrquez 1991 3. Benzo 2000 4. Brown 2000: 74 5.Cassa 1978: 33, 40, 43, 49, 50, 55, 63 6. Charlevoix 1730a: 221, 262, 369 7. Concepcin 1981 8. Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 1, 2, 201 9. Didiez-Burgos 1971:29 10. Fernndez-Alvarez 1975: 15, 39, 191, 192 11. Fernndez-Alvarez 2000: 20, 141, 187, 262, 263 12. Galeano 62, 91, 106, l14, 134, 149 13. Garca 1906: 69, 70, 84, 86, 90, 99 14. Guitar 1998: 117, 124, 134, 145, 146, 153, 156, 166, 175, 176, 177, 182, 184, 186, 196, 206, 207, 214, 215, 252, 258, 264, 269, 270, 275, 277, 278, 279, 281, 313, 340, 342 15. Inchustegui 1955: 53. 61, 90, 94, 98, 102, 107, 111, 123 16. Las Casas in Rueda 1988: 444, 535 17. Las Casas I, CV 1985, vol.1: 413 18. Marte 1981: 15, 253, 347, 406 19. Moya-Pons 1983: 24, 27, 28, 36, 42 20. Moya-Pons 1974: 71, 99 21. Moya-Pons 1995: 15-16 22. Oviedo in Rueda 1988: 151, 157 23. Palm 1950: 35 24. Pan 1974 25. Peguero and de los Santos 1983: 47, 54, 57, 58, 59, 61, 65, 66, 70, 73, 85 26. Prez-Collados 1992: 157 27. Rodriguez-Demorizi 1971: 67, 252 28. Rodriguez-Morel 2000: xv, xvii, 8, 11, 22, 23, 24, 32, 52, 57, 87, 91, 106 29. Rogozinski 2000: 28, 29, 30, 31, 36, 38, 47, 48, 51, 52, 54 30. Rueda 1988: 25, 26, 78, 91, 98, 122 31. Sauer 1966: 89 32. Suarez-Marill 1998: 8 33. Wilde 2001: 4, 8 34. Morrison 1955: 37, 88, 133, 163 89


Table 3-2. Government Chronology: (1492-1564) Periods Spain Decision Makers Hispaniola Decision Makers Crown of Castile (Isabela) 1493-1504 Christopher Columbus 1493-1500 Columbus governor Juana and Phillip 1504-1506 Bobadilla 1500-1502 Bobadilla governor Ovando 1502-1509 Ovando governor Diego Columbus governor 1509-1511 14951514 Juana (Ferdinand as Regent) 1506-1516 Fonseca 1493-1524 Diego Columbus 1509-1514 Real Audiencia 1511-1514 Juana (Ferdinand as Regent) 1506-1516 Juana (Cisneros as Regent) 1516-1517 (Diego Columbus) Interim government 1515-1516 Real Audiencia: Villalobos, Matienzo, Aylln, Lebrn, Velzquez Jeronymites 15161519 Real Audiencia suppressed 1516-1519 Figueroa 1519-1520 Real Audiencia: Aylln, Matienzo, Villalobos, Suazo, Lebrn, Espinosa Fonseca 1493-1524 Diego Columbus 1520-1524 Real Audiencia: Aylln, Matienzo, Villalobos, Suazo, Lebrn, Espinosa Interim government 1523-1528 Real Audiencia: Suazo, Lebrn, Espinosa Fuenreal 1528-1531 Real Audiencia: Suazo, Lebrn, Espinosa (Fuenreal) Interim government 1531-1533 Real Audiencia: Suazo, Infante, Vadillo, Montalbn 15151562 Juana (Charles V as Regent) 1517-1555 Council of the Indies 1524independence Fuenmayor 15331543 Real Audiencia: Suazo, Vadillo, Matienzo, Orantes, Frias, Infante, Cervantes 90


Table 3-2. Continued Periods Spain Decision Makers Hispaniola Decision Makers Lopez de Cerrato 1543-1548 Real Audiencia: Guevara, Vadillo, Matienzo, Orantes, Frias, Infante, Cervantes, Grajeda, Salcedo Juana (Charles V as regent) 1517-1555 Council of Indies 1524independence Maldonado 15491559 Cepeda 1559-1560 15151562 Phillip II 1555-1598 Council of Indies 1524independence Arias de Herrera 1560-1562 Real Audiencia: Guevara, Vadillo, Salcedo, Zorita 15491562 Data summarized from Guitar 1998: 70; Inchustegui 1955: 28-29, 89-90; FernndezAlvarez 2000: 261 91


Table 3-3. Highlights in Native American Labor Policies (1492-1564) Date Policy 1494 Tribute imposed on Tano (2) 1495 Tribute: 1 hawksbell full of gold dus t, or an arroba of cotton, every 3 months for every Tano older than 14 (2) 1497 Native exploitation was prohibited to regular Spanish. Tano supplied tribute, with earnings going to Columbus and Crown (2) 1501 Crown decrees Indians are free, but no one obeys orders (4) Ovando told to dissolve Repartimiento and reinstate tribute. He disagrees (2) 1502 Isabella declares the Indians to be free, but had to work for Spanish (5) 1502-1505 Ovando provokes war against Indians to justify enslavement (2) 1503 Encomienda system officially instituted by Crown on Dec. 20,1503 (4)(5) Experiments done to see if Tanos co uld follow Spanish lifestyle without supervision (3) 1508 Any Tano who fought or fled fr om Spanish was enslaved (3) 1510 Repartimiento by Diego Columbus (1) 1/3 of Repartimiento Tano must work at Royal Mines (3) 1511 Montesino sermon (5)(6) Many who have Tanos from Repartimiento also have hundreds of slave Indians (3) Franciscans and Dominicans send emi ssaries to King to discuss Tano mistreatment. From these discussions the Laws of Burgos are created (6) 1512 Laws of Burgos: identified Indian s as vassals of the Crown (5) 1513 King cancels Diego Columbuss righ t to distribute Indians (4) Rodrigo de Albuquerque is sent to conduct new Repartimiento at Concepcin (1)(4) 1514 Almost half of the Tanos are concentrated in four mining towns: Concepcion, Santiago, Santo Domingo and Buenaventura (4) 1516 Cisneros impressed by Dominicans and follows plan to remove Indians from hands of encomenderos and place in villages under control of own caciques (4) 92


Table 3-3. Continued Date Policy 1517 Jeronymite Interrogatorio on Indian situation (3) December and January: smallpox epidemic killed 1/4 of Tanos (3) 1517-1518 Remaining Indians given to encomenderos building sugar mills (4) 1518 Demora is reinstituted (3) 1526 Royal decree that Indians of Hispan iola, Puerto Rico, Cuba and Jamaica are no longer obligated to work in gold mines, but some continued to volunteer until 1543 (3) 1538 Papal Bull Sublimes Deus proclaimed the rationality of Indians and their capacity for faith and the sacraments (8) 1542 New Laws created to eliminate encomienda system and Indian slavery (3)(7)(8) 1545 Cerrato claims that none of the 5,000 Indian slaves on island are natives (3) Sources 1. Arranz-Mrquez 1991 2. Cass 1978: 33, 35, 40, 43 3. Guitar 1998: 89, 96, 115, 146, 149, 176, 178, 181, 215, 258, 313 4. Moya-Pons 1978 5. Peguero and de los Santos 1983: 51, 54, 58, 59 6. Rodriguez-Morel 2000: 23, 32 7. Rogozinski 2000: 31 8. Rueda 1988: 25 93


CHAPTER 4 ARCHAEOLOGY: METHODOLOGY AND FIELDWORK Introduction As stated before, the focus of this thesis is to present the ways social dynamics were expressed at Concepcin de la Vega from 1495-1564 through the data provided by the various avenues of inquiry utilized by historical archaeo logy. This chapter will pr esent a review of the archaeological work conducted at the Concepcin site, along with a desc ription of excavation foci and methodologies. It must be noted that no new excavations were undertaken to add additional data to this thesis. A section is also included on the ar tifact recovery and reorganization program undertaken as part of the Project for the Conservation and Development of the Rural, Physical and Human Resources at the Parques Nacionales of the Dominican Republic: La Isabela and Concepcin de la Vega Identification of the methodologies used at the site is necessary to be able to undertak e comparative analysis between this and other archaeological sites. Before continuing an important caveat must be revealed regarding to the archaeological data presented here. All of the archaeological da ta has been recovered from the site around the Concepcion de la Vega National Park. Although th ere is little doubt that the data recovered covers the period from 1512-1564, further research as to the location of the first early settlements is necessary to readily assume that that the city of Concepcin was located within the research limits during that period. Chronology of Archaeology at the Site After Concepcin de la Vega was relocated in 1564, the study site wa s not resettled, but rather was used for both small and large-scale agriculture (Moya-Pons 19 86: 73). Oral history records occasional visits by treasure hunter s and archaeologists throughout the following 94


centuries, but few documented their visits (C ohen 1997). A notable exception was the visit by Federick Ober in 1892, as part of the Columbian Exposition (Ober 1893). It is in the 20th century th at large amounts of written arch aeological data about Concepcin are found. The first researcher to investigate Concepcin was Erwin Walter Palm, Section Chief for Colonial Archaeology (1948-1952) of the ID IA (Instituto Dominicano de Investigaciones Arqueolgicas). Although Palm was an archaeologist, he was more interested in monumental architecture and its history. He was in charge of surveying monument al architecture in the Dominican Republic during his tenure as IDIA chief (Palm 1950, 1952, 1955a, 1955b). His research offers information about some of th e monumental buildings which stood at the site, particularly the Fort (1952), the Hosp ital (1950), and the Monastery (1955a, 1955b). Dominican archaeologist Emile de Boyrie and University of Florida Professor John Goggin conducted archaeological res earch to complement Palm's architectural investigations. They undertook a joint University of Florid a/Universidad de Sa nto Domingo/Grupo Guama project in 1952 and 1953 (Boyrie 1960: 41; Goggin 1968), and further excavations were undertaken in 1954, 1956 and 1958 (Boyrie 1960 : 46, 54, 72; Goggin 1968). De Boyrie, conducted explorations, surveys and measurements at Concepcin with th e purpose of declaring the site a National Monument, a nd re-locating the inhabitants of the area away from the most archaeologically important areas (Boyrie 1960 : 72; Goggin 1968). Meanwhile for Goggin this was part of a Caribbean-wide investigation in which he collected samples of different types of majolicas, particularly Spanish majolica types an d olive jars. At Concepcin he carried out an extensive surface collection, and even named a st yle after the site: La Vega Blue on White (Goggin 1968). 95


No further organized effort to gather ar chaeological information from the site was undertaken until the Concepcion de la Vega National Park was created in 1976 (Deagan and Cruxent 2002a: 277). The purpose of the work was to gather information that could be used to restore the site to its appearance during occupa tion, following the mandates of the Museo de las Casas Reales, the governing institution in charge of interpreting the Spanish colonial era at that time (Prez-Monts 1984). For this reason, research at the site was directed by a local architect, Jose Gonzalez, from 1976-1996. In 1976 the Direccin Nacional de Parques allowed a group of archaeologists to excavate in the Park, in part to complement Architect Go nzalez's efforts to restore the site (Gonzalez and Pimentel 1985, 1990; Pimentel 1998). They also hope d to make the site more visible to the public (Deagan and Cruxent 2002a: 277). The archaeo logists included Jose Mara Cruxent from Venezuela, Irving Rouse from the Smithsonian and Prof. Jos Alcina-Franch from Spain, and several Dominican archaeologist s (Prez-Monts 1984: 82). The pr oject was partially funded by the Organization of American Stat es (OAS) and excavated the central part of the town, revealing one of the fort's towers, a foundry, house founda tions and an aqueduct (Deagan and Cruxent 2002a: 278; Prez-Monts 1984: 82). La rge scale archaeological excavations at the site ended in 1994, when the Park was directed by Archaeologi cal technician Serafn Vsquez (Abreu 1998; Pimentel 1997). Unfortunately, no single archaeologist was in charge of the excav ations throughout the period (1976-1994) resulting in the use of three different grid systems to organize the excavation process, including a circular spiral grid with the circular fort tower remains at its center (Cohen 1997). Nonetheless, daily logs and site maps have allowed for the identification of the excavated sections of the sites (Deagan 1999: 23). 96


Large numbers of artifacts were unearthed and placed in a storage facility in labeled bags (Cohen 1997). An exhibit of artifacts found during the excavations was presented in 1980 in Santo Domingo (Poladura 1980). Some of the more outstanding artifacts, particularly the metal ones, were chosen for exhibition in an on-si te museum and storage facility founded circa 1985 (Prez-Monts 1984). Several articles were al so written about the findings (see Concepcin 1980, Torres-Petitn 1988, Ugarte 1981). During this period several hypothetical models of the sixteenth century citys layout were proposed. In the early 1980s the Instituto Cartogr fico Universitario sugg ested that Concepcin had been built on a plateau that was being destro yed by erosion. The city center was the highest point of the plateau, with the main streets exte nding out from this main center. They believed they could identify certain vegetation lines that revealed poss ible walls throughout the city (Roca-Pezzoti 1984). Another interpretation from the same time period, offered by Patrimonio Cultural (Feris-Iglesias in Ugarte 1981), sugge sted the city was walled like Santo Domingo (Roca-Pezzoti 1984). Local informants assert that a ttempts to find this wall were undertaken at the time, but these remains unpublished (Abreu 1998). In 1984, Eugenio Prez-Monts proposed a schematic plan which presents both the physical limits and the possible location of se veral buildings, based on personal communication with Architect Gonzalez (Prez-M onts 1984: 82) (Figure 4-1). This plan proposed a grid pattern city with the Cathedral at its center. A Plaza de Armas was to be found in front of it, with the Governor's Palace on the south end and the Fort at the western end. The fort bordered land under Native American cultivation (Gonzlez and Pimentel 1990; Prez-Monts 1984: 82). In the 1990s archeologist Fabio Pimentel pr oposed that the city was bounded by the Fort on the northern-most point, the San Francisco Mo nastery as the southern -most, the Carretera 97


Moca as the eastern limit, and the mountains a nd aljibe (cistern) forming the western limit (Pimentel 1997). Another assessment keeps the sa me northern, western and eastern limits, but extends the southern boundary for some 5 kilometers south to a place called Piralejos and includes the Santo Cerro (Pimentel 1997; Abre u 1998; Gonzalez 1984) (Figure 4-2). There is little physical evidence, however, to support these proposed limits. Project for the Conservation and Developm ent of the Rural, Physical and Human Resources at the Parques Nacionales of the Dominican Republic: La Isabela and Concepcin de la Vega (1996-1999) The next large scale archaeol ogical project was also a join t venture between Dominican counterparts and the University of Florida, undertaken between 1996 and 1999. The Project for the Conservation and Development of the Rural, Physical and Human Resources at the Parques Nacionales of the Dominican Repub lic: La Isabela and Concepcin de la Vega, co-sponsored by the University of Florida, the Dominican National Parks Service, and PRONATURA, accomplished two crucial investigations at the Par k. The first was the crea tion of a computerized database containing basic information about th e materials excavated from 1976 to 1998 at the site. The second was the delineation of the site boundaries through a sub-surface archaeological survey. The data generated by this project can be found in Cohen (1997); Deagan (1998, 1999); Deagan and Kulstad (1998); and Woods (1999). A description of the research methodologies used in the "Project..." will be expanded upon below, while the conclusions regarding site boundaries will be discussed in Chapter 5. Until 1996, archaeology at Concepcin had b een focused on the visible monumental structure and had made no attempt to delineate site boundaries. At the sa me time, more than 200,000 recovered artifacts lay in storage without cl assification. The Universi ty of Florida team considered that these two areas of missing in formation needed to be tackled before any additional in-depth excavations be done, and these two concerns became the two goals of the 98


1996-1999 Project (Deagan and Cruxent 2002a: 278). The Project was able to complete both of its goals, as well as invite tw o leading experts, Architect Herschel Shepard and Numismatist Alan Stahl to study the sites ar chitecture and coin collections respectively. A summary of the project and its findings are presented below. From 1996 to 1998, the University of Florida archaeology team arch aeologists Kathleen Deagan, Alfred Woods, Jeremy Cohen, Maurice W illiams and Terry Weik, working with a team of 25 local residents surveyed and mapped the Concepcin area, going beyond the National Park property, with the purpose of delineating the boundaries and internal organization of the city (Deagan and Cruxent 2002a: 278). They effo rt was aided by a systematic subsurface test program similar to the ones car ried out at two othe r 16th century settlements on Hispaniola-La Isabela (on the north coast of the Dominican Re public) and Puerto Real (on the north coast of Haiti) (Deagan and Cruxent 2002a: 283). The project involved in several stages. The firs t dealt with the organi zation of the sites excavation documents (Deagan 1999: 23). Unfo rtunately, the team only had access to two excavation field maps dating to before 1989, due to the fact that most documents were in the possession of Architect Jose Gonzalez, who had directed site excavations until 1994, and was ill during much of the Projects duration (Pimentel 1997). However, thanks to the daily field logs and the labeling on the artifact bags, it was possible to reconstruct which areas of the site had been excavated (Deagan 1999: 23). By 1999 all of the previous grids had been conve rted to a modified Chicago grid system of Cartesian coordinates in order to provide horizontal control for the survey, and also to facilitate input of the data into com puterized mapping programs (Deagan 1999: 16, 24). The grids share the same Meridian and Baseline. The local site da tum (key stake) is insi de the fort on the East99

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West baseline, and was designated 4000N 4000E. Pe rmanent datum points were also put in place to facilitate future reconstruction of the grid (Deagan 1999: 16). The next stage involved excavating test pits ( sondeos) at every accessible 10m grid intersect (Cohen 1997; Woods 1999). A total of 1,625 test pits we re excavated between 1996 and 1998 (Deagan 1999: 19; Woods 1999) Beginning at the fort, they were excavated in all directions until at least 3 units in a line were fo und to be culturally sterile. A large area at the sites center remains un-surveyed, due to the fact that property owners would not give permission for excavations. Much of the central residential portion of the city, including the Cathedral, is believed to have been located there (Deagan 1999: 19) Other untested areas included the area beneath the Carretera Moca, and what is beneath the modern buildings to the east of that highway (Deagan 1999: 19). Each test pit itself was 25 cm. by 25 cm. squa re, and 1 meter deep, or until bedrock or culturally sterile soil was reached (Deagan 1999: 17). The material recovered was screened through inch wire mesh. Everything, including ro cks, modern objects, wood, etc., was retained and bagged together and labeled (date of excavation, North and East coor dinates), and given a unique field-specimen number (FS#) (Deagan 1999: 17). The bags were then taken to the field labor atory, where all recovere d items were cleaned, identified, weighed, counted, analyzed and record ed, by locally trained fi eld technicians (Deagan 1999: 17). Masonry construction materials such as bricks, roofing tiles, rock and mortar, were weighed in grams and discarded once their weig hts had been recorded (Deagan 1999: 17). The rest of the cultural material was classified into general categories similar to the ones used at La Isabela for the general category, or attribute-le vel analysis (Deagan and Cruxent 2002a: 281). All the artifacts recovere d are stored at the on-site museum at the Concepcion National Park, with 100

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copies of the records at the Flor ida Museum of National History at the University of Florida. The data on the forms was then entered into co mputerized database and mapping programs (PARADOX and SURFER) to create a series of artifact distribution maps to be used in more indepth site assessments (see Cohe n 1997; Deagan 1999: 18; Woods 1999). Artifact Recovery and Classification: 1996-1999 The second goal of the University of Flor ida Direccin Nacional de Parques 1996-1999 collaboration was the cataloguing and curati on of the more than 270,000 artifacts and other materials excavated before 1994 (Deagan and Cruxent 2002a: 281). To do this, a group of local lab technicians were trained in this task and were supervised by Archaeo logist Fabio Pimentel, Archaeology Field Technician Hiplito Abreu, and Pauline Kulstad (Deagan and Kulstad 1998; Deagan 1999: 22). The pre-1995 artifacts came fr om more than 300 excavations units (Deagan 1999: 24) and most had not been cleaned, inventoried or documented due to lack of resources. Most importantly, none had been conserved (Deagan 1999: 25). A group of 6 field technicians were trained in the task of classi fying and curating these material s (Deagan and Kulstad 1998). The first step was re-bagging all material into acid-free bags marked with the new FS# and provenience information derived from the coordina tes of the new grid imposed on the site for the Sub-Surface Survey. A Field Specimen Catalog was created to record both the new and old coordinates of the bagged material fo r further referen ce (Deagan 1999: 24). The second step was to clean, classify and r ecord all material in each FS#. Like the material found in the Sub-Surface Survey, these were classified using a general category analysis, that recorded artifact classes and categories, but not al l specific types or attributes (Table 4-1). The objects in need of immediate conservation were pulled out and taken to the Underwater Archaeology Lab in Santo Domingo for conservation. All material, including the 101

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conserved objects, are now stored at the on-s ite museum at the Concepcion National Park. The special artifacts worthy of exhibit are stored in speci al secure cabinets built as part of the Project. Copies of the records are stored at the Florida Museum of National History at the University of Florida. The data on the forms was also ente red into PARADOX and SU RFER for the creation of distribution maps (Deagan and Kulstad 1998; Woods 1999). Shepard Report In July 1997, Architect Herschel Shepard visi ted the Concepcin site to study the sites architectural remains, particularly the fort, sinc e it is the most complete structure present on the site (Shepard 1997). Shepards findings have been incorporated into the discussion of the fort structure in the next chapter. Numismatic Studies Dr. Alan Stahl, Curator of Medieval Coins and Metals at the American Numismatic Society in New York visited the site to conserve and catalogue th e 116 coins stored in the sites office. Stahls identification of the coins is pr esented in Table 4-2, and discussed in Chapter 7. 102

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Figure 4-1. Schematic plan of 16 th century Concepcin, based on DNP excavations between 1976-1994. [Based on Prez-Monts, Eugenio, 1984. Repblica Dominicana: Monumentos histricos y Arqueolgicos (Figure 1). Instituto Panamericano de Geografa e Historia, Mxico.] 103

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Figure 4-2. Extent of Concepcin site ba sed on DNP excavations between 1976-1994. [Based on Prez-Monts, Eugenio, 1984. Repblica Do minicana: Monumentos histricos y Arqueolgicos (Figure 2). Instituto Panamericano de Geografa e Historia, Mxico.] 104

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Table 4-1. Pattern Recogn ition Method-Group Categories GROUP DESCRIPTION 1 Majolica 2 Utilitarian Wares 3 Tablewares 4 Aboriginal Ceramics 5 Kitchen Items 6 European Architectural Items 7 Weaponry 8 Clothing and Sewing Items 9 Personal Items 10 Activities and Related Items 11 Unidentified Metals 12 Construction and Masonry 13 Furniture and Hardware 14 Tools 15 Toys and Games 16 Harness and Tack 17 Religious Items 18 Miscellaneous substances 19 Unaffiliated Objects 20 Twentieth-Century Items According to Deagan 1999:18, Table 2 105

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Table 4-2. Continued Stahl # FS# Cala Nivel Denomination Reign 99 113 1255 2 REAL/BLANCA FERD/ISABEL 100 752 1636 1 4 MARAVEDI CARLOS/JUANA 101 753 1803 1 2 MARAVEDI FERDINAND 102 211 I35 1 4 MARAVEDI CARLOS/JUANA 103 178 G37 7 4 MARAVEDI CARLOS/JUANA 104 200 H39 2 4 MARAVEDI CARLOS/JUANA 105 183 G38 5 4 MARAVEDI CARLOS/JUANA 106 241 J33 2 REAL/BLANCA FERD/ISABEL 107 71 1186 1 4 MARAVEDI FERDINAND 108 113 1255 2 4 MARAVEDI CARLOS/JUANA 109 554 O6S4 1 2 MARAVEDI FERDINAND 110 87 1557 2 4 MARAVEDI CARLOS/JUANA 111 293 M38 1 1 MARAVEDI FERDINAND 112 625 7S10 1 1 MARAVEDI FERDINAND 113 C78 4 MARAVEDI CARLOS/JUANA 114 511 L36 1 4 MARAVEDI CARLOS/JUANA 115 C4 1 2 MARAVEDI FERDINAND 116 510 L35 1 REAL/BLANCA FERD/ISABEL 578 2 MARAVEDI CARLOS/JUANA Reprinted with permission from Deaga n, Kathleen, 1999. Cultural and Historical Resources at the Parques Nacionales Concepcin de la Vega and La Isabela. Final Report (Appendix 2). Florida Museum of Natural History, Gainesville.] 107

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CHAPTER 5 CONCEPCIONS GEOGRAPHICAL S ETTING AND BUILT ENVIRONMENT One of the principal contributions that arch aeology makes to unde rstanding Concepcin and other early American colonial towns is the delineation of the physical and cultural landscapes that are only rarely addressed in written documents. This chapter will consider the physical setting of Concepcin thro ugh archaeological and historical sources dealing with the spatial organization, architectur e and larger landscape of the sixteenth century city. Definition of the Concepcin Site Ideally, to better understand Concepcin's lifeways during the tw o periods of study delineated in this thesis, the inhabitants' activitie s would have to be anal yzed as they occurred within the city's cultural landscap e. "Cultural landscape" include s the cultural conceptions and meanings to its inhabitants of the geography, architecture, geology, la nd type, vegetation and ecology. It goes beyond the physical limits of a place (considered the geographical landscape) to define meaningful space including places wh ich contributed the communitys identity and activities. Realistically, given the lack of in-d epth, conclusive research and data from these various avenues of inquiry, the site" of Concepcin for the purpos e of this chapter, place will be considered as the area containing the archaeological remains of the city, noting that this archaeological zone does not comprise the entire cu ltural space and landscape that contributed to the cultural identity, meaning and activities of the town (many of which have been considered from the historical perspective in Chapter 3). Geographical Setting We must begin, however, with a description of the Concepcin's geographical setting. The sixteenth century town of Concepcin de la Vega was located in the Valley of the Vega Real, 108

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contained in the larger Cibao Valley, which occupies the center of the Dominican Republic (Figure 5-1). It is located 8 km north of the modern provincial capital of La Vega. Geologically and geographically it is locate d within the Duarte Complex, a group of tectonic faults within Hispaniola (Mann et al 1991). To the north of the site we find the Verde River, and the Medranche Creek flows through the s outhern part of the site. A chain of hills, or cerros, make up the western side; with the Santo Cerro dominating the landscape (see Figure 42). The Dominican Republics 19 00 N, 70 40 W latitude places it at the border of the tropical zone, giving it a tropical maritime climate (23 C in the morning to 32 C at noon year round) (CIA Worldfactbook 2007). However, due to its location at the foothill s of the Cordillera Central, the Concepcin site tends to have c ooler winters and warmer summers (see Figure 1-2, 5-1). May through November is re garded as the rainy season on th e island. The hurricane season lasts from June through November, with Augus t-September being the peak months (CIA Worldfactbook 2007). Although Concepcin is found inla nd, the site was affected by a hurricane in 1886 (Woods 1999), and Hurricane Georges came close in 1998. The modern-day city of La Vega is one of the countrys main agro-industry centers (CIA Worldfactbook 2007). The region produces large amount s of agricultu ral products, such as rice, coffee, tobacco, plantains, manioc, beans, cor n, fruits and vegetables (CIA Worldfactbook 2007). Since the mid-1990s, the main agri cultural activities ar ound the archaeological site have been centered on large-scale chicken farms and toba cco cultivation for cigar production (Pimentel 1998). Spanish Towns on Hispaniola As discussed in Chapter 3, the first Spanish se ttlements on Hispaniola outside of La Isabela were a system of forts or casa fuertes (Esperanza, Santo Toms de Jnico, Santiago, 109

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Concepcin, Bonao, and Nueva Is abela) established by Columbus in 1495 to control gold-rich areas of the island (Cass 1978: 41)(Figure 1-1). Casa fuertes are defined as not only places of refuge, but also a place that could hold the to wn's Spanish people, weapons and their supplies (Manucy 1997: 35-37). The spatia l organization and physical layout of these, however, is unknown. In 1502 Governor Nicolas de Ovando arrived on Hi spaniola with orders to re-organize the colony's settlements according to the Reconquista model (see discussion in Chapter 3). To achieve this, Ovando created or re-organized a series of settlements following this model, including Lares de Guahaba, Puer to Real, Puerto Plata, Santiago, Concepcin de la Vega, Cotu, Bonao, Santa Cruz de Icayagua, Higey, Santo Domingo, Buenaventura, Azua, San Juan de la Maguana, La Vera Paz, Yaquimo and La Sabana (Cass 1978: 42). This was facilitated by the fact that he arrived with 2,500 new Spanish se ttlers (there had prev iously been only 300 Spaniards present) (Deagan and Cruxent 2002a: 276). The settlements' re-organization was base d on a grid-town pattern used during the Reconquista of Spain, most notably in Santa Fe de Granada in 1491 (Foster 1960: 44; PrezMonts 1984: 66; Stanilawski 1946, 1947)(Figure 5-2). This, in turn, was based on Greek and Roman practices of empire expansion (Willis 1984: 16). The grid-town plan was comprised of a network of streets radiating from a central plaza and intersecting at right angles to form an orderly, rectangular defined space. The important town buildings would be lined around this space, as were the homes of the main political and religious leaders (Foster 1960: 14; PrezMonts 1984: 69). Also, in tropical climates, the buildings around the plaza had permanent ventilation (Prez-Monts 1984: 69). (For more on the grid-town plan see Ballesteros 1983; Chueco-Goita and Torres-Balbas 1981; Cr ouch, Garr and Mundingo 1982; Garca-Fernndez 110

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1989; Garca-Zarza 1996; Hugo-Brunt 1972; Ma nucy 1985; Palm 1951; Rodrguez and Ibaez 1992; Willis 1984: 16; Zendegui 1977; Zucker 1959). The conversion to the grid-tow n plan on Hispaniola was grea tly aided by the wealth being generated by gold mining during Ovando's gover norship (Charlevoix 1730a: 221; Las Casas II,VI 1985: 226). By 1508 the settlements had conformed to the Reconquista model to such a degree that they asked for, and were granted, coats of arms and the status of cities (Santo Domingo and Concepcin) and towns (the rest), as opposed to just settlements (Concepcin 1981; Herrera 1601; Marte 1981; Peguero 1975: 154-155; Prez-Monts 1984: 66; RodrguezMorel 2000: xvii). The shift to the grid-town plan also include d a religious component. The Pope allowed the Crown to collect tithes and taxes from Hispan iolas settlers in exchange for building and safeguarding all church-related objects, from Cathedrals to the mass accoutrements (Patronato 1995). This made the construction of churches ju st as important as th e construction of forts within a Spanish town. Ovando did not implement the grid town plan in all of these settlements simultaneously. It is believed he applied his mode l to Santo Domingo first, and th en expanded from there (PrezMonts 1984: 66; 1988) (Figure 5-3). This is in keeping with the fact th at all construction was regulated by the Crown at the time, including street and lot sizes, sani tation and weights and measures (Moya-Pons 1983). Santo Domingo, as capital city, would have been subject to these regulations first. Control of constructions cha nged, however, in the Diego Columbus governorship, when it became one of the duties of the Real Audiencia after it was created in 1511 (Moya-Pons 1983). This made constructions highly vulnerable to the fickleness of Servidores / Deservidores politics 111

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(See Ch. 3). Due to political a nd fiscal issues, it was no longer as easy to have buildings constructed as it had been during Ovando's time, and often there were many years between the Royal decree ordering the construction of a build ing and its actual completion, as seen below. Origin and Development of Concepcin The first Concepcin fort was built close to th e Rio Verde at, or near, Guarcano, the main settlement of the Magu cacicazgo (Tano chiefdom) in 1494 (Cohen 1997). However, the confrontation between the Tano a nd the Spanish in the Battle of the Santo Cerro in 1495 caused the fort to be relocated that sa me year (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b). It appears that by 1500, according to historical so urces, there were three foci of settlement within the Concepcin cultural landscape, namely the fortress, the Tano town of Guarcano, and a few houses in the area where the first fort ha d been located (Deagan 1999: 8; Las Casas in Parry and Keith 1984: 236). This suggests that the fort may have functioned as a casa-fuerte, where the town's Spanish people, weapons and th eir supplies were safegua rded, but the actual living and working areas were located outside the fort (D eagan and Cruxent 2002b: 95). As noted, in 1508, Ovando planned to stru cture Concepcin and other settlements according to the grid-town pattern (Cass 1978: 42). Although it is unclear whether Concepcin's grid was laid out at one of the th ree foci identified above, or whet her it was laid out in a totally new location, as was the case with Santo Do mingo (Prez-Monts 1998; Suarez-Marill 1998). There are some clues as to its establishment, such as the information that Ovando ordered construction of the settlement's third fort in 1509 (construction was completed in 1512) (Marte 1981: 68, 86, 90). If this fort was bui lt at the same location as the second, this would indicate that the grid-town layout was superimposed over th e earlier settlement around the fortress. Interestingly, in spite of Ovando's mandate, mo st of the remaining m onumental structures at Concepcin which are part of the grid to day, were not constructed until after 1525 (Palm 112

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1955a). This gap in building time posits several interesting questions The first has to do with a widely believed assumption (Gonzalez 1984; Moya-Pons 1997; Roca-Pezzoti 1984; Ugarte 1981) that Concepcins boom came during Ovando s governorship. If this is true, then why were the main masonry structures built dur ing the second period of study (1515-1564), one of supposed austerity? The construc tion of masonry structures du ring the bust second period (1515-1564) could even be a sign that the economic situation wa s not as dire as has been presented in historical documents. Is it possible that buildings were made out of wood and other perishable materials during the first period of study (1495-1514) because there was a shortage of non-perishable materials during this boom period? Concepcin's Physical Layout: A Grid-plan Town? As of yet, no colonial plans or maps of Concepcin have been found (Pimentel 1998). This is not uncommon for early Spanish colonial si tes (Prez-Monts 1984: 65), and underscores the need to use archaeological data to map out the site (Deagan and Cr uxent 2002a: 282). Several hypothetical models of the sixteen th century citys layout have been proposed over the years, many based on the location of existing monument al architecture, but none were based on a systematic survey of the site until the 1996-1998 Project to inves tigate and document the distribution of sub-surface archaeological re mains at Concepcin (Cohen 199; Woods 1998; Deagan 1999). Figure 5-4 shows the extent of sub-surface remains and standing sixteenth century structural ruins at the site. The survey data suggests that the physical si te extended from the Aljibe (cistern) in the west, to at least 100m east of the Carretera Mo ca (Woods 1999: 17) (see Figure 5-4). There is very little cultural material beyond the Medranche Creek, marking it a probable southern border, and excluding the Franciscan Monastery from the citys main area. The northern border was not easy to determine. In the 1980s, archaeologists working on the DNP project proposed that the 113

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site may have been bounded by walls in a ma nner similar to Santo Domingo (Roca-Pezzoti 1984), but no physical evidence was found (Abr eu 1997). During the 1996-1998 Survey cultural material continued to be found mo re than 170m north of the Fort, without a clea r evidence dropoff in the amount of artifacts found, nor were th ere signs of a wall-lik e structure (Woods 1999: 17) (see Figure 5-4). The overall extent of cultural remains from North to South was approximately 430m, and extended for approximately 650m from East to West, covering an area of 279,500 m2 (Woods 1999: 17). This indicated that Concepcin was the same size, if not larg er, than Santo Domingo in the first part of the sixteenth century (Deag an 1999; Woods 1999: 17). It was even larger than Santa Fe de Granada, a Spanish city founded in the same period (1491) which covered an area of about 400m by 312 m (Deagan and Cruxent 2002a: 285). The remains of the fort and its surrounding buildings, considered the core urban area, are oriented along cardinal direc tions (Woods 1999: 17). This area measures approximately 480m northeast to southwest and 400m northwest to southeast, covering an area of 192,000m2. The distribution lines of other masonry remains found in the area surveyed, however, seem to have a northeast to southwest orie ntation (Woods 1999: 17). On the surface this appears to evidence that Concepcin was indeed organized according to the grid-town plan. However, to determine whethe r a city is laid out according to the grid pattern, it is necessary to identify and plot out a central plaza or plazas and the corresponding radiating streets. Arch aeologically, streets and plazas are identified not by the presence of masonry materials, but rather by their lack of existence. A possible plaza location has been suggested by prev ious archaeological research (PrezMonts 1984: 82; Pimentel 1997 ; Woods 1999: 23), as well as th rough the historical record 114

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(Patronato 1995: 137, 157) (see Figure 4-1, 5-4). The main plaza or Plaza Mayor has been proposed to be north of the Cathedral, adjacent to the Camino Aljibe and south of the property presently part of the National Park (P rez-Monts 1984: 88; Woods 1999: 23). The plaza is believed to be here because of the proximity of the Cathedral, and the existence of large ruins believed to be the Palacio / Casas de Cabildo (Government House), on another side of the square (Deagan 1995b: 423; Gonzalez 1984; Prez-Mo nts 1984: 88; Woods 1999: 23). Also, few artifacts were recovered here dur ing excavations (Pimentel 1997). Th is coincides with historical accounts, which point to the main plaza being found at the front door of the Cathedral (Patronato 1995: 137). We can hypothesize possible loca tions of various colonial streets by connecting large mounds which could hold possible masonry structures (Figure 5-5). Such mounds suggest that a section of the Carretera Moca (the modern paved highway between Moca and La Vega) existed in much the same location during colonial times, since two rela tively large structures are found on the Carretera (the Cathedral and a mound f ound at 4110N 4190E (Figure 5-5). A section of the Camino Aljibe (marked Local Road in Figure 5-5) extending from the Carretera Moca to the 3900E line may have also existed. There are three structures on the Camino Aljibe the Cathedral and two other mounds on the opposite side which seem to corroborate this. Another possible street location would be one going east to west dow n the 4100N line, evidenced by possible structures at 4110N 4190E and 4090N 4090E (Figure 5-5). Another possible street appears to run north to south on the 4000 E line, close to where PrezMonts hypothesized one of the site's streets to be (Deagan 1995b: 423; Prez-Monts 1984: 88) (see Figures 4-1, 5-5). Historical records mention a Calle de la Fundicin, or Foundry Street, which implies the location of the foundry on it (Benzo 2000; Patronato 1995: 137, 157). Bachiller Alvaro de 115

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Castro is said to have owned a store on this st reet in the 1520s (Benzo 2000), and a house there in 1532 (Patronato 1995: 157). According to the document, Alvaro de Castro ran down this street to the plaza in front of the Cathedral and beat one of his enemies (Patronato 1995: 137). The fact that it led to the plaza (Patronato 1995: 137) and had priv ate masonry homes and stores on it (Patronato 1995: 157) poin ts to the possibility th at this may have been one of the city's main streets. Present evidence seems to point to the possibility that the Calle de la Fundicin could have been the present Camino Aljibe Concepcins Built Environment Concepcins settlers built their physical worl d, consisting of buildings, roads, industrial complexes and other features, with in the landscape described above. Some of these features have been identified and delineated below through the examination of historical, architectural and archaeological data in order to provide a few glimpses into the building traditions and use of space of some of the earliest Spanish colonists in the Americas. Climate, local resources, Spanish building traditions, the availability of material s, craft and constructi on expertise, and the demands of adjusting to the new physical and cultur al realities of sixteenth century Hispaniola all influenced the architecture of Concepcin (a li st of these structures and their dates of construction are provided in Table 5-1). The ar chitects and laborers who constructed the town buildings were undoubtedly also influential. It is possible to suggest the names of some of the architects and master builders who may have cons tructed Concepcins ma sonry structures. Palm (1952) determined that the first two forts (see be low) were constructed by a workers brigade who knew about bricks, quicklime and plaster from Spain, led by Zafra, whose profession is not specified. Given the complexity of the structural rema ins which still stand today, particularly the precise orientation of the slotted crossbow openings of the fort's to wer, it has been suggested that 116

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architects may have involved in the design of Concepcin's masonry structures (Shepard 1997). Several architects are known to have been pres ent at Hispaniola duri ng both periods of study, and although only their connection to structures in Santo Domingo has been researched, it is quite possible they also worked at Concepcin. The first architects known to be on Hispaniola were Juan de Herrera and Orduo de Bredendn, who came to Hispaniola in 1510 with 6 stoneworkers: Urtuo de Arteaga, Francisco de Albaida, Alonso Correa, Pedro Matienzo, Juan de Olivares and Juan de Oa (Inchustegui 1955: 104). They had originally come to the colony to build churches, but few colonial authorities were willing to pay for these structur es, leading the architects to look for other work in the construction of other buildings to suppor t themselves (Inchusteg ui 1955: 154). It is possible that this group helped design and c onstruct some of the masonry structures at Concepcin during the first period of study (1495-1514). Most of Concepcins masonry buildings we re apparently constructed after 1525. This date coincides with the arrival of architect Rodrigo de Liendo to Hispaniola (Palm 1974: 134). Liendo is best known as the architect of Santo Domingos Fr anciscan Monastery and Las Mercedes Church (Lister and Lister 1981: 76). Both of these bu ildings include sections of haphazard imitation of a Roman technique in whic h pottery sherds served as internal support (Goggin 1964: 257; Lister and Li ster 1981: 75). The practical engineering purpose of this construction style had been lost by this period, an d the ceramic fill of the church choir at Santo Domingos Mercedes Church fell during an earth quake in the 1600s (Lister and Lister 1981: 76). It is possible that such cons truction practices were used at Concepcin, although there is no direct evidence for this. 117

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During both periods of study th e actual construction work was undertaken by inhabitants of non-European origin. For the first 15 years of the Concepcin settlement it appears that nonskilled construction work, such as ground clearing and physically putting together structures, was mostly carried out by Native Americans, both Repartimiento Tano and Non-Hispaniolan slaves (Las Casas II, X 1985, vol.2: 241). Most of the buildings were probably constr ucted out of perishable materials, and given th e workforce, it is easy to speculate that some may have been built in the Tano style. As the Tano workforce became decimated on Hispaniola, particularly after the smallpox epidemic of 1518, historical accounts seem to poi nt to African slaves, possibly led by Spanish overseers and architects, as the main workforce behind Hispaniolas (and thus Concepcins) masonry architecture (Lister and Lister 1981: 77 ; Rodriguez-Morel 2000: 14). This suggests that, unlike other parts of Latin America, Concep cins builders during th e second period of study (1515-1564) followed Old World, rather than New World, construction methods (see for example Lister and Lister 1981: 77). Buildings and Materials Only four architectural feat ures can be unequivocally id entified both physically and historically, namely the Fort, the Franciscan Monastery, the Cathedral and the Aljibe/Aqueduct complex. Other features are physically present an d documented, but lack hi storical identification, such as the large mound found on the southern side of the possible main plaza on the Camino Aljibe (see Figure 5-5, 5-6), while still other features (such as th e Hospital) are mentioned in historical sources, but have not been archaeologically identified. Part of the reason for this disjunction in info rmation is caused by an intrinsic problem in archaeological research, namely the difficulty identifying non-masonry building remains. Nonmasonry building remains decay in the archaeolog ical context and can only be identified through 118

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careful archaeological excavation methods (D eagan 2002). Although cert ain Spanish-style nonmasonry buildings can be identified by the reco very of large quantities of nails (Woods 1999: 19), this is not the case with Native American style structures, which often did not use nails (Deagan 2002). Since historical accounts mention that many non-elite inhabitants (Spaniards, Native Americans and Africans) lived in Tanostyle bohos (dwellings) in both the urban and rural areas (Patronato 1995: 134, 158, 224, 228) c onsiderably more exte nsive archaeological excavations will be necessary to iden tify Concepcins non-masonry buildings. This archaeological bias, together with the pr o-Spanish elite bias in historical accounts, means that most of the buildings identified are masonry structures used by the Spanish government and/or the Spanish elite. Despite thes e biases, a relatively large number of masonry structures can be identified, indicating that Concepcin must have had a large number of structures overall. Masonry structures at Concepcin were not bu ilt with the same materials used by earlier cities such as Santo Domingo and La Isabela, du e to a lack of easily available limestone, coral and other stones (Deagan and Cruxent 2000a: 285; Suarez-Marill 1998: 50). The most common masonry building material at Concep cin was a flat brick known as a ladrillo Spanish ladrillos of the time were made out of clay mixed with e ither straw, plant fibers, or even animal hair (Milln 2002: 58). The adobe mix was placed in mo lds, sun-dried and then baked in piles (Milln 2002: 58). It has been suggested th at some of the bricks may have come as ballast on Spanish commercial ships (Pimentel 1997) and there is evidence of bric k importation to Santo Domingo (Suarez-Marill 1998: 50). Nonetheless, the im portation of bricks was prohibited by 1508 (Suarez-Marill 1998: 50), and a native brick prod uction industry was created close to the Rio 119

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Verde (Ugarte 978). This industry, which contin ues today (Ugarte 1978), not only constructed bricks, but also the tejas (barrel roof tile) which covered many of the buildings. Although most of the masonry building structur es at Concepcin appear to have been mainly constructed with ladrillos, there is some archaeological and architectural evidence that tapia construction was used at the Franciscan Monastery (Ugarte 1981). Tapia or rammed earth construction, was made by ramming a layer of dry earth, often mixed with stones, fired clay, or lime aggregate for support, betw een two wooden form sections (Deagan and Cruxent 2002a: 99). The mixture was compacted manually by a work er standing between the forms (Deagan and Cruxent 2002a: 99). Tapia construction was used widely in the vern acular housing of medieval France, Spain and North Africa, as well as in many Muslim countries after AD 1200 (Deagan and Cruxent 2002a: 99). However, the actual composition of the tapia varied by location. At La Isabela, the tapia walls of the Columbus house were made up of dark-red clay-like sand mixed with lime, gravel and lumps of unfired clay mixed with lime known as tapia real (Deagan and Cruxent 2002a: 100). Preliminary composition analysis of the tapia at the Franciscan Monastery has determined that it contains fragmented pottery sh erds as aggregates, along with dietary remains, glass, metals and even human skeletal remains (Ugarte 1981). The Fort Three Concepcin forts existed before the 1562 earthquake. As noted above, the first fort lasted a year, in 1495 (Cohen 1997: 3; Inchustegui 1955: 51), and the second, built by Bartolom Columbus, was built in 1495 and lasted 17 years (Anghiera 1989: 77; Cohen 1997: 4; Marte 1981: 68). The fort ruins we see today are be lieved to be part of the third Concepcin fort, built in 1512 (Marte 1981: 68, 86, 90). 120

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The first Concepcin fort, probably built of non-masonry materials, was established in 1495 close to the Rio Verde at, or near, Guarcan o, the main settlement of the Magu cacicazgo (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 60) and may have b een burned by the Tano during the battles of 1495 (Las Casas 1985: 430; Deagan 1999: 9). Because of increasing Tan o hostility towards the Spaniards, the fort was abandoned that same year and relocated a league to the east from Guarcano. The second fort, known as "Bartolo m's Fort," was made out of tapia (rammed earth) (Las Casas in Rueda 1998: 511). This fort qui ckly deteriorated and Concepcins vecinos petitioned the Crown for a new fort (Marte 1981: 68). Ovando commissioned a fort in 1509, but it was not begun until 1512 (Marte 1981: 68, 86, 90). Further historical research needs to be undert aken to determine whet her the third fort was constructed on the same site as th e second fort. If this were the case, it would mark the towns beginning date at 1496. It is also pos sible, however, that the third fo rt, along with the rest of the city, was moved to a different location in 1512 (as was done with Santo Domingo), in order to more efficiently lay out the city in a grid pattern. The existing remains of the third fort show it was constructed of ladrillo bricks, like many other buildings on Hispaniola found in areas with little access to stone building materials (Deagan and Cruxent 2002a: 285). The fort remained in good condition until 1543, when city officials again asked that it be repaired (Marte 1981: 400), but th ere is no historical evidence which confirms its completion. The fort was a rectangular masonry structure w ith the long axis orient ed north to south. It had two circular masonry towers, one located at the northwest corner and the other at the southeast corner (Shepard 1997: 2). The northwest tower walls ar e currently standing and contain 121

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slotted loopholes. The diagonally opposed towers would have provided flanking defense on all four sides. (Shepard 1997: 3) (See Figure 5-7). The fort was placed at the northern end of a low hill which runs south-southwest, strengthening the western sides defense (Shepard 1997: 3). It appears th at during the original construction the hill was excavated to insert the southwest corner and th e western and southern walls (Shepard 1997: 3). This would have meant th at only the top part of the walls would have been visible above the top of the hill, with th e crest serving as a defensive position (Shepard 1997: 3). No architectural or archaeological evidence of doorjamb pivots, keys, hinges, or lintels were identified during excavation, making it difficu lt to identify locate th e entrance. According to Shepard (1997: 3), the main entrance may have been on the eastern side of the structure, possibly in the southern part of the wall which would have allowed for some protection from the tower. Shepard concludes that the design of the fort was based on medieval design patterns, rather than those of the Renaissance (Shepard 1997: 9). The round towers, slotted loopholes and relatively thin walls as compared to those of the Santo Domingo Fort, for example, were designed to defend against crossb ows and light firearms, rather than heavy artillery (Shepard 1997: 9). Two relatively recent events have affected the appearance of the fort ruins as we see them today (Palm 1955a: 54). In 1886 the bric ks from the fort and other s ite ruins, were the source of building material for the reconstruction of the Santo Cerro Church (Palm 1955a: 54). This apparently left gaps in the fort structure, and an attempt to restore the northwest tower to its perceived appearance was undertaken just befo re 1900 (Palm 1955a: 54). It must be noted that 122

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most of the fort ruins exposed today were underground before the DNP 1976-1994 excavations and these would not have been affected by the removal of bricks. The Franciscan Monastery / Monasterio de San Francisco The Franciscan Monastery, or Monasterio de Sa n Francisco, was one of the more complete buildings to survive the 1562 earthquake (Charl evoix 1730a: 399), and another of the buildings which can be identified both hist orically and archaeologically with in the site. Its ruins, which constitute a non-contiguous se gment of National Park property, are found approximately 1000m from what is considered the central part of the city (Cohen 1997). Franciscan monasteries were often located far from the central plaza on the edges of Spanish colonial towns (Deagan 1995a: 427). This is the case not only in Concepcin (Palm 1952; Prez-Mont s 1984), but also in Santo Domingo (Council 1975; Prez-Monts 1984), in St. Augustine (Hoffman 1994), in Sevilla Nueva, Jamaica (Godwin 1946: 156), a nd throughout Mexico (Kubler 1948). The Franciscan Monastery was one of the first buildings to be commissioned by Ovando (Cohen 1997: 6; Lamb 1956). The first monastery was a temporary structure built of wood and thatch sometime during Ovandos governorship (1502-1509) (Deagan 1999: 10; Palm 1955a: 2223), This building appears to have been repl aced by a masonry structure erected between 1525 and 1528 (Deagan 1999:10; Palm 1955a: 22-23). It is notable that this bu ilding was constructed before the masonry Franciscan Monastery at Santo Domingo a labor undertaken by Architect Rodrigo de Liendo in 1544 (Ortega 1982: 13). The Franciscans main duty was to educate th e Tano elite in Spanish ways, specifically language and religion (Marte 1981: 112; Peguero 1975a: 1976a: 140; Peguero and de los Santos 1983: 83-85). This was done through the use of several books, such as prayer and doctrine books, as well as grammar and vocabulary texts (M arte 1981: 150). It a ppears that the Tano elite, mostly caciques and sons of caciques, were the only ones taught at the Monastery during 123

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this period (Marte 1981: 112). Afri can slaves already knew Spanish when they arrived to the island and it was deemed unnecessary to teach th em (Peguero and de los Santos 1983: 83-85). It has been suggested that some Spanish and Africa n children may have also attended the classes (Peguero and de los Santos 1983: 83-85). Ecclesiastical posts could only be held by the legitimate sons of vecinos or by Iberian Spaniards during this period. They also needed to know and understand Latin (Rodriguez-Morel 2000: 13). Concepcins bishop, Suarez de Deza, s uggested training some of the Tano elite as clergy in Spain, but the King did not allow it (Rodriguez-Morel 2000: 13). The Monastery ruins were excavated by Venezuel an archaeologist Jos Cruxent in 1976 as part of the DNP 1976-1994 restoration effort le d by architect Gonzalez (Deagan 2001; Pimentel 1997). The site was fully exposed and stabi lized by 1981 (Deagan 2007) Gonzalez (n.d.) produced a park brochure which describes the building as approxima tely 38 meters square. Most of the structure was made up by the church nave and cloister surrounding a central patio with a large well. Other rooms, including a portico a nd chapter meeting room, were also identified (Park brochure n.d.; Roca-Pezzoti 1984). Although mo st of the building appears to have been constructed using the tapia method, there may be some evidence of the use of pottery sherd aggregates for support (Ugarte 1981: 24). Further research is also need ed to determine the construction material. A cemetery, with both Spanish and Native Ameri can burials is located outside the northern and western walls (Gonzalez n.d.), al though there also are several bodie s buried at the altar of the church (Pimentel 1997). These are probably im portant members of the Monastery community, although it is possible that some of the citys pr ominent citizens could have been granted this 124

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burial place in recognit ion of generous contributions (Deag an and Cruxent 2002b: 166; OliveiraMarques 1971: 271-73). The Cathedral The bishopric, the bishop a nd the cathedral of Concepci n, were created in 1511, along with those of Santo Domingo and Puerto Rico (Rodriguez-Morel 2000: xvii; Charlevoix 1730a: 260; Garca 1906: 74). A temporar y, non-masonry Cathedral was probably built at that time to house the first Bishop, Pedro Suarez de Deza (Kubl er 1948: 322). The construction of a masonry Cathedral, known as Virgen Mara de su Con cepcin Inmaculada (Utrera 1946: 28), became one of Suarez de Dezas priorities. In 1514 he re quested money and 10 African slaves from the Crown to help construct the Cath edral and other churches of th e bishopric in stone (RodriguezMorel 2000: 14). Nonetheless, no masonry Cathedral was constructed at Concepcin at the time prior to his death in 1520 (Benzo 2000). Like the Fort, the Concepcin cathedral is one of the buildings which has been identified both historically and archaeologica lly at the site. The Cathedral is an important element in the identification of a grid pattern town layout since it is one of the main buildings located on the central plaza (Foster 1960: 14). Prez-Monts (1984: 88) places the Cathedral at the east end of what is believed to be the main plaza (Figure 4-1) based on data from the DNP 1976-1994 excavations. Historically, the Proceso de Alvaro Castro tells of a man who freed himself from the stocks outside the jail and runs into the Ca thedral (Patronato 1995: 157). This suggests the layout of a plaza on which the jail and the Cathed ral are found at least in 1532. Historical documents also present a Cathedra l complex made up of several buildings in 1532 (Patronato 1995: 158, 235). Alvaro de Castr o, Dean of the Cathedral, along with his servants, had living quarters on the Cathedral pr operty (Patronato 1995: 158, 235). It is also possible that these living quarters were arrange d in a similar fashion to those of Santo 125

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Domingos Cathedral, known today as the Call ejn de los Curas (Prez-Monts 1984: 111; Suarez-Marill 1998). The Cathedral complex propert y went beyond the building itself, including land such as that owned by the Cathedral in th e 1530s where livestock were tended by African slaves (Patronato 1995). Archaeologically, only a few walls of the Cathedral building its elf survived the 1562 earthquake (Charlevoix 1730a: 399) and many of the surviving walls have fallen over the years. The most recent recorded fall was in 1996 (Pimentel 1997). The remaining portion of standing wall corresponds to the western end of th e Cathedral building itself (Figure 5-8). The visible ruins found at the site today probably belong to a masonr y and brick structure which was started between 1525 and 1528 (Deagan 1999: 10; Palm 1950: 35; 1955b :22-23) and completed by 1533 (Rodriguez-Morel 2000: 91). This was a considerably shorter construction period than that for the much larger masonry Cathedral at Santo Domingo, which was started in 1524 and completed in 1544 (Suarez-Marill 1998: 12). It is believed the Concepcin Cath edral had a similar layout to the Convento de los Dominicos (Dominican Convent) in Santo Domingo (P rieto and Gautier 1992), with a long nave, and chapels on the sides for w ealthy individuals (Rodriguez-De morizi 1966: 66). Like other churches built before the Counc il of Trent (1545-1563), the Cathed ral was oriented from east to west. The altars and the sanctuary were probab ly at the east end, while the main door and the choir loft were to the west. It also had a kitchen, a library, a wa ter well, and a handcrafted clock near the well (Prieto and Gautier 1992). Christopher Columbus had requested to be bur ied at Concepcin in his 1505 will (Garca 1906: 89; Pichardo 1944). There is some historical evidence that a chapel called Nuestra Seora de la Antigua was built at the Concepcin Cath edral, in which the remains of Columbus and 126

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those of his son Diego were supposed to be buried (Rodriguez-Demorizi 1966: 66). However, documentary evidence indicates that Mara de To ledo, Diegos widow, decided to bury them at the altar of Santo Domingos Cathedral in 1544 (Prez-Monts 1984; Pichardo 1944). Mara de Toledos decision has most been in terpreted to be a response to Concepcins decline in importance and size (Pichardo 1944). A nother reason could have been the fact that Concepcins inhabitants had traditionally part of the Servidores group, discussed in chapter 3, and thus had been opposed to her husband. A third factor could have been the dangerous state of inter-city travel at the time due to the Cimarrn and Tano revolts (Gui tar 1998: 262; Patronato 1995: 250). An additional, and perhaps more pract ical consideration, would be that Mara de Toledo lived in Santo Domingo, and would wa nt to visit her husbands grave. Following the tradition of the sixteenth cen tury, the colonial Cathedral church at Concepcin was probably richly decorated inside. Several artifacts thought to have survived the 1562 earthquake give a glimpse of what the Cathed ral may have been like inside. These artifacts are stored or exhibited at the new Cathedral in La Vega as part of the region's diocesan history (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 118; Rodriguez-Demorizi 1966: 12, 69). The previous La Vega cathedral (torn down in 1992), contained several objects on exhibit in 1946 which Rodriguez-Demorizi (1946: 69) observed as having surviv ed the 1562 earthquake. These were the silver altar front piece, a silver lamp, and several paintings, especially one of the Lady of Antigua, brought by Christopher Columbus (Rodriguez-Demorizi 1966: 69). Other Religious Structures at Concepcin Historical accounts point to th e existence of other religious buildings in the Concepcin area besides the Cathedral and the Monastery. Th ese included a church on the Santo Cerro, and small chapels on rural properties where Span ish, Africans and Native Americans heard mass 127

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together (Guitar 1998: 222). As in Santo Domingo, there may have been other churches within the urban area as well. At Concepcin, like in the rest of the Spanish Empire of the time, most of public life regulated and structured by the Church. Religious activities centered on the creation of good Christians on the island, regardless of their gr oup of origin (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 211). Religious activities played an im portant part at Concepcin on two levels. The first were the activities related to the pilgrimage to the Santo Ce rro, site of the first sighting of the Virgin Mary in the New World. The second was on a more ever yday immediacy, which affected more of the daily life. One of the requirements for the achievement of good Christianity was regular church attendance, which caused all members of the comm unity to join together at the same time at Church (Inchustegui 1955: 105; Guit ar 1998: 222; Patr onato 1995: 246). Historical information about religious activities at Concepcin during the later years of occupation is biased due to the fact that most of the information comes from a trial against the deviant priest Alvaro de Castro. However, not all clergy had the same disregard for the Crown authorities as Alvaro de Castro did. Regular church services were given for Spanish, Africans and Indians to gether, both in the countryside and in the city (Guitar 1998: 222) This was a brave effort because Concepcin ceased to be an independent bishopric in 1524 (Rueda 1988: 91), and few of the higher level clergy traveled to Concepcin. Most complained about the lack of religious knowledge of the population during their visits (Rodriguez-Morel 2000: 123). 128

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Religious services and devotion may have been different at the Sant o Cerro, an important pilgrimage site for Christians on the island. It was important enough for King Charles V to declare it as the place to r eceive indulgences for the area in 1527 (Rodriguez-Demorizi 1966). Church authorities not only we re concerned with the need to create good Christians, but also served as a place for sanctuary. Many slaves, escaped, or in trouble with the law, were taken in by the monasteries until the matter could be sorted out (Larrazabal 1975: 129). This probably happened at both the San Franci sco Monastery and the Mercedar ian Monastery at the Santo Cerro. The Concepcin Water Distribution System: Aljibe and Aqueduct A water distribution system is present at C oncepcin, composed of an aljibe (cistern), located uphill (to the west of) from the Park si te, and an aqueduct flowing downhill to the urban center. Gonzalez, during his excavations in 1979 and 1980, described the Aljibe as an artesian well which supplied water for an aqueduct sy stem which ran throughout the city and was composed of channels, water de positories and pools (Gonzalez 1984). Excavations done during the 1996-1998 Sub-Surface Survey did identify a distinct pattern of structural remains in a narrow line, extendi ng west from the fort to the Aljibe. Masonry structure remains also seem to point to buildi ngs situated along the aqueduct (Woods 1999: 18). However, there is no evidence that the Aljibe is an artesian well. Its purpose rather, is more that of a cistern which would have collected the rainwater flowing down from the nearby hills (Woods 1999: 18) (See Figures 4-1, 5-9). It may be possible that Gonzalez based his assertion on the Charlevoixs 1730 account, which stated that two fuentes survived the 1562 earthquake (Charlevoix 1730b: 379), However, fuente can mean spring, but also can mean fountain. Regardless of the definition, furt her archaeological res earch is needed to identify the second fuente Despite this confusion, th e remaining aqueduct ruins can be dated. Since the present 129

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fort was built after 1512, and the aqueduct runs unde r it, it is safe to assume that the aqueduct was built at or before that date. Casa de Fundicin/Casa de Mo neda: Royal Foundry/Royal Mint The DNP 1976-1994 excavations revealed a group of structural remains adjacent to the southeastern edge of the Fort at the edge of the Main Plaza Several researchers have identified these as a Casa de Fundicin, t hought to include both a foundry and a mint (Feris-Iglesias in Ugarte 1981; Gonzalez 1984; Prez-Monts 198 4: 83). This idea was suggested by a large number of coins found during the excavations (Prez-Monts 1984: 83) some of them misshaped (Gonzalez 1984; Pimentel 1997) and the existence of ovenlike structures nearby (Pimentel 1997). The coins recovered during the DNP excavations and stored at the Park do not reveal the presence of a Casa de Moneda or Mint at C oncepcin. Alan Stahl, Curator of Medieval Coins and Medals of the American Numismatic Society, studied and conserved the coins as part of the "Project..." and revealed most of the coins were maraveds minted in Spain before 1492, again discrediting the possibility of an on-site mint (Deagan 1999). The term Casa de Fundicin only applies to the Royal Foundry, whereas Casa de Moneda is the term for the Royal Mint. Although there wa s a Casa de Fundicin at Concepcin, there is no reference to a Casa de Moneda. The only Ca sa de Moneda found on Hispaniola during the two periods of study delimited for this thes is is found in Santo Domingo after 1542 (Deagan 2002). Contemporary research also casts doubt on the identification of the complex as the Foundry. The Royal Foundry was one of the most impor tant buildings of the city during the first period of study (1595-1514). Its main function was to smelt th e gold collected in the area governed by Concepcin, i.e. the northern part of the colony (Moya-Pons 1986: 72), and strict 130

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laws were established to govern the process. By 1502, Ovando was alre ady receiving mandates that no one shall do any smelting except in those furnaces in the presence of our overseer, so that there is no fraud (Guita r 1998: 117; Lamb 1956). This meant that gold could only be smelted legally two times a year at Concepcin, and only when the overseer was present (Marte 1981: 342). The overseer would split his time between Buenaventura (close to the modern-day city of San Cristbal) and Con cepcin (Guitar 1998: 117). This post was first held by Rodrigo de Alcazar (from 1501-1508) (Benzo 2000), and then by Melchor de Castro for 35 years (15081543) (Marte 1981: 401). (See also Chapter 7). It is quite certain that the Royal Foundry also processed silver and copper during the first period of study, although historical documents show little evidence of the strict regulation associated with gold smelting. Geol ogical studies show that silver and gold veins are quite often found together in Hispaniolan depo sits (Thibodeau et. al. 2007), which would have made silver a valuable by-product of the highly regulated gold smelting process. Any copper which may have been smelted at Concepcin during this period probably came from the Puerto Real mines. Puerto Real, founded in 1503 and under Concepcin political jurisdiction, functioned as a copper mine during its first decade of exis tence (Deagan and Cruxent 2002a: 282). During the second period of study (1515-1564) gold smelting became more infrequent, although the Casa de Fundicin continued to fu nction. In 1521, all royal foundries were given permission to forge any copper equipment needed for sugar processing (Guitar 1998: 210). The official gold smelting period would have in volved large numbers of people waiting for their metals to be processed. At the same time the foundry process requ ires readily available amount of water (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 186; Woods 1999: 22), which may not have been as easily available through the aqueduct system Would it be feasible to have this operation 131

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performed on the edge of the Main Plaza in an area which is traditionally identified as the location of the most important public and privat e buildings of a Spanish city on a grid-town layout? If not, a different location for the foundry would need to be identified. This might be suggested by places with large archaeological concen trations of slag (melting residue) within the area surveyed from 1996-1998. The 1996-98 Sub-Surf ace Survey revealed a heavy concentration of slag near the aljibe, uphill and to the west of the fort, indicating this as the most like place for a smelting operation (Deagan 1999; Woods 1999) (See Figure 5-10). This location is away from the city's center and has a constant supply of water from the aljibe. There is also evidence of a massive stone struct ure in the same area, but with very little associated Spanish ceramic material compared to known occupation areas of the site (Woods 1999: 20-21). Such a pattern is consistent wi th an industrial func tion such as a foundry. Instructions were given in 1509 to provide the overseer with an official overseer house at every foundry site means there would have been a building which may have remained uninhabited for much of the year (Marte 1981: 70). A temporary occupation such as this might also explain the relative lack of Sp anish domestic material at the site. The Hospital The influx of people in Concepcin after 1502 demanded extensive health services, and community health became an important govern mental concern. In 1503 the Crown instructed Ovando to build hospitals to care for the poor in the colony, both Spanish and Indian (Loughran 1930: 170; Palm 1950: 34). For this purpose a cofrada (a guild, company or group of people united in a specific cause, or function), named Concepcin de Nuestra Seora, was set up that same year to take care of the hospital at Concepcin, and the name may have also been used to identify the hospital itself (Utrera 1946: 30) The hospital was supported by tithes from the Crown (200 pesos a year) and thr ough money given by the towns vecinos (Palm 1950:34). 132

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Historical records show that the settlers which arrived duri ng Ovandos governorship included medics, pharmacists and surgeons (Peguero 1976a: 94). Palm hypothesized that Concepcins hospital actual construction began after 1509, when Ovando received new orders to build hospitals at Concepci n and Buenaventura (Palm 1950: 34). Repartimiento documents from 1514 reveal that surgeons (as in the case of Bachiller Francisco Fernndez, a vecino ), and barbers (considered to be a trade, as in the cases of Juan Ramrez, and Pedro de Murcia) were pr esent at Concepcin (see Table 6-6, 6-7). Interestingly, there appears to be little historical evidence of the role this hospital may have played in the great smallpox pandemic of 1518 which killed almost a 2/3 of the Native work force (Crosby 1972: 47, 75; Purdy 1988: 640-41). It is possible that the close quarters of a hospital could have made for worse conditions fo r transmission of the disease, as opposed to leaving the sick Native American workers in the gold prospecting fields until they were better. Palm hypothesized that the Concepcin hospital was made of perishable materials, as it appears was the case with other hos pitals in the colony, such as th e ones in Santiago, Puerto Real and Lares de Guahaba (Marte 1981: 56). He base d his assumption on the f act that there are no records of a masonry structure for this pur pose in a 1525 recount (Palm 1950: 35). Only one masonry hospital was recorded in the colony in 1525, that of San Nicolas in Santo Domingo (Palm 1950: 35). Nonetheless, due to the wea lth of the community and the Crowns mandate for hospital construction, it seems equally likely that the hospit al may have been rebuilt in masonry after the 1525 chronicle. Although it appears there are less people involved in the health trade during the second period of study than during the first, those still in Concep cin were involved in relatively complex procedures. Such is the case of an unnamed doctor who describes how he tried to 133

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induce Alvaro de Castros (Lu cayan) mistress to have an abor tion through excessive bloodletting (Patronato 1995). To identify a possible location for the hospital it is necessary to consider historical, architectural and archaeological factors. For exampl e, colonial hospitals of the time period were often not self-sufficient buildings, but were rath er a part of a hospital/church complex. It is possible, then, that the layout of the hospital at Concepcin ma y have been similar to San Nicolas Hospital in Santo Domingo. In fact, the cofrada in charge of the Santo Domingo hospital shared its name with the hospital cofrada at Concepcin, Nuestra Seora de la Concepcin (Ugarte 1995: 143). San Nicols in Santo Domingo, was a two stor y structure with a chapel, known as La Altagracia, on the northwestern corner of the co mplex. This chapel was built in stone before 1519 and still exists today (Ugarte 1995: 201). At its foot (presuma bly the side shared with the hospital) a long hall was present in which women with tuberculosis could be lying in their beds and listen to mass. Special doors covered with iron screens were located in this wall for this purpose (Ugarte 1995: 201). We can then use the archaeological distribution of certain items associated with medicine and church activities to provide clues to the lo cation of the hospital at Concepcin. These items include medicine vials (see Figure 5-11, 5-12), a scalpel, a syringe fragments of Caparra Blue pharmacy jars (Figure 5-13), and candlesticks (Fi gure 5-14). These items were all concentrated in the southeastern corner of the National Park s property, with the he aviest concentrations extending into the area of private property which archaeologists have not been allowed to survey (Figure 5-15). 134

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This may indicate that the southern-most group of masonry structures adjacent to the Fort in the urban center may have been part of a hospital complex, and if so, may also have been constructed of masonry. Palacio/Casas de Cabildo: Government House Complex Another important building, or cluster of buildings, was the Palacio/Casas de Cabildo or government house complex, consisting of several buildings with particular purposes (Palm 1955a: 100; Ugarte 1981). One of the Casas identified as a Casa de Cabildo may have been the Casa de Consejo (Courthouse), identified as having been present in 1529 in documentary sources (Marte 1981: 342), and another may have been the Crcel (City Jail) (Patronato 1995: 157). Luis Joseph Peguero (1975: 213-14) mentions the existence of a Caja Real at Concepcin in 1545, which had a function related to money transactions (Larousse 1972) and may also have been one of buildings in the complex. Such a governance cluster can be observed in Santo Domingo, where the jail is next to the Casa de Cabildo, on the Plaza Coln alongside the Cathedral (Suarez-Marill 1998). The first Casa de Cabildo was authorized when Concepci n was designated a city in December of 1508 (Garca 1906: 70). As with ma ny other structures at Concepcin, the first Casas de Cabildo were probably made of perishable materi als, but documents indicate that they were rebuilt in masonry in 1528 (Palm 1950: 35; 1951: 111). Also, like so many other buildings, the location of these masonry structures is currently unknown. A section of the site which merits further investigation in this regard is a large mound found southwest edge of the Main plaza (Figure 5-5). The sub-surface distribution of artifacts throughout the site revealed that this location contained the heaviest concentration of 16 th century materials wi thin the site (Woods 1999: 25). It is the sites most prominent feature after the Cath edral and the Fort (Woods 1999: 25). 135

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Stables Another building category documented historical ly are stables. The distribution of horse related artifacts, such as horseshoe nails, horses hoes, stirrups, bits and harness fragments could potentially help identify these structures. Hors eshoe nails were found al ong the western edge of the Carretera Moca, north of the National Park's entrance suggesting that the city stables may have been located here (Woods 1999: 19-20). Th is supported and earlier assertion by Eugenio Prez-Monts of the potential location the stables (1984: 88). The area suggested by PrezMonts had few subsurface masonry remains, but had high concentrations of horseshoe nails (Woods 1999: 19-20). Slaughterhouse Concepcins economy during the second peri od of study (1515-1564) depended in large part on cattle product processing, and histor ical accounts confirm the existence of a slaughterhouse in Concepcin in 1532 (Patronato 1995: 56; Rodriguez-Morel 2000: 107). According to sixteenth century Spanish town planning precepts, slaughterhouses were supposed to be close to the river or the seaside (Deagan and Reitz 1995: 283), so this building should be formed far away from the urban center of the ci ty. Prez-Monts (1984) suggests a southwestern location for the Concepcin slaughterhouse, clos e to the Medranche Creek (see Figure 4-1). However, a closer location is suggested by histori cal records, indicating th at the slaughterhouses manure was accumulating near the Cathedral grounds (Rodriguez-Morel 2000: 107). Archaeological and historical research at the northern coastal town of Puerto Real may shed a light on this situation, since that towns slaughterhouse was found on the southwest end (downwind) of the central plaza (Deagan and Reitz 1995 : 283). It may have been that in inland communities, the slaughterhouse may have been placed closer to, but downwind of the central part of the city. The distribution of fauna l remains map generated by the 1996-98 sub-surface 136

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survey does show that the highest concentration of faunal remain s is indeed found west of the Cathedral (Woods 1999), suggesting this indeed may be the slaughterhouse location. Cemeteries If Concepcins organization followed that of other major Spanish colonial towns of this period, it would be expected that human burials w ould be present within the site. To date, few burials have been found, undoubtedly due to the inability of ar chaeologists to work in the vicinity of the Cathedral (see Chapter 4). Pre z-Monts identified a pos sible location across the Camino Aljibe from the Cathedral for the cemetery, but little physical evidence has been gathered to support this claim (see Cohen 1997; Woods 1998; Deagan 1999). Only one cemetery has been definitely identified at Concep cin, that of the Franciscan Monastery. Several of the graves excavated at the Mona stery in 1980-81 are currently exposed in an area within the Monastery compound, outside the Churchs structur al walls. Because no physical anthropological analyses have been carried out on the burials, their racial affiliation is as yet unknown. These are burials in both a flexed positi on (identified with non-Ch ristian Tanos), and the traditional Christian position, that is, laid out face-up with hands crossed on the chest, indicating that some of these remains may be Christians. Although it is possible that this cemetery may have been located over a Pre-contact Tano burial site, which may account for the remains in the flexed position, historical documents indicate that some Native Americans servants may have been buried in the cemetery, as was the case of the Lucayan (Bahamian) servant and concubine of the Cathedral Dean Alvaro de Castro (Patronato 1995: 151). The only other human remains excavated at Concepcin were found at the western base wall of the fort. These remains appear to have been those of a Native American woman, buried in a face-up, extended position, with her hands crossed on the chest (Gonzalez and Pimentel 1985, 1990). The significance of this burial is unknown. 137

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It is possible that when Concepcin was moved to its present-day location (the city of La Vega), the relocating colonists t ook their family remains with them This practice did exist at the time, as is evidenced by the example (cited a bove) of the Columbus family (Inchustegui 1955: 74). Private Masonry Structures There is historical evidence for numerous pr ivate masonry structures at Concepcin, in addition to the public masonry structures di scussed above (Palm 1955a: 82; Peguero 1975a: 21314). Private masonry homes were proba bly concentrated around the main plaza where the wealthiest vecinos traditionally liv ed (Crouch, Garr and Mundigo 1982: 30; Deagan 1995a: 429). By 1545, however, there were reports of 180 stone houses (Herrera in Peguero 1975a: 213-14), which means that stone houses must have extended far beyond the citys centr al area. In general, archaeological excavations are needed to iden tify the actual house layout. Archaeological evidence show that homes both at Puerto Real and Santo Domingo had a similar layout (PrezMonts 1984: 69), while private homes in St. Augustine (Manucy 1983, 1985) were smaller (Deagan 1995a: 431). We do know from historical acc ounts that there were different styles of private masonry structures at Concepcin in 1532 (Patronato 1995: 235). Some had two levels, while others were encircled by stone walls (Patr onato 1995: 235). These private homes were comprised of more than living areas for the inhabitants. They also included animal pens, wells and perhaps some commercial or light industrial activities (Deagan 1995a: 431). One of Alvaro de Castros houses had a store attached to it on Calle de la F undicin (Patronato 1995: 150). These multi-function domestic areas potentially confound the archaeolog ical identification of private homes through material remains, and until an identified priv ate structure has been excavated, identification remains tentative. 138

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One particular architectural area, delineated during the sub-surface survey, serves as an example. This was a concentration of masonry and artifactual remains found between 3930N and 3940N, and 4040E and 4050E, suggesting a walled st ructure (Figure 5-5). Remains included vials, scythes, candlesticks, scissors, chain mail, a sword tip, a lock and a key (Deagan 1999). This could indicate the presence of a wealthy ho me, or a mercantile establishment, such as Alvaro de Castros. Most of the non-elite urban structures at Concepcin were probably made of wood or thatch, and are more difficult to identify archaeologically without extensive excavation to identify post holes and wood-sleep er stains. This would help id entify whether they lived in bohos, or in European-style wooden homes. An a lternative method of identification could be the use of nail distributions to determine the lo cation non-masonry homes, but this could be hampered by fact that iron nails were only used in European-style wooden homes, and also a high nail concentration could indicate a stable, or a church, rather than a home (see above) (Woods 1999: 19). Conclusion This chapter demonstrates the importance and usefulness of the multi-evidentiary approach of historical archaeol ogy in the study of Concepcins lifew ays. If the site is studied only through one avenue of inquiry (archaeolog y, history, or architecture), the reconstructed lifeways are incomplete and even misleading. It is only through the combination of these methods of inquiry that we can get glimpses of the complex lives of those residing at Concepcin. Perhaps it is fair to say that this preliminary attempt at reconstructing Concepcins built environment has created more questions than it has answered. Was Concepcin organized according to the grid-town layout pattern? Or was organized following another urbanization 139

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model? If a grid-town layout was used, then wh en was this model impl emented in the city? Given that Concepcin rivale d Santo Domingo in size and im portance during the Ovando governorship, could it be possible that its grid pattern layout was simu ltaneous with, or even earlier than Santo Domingos? It does appear that Concepcin was laid out in some type of grid-l ayout pattern, although the core urban area is oriented along cardinal directions (Woods 1999: 17), while the other masonry remains in the area surveyed seem to ha ve a northeast to southwest orientation (Woods 1999: 17). Given that the present fort ruins corre spond to a structure comp leted in 1512, it would be safe to say that the grid-p attern layout was instituted close to the end of the Ovando governorship, as opposed to the beginning as it was for Santo Domi ngo (Prez-Monts 1984: 66). This assessment raises a new set of questions. If Concepcin was indeed laid out on a grid like Santo Domingo during the Ovando governorshi p, why is there no historical documentation of large numbers of masonry buildings presen t at Concepcin during th e first period of study (1496-1514)? We do know large numbers of people we re flocking to the gold mines, so where were they living? Is it possible that the increase in population was so sudden that there was a shortage of non-perishable materials, such as bricks and tejas and most buildings were made of perishable materials, such as wood and thatch? At the same time, if Concepcins boom period corresponds to the first period of study, why were most of the mas onry structures built during the second period of study (1515-1564), the supposed bus t period? Were the authorities trying to lure people to stay rather than migrate after the disappoi ntment of the 1514 Repartimiento (See Chapter 3)? Or, on the other hand, was there some economic endeavor in the city besides gold smelting which provided for enough funds to support 180 masonry houses in 1545 (Herrera in 140

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Peguero 1975a: 213-14)? These people and their po ssible economic activities are discussed in more detail in the following two chapters. 141

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Figure 5-1. Geographical lo cation of the Cibao Valley [Based on Moya-Pons 1998. The Dominican Republic: A National Histor y (Map 1, p. 447). Markus Wiener Publishers, Princeton.] 142

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Figure 5-2. Figure-Ground Draw ing of Santa Fe de Granada in 1491. [Based on Deagan, Kathleen, 1995a. Puerto Real: The Arch aeology of a Sixteenth-Century Spanish Town in Hispaniola (Figure 1, p. 169). University Press of Florida, Gainesville.] 143

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Figure 5-3. Figure-Ground Drawing of Santo Domingo in 1586 [Based on Deagan, Kathleen, 1995a. Puerto Real: The Archaeology of a Sixteenth-Century Spanish Town in Hispaniola (Figure 2, p. 422). University Press of Florida, Gainesville.] 144

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Figure 5-4. Sub-Surface remains and standing Sixteenth-Century structural ruins at Concepcin [Reprinted with permissi on from Deagan, Kathleen, 1999. Cultural and Historical Resources at the Parque s Nacionales Concepcin de la Vega and La Isabela. Final Report (Figure 9). Florida Museum of Natural History, Gainesville.] 145

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Figure 5-5. Site Base Map with Identifie d Mounds [Based on Deagan, Kathleen, 1999. Cultural and Historical Resources at th e Parques Nacionales Concepcin de la Vega and La Isabela. Final Report (Figur e 9). Florida Museum of Natural History, Gainesville.] 146

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Figure 5-6. Distribution map of the masonr y building remains at the Concepcin site [Reprinted with permission from Deagan, Kathleen, 1999. Cultural and Historical Resources at the Parques Nacionales Concep cin de la Vega and La Isabela. Final Report (Figure 19). Florida Museum of Natural History, Gainesville.] 147

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Figure 5-7. Architectural plan view of Con cepcin fort. [Reprinted with permission from Deagan, Kathleen, 1999. Cultural and Hi storical Resources at the Parques Nacionales Concepcin de la Vega and La Isabela. Final Report (Figure 17). Florida Museum of Natural History, Gainesville.] 148

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Figure 5-8. Remains of the Cathed ral (Photo by Kathleen Deagan, 1999) igure 5-9. The Aljibe (Photo by Kathleen Deagan, 1999) F 149

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Figure 5-10. Distribution of sl ag remains at the Concepcin si te. [Reprinted with permission from Deagan, Kathleen, 1999. Cultural and Historical Resources at the Parques Nacionales Concepcin de la Vega and La Isabela. Final Report (Figure 14). Florida Museum of Natural History, Gainesville.] 150

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Figure 5-11. Hispanic medicine vial form s ca. 1500-1550. [Based on Deagan, Kathleen, 1987. Artifacts of the Spanish Colonies of Florida and the Caribbean, 1500-1800, Vol. 1, Ceramics, Glassware and Beads (Figure 6-12, p. 136). Smithsonian Press, Washington D.C.] 151

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Figure 5-12. Medicine vial fragments from Concepcin de la Vega (Photo by Kathleen Deagan, 1999) 152

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Figure 5-13. General forms of Hispanic cerami cs. [Based on Deagan, Kathleen, 1987. Artifacts of the Spanish Colonies of Florida and the Caribbean, 1500-1800, Vol. 1, Ceramics, Glassware and Beads (Figure 4-2, 27). Smithsonian Press, Washington D.C.] 153

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Figure 5-14. Candeleros (candlesticks) from Concepcin (Pho to by Kathleen Deagan, 1999) 154

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Figure 5-15. Distribution map of Hospital-related artifacts 155

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Table 5-1. Building Constr uction Timeline (1492-1890) Date Start of Construction Structure 1494 First fort, lasted a year (1494-1495)(non-masonry) (3) 1494? Temporary non-masonry churches (7) (13)(18) 1495 Second fort (1495-1512) (masonry) (1)(3)(10) 1502-1509 Royal Foundry (masonry?) (6)(8) 1503? San Francisco Monastery (non-masonry) (4) 1509? Casa de Cabildo (non-masonry) (5) 1508-1509 masonry private houses (13) 1510? overseer house (masonry) (10) 1510? Hospital (non-masonry)(11) 1511 Santo Cerro Church (masonry)(12) 1512 Third fort (masonry) (10) 1512-1525 Aqueduct/aljibe (masonry) (10) 1514 8-9 monks at San Francisco Monastery (9) 1520s Calle de la Fundicin (F oundry Street) (2) (15) 1520s Alvaro de Castro store on Calle de la Fundicin (2) 1525-1528 San Francisco Monastery (masonry) (14) 1525-1528 Cathedral (masonry). Completed by 1533 (11) (14) (19) 1527 Mercedarian monaster y (masonry) (18) 1527 1511 Santo Cerro Church replaced (masonry) (12)(18) 1528 Casas de Cabildo (masonry)(11)(12) 1528 Masonry Church (Cathedral?)( 13) 1528 25 masonry buildings (11) 1529 Casa de Consejo (masonry) (10) 1532 Alvaro de Castro house on Calle de la Fundicin (masonry?)(15) 1532 Jail (masonry)(15) 1532 Rural chapels (non-masonry?)(6) 1532 Slaughterhouse (masonry ?)(15) 156

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Table 5-1. Continued Date Start of Construction Structure 1532 Monastery cemetery (15) 1532 Dominican Monastery ? (masonry?) (15) 1532 Highway between Concepcin, Sant iago, Puerto Plata, Lares de Guahaba, Jaragua and Jaquimo (15) 1532 Roads between Cibao gold mining re gions, Concepcin, Puerto Real and Puerto Plata (15) 1545 Caja Real (masonry)(16) 1545 180 masonry houses (16) 1545 More than 180 non-masonry houses (16) 1545 11 Tano pueblos (16) 1562 7 Tano pueblos (17) 1880 Reconstruction of Santo Cerro complex (18) 1886 Reconstruction of the Santo Cerro Church with fort bricks (13) 1890s? Restoration of top of fort (13) 1. Anghiera 1989: 77 2. Benzo 2000 3. Cohen 1997: 3, 4 4. Errasti 1998: 25-26 5. Garca 1906: 70 6. Guitar 1998: 117, 222 7. Kubler 1948:322 8. Lamb 1956 9. Las Casas in Rueda 1988: 536 10. Marte 1981: 68, 70, 86, 90, 342 11. Palm 1950: 34, 35 12. Palm 1951: 21, 111 13. Palm 1955a: 23, 54, 82 14. Palm 1955b: 22-23 15. Patronato 1995: 151, 157, 237, 248, 269 16. Peguero 1975a: 213-14 17. Peguero 1975b: 11 18. Rodriguez-Demorizi 1946: 65, 67 19. Rodriguez-Morel 2000: 91 157

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CHAPTER 6 LABOR AND PEOPLE AT CONCEPCION Introduction A central element that structured life in Spanish-American colonial cities was the interaction the groups of people of different cultural origin that inhabited thes e settlements. Interracial and intercultural exchange was characteris tic of nearly all of the culturally diverse 16th century towns of the circum-Caribbean area (Ewen 1991; Deagan 1995a, 1996, 2004: 622). However, historical and arch aeological evidence points towards an particularly intense interaction at Concepcin, owing in large part to its condition as a mining town, where typically the quest for wealth often united di sparate peoples (DeFrance 2003: 99). As in all settings, cultural interactions at Concepcin were conditioned by cultural origin, race, gender, social class, and labor relations The organization of labor cut across these and shaped a complex colonial social hierarchy. This chapter will attempt to present this social hierarchy with emphasis on labor and class. Cultural Origins Three distinct cultural-racial groups of people comprised the Spanish-American colony of Hispaniola; the Native Americans (Tano a nd other indigenous people), the European (Spaniards), and the Africans (people from the A frican continent that had previous contact with European culture). Brief synthetic discussions of the background and origins of these groups will be followed by a consideration of the labor regimens through which they interacted at Concepcin. Native American Social Organization on Hispaniola Pre-Contact The native inhabitants of Concepcin, as well as the rest of those from Hispaniola and the rest of the Greater Antilles, have been referred to as Tano since the sixteenth century (Deagan 158

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and Cruxent 2002b: 23; Veloz-Ma ggiolo 1972). The name Tano was first used by Peter Martyr in his chronicle of Columbuss s econd voyage (Deagan 1995b: 64), meaning the good people in their language (Tavares 1976: 7), wh ich is part of the Arawak linguistic group (Wilson 1990a). At the time of Columbuss ar rival, the Arawak linguistic group extended throughout the Caribbean, the north coast of Ve nezuela (Cruxent and Rouse 1969; Deagan 2004: 600; Tavares 1976: 7; Veloz-Maggiolo 1972), and northern Brazil (Heckenberger et al. 2003). The Tanos are the most studied segment of contact period Hispan iolas population by modern historians and archaeologi sts, however, nearly all of th e work has focused on the Tano outside of Concepcin. A great part of these studies focus on the reconstruction of Tano lifeways before the arrival of the Spanish in 1492. It is not the purpose of this thesis to discuss pre-contact Tano life at length si nce it does not fit the sc ope of research, but a brief synthesis is presented below for post-contact comparative pu rposes, and assessment of Tano influence at Concepcin. (For exhaustive bibliographies de aling with the Pre-contact Tano, see Alegra 1997; Anderson-Crdova 1990; Bertch et al 1997; Guitar 1998; K eegan 1992, 2000; Oliver 1998: 59-93; Pagan 1978; Rouse 1992; Sued-B adillo 1977; Veloz-Maggiolo 1972; Wilson 1990a, 1997a). The Tano occupying Hispaniola before 1492 belonged to the Classic Tano, according to the Rouse classification (1992). The Classic Ta no have been described as having a complex social hierarchy and an economy based on manioc production, both linked to elaborate artistic and religious expressions. The Classic Tano were associated with the generalized Ostionoid cultural tradition, especially in regards to their ceramic tradition (Rouse 1992: 9-17, 112). The island was originally known by two na mes: Haiti, which means mountainous land, and Quisqueya, or mother earth (Tavares 1976: 8). Most of the inhabitants lived on the 159

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coasts and interior valleys (Tav ares 1976: 8). The island was divide d into five major cacicazgos land divisions governed by a cacique although the locations and boundaries of these divisions are still not fully understood today (Cass 1974; Las Casas 1994; Rouse 1992; Tavares 1976: 33; Wilson 1990a, 1997b: 46) They included: A) Magu: governed by Guarionex, in the Central Valley (later La Vega Valley) B) Jaragua: governed by Bohechio in the Western part of the island. C) Marin: governed by Guacanag arix, found in the Northeast. D) Higey: in the East, governed by Cayacoa E) Maguana: covering the Southwes tern region and governed by Caonabo It appears that some inter-c hiefdom warfare may have occurred among the Tano, but for the most part they were united against a comm on enemy the Caribs of the Lesser Antilles (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 32). Little is know n about the Caribs, except for their fierce reputation for stealing Tano women, and having cannibalistic behavior (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 32). Archaeological research has confirmed that these were also members of the Arawaklanguage group and there is no evidence of cannibalistic behavior (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 32). It appears that before the arri val of the Spanish, the Tano were organized into hierarchical, non-egalitarian chiefdoms, each headed by an ab solute ruler known as a cacique (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 30). Caciques co uld be either men or wome n, and commanded centralized political and ritual power. They lived in special houses called caneys wore special garments, and ate special food (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 31). Society was highly stratified, and sepa rated into two major categories, the Nitano (elites) and the Naborias (non-elite) (Deagan 2004: 600; Moscoso 1981, 1986; Moya-Pons 1992). The Naborias were required to pay a tribute to the Nitanos both in produce and labor (Moscoso 1981, 1986; Tavares 1976: 28). The tribute collecti on and redistribution was then undertaken by 160

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the caciques (Moscoso 1981, 1986). (For more deta iled information on the Tano class system, see Moscoso 1986). It appears descent was matrilineal, and the elites may have had avunculocal residence patterns (residence and inherita nce through the mothers brot her) (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 30). Gender relations appear to have been egalitarian, although women were mostly responsible for agricultural activity, while the men did the fishing and water-related activities (Deagan 2004). Many of the Tano economic activities de pended on water transportation, and the Tano were skilled at sailing in the Caribbean waters (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 36). Tano settlements varied from small to ve ry large (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 33). Las Casas described Tano settlements as not having a ny distinct streets, with the rulers house found in main place or position (possibly the center). A well-swept and leveled rectangular open space was found in front of this dw elling. This space, known as the batey was used for a special ball game. Large settlements had several bateys within them (Las Casas in Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 33). Tano settlements were supported by manioc agriculture in raised mounds known as conucos (Deagan 2004: 601; Ferbel 2002: 6; Garca-Arvalo 1988: 10; Tavares 1976: 17). The manioc was grated to produce cassava bread, their main food st aple (Garca-Arvalo 1988: 10; Tavares 1976: 15). The Tano also grew and ate corn, but not on the same scale as in Mesoamerica (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 36). They also ate a great variety of fish, rodents, reptiles, birds and insects (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 36). One of the biggest controversies surrounding regarding the Pre-Contact Tano is their population size on Hispaniola before the arrival of Columbus in 1492. Much has been written over the years about this subject, as evidenced in Heniges 90-page bi bliography on the subject 161

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in Numbers from Nowhere (1998), as well as the lengthy discussion found in 1491: New Revelations of the Americas before Columbus (Mann 2005). The subject is controversial because the highe r the number of Tano pre-contact, the more devastating the effects of coloni zation. As seen in Chapter 3, th is has been a concern since the 16th century when the Dominican priests, especia lly Bartolom de las Casas, decried the Spanish actions towards the native peoples of the Americas. In fact, he was the first to offer an estimate of the number of Tano inhabitants on Hispan iola, roughly 3 to 4 million (1985, vol. 2, Ch.1). He calculated this number based on the death rate s during the 1518 smallpox epidemic (Mann 2005: 147). In the 20th century several hi storians tried to prove or di sprove Las Casass estimates (Mann 2005: 142), or come up with calculations of their own base d on 16th century documentary data such as censuses (Mann 2005: 104). Two distinct groups we re formed, those known as the Low Counters vs. the High Counters (Mann 2005: 112). Low C ounters include MiraCaballos (1997: 34) and Rosenblatt (1954: 102) who estimate a population of 100,000 Tano. High Counters include David Watts (1978), who shar es Las Casass estimate of 3 to 4 million (1985, vol.2, Ch1), and Cook and Borah (1971), who estimate of 6 to 8 million Tano for all of the Greater Antilles. Moya-Pons (1987: 187) and Anderson-Crdova (1990) fall in the middle with estimates of 400,000 and 500,000 respectively. Unfortunately, none of these sources can help determine the exact number of Tano who may have lived in the Concepcin area pre-1492, and any determination of this is beyond the scope of this study. Spanish Social Organization in Spain Previous to 1492 Castilian institutions, social classes and econom y served as models for the society created in the early colonial contact period (Moya-P ons 1983: 15; Prez-Coll ados 1992: 116; Willis 1984: 12). The Castilian instit utions of the 15th centur y were formed during the Reconquista an 162

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800 year war which had the Chri stianization of the Spain as its principal purpose (Moya-Pons 1983: 11; Prez-Collados 1992: 116; Prez de Tudela 1955a. See Ch apter 3). The Castilians used a specific model to re-settle the land they had conquered. This model saw Christians as a force on a military offensive, and then as a colonizi ng presence which would distribute land, convert the infidel and establis h municipal structures (Prez-Coll ados 1992: 116; Prez de Tudela 1954:317-318). Spanish society was categorized, in descending order, of nobles, professionals, merchants, servants and farmers/herdsmen (Lockhart a nd Schwartz 1983: 5). Th ere was however, some degree of upward mobility. The noble class and the hidalgos did not pay taxes, and were exempt of judicial obligations (Moya-P ons 1983: 14). Certain professionals such as lawyers and doctors, were able to gain some privileges comparab le to those within th e nobility (Lockhart and Schwartz 1983: 5). Church official s were outside of this system, but also had special privileges (Lockhart and Schwartz 1983: 5). They shared the attitudes and lifes tyle of certain professionals, such as lawyers and doctors, which were comparab le to those within th e nobility (Lockhart and Schwartz 1983: 5). Those who did not the access to or the funds for education, or to become part of the Church, might earn noble status through the art of war, or through faithful service in the Royal employ (Lockhart and Schwartz 1983: 5). The impor tance of the art of war, or chivalry, became a means unto itself, and was known as hidalgismo (Elliott 1963: 38; Vicens-Vives 1969: 349. See Chapter 3). One of the main precepts of hidalgismo was the disdain for manual labor (Moya-Pons 1983: 12). They considered work done by tr adesmen, merchants and those involved in 163

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agricultural labor to be of less quality, an attitude reinforced by the fact that a lot of this work was done by non-Christians (Moya-Pons 1983: 12). Urban organization of society was important within the Castilla-Len and Hispaniolan Reconquista model (Moya-Pons 1983: 11). This focus helped alleviate the concerns caused by the concentration of land in the hands of a few aristocrats (Moya-Pons 1983: 13). The nobles, including the King and Queen, military orders, and high Church officials, made up about 2% of the population, and owned 97% of the land (Moya-Pons 1983: 14). At the same time, the land in Spain, for the most part, was not ideal for farming, and the Mesta (wool production and trade), became the main economic activity in Spain during this period (Moya-Pons 1983: 14). Since the Mesta did not require large numbe rs of men for its labor force, Spanish men were frequently able pursue other activities, namely the art of warfare (Elliott 1963: 38; Vicens-Vives 1969: 349). Municipal centers and towns were led by a gr oup of landowners who chose their leaders from among themselves (Moya-Pons 1983: 16-17). Th ere were several posts, and together they formed a town government (ayuntamiento ) whose main functions included collecting taxes, keeping the peace, guaranteeing town supplies, regulating prices, and executing public works (Moya-Pons 1983: 16-17). The common clergy, small-scale landowners an d merchants made up 4% of the population, lived mostly in urban areas (Moya-Pons 1983: 14). The rest of the population was divided into urban and rural dwellers. The urban dwellers were mostly artisan s and day-workers ( jornaleros ), a large majority of which were of Moorish descent (Moya-Pons 1983: 14). The rural workers mostly farmed or tended shee p, and owned approximately 3% of the farmland (Moya-Pons 1983: 15). 164

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African Social Organization in Spain Prior to Arrival in the New World Most of the Africans who came to Hispaniola during the fi rst period of study (1495-1514) came from Spain, not Africa. Most of the African slaves had lived in Spain for several years and had already been taught Spanish language and customs (Deive 1989: 20). In fact, African slaves had been introduced to Spain by the Muslims in 711, and played an important role in southern Spanish society from the 13th Century onward (Landers 1999: 7). Special laws governed African communities, and provisions were made which al lowed Africans to become free, usually through buying freedom from their masters (Deive 1989: 20; Landers 1999: 7). African men, both slave and free, performed meni al labor for the city, as stevedores, in the public granary, in the slaughterhouse, in the publi c gardens, in soap factories. They also transported goods and people around the city (La nders 1999: 8). African women mainly worked as servants in the households (Deive 1989: 20; Landers 1999: 8). It would have been difficult to distinguish the free from the enslaved Africans in Seville because most slaves worked under the jornal (day wage) system (Landers 1999: 16). The jornal system allowed the slaves to li ve independently, in their own homes, in exchange for paying their masters a certain daily amount (Landers 1999: 16). The work could be assigned by the master, or could be done about town independe ntly (Deive 1989: 20; Landers 1999: 16). This system was advantageous for both parties, sin ce slaves would be rela tively independent and could have the possibility of buying their freed om, while the masters would earn money without having the responsibilities of food, shelter, clothes or medical care (Landers 1999: 16). It is important to point out th at not every Spaniard could afford an African slave. Slave ownership was limited to the rich and nobles (Deive 1989: 20). They were a luxury item, and as such, laws governed thei r care to ensure the inve stment (Deive 1989: 20). 165

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Native American Social Organization at Concepcin Post-Contact For many years it was assumed by researchers that the contact between the Tano and the Spanish resulted in the total annihilation of the Tano pe ople (see discussion in Deagan 2004). This was in large part supported by the chronicles of of ficial Spanish histor ians such as Fray Bartolom de las Casas. However, in recent y ears, the more in-depth study of historical, anthropological and archaeological data has sugg ested that the Tano ex tinction may not have been as sudden or as complete as once cl aimed (Deagan 2004: 597; Guitar 1998). This is especially relevant to the first 70 years of C onquest, the time period of C oncepcins occupation. One account of the first years of Tano-Spanis h contacts at Concep cin does exist in the writings of Fray Ramn Pan (Pan 1974). Ramn Pan, a Jeronymite friar assigned by Columbus to study Tano religion (Arrom 1988), Pan attempted to record Tano religious tradition in the area from 1496 to 1498 (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 39; Las Casas 1958: 417; Pan 1974). Although most of his ac count deals with Tano beliefs at the time of contact, Pan also records some incidents he experienced first hand at Concepcin, including the first baptisms, and the first Ta no uprisings (Pan 1974). It is in documents related to the Repartimiento labor system that we find most of the information about the Tanos at Concepcin during this time period. There are specific records of the numbers of Tano workers distributed at the 1510 and 1514 Repartimientos Even though Spanish chroniclers kept meticulous records of the Tanos distributed as labor, they did not keep records of the segments of the Tano popul ation that did not work, such as the Nitanos elderly, children and pregnant wo men (Arranz-Mrquez 1991). It is possible to find the names of some of the Nitano chiefs at Concepcin in the Repartimiento documents (Arranz-Mrquez 1991; Rodrgue z-Demorizi 1971) (See Table 6-1). Of the 56 names of caciques, only 23% are Tano, and 41% of the names are completely Spanish. 166

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A full 20% of the caciques are women. Eighteen percent of the names have a Spanish first name and a Tano last name, possibly suggesting that they may have been those who were baptized Christians. Some of the Spanish names could also be due the Tano guai tiao ritual (Guitar 1998: 136). The Guaitiao, meaning friend, involved name exchange between a Spaniard and a Tano as a symbol of brotherhood (Guitar 1998: 136). In either case, the large number of Spanish names among the caciques reflects the interaction between the Ta no upper class and the Spanish (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b). It has been suggested that mo st of the laborers within the Repartimiento were non-elite Tano men and that this was the group most a ffected by contact with the Spanish (Deagan 2004: 597). Recent archaeological research at another first contact site on the island (En Bas Saline) seems to suggest that despite this impact, ther e were few changes in the overall non-elite Tano lifeways in Tano towns during the early contact period (Deagan 2004: 597). This is due to the fact that even though the working men were mobi lized from their native regions to gold mining regions, such as Concepcin (Cass 1978: 39, 41; Deagan 2004: 609), they were allowed to return to farm their land between work seasons (Cass 1978: 44; Deagan 2004: 603). It appears that the women and children who stayed behind took care of the crops an d continued their precontact lifeways, at least duri ng the first decade of the 16th century (Anderson-Crdova 1990; Deagan 2004: 621). By 1508, the loss of non-elite Tano laborers to disease and working conditions forced Spanish authorities to find new sources of laborers (Deagan and Cr uxent 2002b: 209; Guitar 1998: 127). The Crown gave colonial au thorities permission to add more Naboria workers to the Repartimiento system (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 210; Las Casas II, XLIII 1985, vol.2: 34648), from a group called Perpetual Naboria The Perpetual Naboria group was composed of 167

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Native Americans who ran away, or fought against th e Spanish after the decl aration of just war upon first encounter (Cass 1978: 53; Guitar 2002: 6). Unlike Tano free subjects, who were controlled thr ough a cacique, Perpetual Naborias were private property and could be inherited (Cass 1978: 53), effectively making them slaves in all but name. Although the first Naborias were Tano, the Spanish started to look outside Hispaniola for more workers. The first non-Tano Naborias were the Caribs, from the gold-less Caribbean islands of the Lesser Antilles, including Tr inidad, San Bernardo, Fuerte, Las Barbudas, Dominica, Matenino, Santa Luca, San Vicente, Cu raao, Aruba and Bonaire; as well as the Lucayan Tanos of the Bahamas (Arranz-Mr quez 1991: 79-26; Keegan 1992: 221-223; Marte 1981: 89; Moya-Pons 1978; Rogozinski 2000: 31). Historical accounts justifie d their enslavement by claiming cannibalistic habits, but research by later scholars has shown that these ap pear to have been a Spanish excuse for their capture (See Cass 1978: 53-54; Keegan 1992: 8-10, 226; Rouse 1992: 21-25, 145-146; Tavares 1976: 20). From 1508-1513 more than 40,000 Amer indians were brought from the Lesser Antilles to Hispaniola (Moya-Pons 1978). Although the Caribs also were part of the Arawak group, the Tano considered them as enemies a distinct group different from themselves (Dunn and Kelley 1989: 166-167.) Their presence, no do ubt, caused distress to the Tano (Guitar 2001). By 1512 some Spaniards on Hispaniola posse ssed hundreds of Amerindian Perpetual Naborias (Guitar 1998: 90). It appears that in the 1510s there were close to 30,000 Perpetual Naboria slaves (Guitar 1998: 90). Records also show that the majority of the Non-Hispaniolan Indigenous slaves arrived between 1510 and1530 (Gu itar 1998: 313). In terms of gender, it is possible to assert that most of the Native American women in the colony were Tano. This is due 168

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to the fact that most of the Perpetual Naborias introduced into the colony were men brought in to work in the gold mines (Cass 1978). Demand for non-Hispaniolan laborers increased in the second decade of the 16th century as more Repartimiento laws were instituted in an effort to save the Tano workers. Perpetual Naborias were brought from Colombia, Florida, the co asts of Mexico and Yucatn, the coast of Central America, northern South America, and even mainland Brazil (Arranz-Mrquez 1991: 7926; Cass 1978: 54; Deagan 1999: 11; Inchustegui 1955: 113; Marte 1981: 89; Otte 1958: 5-6; Rogozinski 2000: 31). By 1519, only 150 Tano worker s could be held per Spaniard (Guitar 1998: 179), while no limit wa s set on the number of Perpetual Naborias Perhaps to enforce compliance with these regulations, Perpetual Naborias were branded to differentiate them from the Tano (Guitar 1998: 95). It is unknown whether Indigenous peoples from th e different regions liv ed together, or if they could maintain pre-capture cultural practices, or if they adapted to local Tano cultural patterns. It is perhaps significant, however, that although there are hi storical records of nonHispaniolan Amerindians running away and joini ng rebel groups, there is no historical evidence of rebel groups made up exclusively by a speci fic Amerindian group (i.e Mayan, or Carib), as was the case with African rebel groups (See di scussion below of the 1522 Wolof revolt). This may point to a mixing of Amerindian workers on site s, rather than an effort to keep tribes together. Anthropologically this implies there wa s little chance of replic ating cultural practices undertaken before arriving on Hispaniola. From 1515 to 1527, 68 slave capturing expeditions were sent to the Venezuelan Caribbean coast (Guitar 1998: 191). Already by 1520, records show that the northern or Leeward Islands, from the Virgin Islands to Barbuda, had been depopulated, with the exception of St. Kitts and 169

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Nevis (Moya-Pons 1983: 28; Rogozinski 2000: 31), prompting the capture of Amerindians in the Curacao group, Barbados, St. Lucia and T obago (Rogozinski 2000: 31). This decrease in population prompted the implementation of regulations on the Perpetual Naboria trade, including a 1536 law stating that no Amerindian could be sold w ithout a license from governor of the originating provi nce (Guitar 1998: 192). The non-Hispaniolan Amerindian slave trade be gan to wane in the 1530s thanks in large part to efforts by the Dominican order, principa lly led by Fray Bartolom de las Casas (Guitar 1998: 258; Rueda 1988: 25). Las Casas championed the idea of non-violent pacification of Amerindians meaning that just war could no longer provide Perpetual Naboria workers. Las Casas was successful in his campaign, which culm inated in the New Laws of 1542 (Rueda 1988: 25). These, greatly improved Amerindian work ing conditions outside the Greater Antilles, leading to the survival of many Amerindian cultures. As stated above, for many years it was believed that the Tano had not survived to see the New Laws of 1542. Recent studies, however, sugg est otherwise. According to ethnohistorical studies by Karen Anderson-Crdova (1990: 122-133) and Lynne Guitar (1998: 222-227) it appears that certain biases were introduced into primary historical sources used to calculate the number of Tano present in the colony for the purpose of slave importation. For example, decreases due to diseases were exaggerated in order to gain royal permission to import slaves (Ferbel and Guitar 2002: 1, 7). Also, many Tano were re-classified as Perpetual Naborias after 1542 (when the Tano were freed) to retain their labor (Ferbel and Guitar 2002: 7). Ferbel and Guitar (2002) also contend that Tanos must ha ve survived far beyond the mid-16th century to be able to legate the vast wealth of Tano cultu ral traditions still present in Dominican culture, including words, foodways and agricultural methods. 170

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Given Concepcins prominence in the col ony, a significant proporti on of non-Hispaniolan Perpetual Naborias were undoubtedly present in the tow n. The few names of Non-Hispaniolan Amerindians recorded at Concep cin belong to working women mentioned in the Alvaro de Castro trial of 1532. These women, Beatrizica and Catalina (Catalin ica) were Lucayan (Bahamian) criadas (maids) (Patronato 1995). The court documents also accuse Castro of having an affair with Catalin ica (Patronato 1995). Inhabitants from Europe (Spanish) Being Spanish during this time period on Hisp aniola involved followi ng certain lifestyle rules, perhaps even more than national origin or genetic assignment. One important way in which the Crown tried to guarantee th e maintenance of this ideal ized Spaniard was through immigration policies (in Table 6-2) These included the prohibiti on of travel to anyone who was not a Castilian, or who was a Jew, Moor, or converted from these religions (Boyd-Bowman 1976; Haring 1939: 131; Inchustegui 1955: 62), but these policies had only limited success. This difference between official policy and real ity is evident in both the archaeological and historical records, as discussed below. Elite Castilian (Spanish) Colonists at Concepcin At Concepcin, the local elite were those known as vecinos or property-owning families. Most of the historical information about thes e families comes from documents related to the 1514 Repartimiento since only they were supposed to acquire Native American Repartimiento laborers. Although the 1514 Repartimiento records show that some minor nobility did live at Concepcin during this time period (See Tables 63, 6-4), most notably hidalgo Antn de San Miguel (Benzo 2000), in practice thos e with the longest time at the colony rose to the top (Benzo 171

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2000). This was partly due to their knowledge of th e colonial culture, and al so to the wealth they had gained through the gold industry. There is abundant evidence of personal w ealth during this time period at Concepcin. Concepcins archaeological asse mblage contains more luxury items than most other Spanish colonial cities of the same time period, includ ing La Isabela, Puerto Real, Santo Domingo and Nueva Cadiz (see Deagan 1987, 1988, 1995; Goggin 1968; Long 1967; Ortega 1982; Willis 1976). This material wealth allowed many men, who would not have been elites in Spain, to become vecinos on Hispaniola (Lockward and Schwartz 1983: 67). Wealth allowed them to achieve two of the main colonial markers of el ite status: marriage to an upper class Spanish woman, and/or a political post (M oya-Pons 1978: 111). One of the firs t to achieve this new status was Christopher Columbuss own son, Diego Co lumbus. Wealth allowed Diego to marry the Kings niece, Mara de Toledo, and her family influenced his designation as Governor on Hispaniola during this time period (Pr ez-Collados 1992. See Chapter 3-History). Marriage to an upper class Span ish woman at Concepcin, as in the rest of Hispaniola, was difficult to achieve, in spite of material weal th. There were few highborn Spanish women in the colony (Lavrin 1978, 1989), and the largest group of elite women during the first part of the century was composed of the ladies in waiting for Mara de Toledo, Diego Columbuss wife, who did not wish to leave Santo Domingo (Rueda 1988: 106). As shown in Table 6-4, about half of Concepcins married vecinos were married to Tano wo men in 1514 (Arranz-Mrquez 1991; Deagan 1999:10). We can assume that the elite status of many of Concepcins elite comes from wealth and political appointments, since in fact many of them were not Castilian. The need to control this 172

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wealth also attracted a large number of ex-mem bers of King Ferdinands court to Concepcin, many of them Aragonese, not Castilian (Peguero and de los Santos 1983: 55; Prez-Collados 1992: 122). Also, the need for qualified government officials often allowed for a converted Jew to migrate to Hispaniola (Benzo 2000). Since wealth could change a Spaniards social status on Hispaniola, the ability to create more wealth (i.e. mine more gold) was integral to the Hispaniolan social organization. In other words, more workers received in the Repartimiento meant more mining, more gold, more wealth, and consequently a chance to have a higher st atus amongst the elite (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 209). This lent itself to corruption, especially amongst government officials who did not fit into the traditional elite de scription. The different Repartimientos were plagued with shady dealings and obvious partiality towards those wh o paid large bribes (Cohen 1997: 5; Garca 1906: 78; Guitar 1998: 134; Moya-Pons 1983: 27). This period is fraught with complaints against Repartimiento biases, most notably the dispute between the Servidores most of who were Crown officials, and the Deservidores who were Governor Diego Columbuss friends and relatives (see Chapter 3). These disputes, as well as the short supply of Tano workers prompted the Crown to halt Repartimientos after 1514 (Arranz-Mrquez 1991). This reduced the pos sibility of bribing an official for the chance to receive more workers, and made it much harder to quickly change ones social status. It also solidified the base for Hisp aniolas elite class structure at this time for the rest of the colonial period, giving a select few the control of most the workforce (ArranzMrquez 1991). This made it difficult to accumula te the wealth and power needed to enact the social mobility mechanisms possible during the early decades of the settlement. This limit on opportunity was furthermore ex acerbated after ca. 1520 by the effort to change colonial 173

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production from gold to sugar production, whic h centralized government power in Santo Domingo, isolating other Spanish settlements. Table 6-4 shows the 1514 Repartimiento data at Concepcin. There are 59 vecinos listed. If we ignore those who lived in Spain, we can assume that Miguel de Pasamonte, Juan de Villoria and Juan de Alburquerque were th e most influential men in the colony, since they received over 100 Tano workers (Arranz-Mrquez 1991; Benzo 2000) A relatively large number of Spanish received close to 80 Tano workers, including Cr istbal Guilln, who unlike others such as Juan Fernandez de Guadalupe and Alonso de Parada, di d not have a political appointment, but rather was simply a first settler. Some Castilian wo men were also given Tanos under a law which allowed certain widowed women to hold their husbands Indians for a year (Arranz-Mrquez 1991: 172). One of the reactions to the concentration of power in the hands of a few Concepcin vecinos was a mass migration by the elite to Sa nto Domingo (Moya-Pons 1983: 37), and to the mainland settlements, particularly Central Amer ica, Mexico and later Peru (Guitar 1998: 145; Inchustegui 1955: 99; Moya-Pons 1983: 33; Pe guero and de los Santos 1983: 67). This migration was mostly restricted to the elite cl ass, and did not include many of the non-elites. The Spanish Crown started programs to motiv ate elite migration back to Concepcin, going so far as offering 6 African slaves to anyon e who settled in the area (Garca 1906: 93). At the same time, the Crown prohibite d the recruitment of elite settlers in the Caribbean by those planning excursions to the Main land (Garca 1906: 102; Inchustegui 1955: 99) (Table 6-2). Despite these measures, by the 1540s less than a do zen elite families lived in the area (Deagan 1999: 11; Rodriguez-Morel 2000: 123), as opposed to the numerous families found in earlier times. 174

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Those who stayed were plagued by the problems caused by the Casa de Contratacins trade monopoly, namely lack of food, high taxes a nd commerce restrictions (Peguero and de los Santos 1983: 67). These restrictions may have he lped motivate some of the elites to become engaged in the contraband trade, as did Bachiller Alvaro de Cast ro (Patronato 1995: 134). In the 1530s and 1540s, the Spanish elite, especially the women and child ren, started to live a more sheltered, urban life, after rebe l Tano and African attacks on the Spanish settlements (Marte 1981: 401; Rodriguez-Morel 2000: 107). The Spanish traveled in heavily armed groups, prompting many to avoid travel too far from their homes (Guitar 1998: 281; Moya-Pons 1983: 36). This probably contributed to the urban environment being mo re culturally and genetically Spanish than the rural areas. Much of the information available about lif e specifically at Concepcin during the second period of study (1515-1564) comes from the trial of Bachiller Alvaro de Castro undertaken in 1532 (Patronato 1995). Castro, Dean of the Concep cin Cathedral (and later the Treasurer of the Santo Domingo Cathedral), was accused of vari ous crimes, including bringing illegal African slaves into the colony in collusion with an Geno vese merchant in Seville (Patronato 1995: 16). Other Spaniards were also accused of bringing il legal slaves at the same time, namely the Caballero brothers of Santo Domingo (Guitar 19 98: 214), but it was deemed worse for Castro because he was part of the clergy. Castro was, in fact, the Inquisition re presentative (Patronato 1995: 96) when he committed some of his other crimes, including adultery, with a beata or pious woman living at the Concepcin Cathedral (Patronato 1995: 9) and with a Lucayan slave (Patronato 1995: 136). His other crimes included ownership of various stores (Patronato 1995: 212) and extortion of Church goers (Patronato 19 95: 120). It appears one of his favorite antics 175

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was to condemn those who ate meat on Fridays and later absolve them upon payment (Patronato 1995: 56, 120). Although the clergy represented a separate soci al category and were closely aligned with the elite, there were also non-el ite church servants, such as the Cathedrals sexton, Francisco Toro, and the steward, Juan Cordoba (See Table 6-5). Not all of the clergy had the same disregard for the Crown authorities as Alvaro de Castro did. The Franciscans taught the Tano elite at the Monastery (Marte 1981: 112; Peguero 1975a: 140; Peguero and de los Santos 1983: 83-85), and it is possible that some Spanish and African children may have also attended the classes (Peguero and de los Sant os 1983: 83-85). Meanwhile, the Dominicans seem to have held theological conferences and debates for the ol der members of the colony, both clergy and laity (Patronato 1995: 248). Non-Elite Spanish Colonists Although it is possible to identify by name some of Concepcins non-elite Spanish inhabitants in the Repartimiento and other records owing to their trades (Benzo 2000 See Tables 6-6, 6-7), it is difficult to determine their number during this time period. As noted above, Spanish documents did not often fo cus on non-elite individuals. It is also difficult to estimate a number through archaeological data, since it is not yet known what portion of Concepcins obviously large area of occupation was composed by this group. Another factor that hinders the identification of the Spanish non-elites was the relative ease through which upward mobility was achieved during this period. A lthough most non-elite Spanish mi grated for the purpose of undertaking farming or trade work (Guitar 1998: 193), most were in terested in joining the elite class and refused to work, creating a constant ne ed for non-elite migration. This was especially true at Concepcin after gold be gan to be readily available. 176

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The first significant group of Spanish non-el ites to arrive at Concepcin was the exRoldanistas. This group, origin ally common soldiers, farmers and artisans, revolted against Columbuss authority at La Isabela, and moved to live in Indian communities in the western side of the island (Chapter 3, Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 201). In exchange for peace, the Crown offered these rebels, amongst other things, what amounted to elite status through grants of land and Native labor (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 20 1; Moya-Pons 1983: 24). Many then moved to the Concepcin area (Charlevoix 1730a: 153). The rise of the Roldanistas to elite status created a shortage of non-elite Spanish farmers and artisans in the colony, prom pting the creation of incentives to attract migration (Guitar 1998: 193). The first group of non-elite workers to arrive at Concepcin came with Ovando in 1502 (Moya-Pons 1974). Although they arri ved in the colony as farm laborers, most decided to become gold prospectors instead (Moya-Pons 19 78: 188). The Roldanistass success probably motivated this change. As the Ovando government progressed, efforts we re made to have married couples migrate to increase the Spanish presence on the island (See Table 6-2). However, a drought and grain shortage in Castile and Andalusia, from 1504 to 1507, caused the migration of a great number of non-elite men, and by 1510 there were reports of 3,000 vagrant single men on Hispaniola (Arranz-Mrquez 1979: 16-18), many not of the high moral standards demanded by the Crown (Moya-Pons 1983: 15). The 1514 Repartimiento gives the names of several trad esmen who received Tano workers to help them at their craft (See Table 6-4). The fact that these tradesmen received workers point to the importance of these following trad es at Concepcin: mining, food production, construction, weaponry, tailoring, barber, and smiti ng (These trades and their appearance in the 177

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archaeological record is discussed in Chapter 7-Economy). Unfortunately, other details of Tano life were not considered important enough to record, such as whet her they were married, and if they were, whether their wives were Spanish or not. Many historians have postulat ed that the mass migration of elites after ca. 1515 was the cause of much the colonys decline (Charl evoix 1730a; Garca 1906: 102; Moya-Pons 1983: 28). Little attention has been paid to the influence of these non-elites within the system and their role in maintaining the Spanish hegemony. Although non-elites during the later period may have been just as discontented with government policies as the elites, they did not seem to have migrated out of Concepcin as readily, undoubtedly owing to the lack of means to l eave and the fact that the Crown gave nonelites more incentives to stay than they ga ve elites (Inchustegui 1955: 121). These included include free passage, free food for a year and ag ricultural implements (s ee also Table 6-2 and Inchustegui 1955: 121). The motivation to give incentives to non-elites came from the Spanish Crowns effort to change from gold production to agricultural prod uction, namely sugar and later cattle ranching, as discussed in Chapter 3 (Haring 1939: 133, 1947: 217; Inchustegui 1955: 121). These types of productive systems needed more middle manage ment, (overseers and supervisors), a service that Spanish non-elites could provide (Guitar 1998: 126). In spite of these incentives few non-elites want ed to migrate to Hispaniola. Desperate, the Crown became more lenient in terms of the moral requiremen ts imposed on the settlers. Although only good Castilian Christians (i.e. no ne w converts, or those investigated by the Inquisition) were allowed to migrate, in fact citizens from other countries, such as Genoese and Portuguese, were present at Concepci n (Table 6-2; Guitar 1998: 193). 178

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According to information contained in th e 1532 Castro Trial proceedings, many non-elite residents of Concepcin were not involved in agricultural production, bu t rather were still prospecting for gold (Patronato 1995: 246). Many lived on Castros property, and were given food and equipment on credit by this Church official (Patronato 1995: 24 6). Historical records also document the names of several of Castros servants (Benzo 2000), including Juan de la Fuente, Juan de Gamarro, Pero Gmez, Pero Goncales, and Pedro de Valla dolid. Due to Castros position as a high-ranking Church of ficial, his trial records the name of several low-level Church officials (Table 6-7), including th e sextons Lorenzo de Cuellar and Juan Martin de la Fuente Sabz, and the Maestrescuela Antonio Mrquez. Africans at Concepcin Residents of African descent in Hispaniola were categorized into four major groups: Ladinos Bozales, Cimarrones and Libertos Ladinos were slaves of African ancestry, brought from Spain, who already knew Spanish language, re ligion and culture because they had resided in Spain for at least a year. Bozales were slaves brought dire ctly from Africa. The Cimarrones (also known as Maroons ), were ex-slaves who had managed to escape their masters. Libertos were free Africans who either came from Spain as free citizens, or managed to gain their freedom while on Hispaniola (Deive 1989; Franco 1975). (See Table 6-8). It is quite probable that the first Af ricans to arrive at Concepcin were Liberto colonists on Ovandos 1502 expedition (Deive 1980: 19). Most of the other Africans who arrived in Hispaniola during this period were not Libertos but instead Ladino slaves (Guitar 1998: 124). Only Ladino slaves were allowed to travel to th e New World during the first study period (14951514) (Deive 1980, 1989; Franco 1975; Garca 1906: 67 Marte 1981: 15; Larrazabal 1975: 13, 17; Rogozinski 2000: 51). 179

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It appears the first Ladinos came as mine workers in 1505 to work in the Puerto Real copper mines (Inchustegui 1955: 114; Larrazabal 1975: 13). Soon after other Ladinos were brought in to work in the gold industry in ot her parts of the isla nd, including Concepcin (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 211; Fox 1940: 23-24). By 1510, Ladinos were considered better workers than the Tanos by Hispaniolas colonial authority (Deive 1980: 31), who claimed that the work of one African was worth that of f our Indians (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 211; Deive 1980: 31; Inchustegui 1955: 113). This was in larg e part owing to the Africans resistance to many European diseases (Rogozinski 2000). However, due to their high prices, these Ladino slaves were considered to be a luxury (Deive 1989: 20). Until 1519, most African slaves could only be brought into Hispaniola by a select group of elite Spaniards, which often em ployed them in urban work (Landers 1999). Ladino women were the domestic servants at the elites homes (Deive 1989: 20; Landers 1999: 8; Larrazabal 1975: 13), while Ladino men performed menial labor around the city, including construction (Deive 1989: 24; Larrazabal 1975 : 13). Both men and wo men probably worked under the jornal system, which allowed slaves to live a nd work independently, in exchange for a daily payment to their owners (Landers 1999: 16). It is also possible that only Ladino women worked in town, while the Ladino men worked in the gold fields (Larrazabal 1975: 13). In this scenario, women would live in their masters hom es and the men would live in the fields they worked. The restrictions in terms of who could have slaves, as well as limiting slavery to Ladinos led to a flourishing illegal slav e trade that lasted throughout th e early colonial period (Marte 1981: 317-318). It appears that most of these illegal slaves were Bozal men, who were brought straight from Africa to work in gold prospecting (Landers 1999: 16). 180

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African Liberto men were also present in the gold fields during this first study period. Evidence seems to point towards the existence of African Liberto men supervising groups of 10 workers in the fields (Guita r 1998: 125). In fact, most Libertos held criado (servant) posts, with responsibilities similar to those of non-elite Spanish (Guitar 1998: 199). Liberto women probably also worked in Spanish households, but at a hi gher position than the wome n slaves. Most of the Libertos on Hispaniola seem to have arrived as such from Spain (Guitar 1998: 199). Little is known about the many runaway slaves of the period in the Concepcin area. This partly due to the nature of gold production, the prevalent eco nomic production prevalent during the early colonial peri od. Unlike plantation industries like sugar production which required permanent lodging for the slaves, gold prospecting involved traveling from s pot-to-spot in search of gold and living in temporary quart ers. At the same time, since the Ladinos and the Tanos could communicate in Spanish, they often helped each other escape (Oviedo in Rueda 1988: 157; Rogozinski 2000: 52). It is important to note, however, that no organized communities of escaped slaves existed before 1515 (Larrazab al 1975: 17). After 1515, African lifeways on Hispaniola changed dramatically due to sh ifting economic production systems (from gold to sugar), as well as the smallpox pandemic that depleted the Indian population. Sugar, however, required a different type of worker. This seemed like a logical solution since the Spanish already had experience with wo rking with Africans in the Canarian sugar industry (Guitar 1998: 184). At the same time, Africans had proven themselves immune to European diseases and resisted the Caribbean weather (Guitar 1998: 175; Rogozinski 2000). This change in requirements altered African slaver y on Hispaniola making it different from the eminently urban setting in Spain, and causing a change in laws re garding manumission, miscegenation and enslavement (Landers 1999: 11). 181

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Due to the need for different type of sl aves, the Crown changed its slave importation policy during this period, namely preferring Bozal slaves to Ladinos (Deive 1989: 27). Bozales had not been acculturated in Spain previous to their arrival on Hispaniola, and spoke no Spanish (Deive 1989; Moya-Pons 1983: 34). It was believed that these slaves were better because they had not been contaminated by the evils of civilization (Guitar 1998 : 196). Most of the Bozales that came during this period were from Cape Verde, Guinea and other Portuguese colonies (Deive 1989: 26; Larrazabal 1975: 14, 21). The diffe rent ethnic groups were identified by brands marking their place of origin (Larrazabal 1975: 74). This change in policy of importing only Bozal slaves started during the Jeronymite government (1516-1519) (Deive 1989: 26; Larrazab al 1975: 14, 21), and was made into law in 1526 (Deive 1989: 32; Larrazabal 1975: 100). Ironi cally, the first slave insurrection was led by Bozales from the Wolof tribe on Diego Columbuss sugar pl antation in 1522. The Wolofs were not allowed into the colony after that time (Guitar 1998: 256; Oviedo in Rueda 1988: 122; Peguero and de los Santos 1983: 66). Although most of the Bozales on the island were destined for the sugar industry, at Concepcin most worked in the cattle and gol d industries (Inchustegui 1955: 74; Patronato 1995: 224). There is some evidence that Bozal slave women may have panned for gold (Oviedo in Rueda 1988: 208). Many of them arrived to substitute the Tano who had died during the smallpox pandemic in 1518 (Guitar 1998: 182). Thr oughout this time period, slaves were bought from merchants who came into town during th e fundicin (smelting) period at a cheaper price than if they went for them in Sa nto Domingo (Rodriguez-Morel 2000: 106-107). Although the importation of Ladinos from Spain was outlawed in 1526 (Deive 1989: 32; Larrazabal 1975: 100), this did not mean that this group was not present in the colony. In fact, 182

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most Bozal slaves became Ladinos after learning Spanish, and beco ming Christian. Historical records show that owners seemed to give hi gher posts to Ladinized workers (Larrazabal 1975: 107), especially women in domestic labor (See Patronato 1995: 214). It appears that, among the Bozal and Ladino populations, women had more freedom of mobility than men did (Larrazabal 1975: 110). Ru les for mobility were set up by the different Slave Ordenanzas (laws) emitted in the colony, especi ally the ones prepared in 1528 and 1544. The 1528 Ordenanzas allowed African slave women to sell vegetable wares on the streets and plaza s, but the men could only sell the same ware s in small quantities with the permission of their masters (Larrazabal 1975: 110). By 1544, Af rican slave men could only sell water and charcoal on the street (Larrazabal 1975: 110), with the rest of th eir work activities assigned to a specific location, such as building construction (Rodriguez-More l 2000: 91), or the sale of livestock innards at the slaught erhouse (Larrazabal 1975: 110). Ladinos could not own taverns, or even drink wine (Larrazabal 1975: 110). They could not go into the countryside to buy produce, or sell it without their masters perm ission (Larrazabal 1975: 110). They were also banned from selling clothes (Lar razabal 1975: 110). Most importan tly, slaves were not allowed to carry weapons of any kind (Larrazabal 1975: 107). Another change in African lif eways on Hispaniola was a consequence of the Enriquillo rebellion. Enriquillos followers not only incl uded escaped Amerindian slaves, but also Cimarrones (Oviedo in Rueda 1988: 157; Rogozinski 2000 : 52). This unity was possible thanks to the Churchs mandate to teach Spanish languag e and culture to all in the colony in order to become Christian (Sez 1994). Amerindians and Africans could live on the margins of society, occasionally raiding Spanish towns for their needs (Deive 1989: 11). After the 1522 Wolof rebellion, the Crown issued the 1522 Ordenanzas which put a set of deculturization mechanisms 183

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in motion. These included the mandate to create plantation workforces out of different African ethnic and language groups to avoid unity (Deive 1989: 35, 217). The slave trade was a complicated system wh ich caused problems for the Crown and the colonial authorities. To overcome these problems, the authorities on both sides of the Atlantic, starting in 1526, promoted the creation of a Hi spaniolan born workforce. A Royal decree declared that at least 1/3 (later ) of the Bozales imported must be women, while at the same time, married slaves could not be freed, and th eir children could not be free (Guitar 1998: 259; Moya-Pons 1978). As with the earlier plan to motivate the travel of married Spanish couples, this effort did not work, mainly because it was not compatible with the labor requirements of the sugar production system (Guitar 1998: 280). After 1540 and into 1560s, most of the slaves taken to the mainla nd were acculturated on Hispaniola before arriving there (Larrazabal 1975: 37; Rogozinski 2000: 52). By 1555, historical records say many vecinos in Hispaniola preferred to sell sl aves rather than work them, causing a shortage in workers (Larrazabal 1975: 40). The threat to be so ld to the mainland was, quite likely, a motivation for slaves to run away and become Cimarrones The Spanish word Cimarrn originally referred to the cattle or hogs which ran off into the mountains (Arrom and Garca-Arvalo 1986: 1517; Price 1979: 1-2), but eventually came to signify enslaved people (African or Native American) who escaped from bondage and lived independently (Mintz 1974; Weik 1997: 81). Th e word was later corrupted into Maroon in English and French colonies (Mintz 1974; Weik 1997: 81). Two types of Cimarrn activity have been identified throughout the circum-Caribbean: Petit Marronage and Grand Marronage. Petit Marronage refers to short term escapes, while Grand Marronage refers to the long term or pe rmanent escape with the intent of living in 184

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autonomous communities (Price 1979: 3; Weik 1997: 81). On Hispaniola as in most regions of the Caribbean, Grand Marronage also included ar med rebellions (Guitar 1998: 340; Peguero and de los Santos 1983: 66; Rueda 1988: 122). Both Bozal and Ladino slaves ran away from the Spanish (Guitar 1998: 235), often returning after a few days (Price 1979:3; Weik 1997: 81). The 1528 Ordenanzas allows for these occasional escapes, allowing 15 to 20 days for the slaves to return (Larrazabal 1975: 107). Ladinos however, were more apt to escape perman ently and live in autonomous communities, often with escaped Amerindians (Deive 1989: 27 1; Weik 1997: 89). These communities were on the margins of colonial society, outside the scop e of governmental control, but tied to it by familial and friendship ties (D eive 1989: 11; Weik 1997: 86). Although for men the Cimarrn lifestyle was a conscious choice, many of the women within Cimarrn communities were taken there against their will (Deive 1989: 264). Historical records show that the capture of slav e women was an important element of Cimarrn raids on Spanish communities (Deive 1989: 264). In the Concepcin area most of the Cimarrones escaped from the gold mines (Guitar 1998: 277). Concepcin was the second largest area of Cimarrn activity on the island in the 1530s and 1540s, with rebellions led by Diego de Guzm n, Diego de Ocampo and Dieguillo de Ocampo (Guitar 1998: 277; Marte 1981: 301). Not all people of African orig in in early colonial Hispanio la were slaves. Many of the Libertos on Hispaniola seem to have arrived as such from Spain (G uitar 1998: 199), and many others were Cimarrones who had been pardoned by the colonial authority, as was the case of Diego de Ocampo and Diego Guzman (Guitar 1998: 278; Marte 1981: 414). 185

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Although slave ordenanzas included ways in which slaves could become free (Deive 1980; Landers 1990; Larrazabal 1975), conditions for freedom became increasingly more intricate with each revision of these regulations. Especially ha rsh were the 1526 provisions that Africans slaves could not have free chil dren (Guitar 1998: 259). Several colonial institutions, like the Church and the judges of the Real Audiencia did not agree with these harsh conditi ons (Guitar 1998: 199, 259). Both institutions believed that Libertos were more beneficial for the colony, but were opposed by the sugar mill owners, most of whom were members of the old Servidores group (see Chapter 6), and held most of the colonial governorship posts duri ng this period (Guitar 1998: 199). Although the Spanish were supposed to have a tally of their slaves, it is difficult to determine the exact number of Africans in the Concepcin area, and Hispaniola in general throughout this period (Guitar 1998: 261; Larrazab al 1975: 39). This is due to factors like contraband, Petit Marronage, and the gr eat fluidity between categories. The only African names recorded in relation to Concepcin during this time period are the names of three Cimarrones active in the area: Diego de O campo, Diego Guzman and Dieguillo de Ocampo. From the mid 1530s to 1548, the ar ea around Concepcin was attacked by these leaders who followed the Cimarrn leader Lemba (Guitar 1998: 277, 278; Marte 1981: 413). Historical evidence seems to point to the possi bility that Ocampo may have been a slave at Concepcin (Guitar 1998: 278). He may have been owned by a vecino last named Ocampo (see Table 6-5). The amount of information availabl e about these individua ls reveals both how dangerous the Spanish authoritie s thought these rebellions were and how pacific slaves seemed to lack an identity. 186

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From Labor System to Colonial Society Given that that the three distin ct cultural/racial groups discus sed here had never interacted together before the creation of the Hispaniola co lony, it was, and still is, difficult to classify the particular cultural/racial groups that existed at Concepcin du ring both periods of study. As Guitar (2002) and Eltis (2000) have pointed out, ethnicity was con ceptualized differently in the 16th century than it is today. This is especially true in regards to terms to be used for those people of mixed heritage, which did not exist until the 1580s (Guitar 2002: 8). Certain social characteristics, however, were used to identify people within the colony, particularly where they fit within the established labor system, namely the Repartimiento (discussed above Chapter 3) and this practice became the basis of the established colonial social system by 1515. As noted in Chapter 3, large number of African s did not start to arrive on Hispaniola until 1502, so originally the labor system was set up for the Tano workforce. The Repartimiento divided the Native American work force into three major categories (Arranz-Mrquez 1991; Tavares 1976: 28): Nitanos Trabajadores libres (Free laborers) also known as Repartimiento Taino Perpetual Naborias The Nitanos were the Tano nobles of the elite cla ss. It appears that the Spanish, during this period, considered the Nitano to be equivalent to the le sser nobility in Spain (Guitar 2001). These included the cacique (chief) and the trib e elders. Although the Nitano were an essential part of the colonial work system, they did not perform any manu al labor. Their main function was to serve as intermediaries between the Tano workers and the Spanish authorities (Deagan 2004: 608; Guitar 2001). In order to do this, the Spanish selected the sons of cacique 187

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chiefs to be educated within the Spanish system at selected monasterie s in the colony (Guitar 1998: 170; Peguero and de los Santos 1983: 83-85). The Trabajadores libres (Free laborers) were the main worker group under the Repartimiento guidelines and corresponded to the non-elite Spanish class. They did not belong to one owner, and were not private property (Cass 1978: 44). They were under the jurisdiction of a cacique, and were mobilized from their nativ e regions to gold mining regions, such as Concepcin, to perform manual labor (Cass 197 8: 39, 41; Deagan 2004: 609). According to the Crown, these Tano workers worked for a certain length of time, with long periods of rest assigned between work seasons (Deagan 2004: 603). More specifically, five months of work and 40 days of rest in between to work on their own food plots, or conucos (Cass 1978: 44). A system called demora or the extension for several months of the mining work, was created in 1504, eventually lead to continuous work cycles (Cass 1978: 44). It is important to note that most of these free subjects were non-elite men, and their removal from their communities most likely altered the gender ratios within this soci al class (Deagan 2004: 610). However, in spite of this gender imbalance, studies seem to show th at the members of this Tano social strata continued to maintain many of their pre-contact cultural pr actices (Anderson-Crdova 1990; Deagan 2004: 621). The last group, the Naborias was made up of the servants of the Nitanos and the Spanish overlords. These were not under the jurisdiction of a cacique, or linked to a Tano conglomerate (Cass 1978: 53). They did not benefit from th e 40 days of rest ordered by the Crown. This group included a sub-group Perpetual Naborias which were captured Native American Indians who had rebelled against the Sp anish (Cass 1978: 53; Guitar 1998: 90). Perpetual 188

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Naborias were slaves for all practical purposes. They were private property and could be inherited (Cass 1978: 53). At Concepcin, the Repartimiento labor system was first instituted to organize Native American labor within the gold mining industry, but was later adapted to fit other needs, both social and economic, by incorporating elements of the Spanish class system and slavery systems. In terms of economic needs, the same basic labor structure was used upon the introduction of other industries, such as sugar a nd cattle, to the city (for a deta iled description of these industries see Chapter 7 Economic Industries at Concepcin). In social terms, the division of labor within the Repartimiento labor system evolved to become th e basis of the social hierarchy. 189

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Table 6-1. List of Caci ques at Concepcin (1514) Name Male or Female Spanish or Tano Name Acanaorex Male Tano Almirantito Male Spanish Alvarico Male Spanish Anaorex Male Tano Arvalo, Gonzalo de Male Spanish Ayala Male Spanish Ayraguay Male Tano Barahona Female Tano Baraona del Marin Male Tano Beatriz Female Spanish Casambanas, Ynamoca de Female? Tano Collado Male Spanish Coln, Diego Male Spanish Contreras Male Spanish Cotuy, Lucas de Male First-Spanish; Last-Tano Cotuy, Vega del Male First-Spanish; Last-Tano Elvira (Prez de Nava, Alvar) Female Spanish Elvira (Guevara, Sebastin de) Female Spanish Escobar del Marin, Antonio Male First-Spanish; Last-Tano Garca Carabi, Juan Male First-Spanish; Last-Tano Gmez Male Spanish Gonzlez, Martn Male Spanish Gonzalo Male Spanish Gracia Female Spanish Guacn, Diego Enrique Male First-Spanish; Last-Tano Guacoquex, Diego de Male First-Spanish; Last-Tano Hernandico el Tuerto Male Spanish Horosco Male Spanish Juan, Don Male Spanish Lucia Female Spanish Blanco, G. (dead) Male Spanish Luisa Female Spanish Luna, Mara de (Lope de Mesa, Pero) Female Spanish Luna, Mara de (Daz de Pastrana, Pedro) Female Spanish Macors, Salamanca del Male First-Spanish; Last-Tano Macote Male Tano 190

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Table 6-1. Continued Name Male or Female Spanish or Tano Name Maniacotes Male Tano Mari-Sanchez Female Spanish Marin, Cristbal de Male First-Spanish; Last-Tano Masepedro Male Spanish Mata Boronex Male Tano Maxaguan Male Tano Maymotonex Male Tano Mendoza Female Spanish Miquito Male Spanish Nacory, Alonso Male First-Spanish; Last-Tano Nibagua Male Tano Ortiz y Nitaino, Tamayo Male First-Spanish; Last-Tano Roman, Alonso Male Spanish Salcedo, Juanico Male Spanish San Benito, cacique de Male Spanish Simenex Male Tano Vacarex, Martin Male First-Spanish; Last-Tano Vega, Pedro de la Male Spanish Velsquez, Diego Male Spanish Velsquez Male Spanish Vera, Juan de Male Spanish Based on Arranz-Mrquez, Luis, 1991. Repartimientos y encomiendas en la isla Espaola. Ediciones Fundacin Garca-Arvalo, Santo Domingo. 191

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Table 6-2. Spanish Population Policies Date Policy 1493 La Isabela conceived as mix of Spanis h colonial experiences and those of Portuguese factoras (5) 1495 Columbus establishes Concepcin in Ciba o Valley near Guarionexs village (6) 1498 Santo Domingo founded (17) 1499 Agreement reached with Roldn (5) 1501 No heretics, Jews or Moors are allowed, unless are slaves under Spanish control (9) Expulsion of the Moors from Spain (4) Ovando arrives with 30 ships, 2,500 settlers (including women and children) (15) There were 360 people previ ously on the island (11) Franciscans headed by Alonso de Espinal set up residence in Concepcin (6)(12) 1502 1,000 die, 500 sick amongst Ovandos settlers (1) 1502-1508 Bad grain crop in Castile. Cant be imported from elsewhere (1) Only Christians can come to New World (8) 1503 Spanish villas in Ovandos time: Lares de Guahaba, Puerto Real, Puerto Plata, Santiago, Concepcin, Cotui, Bonao, Sant a Cruz de Icayagua, Higey, Santo Domingo, Buenaventura, Azua, San Juan de la Maguana, La Vera Paz, Yaquimo, and La Sabana (5) 1504-1507 Large immigration from Castile to Hispaniola (1) 1507 Ovando asks the King to prohibit migra tion of those who will not work (1) Diego Columbus complains of 3,000 vagrant single men (1) 1509 Mara de Toledo brings ladies-in-waiti ng, which marry important rich men of colony (16) Repartimiento by Diego Columbus (2) 1510 1,000 Spanish leave with Hojeda and Nicuesa to Tierra Firme. Took Indians slaves with them (1) Casa de Contratacin no longer fo rbids converse immigration (1)(8) 1511 Ecclesiastical posts fo r legitimate sons of vecinos and peninsulares Must know Latin.(14) 192

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Table 6-2. Continued Date Policy 1512 King suggests sending white slaves (Moors a nd indentured servants) to Hispaniola (8) 1514 Rodrigo de Alburquerque conducts Repartimiento (11) 1515-1517 More than 800 vecinos abandon island (8) 1517 Letter from Jeronymites reports depopulat ion, noting both indigenous and Spanish residents are few (8) 1518 Zuazo asks for settlers from everywhere, except Jews, Moors, their children and grandchildren (13) 1519-1533 Enriquillo Rebellion caused in part by massive Spanish migration (5) Canarians are encouraged to emigrate due to their experience in the sugar industry (8) Crown attention shifts to mineral-rich, heavily p opulated Mexico (7)(8) 1519 Many who did not receive Tano in Repartimiento leave for Mexico and Central America.(2)(3) 1520 Attacks by Cimarrones make gold extraction dangerous, causing depopulation and agricultural products concentrated in safe areas (5) 1521 All Spaniards who wish to remain in Indi es must bring their wives, unless by royal permission (8) Crown signed provision that said Africans we re not to be set free if married, or would have free children (8) 1526 Royal decree prohibiting migration under pe nalty of death. Cannot take other Span or Indians with them (8)(11) 1527 Vecinos who abandoned their homes must return to them, under the pain of having their Tano workers taken away (8) Genoese and Portuguese immigrants are esp ecially encouraged due to their sugar industry experience, but can only stay 2 years (8) Towns: Santo Domingo, Concepcin, Santiago, Puerto Real, Higey, San Juan de la Maguana, Santa Mara del Puerto, Salvatie rra de la Sabana and Yaguana (10) 1528 Crisis of depopulat ion on island (14) 1529 Crown offers concessions to p easants who go to New World (8) 193

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Table 6-2. Continued Date Policy 1530 Crown offers free lots to settlers (8) 1531 Crown gives free passage to peasant immigrants (8) 1534 For 10 years no one can leave the island or province where they are a resident to go to another, under pain of losing their offices and any Indians they may have (8) 1535 Foreign immigrants can only stay for 2 years. Those that stay longer without a license have their goods seized and se nt to the Casa de Contratacin (8) 1543-1548 Cerrato finds island in a stare of fear. White population never left their farms on groups of less than 15-20 armed men (11)(16) 1545 Canarian immigrants are still encouraged to come to Hispaniola (8) 1546 Crown prohibits single men passage to Indies.(8) Vecinos are attacked by Cimarrones when they try to move into country, away from city center (14) 1547 Mass immigration, especially in Concepcin which only has 17 vecinos (14) Sources 1. Arranz-Mrquez 1979: 15, 16, 19, 18, 24 2. Arranz-Mrquez 1991 3. Benzo 2000 4. Brown 2000: 74 5. Cass 1978: 32, 36, 39, 42, 60, 63 6. Cohen 1997: 4, 6 7. Deagan 1991: 4 8. Guitar 1998: 124, 125, 145, 158, 186, 188, 189, 190, 193, 194, 195, 198, 199, 200, 258, 259, 300, 340 9. Marte 1981: 15 10. Moya-Pons 1974: 75 11. Moya-Pons 1978 12. Peguero and de los Santos 1983: 59 13. Rodriguez-Demorizi 1971: 267 14. Rodriguez-Morel 2000: xv, xvii, 57, 106, 107 15. Rogozinski 2000: 28 16. Rueda 1988: 106, 224 17. Suarez-Marill 1998: 8 194

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Table 6-3. Partial List of Concepcin de la Vegas First Inhabitants Inhabitant Origin of Spouse Vecino in 1514 # of Indians Received (1514) Comments Alburquerque, Rodrigo de (S) Concepcin 287 -Repartimiento (1514) -Law representative Ayala, Juan de (S) Santo Domingo Mayor of the Fort (1495) Ballester, Miguel de (Ballesteros) (S) -Warden of fort (1497) -Mayor of the Fort -First sugar producer Barrantes, Garca de (S) Higey -Captain -Commander against Guarionex (1497) Becerra, Ana Doa (Castilian woman) Castilian Wife of Lic. Lucas Vsquez de Aylln Fernndez, Catalina (Castilian woman) Castilian Wife of Antn de San Miguel Garcs, Juan (S) Tano Garca, Mara (Castilian woman) Castilian Concepcin wife of Rodrigo de Villadiego Godoy, Diego de (S) Servant of Rodrigo de Villadiego Guilln, Cristbal (S) Concepcin 80 Gutierrez de Aguiln, Alonso (S) Concepcin First sugar producer Herrera, Ortiga de (S) Servant of Rodrigo de Villadiego Manso, Don Alonso (S) -First Inquisitor in the Indies -Bishop of Puerto Rico Martn, Gonzalo (S) Servant of Rodrigo de Villadiego Mexia, Rodrigo (S) Muoz, Toribio (S) Castilian Concepcin 36 Nuez, Bartolom (S) Pallares, Alonso de (S) Pastrana, Juan de (S) Dead Rambla, Gonzalo de la (S) soldier (1497) 195

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Table 6-3. Continued Inhabitant Origin of Spouse Vecino in 1514 # of Indians Received (1514) Comments Rodrguez, Cristbal (S) Translator San Miguel, Antn de (S) Castilian -Hidalgo -Husband of Catalina Fernndez Soto, Mara de (Castilian woman) Castilian Wife of Diego de Villadiego Vsquez de Aylln, Lic. Lucas (S) Castilian Santiago -Graduate/ mayor/ miner/ cattle rancher -Husband of doa Ana Becerra Villadiego, Diego de (S) Castilian -Husband of Mara de Soto Villadiego, Gonzalo (S) Villadiego, Rodrigo de (S) Castilian Concepcin 46 -Merchant -Husband of Mara Garca (S)=Spanish Based on Arranz-Mrquez 1991 and Benzo 2000 196

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Table 6-4. Partial List of Concep cin de la Vegas Inhabitants in 1514 Inhabitant Origin of Spouse Vecino # of Indians Received Comments Arcipreste de la Concepcin (S) 1 Archpriest Cannigo de Toro (S) 1 Canon Acevedo, Aldonza de (Castilian woman) Castilian -Noble (doa) -Wife of Juan de Villoria Aguilera, Juan de (S) X 2 Alburquerque, Juan de (S) X 115 Alderman Alburquerque, Rodrigo de (S) X 287 -Repartidor -Law representative Alcntara, Fernando de (S) X 53 Miner Alczar, Rodrigo de (S) Castilian X 75 -Alderman -Crown silversmith Alonso, Blas (S) Castilian X 2 Arce, Alonso de (S) X 45 Notary Arrobal, Pedro de (Arroyal) (S) X 4 Atienza, Pedro de (S) X 82 Alderman Avila, Cristbal de (S) 3 Tailor Balbas, Juan de (S) X Becerra, Juan (S) Bachiller Benalczar, Francisco de (S) 4 Berdejo, Alonso de (Verdejo) (S) X Borda, Fernando de (S) X Bresan, Rafael (S) X Cabrera, Luis de (S) Tano 6 Cepeda, Alonso de (S) Tano X 59 Covarrubias, Francisco de (S) 3 Tailor Cuba, Jorge de la (Jos) (S) X 2 Daz, Elena (Castilian woman) 2 Probable widow Daz de Pastrana, Pedro (S) X 43 Diez, Diego (S) Castilian X Woolcarding official 197

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Table 6-4. Continued Inhabitant Origin of Spouse Vecino # of Indians Received Comments Fernndez, Catalina (Castilian woman) Castilian Wife of Antn de San Miguel -First settler Fernndez, Mara (Castilian woman) 3 Probable widow Fernndez, Francisco (S) X -Bachiller -Doctor/surgeon Fernndez de Guadalupe, Juan (S) X 89 Alderman Fernndez Marmolejo, Alonso (Bartolom) (S) X 47 Garca, Mara (Castilian woman) Castilian X wife of Rodrigo de Villadiego Godoy, Diego de (S) Servant of Rodrigo de Villadiego Gmez, Ruiz (S) 7 Constable Gomiel, Pedro de (S) Castilian X 32 Guevara, Sebastin de (S) Tano X 30 Guilln, Cristbal (S) X 80 First settler Guzmn, Diego (S) X 42 Hernndez, Francisco (S) 3 -Doctor/surgeon /apothecary -Bachiller Herrera Carrillo, Francisco de (S) 42 Hierro, Blas (S) 1 Bishops prebendary Hinojosa, Juan de (S) 2 Lope de Mesa, Pero (S) Castilian X 87 -Residencia advisor -Tax collector Lpez, Vicente (S) 2 Notary public Luzn, Hernando de (S) 2 Martn, Goncalo (S) Servant of Rodrigo de Villadiego Monte, Gonzalo (S) X 33 Monterero, Cristbal de (S) Castilian 198

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Table 6-4. Continued Inhabitant Origin of Spouse Vecino # of Indians Received Comments Morn, Gmez de (S) X 2 Crossbowman Muoz, Toribio (S) Castilian X 36 First settler Murcia, Miranda (Castilian woman) Castilian Wife of Pedro de Murcia Murcia, Pedro de (S) Castilian X 43 Husband of Miranda de Murcia Murcia, Pedro de (S) 3 Doctor/Apothecary/Barbe r Nisa, Pero (S) 2 Blacksmith Nez, Vasco (S) X Pallares, Alonso de (S) X Palma, Juan de (S) Tano X 13 Parada, Alonso de (S) X 86 -Bachiller -Residencia judge Pasamonte, Miguel de (S) X 251 -Royal Treasurer -Assistant of the 1514 Repartimiento Prez, Pero (S) 1 Notary Prez de Almonte, Alonso (S) Tano X 30 Navigator Prez de Nava, Alvar (S) Castilian X 46 Prez de Villanueva, Pero (S) 2 Ponce de Len, Hernn (S) X 109 -Alderman/ Visitador -Procurator/representative Porras, Alonso de (S) X 105 Visitador Prncipe, Cristbal (S) X Ramrez, Juan (S) 3 Barber Ramrez, Ramiro (S) X 2 Reguero, Martn (S) X Rendn, Melchor (S) Castilian 2 master constructor Robles, Juan de (S) Farm owner Rodrigo, Diego (S) 2 Locksmith Romn, Alonso (S) Tano X 40 Romano, Alonso (S) X Salamanca, Alonso de (S) Tano X 3 199

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Table 6-4. Continued Inhabitant Origin of Spouse Vecino # of Indians Received Comments Salamanca, Blas de (S) X 2 Crossbowman Salamanca, Miguel de (S) Tano X 31 San Miguel, Antn de (S) Castilian First settler/Hidalgo -Husband of Catalina Fernndez Sea, Hernando de (Pea) (S) 1 Market-gardener Soto, Mara de (Castilian woman) Castilian -First settler -Wife of Diego de Villadiego Surez de Deza, Pedro (S) 6 Assigned Bishop Taborda, Hernando de (S) X 33 Tapia, Sebastin de (S) 1 Miner Tejerina, Juan de (S) 1 Termio de Velasco, Lope de (S) Castilian X 6 Terreros, Francisco de (Tenedos) (S) X 54 Toledo, Juan de (S) Castilian X 4 Vadillo, Miguel de (S) X Valdenebro, Alonso de (S) Valdenebro, Diego (S) X 52 Crossbowman/Visitador Valera, Pedro de (S) 2 Master constructor Valverde, Francisco de (S) Tano X 6 Verde, Diego (S) X Villacorta, Lope de (S) X 51 Villadiego, Diego de (S) Castilian 3 Husband of Mara de Soto Villadiego, Rodrigo de (S) Castilian X 46 Merchant / First settler -Husband of Mara Garca Villoldo, Gernimo de (S) Tano 2 Villoria, Juan de (S) Castilian X 199 -Alderman -Husband of Doa Aldonza de Acevedo Viniegra, Diego de (S) X 200

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Table 6-4. Continued Spanish vecinos : 41 Married encomenderos: 19 Married to Castilian women (vecinos and non-vecinos): 9 Married to Tano women (vecinos and non-vecinos): 10 (S)=Spanish Based on Aranz-Mrquez 1991 and Benzo 2000 201

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Table 6-5. Partial List of Concepcin de la Vegas Inhabitants after 1515 Inhabitant Origin of Spouse Vecino # of Indians Received in 1514 Comments Aguilar, Marcos de (S) Inquisitor (1532) Alcantara, Hernando de (S) X 6 -Miner -Will executor(1532) Alonso de Valencia, Hernando (S) X 1530 Alpargas, Catalina (S) X lived in sin with Alvaro Castro (1532) Arciniega (S) 1532 Atienza, Pedro de (S) X alderman (1532) Avila, Alonso (S) X alderman Avila, Juan de (S) Notary Avila, Mara de (S) X Baldeca, Lope de (S) Castilian 1532 Basyniana, Pedro Benito (G) Genovese merchant from Seville, partner of Alvaro de Castro (1532) Beatrizica (L) -Lucayan woman (1532) Buviesca, Juan de (S) Adolescent Cabra, Alonso de (S) Castilian -Husband of Beatriz de Salas Camargo, Hernando de (S) Cleric/Vicar-general (1532) Camora, Juan de (S) X Campos, Antonio de (S) Appellate judge/Chief constable Castillo, Hernando del (S) X Castro, Alvaro de (S) Bachiller/ Cathedral Dean/ Inquisition commissary / Canon Castro, Ana de (S) Castilian -Niece of Alvaro de Castro (1532) -Wife of Martin de Landa Castro, Leonor (S) X Castro, Pedro de (S) X alderman 202

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Table 6-5. Continued Inhabitant Origin of Spouse Vecino # of Indians Received in 1514 Comments Catalina (Catalinica) (L) Castilian -Lucayan Indian (1532) -Lived in sin with Alvaro de Castro Cavallero, Hernando (S) X Cespedes, Sancho (S) Archdeacon (1532) Cobo, Juan (S) Farm owner (1532) Cordoba, Juan de (S) Church steward (1532) Cornejo, Pedro (S) X Cuellar, Lorenzo de (S) X Farm owner/ Sexton (1532) Davila, Cristbal (S) X Tailor (1532) Davila, Juan (S) Notary (1532) Deza, Cristbal de (S) Canon/vicar-general (1532) Daz de Peravia, Pero (S) Buyer of African slaves (1532) Daz de Pastrana, Pero (S) X (1532) Fernndez, Gonzalo (S) (1532) Fordillo (Gordillo) (S) Executive constable (1532) Fuente, Juan de la (S) Alvaro de Castros servant (1532) Fuente Sabz, Juan Martin de la (S) X Sexton (1532) Gamarro, Juan de (S) X -Alvaro de Castros servant -Cleric of First Tonsure (1532) Garca de Paredes (S) X Estante (1532) Gaviria, Miguel de (S) Crown notary Gomes, Gonzalo (S) X Farm owner Gmez, Pero (S) X Alvaro de Castros servant (1532) Goncales, Pero (S) X Alvaro de Castros servant (1532) Granadaces, Alonso de (S) X (1532) 203

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Table 6-5. Continued Inhabitant Origin of Spouse Vecino # of Indians Received in 1514 Comments Gutierre, Myllan (S) Bachiller en Artes (college graduate in Humanities) /Mass cleric/ Bishopric vicar-general/ Preceptor (1532) Hernndez, Juan (S) X Lived close to plaza (1532) Hernndez de Guadalupe, Juan (S) X Hinojos, Francisco de (S) X Farm owner Hurtado, Juan (S) Governor deputy Landa, Martn de (S) Castilian Husband of Ana de Castro (1532) Len, Alvaro de (S) X -Canon / knight commander/ -Cathedral vicar-general (1532) Lpez, Blas (S) Cleric/ Bishop's chaplain Lope de Mesa, Pero (S) Castilian X 87 -Residencia advisor (1532) -Tax Collector/Chief constable Manso, Alonso (S) -Ex-Bishop of Puerto Rico -Inquisitor Mrquez, Antonio (S) Maestrescuela (1532) Madrid, Diego de (S) Father of Juan Solano (1532) Martn, Alonso (S) -Canon (1518) -Cattle rancher on Alvaro de Castro's land Martn, Diego (S) Sexton (1532) Martn de Hojeda, Antonio (S) X Martn Callejas, Martn (S) Galley sergeant/ miner/merchant Martin de Trebejo, Juan (P) X Mule driver/salt transporter Martn de Xagua, Juan (S) Miner Mendoza, Francisco de (S) Vicar-general (1532) Merchn, Juan (S) Castilian Husband of Ines de Salas 204

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Table 6-5. Continued Inhabitant Origin of Spouse Vecino # of Indians Received in 1514 Comments Monegro, Antn de (S) X Mayor (1532) Montesino, Macias (S) X (1532) Morales (S) X Tailor (1532)/Sold clothes with Alvaro de Castro Morales (S) Bachiller Morales, Luys de (S) Church Prebendary Morn, Gmez de (S) X 2 Crossbowman (1532) Mosquera, Juan (S) Mayor (1532) Muiz, Juana (Juana Nuez) X Widow Muiz, Juan (S) (1532) Muoz, Toribio (S) Castilian X 36 First settlers Nez, Vasco (S) X Ocampo, Francisco de (S) Mayor /Tax Collector Orellana, Juan de (S) Servant of Blas Lpez Orejn, Francisco (S) sugar mill owner/ Mayor Ortega, Diego de (S) X cattle rancher Ortiz, Juan (S) X Royal notary (1532) Palma, Juan de (S) X (1532) Palomo, Pedro (S) X Barber/Public prosecutor/ Constable (1532) Pastor, Alonso (S) X Servant of Alonso Romn Pedroso, Fr. Antonio de O.F. (S) Franciscan Frair Prez, Juan (S) Vicar-general Prez de Landa, Martn (S) X Notary Public Pineda, Pedro (S) X Shoemaker Prez, Pero (S) Ponce de Len, Francisco (S) X Alderman Pozo, Gil del (S) (1532) Prado, Francisco de (S) X Graduate (1532) Rio, Diego del (S) cleric ? (1532) Rodrguez, Alonso (S) Shepherd (1532) 205

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Table 6-5. Continued Inhabitant Origin of Spouse Vecino # of Indians Received in 1514 Comments Rodrguez, Bartolom (S) Rodrguez, Isabel (S) -(Castilian woman) -probable widow Romn, Alonso (S) Tano X 40 Owned a sugar mill with Francisco de Orejn / Alvaro de Castros servant Ruis (S) canon Sabcedo, Cristbal de (S) vicar-general (1532) Salamanca, Blas de (S) (1532) Salas, Beatriz de (S) Devout woman (1532) (Castilian woman) Salas, Ynes de (S) Castilian -Alvaro de Castros mistress Wife of Juan Merchn Snchez Ruiz, Diego (S) Apostolic Notary (1532) Snchez, Francisco (S) Merchant Snchez, Gonzalo (S) Cleric/ presbyter /vicar San Martn, Toms de (S) Dominican Friar (1532) San Miguel, Antn de (S) Castilian -First settler/ hidalgo -Husband of Catalina Fernndez Santa Mara, Juan de (S) -Cleric -Archpriest Santos, Pedro (S) X Sarmiento, Diego (S) -Father of Pedro Sarmiento (1532) Sarmiento, Pedro (S) Public prosecutor /collector -Son of Diego Sarmiento (1532) Sieza, Alvaro de (S) X Alderman (1532) Solano, Juan (S) -Son of Diego de Madrid (1532) Soria, Francisco de (S) Apostolic Notary (1532) Soto, Juan de (S) Notary Public (1532) Toro, Francisco de (S) Sexton (1532) 206

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Table 6-5. Continued Inhabitant Origin of Spouse Vecino # of Indians Received in 1514 Comments Ulloa, Pedro de (S) X (1532) Valladolid, Pedro de (S) X Servant of Alvaro de Castro Velasco, Runyno de (S) Magistrate (1520s) Velzquez, Hernn (S) Mayor (1532) Verde, Diego (S) X (1532) Viguera, Jorge de (S) Precentor/vicar-general (1532) Vila, Vicente de (S) X Villadrando (o Villandrs) (S) X Swordmaker/Commercial agent at A. de Castros store/Related to A. de Castro Villegas, Juan de (Oan de Villegas) (S) X Stable owner Zuazedo, Cristbal de (Salcedo) (S) Church vicar-general Ziga, Juan de (S) Constable Comendador de la Merced (S) (1532) Portuguese woman (1532) 2 Mestizos Witnesses in a lawsuit filed by Alvaro de Castro against Cristbal de Deza (1532) Black woman attacked by Alonso Rodrguez Servant of Alvaro de Castro (1532) (S)= Spanish (P) Portuguese (G) Genoese (L) Lucayan Based on Arranz-Mrquez 1991; Benzo 2000. 207

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Table 6-6. Inhabitants at Concepcin by Activity 1495-1514 Activity Categories Inhabitants by Activity Gold Industry Miner : -Fernando de Alcantara -Sebastian Tapia -Lic. Lucas Vsquez de Aylln Visitador : -Hernn Ponce de Leon (c) -Alonso de Porras -Diego Valdenebro Food Production Farm owner : Juan de Robles Market gardener : Hernando de Sea (Pea) (b) Livestock Raising Architecture, Construction and Masonry Master Constructor: -Melchor Rendon -Pedro de Valera Weaponry Crossbowman : -Diego Valdenebro -Gmez de Morn -Blas de Salamanca 208

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Table 6-6. Continued Activity Categories Inhabitants by Activity Clothing Tailor : Cristbal Avila -Francisco de Covarrubias Woolcarding : Diego Diez Shoemaker Transportation Blacksmith : Pero Nisa Stable Owner Religion Cathedral -Archpriest of Concepcin -Canon of Toro Monastery Bishops prebendary : Blas Hierro Bishop : Pedro Suarez de Deza Government Treasurer : Miguel de Pasamonte Alderman : -Juan Alburquerque -Rodrigo de Alcazar -Pedro de Atienza -Hernan Ponce de Len, (c) -Juan de Villoria -Juan Fernndez de Guadalupe Notary : -Alonso Arce -Pero Perez -Vicente Lopez (Public) -Cristbal Rodrguez (Translator) Constable : Ruiz Gmez 209

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Table 6-6. Continued Activity Categories Inhabitants by Activity Government 2 Collector of Bienes de los Difuntos : Pero Lope de Mesa (d) Residencia advisor : Pero Lope de Mesa (d) Residencia j udge : Bachiller Alonso de Parada Procurator : Hernn Ponce de Len (c) Government 3 Fort -Juan de Ayala (Fort Mayor) (1495) -Miguel de Ballester (Fort warden/mayor) (1497) -Garca de Barrantes (Captain) (1497) Gonzalo de la Rambla (soldier) (1497) Representative -Rodrigo de Alburquerque -Hernn Ponce de Len (c) Navigator Alonso Prez de Almonte 210

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Table 6-6. Continued Activity Categories Inhabitants by Activity Health Apothecary : -Pedro Murcia (a) -Bachiller Francisco Hernandez (e) Physician : Bachiller Francisco Fernandez (f) Barber : -Pedro Murcia (a) -Juan Ramirez Doctor : -Pedro Murcia (a) -Bachiller Francisco Hernandez (e) Bachiller Francisco Fernandez (f) Smiths Crown silversmith : Rodrigo de Alczar Locksmith : Diego Rodrigo Domestic Labor Servant of Rodrigo de Villadiego : -Diego de Godoy -Gonzalo Martin -Ortiga de Herrera Commercial Activity Merchant : Rodrigo de Villadiego Market gardener : Hernando de Sea (Pea) (b) 211

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Table 6-6. Continued (a) Same man (b) Same man (c) Same man (d) Same man (e) Same man Based on Arranz-Mrquez 1991; Benzo 2000. 212

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Table 6-7. Inhabitants at Concepcin by Activity (1515-1564) Activity Categories Inhabitants by Activity Gold Industry Miner : -Hernando de Alcantara (1525) -Juan Martin de Xagua (1530) -Martin Callejas Food Production Farm Owner : -Garca de Paredes (Estante) Farm owners : -Juan Cobo (c) (1525) -Gonzalo Gmes (1525) -Francisco de Hinojos (1525) -Alonso Rodriguez (d) (1518/1532) -Lorenzo de Cuellar (g) Slaughterhouse Livestock raising : -Diego de Ortega (cattle rancher) -Alonso Martin (Cattle rancher on A. de Castro's land) -Alonso Rodrguez (shepherd) Architecture, Construction and Masonry Master Constructor Weaponry Sword-maker: -Villadandro (1520) Crossbowman : Gmez de Morm Clothing Tailor: Cristbal Davila (1520) -Morales (1532) Shoemaker: Pineda, Pedro (1530) Woolcarding Transportation Stable owner: Juan de Villegas Mule driver : Juan Martn de Trebejo 213

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Table 6-7. Continued Activity Categories Inhabitants by Activity Religion Vicar-general : Juan Prez (1520) -Cristbal Deza (1525) (a) -Alvaro de Len (Cathedral) (1526) (b) -Cristbal de Zuazedo Sexton: -Francisco Toro (1530) -Juan Martin de la Fuente (1530) -Diego Martin (1530) -Lorenzo de Cuellar (1532) (g) -Juan Martin de la Fuente Sabz (1532) Cathedral: -Juan Cordoba (steward)(1525) -Luys de Morales (Prebendary) -Jorge de Viguera (Chantre)(1528) -Gonzalo Sanchez (presbyter) (l) Canon: -Alonso Martin (1520) -Alvaro de Len (1526)(b) -Cristbal Deza (1525) (a) -Alvaro de Castro (j) -Ruis Religion 2 Apostolic Notary: -Diego Sanchez Ruiz -Francisco de Soria (1532) Cleric : -Hernando de Camargo (1530) (i) -Juan de Gamarro (1525) (h) -Myllan Gutierre (1520s?) (k) -Blas Lpez (1520s) (Bishop's chaplain) -Juan de Santa Mara (1520) -Diego del Rio -Gonzalo Snchez (l) Maestrescuela : Antonio Mrquez (1530) Dean : -Alvaro de Castro (1526 -1532)(j) 214

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Table 6-7. Continued Activity Categories Inhabitants by Activity Religion 3 Vicar-General : -Alvaro de Len (Cathedral)(b) -Hernando de Camargo (i) -Cristbal Deza (a) -Myllan Gutierre (Bishopric) (k) -Francisco de Mendoza -Juan Prez -Cristbal de Sabcedo -Jorge de Viguera -Gonzalo Snchez (vicar)(l) Friars : Fr. Antonio Pedroso (Franciscan) -Tomas de San Martin (Dominican) Inquisitor : -Marcos de Aguilar -Alvaro de Castro (commissary) (j) Various: -Sancho Cespedes (Archdeacon) -Juan de Santa Mara (Archpriest) Government Governor deputy : Juan Hurtado (1530-31) Alderman : -Pedro Castro (1519) -Francisco Ponce de Len (1522) -Pedro de Atienza (1532) -Alonso Avila -Alvaro de Sieza (1532) Chief constable : -Antonio de Campos (1517) -Pero Lope de Mesa (1530)(e) Constable : -Juan de Zuiga (1518) -Pedro Palomo (1532) (f) -Fordillo (Executive constable) 215

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Table 6-7. Continued Activity Categories Inhabitants by Activity Government 2 Notary : -Juan de Avila (1522) -Miguel de Gaviria (Crown) (1527) -Martin Prez de Landa (public)(1526) -Juan Soto (Public) (1532) -Juan Ortiz (Royal)(1532) Magistrate : -Lope Termio de Velasco (1519-1520) -Ruanyno de Velasco (1530) Mayor: -Juan Monegro (1530) -Francisco Orejn (1526) -Antn de Monegro (1532) -Francisco de Ocampo -Hernan Velzquez (1532) -Juan Mosquera Collector of Bienes de los Difuntos : -Francisco de Ocampo (1526) -Pero Lope de Mesa (e) -Hernando de Alcantara (will executor) Government 3 Notary : Juan Davila Court -Antonio de Campos (Appelate j udge) -Pedro Palomo (Public prosecutor)(f) -Pedro Sarmiento (Public prosecutor) Residencia advisor (1532) Pero Lope de Mesa (e) Knight commander Alvaro de Len (b) Health Barber : -Pedro Palomo (1532) (f) Apothecary Physician Doctor 216

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Table 6-7. Continued Activity Categories Inhabitants by Activity Smiths Silversmith Locksmith Commercial Activity Merchant: -Villadandro (1520) -Juan Martin Callejas (1525) -Alvaro Castro and Morales (clothes) -Francisco Snchez Salt : Juan Martin de Trebejo Sugar mill : -Alonso Roman (1518) -Francisco Orejn (1518) Domestic Labor Alvaro de Castros Servants : -Catalina Alpargas (1525) -Alonso Romn (1532) -Pero Gmez (1525) -Pero Goncales (1525) -Pedro Valladolid (1525) -Juan de Gamarro (h) -Juan de la Fuente -Beatrizica Lucayan woman (1532) -Catalina: Lucayan woman (1532) -Black woman attacked by Alonso Rodriguez Alonso Romans servant : Alonso Pastor Blas Lpezs Servant : Juan de Orellana 217

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Table 6-7. Continued (a) Same man (b) Same man (c) Same man (d) Same man (e) Same man (f) Same man (g) Same man (h) Same man (i) Same man (j) Same man (k) Same man (l) Same man Based on Arranz-Mrquez 1991; Benzo 2000. 218

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Table 6-8. African Population Policies (1500-1564) Date Policy 1501 Crown allows Ovando to bring La dinos born in Castile (3)(4) 1503 Ovando briefly stops African slave trad e because of large number of escaped slaves living with the escaped Tano. (4) 1505 First Bozales brought (3) 1505-1562 Illegal slaves being brought in (3) 1510-1514 Each vecino is authorized to own an African maid for domestic services (4) African slave trade legalized in part to forestall Portuguese smuggling (10) 1513 Government begins to grant licenses to bring slaves directly from Africa (10) 1514 Bishop Deza asks King for money and a license for 10 slaves to work on Cathedral and other churches in the bishopric (9) 1515-1516 After Cisneross death the African slave trade is briefly suspended (2)(4) 1516-1519 Jeronymites ask for Bozales for the sugar industry from Cape Verde and Guinea (2)(4) 1517 Flight from Spanish common (3) After smallpox epidemic of 15171518, Africans in great demand (3) 1518 Most encomenderos ask for Bozales, not ones born in Castile (3) A. de Castro of Concepcin is given license to bring in 200 African slaves (3) Slave trade is intensified (7) 1520 Attacks by Cimarrones make gold extraction dangerous, causing depopulation, and agricultural production concentrated in safe areas (1) 1521 Slaves of revolt on Diego Columbuss sugar mill reported to be Wolof from Senegambia-Cape Verde (mostly Muslim)(3) First African slave ordinances in the New World (3) 1522 Slaves must be married (3) 1524 African slaves have joined Enriquillo (3) 219

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Table 6-8. Continued Date Policy Crown signed provision that Africans were not to be set free if married, or have free children (3) Royal decree prohibiting migration under penalty of death, cannot take slaves with them (3) Royal decree that 1/3 of Africans imported must be women (6) 1526 No Ladinos can be brought to Spanish Americas, only Bozales (2)(4) New Slave Ordinances (4) 1528 Island administrators want each settler to be allowed 100 slaves and their women without taxes (3) 1529 Oidores suggest 50 African couples be sent to repopulate the 15 towns founded by Nicolas de Ovando.(3) 1530s When Spanish leave, they take their slaves (3) 1530s1547 Sebastian Lemba revolt (3) 1532 Wolofs cannot be brought to America (3) 1533 Peace treaty with Enriquillo (8) 1539 Crowns required import ratio of Bozales changed from 1/3 to females (3) 1540 Slaves can be brought directly from Portugal, Guinea and Cape Verde (previously all slaves must be shipped from Seville)(4) 1542 25,000-30,000 Africans brought to island. Only 1,2000 working in sugar, the rest are rebelled (3) Island in state of fear. White population never left their farms except in groups of 15-20 armed men (6) 1544 New Slave Ordinances (4) 1543 Many rebelled Africans (11) 1545 African slaves taken by owners to Honduras, New Spain and Peru. Most others are rebelled. Few slaves (5) 220

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Table 6-8. Continued Date Policy Bozales sold in Tierra Firme were first br ought to Hispaniola to be instructed and then sold (3) 1546 Owners soft on slaves for fear of rebelled Africans and Indians (5) 1550s 2,000 African slaves brought into the is land per year, including those brought as contraband (4) Sources 1. Cass 1978: 63 2. Deive 1989: 25, 26, 32 3. Guitar 1998: 124, 125, 182, 189, 196, 198, 199, 235, 246, 252, 256, 257, 259, 273, 275, 280, 300, 340 4. Larrazabal 1975: 13, 17, 14, 21, 37, 39, 100, 107 5. Marte 1981: 406, 415 6. Moya-Pons 1978 7. Peguero and de los Santos 1983: 65 8. Pichardo 1944 9. Rodriguez-Morel 2000: 14 10. Rogozinski 2000: 51 11. Rueda 1988: 224 221

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CHAPTER 7 ECONOMIC ACTIVITY AT CO NCEPCION DE LA VEGA Introduction Archaeological data reveal that Concepcin de la Vega had one of the richest, and most abundant arrays of material culture among all archaeologically documented early sixteenth century Caribbean sites, includi ng La Isabela, Puerto Real, Santo Domingo or Nueva Cadiz (see Deagan 1987, 1988, 1999: 30, 1995; Goggin 1968; Long 1967; Ortega 1982; Willis 1976). This abundance points to wealth within the communit y. Historical and archaeo logical records show that large-scale and small-scale economic activ ities flourished at Con cepcin, both in the rural and urban setting. This chapter at tempts to identify and descri be these activities through the integration of historical, archaeol ogical and architectural evidence. The first section of the chapter will descri be the large-scale ru ral economic industries present at Concepcin, since these are among the mo st evident in both historical and landscapelevel archaeological records. These economic activ ities exploited primary resources and helped sustain the overall site economy. Gold was the citys main economic industry during the first period of study (1495-1514), but during the second period (1515-1564) other industries were added, such as cattle ranching, and ag ricultural production, mostly sugar. The second section will describe urban economic ac tivities, both at a large and small-scale. Large-scale urban economic activ ities included cons truction and government, while small-scale activities included clothing production, weaponry manufactur e, blacksmithing, commercial activities and street vending. Special consideratio n will be given to the changes these activities undertook during the economic dive rsification of the second period of study (1515-1564). 222

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Large-scale Rural Economic Industries: Gold Although the Tano did process go ld into artifacts before the arrival of the Spanish (Tavares 1976: 14; Vega 1979), large-scale, industrialized extraction of gold on Hispaniola did not begin until the establishment of the Tano tribute system in 1495 (Vega 1979). As discussed in more detail in Chapter 3, Tano communities had to pay one hawks bell full of gold every three months for each member of their comm unity over 14 years of age (Cass 1978: 33; Charlevoix 1730a: 110; Wilson 1990a). Forts, including Concepcin, we re established in places were gold was found in order to collect the tr ibute (Cass 1978: 33; Cohen 1997: 4). Under Columbuss settlement plan (based on the fact oria model), the Spanish at the fort were only allowed to collect the gold, not mine it (Moya-Pons 1983). Gold mineral and/or Tano laborer s must have been plentiful at the first Concepcin fort in 1495, the first year of the Tano tribute, since Gu arionex, chief of the Tano settlement close to Concepcin, was the only chief able to fulfill th e tribute demands (Cass 1978: 33; Moya-Pons 1978: 13). On the rest of the island, the failure of the tribute system brought down the Columbus regime, eventually leading to Columbuss de stitution, and the appointment of Francisco de Bobadilla as governor (Cass 1978: 36; Peguero and de los Santos 1983: 47; Prez-Collados 1992: 161). Under Bobadillas governance, the Monarchs cl aimed the right to co ntrol the land and its resources (Prez-Collados 1992: 163). Spanish miners were granted licenses to extract the metal, and were obliged to pay the government 1/ 5 of the gold profits earned known as the quinto ) (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 201; Guitar 1998: 1 16). Until 1550, only Buenaventura (close to San Cristbal on the south coast) and Concepcin were permitted to smelt gold (see Table 7-1). As the location of the northern Royal Foundry, C oncepcin received the gold mined in the Cibao and in the area around Puerto Re al (Anghiera in Guitar 1998: 117). 223

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In the Concepcin area, as in the rest of Hisp aniola, most of the gold discovered was placer gold (Guitar 1998: 127; Sauer 1966: 198). Placer gold is found by pa nning rather than digging (For a discussion of the recovery and refine ment of placer gold, see Craddock 1995: 110-11). Gold panning on Hispaniola involved a mi xed group of people, including Tanos under Repartimiento Native American and African slave men and women, and a Spanish miner as leader (Deive 1989: 267; Ovando in Rueda 1988: 208-217). Non-elite Spaniards also worked as mining supervisors and overseers (Guitar 1998: 126). Often a group of neighbors shared the workers which were organized into compaas, also known as cofradas (Marte 1981: 401; Ovando in Rueda 1988; Patronato 1995: 60). The mining process of the time involved several steps. The miners would stake out an area of land 18-20 steps in diameter, as dictated by Spanish law (Ovando in Rueda 1988: 208-217). These areas were often near bodies of water, such as streams and lagoons (Ovando in Rueda 1988: 208-217). African slave and Perpetual Naboria (Amerindian) men clea red it of trees and rocks, and excavated a hands-width at a time (Ovando in Rueda 1988: 208-217). The resulting hole was washed out with water to try to reve al possible gold veins (Ovando in Rueda 1988: 208-217). The excavated soil was taken to the panni ers, on the banks of the nearby body of water (Ovando in Rueda 1988: 208-217). The soil was us ually carried to the waters edge by Amerindian men in flattened gourds called bateas (Ovando in Rueda 1988: 208-217). Gold could also be obtained by draining small lagoons and la kes, or by taking small streams off-course and panning the earth on the riverb ed until hitting bedrock (O vando in Rueda 1988: 212). The panniers were mostly African and Amer indian women, who had this job because, according to Oviedo, they were more sensitiv e (Ovando in Rueda 1988: 208-217). As they sat in water up to their knees, the pa nniers poured the earth into bigger bateas and swirled the mud 224

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until gold appeared (Ovando in Rueda 1988: 208217). This whole process was repeated until bedrock was reached in the staked out plot (Ovando in Rueda 1988: 208-217). To maximize production it was important that the process be on-going, and that all workers be occupied. Gold had to be mined as quickly as possible in the period prior to 1514 because each change in government brought about a new Repartimiento of the Tano laborers and a new land distribution, often giving the mine to a new owner (Ovando in Rueda 1988). Oviedo calculated an average operation to have 50 worker s: 10 panniers, 20 earth-carriers and 20 diggers (Ovando in Rueda 1988: 212). Each group of 10 slaves in the mines was supervised by a criado, usually of African descent (Guitar 1998: 125). The mining camp also included women who cooked cassava bread for the most part (Ovando in Rueda 1988: 212). In order to be successful, mining camps had to move around while looking for gold, never staying in one spot more than a couple of m onths (Oviedo in Rueda 1988). The nomadic nature of this activity made it distinct from those of the other large-scale activities described in this chapter, and had abundant problems such as the sp read of mosquito-borne diseases and the lack of permanent housing. Consequently, these activitie s left very little tra ce in the archaeological record. In spite of a fairly organized methodol ogy, success in extracting gold was by no means guaranteed. Various practices were believed to improve a miners luck in finding gold, the most interesting of which may have been the one Chri stopher Columbus tried to institute in the early days of the colony (Oviedo in Rueda 1988: 150). Columbus affirmed that the Tano Indians followed a particular religious ritual which invol ved chastity and fasting previous to gathering gold (Oviedo in Rueda 1988: 150). He believed the Spanish should also follow these principles, in addition to confessing and receiving communion before trying their luck (Oviedo in Rueda 225

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1988: 150). He reinforced this belief by refusing to give gold licenses to those who did not comply (Oviedo in Rueda 1988: 150). Many Spaniard s protested these provis ions by stating that their wives were in Spain (being involved with Amerindian women did not count), that they died of hunger and had to eat roots (manioc and many other Tano staples are tubers or roots), and that the Church only require d confession once a year (Oviedo in Rueda 1988: 150). It is not known whether African and Amerindian workers we re required to follow these guidelines as well. Regardless of the methods used, once gold was found, the Royal authorities were notified in order to avoid having the mine taken over by other miners (Oviedo in Rueda 1988: 208). The Royal authorities were also in charge of sm elting the gold and verify ing its purity, since gold quality varied greatly on Hispaniola (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 185; Oviedo in Rueda 1988: 208). To purify the gold, it had to be refined. Although there were tw o refining methods available at the time, cupellation (heating of the alloy) and amalgamation (mechanical separation) (Deagan and Cruxent 200 2b: 185), historical records seem to point towards the use of the amalgamation process during the early pe riod of study (1495-1514) (Marte 1981: 93, 122). During amalgamation, the ore is crushed, mixed w ith water and mercury, and then agitated. The mercury and gold form an amalgam which sinks to the bottom and the other particles wash away (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 186). This gold-mercury mix was then placed in porous leather or cloth bags. The mercury would drip out and gol d dust would be left in the bag (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 186). This gold was then kept until it was time for the fundicin, or smelting. This process was only done twice a year, and only at an official Casa de Fundici n (Charlevoix 1730a: 221; Garca 226

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1906: 68; Anghiera in Guitar 1998: 117). Concepci n held the only Casa de Fundicin for the northern part of the island (Charlevoix 1730a : 221; Anghiera in Gu itar 1998: 117; Peguero 1975a: 153). The gold was received, smelted into bars and the quinto was taken by the Crown. The rest went to the miner (Guitar 1998: 117) The Escribano de Minas, who for most of Concepcins existence was Melchor de Castro ( 1508?-1543?), was in charge of supervising the smelting process, and the collection of th e Crowns percentage (Marte 1981: 401). Many historians (see, for example, Fl oyd 1963: 68-69; Moya-Pons 1983, 1987) have assumed that gold itself became scarce at C oncepcin shortly after 1514, however a careful reading of primary sources (Marte 1981: 295, 368; Rodriguez-Morel 2000: 87) suggests that it was processed gold, rather than th e mineral itself, that was scarce, due to the lack of a large, stable labor force able to undertake the mining work. In f act, gold production on Hispaniola peaked in 1519 and 1520 (Inchustegui 1955: 126), and Concepcin continued to be the main northern foundry until the mid1540s (Rodriguez-Morel 2000: 106). Several factors contributed to the decrease in gold production at Concepcin after the 1514 Repartimiento One was the mass migration of those vecinos who did not receive Tano workers in the 1514 Repartimiento (Moya-Pons 1983: 28). A second reason was the institution of Jeronymite program to substitute gold production for sugar production by African slaves (Cass 1978: 58). Another was the fact that mining groups were attacked by Cimarrones to steal either slaves or the gold produced. One important difference in the gold industry dur ing this later period was the fact that most of the gold prospecting was done on cattle ranc hing lands (Patronato 1995: 216, 220), probably as a means for protection. Another difference was that cofradas during this period were not allowed to roam the countryside, but rather had to return to the masters home every night to 227

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prevent slaves from escaping (Larrazabal 1975: 109). According to the 1528 Ordenanzas these work groups had to be accompanied by a Christian foreman, who was a non-elite Spaniard (Patronato 1995: 246), or possibly a Ladino slave (Larrazabal 1975: 107). Gold mining was also undertaken by the Spanis h Crown during this pe riod, with the labor being carried out by African slaves rather than Repartimiento Tainos (Guitar 1998: 128). The Crown did not suffer from labor shortages, sin ce it allowed itself access to a large number of slaves, but restricted licenses to private individuals (Guitar 1998: 128). Other evidence of gold mining at Concep cin during the second period of study (15151564) comes from the accounts dealing with the Cimarrn attacks which occurred from the mid 1530s to mid 1540s. These indicate that Concepci n was the second most attacked area of the colony, and that gold-mining teams were the main source of members for the Cimarrn groups (Deive 1989: 264). This suggests that gold prosp ecting, if not necessari ly the whole production process, was prevalent in the area during this time period. Historical accounts say that gold was no longer officially smelted at Concepcin by 15 47 (Rodriguez-Morel 2000: 106). However, it is possible that gold may have been illegally smelte d by individuals on a small-scale, as had been done earlier at La Isabela (D eagan and Cruxent 2002b: 186). Large-scale Rural Economic Industries: Agriculture and Sugar The cultivation of cash crops was attempted at Concepcin, and in the rest of Hispaniola, during both of the periods of study. Some of the crop production attempted included sugar, dyewood, wild cinnamon, cotton, manioc, caafstola (C assia fistula a medicinal plant used as a laxative) and medicinal herb s (Garca 1906: 84; Guitar 1998: 203). Historical records only document the attempt to grow two cash crops at Concepcin, namely sugar cane (Concepcin 1981, 1982; Guitar 1998: 206; Ortiz 1947; Oviedo 1959: Book 4, Ch. 8) and caafstola (Guitar 1998: 203; Patronato 1995: 60) (See Table 7-2). 228

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Although both endeavors were short-lived, s ugar production at Concepcin played an important part in the introduction and imposition of this industry in the New World. Not only was it the first place where sugar was successf ully produced, but also its Bishop was an important force behind the Jeronymite program to transform the colonys workforce from Native American to African-based. When Columbus returned to Hispaniola on hi s second voyage, he fully expected to create an extractive factoria colony which was to trade for gold (D eagan and Cruxent 2002b: 47), but he also brought some crops for potential cash production (Guitar 1998: 2 03). One of these was sugar cane (Ortiz 1947). He was unsuccessful in its production, as was Governor Ovando in 1503 (Rogozinski 2000: 51). Sugar was first produced commercially in the New World at Concepcin in 1506 (Cohen 1997: 5; Concepcin 1981, 1982; Guitar 1998: 206; Ortiz 1947; Oviedo 1959: Book 4, Ch. 8). Sources differ as to who was re sponsible: Miguel de Ballester, alcalde of the fort and local businessman (Cohen 1997: 5; Moya-Pons 1974: 71) Pedro de Atienza (Oviedo in Rueda 1988) in association with Ballest er (Guitar 1998: 206), or Al onso Gutierrez de Aguiln encomendero in La Vega and Azua (Las Casas in Ru eda 1988; Moya-Pons 1983: 31; Guitar 1998: 206). The first sugar produced at Concepcin was si milar to molasses (Guitar 1998: 206), but by 1512 crude presses, originally used in the proces s of converting manioc into cassava bread, were used to make the product more crystalline (O rtiz 1947: 263; Guitar 1998: 206). The results must have been encouraging, because that same y ear, Concepcins Bishop, Bishop Deza, proposed to change the colonys main mode of production from gold being mined by Tanos under the Repartimiento to sugar being mined by African slaves (Moya-Pons 1978: 176). 229

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Why would Bishop Deza suggest this change? First, as a Dominican, he supported Fray Montesinos questioning of the Tano working cond itions, and saw the need to find a way to save them from extinction (See Chapter 3 History). At the same time, the colony had to be supported economically and a viable alternat ive had to be offered to gold pr oduction. Sugar, at that time, seemed the most promising. It had enjoyed hi gh prices in Europe since 1510 (Moya-Pons 1974: 71), and Spain had previous experience with it s production in the Canary Islands (Guitar 1998: 194), including the use of an African labor force familiar with Spanish language and culture ( Ladino slaves, described in Chapter 6). Another important advantage of sugar production was its sedentary nature, as opposed to gold pros pecting, which required the mining teams to ream the countryside. By being sedentary, sugar production allowed a slave owner to have better control over the possibility of slave escapes. Bartolom de las Casas championed Dezas ideas in Court, and the Jeronymite government (1516-1519) instituted sugar production as part of their governmental plan (Inchustegui 1955: 127; Moya-Pons 1978) This plan included loans to vecinos, which came out of the gold quinto belonging to the Crown (Cass 1978: 66; Moya-Pons 1978: 180), the elimination of taxes on mill equipment (Guitar 1998: 209; Inchustegui 1955: 127; Ortiz 1947: 271-272), and exemption from having sugar mill s seized upon bankruptcy (Cass 1978: 67; Inchustegui 1955: 127; Wright 1916: 769-771). Concepcins early participation in the sugar industry is reflected archaeologically by a large number of broken hormas or ceramic sugar molds, recovered from the site. Nevertheless, despite Concepcin having been the first pl ace on the colony where sugar was produced commercially, historical accounts characterize sugar pr oduction at Concepcin as a short-lived failure (Guitar 1998: 206). 230

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There is very little historical mention of sugar production at Concepcin. The first welldocumented evidence for a working mill was not until 1547 (Guitar 1998: 279), and the final historical notice was in 1550 (Rodriguez-Morel 2 000: 50) There is no mention of sugar mills at Concepcin in the 1530, 1533 or 1545 censuses (Guitar 1998: 326-329; Mira-Caballos 1997: 155; Peguero 1975a: 217-221; Sez 1994: 267-272). It is possible that there may have been an earlier mills in operation, since there is a record of a loan given to Alonso Roman and Franci sco Oregon of 500 pesos and 100 Indians to construct a sugar mill in 1520 (Benzo 2000). A pparently this amount was not enough, for by 1532 the ingenio did not exist. During the 1530s and 1540s, most of those who had previously been members of Concepcins elite class during th e first period of study (1495-1514), lived in the south coast in the area close to Santo Domingo and owned sugar m ills. There is some confusion as to whether the vecinos moved to Santo Domingo because of geogra phical advantages for the sugar industry (rivers and ports) (Cass 1978: 67; Concepci n 1981, 1982; Ortiz 1947), or whether the sugar industry was established in this area because th e elite already resided th ere a product of the mass migration caused by the 1514 Repartimiento (Moya-Pons 1983: 31). It has also been argued that Cimarrn attacks played a role in the failure of Concepcins sugar industry. Some have suggested that the Cimarrn attacks on the roads made travel between cities unsafe, consequently making sugar market ing quite difficult (Gui tar 1998: 262; Patronato 1995: 250). Others (e.g., Moya-Pons 1983: 37) do not see the attack s really affecting the sugar production. A careful study of both points of view seems to point to the possibility that Cimarrn impact on sugar production was restricted to cer tain areas, like Concepcin, which had high incidences of attack s (Marte 1981: 301). 231

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It appears then, according to historical accoun ts, that sugar was never grown at Concepcin at a large-scale. In the last thirty years of occupation (1530-15 62), cattle ranching was listed as the main mode of production in the area (Garca 1906: 114). Large-scale Rural Economic Industries: Cattle Ranching Cattle ranching for the production of hides, with meat as a by-product, was a more feasible mode of production for Concepcin th an sugar, especially after the 1514 Repartimiento (Cohen 1997: 8; Moya-Pons 1978, 1992) (See Table 7-3). It became the main economic industry at Concepcin during the second period of study (1515-1564) (Garca 1906: 114). Unlike sugar and gold production, cattle ranching requir ed a smaller workforce (Garc a 1906: 114), and hides, as a non-perishable product, were easier to transpor t and sell (Cohen 1997: 8) Historical records show that cattle hides produced at Concepcin we re shipped to Spain (Marte 1981: 402), but it may be possible that some of its cattle products may have been used in the contraband trade (Deive 1989: 60). Historian Frank Moya-Pons (1983: 51) has suggested that cattle ranc hing was an industry of last resort, undertaken by those who were una ble to migrate, and had no access to slaves. He describes what appears to be a small-scale, unorganized enterprise base d on the hunting of wild cattle and pigs living in the Hispaniola wild erness (Moya-Pons 1983: 51). Other researchers (Cass 1978: 63; Inchustegui 1955: 74; Patronato 1995: 17), however, seem to point to an organized, large-scale livestock indu stry. Cattle ranches, known as hatos were owned by the Spanish elite, and were basically places wh ere hides were processe d (Patronato 1995: 56). Officially, all hides were to be exported from Santo Domingo (Moya-Pons 1983: 52). The rest of the colony had to send live cattle to Santo Domingo and ha ve them processed there, due to the high cost and dangers of traveling between cities (Moya-Pons 1983: 52). However, there is archaeological evidence that sla ughterhouses existed in Puerto R eal, on the northern end of the 232

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island, implying that hides could have been at least partially pr ocessed there (Deagan and Reitz 1995: 282). This could help explain the existence of a large slaughter fa cility in this town. Regardless of how the cattle industry was undertaken, it was extrem ely lucrative. It is even believed that most cattle were killed only for their hides, wasting much of the meat (Deagan and Reitz 1995: Chapter 9; Moya-Pons 1983: 52). Some of the meat by-product was used to feed the workers living on the hatos (Cass 1978: 63; Patronato 1995: 224) as well as those working in the gold and sugar industry (Moya-Pons 1983: 51). Al varo de Castro, for example, gave meat to gold prospectors on credit, to be paid at sm elting time (Patronato 1995: 265). It has been suggested that by the mid-sixteenth century, th e cattle ranchers had as much influence on colonial politics as did sugar producers (Inchustegui 1955: 74). Urban Economic Activities and Occupations As the location of the northern Royal Foundr y, and its proximity to gold mining areas, Concepcin received a large influx of Spanish se ttlers during the early ye ars of its occupation (Deagan 1999: 9; Anghiera in Guitar 1998: 117; see Chapter 3). Large and small-scale urban industries were required to accommodate and organi ze these colonists. The large-scale industries included construction and government, while small-scale industrie s included clothing manufacture, street vending and smiting, among others. After 1514, however, there was undoubtedly less money to spend in the city as it became difficult to procure the large, stable workforce needed to undertake the large-scale industries. Example of how this affected the different industries is examined below. Construction Industry at Concepcin The masonry and wooden buildings comprising the city of Concepcin have been discussed in Chapter 5, and only the labor aspect s of large-scale masonry constructions will be discussed here. This industry w ould have included not only those who put the buildings together, 233

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but those who designed them, as well as those who produced the necessary materials (bricks, tiles and nails), those who produced the roofing ti les, and the bricks used on walls and floors (see Tables 6-6, 6-7). There is no evidence of any women involved in the la rge-scale construction industry (Deive 1989: 24; Larrazabal 1975: 13). As discussed in Chapter 5, most of the buildi ngs constructed at Concepcin during the first period of study (1495-1514) were made of peri shable materials and were later replaced by masonry buildings during the second period (1515-1564). Although Spanish architects were present on Hispaniola during both periods, there is no direct ev idence that they worked at Concepcin. There is historical evidence poi nting to the masonry Concepcin forts being constructed by a workers brig ade who knew about bricks, quick lime and plaster that came from Spain, led by a man called Zafra (Palm 1952: 115). Tano Repartimiento workers were involved in other aspects of masonry construction during the first period of study (1495-1514), such as brick and tile-making, and carpentry, as evidenced by the 1514 Repartimiento documents (Arranz-Mrquez 1991; Guitar 1998: 150)(see Table 6-4). Many of these Tano were assigned as apprentices to non-elite Spanish tradesmen, such as bricklayers Melchor Rendn and Pedr o de Valera (Arranz-Mrquez 1991; RodriguezDemorizi 1971). During the second period of study (1515-1564), the menial construction workforce was probably composed of Bozal slaves, given the changes whic h occurred in the overall island workforce (see Chapter 6), although no historical or archaeological evidence exists at this point to confirm this. Historical documents do show that during the 1520s, Dean Alvaro de Castro brought some carpenters from Spain to work on his properties (Patronato 1995: 238), but it is doubtful they did the actual work, but rath er managed a group of African workers. 234

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Urban Economic Activity at Concepcin: Government Although government employment at first glance may not seem like an economic activity, this sector employed a large portion of Concep cins Spanish urban population. This is in contrast to the non-Spanish inha bitants, most of whom were involved in manual labor in the large-scale economic industries described above. In spite of the fact that Concepcin was not the colonys capital, the government sector was as a large-scale urban job source for men throughout the entire lifespan of the town. The specific functions of government workers and ma ny of their names are known thanks to the vast documents of the Spanish bureaucracy, a nd are shown in Tables 6-6 and 6-7. Most government jobs during the first peri od of study (1495-1514) were reserved for the Spanish elite. A great number of the government officials present at Concepcin during this period had previously been part of the Aragonese court in Spain. The most important of these was Miguel de Pasamonte, the colonys Treasurer who not only received a salary and a portion of the gold smelted (Garca 1906: 69; Las Casas in Rueda 1988: 98), but also used his position to receive many benefits, including more Tanos in the Repartimiento (Cohen 1997: 5; Garca 1906: 78; Guitar 1998: 134; Moya-Pons 1983: 27). The fe w government jobs reserved for the Spanish non-elite include being constables, and different types of scribes (Benzo 2000). During the second period of study (1515-1564), there were fewer government positions available at Concepcin due to the consolidation of religious and political authorities in the colony in 1524 (see Chapter 3 for a more complete description of this process). Thanks to the records of Alvaro de Castros trial, however, we know the names of many of the top city officials in the 1520s and 1530s (See Table 6-7). 235

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Small-Scale Urban Economic Activities Many of Concepcins residents made thei r living working at small-scale economic activities such as clothing manufacture, wea pon manufacture and smiting, or as merchants, domestic servants, or street ve ndors. These activities thrived at Concepcin while the city was the site of the northern Royal Foundry, since mi ners had their gold earnings to spend. After 1514, however, there was undoubtedly less money to sp end in the city as it became difficult to procure the large, stable workforce needed to undertake the large-scale industries. All commercial transactions at Concepcin, according to Crown law, were to be conducted using money (Marte 1981: 401). These transactions are evidenced by the large numbers of coins that have been found at the site, both archaeol ogically and surfacing through looting activities (Abreu 1998; Deagan 1999: 30; Deagan and Cr uxent 2002a: 288; Stahl in Deagan 1999). Most of the coins stored at the site come from the first period of study (1495-1514), specifically from different periods of Kings Ferdinan d reign: the joint reign with his wife, the joint reign with his daughter, and a period when he alone ruled. Although this could be in terpreted to mean that this was the period when more coins were available, probably in the hands of his loyal Aragonese servants (later known as the Deservidores ), it must be noted that these coins are probably not truly representative of th e total coins found at the site, and are just the least attractive of the lot. There is evidence that other kinds of commerc ial transactions and payment methods were also used. These include barter in unrefined gold, foodstuffs, and used clothing (Marte 1981: 401; Patronato 1995: 55, 212), and credit tr ansactions (Patronato 1995: 212, 265). While most of the workers involved in larg e-scale economic industries were men, many small-scale urban activities, especially clothing manufacture and street vending were undertaken by women (Deive 1980: 20; Landers 1999: 8; La rrazabal 1975: 13, 109) This division was particularly distinct amongst th e African origin group, and was re inforced during later years by 236

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the 1528 and 1544 Slave Ordenanzas which limited the movement of African slave men to prevent their escape (Larrazabal 1975: 110). Clothing Production and Mending at Concepcin The production and repair of clothing was wide spread at Concepcin, as it was in other colonial settlements (Deagan 2002). The clothesmaking industry at Concepcin was affected by the wealth generated by the gold boom of the early period. The ne wly rich demanded clothes and a shortage ensued, both in the clothes themselves and the cloth to make them. Historical data suggests that these clothes were manufactured, for the most part, from cloth imported from Spain (Patronato 1995: 136). Few ready-made new clothe s appear to have been available at the time (Patronato 1995: 212) Although sewing was an activity primarily undert aken by women at Spanish colonial sites (See Deagan 2002), and dozens of pins and needle s, as well as several thimbles have been recovered archaeologically at the site (Deagan 1999; Pimentel 1998), there is no historical evidence of their contribution to this economic activity. Only the men involved in this industry are mentioned, once again confirming the importan ce of using various avenues of inquiry to reconstruct a sites lifeways. Among those men that are mentioned in relation to the clothing business is a wool carding official, Diego Diez, present during the 1514 Repartimiento (Arranz-Mrquez 1991; Benzo 2000; Rodriguez-Demorizi 1971). He did not re ceive, however, any Tano who could have served as apprentices (A rranz-Mrquez 1991; Benzo 2000; Rodriguez-Demorizi 1971). At least 8 men were involved in tailo ring during the first period of study (1495-1514). Two of the tailors (Cristbal de Avila and Franci sco de Covarrubias) in the first period of study were non-elite Spaniards, while the remaining 6 were the Tano apprentices they received 237

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through the Repartimiento (Arranz-Mrquez 19 91; Guitar 1998: 150; Rodriguez-Demorizi 1971). There are records of four tailo rs and one shoemaker at the si te during the second period of study (1515-1564) (see Table 6-7). The shoemaker, Pedro Pineda, was there during the later period, rather than during the more prosperous earlier period (See Tables 6-6, 6-7). However, cattle ranching for leather production was one of the main large-scale economic industries during this period, suggesting that leather would have been pl entiful and available. Historical records show that native cotton was also used for clothing manufacture (Sez 1994). This cloth was produced by Tano women (Deag an 2004: 609) as part of the Tano tribute (Charlevoix 1730a). The cloth was used to make the garments worn by Tano under the Repartimiento and African and Native American slaves during the second period of study (Sez 1994). It appears Spaniards wore clothing manufact ured in Spain, with the wealthy wearing new clothes, and the non-elites w earing used clothing (Patronato 1995; Suarez-Marill 1998: 15). Merchants and Commerce at Concepcin Concepcins position as an economic, reli gious and political center ensured that merchants and commerce would be available to f acilitate the flow of goods and money. During the two fundiciones undertaken at Concepcin annually, many goods were sold to the miners present. Two types of merchants existed in the ci ty the Spaniards selli ng items, such as secondhand clothes, food, tablewares, and even slaves in their shops; and street vendors who sold vegetables, water, charcoal, or even livestock innards (L arrazabal 1975: 110). To understand how commerce functioned at Co ncepcin it is necessary to review the Spanish mercantile system in operation duri ng both periods of study on Hispaniola. The mercantile system restricted colonial importa tion and exportation to Spain only (Deagan 1983: 238

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19). This was done through a monopoly establishe d by Sevillian merchants on the shipping trade between locations (Deagan 1983: 19). The limiting Spanish mercantile system was ba sed on the Treaty of Tordesillas, which in 1494, divided the Atlantic between the kingdoms of Portugal and Castile (Prez-Collados 1992: 66). Based on a Papal Bull, this treaty gave Sp ain legal and religious ju risdiction over most of Spanish America (Tavares 1984: 103 ; Deagan 1983: 21). However, as the Protestant movement began to question Catholicism, the Catholic hi erarchy, and its close relation to the Spanish Crown, many began to question Spanish jurisd iction over the New World (Tavares 1984: 25; Guitar 1998: 264). With this in mind, France, Port ugal, England and the Netherlands undermined the Spanish mercantile system in the Caribbean. It was first done through illegal trade, and later through piracy (Deagan 1983: 21; Haring 1964: 122). At first on Hispaniola, when little local pr oduction existed, and larg e amounts of money were available, the mercantile system was adva ntageous on both sides of the Atlantic. This was especially true during the very prosperous Ovando government (1502-1509) (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 208; Chaunu and Chaunu 1955, vol.2: 20-23). During the first period of study (1495-1514) only one merchant is identified at Concepcin, Rodrigo de Villadiego. He is identified as such in the 1514 Repartimiento (ArranzMrquez 1991). Although the Repartimiento documents do not specif y what type of goods Villadiego sold, he was a vecino and received 46 Tanos in the Repartimiento suggesting that he commercialized at a relatively large scale. However, by the second period of study (15151564), with the development of mainland settlements, Hispaniola was no longer a priority and by the end of the first half of the 16th century, major shipping did not arrive on the island (Deagan 1983: 19). Major shipping did not 239

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arrive on Hispaniola due to the way shipping was organized by the Casa de Contratacin. Goods were shipped twice a year to the colonies, and products were sent to Spain just as often, both times in large shipping convoys only stopping at Havana in the Caribbean (Deagan 1983: 20). All articles involved in this exchan ge were set to pass through the Casa de Contratacin (House of Trade) in Seville (Deagan 1983: 20). These changes in shipping practices, coupled with the lack of a large, stable workforce, caused a change in the merchant activities at Concepcin during the late r period of study. Few people could afford to buy and maintain a sl ave (Larrazabal 1975: 39; Marte 1981: 401), prompting them to turn to other revenue-maki ng activities that did not require slave labor, including the sale of items such as tools for the gold and cattle busine ss (Patronato 1995: 212; Rodriguez-Morel 2000: 106-107), and cl othes (Patronato 1995: 212, 213, 221). Unfortunately for Hispaniola, when this ship ping arrangement was made official in 1543 (Moya-Pons 1978: 42; Peguero and de los Sant os 1983: 70; Tavares 198 4: 103), Havana, not Santo Domingo, was chosen as the main Cari bbean port (Moya-Pons 1974: 99). Hispaniolan colonists had to ask for sueltos or non-convoy ships, to receive goods from Seville (Deagan 1983: 19). However, the sueltos were not prof itable for the Sevillian merchants, and few sueltos were sent (Deagan 1983: 19). The si tuation deteriorated further by the irregular scheduling of the convoys, hurricanes, shipwrecks, as well as the ta xes added to already high prices (Deagan 1983: 20; Wright 1939: 341-43; Haring 1964: 115-122). The conjunction of all of these unfavorable elements caused many colonists to turn towards contraband trade as a means to both sell and buy much needed products (Deagan 1983: 19; Andrews 1978: 70). This trade, also known as rescate among the Spanish (Deagan 1983: 191), involved, for the most part, the exchange of sugar and cattle hides to the French, English, 240

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Dutch or Portuguese traders for European items and/or African slaves (Tavares 1984: 29; Guitar 1998: 264). Some of the items the Hispaniolans traded for included soap, wine, flour, cloth, perfume, nails, shoes, medicine, paper, dry fru it, iron, steel, and knive s (Moya-Pons 1983: 44). It is often assumed that contraband began to have a major influence in Caribbean commerce after the formation of the flotas, roughly between 1550 and 1580 (Deagan 1983: 21; Haring 1964: 122; Moya-Pons 1983: 53; Parry 1969: 187-88). If this were true, contraband would have had little influence on commerce in Concepcin, since the city disappeared in 1562. There is, however, evidence of the possibility of contraband trade occurring earlier. First, non-Spanish ships were known to call in Hispaniola from 1527 onward (Guitar 1998: 264; Tavares 1984: 103. Other examples can be seen in Table 7-4). Furthermore, complaints against the mercantile system had been occurrin g since the early years of the settlement. The petition of elimination of restrictions within th e mercantile system was discussed in 1518 at the meeting of city representatives sponsored by th e Jeronymites. The request was not granted by the Crown (Inchustegui 1955: 123) (For a comp rehensive summary of the proceedings, see Gimenez-Fernandez 1953: 132-137). The sugar pr oducers also petitioned the Crown to allow them to sell sugar outside the mercantile system every year from 1520 to 1525, but their request was also rejected (Guitar 1998: 210). Contraband trade was at the center of the trial against Dean Alvaro de Castro, one of the most important merchants at Concepcin during this later period. Castro was accused of selling illegal African slaves, as well as being involved in the commerce tr ade in spite of being a man of the Church who was not to engage in commer cial ventures (Patrona to 1995: 136). He evaded the restriction on being a merchant by not selling goods himself, but rather by owning a store run by Morales and a relative called Villandrs (P atronato 1995: 150). He sold tools for gold 241

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prospectors and the cattle industry, but his main business was in clothi ng (Patronato 1995: 212). He hired a tailor to sew and sell garments ma de from cloth which was destined for priests (Patronato 1995: 155), but also sold a large amount of s econd-hand, ready-made clothes (Patronato 1995: 155). The ready-made clothe s included capes, corsel ets and pointed hoods (Patronato 1995: 213, 221). Castro also sold purpl e cloth to whoever could afford it, although it was supposed to be reserved for religious functions (Patronato 1995: 136). All of this merchandise could be bought on credit and paid in money, unrefined gold, or in clothing (Patronato 1995: 212). Historical records also give th e names of other later merchants at Concepcin, such as Juan Martin Callejas and Francisco Sanchez (Benzo 2000). Unfortunately, there is no information about their shops or what these merchants so ld. There were also nonSpanish merchants at Concepcin during this period. Such is the case of Juan Martin de Trebejo, a Portuguese man who sold salt, and was also a mule driver (Ben zo 2000), and Pero Diaz de Peravia, an Italian who was involved in the illegal sl ave trade with Alvaro de Castro (Benzo 2000; Patronato 1995). While all of those identified as merchants with shops sold goods imported from outside the island, street vendors, often selling local pr oducts also worked in Concepcins urban environment. Many, if not most of these vendor s were of African or igin (Deive 1989: 20; Landers 1999: 8). These vendors could be free or enslaved, although it app ears that, especially after 1544, most were African Ladino women, due to the restriction placed on African slave mens movements after the increase in Cimarrn activity in the 1530s and 1540s (Larrazabal 1975: 110). In 1528 African Ladino women were allowed to sell vegetables on the streets and plaza s, but the African men could only sell water and ch arcoal on the street (Larrazabal 1975: 110), or 242

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sell livestock innards at the slaughterhouse (L arrazabal 1975: 110). African slave men were furthermore not allowed to sell clothing on the streets (Larrazabal 1975: 110); however Cimarrn men often went into the towns to trade for the goods they had captured, prompting the 1544 prohibition (Larrazabal 1975: 110). Crafts and Occupations at Concepcin Several economic occupations undertaken by craftsmen can be identified at Concepcin both through the historical and archaeological record. These crafts include crossbow and sword making, as well as different types of smiting. Unlike La Isabela, where few metal tools were able to survive due to the unstable moisture and the salinity of the beach side soils (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 247), there is a considerably large amount of metal artifacts stored at Concepcin. Historical records show that 3 crossbow makers lived in C oncepcin during the first period of study (1495-1514). These were Gmez de Morn, Diego Valdenebro and Blas de Salamanca (Benzo 2000). According to the 1514 Repartimiento records, both Gmez de Morn and Blas de Salamanca received 2 Tanos under the Repartimiento (Arranz-Mrquez 1991; Benzo 2000). Gmez de Morn continued to work in Concepcin during the later years of its occupation, making him one if the few vecinos who is recorded as having lived at Concepcin during both periods of study (Benzo 2000). There are, however, no artifacts in the cultu ral record which can serve as evidence for this activity. Blacksmiths and locksmiths were both present at Concepcin during both periods of study. According to historical records, gold, coppe r and iron items were processed at Concepcin (Guitar 1998: 210). There is no doubt that the go ld processed at Concep cin originated from Hispaniola, but the copper and iron may have been imported from Spain. The origin of the latter two materials would have influenced the actions undertaken by the different smiths within the 243

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city. Documents record the names of Spanish smiths who lived at Concepcin during the first period of study, blacksmith Pero Nissan and locksmith Diego Rodrigo. Neither of these men were vecinos, however both of received 2 Tanos in the 1514 Repartimiento (Arranz-Mrquez 1991), probably as apprentices. Blacksmiths were critical to all sixteenth centu ry towns, producing nails and fasteners, building hardware, iron tools, horseshoes a nd horse equipage, and domestic implements. Examples of all of these have been recovered archaeologically at Con cepcin, although it is not possible to determine which were produced loca lly and which were imported. The presence of a farrier is suggested by records of a stable owner at Concepcin during this time period, Juan de Villegas (Benzo 2000). Also Alonzo de Suazo, when he visited the town in 1517, described the town as having at least 40 horses (Parry and Keith 1984: 274). Horseshoes and nails, bridle and bit pieces, axes and stirrups have been recovered archaeologically from Concepcin (See Deagan and Kulstad 1998). Locksmiths confected both locks and their keys out of iron, examples of which are quite prevalent in the Concepcin arch aeological assemblage (Deagan and Kulstad 1998). There are 7 key locks and 6 keys stored in Concepcin specia l collection, all of which have been preserved. The historical record presents Diego Rodrigo as a locksmith living in the city during the first period of study (1495-1514), and he received 2 Tano in the 1514 Repartimiento (Benzo 2000). No names of smiths are recorded during the late r years of occupation, bu t there is the name of a sword-maker (Benzo 2000). It is possible that much of the smiting may have been undertaken by African Libertos, or even African Ladino men whose names were not recorded (Davidson 1980: 17-18; Guitar 1998: 123; Landers 1999: 16). The fact that the name for the 244

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towns sword-maker is recorded (Villandro) suggest, however, that certain crafts (such as swordmaking) were still reserved for Spaniards. Domestic Labor at Concepcin Domestic labor was influenced by the great wealth generated by C oncepcins gold boom. Domestic urban labor at Concepcin throughout both periods of study included Spanish, Native American and African servants. Historical accounts record the names of two Spanish servan ts during the first period of study (1495-1514) Diego de Godoy and Gonzalo Martin (Benzo 2000). Both worked for Rodrigo de Villadiego, the citys main me rchant (Benzo 2000). It seems less likely that Spanish female servants were present at Concepcin, given the small number of Spanish women who traveled to the New World during those years (discu ssed in more detail in Chapter 6). There is no historical record confirming th at Tano non-elite women worked as domestic servants in Spanish households at Concep cin. Although it is commonly assumed that Native women provided domestic labor, this may not ha ve been prevalent at Concepcin, since there was a shortage of Tano non-elite men for agricu ltural production, and the lack of a large-scale food production economic industry may have prompt ed the need for Tano women to grow the Native crops. It is also possible that elite Tano women from the Nitano class, married to Spanish encomenderos, had their pre-contact servants present in the household. It would be interesting to see if these households had more or less Tano influence than a household with Tano servants, but headed by an elite Spanish wife. It would also be instructive to learn whether Spanish households with a Tano wife also had access to African slave servants. How much influence did these non-Spanish women (assuming both Tano a nd African servants were present) had on general Spanish household decisions such as food preparation Concepcin is open to debate. In 245

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1514 half of the Spanish households at Conc epcin included Tano women as wives and mistress of the house (See Chapter 6). During Diego Columbuss first government ( 1510-1514) each of Con cepcins inhabitants was allowed an African Ladino maid for domestic chores (if they could afford it) (Deive 1989: 20; Larrazabal 1975: 13). However, not every Spania rd could afford an African slave. They were a luxury, and were used in an urban setting to safeguard the investment (Deive 1989: 20). There is reference to both male and female servants, but the vast majority of these urban dwellers were women. Although there is evidence that African Liberto (Deive 1989: 19; Landers 1999: 7), or Bozal women were employed in domestic service, the majority of these women were African Ladino. They had lived a portion of their life in Spain, spoke Spanish and were familiar with Spanish cultural traditions (Guitar 1988: 150). The jornal system (used by African slaves and thei r owners in Seville during this period), may have been followed at Concepcin during its ear ly years. This system allowed the slaves to live independently, in their own homes, in exchange for paying their masters a certain daily amount (Landers 1999: 16). The work could be a ssigned by the master, or could be done about town independently (Deive 1989: 20; Landers 1999: 16). This system was advantageous for both parties, since slaves would be relatively inde pendent and could have the possibility of buying their freedom, while the masters would earn mone y without having the re sponsibilities of food, shelter, clothes or medical care (Landers 1999: 16). Perhaps no other urban activity was more greatly affected by the decrease in gold production than that of domestic labor. Many of the Spanish who had servants before the 1514 Repartimiento could no longer afford them, and it appear s that some undertook this labor to pay for outstanding debts. This was the case fo r Alonso Roman, who became Dean Alvaro de 246

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Castros servant (Benzo 2000). Castro was one of the few Concepcin residents wealthy enough to maintain servants after 1514, including some Lucayans (Benzo 2000). The nature of African servants changed drastically after 1526 when the importation of Ladinos from Spain was outlawed (Deive 1989: 32; Larrazabal 1975: 100). This made it difficult to procure African servants who knew Sp anish language and customs. The Slave ordenanzas (laws) enacted in 1522, 1528 and 1544 required all sl ave servants to live with their owners (Larrazabal 1975: 110). These laws did not govern the movements of Libertos. Historical records imply that owners seemed to have special deference for African Ladino female servants brought during the earlier period (Larrazabal 1975: 107; Patr onato 1995: 214). It is possible that some of the African servants after this time may have been Liberto women who had gained their liberty through the jornal system. 247

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Table 7-1. Highlights in Hispaniolas Gold Economy (1492-1564) Date Event Related to Gold Economy 1493-1519 Given available technology, Spanish mi ners can mine gold from high grade surface ores (12) 1497 Scarcity of Spanish food and scarcity of gold (2) 1499 1/3 of gold mined belongs to Crown (2) 1500 Bobadilla only gives Crown 1/11 of gold mined (2) 1501-1508 Rodrigo de Alcazar is Ovandos gold o fficial. Received 1% of fundicion (1) (4) 1502 Royal orders that smelting can only be done in presence of overseer (4) 1502-1510 Average of 500,000 pesos of gold smelted annually (2) Assignment of 1/5 of gold ( quinto ) for Crown (4) Ovando establishes 4 smeltings a year: 2 in Buenaventura, 2 in Concepcin (4) 1503 Gold must be sent to Ca sa de Contratacin(2)(4) 1508 Ready availability of gold on Hispan iola lowered its value and created severe inflation (4) 1509 Gold production reached peak (12) 1510 Gold tokens are minted at Concepcin to celebrate Las Casas first mass (5) 1511 1/3 of Repartimiento Tano must work at Royal Mines (4) 1511-1515 Hispaniolas yearly gold average: 239,111 pesos (13) 1514 Almost half of the Tano workers are concentrated in four mining towns: Concepcin, Santiago, Santo Domingo and Buenaventura. (7) 1515 Letter from Rodrigo Mamorro stating more Tano w ould work in the sugar industry if not for order that 1/3 Indians work in Royal mines (4) 1515 Pasamonte has 2 nuggets: one 7 lbs and another 5 lbs (8) 1517 12,000 pesos of gold smelted (2) 1517 Loans to create sugar mills comes from gold quinto (2) 1517-1518 December and January: smallpox epidemic kills 1/4 of Tanos (4) 248

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Table 7-1. Continued Date Event Related to Gold Economy Gold mining virtually ceased (12) Fundicion done at the end of the year (6) 1519 Cortes conquers Mexico (4) 1520 Attacks by Cimarrones make gold extraction dangerous. (2) 1521-1525 Average gold production annually on Hispaniola: 10, 412 pesos (13) 1528 Fundicion this year in November. Fu ndicion not done 2 times a year (6) 1531 Fundicion at Concepcin: 16,357 pesos mined by slaves, and 861 pesos mined by naborias (6) A. de Castro accused of illegal trade of African slaves to work in gold mines (9) (11) 1532 Gold mined in same areas wh ere cattle ranching is done (9) 1533 Mines prime target for Tano rebels (6) 1535-1543 Indians and Africans work together in mines (4) 1539 Fundicion at Concepcin done at beginning of year ((6) 1543 Unsmelted gold used to pay for goods (6) 1545 Little gold is being mined (6) 1545 Discovery of San Luis de Po tosi in Upper Peru (12) 1545-1558 Silver mines of Potosi, Bolivia and Zacatecas and Guanahuato, Mexico begins to be used. (3) 1547 Gold no longer being taken to Concep cin to be smelted. People leave for Santo Domingo 2 times a year to smelt it there.(11) 1547 Dean of Concepcin suggests to King that President and Oidores should come and reside at Concepcin for at least 6 months of the year to be present for a gold smelting. (11) 1548 Gold discovered in Guanahuato, Mexico (3) 1550 Before this date the only foundries are at Concepcin and Buenaventura. This year a foundry is built in Cotu (10) 249

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Table 7-1. Continued Sources 1. Benzo 2000 2. Cass 1978: 34, 40, 47, 58, 59, 63, 66, 67 3. Galeano 1997: 22, 134 4. Guitar 1998: 115, 116, 117, 120, 133, 144, 176, 186, 222 5. Las Casas in Rueda 1988: 526 6. Marte 1981: 295, 318, 337, 353, 380, 401, 406 7. Moya-Pons 1978 8. Oviedo in Rueda 1988: 216 9. Patronato 1995 10. Palm 1955a: 112 11. Rodriguez-Morel 2000: 87, 106 12. Rogozinski 2000: 28, 29, 36 13. Suarez-Marill 1998: 10 250

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Table 7-2. Highlights in Hispan iolas Agriculture Economy (1492-1564) Date Event Related to Agriculture Economy Farmers, soldiers, priests, artisans, and other workers recluted by Columbus to Hispaniola (2) 1493 Columbus brings sugarcane to Hispaniola (11) 1494 European food becomes scarce on Hispaniola (2) 1503 Ovando tries to plant sugar and is unsuccessful (11) 1506 Sugar is produced at Concepcin. Sources differ on who was first. (3)(4)(6)(9) 15061512 Sugar produced is espumas (molasses) until 1512 (3) 1510 Rise in sugar prices in Europe (6) 1512 Aguilln and Ballester experiment in C oncepcinwith crude presses to create crystalline sugar (3) Tano would work more in the sugar indus try if not for orde r that 1/3 Indians work in Royal mines (3) Price of local sugar low (3) 1515 Gonzalo de Vellosa begins to produce gol den or brown sugar using an animal powered mill (trapiche) (3) Jeronymites promote sugarcane. Can be produced by African slaves (2) Sugar mills could import African slaves (7) 1516 Jeronymites also promote caafstola as a crop (2) Velloso and Tapia brothers produ ce commercial quality sugar (3) 1517 Loans to create sugar mills come from gold quinto (2) December and January: Smallpox epidemic kills 1/4 of Tanos (3) 15171518 Remaining Indians given to encomenderos building sugar mills (7) 1518 Crown grants Figueroa right to issue loans from Royal Treasury for sugar mills (3) 251

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Table 7-2. Continued Date Event Related to Agriculture Economy Canarians encouraged to emigrate because of sugar experience (3) Genoese agent arrived to deal with sugar and slaves (3) Smallpox epidemic used as excuse to bring more African slaves (3) 1519 Africans were technically proficient at sugar production in Canaries (3) 40 sugar mills already in construction by July and November on the island (3) (7) Alonso Roman and Fancisco Oregon receive 500 pesos and 100 Indians to construct a sugar mill at Concepcin (1) Crown eliminates taxes on sugar mill equipment (3) Pasamonte in charge of money for sugar mill construction (3) 1520 Native Americans work in sugar mills and cattle ranches (2) 15201525 Sugar mill owners request to be able to sell sugar on a free market but it was ungranted (3) 15201529 Agricultural experiments to send lumber, dyewood, wild cinnamon, cotton, manioc, caafstola and medicinal herbs to Spain (3) 15201562 Money is invested in sugar mills by same European capitalists who sold African slaves (2) 1521 Royal gold foundries can be used to fire copper equipment needed for sugar mills (3) 1522 First significant shipment of sugar (2,000 arrobas) to Europe (3)(8)(11) 1527 25 sugar mills on Hispaniola (23 in the vicinity of Santo Domingo) (7) 1528 Genoese and Portuguese immigrants encouraged to migrate because of sugar experience, but can only stay 2 years (3) 1529 Cedula states sugar mills cannot be impounded, or the buildings and African slaves on them (2) 1530 Average sugar shipment: 90,000 arrobas (3) 1530-70 Sugar boom on Hispaniola (11) 1530s Attacks by cimarrones make gold extraction da ngerous, cause depopulation and promote agricultural production c oncentrated in safe areas (2) 252

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Table 7-2. Continued Date Event Related to Agriculture Economy 1532 Sugar first cultivated in Brazil (8) 1543 Sugar export: 110,000 arrobas 1545 Sugar mill owners are high officials of the colony (2) 1546 No ships are available to take sugar and leather to Spain (5) 1547 Rebellion by Lembas followers in a sugar mill in Concepcin (3) 1550 There are no chapels in sugar mills at Concepcion (10) 1555 Tobacco brought to Spain for first time (8) Large scale sugar production disapp ears due to trade monopoly (11) Sugar cheaper to produce in Brazil (11) 1570 Sugar floods Iberian market (11) Sources 1. Benzo 2000 2. Cass 1978: 32, 34, 58, 63, 66, 67 3. Guitar 1998: 133, 145, 176, 184, 185, 193, 194, 203, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 279 4. Las Casas in Rueda 1988 5. Marte 1981: 402, 414 6. Moya-Pons 1974: 71 7. Moya-Pons 1978 8. Moya-Pons 1983: 32 9. Oviedo in Rueda 1988 10. Rodriguez-Morel 2000: 50 11. Rogozinski 2000: 50, 51 253

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Table 7-3. Highlights in Hispaniolas Cattle Economy (1492-1564) Date Event Related to Cattle Economy 1500 Bobadilla gives cattle to settlers (1) 1502 Ovando brings cattle (5) Agricultural experiments to send lumber, dyewood, wild cinnamon, cotton, yucca, caafistola and medicinal herbs to Spain. There were also ranching efforts (3) 1520-1529 Amerindians are taken to work in sugar mills and cattle ranches (1) 1528-1535 Cattle was so abundant only killed for their hides (3) A. de Castro gives meat on credit to new settlers (6) 1532 Gold mined in same areas wh ere cattle ranching is done (6) 1543 50,000 cattle hides produced (4) 1546 No ships are available to take sugar and leather to Spain (4) Cattle ranching done so close to Concepcins center that cathedral is manure collection place (7) Decree permits African and Indian slav es to eat meat during Lent because of lack of fish (3) 1547 People dont want to grow gardens in Concepcin because cattle eat them (7) Sources 1. Cass 1978: 40, 63 2. Garca 1906: 113 3. Guitar 1998: 203, 222, 281 4. Marte 1981: 402, 414 5. Moya-Pons 1978 6. Patronato 1995: 265 7. Rodriguez-Morel 2000: 107 254

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CHAPTER 8 DOMESTIC DAILY LIFE AND PR ACTICE AT CONCEPCION Introduction Lifeways at Concepcin go beyond the public economic activities performed by its inhabitants. The historical and archaeological records can provide insight into other aspects of life at Concepcin that are not directly related to economic ventures. Thes e include those related to the domestic sphere: food, clothing, orna mentation, domestic material technology and entertainment. It is important to use all avai lable avenues of inquiry because one may provide more or different information th an another. For example, it is abundantly clear that religion played an important part in 16th century Spanish life, yet few re ligious artifacts are found in the archaeological record. This is because religious items were so valuable they were rarely discarded (McEwan 1995: 199). Historical and archaeological re search at other 16th century cities both in Spain and the Americas show a marked change in Spanish cultu re brought about by the gr eat influx of wealth generated by the Conquista. Material wealth bega n to replace bloodlines as a means for social standing on both sides of the Atlantic (McE wan 1995: 198). The possession of Spanish goods took on a symbolic connotation of status in the colonies a nd these were displayed quite prominently (McEwan 1995: 199). At the same time, the shortage of Spanish women, both as wives and servants, created a second, parallel, cultural phenomenon in whic h the less visible areas of life followed nonSpanish lifeways. This was played out in the dome stic sphere, and was particularly true of those activities related to food c onsumption and preparation. As will be described below, research at Concepcin seems to suggest (although it does not demonstrate) that this pattern was also presen t there. Zooarchaeologica l studies, which would 255

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better describe diet at Concepcin are lacking, as well as more in-depth excavations at other, domestic areas of the site, i.e. beyond the fort and monastery. Foodways at Concepcin Due to this lack of zooarchaeological research it is difficult at this point to accurately identify what the specific diet of any of th e segments of Concepcins population may have been. It is possible, however, to extrapolate so me similarities to other 16th century SpanishAmerican settlements and hypothesize on what thes e foodways may have been like. This said, a caveat must be added relating to Concepcins inland location, and Hispaniolas lack of large mammals in the period prior to contact with th e Spaniards. Few, if any, fresh sea resources would have been consumed here due to its distan ce from all coasts, yet at the same time, some type of protein must have been consumed, gi ven its large population, both before and after contact. It known that root crop cultivation played an important part in pre-contact Tano culture and foodways. The main element of the diet was manioc (also known as yucca or cassava). This cassava bread is still consumed in many parts of the Caribbean and Northern South America today. The Tano also cultivated other tubers such as batata (sweet potatoes), yauta, malanga and mapuey (Garca-Arvalo 1988: 10; Peguero 1975a : 1975: 86; Tavares 1976: 15). Other crops included peanuts, lerenes (similar to boiled peanuts), and the caimito (palm tree core) as well as a large variety of fruits, such as pineapple (Ananas comosus); guava (Psidium guajava L.), papaya (Carica papaya L.), guanabana (soursop), and mamey (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 36; Vega 1997). Corn was also cultivated by the Tano, but was not ground for consumption, but rather eaten in stew (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 36; Sturtevant 1961). (For more information on Tano agriculture and food crops, see News on 1993; Sturtevant 1961; Vega 1997; and Wing 1983, 1989). 256

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Tano protein sources included fresh fish, birds, turtles, and manatees (Garca-Arvalo 1988: 10; Tavares 1976: 17). Given Concepcins inland location, howev er, it is appears unlikely that consumption of fresh marine resources, sea turtles or manatees may have occurred. It has been hypothesized that hutas rodent-like Capromyids, which a rrived to the West Indies from South America, may have been domesticated as a food source on Hispaniola (Garner 2001: 2, 5) and it is possible that these may ha ve been consumed at Concepcin. The arrival of the Spanish dramatically ch anged foodways in Concepcin due to their subjugation of the Tano and their labor demand s which disrupted the food cycle within the community. Anthropologically it is know n that foodways are one of th e last cultural holdouts for immigrants. Time and time again, colonists tr ied to maintain their homeland diets, but interestingly enough, historical a nd archaeological record s show that only those settlements that adapted to their lifeways to local conditions survived (Rei tz and McEwan 1995: 288). This process, however, has always been defined by tria l and error, and to analyze a settlements level of adaptation, or non-adaptation, to local foodways it is necessary to look at both the historical and archaeological record. Concepcin is part of this continuum in the Spanish colonial experience, so it is also necessary to examine 15th century foodways in Spain to be able to gauge the amount of adaptation or maintenance in the community. We must state, however, that few, if any, thorough systematic arch aeological studies of 16th century Iberian foodways in Spain exist (R eitz and McEwan 1995: 294). What is available often reflects the tastes of the upper classes, si nce this is what was r ecorded in historical documents (Reitz and McEwan 1995: 294). 257

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From these records we see that in contact-p eriod Spain, the nobility and the clergy had special access to meat, not only because they could afford it, but also because they were exempt from the meat tax (Perry 1980: 48; Reitz and McEwan 1995: 296). Chicken, and then beef, appear to have been the most expensive m eats (Reitz and McEwan 1995: 298). Records also show that the Spanish elite also consumed rais ins, almonds, sugar and fresh eggs (Reitz and McEwan 1995: 296). The non-elites in Spain appear to have gotten th eir protein from fish, either salted cod, or wild fish caught in rivers or the ocean (Re itz and McEwan 1995: 299). Soldiers and sailors received bread, wine, fish, rice, beans, oil, vinegar, garlic and salt daily, but few fruits and vegetables, and sometimes pork or beef (Reitz and McEwan 1995: 296). It appears that during the firs t study period at Concepcin the el ite tried to replicate their Iberian foodways. The large number of olive jars used primarily for the transportation of food (Avery 1995), in the archaeologi cal record reflects an active a ttempt to continue to consume European goods despite Concep cins distance from both the north and south coasts of the island. Imported food items at Concepcin would ha ve included raisins, wheat flour, vinegar, lentils, beans, almonds, olive o il (of course), and wine, as mentioned above (Moya-Pons 1978: 186). A few historical records docum ent what the Spanish non-elite were eating at Concepcin during the first period of study. Th e Church enforced certain dietary restrictions imposed by the liturgical year, namely not eating meat during Lent and on Fridays, as well as other fasts throughout the year (Las Casas in Rueda 1988: 5 23). Interestingly, there is mention of the nonelites eating local foods, referred to as roots and other distaste ful delicacies (Oviedo in Rueda 1988: 150). 258

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Little known about post-contact Native American foodways. The lack of zooarchaeological research at Concepcin is part of a much larger gap in post-contact arch aeological studies caused by the once prevalent belief that the Tano people were exterminated soon after contact and left little of themselves behind. However a recen t excavation by Deagan (2004) and some historically-informed reports on Tano in Spanish town contexts do exit (Ortega 1982; Smith 1995) which can be extrapolat ed to Concepcins case. The sources suggest that postcontact Native American foodways at Concepcin depended on class and labor status within the Repartimiento (Moscoso 1986). The Tano elite diet may have been even more markedly rich and varied, si nce this group did not ha ve to work within the Repartimiento system and were considered part of the nobility. Those young men being educated at the San Francisco Monastery would have probably eaten the same food prepared for the clergy, which in turn consumed a similar diet to that of the Spanish elite. The rest of the Native Americans on Hispaniola, which included the Tano under the Repartimiento and the Perpetual Naborias had dietary differences amongst themselves (Deagan 2004: 608), shaped by nuances within the Hispaniolan labor system. Although the work they performed may have been the same, the Repartimiento Indians had one impor tant right that the Perpetual Naborias did not, namely being able to return to thei r home communities and farm during the demora period (Deagan 2004: 603). Archaeological evidence of one such community at En Bas Saline surp risingly reveals that the Tano in this home community, for the most part, continued to follow their pre-contact dietary practices for at least the first 30 years after contact with the Sp anish (Deagan 2004: 603). The only difference seems to be the decrease in huta consumption (Hunting was a predominantly male activity) (Deagan 2004: 616). In spite of this decrease, there is little 259

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evidence of incorporation of Eu ropean livestock into the diet of the community (Deagan 2004: 621). The Perpetual Naborias on the other hand, were obligated to work continuously and had to eat whatever food was provided by their masters. The biggest change in dietary practices at Concepcin occurred dur ing the second period of study, with the rise of the cattle industry. The ex cess beef from the hide/tanning industry changed the diets of both elite a nd non-elite residents. In the Pr oceso de Alvaro de Castro, we find that fresh beef was boiled, and the excess was cut into strips, salted and dried in the sun (Patronato 1995: 56). A tax on beef and wine during the 1530s a nd 1540s was used to pay for bounty hunters in charge of capturing escaped Tano and African slaves (Deive 1989: 37), suggesting that they were regularly consumed on Hispaniola at the time. Bearing in mind that both Concepcin and Pu erto Real had slaughterhouses and similar environmental conditions during the second pe riod of study (1515-1564), it is possible to extrapolate some of the experien ces with beef consumption which occurred at Puerto Real to Concepcin. It had been shown that the Spanish di et at Puerto Real included far more beef than the diet of a contemporary Spaniard in Sp ain, and marking an adaptation to New World circumstances (Reitz and McEwan 1995: 332). This was probably true at Concepcin as well. Historical documents record what Africans were eating, and that their diets varied according to their social status and rural versus urban location. Historical records make a distinction between Bozal and Ladino food, specifically mentioning that Bozales prepared coconut oil for their food (Deive 1989: 266). Most of the historical information available about Bozal diet during this time period is related to the sugar industry, but it coul d be extrapolated to the other industries. Sugar mill owners had to prov ide their slaves with a diet of cassava bread, 260

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corn, peppers and abundant meat (Larrazabal 197 5: 107). The need for abundant meat in the diets of those slaves involved in the gold and sugar industries was of constant concern to colonial authorities since they believed meat to be a sour ce of strength, going so far as receiving a Papal dispensation for the slaves to eat meat during Lent in 1547 (Guitar 1988: 222, 280). The slaves working in the cattle industry ma y have eaten more meat since the industry focused on hides rather than meat producti on (Moya-Pons 1983). Ofte n the workers were allowed to eat the meat of the slaughtered an imals (Patronato 1995: 209). They ate part of it boiled, and the rest they salted because it was ofte n too much to eat all at once (Patronato 1995). Domestic Material Technology at Concepcin Another way of understanding domestic lifeways at Concepcin is through the analysis of artifacts related to domestic material technology such as eating utensils, plates, drinking goblets, etc. present in the material assemblage. Like most places in Spanish America, Concepcins domestic material culture was deeply influen ced by Spanish political occupation and cultural influence. Ceramics played an important role in every facet of Spanish lifeways, and at the same time, reflected the changes occurring within the culture (Smith 1995: 338). Ceramic assemblages were usually affected by four factors: availabi lity, need, function, and so cial status (Deetz 1973: 19; McEwan 1995: 222). It is not the purpose of this th esis to describe and explain th e characteristics and functions of the different types of potte ry and ceramics found in Concepcins material assemblage. These have been well described and classified on the Hi storical Archaeology Digital Type Collection at the Florida Museum of Natural History (2004). Th is website will be referenced regarding the descriptions and images mentioned below. The purpose here is to situate Concepcin in the continuum towards the creation of the Spanish-American identity. Does Concepcin ex hibit aspects of conser vationism that later 261

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became obsolete, or does it show aspects of adapta tion to the local environment? A caveat must be added to these questions concerning the fact that most of the in-depth archaeological excavations at Concepcin took plac e in two male-dominated institutional locations the fort and the monastery and this may skew interpretation. In other 16th century Spanish colonial cities, such as in Puerto Real (McEwan 1995: 222), the limited availability of Spanish ceramics made them a status symbol, and they were often used as a reflection of Spanishness by the col onists (McEwan 1995: 222). At the same time, nonSpanish ceramics were used in areas such as cooking and food prepara tion, and reflected the ethnic make-up of the persons performing these functions. The more visible, more Spanish aspect of material culture has been identified wi th more male-oriented activities, while the less visible, non-Spanish aspects have been identified with female-dominated activities (Deagan 1995b; Ewen 1991). This appears to have been true at Concepci n as well, where there is a preponderance of Spanish ceramics in the assemblage, as well as abundant examples of the areas native populations pottery in this case in the Ostionoid (Tano) style. There is also a third style of pottery which appears to have been made exclusively at Concepcin the Cermica de Transculturacin, which shows both Native American and Spanish characteristics (See Figure 81). At the same time it must be noted that in spite of the existence of Africans at Concepcin, visible African influence in the Concepcin pottery has not been recognized. (For Spanish ceramics see Deagan 1987. For Pre-Contact Tano ceramics see Rouse 1992; Smith 1995. For Cermica de Transculturacin see Deagan 2002b; Ortega and Fondeur 1978). McEwan states that certain Spanish vessel form s were introduced into the Americas to be used where no aboriginal equivalent was to be found (McEwan 1995: 223). This occurred 262

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principally for tableware consump tion vessels and shipping containers An example of this is the bacn (chamber pot) (Figure 8-2), which was pr esent in every Span ish household (McEwan 1995: 199), a concept undoubtedly fo reign to the Tano. Another ut ilitarian ware which shows continuity with European traditions is the olive jar, a vessel form used primarily for the storage and transportation of goods both overland a nd by sea (Goggin 1960: 6; Fairbanks 1972: 142) (Figure 8-3). It is interesting to note that 28% of all ceramics at Concepcin are utilitarian wares, which shows that the community continued to have a strong tie to European lifeways. A more indepth analysis of the olive jar fragments could he lp determine whether this tie was mainly during the gold boom period (1495-1514) when there wa s money to spend on importing expensive goods, or if this also continued through the less affluent second period (1515-1564). In the tableware category there ar e those ceramics used, as their name implies, at the table. The 16th century Spanish used individual plates when eating, as opposed to the English and French non-elites of the same pe riod (Deetz 1977). A great variety of tablewares exist and have been thoroughly studied by Deagan (1987), Goggin (1968) and Lister and Lister (1987). Tablewares in the Spanish Amer icas are distinguishe d by the preponderance of majolica, a tinglazed tableware which is glazed and wheel-t hrown (Deagan 1987: 53). There are numerous types of majolica, separated by characteristics su ch as place of manuf acture, and the persons manufacturing it (for a more complete descri ption of majolica categories see Deagan 1987). Majolicas make up 18% of the total ceramic assemblage at Concepcin, but unfortunately, due to the type of large-scale attribute analysis perfor med at Concepcin, it is difficult to determine the frequencies of the different types within the cu ltural assemblage. However, some of the more outstanding pieces were pulled out to become a part of the Especiales collection (see Chapter 4), giving a brief glimpse into what the general collection may contain. 263

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The majolica in the Especiales collection can be divided into three main categories: Morisco wares, Italianate Spanish majolica, and Italianate or Old World majolica. Morisco wares are a common-grade majolica produced in Andalusi a, particularly around Seville which shows a Christianized Muslim influence. Italianate Sp anish majolica have a th inner body and paste than Morisco wares and show a shift from a more Mu slim orientation in ceramic elaboration to a more Renaissance-influenced Italianate orie ntation. This was the result of an increased movement of both Italian potte rs and ceramics to Seville after 1500. By mid-16th century, Spanish versions of the Italian wares were being produced, most likely in the alfareras of Seville. It can difficult to identify and clas sify Italianate Spanish majolica because it can confused with the contemporaneous, extremely similar Italian prototyp es that provided the inspiration for the Spanish versions, known as Italianate majo lica (Deagan 1987: 61). There are three types of Morisco wares in the Especiales collection: Columbia Plain, Yayal Blue on White, and Isabela Polychrome (Deagan 1999). As in the rest of Spanish American sites in the circum-Caribbean, Columbia Plain majolica (http://www.flmnh.ufl.edu/histar ch/gallery_types/type_index_display.asp?type_name=COLUM BIA%20PLAIN) is the most frequently encountere d majolica in the Especiales and probably in the general collection as well. It is most often undecorated with a whitish color, and its most common forms are escudillas or saucer-like platos (Deagan 1987: 56) (Figure 5-13) (http://www.flmnh.ufl.edu/histarch/gallery/gallery.asp). Its pe riod of manufacture ranged from 1490 to 1650 (Deagan 1987: 56). Another type found is Isabela Polychrome, named for the site of La Isabela, where it is quite prevalent (Deag an 1987: 58). It is recogn izable by its manganesepurple and blue painted design on a white background (Deagan 1987: 58) 264

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(http://www.flmnh.ufl.edu/histarch/gallery_types/type_inde x_display.asp?type_name=ISA BELA%20POLYCHROME). The Arabic-influenced designs often found around the edges of the Isabela Polychrome plates are believed to be degenerated alafas, or Muslim expressions of goodwill. This type dates from early Spanish co ntact period (circa 1490) to about 1580 (Deagan 1987: 58) 1490-1580). The third type of Morisco ware found is known as Yayal Blue on White (http://www.flmnh.ufl.edu/histar ch/gallery_types/type_index _display.asp?type_name=YAYAL %20BLUE%20ON%20WHITE). It is recognizable due to a design of simple concentric blue bands circling the interior of the vessel. It al so dates from the early Spanish contact period (1490) and has also been found in contemporary sites in Spain (Deagan 1987: 58). It seems to have been quite popular around 1550, but is not as frequent in sites with later occupation periods (Deagan 1987: 58). It must be noted here that one type of Morisco ware which was not found among the Especiales is the type named after the si te-La Vega Blue on White (Deagan 1999) (See http://www.flmnh.ufl.edu/histarch/gallery_type s/type_index_display. asp?type_name=LA%20VE GA%20BLUE%20ON%20WHITE). Goggin named this type after his visit in the 1950s, but later analysis by Deagan (1987) has cast doubt as to whether this should be a separate type, or whether the small sherds collected are actually from Yayal vessels with central medallion designs (Deagan 1987: 58). This assessment may change again after th e examination of the general collection. Like the Morisco ware, Italianate Spanish majolica also dates from the early Spanish contact period. Two types of this majolica are f ound in the Especiales collection: Caparra Blue (http://www.flmnh.ufl.edu/histar ch/gallery_types/type_index_di splay.asp?type_name=CAPARR A%20BLUE) and Sevilla Blue on Blue 265

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(http://www.flmnh.ufl.edu/histar ch/gallery_types/type_index_di splay.asp?type_name=SEVILLA %20BLUE%20ON%20BLUE) (Deagan 1999). Caparra Blue albarelos, or Spanish drug jars, are important in that they are linke d to medical matters, and are usua lly found in sites dating from before 1550 (Deagan 1987: 62). The other Italianate type is Sevilla Blue on Blue, which is recognizable due to its lightto medium-blue ba ckground enamel, on which darker blue patterns are painted. The Especiales collection also includes the Italianate majolica type produced in Italy on which the Italianate Spanish majolica was based. Two types of this majolica are present: Montelupo Polychrome and Ligurian Blue on Blue Like the Morisco and Spanish Italianate types, Montelupo Polychrome majolica (http://www.flmnh.ufl.edu/histar ch/gallery_types/type_index _display.asp?type_name=MONTEL UPO%20POLYCHROME) is present in the early Sp anish settlements and is not often found in places settled after 1550 (Deagan 1987: 68). The Ligurian Blue on Blue (http://www.flmnh.ufl.edu/histar ch/gallery_types/type_index_di splay.asp?type_name=LIGURIA N%20BLUE%20ON%20BLUE), however, is better known at sites settle d after 1550 (Deagan 1987: 70). It is possible that thes e sherds could be misclassified Seville Blue on Blue, but it is also possible that this type may have been avai lable in the New World earlier than previously thought. Native American Domestic Technology Artifacts Concepcins historical and ar chaeological records show th at Native American food and food technologies played a part in daily domestic life in the city. The percentage of Native American ceramics at Concepcin is lower than at most other Spanish Amer ican sites, with the exception of La Isabela. This may be partially caused by the fact that most artifacts were found in two male-dominated areas the fort and the monastery, but it could also demonstrate a 266

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progression towards the creation of a criollo culture which integrates Native American elements in the domestic environment. African Influence on Domestic Technology It is difficult at this point to gauge the influence Africans may have had on foodways and foodway technologies in Concepci n. There are no distinct exam ples of African-influenced ceramics in the material assemblage, and historic al documents do not point to a dietary practice particular to this group in the settlement. This could be caused by several reasons. The simplest being that the Africans were not employed in lo cal ceramic production. Another reason could be Africans produced non-ceramic objects out of peri shable materials like gourds. A more complex reason could be that most Africans in the colony were Ladino and had already been acculturated into the Spanish culture. Most probably the arch aeological material produced by Africans has not been recognized as such. Clothing and Sumptuary Laws Although it is difficult to find clothing in the archaeological record due to the perishable nature of cloth, data from clothing related item s as well as the historical record can help determine the type of clothing that may have been worn at Concepcin during its occupation. Clothing played an important role in Spanish America since it was used by the authorities as a means to distinguish between different social ca tegories. Among the Spanish its was also used as a way to distinguish between laity and clergy. For the African slaves and Native American Naborias, the use of clothing was a marker of Christianity. The Repartimiento holder and slave owner had to provide the clothes as a sign of his Christian indoctr ination effort (Larrazabal 1975: 108). Historical sources tell the great wealth created by the gold boom on Hispaniola during this time period caused inhabitants to break these clothing laws (known as sumptuary laws) and wear 267

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what they could afford rather than what they were permitted by law. The situation was so out of hand by 1509, that Governor Columbus had orders to limit cloth with gold and silver thread to the nobles (Moya-Pons 1978: 110; Suarez-Mari ll 1998: 15), most of which were in his household. Those who broke the laws could be expelled from the colony for 2 years (Moya-Pons 1978: 110). This did not stop those who wished to dress like th e elite and had gold money to spend (Suarez-Marill 1998: 15). No t only did they buy clothes, but also the jewelry, weapons and horse accouterments of the upper classes (Suarez-Marill 1998: 15). The sale of clothing became an important industry in the colony in the early 1500s (Deagan 2002). Meanwhile, the non-elite Spaniards wore clothing similar to those worn in Southern Spain, a loose shirt over pants and espadrilles (Suarez-Marill 1998). The clergy wore frocks and habits as were assigned by each religious order (Centr o Franciscano de Docu mentacin Histrica 1993; Suarez-Marill 1998). Further research into the hi storical record needs to be undertaken to find specific references of what was worn at Concepcin during the first period of study (1495-1514), but it was quite likely that there was a great display of these goods at the boom town of Concepcin, in a similar manner to the extravagance later seen at the silver mining town of Potos (Galeano 1997: 22). Information is available, however, on what was worn during the second period of study (1515-1564) thanks to the Alvaro de Castro trial. One of Castros accusations is the breaking of sumptuary and clothing laws. As a member of the clergy, Castro was to wear a habit or froc k (Patronato 1995: 156) without breeches (Patronato 1995: 137). He was not allowed to ride a horse or carry weapons (Patronato 1995: 156, 213). Castro defends himself by saying that he cannot perform his duties, 268

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which involve traveling around a dangerous countryside where there is a possi bility of attacks by escaped Tano and African slaves, wearing hi s clerical outfit (Pat ronato 1995: 156). The trial documents go on to describe that the upper classes were allowed to wear jewelry and carry weapons (Patronato 1995: 55, 137, 238, 241). The mens basic outfit consisted of breeches (calsas) and a jerkin or doublet ( jubn) over this a corselet ( cosete ) could be used, as well as a cape ( capote ) or a pointed hood ( caperuza ) (Patronato 1995: 137, 213, 221). During the trial Castro was also accused of sel ling these illegal clothe s, and cloth, to other people in the city (Patronato 1995: 136). The clothes were appa rently ready-made (Patronato 1995:155), and included capes, cors elets and pointed hoods (Patronato 1995: 213, 221). Some of the clothes were second-hand, especially the capes (Patronato 1995: 212). Castro also sold purple cloth to whoever could afford it, although it was reserved for religious functions (Patronato 1995: 136). Meanwhile, among the Native Americans and African s the use, or lack of, clothing became a way to identify escaped slaves. It appears that when the Tano ran away they reverted to wearing no clothes, as was commo n in the pre-contact period. Such was the case of a Spanish speaking Indian caught in the Concepcin area in 1543 (Rueda 1988: 225). Cimarrones probably used Spanish style clothing when they came into the cities to trade (D eive 1989). This would make them less noticeable, and less easy to re-cap ture. In the field, however, they wore the skins of escaped bulls (Larrazabal 1975: 142; Marte 1981: 301), which is probably why they became identified with the same name as these anim als (Arrom and Garca-Arvalo 1986: 15-17; Price 1979: 1-2). This was especially true around th e Concepcin region where several people were captured wearing bull le ather (Larrazabal 1975: 142; Moya-Pons 1974: 83). 269

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Unfortunately, due to the perishable nature of cloth, no samples of clothing or bull leather have survived in the archaeological record at Concepcin to corroborate the historical accounts. There are, however, some artifacts present in the material assemblage that appear to reflect this extravagant clothing practice. It is important to note, though, th at it is difficult to determine which of the two time periods these artifacts belong to. There are many belt buckles in the material asse mblage, but one is of particular interest since it is shaped into a lions head (http://www.flmnh.ufl.edu/histarch /gallery/photoout1.asp?id=30). Th e incorporation of art to a functional item seems to denote a concer n for aesthetics beyond functionality. There are several glass items that also denot e some care for aesthetics by women, a fact which is not discussed in detail in the historical record. Seve ral types of beads are currently stored in the Especiales, incl uding some Nueva Cadiz, agate, and chevron beads. The most outstanding glass artifacts relate d to clothing, however, are portions of glass bracelets typically identified with young women in Northern Africa (Deagan 1999). Their existence presents the question as to which women may have been usin g them at Concepcin. Were these a trade item given to Taino women, or were these worn by African slave women. Or, on the other hand, were they considered an item which denoted a certa in level of Spanishness amongst the Spanish settlers themselves? One last type of artifacts pres ent at Concepcin needs to be examined in relation to its possible use in clothing, namely the large number of rumbler bells present in the assemblage (Figure 8-4). Although rumbler bells are mos tly recorded as being used mostly for horse/domestic animal related acc outrements (Deagan 2002), there is some evidence that these items may have been used in human clothing decoration, especially for Carnival costumes 270

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(Valdez 1995). Given that Concepcin was one of the first places where this practice was recorded on Hispaniola (see below), there is the possibility that some of these bells could be classified as Clothing Items (see Table 4-1). Entertainment and Leisure Most of the public entertainm ent at Concepcin, as in other Spanish communities, was organized around Church events and feast days Spaniards, Africans and Native Americans would have all participated in such activities Discussions surfaced between the Church and colonial authorities in regards to the keeping of Christian Holy Days for slaves (Larrazabal 1975: 100). The Church insisted that Africans needed to keep these holy days as days of rest, as well as the opportunity to be indoctrinated in the Ca tholic faith (Guitar 1998: 281; Rodriguez-Morel 2000: 101). The slave owners, on the other hand, co mplained that the Afri cans revolted or ran away if there were too many days off in a row (Larrazabal 1975: 100). The Proceso de Alvaro de Castro provides what may be the fi rst evidence of the Concepcin de la Vega Carnival (Patronato 1995) which remains one of the most popular carnival celebrations in the Dominican Republic today. The Proceso records horse races being held at Concepcin, as well as a mock battle between Christians and Moors (Patronato 1995: 213). Mock battles between Moors and Christia ns are an important element of carnival celebrations in the Dominican Republic today (Valdez 1995). Although religious feast days, carnival and church organized activities could be participated in by all residents, other historically documented fo rms of entertainment seem to have been largely restricted to the Spanish popul ation. Although there is li ttle direct historical evidence of entertainment at Concepcin, there is considerable archaeo logical evidence that European forms of leisure were actively pursued As noted before, Concepcins elite had the 271

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funds to be able to keep up with the most recent trends in Spain, including pastimes. These pastimes would have ranged from music and reading to gambling and prostitution. Although the Crown (and the Church) may have condemned some of the more extreme forms of entertainment, it did recognize its n eed within the colony. Musicians and troubadours were among the settlers that came w ith Ovando in 1502 (Peguero 1975a: 94). Non-elite residents in Concepcin were probab ly unable to read a nd it was common at the time in Spain to have group readings of books (Diaz-Plaja 1995: 219), and this was probably done at Concepcin. One of the favorite topics of these books was knight tales, which have been described as a mix of soap operas and action m ovies (Diaz-Plaja 1995: 225). Reading was also an entertainment option open to the Tano Nitano class who were being taught Spanish grammar at the San Francisco Monastery (Arranz-Mrquez 1991). There is ev idence that the Franciscans brought several books to the Monastery be sides the Bible (Diaz-Plaja 1995: 225). Books also were used as means of demonstrat ing high social status. In the Siglo de Oro (16th century), books were expensive, and anyon e who owned more than one was considered a scholar (Diaz-Plaja 1995: 219). Many elaborate book clasps have been found archaeologically at Concepcin, especially at the Monastery and th e center of town (Woods 1999), in keeping with the need of elite residents fo r social display (Figure 8-5). Other, less refined, forms of entertainment also occurred at Concepcin. Las Casas wrote in 1510 that most of the Spanish did not follo w many Church rules (Las Casas in Rueda 1988: 523), and it is reasonable to expect that C oncepcin was not unlike many subsequent boom towns, such as Potos, were gambling, drinki ng and prostitution flour ished (Galeano 1997: 22). 272

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Figure 8-1. Cermica de Transculturacin from Concepcin (Photo by Kathleen Deagan, 1999) 273

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Figure 8-2. Utilitarian Wares: Bacines [Drawi ngs by Merald Clark reprinted with permission from Deagan, Kathleen and Jos Ma ra Cruxent, 2002a. Archaeology at La Isabela: America's First European Town. (Figure 3, 149). Yale University Press, New Haven.] 274

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Figure 8-3. Early-style Olive jar from Concepcin de la Vega (Photo by Kathleen Deagan, 1999) 275

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Figure 8-4. Hawks bells and rumbler bells from Concepcin (Photo by Kathleen Deagan, 1999) 276

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Figure 8-5. Book clasps found at Con cepcin (Photo by Kathleen Deagan, 1999) 277

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CHAPTER 9 CONCLUSION The purpose of this thesis has been to integrate and synthesize the information from documentary and archaeological sources about ev eryday lifeways at C oncepcin de la Vega, Dominican Republic during the period from 1495 to 1564. It has focused on the expression of the social dynamics of the community, especially regarding the different activities undertaken at specific locations within the si te. It is hoped that the combin ation of this historical and archaeological data about Concepcin will help create a better understanding of the process through which the Spanish-American cultural tr adition was created, and later disseminated, to the rest of Latin America. The data presented in this thesis is drawn fr om both primary and secondary sources within various avenues of inquiry, and co mbined using the historical ar chaeology approach which takes information obtained from diverse sources su ch as history, archaeo logy, art history and architecture, to create a more complete pictur e of the inhabitants of a particular community (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b: 4; Scott 1994; Mc Guire and Paynter 1991; Singleton 1998). It informs on foodways, material possessions, ar chitecture, and urban planning thanks to interpretation of the materi al record found in the ground (S outh 1977; Deetz and Dethlefson 1967; Deagan 2002). In this way the contributions of all members of the society, not just those of the dominant social, political and economic group, can be examined (Scott 1994: 3; Little 1996: 45). Analysis of the data presents a city which went through two distinct periods of occupation: 1495-1514 and 1515-1564. These periods roughly corres pond to the boom and bust period of the gold economy at Concepcin; a boom and bust caused by abundance and lack of labor, rather than the lack of gold itself. The Repartimiento of 1514 marks the division between the two 278

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periods due to its final distribution of gold work ers at Concepcin, which caused subsequent loss in social and economic mobility. The second period is also marked by various attempts to replicate pre-1514 lifeways through different econo mic activities including as sugar production and cattle ranching. Analysis of the historical records shows th at Concepcin played an important role on Hispaniola, both political and re ligious, before its destruction in 1562. They do not however, reveal much information about the daily lives of those who lived ther e. Historical accounts, especially those in the political realm, emphasi ze those events which are considered important for governmental reasons, and we re of concern for the elite Spanish. In order to know more about the lives of the other Con cepcin inhabitants, such as th e non-elite Spanish, the Africans, the Amerindian slaves and the Tanos, it was necessary to go beyond history and analyze the material world archaeologically. Inter-racial and intercultural exchange was ch aracteristic of nearly all of the culturally diverse Spanish-American 16th century towns of the circum-Caribbean area (Ewen 1991; Deagan 1995b, 1996, 2004: 622). However, historical and archaeological evidence points towards an particularly intense in teraction at Concepcin, owing in large part to its condition as a mining town, where typically the quest for wealth often united disparate peoples (DeFrance 2003: 99). The interaction was such that at this po int it has been difficult to identify particular racial divisions archaeologically. In other words, it has not been possible to accurately identify specific areas of the site which were occupied by Native Americans or Africans, nor has it been possible to identify artifacts that are particularly African. Moreover, the Cermica de Transculturacin, unique to this site, shows a mixtur e of both Spanish and Native American characteristics. 279

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During the first period of study (1495-1514) the upper class was made up of Spanish elites and Nitanos followed by the non-elite category, most of which were Spanish, but also included the Libertos The Naboria class became the slave class with the incorporation of African slaves in the mix. Although at the bottom of the social pyramid, this class was not monolithic. The domestic African labor had the highes t rank among the slaves, followed by the Repartimiento Indians involved in urban labor, with the Amerindian and African field workers at the bottom (See Table 9-1). During the second period of study, more specifically in 1542, the Repartimiento system was abolished and the Tano became free (Fernand ez-Alvarez 1975: 73). This meant that at the moment of the 1562 earthquake, Concepcins elite were mostly Spanish or mixed blood, followed by a non-elite group now made up of Spanish, a few Libertos and the Tano. The slave class was by then composed of African domestic laborers, and Amerindian and African field workers (See Table 9-2). If we were to base our assessment of the Concepcin site on the overarching historical/economic data related to the time perio d, it would be easy to assume that most of the rich archaeological material found at the site during the Di reccin Nacional de Parques excavations from 1976-1994 belong to the boom, or first period. This is foiled, however, by the document-based architectural information, whic h reveals that most of the large masonry structures on-site were constructed after 1525. This leads to the all important questio n of how and why these obviously massive structures, as is evidenced by the remaini ng foundations mapped dur ing the 1996-1999 Survey, were financed. The period from 1515-1564 is suppos ed to be the bust period of the settlement, yet these construction of these buildings is an obvious sign of some type of wealth. A study of 280

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historical documents of the time appear to present a Concepcin populated by members of the Servidores /Aragonese party during the period, meaning that the central government could have provided direct funds from Spain to finance these buildings in an effort to promote settlement in the community. This is unlikely however, give n the evidence that the Spanish Crown was actively promoting the exploration and conquest of the Spanish mainland at the time. If any effort was made by the central government to finance these constructions, it was probably shortlived. A review of the majolica types in the Especi ales collection also poi nts to the possibility that some type of lucrative economic activity occurred at Concepcin during the second period of study. Although most of the majo lica in the collection corresponds to the early contact period, there is evidence of the existen ce of an Italian-produced type, Ligurian Blue on Blue, which was not readily available until after 1550 (Deagan 19 87: 70). The fact that someone in the inland community was wealthy enough to own this pottery, also raises some questions. This underscores the undocumented nature of the economic activities that must have gone on at Concepcin during the second period of study, in order to finance this construction period and continue to import high-end European goods. Gold smelting at Concepcin was more and more infrequent during this period, indeed poin ting to a bust in the gold economy. It is during this period that the gold economy on all of Hispaniola was bei ng progressively phased out by the Spanish central government and being repla ced by sugar production. Historical and archaeological data from Concepcin do show that the industry was attempted there, but it was not viable. The third option presented by historical sour ces is cattle ranching/hide processing. Unlike gold and sugar, the selling of hides does appear to have been a large, economically viable, 281

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industry at Concepcin, at least in the year 1532, when the Proceso a Alvaro de Castro takes place. The Proceso documents large tracts of land being used for the cattle industry, as well as documenting the type of workers involved in this industry. It would be easy to end here by stating that it appears that Concepcin went through a gold boom and bust, but that during the gold bust period, a cattle industry boom occurred, economically maintaining the settlement. However, this woul d gloss over the fact that a large part of the wealth generated by the cattle industry on Hispanio la came from illegal trade and contraband. It is quite likely, since this was one of the accusations leveled at Alvaro de Castro during his trial. This is the type of question which could be answered by a more in-depth archaeological analysis of the site. Such analysis should be three tiered. One tier invol ves a zooarchaeological analysis to separate the dietary from cattle i ndustry-related faunal rema ins. Another tier would involve more excavations to create a more divers e artifactual assemblage, since the current one is highly skewed towards areas of mostly Spanish male habitation (the fort and monastery). The third tier would involve a more complete analysis of the ceram ic assemblage at the site, particularly one that separates the majolica into its various categories. This la st tier is perhaps the most important, given that majolica sherds can be used as effective dating tools to identify the different levels of occupation at the site. A more in-depth analysis of the archaeologi cal remains could also help guide further research into the inhabitants at Concepcin and their activities. Historical documents show that Native Americans, Spaniards and Africans lived there, but this is not necessa rily reflected in the present archaeological assemblage. This is partic ularly true of the Africans, where there is no concrete trace of their presence. This can be part ially explained by the nomadic nature of most of 282

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their pursuits (gold prosp ecting, street vending and cimarronaje ), but this cannot be the sole reason. A better understanding of all of the communities inhabitants would also be helpful in the identification and location of ac tivity areas within the site. In short, this thesis has posed more questions than those it has answer ed. If anything, it will inspire future historical, archaeological and architectural researcher s to go beyond what is presented here and confirm or refute the re creation of lifeways pres ented above. Concepcin played a large role in the Span ish colonization continuum and its importance must be revealed to those beyond the archaeological sites immediate area, and beyond the Dominican Republic. 283

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Table 9-1. Colonial Social System (1495-1514) Spanish nobles ELITE CLASS Nitanos (Tano noble class) Spanish non-elite NON-ELITES Libertos (Free Africans) Domestic African labor Repartimiento Indians involved in urban labor SLAVE CLASS Amerindian and African field workers Table 9-2. Colonial Social System (1515-1564) Spanish nobles Spanish colonial officials ELITE CLASS Spanish clergy Spanish non-elite NON-ELITES African Libertos Free Tano Ladino Africans in domestic setting Bozal Africans involved in urban work SLAVE CLASS Amerindian and Bozal African field workers 284

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Arranz-Mrquez, Luis 1979 Emigracin espaola a Indias: poblamiento y despoblacin Antillanos Ediciones Fundacin Garca-Arvalo, Santo Domingo. 1991 Repartimientos y encomiendas en la isla Espaola Ediciones Fundacin Garca-Arvalo, Santo Domingo. Arrom, Jos Juan 1988 Fray Ramn Pan: Relacin acerca de las ant igedades de los indios: el primer tratado escrito en Amrica Siglo Veintiuno Editores, Mexico City. 1989 Mitologa y artes prehis panicas de las Antillas Siglo Veintiuno Editores, Mexico City. Arrom, Jos Juan and Manuel A. Garca-Arvalo 1986 Cimarrn Fundacin Garca-Arvalo, Santo Domingo. Avery, George 1995 Pots as Packaging: The Spanish Olive Ja r and Andalusian Transatlantic Commercial Activity: 16th-18th Centuries Ph.D. dissertation. University of Florida, Gainesville Aznar-Vallejo, Eduardo 1983 La integracin de las Islas Canarias en la corona de Castilla (1487-1526): Aspectos administrativos, sociales y econmicos. Ediciones Universidad de Sevilla, Seville. Ballesteros, Jorge B. 1983 Aspectos tericos, legales y polticos del ur banismo y arquitectura hispnicos del Caribe. In La influencia de Espaa en el Caribe, La Florida y Luisiana, 1500-1800 Antonio Acosta and Juan Marchena, editors, pp. 181-85. Instituto de Cooperaci n Iberoamericana, Madrid. 286

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Pauline M. Kulstad Gonzalez was born in River Falls, WI, but has lived most of her life in the Dominican Republic. She is the oldest of thre e children. Her sister Tess is also a student at the University of Florida. Pauline completed her undergra duate degree in anthropology and Latin American studies at Macalester College in Minne sota. After that she returned to the Dominican Republic and worked in various areas, including as the Field Lab Supervisor at Concepcin de la Vega Park from 1997-1999. She is currently living in Washington DC and wants to become involved in Museum curation.