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Understanding Rural Indonesian Culture through Reflexive Photography as a Means of Developing Tourism

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0022195/00001

Material Information

Title: Understanding Rural Indonesian Culture through Reflexive Photography as a Means of Developing Tourism
Physical Description: 1 online resource (160 p.)
Language: english
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2008

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: culture, indonesia, reflexive, tourism
Tourism, Recreation, and Sport Management -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Recreation, Parks, and Tourism thesis, M.S.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: The purpose of this research was to better understand rural Indonesian culture as a means of developing tourism. The study was conducted in the village of Sambi, Indonesia, in June-July, 2007. Three objectives were addressed in this study. The first objective was to explore the meaning of local culture as held by local residents. The second objective was to present themes of what residents desired to share with tourists. The last objective was to provide information gained from the identified themes to the decision makers in the village of Sambi, with the goal of promulgating local tourism development. This study was framed with four interrelated research questions: (1) What does Sambi?s culture mean to the people of Sambi? (2) What do the people of Sambi want to share with visitors about their culture? (3) What do the people of Sambi want to hide about their culture from visitors? (4) How do the people of Sambi choose to negotiate themes; which they want to show to visitors and themes that they want to hide from visitors? To address the aforementioned research questions, the study employed a reflexive photography method. Twenty-eight residents were issued single use cameras and were asked to take pictures of things, places, people, or anything else that deemed important to them in their village. The photographs were developed and interviews were conducted to elicit information. Data analysis used both photographs and quotes from photo-elicitation interviews. The study used an inductive thematic approach to analyze the data. Four major findings were found with regards to the research questions. First, two major themes emerged when participants discussed the meaning of their local culture namely, agricultural village and ritual-tradition. Second, there were six major themes that participants desired to share with visitors (i.e., rural way of life, environmental features, built structures, people, art and festivals, and animals). Third, the themes, which some participants wanted to share with visitors, were also the ones they desired to hide. Fourth, participants employed two strategies, time and space alteration, in negotiating themes that they wanted to share and not to share with visitors. These strategies provided room for creative maneuvering in the presentation of the cultural landscape of the village of Sambi. The study concluded that reflexive photography could be a powerful tool for tourism planning, especially in rural areas. It was also suggested that the development of tourism in the village of Sambi should be based on the identified themes as well as retention of the authenticity of the themes. This strategy would increase residents? level of support toward tourism development and maximize benefits for residents of Sambi. Finally, further research in tourism studies using visual methodology was recommended.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Thesis: Thesis (M.S.)--University of Florida, 2008.
Local: Adviser: Pennington-Gray, Lori.
Electronic Access: RESTRICTED TO UF STUDENTS, STAFF, FACULTY, AND ON-CAMPUS USE UNTIL 2010-05-31

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2008
System ID: UFE0022195:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0022195/00001

Material Information

Title: Understanding Rural Indonesian Culture through Reflexive Photography as a Means of Developing Tourism
Physical Description: 1 online resource (160 p.)
Language: english
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2008

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: culture, indonesia, reflexive, tourism
Tourism, Recreation, and Sport Management -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Recreation, Parks, and Tourism thesis, M.S.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: The purpose of this research was to better understand rural Indonesian culture as a means of developing tourism. The study was conducted in the village of Sambi, Indonesia, in June-July, 2007. Three objectives were addressed in this study. The first objective was to explore the meaning of local culture as held by local residents. The second objective was to present themes of what residents desired to share with tourists. The last objective was to provide information gained from the identified themes to the decision makers in the village of Sambi, with the goal of promulgating local tourism development. This study was framed with four interrelated research questions: (1) What does Sambi?s culture mean to the people of Sambi? (2) What do the people of Sambi want to share with visitors about their culture? (3) What do the people of Sambi want to hide about their culture from visitors? (4) How do the people of Sambi choose to negotiate themes; which they want to show to visitors and themes that they want to hide from visitors? To address the aforementioned research questions, the study employed a reflexive photography method. Twenty-eight residents were issued single use cameras and were asked to take pictures of things, places, people, or anything else that deemed important to them in their village. The photographs were developed and interviews were conducted to elicit information. Data analysis used both photographs and quotes from photo-elicitation interviews. The study used an inductive thematic approach to analyze the data. Four major findings were found with regards to the research questions. First, two major themes emerged when participants discussed the meaning of their local culture namely, agricultural village and ritual-tradition. Second, there were six major themes that participants desired to share with visitors (i.e., rural way of life, environmental features, built structures, people, art and festivals, and animals). Third, the themes, which some participants wanted to share with visitors, were also the ones they desired to hide. Fourth, participants employed two strategies, time and space alteration, in negotiating themes that they wanted to share and not to share with visitors. These strategies provided room for creative maneuvering in the presentation of the cultural landscape of the village of Sambi. The study concluded that reflexive photography could be a powerful tool for tourism planning, especially in rural areas. It was also suggested that the development of tourism in the village of Sambi should be based on the identified themes as well as retention of the authenticity of the themes. This strategy would increase residents? level of support toward tourism development and maximize benefits for residents of Sambi. Finally, further research in tourism studies using visual methodology was recommended.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Thesis: Thesis (M.S.)--University of Florida, 2008.
Local: Adviser: Pennington-Gray, Lori.
Electronic Access: RESTRICTED TO UF STUDENTS, STAFF, FACULTY, AND ON-CAMPUS USE UNTIL 2010-05-31

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2008
System ID: UFE0022195:00001


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UNDERSTANDING RURAL INDONESIAN CULTURE THROUGH REFLEXIVE PHOTOGRAPHY AS A MEANS OF DEVELOPING TOURISM By IGNATIUS PULUNG DWI CAHYANTO A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2008 1

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2008 Ignatius Pulung Dwi Cahyanto 2

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(To everyone who dedicates their lives to tourism) 3

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This thesis would not be possible (nor very useful) without the constant support of many people. For that, I would like to thank the following people. First of all, I would like to express my highest and deepest gratitude to God for a lifetime of love and e ndless inspiration. My special gratitude also goes to my parents, my brother, and my relatives for their financial, mental, and spiritual support. I would like to express my gr atitude to Dr. Lori Pennington -Gray for being an outstanding advisor and excellent professor. Her consta nt encouragement, support, and invaluable suggestions made this work successful. She has been everything that one could want in an advisor. I am also indebted to my committee members Dr. Brijesh Thapa and Dr. Ben Smith for reviewing this thesis and providing valuable f eedback. They made this thesis an enjoyable experience for me. My sincere gratitude also goes to Dr. Heather Gibson for sharpening my interest in tourism through insightful discussions; Dr. Steve Holland for his constant suppor t; Dr. Ariel Rodriquez for introducing me to another f acet of conducting a research; Dr. Budi Subanar, SJ for his thoughtful feedback; and Dr. Trevor Sofield for providing his valuable insights on this thesis. I thank all the faculties and staff at the Department of Tourism, Recreation, and Sport Management at the University of Florida as I am constantly picking up new knowledge from them. Not a day goes by that I do not l earn something from this department. I am indebted to Bill Gallagher for his constant support and encouragement. I am also grateful to Debra Anderson for he r help and valuable advice during my stay in Gainesville. Their presence in my life is the best thi ng that could have happened to me. 4

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I thank these following people for their ne ver-ending support, encouragement, and camaraderie: Satya Indrabayu, Elena Bychkovski kh, Derrick Feinman, Sun-Jin Kang, and Naomi Moswete. Words cannot express the grat itude I have for the time we shared. I am also grateful to all participants and re sidents of Sambi Village who have shared their wonderful life experiences with me. Without thei r insight, helpfulness, and participation, this thesis would not have occurred. Finally, as I clos e another chapter in my life, I thank all the people who have supported me in completing my academic endeavor at the University of Florida in any ways. Their efforts are very much appreciated. 5

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TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...............................................................................................................4 TABLE OF CONTENTS.............................................................................................................. ...6 LIST OF TABLES................................................................................................................. ..........8 LIST OF FIGURES.........................................................................................................................9 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS........................................................................................................11 ABSTRACT...................................................................................................................................12 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................. .14 Statement of Problem........................................................................................................... ..23 Purpose of the Study........................................................................................................... ....24 Research Questions............................................................................................................. ....24 Delimitation and Limitation...................................................................................................2 5 2 LITERATURE REVIEW.......................................................................................................28 Culture........................................................................................................................ ............28 Issue of Authenticity.......................................................................................................... .....30 Front Stage and Back Stage....................................................................................................3 4 Sharing Authenticity........................................................................................................... ....35 The Tourists-Host Interface.................................................................................................... 37 Photo-Elicitation.............................................................................................................. .......39 Community-Based Tourism....................................................................................................43 3 METHODOLOGY.................................................................................................................5 0 Rationale.................................................................................................................................50 Study Site..................................................................................................................... ...........52 Data Collection.......................................................................................................................56 Participants......................................................................................................................57 Photo Making Process.....................................................................................................58 Photo-Elicitation Interview.............................................................................................60 Data Analysis..........................................................................................................................63 Validity and Reliability...........................................................................................................66 6

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4 RESULTS...................................................................................................................... .........70 Question 1: Meaning of Sambis Culture to the People of Sambi..........................................71 Agricultural Village.........................................................................................................71 Ritual and Tradition.........................................................................................................75 Question 2: Themes of What Reside nts What to Share with Visitors....................................77 Rural Way of Life............................................................................................................77 Environmental Features...................................................................................................83 Built Structures............................................................................................................... .86 People..............................................................................................................................88 Art and Festivals.............................................................................................................. 90 Animals............................................................................................................................94 Question 3: Themes of What People of Samb i Do Not Want to Share with Visitors............96 Question 4: The Way People of Sambi Negotiated Themes That They Want to Share and the Themes They Want to Hide....................................................................................99 5 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION..................................................................................123 Reflection on the Use of Reflexive Photography.................................................................123 Modeling Tourism in Sambi.................................................................................................130 Planning................................................................................................................................138 Tourism Activities Development..................................................................................139 Connecting Identified Lands cape and Cultural Features...............................................140 Interpretation................................................................................................................. 140 Entrepreneurship, Marketing, and Resource Management...........................................142 Developing Village Tourism Corridors.........................................................................143 Recommendation for Future Research.................................................................................144 APPENDIX A INTERVIEW GUIDE...........................................................................................................148 LIST OF REFERENCES.............................................................................................................149 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.......................................................................................................160 7

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LIST OF TABLES Table page 2-1 MacCannells (1976) front-back continuum......................................................................48 2-2 Model of tourists setting.................................................................................................. ..48 2-3 Notion of roles............................................................................................................ .......49 2-4 Local participation on CBT...............................................................................................49 3-1 Number of overnight visitors to Sambi village 2001 to 2004............................................68 3-2 Job description of Sambis tourism committee..................................................................69 3-3 List of participants.............................................................................................................69 4-1 Initial themes and categories............................................................................................12 1 5-1 Possible tourism potential development..........................................................................147 8

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LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 1-1 Map of Indonesia, courtesy of National University of Singapore Library........................26 2-1 The cultural dynamic model (Hatch, 1993).......................................................................46 2-2 A framework of culture (Jenks 1993 as cited by Edelheim, 2005)...................................47 2-3 Tourism industry values versus cu ltural community values (Cave, 2005)........................47 2-4 Model of community-tourists intermediaries (Ryan, 2005)..............................................48 3-1 Map of Sambi (Sleman tourism brochure, 2002)...............................................................68 3-2 Participants assignment card............................................................................................68 4-1 Number of photogra phs by content category...................................................................102 4-2 Landscape of Sambi.........................................................................................................102 4-3 Mount Merapi..................................................................................................................103 4-4 Farmers on the road........................................................................................................ .103 4-5 Old woman planting rice seeds........................................................................................104 4-6 Pekarangan ......................................................................................................................104 4-7 Fish pond.................................................................................................................. ........105 4-8 Tegalan ............................................................................................................................105 4-9 Slamatan ..........................................................................................................................106 4-10 Farmers harvesting rice................................................................................................... .106 4-11 Farmers taking a lunch break...........................................................................................107 4-12 Farmers planting rice seeds..............................................................................................1 07 4-13 Farmer ploughing the field...............................................................................................1 08 4-14 Man drying rice................................................................................................................108 4-15 Woman clearing gabah ....................................................................................................109 4-16 Lettuce farm.............................................................................................................. .......109 9

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4-17 Woman picking chilies....................................................................................................1 10 4-18 Woman washing clot hes in the river................................................................................110 4-19 Old woman feeding chickens...........................................................................................111 4-20 Arisan ...............................................................................................................................111 4-21 Landscape of Sambi.........................................................................................................112 4-22 Ledhok Sambi and kali kuning .........................................................................................112 4-23 Road in Sambi..................................................................................................................113 4-24 Fishpond.................................................................................................................. .........113 4-25 Nursery................................................................................................................... ..........114 4-26 Village entrance sign..................................................................................................... ...114 4-27 Joglo house............................................................................................................... ........115 4-28 Guesthouses............................................................................................................... ......115 4-29 Campgrounds............................................................................................................... ....116 4-30 Two children playing...................................................................................................... .116 4-31 Family portrait........................................................................................................... ......117 4-32 Two old women...............................................................................................................117 4-33 Wayang performance.......................................................................................................118 4-34 Ingkling game...................................................................................................................118 4-35 Pak Sardi and his cow......................................................................................................119 4-36 Rabbits................................................................................................................... ..........119 4-37 Perkutut bird....................................................................................................................120 4-38 Cemetery.................................................................................................................. ........120 4-39 Mosque.................................................................................................................... .........121 5-1 Tourism model in Sambi..................................................................................................146 10

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS Community-based tourism Tourism programs that take place under the control and with the active participation of the loca l people who inhibit or own an attraction (Drumm, 1998). It promotes both the quality of life of people and the conservation of resources (Ross & Wall, 1999). It acknowledges the importance of soci al dimensions of the tourism experience, rather than primarily focusing on environmental or economic impacts (Scheyvens, 1999). Culture Culture is a complex multidimensional phenomenon that is difficult to define. In this study, culture is defined as a complex whole which includes knowledge, belie f, art, morals, law, customs, and any other capabilities and habi ts acquired by man as a member of society (Taylor, 1924 as cited by Reisinger & Turner, 2003). It is a way of life of a particular group of people (Harris & Moran, 1996). It is fluid, alwa ys changing and alwa ys-contented (Wood, 1993). Front stageback stage Front stage refers to areas where host community performs a limited range of activities for a tourist audience. Backstage refers to areas where host community continues meaningful traditions away from the gaze of tourists (MacCannell, 1976). Reflexive photography Reflexiv e photography is one form of photo-elicitation method. In the reflexive photography, phot ographs that are taken by participants themselves are used to elicit information from research participants (Harri ngton & Lindy, 1998) 11

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Abstract of Thesis Presen ted to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Science UNDERSTANDING RURAL INDONESIAN CULTURE THROUGH REFLEXIVE PHOTOGRAPHY AS A MEANS OF DEVELOPING TOURISM By Ignatius Pulung Dwi Cahyanto May 2008 Chair: Lori Pennington-Gray Major: Recreation, Parks, and Tourism The purpose of this research was to better understand rural Indonesian culture as a means of developing tourism. The study was conducted in the village of Sambi, Indonesia, in June-July, 2007. Three objectives were addressed in this study. The first objective was to explore the meaning of local culture as held by local residents. The second objective was to present themes of what residents desired to share with tourists The last objective was to provide information gained from the identified themes to the decision ma kers in the village of Sambi, with the goal of promulgating local tourism development. This study was framed with four interrelate d research questions: (1) What does Sambis culture mean to the people of Sambi? (2) What do the people of Sambi want to share with visitors about their cultu re? (3) What do the people of Sambi want to hide about their culture from visitors? (4) How do the people of Sambi choose to negotiate themes; which they want to show to visitors and themes that they want to hide from visitors? To address the aforementioned research questions, the study employed a reflexive photography method. Twenty-eight re sidents were issued single use cameras and were asked to take pictures of things, places, people, or anything else that deemed impor tant to them in their village. The photographs were developed and in terviews were conducted to elicit information. 12

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Data analysis used both photographs and quotes from photo-elicitation interviews. The study used an inductive thematic approach to analyze the data. Four major findings were found with regards to the research questions. First, two major themes emerged when participants discussed the meaning of their local culture namely, agricultural village and ritual-tradition. Second, there were si x major themes that participants desired to share with visitors i.e. rural way of life, environmental features, built structures, people, art and festivals, and animals. Third, th e themes, which some participants wanted to share with visitors, were also the ones they desired to hide. Fo urth, participants employed two strategies, time and space alteration, in negotiating themes that they wanted to share and not to share with visitors. These stra tegies provided room for creativ e maneuvering in the presentation of the cultural landscape of the village of Sambi. The study concluded that reflexive photography could be a powerful tool for tourism planning, especially in rural areas. It was also suggested that th e development of tourism in the village of Sambi should be based on the identified themes as well as retention of the authenticity of the themes. This strategy would increase residents level of support toward tourism development and maximize benefits for residents of Sambi. Finall y, further research in tourism studies using visual methodology was recommended. 13

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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Over the past few decades, the tourism indus try has experienced phenomenal growth. In the Asia-Pacific region, tourism arrivals grew at an average of 7.1% per year over the past decades (ESCAP, 2005). Tourism revenue more than doubled and created 115 million jobs in 2002 (ESCAP, 2005). In recognition of this, many countries have starte d to develop their countrys tourism industries. As tourism has grown, its products have become increasingly diversified. A significant market segment, known as cultural tourism has emerged due to these evolving changes in the growth of all forms of tourism. Ap (1999 as cited in McKercher & DuCros, 2002:4) defines cultural tourism as a form of special interest tourism where culture forms the basis of either attracti ng tourists or motivating people to travel. The growth of cultural tourism as an economic force is undeniable (WTO, 2005). Tourists looking for unique and authentic experiences are increasingly interest ed in cultural site s and innovative arts programming, and have demonstrated a willi ngness to travel to these attractions. The pace and scale of change associated with tourism varies considerably from place to place and time to time. Traditional, modified, and new cultural landscapes may have different meanings to different people. For residents, the landscape may be associated primarily with work and everyday life. On the other hand, for visito rs it may be a landscape of pleasure experienced in a brief sojourn (Wall, 1998). In some deve loping countries where the tourism economy is dominated by outside investors, the cultural landscape may refl ect differential access to power, with tourism being viewed as a form of neo-co lonialism and as a means of elite development (Nash, 1989). Even where the same features are valued by vi sitors and outsiders, they may be valued for different reasons; perhaps as sites and places to be lived in and possessing profound personal, 14

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cultural, and religious significance for local residents, as compared with sights to be viewed, passed by, and perhaps captured on photographs by the visitors (Hull & Revell, 1989). The differences in backgrounds and interests between locals and visitors suggest that it may be necessary to interpret the local cultural la ndscape and its meanings to visitors. One prevailing view regarding culture and touris m is that tourism often contributes to the erosion of authentic culture (Deardan & Harr on, 1994; Picard, 1995). Some researchers even argue that culture is commoditized, ratified, an d transformed into a marketable item where customs become tourism attractions (Green wood, 2004). However, Wood (1993:48) argues that tourism may be developed by communities with in their symbolic construction of culture, tradition, and identity. This concep tualization of tourism is used by planners as a dynamic social ingredient, which demonstrates lo cal culture, rather than an out side force that flattens the culture. The dynamic of tourism appears to prom ote a narrow concept of culture. In his study, Picard (1995) demonstrated how the Balinese have come to objectify their culture in terms of the arts and to evaluate the tourism impact in te rms of whether these arts are flourishing or not. Picard (1993) argues culture is not understood as the anthropologist s broadly defined conception of the total range of activities and id eas of a group of people with shared traditions, but is narrowly defined as those aspects of cult ure that are subject to aesthetic appreciation, namely artistic expressions. (p.90) Furthermore, Picard (1993) and Gewertz a nd Errington (1989) found that locals might interpret the presence of tourists as a sign of the authenticity and continuity of their culture. The Bali Post newspaper in 1995 conducted a survey about Balinese cultur e and found that sixty percent of the readers found that growing numbers of tourists were proof that Balinese were not losing their Balinesen ess. (Editorial, May 4, 1995). Similarly, Gewertz and Errington 15

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described a Chambri initiation in which the youn g men are met with the challenge, Are you [man] enough to make the carvings and place them in the mens house for the tourists to buy? (1989:80). The study further found that the acquis ition of money through tourism was regarded as requiring the exercise of ancestor knowledge to pull to Chambri and to impel them to purchase artifacts. Hence, the presence of tourists at Chambri was interpreted not as an erosion of Chambri tradition, but seen as evidence of its persistence and strength (Gewertz & Errington, 1989: 47). Adams (1997) notes the tour istic commodification of cu lture tends to promote a quantitative notion of culture, such that the Indonesian Toraja ns commonly say, we Torajans have more culture here, implying that their t ourist-deprived neighbors have less culture (p.45). The packaging and marketing of culture to tour ists tends to make people self-conscious and reflexive about the cultural stuff, which, they may have previously taken for granted. This tendency is partly generated by the demands of the marketing, where cultures benchmark themselves against another to demonstrate a comp etitive advantage. In addition, the very act of objectifying and externaliz ing culture makes it more visible and subject to reflection, debate, and conscious choice. Ryan (2005) argues that successful tourism is not simply a question of the presentation to visitors and the requirement that visitors res pond in culturally appropria te ways but that the purveyors of the product also need to be aware of the nature of t ourism and visitors as consumers of culture. From this standpoint, local communities may have an opportunity to plan tourism in their community while controlli ng their unique meani ng of the cultural la ndscape. Ryan (2005) also mentioned that the degree, to which tourist attractions, activities, or destinations exist as tourism products, is influenced by three dimens ions. These are: (1) the degree to which the 16

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culture of local people pervad e the product, (2) the duration, a nd/or intensity to which the visitors become immersed in the cultural production, and (3) the degree to which the activity, sites, or performance is locally owned. The need to identify cultural elements that can be used as tourism attractions for visitor consumption plays a pivotal role in creating appropriate tourism destination (Cave, 2005). Although local communities may see the importan ce of their culture and the tourism industry sees those cultural elements as potential products, it is not automatic that local communities are willing to give up their identity or sell their culture. However, lo cals customarily lack the power to determine which of their cu ltural elements will be displayed for tourists consumption. Visitors and host communities both hold preconc eived notions about things that are private (Cave, 2005). This notion may occur on a continuu m, which comprises friends at one extreme and strangers at the other. Tensi ons may arise across a series of interactions between visitor and hosts. From the host perspective, the manipulation of their culture may effect their perception toward tourism in their community. To preserve the cultural landscape, tourism planning therefore should include zoning (Cave, 2005). In designing zoning for tourism, lo cal communities should have space to protect and preserve the cultural landscape they have as well as spiritual valu es and knowledge, cultural treasures, oral and written material evidence of traditions that are central to the community. Conversely, local communities should also be gi ven space to share their everyday life with visitors. Local communities should also be allowe d to choose certain types of visitors who can have access to cultural knowledge, participation in cultu ral activities, or have access to portions of the physical site (Ryan, 2002). In this process, values such as authenticity are taken into account. The negotiation process between host values and tourism values may result in differing 17

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levels of authenticity or commodification. An ex ample is that dances and rituals are perhaps shortened. Folk customs or arts are often alte red, faked, and invented (Graburn, 1996). In this view, identifying cultural elements that the ho st community is willing to share is crucial to preserving the local culture and promo ting culturally respon sible tourism. There are various discourses of authenticity: thos e of the state, the tourism industry, including culture brokers (Cohen, 1989) and local communities. Furthermore, different constructions of authenticity may be presented to different types of tour ists, including domestic and international. Therefore, more than just inte nsifying ethic identity or increasing ethic pride, the issue of selecting cultural elements and the construction of specific forms of authenticity for the tourism industry may affect local identity and culture. The selected cult ural elements can be then divided to three zones. Zone of privacy refers to a space for locals to perform their rituals and daily life beyond tourism space. A self-manage d zone allows locals to select type of visitors who can see certain element of their cultur e. Zone of commercial potential refers to any cultural elements that can be used to wider visitors. Many cultural activities do not adapt well to t ourism initiatives (Cave, 2005). This may be due to cultural insensitivity on the part of th e tour operators and mark eters and inappropriate translation of the values of these activities (M cKercher & DuCros, 2002). Therefore, responsible tourism initiatives have been widely promoted by several orga nizations (Goodwin & Francis, 2003). Responsible tourism is concerned with protecting the environment and culture while ensuring that local communities will benefit fr om tourism spending (Hurdle, 2005). From the visitors perspective, understand ing the culture and customs of people at the destinations has been correlated with trip sa tisfaction (Pennington-G ray & Thapa, 2004). From the host side, culturally responsible tourism will ensure willin gness of local communities to share their daily 18

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life with tourists (Cave, 2005). The acts of pres enting ones culture to outsiders may strengthen the notion of community and thus increase iden tity, pride, cohesion, and support (McKercher & DuCros, 2002). This will not happen if local comm unities are not given power to choose which part of their culture that they will share with visitors. In the current study a more appropriate deve lopment process which will spread costs and benefits more equitably and is more sensitive to social and cultural im pacts is urged (Brohman, 1996). This development allows for a reduction in th e need for local residents to trade off quality of life and social costs for economic growth, and contributes to a broader based positive attitude toward tourism (Sproule & Suhandi, 1998). Accordingly, a community-based approach to tourism development, which considers the needs and interests of local communities in addition to the benefits of economic growth, should be adopted. Community-based tourism development seeks to strengthen institutions, which are design ed to enhance local participation and promote the economic, social, and cultural well being of the local community (Brohman, 1996). It takes place under the control and with the active particip ation of the local people who inhibit or own attractions (Drumm, 1998). It stre sses considerations such as the compatibility of various forms of tourism with other components of the local economy, the quality of development, and the divergent needs, interests, and potential of the community (Br ohman, 1996). Involvement of the local community is crucial to sustaining comm unity-based tourism, which is the basis of sustainable tourism (Drumm, 1998). Community involvement in tourism planning should be optimized at all levels, starting from product development through marketing and distribution (Brohman, 1996). Thus, community is not the object of development, but is the decisive factor of development itself (Ardika, 2005). As a decisive factor, tourism may be able to help liberate local citizens from poverty and reduce depende ncy on external resources (Ardika, 2005). 19

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One country which embodies th e concept of cultural tourism and which has made a strong commitment to increase tourism development base d on its diverse culture is Indonesia. Located in Southeast Asia (Figure 1-1), Indonesia is the largest archipel ago in the worl d, stretching 5,110 kilometers along the equator from east to west and 1,888 kilometers from north to south. It consists of five major islands: Java, Suma tra, Kalimantan, Sulawesi, and Papua with 17,508 smaller islands known as Thousand Islands. (CIA fact book, 2006). The chain of islands divides the Indian and Pacific ocea ns. It is enriched with natural resources and diverse culture, which provide for a vast range of tourism activities. Travel by air is the only effective access for international visitors to Indonesia, unlike many other archipelago destinations, where access by land and sea are both other vital factors in the success of tourism. As an archipelago nation comprised of over three hundred ethnic groups and a multitude of religions, Indonesia faces the ch allenge of building a shared national consciousness (Adams, 1991). The Indonesian government envisions tourism will help to promulgate a sense of national unity. It is also seen as a strategy for foster ing domestic brotherhood (Departemen Pariwisata, Pos dan Telekomunikasi, 1990:40). In addition, the government also sees tourism as an important development strategy to augment declini ng foreign exchange earnings from fossil fuel and timber exports (Booth, 1990). An important attribute of cultural tourism is authenticity (Taylor, 2001). When tourists visit an area to experience a unique culture, residents often engage in presentation or demonstration of culture in order to attract visitors. Authentici ty is not always targeted to international tourists who come from very different cultural b ackgrounds, but also targeted at domestic tourists. Authenticity is necessary to differentiate tourism products among communities and to avoid homogenization of tourism produc ts (Adams, 1991). Adams (1991) argues that 20

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domestic Indonesian tourism bears elements of a national pilgrima ge with emphasis on continuity as reflected in Indonesias national slogan, unity in diversity. Therefore, authenticity is an important theme, which assists Indonesia in promoting domestic tourism as a means of consolidating the cohesion and the unity of the nation. In addition, international tourism is more prone to negative information than domestic tourism. Media reports of terrorism linked to Indo nesia resulted in a significant decline in the number of international touris ts (BPS, 2004). Domestic tourists saved Indonesian tourism during these periods (Ardika, 2005). With more than 7 04 distinctive cultu res, Indonesia is a big market for domestic tourism. Through visiting other regi ons, Indonesians are enco uraged to admire the diversity of their na tion (Ardika, 2005). In Indonesia, the government plays a significant role in constructing an Indonesian culture to be presented to other nations. Regional gove rnments choose regional culture with unique cultural peaks suitable for being part of Indon esian national culture. Picard (1993) argues that the discourse of regional culture implies its deco mposition into discrete cultural elements, to be sieved through the filter of the national ideology and sorted out those deemed appropriate to contribute to the development of the [nationa l culture] should be sa lvaged and promoted, whereas those deemed too primitive or emphasizing local ethnic identity should be eradicated. (p.93) Indonesias tourism development policy ha s generally been top-down, emphasizing sizeable international mass tourism and the construc tion of large scale, capital-intensive projects usually funded by overseas investors and interna tional capital. The central government controls four to five star accommodations and many travel agencies that comprise Indonesias high-end tourism. Under this system, provincial govern ments can only regulate and control lower-end 21

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accommodations and guesthouses. Dahles (1998: 77) argued that this was due to the central governments unwillingness to allow provincial g overnments access to projects that generate large financial benefits. Significant political pressures from powerful sources reinforce existing authoritarian top down tendencies (Black & Wall, 2001). This is illustrated by the displacement of local communities by large tourism pr ojects, several examples of which can be found throughout Indonesia. In Bali, development close to the sacr ed Tanah Lot Temple led to local controversy and demonstrations (Warren, 1993), and in Kuta South Lombok several fishing villages were bulldozed, displacing villagers for new large hotel developments (McCarthy, 1994; Wall, 1996; Fallon, 2001). For many communities, daily life has dramatically ch anged even if they are not displaced as in the examples above. Since the fall of Suharto era in 1998, Indone sia has embarked on a program of fiscal, administrative, and political decentralization at the same time; moving the country from one of the most centralized systems in the world to one of the most decentralized. The process decentralized much of the responsibility for pub lic services to the local level, doubled the regional share in government spending, reassigned 2/3 of the central civil service, and handed over service facilities to the regions (Hadi, 2004). Within th e new framework of participatory decentralization, development planning is implemented in a bottom-up process, from the village level up to the national level. In tourism industry, this new paradigm is resulting in a reduction of investments by large corporations seeking ma ximum economic profits from tourism resources and focusing more on rural development as well as increasing local participation in decisionmaking (Ardika, 2005). 22

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Throughout Indonesia, many villages have st arted to develop alternative tourism attractions that offer unique and original local products in rural settings. While local responses have varied greatly in Indonesi an tourism development, nowhe re have locals been heavily engaged in the tourism process (Ardika, 2005). This lack of involvement takes place in the context defined by the structure and policies of the Indonesian government, the preexisting field of interethnic relations, and the particular features of the t ourism industry, most notably its preoccupation with auth enticity (Picard & Wood, 1997). Th e contradictory interest of government, partly rooted in their desire to prom ote cultural tourism, pr ovides room for creative maneuvering by local communities. The importance and urgency of understandi ng the mechanisms available for local communities to conserve culture within the ch anged conditions wrought by the tourism industry (McKean, 1973) is deemed necessary as part of a way to reorient Indonesian tourism (Ardika, 2005). Ardika mentioned that several tourism projects in Indonesia have uprooted local communities from their daily lif e due to misunderstandings concerning what local residents actually desire. Therefore, in order for Indonesi as tourism plan to encourage small scale and community-based tourism, understa nding local perspectives toward cultural elements related to tourism is important. To achieve aforementione d goal, figure 1-2 presents the proposed model for this study. Statement of Problem Over the past two decades, anthropologists and historians have become increasingly concerned with cultural constr uction and intervention (Lindstr om & White, 1993). As many have stressed, in order to advance our understanding of th e construction of tradition, our question must go beyond examination of which aspects of culture are authentic and which are invented (White, 1993:3). Closer attention must be paid to the process whereby traditions are invented and the 23

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condition under which customs are negotiated. Wood ( 1984) notes that we need to recognize that cultures are not passive, and we must become more sensitive to the cultural strategies people develop to limit, channel, and in corporate the effect of tourism. Further, Adams (1997) study in Toraja suggests that encounters with tourism are prompting new challenges to local forms of meaning, power, and identity. In this view, tourism creates a fertile context for reinterpretation of tradition and customs. Little analysis has examined the process by wh ich locals can engage in decisions related to demonstration of culture to th e tourists. Particularly, the understanding on how to identify specific unique cultural elements by locals and how these elements will be adapted for the tourists will be better understood in Southeas t Asian context. This study will help understand how Indonesia can responsibly develop tourism within the vision of the locals, particularly controlling for their unique cultura l attributes. As a mandate of the Indonesia National Tourism Plan communities will be involved with the proce ss of development and in particular decide how and what will be presented to the tourists in a cultural tourism development plan. Purpose of the Study The purpose of the research was to better understand and describe rural Indonesian culture as a means of developing tourism products. Thr ee objectives addressed this purpose. The first objective was to explore the meaning of local culture held by local residents. The second objective was to present cultural th emes of what residents want to share with tourists. The last objective was to provide information gained from th e themes to the decision makers in the Sambi village with the goal of promulga ting local tourism development. Research Questions The central theme for this study is the meani ng of Sambis culture for local residents of Sambi that have the potential fo r developing cultural tourism. Th is theme is framed by several 24

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interrelated research questions. Th e evolving nature of research que stions are discussed in more detail in the method sections of the st udy. The initial research questions were: What does Sambis culture mean to the people of Sambi? What do the people of Sambi want to sh are with visitors about their culture? What do the people of Sambi want to hi de about their culture from visitors? How do the people of Sambi choose to negotiate themes, which they want to show to visitors and themes that they want to hide from visitors? Delimitation and Limitation The study is delimited to the community of Sambi village in Yogyakarta province, Indonesia. Thus, the explanatory power of any re sult developed by this research is limited to Sambi and cannot necessarily be extrapolated to other communities in Indonesia. However, any findings derived from the research will provi de a basis for improving the understanding of tourism in rural communities throughout Indonesia. Focus on local cultural significance will give practical implications to t ourism developers in Sambi. The limitation to this study is the growing e ffect of terrorism on tourism worldwide. International opinions on political instability in Indonesia for the past few years have been of major concern and interest to the people of Indone sia. While the number of international visitors to Indonesia has clearly been affect ed, it is unclear to what extent the series of unfortunate events in the country might affect the role of tourism and how it is viewed by local communities. Likewise, as fieldwork for this research only took two months (June-July, 2007), there were some cultural features, which could not be cap tured in pictures taken by residents due to seasonality of the event. 25

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Figure 1-1. Map of Indonesia, courtesy of National University of Singapore Library 26

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Ordinary (daily) elements Important elements Very important elements Zone of Privacy Not to display for outsiders Self-Managed Zone Displayed by-host invitation only Zone of Commercial Potential Displayed for outsiders Cultural product development Commodification, alteration etc Tourism industry values e.g. authenticity Outcome/Benefits Economic, social, environments etc Identifying host cultural elements Figure 1-2. Proposed model 27

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CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW This chapter presents the theoretical founda tion of the study. This chapter incorporated seven sections to support the st udy. Those sections are (1) culture, (2) issue of authenticity, (3) front stage and back stage, (4) sharing authenti city, (5) the tourist-host interface, (6) photoelicitation, and (7) comm unity-based tourism. Culture Schein (1985) suggests that culture exists simultaneously on three levels: On the surface are artifacts, underneath artifacts lies values, and at the core ar e basic assumptions. Assumptions represent beliefs about reality and human nature. Values are so cial principles, philosophies, goals, and standards considered to have intrinsi c worth. Artifacts are the visible, tangible, and audible results of activity grounded in values an d assumptions. In Scheins (1985) words culture is [t]he pattern of basic assumptions that a given group has invented, discovered, or developed in learning to cope with its pr oblems of external adaptation and internal integration, and that have worked well enough to be considered valid, and therefore, to be taught to new members as the co rrect way to perceive, think, and feel in relation to these problems (p.9). Hatch (1993) provides the Cultural Dynamics Model to reformulate Scheins work in terms of dynamism by describing the relati onship between cultural elements (Figure 2-1). In this model, Hatch explains that the model can move in either a clockwise or a counterclockwise direction. All of the processes co-exist in a continuous production and re production of culture in both its stable and changing forms and conditions. According to Hatch, the process constitutes expe ctations of how it should be that can be specified as a list of cultural values. Cultural real ization is defined as a process of making values real by transforming expectations into social or material reality and by maintaining or altering 28

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existing values through the producti on of artifact (rites, rituals, and various physical objects). In the model, symbol is defined as anything th at represents a conscious or an unconscious association with some wider, us ually more abstract, c oncept, or meaning for examples stories, logo, and visual image. Cohen (1985) argues that symbols do more than merely stand for or represent something else they also allow those who employ th em to supply part of their meaning (p.14). Using Barthes (1972) example, a bouquet of roses is given, not only as a bundle of flowers but also symbol as an expression of appreciation(p.45). The objective form of the symbol (the flowers) has literal meaning associated with aspects such as its smell, color, texture, and arrangement. Beyond this objective form an d its literal meaning lies subjective and figurative association that adds to the bouquets meaning. These may include past gift-giving experiences, a persons history with flowers, and the significance that friends may attach to the roses, and even perhaps a verse or scene from a play. The cultural dynamics model suggests that these forms arise first as artifacts, and through additional cultural processing, they come to be recognized as symbolic forms by organizational members. Schutz (1970: 320) claimed, the meaning of an experience is established, in retrospect, through interpretation, Cohen (1985:17-18) added by their nature, symbols permit interpretation and provide scope for interpretativ e maneuver by those who use them. In this view, the model suggests that interpretation contextual izes current symbolizat ion by evoking a broader cultural frame for constructing meaning. This is shown in figure 2-1 the arrow from assumption to symbol. Jenks (1993) divides the representation of culture into four categor ies (Figure 2-2). The first box (A) represents culture as a cognitive cat egory or state of mind. This type of culture 29

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according to Edelheim (2005) is relevant to tourism literature in that it refers to the culture of a world before intrusions of t echnology and globalization. Many t ourism researchers have agreed that culturally and environmentally sensible tour ism embraces two general concepts. The first is a goal should be achieved. The second suggests that all development affects culture, whereby communities may actually lose th eir identity if not properly planned for (Edelheim, 2005). The second box (B) views culture from an evol utionary perspective. Thus, as culture evolves, the less developed world will be infl uenced by the cultural values of the civilized world. Edelheim (2005) argues that this definition of culture is still seen in travel brochures in which tourists are invited to experience the aut hentic culture of some remote region. This definition is based on a western sense of achievement, which vi ews other culture to be less refined as their own. The third box (C) represents Urrys (1990) notion that tour ism is an example of popular culture or an amalgam of different forms of cu ltures. The last box (D) re presents culture as a social category. It represents a way of life of a certain group of people. This view highlights cross-cultural interaction. People ar e aware of differences between how they live and how others live. The way people think and the things people valu e are both reflections of the culture they are part. Thus, the manner in box (D) is mo re neutral compared to other boxes. Issue of Authenticity The study of authenticity became an important issue in tourism studies when MacCannell (1973) gave impetus to this i ssue in his influential paper Staged Authenticity: Arrangements of Social Space in Tourist Setting Since then the study of authen ticity has snowballed. Numerous studies have examined the issue of authen ticity (Cohen, 1979, 1988; Re dfoot, 1984; Moscardo & Pierce, 1986; Boynton, 1986; Hughes, 1995; Br own, 1996; Selwyn 1996; Salamone 1997). 30

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MacCannells (1973, 1976) contribution to und erstanding authenticity is grounded in the premise that a tourist seeks escape from the a lienation and meaninglessness of modern life. According to this view, tourism provides an opportunity to experience the pristine, primitive and natural, through a pilgrimage to that which is yet untouched by modernity. Therefore, the authentic is viewed as an agreed upon and obj ectively defined entity that can be found and enjoyed. Cohen (1989) found support for this view in his study about Thai hill tribe posters. The image of a timeless, primitive and exotic local create the anticipation of a tourist adventure among people frozen in time. Howe ver, Cohen (1988) also argued that authenticity is a socially constructed concept and its social context is not given but negotiable. Authenticity is a personally constructed, contextual, and changing. Tourists are active creators of meaning in their tourism experience rather than passive receiver s. For some tourists even a commercialized replication of local customs may be experi enced as an authentic product (Cohen, 1988). Although the concept of authenticity is widely used in tourism settings, according to Wang (1999) it is a slippery concept a nd imposes ambiguity and limitations As a result, authenticity is perhaps the one area in cultural heritage manage ment and conservation planning in which lively debates have resulted in a noticeable broadeni ng of opinions (McKercher & duCros, 1999). Wang (1999) distinguished types of authentici ty in tourism. According to Wang (1999), there are two kinds of authenticity, first ob ject-related authenticity and activity-related authenticity. Object-related activity can be divi ded into objective authen ticity and constructive authenticity while activity related activity refers to existent ial authenticity. Objective authenticity refers to the authen ticity of the original. The idea of objective authenticity can be seen in the early works of the authenticity issue debate. It began with Boorstin (1964) who argued that mass tourism is a collection of pse udo-events. It suggests 31

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tourism is a commoditization of cu lture. In Boorstins (1964) view, tourists are presented wellcontrived imitations of the original. Both B oorstin (1964) and MacC annell (1973, 1976) refer it as an objective authenticity. In relation to MacC annells (1973, 1976) definition of authenticity, Selwyn (1996) indicates that MacCa nnell uses authenticity in two different senses, authenticity as feeling, and authenticity as knowledge. In MacCannells opinion, tourists search for an authentic experience. Tourists are concerned with the authen ticity of their feeling, which according to Selwyn is called hot authenticity. In addition, MacCannell refers to staged authenticity (authenticity of the original) wh ich is what Selwyn calls cool authenticity. Therefore, the authenticity of the tourists expe rience depends on the object being perceived as authentic. Although tourists feel that their e xperience is authentic, th eir experience may be judged as inauthentic if the objec t is not considered authentic or in MacCannells (1973) sense staged. According to Wang (1999), constructive authenticity refers to the authenticity of an object in terms of its imagery, expecta tions, preferences, belief, or power. It results from social construction. A certain object is perceived as authentic not merely because of its originality but because of its social viewpoints, beliefs, pers pectives, and or power. Se veral researchers have referred this definition of authenticity (Cohen, 1988; Salamone, 1997; Silver, 1993). Cohen (1988) argues that authen ticity is relative and negotiable. In addition, Salamone (1997) argues that authenticity is contextually determined. Furthermore, Silver (1993) suggests that authenticity can be a projection of expectat ion, or stereotyped images of certain objects. Within this view, tourists look for signs of authenticity or sy mbolic interpretation. A postmodernist perspective also contributes to the debate on authenticity. According to a postmodernist perspective, the not ion of authenticity should be deconstructed. Post-modernists 32

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argue that there is no absolute reality. The expe riences consumed in tourism are only one partial and selective interpretation of the past produced by a variety of planners, marketers, and or interpretative guides (Selwyn, 1990). Cohen (1995) argues that postmodern tourists have become less concerned with the authenticity of the or iginal. There is sifting of mindset on modern tourists who look for authenticity to postmodern tourists who look for aesthetic enjoyment. Postmodern tourists have beco me more aware of the impact of tourism on host community. The postmodern perspective redefines au thenticity in existential or self-oriented terms rather than by measurement against some stable autonomous reality (Waitt, 2000). Wang (1999) extends existential au thenticity to refer to a potentia l existential state of being that is to be activated by tourist activities. With in this view, authentic means giving an activated existential state within a liminal process of touris m. It has little to do with the authenticity of object. Wang argues that in such liminal experi ences people feel that they are much more authentic and freely self-expressed than in everyday life. This occurs not only because the object that is perceived is authentic but also because they are engaging in non-everyday activities. Further, Wang classified existential authenticity into two dimensions, intrapersonal and interpersonal authenticity. Intrapersonal authenticity re fers to a bodily feeli ng. People find tourism as an escape from daily routine and as a way to pursu e self-actualization that is difficult to find in daily routine. Interpersonal authenticity refers to people seeking authenticity among themselves. It is a matter of relationship. For example, traveling with family is an example of seeking authentic inter-personal authenticity. It is a way to gain and reinforce authentic togetherness. Turner (1974) indicates communities exist in tourism and these communities are characterized by liminality, which refers to any condition outside or on the peripheries of everyday life. Within 33

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these communities, everyday structures fall ap art. From the aforementioned literature, authenticity can be viewed from different philosophical approaches such as positivism, constructivism, or post-modern ism (Wang, 1999). However, whatever the approach used, the importance of authenticity is paramount. Front Stage and Back Stage In planning tourism, some communities pr actice boundary mainte nance to limit the physical impacts of outsiders (Dogan, 1989). Often b ecause they want to maintain their privacy, they do not want tourism to impact adversel y upon their daily lives. One reason for boundary maintenance is that some communities worry about the demonstration effect of tourist behavior on their children. Inter action with visitors may therefore be limited to a front stage which may be physically located on the perimete r of the community residential area and only open for two hours per day for example. At the other end of the scale, some communities are happy to welcome outsiders into the heart of their community. One example of opening up a community is by providing opportun ities for either home-stays or tours through the community. MacCannell (1976) argues that tourists are la rgely motivated by a quest for authenticity, which is fundamentally a search for cultural differen ces. Tourists interpret such differences as an indicator of less contamination by contemporar y capitalism and thus greater authenticity. However, MacCannell asserts that the host popula tions protect and insulate their culture by dividing their lives into backstage areas, where th ey continue meaningful traditions away from the gaze of tourists and front stage areas where they perform a limited range of activities for a tourist audience. This makes portions of the hos t culture available for guest consumption, while it protects other parts from commoditization. 34

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MacCannell (1976) argues that tourism settings can be arranged in a continuum starting from the front and ending at the back. He developed six stages to the continuum in a tourism setting. Those stages are presented in table 2-1. Cohen (1979) modified MacCannells model. Cohens modification considered touristic settings from two points of view. Those are the setting and the tour ist. From the settings point of view, the experience can be either real or sta ged and from the tourists point of view, the experience can be perceived as real or staged. This modification thus presents a two-by-two classification of touristic setting (Table 2-2). According to Je nnings and Wailer (2006), Cohens model is useful to understand that even though hosts can control the level of authenticity provided by the setting; perceptions of the sett ing may be different for different tourists. Sharing Authenticity Tourists and hosts come from different b ackgrounds. Both have different behaviors, values, perceptions and attitudes to experience the culture that is different than their own (Cave, 2005). In addition, both hold pre-conceived notions about those things that should be private and those things that should be made public to outsiders. From the hosts perspective, there may be elem ents of their cultural or identity that should be displayed for outsiders as well as elements whic h must be retained as private for their own for spiritual and ritual reasons (Adams, 1997). Similarl y, from the visitors perspective, an open and closed environment is necessary (Bir d, Osland, Mendenhall, & Scheider, 1999). Figure 2-3 presents the dynamic interacti on between community values and tourism industry values. The model provides an opportun ity to analyze the disc ourse between tourism management and local community. The ideal mana gement is to balance cultural values and tourism values at several levels of mean ing, being active in self-management through community in critical. 35

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In the study of ethnography, it is often considered that due to their circumscribed nature, short-term touristic encounters are bound to a system of meaning and value that may never move beyond representation. In fact, e xperiencing something else than the tourist bubble ensures that international tourists do not go anywhere real (Cohen, 1972) Whether the industry has predetermined this controlled environment is a heavy debate. Because of this, there are many definitions of authenticity as pres ented in a previous section. Authenticity has become a corner stone for an industry that generally seeks to procure other peoples realities. In tourism, authenticity poses as objectivism. It holds special powers of both distance and truth. These are vital comp onents in the production of tourists value. Dialogue requires two-way comm unication between guest who MacCannell (1976) views as searching for authenticity and the ho st who is controlling the level of authenticity intentionally or not. This notion is explained in the dynamic inter action of tourism and is explained in figure 2-3. In his study on Maori tourism, Taylor (2001) argued that authenticity often leads to reification of culture and a negativity that w ould undermine the touristic experience. He then suggests that in the tourism experience, values are important both to th e social actors involved and to the visitor. In Taylors perspective, au thenticity may be more positively redefined in term of local values rather than seeing value as the emanation of an authentic object. Taylor (2001) used the word sincerity to refe r to the encounter that occurs in the zone of contact among host guest. He describes the New Zealand Maori culture as reproduced by commercially oriented non-Maoris, whereby they relied on stereotypes to create performances and shows. This allowed little personal contact between guests and Maoris. In response, local Maoris fought back by providing th eir own cultural experience in the form of staged back-region cultural demonstration that interpreted their culture with what Taylor called sincerity. This is a 36

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good term because it draws attention to the wi llingness of the host to be authentic while safeguarding their heritage and destiny through intr apersonal authenticity. Thus, sincerity allows guest and host share authenticity. According to Taylor (2001), sincerity dema nds a shift away from objectification and towards negotiation. Visitation to local markets, l earning to dance, involving tourists in a folk ritual may blur the boundary between who is on display and who is consuming the event. As such, they move away from an objectificator y mode. The emphasis on co mmunication of sharing authenticity also encourages tourists to reveal themselves. Thus, authenticity may be redefined in term of local values. The Tourists-Host Interface McKercher and DuCros (2002) argued that vi sitation to places of cultural, heritage interests have continued to grow in popularity, and that visits can be motivated by a range of desires. These can extend from mildly curious or simply accompanying friends who have an interest in such sites, to the other extreme. Th eir work indicates that as few as 12 percents of visitors can be designated as purposeful cultural seekers. Rela ted with this phenomenon, Ryan and Huyton (2000) argued that the current tourism product is heavily oriented toward a representation of indigenous pe ople that represents their cu lture as being in the past. Ryan (2005) developed a model to indicate the role of tourism intermediaries (figure 2-4). Two key components are the degree to which community is aware of the nature of tourists and second is the nature of tourists These tourists are defined as the questing tourists and the accepting tourists based upon their degree of know ledge of the culture of the hosts and the degree to which they wish to participate in the daily life of the community. The questing tourists have a high degree of knowledge and intention to acquire insight into th e culture based on that 37

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knowledge, while the accepting tourists have li ttle knowledge and wish to perhaps dabble in culture and be entertained. Ryan argued that the four possible scenarios result with reference to the way in which tourism products may be structured. If the community is not tourist aware, then when faced with the questing tourist, a tensi on may result between cultural e xhibitions provided for the guest and the need to be hospitable. On the other hand, in the case of the accepting tourist, although the community may not be fully aware of tourists needs, the lack of curiosity and willingness to accept things at face value means that the tourists may not be satisfied with the level of hospitality. When the community is more tour ist aware, it may then nominate people as intermediaries to play either a guardianship or teaching role. The former involves a revelation of knowledge appropriate information to tourists, wh ile the latter is more general educating of community facts and values. Figure 2-4 implies that successful tourism planning is not simply a question of the presentation to the tourist but rather that tourists respond in culturally appropriate ways, as indicated by various codes of responsible tourism. In relation to the host-visitor interface, inte raction occurs between three main categories. The host which refers to local community, the vis itor which refers to outsiders, and the mediator which refers to middle person, inte rpreter, or go betwee n. Each of them has certain roles in the interface. Table 2-4 outlines the roles for each category. Typically, the host has roles as guardian, t eacher, and manager. As guardian, the host protects and preserves spiritual values, knowledge, and tradition th at central to their community. These traditions are passed on to the members of the community, within a closed structure, from older generations to younger generations. As part of their identity, these elements of tradition will rarely be displayed for outsiders. In additi on, as a guardian, the host selects visitors who can 38

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access their daily life. Cave (2005) demonstrates through her example that Turangawaewae in New Zealand is for invited guests only. As a teacher the host helps visitors to interpret cultural experiences (Balme, 1998). The host acts as a manager as an exchange of knowledge, entertainment, and souvenirs. Visitors actively seek cultural immersion experiences (Smiles, 2002). Visitors interact with community cultural expressions that may have been commodified for them. Mediators play great role in the host-visito r interface. They bridge misunderstandings, facilitate positive outcomes, and solve problems between the host and visitors. In addition, they serve to assist cross-cultural communication (Brown, 1992). External mediators can act as an actor mediator between cultures by taking part in the normal daily life of a community, by participating in the mastery of cultural ethic arts, language, or religion. The effect of this interaction can lead to an a doption of elements of other cu ltures to strengthen the cultural experience. As a designer, mediators can help bo th host and visitors to design, construct, and execute cultural performances with different leve ls of authenticity or commodification. In this process, some dances and rituals can be shor tened, folks customs can be altered, faked, and invented (Graburn, 1976). Bedhoyo dance, a sacred dance in Java has been shortened from 4 hours to 30 minutes for public consumption. The orig inal dance is only danced in the palace for ritual only (Geertz, 1990). As a facilitator, the mediators inte rpret, translate, and make accessible those things, which are unfamiliar, ex otic, strange, and unusual in another culture (Cave, 2005:267). In this context, the term culture broker is coined as a mediator between host and visitors (Smith, 2001). Photo-Elicitation Visual research methods have theoretically play ed a minor role in social research, because social research has been a world-based disciplin e and the capacity of images to reveal the 39

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truth has been questioned (Harper, 2002). Recen tly however, visual research has become a common technique because of its user-friendly. In addition, by using photographs and playing with content (what is in the photo) and proce ss (how photos were pres ented) researcher can probe participants to discuss social phe nomenon (Rasmussen, 2004). Barthes (1972) suggests that the photograph offers a paradox, by offeri ng a neutral, objective view of the world on one hand and a value laded ideological view on the othe r. Barthes believes that the function of myth in a society is to depoliticize speech. Therefore, it is possible fo r a photograph to have more than one meaning. In this context, photography b ecomes a powerful means to understand social phenomena. Over the last decade, the use of photographs for social science has received considerable attention (Rose, 2001). There have been numerous studies across disc iplines and topic areas that have used photographs to elicit information from research participants. The use of photography to provoke a response has become known as photo elicitat ion (Heisley & Levy, 1991). One early case study of photo elicitation as a field method is Colli ers (1957) study of ment al health in Canada, particularly how families adapted to ethnically diverse people. In that study, Collier found that the photographic interview got considerably more concrete information from the interviewees (p.849). Inserting photographs into the interview process also appear ed to relieve the strain of being questioned, functioned to sharpen the interviewees memory, and reduced areas of misunderstanding (Collier, 1957). Schwartz (198 9) added that interviewees respond to photographs, without hesitation. By providing informants with a task similar to viewing a family album, the strangeness of the inte rview situation is averted (p.151-152). One form of photo elicitation was termed reflexive photography i ndicating that the photographs are taken by participants themse lves (Harrington & Lindy, 1998). Harrington and 40

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Lindy (1998) examined the perceptions of college freshmen. In this case, ten students were given a single used camera to take shots of their impr essions of the university. This was followed by a reflexive interview to discover reactions. The sa me technique has also been used to examine cross-culture issues. Berman (2001) studied rece ntly arrived refugee Bosnian children aged 1114 in Canada. Participants were given single use cameras and asked to take pictures of people, places, and events. The meanings of the photographs were then explored in later interviews. Samuels (2004) in his study of children Buddhist monks in Sri Lanka found that inserting photographs taken by the participant themselves is more likely to reflect the participants world and thus better suitable to bridging the cultura lly distinct worlds of the researcher and the researched. Using the participants photographs in the interview process gives primacy to their world and provides a greater opportunity for them to disclose their own sense of meaning to the researchers. He also mentioned th at photo-elicitation interviews resu lted in a greater interest to take part in the study. Samuels (2004) also mentioned that reflexive pho to-elicited interview provides an even better opportuni ty for reflection, recollection, a nd description than inserting photographs that were taken by someone other than the interviewee. In tourism studies, photo-elicitation has been rarely been used. Botterill and Crompton (1987, 1996) and Botterill (1988, 1989) used photo-elicitatio n to investigate to urists experiences from the individual tourists perspectives. They co mbined the use of the repertory grid technique with the visual images by using personal holiday snapshots and brochure photographs to elicit constructs pertaining to partic ular destination images. In th e first study (Botterill & Crompton, 1987), the researchers inv ited a tourist to explore her thinki ng about her Mexican vacation using six color prints of scenes she had personally photographed. Using the triad procedures the tourists were asked to identify how two of the photographs were similar and yet different from 41

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the third. The results showed her individual pe rceptions of Mexico based on her personal experiences. In a further study, Botterill and Cr ompton (1996) explored the personal construct systems of two American tourists to Britain and how these changed before and after the tourists experience. Cederholm (2004) used photo-e licitation to study backpacker experience. He used photoelicitation as a method for data collection as well as a method for analysis. He used the respondents own photographs in in-depth intervie w. His analysis of illustrated through the backpackers narratives and experiences of tr avel photography. As the findings, he presented four analytical themes: framing the unique, fram ing the local scene, catching the moment, and the deviants among backpackers. The first th ree indicates the photographic and experiential ideals of the backpackers, and the fourth unde rlines the norms of the backpacking culture through narratives on the deviants. From the several cases presented above, photo-elicitation can be a particularly powerful tool for social researchers to understand social phenomena. It can challenge participants, provide nuances, trigger memories, and lead to new pers pectives and explanati on. In addition, this technique can bridge psychological and physic al realities (Douglas 1998) allow for the combination of visual and verbal language (Wan g & Burris, 1997); assist with building trust and rapport and produce unpredictable information (S amuels, 2004); promote longer, more detailed interviews (Schwartz, 1989); and provide a component of multi-methods triangulation to improve rigor (Jenkins, 1999). Although the photo-elicitation inte rview is a useful tool to gather data, there are some challenges both for the interviewee and the resear cher. For the interviewee, there is the mundane challenge that would not happen in a words-alone interview context. For example, participants 42

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may lose their camera or they may be unskilled at photography. The interviewee may also use the camera in inappropriate way. Clark-Ibanez st udy (2004) mentioned that one of participant used the camera to take photograph of his naked si ster and so the mother destroyed the camera. The financial cost, coordination of camera disse mination and retrieval and time spent developing the photographs and conducting the interview may be prohibitive for the researcher. Community-Based Tourism The term Community-Based Tourism (CBT) is applied to a divers ity of activities, operations, and ventures that i nvolve a community with visitors to varying degrees (Sproule & Suhandi, 1998). It refers to visitation to a pla ce where the community is involved in presenting its people, place, or heritage as attractions or where it is providing a range of goods that constitutes the tourism element of the concep t (Battadzhiev & Sofi eld, 2004). The current paradigm of CBT focuses on the development and promotion of tourism business and services in which organized poorer communities can play an en trepreneurial role, while protecting the local culture and natural re sources (ESCAP, 2005). The broad goals of CBT are to contribute to improved conservation and development with, economic, social, and cultural benefits for al l community members (Battadzhiev & Sofield, 2004). CBT also encourages tourism th at protects the local culture that the tourists have come to see in the same manner that tourist are expected to protect th e natural resources they enjoy. Perhaps most important goal of CBT is socially sustainable (Jain, Lama & Lepcha, 2000). This means the tourism activities are developed and operated, for the most part, by local community members, and certainly with their consent and suppor t. This is not to suggest that there are not dissenting views on tourism development when carri ed out at the local level, but it does imply that there is a forum for debate, and that the community encourages participation (Jain et al 2000). It is also important that a reasonable shar e of the revenues is en joyed by the community in 43

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one way or another. This may include revenue streams, which go to co-ops, joint ventures, community associations, businesses that wide ly employ local people, or to a range of entrepreneurs starting or operati ng smalland medium-sized ente rprises (Battadzhiev & Sofield, 2004). Another important feature of CBT is its respect for local culture, heritage, and traditions (Denman, 2001). Often, CBT actually reinforces and sometimes rescues these. Similarly, community-based tourism implies respect and co ncern for the natural heritage, particularly where the environment is one of the attractions (Jain et al 2000). CBT projects develop in a number of ways, and the structure, goals, and themes represent different environments, growth patterns, cultural values, and stages of development. The continuum with the private and fully enclosed re sort on one end, and the completely integrated CBT activity on the other, represents an idealisti c notion. Some of the types of tourism that are particularly suitable to CBT are ecotourism, et hnic/indigenous tourism, agro/rural tourism and cultural tourism since they are open to comm unity ownership and control (Battadzhiev & Sofield, 2004). It would be difficu lt to find a tourism program where there is absolutely no local influence, just as it would be impossible to fi nd an example of CBT, where there is unanimity internally and externally regarding the achievement and distribution of benefits. Taken in an international context, the variety of cultures and environments worldwide ensure that the implementation and outcomes of CBT will be different, just as communities are different. Battadzhiev and Sofield ( 2004:30) classify differing degree of participation by communities in tourism activities into four broad categories: (a) Passive interaction with tourists 44

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Visitors may observe the indigenous community going about its daily way of life but there is no attempt to carry out specif ic activities for the benefits of the tourist. Although community and its members are part of the touristic landscape, there will be no direct benefit. This type of community may be regarded as participating in tourism but it is not CBT. Visitors may observe daily life and take photographs but they may be asked to pay a small fee. (b) Indirect interaction with tourists The examples of indirect interaction are demonstrating the skills in climbing a palm tree for which visitors will pay the climbers a sma ll fee. A community wishing to avoid face-to-face contact may participate i ndirectly for example by leasing thei r land to a developer and receiving an annual fee but otherwise playing no direct role in tourist interaction. (c) Direct interaction Direct interaction includes providers of labor (e.g. in hot els) specialized personnel with skills (e.g singing, dancing, playing ethic musical in struments, other cultur al performances) and expertise (e.g manufacture of artif acts, guiding) with the tourists. (d) Direct interaction in self-owned activities Wide ranges of opportunities exist; from occasio nal interaction to fu ll interaction in the tourism industry and constant c ontact with tourists. At one en d of the range there may be community-owned and managed lands used for tourism purposes on a continuing basis with collective decision-maki ng arrangements. On the other hand, an individual landowner may lease his land to an international entrepreneur and retain a small share in the venture. CBT can play a significant role in genera ting benefits for the poor if well managed (ESCAP, 2005). It can often be developed in poo r and marginal area with few other export and diversification options. Tourists ar e often attracted to remote areas because of their high cultural, 45

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wildlife, and landscape values. One of the assets of poor communities is their cultural and natural heritage and CBT presents opportuniti es to capitalize on those assets. CBT provides direct and indirect economic benefits to participating communities, improving their living conditions, and giving them a united sense of direction. (Battadzhiev & Sofield, 2004:8) indicates several positive impact s on the livelihoods of poor community can be identified: The money that can be earned by selling goods or services to both tourists and the owners of tourism facilities The wages that result from a growth in fo rmal employment possibi lities at the location The improvement of infrastructure, like ro ads, piped water, improved sanitation and communication and schools and learning equipment Sustainability of the local culture. Sin ce culture is a tourism attraction, the local communities have a good reason to maintain their lifestyle The environment in which the local communities are living is also a reason for tourists to visit the location. Thus tourism is a reason to use the environm ent in a sustainable manner Table 2-4 illustrated the features of successful community who implement CBT. Figure 2-1. The cultural dyna mic model (Hatch, 1993) 46

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Figure 2-2. A framework of culture (J enks, 1993 as cited by Edelheim, 2005) Figure 2-3. Tourism industry values versus cultural community values (Cave, 2005) 47

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Figure 2-4. Model of community-tou rists intermediaries (Ryan, 2005) Table 2-1. MacCannells (1976) front-back continuum Stage 1 It is the social place where touris ts attempts to overcome or to get behind Stage 2 This stage refers to front region that has been decorated to appear. It may be like a back region. The example of this stage is a seafood restaurant with a fish net hanging on the wall. This space is actually a front region and always be, however the decoration functions as remainders of back region Stage 3 This stage is a front region that tota lly organized to look li ke a back region. The example of this stage is simulation of moon walks for television audiences Stage 4 This stage refers to a back region that is open to outsider. The example of this stage is official revelations of the deta ils of secret diplomatic negotiation Stage 5 This stage is a back region that may be cleaned up or altered a bit because tourists are permitted an occasional glimpse in. Th e example of this stage is orchestra rehearsal case Stage 6 According to MacCannell this area motivates tourist consciousness Table 2-2. Model of tourists setting Nature of Scene Real Staged Real Authentic and recognized as such Failure to recognize contrived tourists space Tourists Impression of Scene Staged Suspicion of staging authenticity Recognized contrived tourists space (Cohen, 1979 as adopted by Jennings & Weiler, 2006) 48

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Table 2-3. Notion of roles Roles of Host Guardian Teacher Manager Roles of Visitor Involved inquisitor Edutainee Casual observer Roles of Mediator Actor Designer Facilitator (Cave, 2005) Table 2-4. Local participation on CBT Local involved in CBT activities 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. Are engaged in same or similar economic activities Live under similar economic conditions and have close social affinity Have common interests Have similar needs and problems Are trusting of each other Communicate openly with each other Participate in discussions, planning, and decision making Make decisions by consensus or a majority vote Have clear objectives Are honest and work hard to achieve their objec tives are committed to the community and share a sense of belonging with it Hold regular meetings Participate in the formation of the group constitu tion/articles of association and by-laws and obey it in letter and spirit Jointly elect a managing committee Finance community activities through agreed savings and contributions (Jain et al 2000) 49

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CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY The purpose of this study is to evaluate cu ltural features, which can be developed as tourism in Sambi, a small village in Yogyaka rta province, Indonesia. The study was conducted with the cooperation of the people of Sambi who identified their culture as a means of developing tourism. The primary source of data collection was a reflexive photography supplemented with informal interviews and part icipant observation. Data was analyzed using photo elicitation procedures. Insi ght into the data was crosse d checked regularly with the participants to ensure accuracy and reliabil ity. This method showed how tourism should be planned based on the people of Sambi. This understanding served as the foundation of developing tourism in Sambi. It would also be a tool to evaluate the a ppropriateness of tourism for other similar rural communities in Indonesia. The village of Sambi was chosen for this study because it had maintained a viable community based tourism management program. The next section of this discussion is the rationale gui ding this study and an accompanying description of the methods utilized to collect and analyze the data. Rationale Kelly (1999) argues that meaning cannot be sepa rated from its cultural context. Similarly, Coalter (1999) suggests that meaning of leis ure might not be found in objectively procured quantitative data, but rather from the information gained from the individuals mind, which comprise a culture. Samdahl (1999) also mentions that social reality is su bjectively defined based on cultural contexts. Therefore, the cultural cont ext provides meaning to the social process under investigation. In addition, a sym bolic interaction view from sociology will be used whereby interpretation of meaning will use symbols and th ings in the context of a social interaction 50

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(Attinasi, 1989; Jary & Jary, 1991). In this view social process can be best addressed using qualitative methodology. The present study is interested to understand the cultu ral landscape of th e village of Sambi as a means of developing tourism. The nature of the study called for a qualitative approach, as the purpose of qualitative research is not counting opinions or people but rather exploring the range of opinions, the different representations of the issue (Gaskel, 2000:41). Given a particular social milieu, the study is interested in finding ou t the variety of views on the cultural landscape of Sambi that residents want to share or not to sh are with visitors. In order to be confident that the full range of views has been explored the re searcher would need to employ an appropriate methodology. The present study is unique because it relied on the use of photography as a means for data collection. Empirically, photographs have been used within qualitative research in two ways; as images produced by the researcher and the images produced by research participants (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994). In this case, pi ctures produced by study particip ants as reflexive photographs (Harper, 2002) was used. Interv iews about photographs then were conducted informally. This is called the photo-elicita tion interview (Blinn-Pike & Eyring, 1993). According to Harper in the reflexive photographic method, the subject shar es in the definition of meaning: thus the definition are said to reflect back from the subject (p.64-65) In this study, participants produced photographs as part of the inquiry process and then pa rticipated in an interview. The use of photo elicitation for the study was grounded in the interactive context in which photographs acquired would reflect meaning. In th is context, the process was a dynamic whereby interaction between the photographer, the spectato r, and the image were controlled. Meaning was then actively constructed, not passively received. Barthes (1964) characterized photographs as 51

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polysemic, capable of generating multiple mean ings in the viewing process. Similarly, Byer (1966) describes photograph as follows The photograph is not a message in the usual se nse. It is, instead, th e raw material for an infinite number of messages which viewer can construct for himself. Edward T. Hall has suggested that the photograph c onveys little new information but instead, triggers meaning that are already in the viewer (p.31). Cronin (1998) also mentions that the meaning of the photographs arise in a narr ative context. Cronin suggests that placing emphasis on the narrative context of photographs has several important implications for any research into meaning of photographs. First, it implies that any such investigation needs to pay as much atten tion to the context in which photographs are used as it does to their manifest content. Secondly, it reinforces the message that the function of the photographs are primarily the creation and maintenance of meaning, and to this end a hermeneutic approach, which concentrates on the meaning woven around a photograph. Based on studies that used a number of different qualitative research techniques, Eckhardt (2004) argued that no matter how well designed the interv iew questions are, how comfortable the respondents is with the interviewe r, how informal and/or struct ured the discussion between the respondent and the researcher is, it is typical to receive one-and -two sentence answers to most questions. Therefore, the researcher believed that by allowing the informant in this study to express themselves both through pi cture taking and in words, and by shifting the focus from the person to the images, communication a nd cultural barriers maybe overcome. Study Site Sambi is a small village in Sleman regency. It is located in the northern part of city of Yogyakarta in the island of Java, Indonesia. It is about 21.75 miles from city of Yogyakarta. The total area is 62.76 acre. Most of Sambi residents are Javanese and the main occupation is rice 52

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farming (Village record, 2006). The total number of residents is 223 pe ople (Village record, 2006). The village is located on the sl ope of Mount Merapi (Figure 3-1). Mount Merapi is one of the Indonesias most active volcanoes. The last eruption was in June 2006, causing the evacuation of more than 1100 people from many villages. Despite its active status, Mount Merapi continues to hold particular significan ce for the Javanese people. It is one of four places where officials from th e royal palace of Yogyakarta make annual offerings to placate the ancient Javanese spirits. The village is also near Gunung Merapi Nati onal Park (GMNP). The park was officially inaugurated on October 17, 2003 by President Me gawati. The park covers 43,265 acre on the slopes of two neighboring volcanoes Mount Me rapi and Mount Merbabu located in the provinces of Central Java and Yogyakarta. The Fo restry Department describes Mount Merapi as a natural ecosystem which is still intact, compri sing alpine habitat with meadows and shrubs and mountain habitats with endemic species such as or chids (Vanda tricolor), the Javan tiger, and the Javan Eagle (Forestry Department, 2003). Right from the start, experts from Gadjah Mada University in Y ogyakarta (GMU) advised officials that in-depth studies of the planne d park area were needed and proposed intensive discussions with villagers. The Non Govern ment Organization (NGO) WALHI Yogyakarta called for a new model of management to av oid the conflicts between the government and indigenous communities. It proposed that a consortium of local st akeholders should have overall control. The university and local NGOs held severa l public meetings to discuss the proposal with local government officials on the platform. However, the plans were pushed through by th e forestry department from Jakarta, Yogyakarta, and Central Java with no genuine co nsultation. A series of meetings were held in 53

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various sub-districts where people were told what a national park was and that their area was to become part of one. Government officials brus hed aside any resistance, claiming that all the communities agreed with the park plans with onl y minor reservations. Many local people were concerned about their livelihoods. They were worri ed that they will no longer be allowed to collect volcanic sand for building materials or gath er firewood or fodder for their animals. They feared that they will be marginalized by conser vation measures, even though forestry officials have publicly stated that no one will be evicted from the new park (Kusuma, 2003). Despite the active status a nd a conflict surrounding Mount Merapi, the volcano draws thousands of domestic and intern ational visitors annually. Kaliurang area is the main tourism site in Mount Merapi where accommodations, parks, and other facilities are c oncentrated. This area is one of popular destinations for visitors to Yogyakarta. Sambi itself is located on the major road to Kaliurang, from Yogyakarta (Figure 3-1) Sambi has not been prepared as a rural tour ism destination. The history of tourism in Sambi dates back to the late 1990s. In this period tourist providers based in Yogyakarta tried to attract more visitors to Yogyakarta by devel oping new tourism destinations. They saw the potential for Sambi to be packaged as a rura l tourism destination. This community is still practicing Javanese traditions and rituals. There are also very ra re traditional Javanese style homes. This village is also surround ed by rice terraces with the 5 -15o elevation and creeks. It also has a 16-65 feet high cliff. After consulting with some residents, local tour operators began bringing international tourists to the village. The common package tour includes visiting Kaliur ang with a stop in the village of Sambi on the way back to Yogyakarta. There is usually a two-hour village tour and lunch or dinner and entertainment by residents. In some cases, tourists would stay overnight. 54

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These tours continued for several years without any record on th e number of visitors. Gradually, Sambi gained popularity among tour operators as an alternative tourism destination. In May 2002, Sambi was chosen as a venue for the Jogja International Silk Exhibition and Conference (JISEC). This event was attended by international participants and covered by the international mass media. In this event, participan ts had a village tour and had a dinner in Sambi. During this event, residents performed their tr aditional dances and other performances to entertain the participants. This event had a posi tive impact because many more visitors came to the village either to experience the atmosphere of Javanese village, enjoy the natural scenery, and enjoy traditional performance prepared by the residents. The types of visitors in Sambi are both domes tic and international vi sitors, students to and professionals looking for a retreat from their daily routines by imme rsing in the village atmosphere. Table 3-1 presents th e number of overnight visitor in Sambi. The actual number of international visitors is not known, as most of visitors are excursi onists or brought by tour operators. In 2003, residents of Sambi formed a touris m committee to enhance the quality of the tourism experience for tourists and to maximize benefits from tourism for all residents. The committee has four divisions namely (1) Culture and Tradition; (2) Envi ronment; (3) Housing; (4) Art and Performance; (5) Safety and Security. Table 3-2 illust rates the main job descriptions for each division. In 2003, Gaia Foundation, a NGO in community development began to assist Sambi in developing a better community-based tourism pl an. With Gaia assistance, Sambi built outbound facilities to attract more visitors especially the international visito rs. Gaia also assisted Sambi in designing trekking trails and cliff climbing. 55

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Until now, few tourism-related studies have been conducted in Sambi. Most of the studies focused on the viability of Sambi as a rural tourism destination by conducting SWOT (Strength, Weakness, Opportunity, and Th reat) analysis (Marthono, Tristiani, & Soep, 2003; Dinas Pariwisata & Kebudayaan Kabupaten Sleman, Pusa t Studi Pariwisata UGM & Penggelola wisata se-kabupaten Sleman, 2006). None of them research ed experiences with tourism for the past few years. Therefore, the full understanding of t ourism in Sambi is stil l unknown. This situation opens a possibility to evaluate tourism in Sambi from the residents own experience. This evaluation is important as Sambi is currently reviewing some strategies to develop new tourism products to attract more visitors. They are inte rested in attracting visi tors and offering more unique experiences than other villages with si milar packages. By doing so, it will unlock the opportunity for Sambi to sustain the tourism in their community. Data Collection Preliminary data collection for this resear ch was conducted in June-July 2006. In this phase, the researcher made an onsite visit to Sambi and discu ssed the possibility of conducting research in the village with the tourism comm ittee, local authorities, and the Gaia Foundation. After obtaining permission and support from all part ies, the researcher gathered some available data pertaining to demographics, number of visitors, and the current tourism plan. Informal interviews with several people were also conduc ted to better understand the current condition of tourism in Sambi. These data became the f oundation for designing the research project and fieldwork. The fieldwork was conducted in June-July 2007. In this study, data was gathered in three stages (1) an initial interview, (2) a photo making process, and (3) a photo-elicitation interview. Informal interviews were also conducted with the Gaia Foundation, local authorities, and other parties to enhance the validity and reliability of the study. 56

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Participants A pool of potential participan ts for this study was generated by posters informing the community of the study and invi ting participation throughout the village. All residents were invited to a public information se ssion at the village chairs house, at which time participants would be recruited. Additional part icipants were also recruited from several group meetings in Sambi such as woman and youth group meetings. Twenty-eight residents of Sambi were recrui ted for the study. The study used criterion based sampling (Patton, 1990: 179). The criter ia used for selecting these twenty-eight participants were designed, as Stake (1994) prescribed, to [assur e] variety based on opportunity to (p.244). These criteria included the following (a) the subjects had to come from a variety of occupations including those employed directly with tourism and those who were not. (b) The subjects time in residency in Sambi should be varied. (c) The subjects had to come from a variety of ages. (d) The subjects had to come from both genders. Potential participants were asked to fill out a short demographic survey to see if they met the cr iteria above. The sample attempted to provide a cross s ectional representation of the pe ople of Sambi. Creswell (1998) recommended between five and twenty-five interv iews for qualitative research. Similarly, Kuzel (1992:4) tied his recommendations to sample heterogeneity and research objectives, recommending six to eight interviews for a homog eneous sample and twelve to twenty data sources when looking for disconfirming evidence or trying to achieve maximum variation. Therefore, twenty-eight resident s were considered sufficient for the study. Table 3-3 presents the profiles of the participants of the study. As show n table 3-3, the participants were made of 15 females and 13 males. They ranged in age between 19-60. Their education backgrounds were varied from elementary school to higher educa tion. They represented fi ve types of jobs as identified by participants themselves. Th ey had lived in Sambi between 3-60 years. 57

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Participants were given info rmation about the research and use of findings and photos. Participants were provided with opportunities to withdr aw their participati on or use of their photos. Even after the photo making process was completed, participants could contact the researcher to withdraw from the study if they wished. Photo Making Process In auto-photography, the participant was given control of th e camera and was responsible for taking photographs. This approach permits ot her to view the world from the view of the observed person (Ziller, 1990: 124). The cameras we re distributed as soon as the participants understood their assignments and signed informed c onsent form from the University of Floridas Institutional Review Board and par ticipant list. Prior to distributi ng the cameras, the participants were given a training session, wher e they learned how to (1) use the camera, (2) keep tracks of photos they took using a numbered list, (3) expl ain the purpose of taking photographs, and (4) ask for permission when they took photos. When using auto-photography it was helpful to simplify the picture taki ng process as much as possible and provide some structure to the image-making experience (Taylor, 2002). For this reason, the resident participants were issued a camera with built in flash containing 27 color exposures, which was preloaded. The camera wa s a single use 35 mm (including flash) that required no adjustment for light or other environm ental conditions. This choice of camera helped simplify the picture-taking experience. Many frames were intended to ach ieve a high level of coverage. The participants were then given the wr itten instructions in Indonesian (Figure 3-2). Participants were asked to take photos of things, places, people, or anything else, which reflected things that were unique and important to them. Table 3-4 outlines details of participant assignment. Participants were encouraged to make notes regarding their thoughts about the pictures after taking the photogra phs. There were no limitations to what the participant could use 58

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as expression of what was considered importa nt. They, however, were encouraged to take a minimum of two pictures of each image, to ensure that they had captured their thoughts. Participants were given two week s to take pictures. Some of pa rticipants were completed the assignment in a couple of days. A few others co mpleted in two weeks. Only two participants completed the assignment in three weeks. Whenever participants completed the assignment, she or he put the camera at the village chairs hous e. Every two days, the cameras were picked up and taken for developing. After developing the photographs, the next step was editing wh ich referred to the process of selecting negatives to print (Heisley & Levy, 1991). In this st ep, contact sheets were made by placing all the negative strips fo r a roll of film in a transparen t 8-10 inch sleeve and developing a picture from it. One 8 by 10 inch contact sheet ha d the information from an entire roll on it; each picture on the contact sheet was the size of a 35milimeter negative. Contact sheets were the raw data (Heisley & Levy, 1991) As a photographic project deve loped, the analysis might return to the contact sheets to code them and to select prints for further analysis as findings emerged. In selecting the photographs for printing, several issues were ta ken into account. First, the technical quality of the photogr aphs had to be good enough to be used effectively in the photoelicitation interview. Second, in the printing of selected images, no cropping (changing the initial framing of the event) was done. Avoiding croppin g in this stage was suggested by Heisley & Levy (1991) because the researcher was not yet sure, what mi ght be important. In addition, because all the photographs were shot with the sa me standard lens, full-frame printing allowed the comparison of photographs and provided mo re information about the distance of the photographer from the objects (Haisley & Levy, 1991). Two sets of photographs were printed; 59

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one for the participants and th e other for the researcher. Each printed photograph was assigned code on the backside as identification (ID), which refers to its location in the contact sheet. The code number consisted of camera and frame nu mber. For example, code number 02.14 referred to camera number 2, frame number 14. Although participants had been given training in using single use camera, some technical problems occurred that affected the number and quality of photos developed. In addition, some participants lent the cameras to others who did not know how to use them. There were some disappointments when the participants saw their photos of interior s cenes that were very dark or of a headless person. The researcher also found that one camera malfunctioned (the flash did not work). Despite technical or othe r problems, the participants were generally very pleased to use the camera and to receive their photographs. Photo-Elicitation Interview The next step in the study was the ph oto-elicitation interview phase. This photo interviewing technique operated with the expres s aim of exploring participants values, beliefs, attitudes, and meanings and in order to trigger memories, or to explore group dynamics or systems (Prosser, 1998: 124). Interviews we re conducted with participants about the photographs they took. Exploring photographs duri ng an interview with a participant offered a stimulating medium for discussion and help ed maintain the focus of the study. The implementation of a photo-elicitation interview in the presen t study occurred soon after the photographs had been printed. Most interviews were held at the homes of the participants. Some interviews were also conducted at the village chairs house. All in terviews were conducted in the evening or at night, to protect work schedules. During the interview, the researcher asked pa rticipants a series of qualitative open-ended questions about the assembled sets of photogra phs taken by the participants as suggested by 60

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Secondulfo (1997) and Kvale (1996). The resear cher however did have a semi-structured protocol to refer to if the researcher needed he lp with the interview. When the discussion began to focus on the photographs it was important that both the researcher and the participant could easily view them. The researcher laid them out on the table. In addition, before discussing each image the researcher marked on the back of the photograph what it represented (e.g a river, a house, a person). This was helpful later when the researcher was organizing the data for analysis. Once the photographs were iden tified, the participant was asked questions related to each photograph. In this study, the res earcher asked the part icipant to describe what was going on in the photographs and then asked them to separate photographs that show something important and to explain why they believed it so. The photographs helped the participan t construct the events and provoked detailed descriptions. The images also helped participant ju stify their stance. The emergent technique was used in the interview. The guided question was what is going on in this picture? As the description progressed, questions were raised about the sp ecific content of the image, the process involved in taking it, what thoughts came to mind duri ng the execution of the photographs, and what it represen ted about living in Sambi. Then the participant was asked to sort and categorize photographs of what they thought represente d life in Sambi. This step followed Kellys (1955) personal co nstruct theory. Kelly argued th at people make sense of the world of constructing a perspective on events people, and situations. These highly personal constructs represent theories about the world based on indivi dual experiences and represent deeply held values. Each c onstruct is unique to that pe rson (Dalton & Dunnett, 1990:7). Constructs could be categorized and ordered in a process calle d laddering (Dalton & Dunnett, 1990:69). This category and laddering approach was used when th e participant categorized the 61

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photographs. The guided question was: Do these pi ctures represent things that are important about living here for you and your community? Why? The researcher took notes of the each phot ograph information, which were grouped by participant. These groups becam e the initial themes for rese arch question one; resident perception on Sambis culture. Once we isolat ed all the important images from the photo interview kit, the researcher asked the particip ant: Which pictures are especially important? What makes this person, place, or event important to you? The participant then was asked to re-categorize the images that they wanted to share with visitors. This was used as the preliminary anal ysis for the emerging them es as the participant named the topic groups. The guided questions were if you were going to s how people what it is like to live here which pictures will you include ? Which would not be included? What kinds of things are missing? The researcher was largely a recorder of part icipant ideas and associations, querying them only when some statement was not clear or wh en some aspect of the photograph remained undiscussed. The researcher tried to do as little as possible in guiding the interviews. If ideas were raised that required furt her elaboration, the researcher as ked them briefly before moving on the next photograph, to clarify some expressions or words that they had used (e.g., What do you mean by X?). In some instances, the researcher encouraged the participants to expand on their descriptions by saying, Is that so! This additional analysis broke down the categories even further for a clearer look at what the participant deemed important from their daily life, which can be used as tourist attraction. The participant then prioritized which of categories was most important and ranked the photographs for their significance within each cate gory. This added a layer of complexity to the 62

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ordering, but also gave the particip ant an opportunity to talk in th e order of their most significant photographs. This process of sorting the photog raphs seemed to help their thoughts around the task. At any time the participan t re-categorized the photographs the researcher numbered the photographs in the order that th ey were discussed. The photogra phs that were categorized by participants then were put in the envelope for later analysis. The interviews were, overall, much longer than the researcher anticipated; indeed, most of the interviews lasted 60-80 minutes approximately in length. F our interviews took almost two hours to complete. In numerous instances, discussi ng the first few pictures lasted between 15 to 25 minutes alone. To assure ethical research procedures of confidentiality, informed consent, and the rights of withdrawal were followed, as outlined in the stu dys ethical approval application. Each participant was given the opportunity to sel ect a pseudonym. In the case where a participant did not select a pseudonym, a pseudonym was then assigned to them to protect confidentiality and anonymity. Interviews were audio and video recorded. The video record captured both the interview conversation and the phot ographic images for analysis. The audio recorder recorded the interview conversation. The audi otapes were later transcribed and translated into English. Data Analysis After the interviews were completed, the next phase was analyzing data. The present study employed several steps in analyzing data. First, audiotapes of all interv iews were transcribed verbatim and then translated in to English. To ensure the accuracy of the transcriptions, an Indonesian student helped as a secondary transcri ber to transcribe and rechecked the verbatim transcription. The next step was to translate the verbatim transcription into English. The researcher read and reread all transcripts and fi eld notes to become intimately familiar with the data. According to Marshall and Rossman (1995), fa miliarity with responses is critical to the process of analyzing qualitative data. The research er was particularly interested in patterns that 63

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emerged across the photographs that were used in the interview as well as across 28 participants. The researcher conducted an inductive thematic analysis using bot h the participants photographic images and the interview transcripts. The next step was close reading of the transc ript. The basic unit of analysis was a quote of a photograph. A quote was defined as a statement ma de by a participant that expressed a single feeling or idea about the resear ch questions (Loeffler, 2004). Bern ard (2003) mentioned several techniques to identify themes in qualitative researc h. Due to the nature of the unit of analysis, the study looked for repetitions, similarities, and differences, missing data, and theory-related materials in the text. The researcher read and reread all interview transcripts line-by-line, identifying quotes to represent participants pe rceptions on their cultura l landscape and weaving these together. This process invol ved sifting through the text and marking them up with different colored pens until the categories emerged. The res earcher used 15 different colors to identify emerging categories such brown to represente d landform features, blue represented water features, green represented vegetation, and red re presented rural way of life. The quotes would be then incorporated into a photogr aph database for further analysis. In analyzing photographs, Collier (2001: 38) referre d to direct and indirect analysis. Direct analysis was the examination by the researcher of the content and the character of the images as data. This process involved looking at the differe nt images as a whole as well as an inventory based on the guiding research questions measur ing (counting) and comparing content found in the images, and developing categories or themes that emerge naturally from the photographs. However, although the researcher employed direct an alysis of the images, a direct analysis was not central to the study. Particul arly since the photographs were used exclusively as a photoelicitation device to help stimulate the subconsci ous in the exploration of what participant 64

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believed as important in their daily life in Sambi, and that they want to share with visitors. This approach of using photo-elicitation wa s referred to as an indirect analysis (Taylor, 2002). In an indirect analysis, the photographs were interpreted by the particip ant and not the researcher as part of the interview process. This allowed the researcher to avoid a problematic aspect often associated with using photography in research such as does it reflect a true representation of the participants reality. In other wo rds, indirect analysis recognized the photograph as a projection of the subjective and moved away from the rigid interpretation of the im ages as some kind of integral representation of reality. The pur pose of the photograph was to stimulate the subconscious, jog memories, and set a more r ealistic context for the interview experience (Banks, 2001). After identifying meaningful chunks of the in terviews, the next st ep was analyzing the photographs. It began when the participants viewed the pictures and provided explanations of the pictures (Prosser & Schwartz, 1998) by categorizing them. The next stage of analysis occurred when the researcher closely reviewed the pictur es that were grouped by participants in the photoelicitation interview. To make the analysis easier, all photographs were di gitalized at the time of development and stored on six photographic CD-ROMs. Next, all photographs were cataloged and entered into image album of Microsoft Access (2000) database. Access was one of many database programs that can be adapted for catal oging photographs by multiple fields of interests. One advantage of using Microsoft Access was its ab ility to display a digitalized thumbprint sized photographs corresponding to each data (Clark & Zimmer, 2001). The database was designed to prompt (1) list photograph ID number (camera number and the location of the frame in contact sheet). (2) A general notes section if we recalled important events or discussion that had taken place at th e time of photograph. (3) A content note; in the 65

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content section of database, the researcher created a coding syst em to label the activity, place, people, or event in the photogra ph. (4) Participants categorization of images that represented daily life in Sambi and things that were important to them and their intension to show or not. (5) The database also contained quotes or the partic ipants verbal accounts of selected photos from the interview transcripts. The database functioned as a codebook. Next step is microanalysis of the phot ographs. Microanalysis was completed by the researcher on each photograph in the database (C ollier & Collier, 1986). Microanalysis required careful examination of images by identifying ma jor categories. A list of information to be recorded was delineated and used to analy ze the photographs. For th is study, the following information was logged: who was in the pictur es, where the picture was taken, what activity depicted, what information was similar to the ve rbal interviews, and what information was added to the verbal interviews. This step included printing the database, cutting and sorting. This involved re-identifying quotes or expressions that seemed somehow important and then arranging the quotes into piles of things that went together Then the researcher laid out the quotes randomly on a big table and sorted them into piles of similar quotes. By sorting expressions into piles at different levels of abstraction, the resear cher could identify final themes and categories (Bernard, 1995). There was always constant comparison be tween data collected, related literature and emerging themes. Making comparisons betw een all selected photographs allowed the researcher to derive patterns of response and to see if the photographs related to the themes that had emerged from the interview data In summary, data analysis began when data collection began. It was a simulta neous process (Merriam, 1988:123). Validity and Reliability Babbie (2007) argues that qualita tive research provides measures with greater validity than quantitative research. The photoelicitation interviews enhanc ed the validity of qualitative 66

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methods and helps address some pitfalls in c onventional qualitative inte rview. The photographs eased rapport between the researcher and interviewee (C lark-Ibanez, 2004). For the researcher, information provided in the photographs facilita ted asking respondents questions (Collier, 1967). Photographs provided a structure for the interv iew by creating a semi structured interview schedule. Photographs also lessened some of the awkwardness of the in terview because there was something to focus on especially if the phot ographs were taken by the interviewee and they were therefore familiar with the material (Clark -Ibanez, 2004). Validity in this study was also increased by researchers familiarity of the cultu re and language of people in Sambi. To increase validity, during the last week of the fieldwork, the researcher copied each photograph and its participant commentaries onto an A4 sheet. Then researcher asked participants to make any correction on a notepaper. They kept the transc ripts and the printed pho tographs as their copy. They submitted only noted correction, if any, at the village chairs house where the researcher would pick them up. Only one person subm itted correction about his thought on his two photographs. The researcher incorporated the cha nges that participants made into the final manuscript copy of the interview. In qualitative research, Babbie (2007) argues that it might pose a problem with reliability. Typically, qualitative interviews are considered reliable when the same individual collects and analyses data (Kirk & Miller, 1986). In this study, all interviews were conducted by the researcher in either Javanese (residents mother tongue) or Indonesian. As the researcher was fluent in both languages, a langua ge barrier was not an issue. 67

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Sambivilla g e Figure 3-1. Map of Sambi (Sleman tourism brochure, 2002) Figure 3-2. Participants assignment card What youll do : Take pictures of locales, activities, or events that are significant to you and/ or your community (for example important places, rituals, etc its up to you). This is a FREE project it will not cost you anything. This camera issued to you. Remember to keep it out of the sun I will pick up the camera when you have are done taking the pictures. I think two weeks should be enough time but let me know if you need more time. After the photos are developed. I will bring you the photos We will have some time to talk about the photos you took. Let me know if you have any questions: [my contact number] Have fun Table 3-1. Number of overnight visitors to Sambi village 2001 to 2004 Visitors 2001 2002 2003 2004 Domestics 142 111 176 186 International 38 7 8 7 Total 180 118 184 193 (Village visitor record, 2006) 68

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Table 3-2. Job description of Sambis tourism committee Culture and tradition To oversee, maintain, and e nhance the existence of traditional culture, beliefs, and rituals Environment To oversee and coordinate e nvironment preservation programs in the village Facility and accommodation To oversee and coordinate any faci lity for visitors including accommodation and selecting residents houses for visitors accommodation (home stay), Arts and performance To coordinate, plan, and program any performance for visitors consumption Safety and security To coordinate, plan, progra m, and assure the safety and security of all visitors and residents, includi ng mitigate any possible conflict between residents and visitors. Table 3-3. List of participants No Pseudo name Sex Age Education Livelihood Year in Sambi Village 1 Nana female 30 Higher education private employee 5 2 Silvia female 48 high school farmer 28 3 Utik female 31 high school housewife, farmer 5 4 Penta female 40 Higher education housewife 4 5 Neni female 28 high school housewife, farmer 3 6 Ajeng female 36 Middle school housewife 15 7 Diana female 25 Higher education unemployed 25 8 Joko male 49 high school farmer 47 9 Dewi female 34 high school housewife 15 10 Agnes female 21 high school unemployed 19 11 Yoyok male 63 Middle school farmer 37 12 Oda male 42 Middle school farmer 40 13 Benny male 30 Higher education private employee 30 14 Satya male 55 elementary school farmer 55 15 Bayu male 47 high school farmer 47 16 Andri male 60 high school elementary school teacher 60 17 Ratri male 34 high school farmer 34 18 Wenny female 47 high school farmer 12 19 Hesti female 35 elementary school farmer 15 20 Indri female 33 high school farmer 33 21 Bismoko male 24 Middle school farmer 24 22 Andre male 25 high school private employee 25 23 Ony male 38 Higher education private employee 38 24 Galih male 19 high school unemployed 19 25 Guntur male 50 elementary school farmer 50 26 Sissa female 38 high school housewife 38 27 Tersi female 37 high school government employee 12 28 Rostati female 33 high school farmer 13 69

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CHAPTER 4 RESULTS The chapter presents the findings of the st udy. The chapter is divi ded into four main sections to answer the guided research questi ons. (1) What does Sambis culture mean to the people of Sambi? (2) What do the people of Samb i want to share with visitors about their culture? (3) What do the pe ople of Sambi want to hide about th eir culture from visitors? (4) How do the people of Sambi choose to negotiate themes which they want to show to visitors and themes that they want to hide from visitors ? To provide a clear description of the findings, photos and quotes are used throughout the chapter. The participants (N=28) took 653 photographs. A total of 618 photographs were used in the interview. Thirty-five photogra phs could not be used due to several reasons such as out-offocus, too dark, or participants personal request. Each participant took 23.32 photographs in average. Initially the photographs were coded by content into 15 detailed themes and categories for analysis. These categories were initially gr ouped by participants themselves in the photoelicitation intervie w in which they were asked to group and regroup photographs based on research questions. Table 4-1 shows 15 themes that emerged during phot o-elicitation interview and number of participants w ho took pictures of them. These categories were then collapsed into seven emergent photographic themes: (1) environment features, (2) rural way of life, (3) st ructures, (4) arts and festival, (5) people, (6) animals. Outliners of the photographs were coded into other theme (Figure 4-1) Thirty nine percent of the photographs represen ted a rural way of life. Using their cameras, participants sought to capture images of farmin g activities, rural daily activities, farmland, and traditional instruments. The rest of the images they captured were split between images of environmental features around Sambi such as valle y, rivers, roads, and va rious vegetation (28%), 70

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built structures (12%), arts and festivals (3%), people (9%), animals (7%) and other (2%). The participants used these photogr aphs as a springboard for disc ussion in the photo-elicitation interview. Data analysis of those discussions yielded a tremendous amount of information. The findings of the discussion are presented below. Question 1: Meaning of Sambis Cu lture to the People of Sambi The study is intended to understand how people of Sambi view their culture. To elicit information about residents perception about thei r culture, the researcher asked a participant to categorize photographs to repr esent about life in Sambi. Th en the researcher asked the participant, Why these pictures represent things that are important about living here for you and your community? The researcher then took a note on the photograph ID number. Using this question, the researcher was able to elicit two major themes of Sambis culture. Those themes were agricultural village and ri tual and tradition. These two them es were always appeared and discussed by participants in each photo-elicitation interview. Agricultural Village The theme of agriculture was used by all partic ipants. For instance, Silvia, a mother of two children who works as a rice farmer, looking intently at the photograph (Figure 4-2) held on her hand she said Most of the residents here are farmers. Some of them may not have a rice field but they work for other residents who own it As you s ee this village is surrounded by rice fields... and that is Mount Merapi. Beside s rice field you can also see chil i, salaca [snake fruit], and lettuce in the village. Some residents may ha ve other jobs but I think we are farmers (Silvia) Similar responses were received from other partic ipants. Another participant, Guntur (Figure 43) added We are in the slope of Mount Merapi. This vi llage is the first area, which has fresh water from the mountain. We can plant rice or anythi ng here year round, unlik e other villages in the south of Yogyakarta. They get less water so that they ha ve to arrange together when 71

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they should plant rice, when they should harvest. Here you can plant any time you like (Guntur) Utik who just moved in to Sambi five years ago from Bandung also offered similar view (Figure 4-4) I moved here five years ago because my husband is from Sambi. Here the weather is cool, there is a valley, surrounded by rice fields and everyday you can see farmers walk to the field Those are bu Minah and [long pause] I think pak Budi.. They are going to the field. They bring paddy on thei r back. Some people start planting paddy today. I like moving here. I think if you want to see daily life of rice farmer you should live here or at least stay here a coup le of days (Utik) People of Sambi have grown their crops on very small farmland using a highly labor intensive and manual technique of cultivation. So me of residents who posses an above average amount of land rent it out in various kinds of tenancy agreements to others. This leasing of the land is usually done for more than one cropping seas on, because then the total rental price will be more favorable than for only one cropping seaso n. However, the rental price also depends on a number of other factors such as quality and c ondition of the land, the ow ners need for cash, and as always in the case of Javanese culture, the relationship between owner and tenant. Andri, an elementary school teacher held his photo (Figure 4-5) said I have a rice field on the corner of the village. I asked another person to take care of it as I am busy with my job as an elementary sc hool teacher. Many people here work at the farms Rice farming is demanding work; you s hould take care of it every day. I have other things to do. I rent it to another re sident who has no farm I can help other residents who have no job... You know, we need to help each other here ... (Andri) The agreement usually determines that th e owner pays a land tax; and for leasing arrangements of more than ten cropping seasons, it is customary to have the presence of the village officials as witness. One participant, Bayu, commented: We need to have the village official when signing the leasing agreement to protect every party in case something bad may happen in the future. 72

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In Sambi, as with other Javanese villages, there are three main share-crop systems. Joko a farmer who has been living in Sambi since forty-seven y ear ago explained We have three main share-crop systems; maro, under which the tenant receives half of the crop, but has to bear the costs of seed, fertilizer and labor, while the owner pays the land tax; mertelu the tenant receives one-third thereby bearing also the costs as in maro; merpat the tenant receives one-quarter of the crop, but is only compelled to bear the labor costs (Joko) Merpat naturally occurs when the need for rice land becomes great, and has now become the most common land-tenure system in most Java nese village (Koentjaranigrat, 1985). Another participant, Ratri, said that there is another land tenure arrangement. We also have pawning or gade system the owner of a land surrenders it to another person for a fixed sum, without transferring the title. The latter may cultivate the land until the former pays back his debts (Ratri) In the gade system, the interest to be paid consists of the entire crop of the land, for the duration of the loan. In order to receive a bigger loan, a person often offers himself as agricultural laborer on his own pawned land. In Sambi there are three major types of la nd-use systems; the mixed garden around the house called pekarangan the dry fields, collectively called tegalan and the irrigated rice field or sawah in Indonesian. The mixed garden represents a large selection of plants, which are organized vertically, as well as horizontally to take maximum advantage of available sunshine. The tall coconut palms and fruit trees in between, then there are herb and spicebushes that grow lower, and finally there are the shade-tolerant tubers, which gr ow under the trees and near the soil. Utik, a housewife, explaine d her photo (Figure 4-6), Our pekarangan is not that big, we have palm tree, mango tree, and salaca (snake fr uit). I also plant flowers and decorative plants. Some people here also plant herbs in their pekarangan. Another participant, Wenny, added, I love gardening so I plant a lot of herbs such as ch ili and tomatoes. I al so plant flowers and decorative plants. 73

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The pekarangan often provides a steady harvest thr oughout the year because of its large variety of plants, and because it is a ready source of additiona l cash income for many items that can be sold in the local market. In addition, in their pekarangan, many residents have fishpond as explained by Satya through his desc ription of his photo (Figure 4-7). Many residents here have fishpond. The water here is very good. Whenever we want to eat fish, we just take some from the pond. We also can sell the fish at th e market to get extra money. For me I like watching and feeding fish in my pond, its fun and relaxing (Satya) The tegalan or dry fields are partly found on stee p sloping land or areas that cannot be converted into wet-rice fields because of the porous character of the soil. Tegala n usually provides two short season crops per year such as peanuts and cassava. The poor water holding capacity of tegalan land is often the reason fo r its restricted ability to produce additional crops. In Sambi, only a few areas are tegalan as Sambi is located in the slope of Mount Merapi with plenty of water. Ony, holding his picture (Figure 4-8) explained This is my wife in tegalan Same people here plant soybean cassava, or peanuts in their tegalan, but only a few. The soil here is really good and we have plenty of water so we transform the land into rice fields. (Ony) The cultivation of rice in flooded fields, or sawah in Indonesian, is the main kind of agricultural technology utilized by farmers, the most important base of their substance. Increasing intensive cultivation prac tices have also increased the yield of the harvests. In wellirrigated areas, farmers cultivate fish in inundate d rice fields, a practice that not only provides additional protein for the farmers diet, but also seems to have a favorable effect on the soil. In our rice field, I also have fish because we have a plenty of wa ter whenever harvest come, I can get some extra money from the fish... (Joko) Although farmers are usually engaged in farm ing activities, it is obvious that a large variety of non-farming occupations exist in Samb i village communities. Many residents are often engaged in both, combining the two as primary a nd secondary occupations. In responding to this 74

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research interview only a few identified themselves as petani (farmer), although they actually spend more person-hours in farming activities. T hus, it was extremely difficult for the researcher to determine not only the difference between primary and secondary occu pations, solely based on statement of the respondent s themselves. In addition, some participants used a more prestigious work such as teach er or private employee although they might engage in farming activities. People here sometimes do not want to be called as petani [farmer] because the word petani implies uneducated and poor I am petani and I have warung [a food-stand] too. I think it is time we change that idea dont you think so? (Bismoko) Ritual and Tradition Aside from discussing an agri cultural life style, most participants of this study also discussed about how they still pr actice many rituals and traditions in their village. Ajeng, for example said Here we still practice several traditions such as slametan for giving birth, when people passed away, before planting paddy, or be fore harvests. We always conduct slametan otherwise, we are afraid something bad may happen. (Ajeng) Geertz (1960) argued that the slametan is the center of the whole Javanese religious system. Slametan is the Javanese version of what is perhaps the worlds most common religious ritual, the communal feast, and as almost ever ywhere, it symbolizes th e mystic and social unity of those participating in it. Friends, neighbors, fellow worker s, relatives, local spirits, dead ancestors, and near-forgot ten gods all are bound, by virtue of their commensality, into a defined social group pledged to mutual support and cooperation. (Geertz, 1960:11) A slamatan can be given in response to any events one wants to celebrate, ameliorate, or even sanctify. The world slamatan is derived from the Javanese word slamat which means, nothing bad is going to happen. Slamatan always takes times in some ev ents related to life-span; birth, marriage, dead or planting paddy and before harvesting rice. Although th e emphasis or mood for each event is different, the underlying structure re mains the same. There is always a special food, 75

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incense, the Islamic chant, and the extra-formal high-Javanese speech of the host. Sissa, a housewife, took picture of slamatan (Figure 4-9). She explained I conducted slamatan for my newborn baby a week ago; I invited all people in the village to get their blessing for my baby. I prepared meals for those who attended the ceremony. I also had to give them meals in a box to take home rice with several side dishes now some people prefer to give bread instead of rice (Sissa) Although most villagers still provide traditional meals, as Sissa said, a few people began to provide more modern dishes such as bread in a box, indicating the influence of modernization. The common reason of the use of bread instead of rice and a lot of traditional side dishes is practicality. They can just order it from the neighboring city, as illustrated by Hesti. If I have money then I will order bread from my friend in Yogyakart a preparing a box of meals for slametan is a lot of work, you have to c ook a lot of food. My neighbors would help of course. I do not have to pay them, but still it is very demanding work. (Hesti) The village chair offers two reasons for conducting slamatan. When you conduct slametan nobody feels any different from anyone else. Therefore, they do not want to split up. Slametan also protects you agains t any spirits, so they will not upset you. Horizontally, as in the slamatan, everyone is treated the same, the expected result is no one feels different with other, no one feels infe rior than the other. Th is will strengthen the emotional bond among the residents and no one has a wish to leave the village. Vertically, the slamatan also strengthen the relation between people and local spir its. The spirits are believed for not to bother them when they conduct slametan. The ultimate outcome is the absence of emotional disturbance. As conclusion, slamatan is the core of Sambis culture. All rituals and traditional ceremony gravitate in slamatan. Participants also discussed changes in Sambi.Sambi is growing Sambi is not remote anymore. There are newspapers here some road s have been paved. We have electricity here I guess we are a little bit more modern than fi fteen years ago [laugh] (Bayu). Similarly, Nana 76

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also commented, yes we live in a village but things changed here, more people have motorbikes. Some residents also have cars. I guess we are in the transition The Indonesian rural development program has enabled a village like Sambi to speed up development. Bayu and Nanas view demonstrate that Sambi is in transiti on. It is now in the transition to modernity. This changing world has clearly affected how to reta in rural authenticity and in the same time accelerate rural development. Question 2: Themes of What Reside nts What to Share with Visitors The present study is interested in describing cultural landscape of Sambi that can be used as tourism attraction. In the photo-elicitation interview, participants were asked to categorize photographs that they took into gr oups that they wanted to show to visitors. Then they were asked to prioritize which of categories that they wanted to show to visitors and ranked the photographs for their significance within each category. The participants categories were recorded. Then, those categories were compared with other participants categories. This technique enabled the researcher to pull out pa tterns across all participants. These patterns emerged as themes that residents wanted to share with visitors to Sambi. These themes were (1) rural way of life, (2) environmenta l features, (3) structures, (4) peopl e, (5) arts and festivals, and (6) animals. Rural Way of Life The first theme, which participants wanted to share with visitors, was their daily life. This theme was found across all participants. All participants (N= 28) disc ussed their interest to share rice-farming activities with visi tors. Sixty-seven photographs of rice farming activities were found to support this theme. These activities include preparing the field before they planted the paddy seed until the day of harvesting. Penta for ex ample, when she was asked to describe the photograph she took (Figure 4-10) she said 77

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This is my husband harvesting rice with some other farmers. When we harvest rice, we need many people to help us. We cannot do it alone I think it is an in teresting activity for people from the city. We can teach them how to harvest rice with ani-ani a traditional instrument to cut the paddy. Some tourists have come here to learn it. (Penta) Similar responds also received fr om other participants. Bismoko fo r example when he was asked about the picture he took (Figure 4-11). He said Three months ago, a visitor from USA came here and stayed at my house for two nights. He really enjoyed his stay. He learnt to plough in my rice-f ield. Sometimes he joins us when we have lunch in the farm. He said that it was his best expe rience This is some residents here take a break from planting paddy and have lunch. (Bismoko) In Sambi, the agricultural cy cle starts at the end of dr y monsoon, usually around October or November, however in practice; it depends on the individual decision of the farmer, usually based on Javanese numerological calculations. Th e cycles of activities start by repairing the irrigation ditches, the bamboo pipes, and the dike s, and preparing the rice fields. This involves cutting the remaining paddy stalks of the previous harvest close to the ground. The straw is taken to the farmers house for cattle fodder, garden mu lch, or sell to middleme n, who will in turn sell it to paper factories. The parts of the rice field that remain in the field are burned and later ploughed and hoed after which the fi eld is flooded for as long as a week to ten days. After inundating the field for several days, the soil is turned again, and then harrowed twice or sometimes three times. Dried paddy stems and weeds are removed and then the mud is finally smoothed, the water is drained and the soil is then ready to be fertilized before the field is flooded again. The field is then ready for the tran splantation of the seedlings from the seedbed. One participant Ajeng explained Rice-farming is demanding work. It is al so a communal work. One cannot do it alone. There are always many people involve in the process, from prepar ing the field, seedling until we harvest it. (Ajeng) The activities in the initial phases of the ag ricultural cycle are primarily carried out by males. When the size of the land is manageab le, the labor is provided by the farmers own 78

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household. This is possible because the work can be spread over a relatively long period. When family labor is insufficient, however, or when a farmer wishes to establish good relations with other farmers or with his next-door neighbors who own rice field of the same size as his, special efforts are made by inviting them to help in the rice fields. Such assist ance has to be requested according to established etiquette, with the indication that their he lp will be reciprocated. It is customary in Sambi and in Javanese community in general for the host to provide lunch. One day before the seedlings are to be tran splanted, they are pulled from the seedbeds. These seedlings are washed to remove excess mud, then tied into bunches; th e tops are cut to an even length, the bunches are left to soak in the mud overnight. Early the next morning each woman picks up a bunch of seedlings, and moving b ackwards, plant the seed lings, one, or two at a time, forming three rows. Planting rice seeds is not that easy, if you do not know how, you will never keep the seedling straight... Its also interesting for vis itors to see women moving backwards to plant it. (Penta (Figure 4-12)) To keep the rows straight, a marked bamboo rod is used for sideways spacing. After the planting is completed, the water-level is carefully wa tched to prevent the fi eld from drying out. Low water-enables weeds to grow. In three to five months, the young plant grows in to lush green plants, which gradually turn yellow as the grain ripens. The wate r is allowed to flow gently, and is carefully kept at a certain level up to one week before harvest. Duri ng this time, the women weed the fields. Approximately one week before the harvest, the wa ter is drained off and the ripened paddy is left to dry. At harvest, the rice stalks are cut individually by using ani-ani a small hoe-shaped bamboo implement with a steel blade not more th an 2 inches long. The cut stalks are tied in bundles of a fixed size, which the husband or the son of the harvester carries at each end of a 79

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shoulder pole to the house of the owner of the rice field. Rice cultivation, which is still using traditional technology, is one tourism asset in Samb i. Andri explains his picture (Figure 4-13) Right now most villages have used modern technology in rice farming. I know that some people in the other villages use tractors to plough the fields. Some others do not use aniani anymore to cut the paddy. They also use hull er machines to separate the paddies. Here most people still use traditional devices, we still use ani-ani to cut the paddy, and we still use cows or water buffalo to plough the fields. So if you ask me what to show to visitors, then these are what I want them to know. (Andri) Besides discussing rice-farming activities in the rice field, participants also took pictures of various activities of processing the paddy. For them the process of proce ssing paddy into rice is barely known by people from the city. There are many visitors who come here ha ve no idea about processing paddy. They do not know that the process is so comp licated.. so they come here with their children to see the actual process... I guess once they know how complicated the pro cess is they will be more appreciative with rice Never throw rice again from their dishes [laughing] (Yoyok) After collected from the field, the paddy is then dried (Figure 4-14), to be further sold or stored. By drying, the grain loses 20 to 23 percent of its or iginal weight. The dry grain is then tied sold to middlemen, partly to the government rural cooperative and partly stored for the farmers own consumption in their store house. Whenever th ey need rice for consumption, women take the paddies from their storehouse and remove the stalks and the husks by pounding it in a longitudinal hollow dug-out rice lesung (pounding log). These stalkless grains are then called gabah, which are later winnowed on large tampah (bamboo trays) to clear them from any remaining stalk. Satya took pict ure of her neighbour clearing gabah (Figure 4-15). This is mbah Surip clearing gabah from the stalk on tampah. Some people here are now using huller, a mechanical rice processing machine, but many people are still using traditional wayvisitors should s ee that process. (Satya) Ten participants also highlighted their interest to show other farming activities besides rice farming. There are eleven photographs of chilly, lettuce, and celery farms taken by those ten participants. A couple of resident s took picture of lettuce farming, indicating that this farm is 80

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quite important in Sambi. The lettuce farming is quite new and it is the only lettuce farm in the surrounding area. This farm also supports some youth in the village. The owner recruits the youths who dropped out from school to work on the farm. This is a lettuce farm (Figure 4-16). This is the only lettuce farm in the area. Pak Sunarso owns it. I took this picture because I do not wa nt people to think that we only have ricefield in Sambi. I want visitors to know that we have lettuce farm here, visitors should visit that farm visitors can buy ch eap fresh lettuce there. (Bismoko) Two participants took pictures of chili farms, which are quite popular among residents. Hesti for example took pictures of her chili farm (Figure 4-17). Beside rice, I plant chili; sometimes the price of chili is higher than rice, so I can get some extra income for my family there are other re sidents who also plant chili in their farms. I wish visitors could visit my chili farm. I guarantee visitors would get fresh chilies [laughing] (Hesti) The third focus of participants discussion on rural way of life is village daily activities. All participants discussed how they are interest ed to share their daily activities. Thirty-one photographs were found to support the claim. Te rsi for example took picture of his neighbor (Figure 4-18) and said This is mbah Suro, my neighbor. She washes her cl othes in the river. There are many people here who still wash their clothes in the river although not as many as ten years ago or when I was still a kid but still this can be fou nd in the village.(Tersi) A similar respond was made by Silvia. She said Washing clothes in the river has been pract iced here from a long time ago since my grandparents. I now have a bathroom. I wash my clothes there, but sometimes I wash my clothes in the river to meet other residents. Sometimes it a good place to meet other peopleso if you want to meet someone, you may see them in the river. (Silvia) Tersi and Silvia discussed that washing in the river is not necessarily a personal daily activity but it has become a place for local people to meet a nd have a small talk. It is easy to find older women washing their clothes in th e river as well as women feeding their babies around the river in the late afternoon. In this case, the river b ecomes a communal space for people of Sambi to 81

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relax and socialize with other re sidents. Another participant, De wi, also discussed some other activities such as feeding chickens in her picture (Figure 4-19). That is my mother feeding our chicken. We ha ve several chickens. She always feeds them everyday. I think this is interesti ng for people from the city as in the city they never does it. (Dewi) Some other participants use the picture of to demonstrate the di fference between city and rural lifestyle. Look at here, can you find this activity in big city? I dont think so. So if you want to see people cooking with branches instead of gas... Just come here, said Ratri. An important institution found in rural areas in Java is the arisan. An arisan consists of a group of people who meet once a month and cont ribute a certain amount of money to a common kitty, which is distributed to each member in turn. The arisan is popular in Sambi. There are youth arisan women arisan, man arisan, farmer arisan and so on. One person can join more than one arisan. The original function of the arisan was more social than economic. The a risan can be a place for public inte raction and announcements. Someti mes, sales people from certain companies come and demonstrate their goods hoping that some members will buy their merchandise. Nineteen pictures taken by fifteen participants illustrated the importance of arisan for residents. Nana who took pictures of arisan (Figure 4-20) said I join two arisan groups, youth arisan and woman group. I join arisan to socialize with other residents, if you do not join arisan you may miss some information as sometimes there is new news or information there. (Nana) The arisan usually is conducted at night around eight and runs for two to three hour depending on whether they have some importa nt things to discuss or not. In fact, arisan is the best place to meet the residents. Most of partic ipants in this study are actually recruited through several arisan groups in Sambi. If you want to meet re sidents here then you need to attend at least one arisan group here said Oda. 82

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In addition, a couple of partic ipants took photographs of some tourists activities in the village. These activities varied from catching fish in the ponds and touris ts learning to farm. Two participants also took photographs of various traditional instruments commonly found in Sambi such as hoe, ani-ani (paddy cutter), or plough. The rural way of life was a dominant theme brought up by participants in the interviews. This suggested participants interest to share the Sambis way of life as a tourism attraction. Environmental Features The second theme that always appeared in the discussion with participants was environmental features in Sambi. These envi ronmental features include landscape, water features, vegetations, and roads. There were 174 photographs across participants revealed this theme. Nana a private employee in Sleman the nearest city, who has lived in Sambi for five years, explained that the main asset in Sambi is its landscape. I took this picture (Figure 4-21) when I went to the field. I stopped and took a picture of it I thought the scenery is re ally good for people from the city. In the city you can not find such of things; fresh air, dirt roads, a nd even that coconut trees This is Sambi and I want people to know that our villag e has beautiful landscape. (Nana) Located in the slope of Mount Merapi, Sambi has been blessed with natural beauty. It has good soil for farming, valley, and a small river. Fift een participants took 16 pictures of valley that they called as ledhok Sambi (Sambi valley). Twenty-four participants took 24 photographs of the river in the valley, which they call kali kuning One participant, Yoyok, said, Ledhok Sambi is our main asset, and I am glad that we ha ve it so that we can sell it for tourists. Agnes (Figure 4-22) offered similar view I think ledhok Sambi and kali kuning is the main tourism attraction here. Other villages may have similar traditional arts or village nuances, but we have ledhok Sambi and kali kuning Without those two, we are just as simila r to other villages which develop rural tourism. (Agnes) 83

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Agnes and Yoyok statements along with other participants outlined the importance of having ledhok Sambi and kali kuning as tourism assets. Most participants were interested in developing tourism based on these two natural asse ts. They do believe that these assets will differentiate their community from surrounding villages who also o ffer village tourism. A similar respond was also received from Rostati when she was asked to describe her photograph. Kali kuning on the valley is popular. GIA foundati on comes to manage it a couple years ago. They have an outbound facility there. T ourists, who mostly students come and play there,. They play many games there. I hope GI A can help us managing the valley so that more visitors can come in (Rostati) The GIA foundation built an outbou nd facility in the valley in 2004. Since GIA taking part in developing tourism in Sambi, there are two ga tes for visitors. Those who want to use the outbound facility should then cont act the GIA, while the village handles visitors who do not use the facility. Besides taking pictures of lands cape, valleys, and river, many participants took pictures of roads and trails in Sambi. There were nine phot ographs of dirt road, which were taken by nine participants. There were 12 photogr aphs of trails taken by 6 part icipants and 5 photographs of paved road which were taken by 3 participants. Guntur for exampl e took picture of the road he passed everyday (Figure 4-23). I pass this road everyday whenever I go to my rice fields, go to the market or just visit my neighbor We wanted to pave it last year but the committee and some people were afraid that if we pave it, it will make Sambi lose its rural atmosphere which we use to attract visitors. (Guntur) Road is a symbol of accessibility. As a rural area, Sambi has many unpaved roads and trails. These roads and trails c onnect many points in Sambi. For pa rticipants, the road is also a symbol of modernity. Some main roads in Sambi have been paved while some others are kept unpaved for keeping the au thenticity of Sambi. Silvia explained 84

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Because of tourism, we can pave those ro ads if we wait for government money I do not know when we can pave thos e roads but we are told not to pave some other roads to maintain the rural atmosphere here. (Silvia) Eleven participants brought 17 photographs of fi sh ponds in Sambi. Sambi is located in the ring 1 of Mount Merapi. This area receives plenty of fresh water from the mountain. A couple of springs could also be found in Sambi. In fact, some participants took pictures of those springs. The water is good for fresh water fish. Residents in Sambi usually have fishponds in their yard. Some residents sell the fish to the nearby market or for daily c onsumption. Satya, one participant who own fishponds said Many residents here have fishpond. The water here is very good. Whenever we want to eat fish, we just take some from the pond. We also can sell the fish at th e market to get extra money. For me I like watching and feeding fish in my pond, its fun and relaxing (Satya) Another participant, Benny, also comme nted his own photograph (Figure 4-24). I think our fishpond can be an in teresting attraction fo r visitors. Visitor can catch fish in the ponds or fish there. These activities are very popular among school kids. We can also offer to cook that fish for the visitors consumption (Benny) All participants also took pi ctures of flowers and plants. They sell decorative flowers and plants to visitors and sometimes they sell th em at the nearest local market. There were 33 photographs of decorative plants. Tersi who owns a nursery, took picture of hers (Figure 4-25). She explained Many residents here have flowers and exotic pl ants. Two years ago, we were told that this [plants and flowers] will be the trend in the city. Many collectors come here to look for certain flowers or plants such as hibiscus. Sometimes I have to look for it at villages around here and sell it here. (Tersi) Two residents in Sambi own nurseries. Other residents usually have a few plants only. The two residents who own nurseries often go a nd sell their plants at the market. The other environmental features such as m ountains, ephemeral effects, and ferns were also found in the photographs and the discussi on with the participan ts. As environmental 85

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features always appeared in both of photographs and interview, it can be concluded that this feature is considered important for the participan ts and that they are interested to share this features with visitors. Built Structures The third theme that was brought up by most participants was built st ructure such as old houses, village entrance sign, and other important built structures. A total of 73 photographs was found. Particular structures are made to signify a unique cultural neighborhood and to conjure up images of the Sambi community. It involves a concerted effort to draw cultural boundaries, to construct relations across those boundaries, and to characterize the cultural traits contained within each of them (Khan, 1997). There are distinctive components of the contemporary cultural landscape of Sambi. One structure, which participants took pict ures of, was the village entrance sign. This village sing is actually th e front gate of the village. The struct ure is 4.9-6.56 feet. It was made of brick. The gate informs outsiders that they are about to enter the Sambi village. The inscription on the gate is written in Indonesian Desa Wisata Sambi (Rural Tourism Sambi). Next to the gate is a directional sign which is written ledhok Sambi (Sambi valley). The sign acts as a barrier from the other villages. The ot her villages that share a border with Sambi do not declare themselves as a rural tourism des tination. In the same time the size of the gate, which is not very high and wide, enables the village to ha rmonize with their neighboring villages. We built that village sign three years ago when we were declared as a rural tourism destination. We modified it a couple of times until it is what you see now... not that big not that small so that everyone can see and know that they are now in Sambi. (Sissa, Figure 4-26) The second type of structure taken by participants was old or traditional houses, which still use Javanese architecture. Fourteen participan ts brought 30 photographs of old houses. In the 86

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Javanese community, the style and size of a house is a symbol of prestige and class. The style is determined by the shape of the roof. The average villager in Sambi has a house with srotong roof. The limasan roof is usually for the house of village officials. The joglo roof in the past used to be restricted to important and wealthy families (Figure 4-27). Nowadays, the style of the roof no longer signifies the wealth of the people living in the house. Participants also took pictures of various tourists facili ties in Sambi. There were 19 photographs of tourist facilities Tourists accommodations in Sambi usually are of three types; (1) guesthouses (Figure 4-28), (2) homestay or (3) a hut/tent. Th ere is a guesthouse in Sambi named Baruna. Baruna was designe d as a kampong style house consisting of beds, western style bathrooms, and a small kitchen. The facility is ta rgeted for upscale visitors and foreign visitors. The facility peaked in visitati on in 2003, when there were many foreign visitors came to Sambi. Nowadays, the number of foreign tourists was dec lined significantly and the guesthouse is barely used. Hesti who took picture of Baruna guesthouse explained There are no foreign tourist stays at Baruna nowadays. The owner even took the water heater out, and locked the rooms. I still remember when there were many tourists stayed there I wish we would have more tourists. (Hesti) Beside the guesthouse, Sambi also offers homes tays. The homestay is very popular as visitors can stay at residents houses. The host family will treat their guest as part of their family. Sometimes the host family teaches several farming skills to their guest. The most important thing is the relation from homestay can become a long relationship. Michael stayed in my house for 3 days thre e years ago. He was a foreign student from USA. He was nice and funny. He helped me in the rice field. He ate whatever my wife cooked for him without complain ing [laugh]... Last week I got a letter from him. He got married and he said that he will bring his wife here this December. (Andri) Sambi also offers tents or huts for visito rs who want to camp. There are two campgrounds for visitors. One campground is located on the side of the village overlooking the valley (upper 87

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side ground). Another campground is located in the valley (lower ground). The upper campground is facilitated with semi-permanent hut s; dinning hall, restro oms, and a meeting hall (Figure 4-29). This structure is currently in dispute between the village and the owner of the grounds. The huts were built by an investor, which later handed it over to the village. The ground owner does not allow visitors cu rrently due to a dispute with the former tourism committee. Thus, this has resulted in a decline in the number of visitors to Sambi. The facility is one of main attractions of Sambi, many visito rs want to stay in the huts. A lot of people ask me to use that propert y, but I can not use it... [long paused] although property is our main asset, I do not know why the owner does not allow us to use our property in their ground. There was no written agreement about the property and the ground. I have urged pak Hadi [village headmaster] to discuss this issue with the owner but so far we cant find good solutions it is real ly frustrating to us. (Chair of tourism committee) In summary, participants are interested in sh aring with visitors unique structures in Sambi with visitors. These structures range from the village sign, old houses to tourists lodging. Thus, tourism development plan should address residents interest to show thes e unique structures to visitors. People The fourth major theme that participants want to share with visitors is people. This theme ranged from photograph of themselves, family memb ers, close friends, old people, and important people in the village. A total of 53 pictures were found across all participants. This theme illustrated residents intention to share their life with visitors. It is about the story of people of Sambi. While portraying some activities, partic ipants always also mention the struggle some residents face through time. Their life story beco mes an important aspect in discussing rural tourism. Literature in tourism often urges the correlation about the acceptance of residents and the quality of the tourism experience. The photographs taken by residents followed by their 88

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quote of the pictures have revealed the intensi on to share residents liv es with visitors. The pictures taken were varied from a single person to several people and from a baby to an older person. I like when tourists stop by and have small ta lk with us last week when I was feeding my baby... this man I forgot his name someth ing like Mark or came to me, greeted me and asked about Sambi and about my baby He thinks my baby is adorable. We then ended up just chatting (Hesti) Hestis view represents other participants view s. Like Hesti, people in Sambi are generally hospitable and friendly with visito rs. Having time to meet locals and engage in small talk leaves good impression for both visitors and residents. I dont like when tourists just come by a nd walk around without stopping by and greeting us you know it is just like you have a guest who just wants to see your house without talking to you (Ratri) The majority of photographs (37) taken were about family members and relatives. These photographs were found across all participants. Some participan ts took photographs of their children, wife, or husband. All pa rticipants argued that peop le in their photographs were important in their life. They believe that they should share it with other people. Rostati for example, holding the picture (Figure 4-30) in her hand said, this is my children playing in our backyard. I have two children. I th ink if visitors wants to see my children it is fine, unless it is sholat time [praying time for Muslim]. Some participants took pictures of their family together. Family for Javanese people is important. Children learn about life first in the family. The family value is then an important element to be shared with other people from out side Sambi. Moreover, as Javanese culture is a communal culture, showing the guest their family symbolizes a deeper acceptance and warmer welcome to their village. In this view, without acceptance from the people, the visitors will not 89

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get a quality tourism experience. Tersi asked her sister to take picture of her family. She does not have family photograph and saw the camera as a tool to have one (Figure 4-31). This is my husband, me, and my daughter. I asked my sister to take this picture. I hope it is fine for you [me]. I asked my sister to take this picture, as I really want to have a family picture that I can show to anybody. At first, my husband is shy but I urged him to do so [smile]. My family is the most important for meof course I will introduce them to visitors here, if they want to meet my family I do not know why I have to hide my family. (Tersi ) Beside family, some other participants took pi cture of old or respected people. There were 11 photographs brought by nine partic ipants discussed this category. Rostatis picture (Figure 432) for example giving information about interest to share life experience of old residents in Sambi. That is mbah Surip and mbah Tini. They are quite old.. Mbah Surip is 86 years old. I am not sure with mbah Tini, but I think around 70. Although they are old, they still work at the rice field. Both of them are still healthy. They always walk everywhere. I took this picture because I think Mbah Surip and mbah Tini are examples of very tough women. I think the younger generation like mine can learn a lot from their experience... (Rostati) In summary, participants through their photographs have show n an intention to open their lives to visitors. They intend to share their life stor y with visitors. Participants also discussed that they intended to show their hospitality to visitors. Art and Festivals The fifth theme revealed from the discussion with the partic ipants was art and ceremony. A total of 20 photographs were found. Although the number of photogr aphs was low, more than eight participants discussed about this theme in the photo-elicitation interview. The photograph of the wayang kulit (leather puppet) performance was mostly found in the photographs taken by participants. There were nine photographs, which were taken by nine participants depicted wayang kulit One participant, Bismoko, said This is the wayang performance last night. The title is Petruk dadi Ratu (Petruk becomes a king). It was a funny story. Many residents s howed up and watched it. The show ended 90

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around 3 in the morning, but I went home ar ound 2 as I had to work. (Bismoko, Figure 433). The leather puppet show is a performance art th at has been around more than 500 years. Its presence has its own story, in relation to the entrance of Javanese Islam. One of the Wali Songo or the nine pious leaders who spread Is lam in Java created the puppet by adopting Wayang Beber or Beber Puppet that grew during the triumph of Hindu-Buddha. This adoption was done since leather puppets became the proper media to spread Islam because Islam prohibited plastic art. Consequently, leather puppets were made in or der for the people to be able to see shows The show is done by the puppeteer. All the night, he plays all the characters of the leather puppets forming human characters made from bu ffalo skin decorated with motifs out of the product of leather. He changes his voice, switches the intonation, produces humor, and even sings. In order to make the atmosphere vivid, th e storyteller is assisted by musicians who play gamelan a set of the traditional Javanese music instruments and the female singers called sinden who sing Javanese songs. The total number of the char acters in the leat her puppet shows numbers in the hundreds. The puppets that are not played are placed in banana stem that is placed close to the storyteller. While being played, the puppets will look like a sha dow from the rear view of the white screen in front of the storyteller. The shadow is created by the light from the oil lamp placed at the upper rear of the storyteller that is cut off by the puppets being pl ayed on the screen. The stories originated from old epics such as Ramayana or Mahabharata. Oda, the owner of gamelan set and wayang explained that he had to spend money from his own pocket to conduct such performances. Sometimes he even provides snacks for his audiences. He said, Yes I spend a lot of mone y to conduct such performances, but I do not care much I am fine with it. You know if you lik e doing something you will not care how much it 91

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costs. He is actually well trained as a puppe teer. His younger brother ev en holds a bachelor degree in Javanese arts from Indonesian Art Inst itute in Yogyakarta, one of reputable academic institutions for arts. He added I do hope by holding this performance, younger generations will be interested in learning more about Javanese arts. Maybe they thought that this tradi tional art is not cool. They prefer to learn music from western. It is a pity as foreigners are more interested in learning gamelan and wayang I am afraid in the futu re my children will learn gamelan from American teacher (Oda) By holding the performance, he allows other residents to learn and play gamelan. Some local youth also play gamelan. This illustrates th e concerns of maintaining the life of gamelan and leather puppets. The performance is conducted every Sunday night around 8 and runs until 3 or 4 in the morning. This performance is one of the community recreational spaces. They watch the performance; some people also show up to socialize with other residents. In Sambi people is seen through how far he or she can socialize with other residents. The wayang kulit show then provides that opportunity. Participants also mentioned some ceremonies, wh ich are still practiced by residents such as slamatan and bersih desa ( village cleaning ). Bersih desa is a community ceremony. It is held the last week before the fasting month for Muslims. Residents cook various meals. These meals then are gathered along the ro ad near local cemetery. They also clean the cemetery area. Residents then gather along the roads pray ing and eating the meals togeth er. This ceremony symbolizes cleaning their body and cleaning their community to prepare of the upcoming fasting month, which is considered sacred for Muslim s. Galih, one participant, explained You should come to our bersih desa event. Each family brings food. There are many traditional foods. We gather on that road outsi de the cemetery. We clean the cemetery and pray together and after that, we eat the meals together (Galih) Similarly, the chair of the tourism committee said th at they have put this event on the calendar of events in Sambi. Bersih desa is a big event for us. There are always traditional foods, cleaning 92

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the cemetery and wayang. Visitors should join us, he said. Unfortunately, this event was not taking place when the study conducted. Therefore, no one took pictures of the event. This event however was brought up by eleven pa rticipants in the interview. Concerns about local arts disappearing were al so mentioned by resident s. There were eight photographs of traditional games and arts. These c oncerns also were raised by eight participants. Sissa holding her photograph (Figure 4-34) and said, I took this pi cture to show that we still play some traditional games here. These are Ani and Siti playing ingkling The game is called ingkling which means walking or leaping on one foot The player has to leap over the squares drawn on the ground or paved place. The player needs to have a gacuk or a flat thing, which is thrown to the square. It is usually made from a fragment of a broken tile. The gacuk must be thrown into all squares beginning from the firs t square until the last. The square where the gacuk lays cannot be stepped on; thus, the player must leap over it. The player cannot step on the opponents gacuk either; othe rwise, their turn will go to the next player. The gacuk cannot be thrown into the wrong square or fall on the line. If it touches the line, the player will lose their turn. Each player will compete to be the first to complete the squares. The player who gets their first will have the right to o ccupy certain field to be his or her rice field. However before occupying the rice field, the player must leap on his or her foot ( inkling ) passing each of the squares with the gacuk placed on her or his upper palm which cannot fall down. After returning to the starting point, th e player throws the gacuk to a certain square by turning his back on the game arena. The square on which the gacuk falls is marked to be occupied field. Children nowadays are more familiar with more modern games such as basketball, skateboard, or play station. By ta king a picture of traditional ga mes, which are still played in Sambi, participants not only reveal their intention to show what th ey actually want to share with 93

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visitors, but it explains that the tourism in Samb i can be appropriated to rejuvenate local culture, which almost disappear. Sometimes school children from Jakarta asked how to play ingkling, petak umpet and other traditional games which they do not know. said Sissa. This view outlines an intention to revive cultural elements in the contemporary Indonesian community that have been rarely been found again. Animals Forty-two photographs of animals were also found in the photographs taken by participants. Participants took pictures of shee p, water buffalo, cows, cats, dogs, and rabbits. One participant for example took pictures of cows (Figure 4-35). This is pak Sardis cow. He just returns from hi s rice field. He has two cows. I took this picture to show that here we are still using cows sometimes other people using water buffalo to plough the rice field. (Ony) Onys thought helps us to understand that so me animals are not just animal. In peasant community as in Sambi, certain animals like a cow or water buffalo play a significant role. They help farmers to plough the rice field. Five participants took pictures of cows a nd discussed it in the in terview signifies the importance of cow in agricultural community. There are two types of cows in Sambi, one type is for helping farmers to plough their rice field, and the other type is to produce milk. In Sambi only one person owns milk cows. The cows produce milk twice a day. The first period is early in the morning and the second period is in the late afternoon. The owner still uses hands to milk the cows. I still use manual way to milk my cows. It is harder than what you thought. Some visitors in the past came to my house and watched me milking the cows. People from the city usually do not know about milking cow. I explai ned them how to do it. Visitors like it. (Benny) 94

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The second function of some animals is for i nvestment. In case of emergency or when the owner needs a lot of money then, they can always sell them. These are my rabbits. I have a couple of rabbits and some people have rabbits too. Sometimes when I need money I can sell them at the market, said Silvia explaining her picture (Figure 4-36). R abbits are quite popular in this area. They are also easy to take care of. Many people here have rabbits as pets but whenever they need money, they can always sell them, added Joko. A similar response was also provided by other pa rticipants. Yoyok even said, I just sold a couple of my sheep yesterday. I need money to renovate my house as its almost the rainy season. Not all kinds of animals in the village ar e an investment. Some animals are for pets only without any intention to sell in cas e of a short of money. Such pets like cats and dogs were also found in the pictures taken by participants suggest ing that such animals were popular in Sambi. I have cats and I know that many people also have I think they are cute. My family loves cats. No, I do not want to sell them. People may see and touch them but it is not for sale. (Neni) Neni assertion helps us to understand that animal s such as cats and dogs can be an object of affection. This is not unique to Sambi and occurs in other societies. For some residents, animals can signify social status, a prestige. In Javanese community, perkutut (turtle dove) is symbol of pres tige. It is a symbol of comp leteness in life. Some of participants took pictures of perkutut bird in the cage. Yoyok e xplained his photograph (Figure 4-37). This is my perkutut I have three perkutut I always feed them ev eryday. In the morning, I like listening to their voice while reading th e newspaper and drinki ng coffee (Yoyok) The price of perkutut can be very expensive; sometimes ther e is a competition fo r the best voice. Javanese and perkutut cannot be separated. In Javanese culture, it is believed that having perkutut in the home can bring peace and harmony. 95

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The pictures and quotes have revealed a uni que relationship between humans and animals in this culture. For the people of Sambi, animal s have four functions (1 ) labor; helping them in the field such as cows. (2) investment; they can always sell them whenever they need money like sheep, chickens and rabbits. (3) object of affection such as cats and dogs. (4) a status symbol such perkutut Question 3: Themes of What People of Sambi Do Not Want to Share with Visitors The third research question for the study is asking what the people of Sambi would not want to share with outsiders. Wh en participants were asked whic h pictures they do not want to share with visitors, all participants said that they want to show everything to visitors. Ajeng for example said, I am going to show everything he re ... it is our dail y life and if people are interested to learn about us. Why we need to hide certain thing? Joko added When we had a workshop on rural tourism which was conducted by tourism office of Sleman Regency, they told us not to alter a nything.. I think that is correct as I think the idea of rural tourism is rural atmosphere right? Therefore, I will show them the real rural life. (Joko) Ajeng and Jokos assertion to disp lay everything their village has represents most opinion of the participants in the study. The pictures and the follow up discussion rev ealed that all themes, which they want to share with visitors, are also the themes that they do not want to share. Thus, respondents suggested within each theme, there were ways to prepare the community for visitors rather than prevent them from seeing. Visitor can stay in our house but they [tourism committee] have to tell me a couple of days before so that I can clean the room and house I cannot let guests to stay at my house if it is not clean it is embarrassing said Wenny. Bayu added, I cannot let visitors go through the trail behind my house. It is very dirty no one take care of that area it has been abandon for three years.. After someone cleans it then visitors can pass that area. 96

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Interestingly, in all photographs taken by participants, there are two pl aces in the village, which no one took pictures. Those places were the cemetery (Figure 4-38) and the mosque (Figure 4-39). The researcher decided to take pictures on his own of those two places and brought it up in the interview to understand the meaning behind those two places. In the discussion, the researcher simply asked partic ipants about the two places by asking, tell me about this picture. This techni que triggered participants per ception on how they felt about the cemetery and the mosque. Indri said I have no idea why I did not take pictures of cemetery[laugh] I pass it everyday and yes it is important to me. My father was buried there... [long paused], but who wants to visit cemetery anyway? (Indri) Javanese in general have a view of the cemetery that is sacred and that plays an important role. Long before world religion such as Islam came to Java, the Javanese believed that the spirit of the dead can sought out for blessing for his re latives who are still aliv e. The Javanese also believe that the cemetery is the best place to ask for help from the spirits. The cemetery is viewed as a mystical place to communicate with spirits. Some people even meditate in cemetery. My father told me if I want to seek peace, I should go to cemetery, said Yoyok. The belief in the cemetery is strong even when they are Muslim or some other religion. People of Sambi although majority are Muslim; they still hold this view. Therefore, people need to take care of cemetery. Cemetery needs to be visited and cleaned. People usually visit and clean the grave of their relative at least one a year before I dul Ftri or other important day. The second function of cemetery is as a social control mechanism in the Javanese culture. The cemetery reminded people of the death. By remembering that in the end all people will die, people are encouraged to be modest in their ev eryday life. Everyone will be dead, that cemetery reminds me to be a good person every day. Whether you are rich or poor, at the end all of us will be dead, said Joko. His opinion suggests that cem etery has a unique mystical place for Javanese. 97

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People are expected to respect the cemetery. Th ere are many codes of conduct for people in the cemetery. When you are in the cemetery, you shoul d behave properly. Do not talk out loud, said Dewi. Due to the sacred role of cemetery, it is understa ndable that participants did not take photos of it. Participants want those who visit th e cemetery to follow their codes of conducts. If tourists want to visit that cemetery I am fine with it but they should behave accordingly. I do not want any person to visit that place if they do not want to behave properly.. They should not visit the cemetery or they may cause something bad. (Oda) Neny shares similar thoughts with Oda, My sister was buried there so I do not want it to become a tourist attraction Well if tourists behave properly like dress appropriately then they may visit it. Beside the cemetery, the mosque also plays a significant role in everyday life in Sambi. Diana said, As a Muslim, of course I can not allow people from other religions to visit our mosque as it is a sacred place for us. Penta even suggests, It is not a tourist attraction; people should not go there unless they are our fellow Muslims. Diana and Pentas opinions reflected seven other participants opinion. Five other participants offere d slightly different opinions. Andre, for example said You know mosque is important for us. It is the holiest place... Muslims are expected to pray five times a day, most of them in the mo sque. Therefore, if vis itors are also Muslim, we should encourage them to go to mosque a nd pray with us. If the visitors are not Muslims, but if they really want to visit th e mosque, they need to follow some codes of conducts such as take off their shoes. The most important is we cannot accept them on when the pray took place. (Andre) Although participants indicat ed they would allow visitors to vi sit these places, they believe that visitors should follow strict codes of c onduct to protect the sa nctity of the places. 98

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Question 4: The Way People of Sambi Negotiated Themes That They Want to Share and the Themes They Want to Hide The pictures and the follow up discussions reve aled that all themes, which they want to share with visitors, were also the themes that they did not want to share w ith visitors. There were two strategies that participants used to negotiate the themes that they want to share and not to share. Those were time and space alteration. The first strategy is to alter time of intera ction. The participants used time to evaluate certain elements of their culture to be displayed for tourists consumption or not. Bayu said I can not accompany visitors if they want to go to my rice field at prayer times as I have to go to mosque.. but after I return from the mosque I can accompany visitors to my rice fields. Utik also offered similar view, My children can interact with visitors after th ey are done with their homework. Similarly, Sissa also said Slamatan only can be done on certain days if there is no one here conducts slamatan Then we cannot enact them for tourists. It can only be held on certain occasions. We cannot reenact some traditional ceremony only fo r tourists because we need to calculate the best day for that there always calcul ation for doing such events here. (Sissa) The chair of Sambi tourism committee further explained We offer visitors what we have but some ev ents can not be offere d when it is not their time for example when it is not harvest time then we can not offer visitors an experience of harvesting paddy or learn to use ani-ani to cut paddy stalks. (Chair of tourism committee) Time becomes a crucial element to evaluate whet her they want to share part of their daily life with visitors or not. Impr oper visitation for example may hi der residents willingness to share their daily life. The use of photography in this study also provided ample evidences of what residents considered a good time for visitati on. Pictures taken by par ticipants were mostly taken from morning to evening. Only a few pictur es were taken at nights. One may argue that due to the type of camera single use camera-, whic h is better in daylight participants tended to 99

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take pictures in the daylight. Although this assumption may be true for some cases, it is not completely true for this study. First, most of participants are amateur photographers. Most of them have never used a camera before. In the tr aining session, the partic ipants were trained on how to use the cameras and they were never told not to take pictures at night. The participants were clearly informed that whenever they want to take pictures at night, they should take it in a close distance due to the strength of the flash. In terms of time, none of the pictures por trayed praying. This theme was missing. Ryan and Bernard (2003) suggested conducting an anal ysis of the missing theme. The absence of praying activity in the pictures and never brough t up by participants offered another view on the sacredness of certain period of time for people of Sambi. As majority of residents are Muslims, there are five times in a day that are sacred, mean ing they have to go to the mosque to pray. This period is the time to break from their daily r outines e.g farming, cooking etc and spend a few minutes in silence. The views above offer dualism in viewing time. There is a sacred time. It is a time for spiritual matters, such as praying at the mosques or meditation or just taking a break from daily routine. As well, there is a profane time, times for working and doing other daily chores. Most of pictures were taken during the profane times. Th is suggests residents ar e most welcoming to visitors during their profane times. Tourism development should then need to consider the right time for visitation. Altering time of visitation to suit residents time perception is needed to ensure high quality of tourism experien ce for both residents and visitors. The second strategy discussed by participants was altering th e space of interaction. Space was also important when negotiating themes that re sidents wanted to share. The majority pictures taken by participants were taken in profane space or a place for doing da ily routine activities, 100

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such as rice fields, roads, and front sides of ya rds. When participants took pictures inside a house, all pictures were taken in the living r oom, dining room, or kitchen. When the pictures were taken in the bedroom, it was a guest bedroo m. This finding suggested that participants are mostly willing to share their pr ofane spaces with visitors. I ta ught visitors how to plough last month on my farm said Yoyok. There are tr ails around here, visitors can walk through these trails added Neni. Y ou can also camp down on the valley, we have a campground down there... commented Nana. These perspectives i llustrate residents wi llingness to share their assets in the profane space. There were no pictures were taken in resi dents sacred spaces such as cemetery and mosque. These spaces were missing in the pict ures taken by participants. The absence of photographs of places that considered as sacred such as cemetery and mosque also supported the claim. You know mosque is important for us. It is the holiest place Muslims are expected to pray five times a day most of them in the mo sque. Therefore, if vis itors are also Muslim, we should encourage them to go to mosques a nd pray with us. If the visitors are not Muslims but if they really want to visit th e mosque, they need to follow some code of conducts such as take off their shoes. The most important is we cannot accept them on when the pray took place. (Andre) The views above give clear understanding that activ ities in the spaces where residents consider as profane such as farm, trails, or living rooms, residents will be glad in opening the spaces for visitors. On the other hand, when visitors want to enter and join some activities in the spaces where residents consider as sacred such as mo sque or even a bedroom then there are several codes of conduct that need to be followed. In conclusion, this study found that time and space were important criteria for the residents of Sambi to negotiate tourism in their village. Alteration of time and space of visitation is then pivotal to allow residents con tinue their daily life and minimi ze negative impacts of tourism. 101

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Tourism planners in Sambi should take these cr iteria for planning an appropriate tourism in Sambi. 0 50 100 150 200 250 300E n vironmental feat u r e s Rural way o f lif e Structures Arts and f e stiv a l P e op l e An i m a l O ther Figure 4-1. Number of phot ographs by content category Figure 4-2. Landscape of Sambi 102

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Figure 4-3. Mount Merapi Figure 4-4. Farmers on the road 103

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Figure 4-5. Old woman pl anting rice seeds Figure 4-6. Pekarangan 104

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Figure 4-7. Fish pond Figure 4-8. Tegalan 105

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Figure 4-9. Slamatan Figure 4-10. Farmers harvesting rice 106

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Figure 4-11. Farmers taking a lunch break Figure 4-12. Farmers planting rice seeds 107

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Figure 4-13. Farmer ploughing the field Figure 4-14. Man drying rice 108

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Figure 4-15. Woman clearing gabah Figure 4-16. Lettuce farm 109

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Figure 4-17. Woman picking chilies Figure 4-18. Woman washi ng clothes in the river 110

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Figure 4-19. Old woman feeding chickens Figure 4-20. Arisan 111

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Figure 4-21. Landscape of Sambi Figure 4-22. Ledhok Sambi and kali kuning 112

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Figure 4-23. Road in Sambi Figure 4-24. Fishpond 113

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Figure 4-25. Nursery Figure 4-26. Village entrance sign 114

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Figure 4-27. Joglo house Figure 4-28. Guesthouses 115

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Figure 4-29. Campgrounds Figure 4-30. Two children playing 116

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Figure 4-31. Family portrait Figure 4-32. Two old women 117

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Figure 4-33. Wayang performance Figure 4-34. Ingkling game 118

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Figure 4-35. Pak Sardi and his cow Figure 4-36. Rabbits 119

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Figure 4-37. Perkutut bird Figure 4-38. Cemetery 120

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Figure 4-39. Mosque Table 4-1. Initial themes and categories Themes and Categories Number of Photographs Number of Participants A. Landform features A.1 Mountain 2 2 A.2 Valley 16 15 A.3 Other 2 2 B. Water features B.1 River, stream 24 24 B.2 Pond 17 11 B.3 Other 10 9 C. Landscape composition and effects C.1 Enframed, enclosed or valley view 3 2 C.2 Panoramic/distant view 18 5 C.3 Ephemeral effect, sunset 5 3 D. Vegetation D.1 Plantation 14 10 D.2 Decorative plant 33 28 D.3 Mass of wild flower/ferns 2 1 D.4 Sacred tree, special trees 2 1 E. Rural way of life E.1 Rice farming activities 67 28 E.2 Other type of farming activities 11 10 E.3 Village daily activities 31 28 E.4 Process from paddy to rice 14 11 E.5 Feeding stocks 8 7 E.6 Farmland 55 28 E.7 Other rural activities (e.g gathering) 19 15 121

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F. Structure F.1 Old/traditional house 30 14 F.2 Hut 12 3 F.3 Important structure 2 2 F.4 Village entrance sign 6 6 F.5 Other structure 4 4 G. Roads G.1 Dirt roads 9 9 G.2 Trails 12 10 G.3 Paved roads 5 3 H. Art/festival H.1 Gamelan 2 8 H.2 Leather puppet/shows 9 9 H.3 Traditional games 8 8 H.4 Traditional ceremony 1 11 I. Tourist facilities I.1 Home stay 15 9 I.2 Outbound facilities 3 2 I.3 Other tourist facilities 1 1 J. Transportation J.1 Modern mode of transportation 4 2 J.2 Traditional mode of transportation 2 1 K. People K.1 Family member, relatives 37 28 K.2 Respected or old per son in the village 11 9 K.3 Visitors, outsiders 5 3 L. Pet and animals L.1 Rabbit 6 5 L.2 Cat 9 1 L.3 Dog 4 1 L.4 Sheep 5 3 L.5 Water buffalo 4 4 L.6 Cow 5 5 L.7 Other 9 3 M. Instrument, M.1 Modern instrument (e.g TV, cell phone etc) 7 2 N. Tourist activities (with tourist in it) N.1 Catching fish 9 3 N.2 Learning to farm 2 2 N.3 Other 13 3 O. Other 14 9 total photographs used in interview 618 122

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CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION I did not realize that Sambi is so pretty in those photographs and I have been living here for thirty-three years. (Indri) Reflection on the Use of Reflexive Photography This study discusses the use of reflexive photog raphy as an alternative method to identify cultural landscape features that the people of Sambi intend to share with visitors. The tourism literature suggests that when tourism is a domin ant value in the communities, local communities often reacted negatively to tourism developm ent (Doxey, 1975). Allowing local communities self-determination in deciding whic h aspects of tourism that visito rs will be exposed to is one way to alter the power dynamic in the tourism i ndustry. Previous studies in tourism planning and development have used conventional word-based interviews or surveys to understand the perceptions of local communities. This study de monstrated that photography can be a powerful tool in understanding what local communities really want to share with visitors and how they should share it. For the residents of Sambi, viewing photogr aphs while discussing thoughts about their lives led to responses that were, in Colliers words (1957, p.856) more encyclopedic than wordonly interviews. One reason for this was that the photographs that pa rticipants had taken functioned not only as an anchor for grounding their descriptions in their words and their daily experiences but also as a catal yst for remembering. Burger (1 992) explained the relationship between memory and seeing. The thrill found in a photograph comes from th e onrush of memory. This is obvious when it is a picture of something we once knew. Th at house we lived in Memory is a strange faculty. The sharper and more isolated th e stimulus memory receives, the more it remembers. (p.192f) 123

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Unlike many research methods, reflexive phot ography works or does not work for rather mysterious reasons. Reflexive photography may a dd validity and reliability to a word-based survey (Harper, 2002). In this study, the photographs helped participants to construct their life narratives. Photographs appeared to capture the impossible, such as a person who is gone or a past event (Harper, 2002). This became an important point in using the photographs to understand the meaning of local culture and in identifying features that the people of Sambi wanted to share with or hide from visitors. Inserting photographs into th e interview process also appeared to relieve the strain of being questioned (Samuels, 2004). They also functioned to sharpen the interviewees memory and reduced areas of misunderstandi ng (Collier, 1957). The sense of retrieving something that has disappear ed leads to a deep a nd interesting discussion. This method also kept participants focus on th e discussion, which ran for more than one hour. The present study suggests that ascribed meani ngs of local culture ar e varied, interrelated, and hard to describe. Using participants phot ographs during intervie ws aided in building rapport, providing image-based metaphoric reflex ive opportunities for par ticipants and providing a secondary data source (the photographs) for data analysis and triangulation. Research participants were involved in an act of meaning-making. Through taking photographs of landscapes and cultural features respondents told stories, wh ich outlined their life. Using photographs as a trigger sharpens the participants ability to tell stories of their daily living and to reflect on them. The present study promulgate s the argument that photographs are the most compatible mode for capturing moments of intense emotion, connection and celebration (Carlsson, 2001). In addition, the auto-driven photo-elicited interviews resulted in the collection of data, which added an entire level of detail. Photograp hs helped to lessen some of the awkwardness of 124

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interviews by providing a diversi on for participants to focus on. Such data was believed to be more meaningful to the interv iewees. Often, the responses given by the participants were not succinct and abstract. Instead, the responses appear ed to represent pieces of villagers lives. The data collected from the photo-elicited interviews had an emotional flavor, which often included discussions about the residents personal lives and their attitudes toward tourism in Sambi. Each of photographs functioned as a memory anchor for the participant as he or she recalled the moment of the photograph, its intention, and the cu ltural context surrounding it. Having that anchor set against th e passing of time freed the particip ants to describe the meaning of their local culture and cultural features that they wanted to share with visitors. Allowing the local residents the opportunity to ta ke pictures of what they consid ered important in their life had a profound affect on what Douglas Harper refers to as breaking frames (Harper, 2002). On the last week of the study, all photographs of features that participants wanted to share with visitors were displayed at the main village house. Every day in the late afternoon, there were always residents who went to the house to view the photographs, which were displayed. They were interested in seeing the photographs for a variety of reasons. They compared their photographs to other residents photographs. They sometimes la ughed at photographs that they thought were humorous. Some of them tried to guess where the photographs were taken and who the individuals in the photos were. One particip ant, Indri, for example, after looking at the photographs said, I did not realize that Sambi is so pretty and I have been living here for thirty-three years. Another par ticipant, named Nana added, Was that photograph taken from my back yard? Who took that photograph? It looked pretty. These comments suggested the ability of the photographs to allow residents (both those who took photographs and those who did not) to see their daily living from a new and interesting perspective. As Indri and Nana saw 125

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their world from a new perspective, they came to realize the potential that Sambi has as a tourism destination. Thus, the photographs not only brok e resident frames (Harper, 2002; Samuels, 2004) but also functioned as a medium of creating co mmunity awareness, which would affect tourism development. As in the Clark-Ibanez study (2004), the pres ent study showed the subjective meaning of photographs for participants, which can act to di srupt some of the power dynamics involved with regular interviews. When Joko, one of the particip ants, went to work at his rice field, he brought his camera. In the interview, he explained the process of plan ting paddy, the production of rice, and how his family depended on the field. Although the researcher grew up in a peasant family, the researcher knew nothing about rice production and would not have been able to ask about it in the interview had it not been for the visual data that Joko pr ovided. Another participant, Galih, took pictures of his plant co llection. He explained in deta il each plant in the photograph, including how to take care of the rare and expens ive plants. He also explained where to get rare plants and how to determine if a plant is hea lthy or not. In this case, this method became a significant tool to simultaneously gather data and empower the participants. Although inserting photographs into the interview process elicited more information from the research participants, the st udy found that auto-driven photogra phs facilitated the breaking of the researchers own frame more than the frames of the residents. For example, had the researcher used his own photogra phs to explore the cultural lands cape of the daily living of the people of Sambi, the researcher would have inserted photographs of what he considered important features such as rice farming activities and rituals, etc. Allowing the residents to take their own photographs of what they (and not the re searcher) considered to be important in their lives, however, not only elicited rich descriptions from th e residents, but also allowed the 126

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residents own world and perspectives to impinge on the researchers own frame of reference. Indeed, although many particip ants did take pictures of rice farming activities, many participants took photographs of activities that would have normally fallen outside of the researcher own purview of what constituted important activities. For example, eight participants chose to take a picture of children playing traditional games. For these participants, the photographs helped to express their concerns of losing traditional ga mes to more modern games, resulting from globalization and modernization. This case suggested the need to revive local games, which have almost disappeared. Such games can be used as a cultural tourist attraction. By doing so, tourism can help to rejuvenate local culture. The sets of photographs gathered from the part icipants also helped to reveal what was considered most important to resi dents. An analysis of the absen ce of certain features in the set of photographs revealed the inte ntion to hide certain features For example, the absence of photographs of the local cemetery and mosque help ed to explain the meaning of both structures for the residents. For them these two structures ar e sacred places. Before the rise of Islam, the Javanese people believed in Hinduism, which held that the soul of a dead person could be provided with blessings from the living. They also believed that the cemetery is the best place to ask for help and to communicate with the deceased. Many people med itate in the cemetery. This practice still flourishes even after the rise of Is lam in Java. Many Javanese rituals are taught in the cemetery. They always preserved the grave of their loved ones. They cleaned the grave before entering the Islamic fasting month. After the introduction of Islam, the mosque became another sacred place for the Javanese. This case was obvious in Sambi. Typically, in Java there exists at least one mosque in every village. In Sambi there was one mosque, which became a central focal point for religious activities since most of the residents are Muslim. 127

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The absence of photograph of the cemetery and mo sque suggest that residents tried to keep these structures from outsiders since they knew that the study wa s related to tourism development. Although in the initial stage of the study the resident s were clearly informed that they might take any pictures of anything important to them, not necessary dealing with tourism, the participants might be framed by the title of the study and rese archers educational background. Since in residents ey es these two structures are not considered tourism attractions, they intentionally avoided taking pictures of those structures. Th e majority of participants who were asked why they did not take pictures of those structures said that they did not think about it although they admitted that those structures were important to them. This situation suggests that strict codes of conduct should be enforced when sacred places such a cemetery are opened for visitors (Shackley, 2001:4). The reflexive photography interviews also resulted in a greater interest to take part in the study on the part of the residents. It also enab led the researcher to establish a rapport with participants much more quickly. This situation is consistent with prev ious studies using photoelicitation method (Heisley & Levy, 1991; Samuels, 2004). The researcher had to reject a couple of residents who were interested in participating in photo taki ng in the middle of the project because of a limited number of cameras. Even in th e initial stage, when the researcher explained the method of the study to the villag e chair, he said that the sele ction method was preferable than the conventional interview method. It is good that you do not use in terviews. People here seem re luctant to be interviewed. Last month, four students wanted to interview residents about tourism here for their final project. Only five residents showed up for the interview. I felt bad for those students (Village chair) One of the interesting experi ences in using reflexive photog raphy was that the photographs spurred meaning that otherwise might have remained dormant in word-alone interviews. The 128

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photograph might not contain new information but could trigger meaning for the participants (Schwarts, 1989). One of the par ticipants, Neni, took ni ne photos of her cat out of 27 exposures. The researcher was quite shocked with the num ber of exposures she used. What would we discuss besides her feelings regard ing her cat? The researchers did not need to be concerned as it turned out. Neni moved to Sambi three years ag o to follow her husband. She was from Padang in the island of Sumatra. Coming from a different place with different culture caused her to feel lonely. Her friend gave her two cats and she quick ly became attached to the cats. Feeling lonely in the new community became a strong factor in he r becoming attached to the cats. Last year one of her cats died and as a result she now only had one cat. This cat helped to compensate for the loss of old friends. With the death of the other cat, Neni poured her affection to her remaining cat. The cat also sparked Nenis memories of he r friends who gave the cat and elicited a vivid discussion about her family in Padang, her marriag e and her intention to have a baby. Ultimately, the study showed that reflexive photography can be an effective alternative method in researching communities, especially in relation to tourism planning because of its uniqueness, as discussed above. Family life in rural areas in Java gravitates on agriculture and seasonal cycles of work that have been performed for centuries to plant rice and other crops. This kind of work requires all physically able family members to participate in planting and harvesting cr ops. At the same time, family life cycles of birth, ch ildbearing, marriage, and death c ontinue in every household. Many participants took pictures of th eir family members and their rela tives. Through their photographs, participants discussed family members contribu tion to the family and their family conditions such as their hopes for a better future for thei r children, expectation for the government and social life. A photograph of an old person fo r example was always accompanied by comments 129

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referring to a high regard for their ability to co ntinue working in the field and the importance of respect for older person in the family. These phot ographs help to understand the significance of family in Sambi. Therefore, tourism planni ng in Sambi should consider highlighting this significant value of family. Reside nts should be allowed to interact with visitors, whereby the intercultural understanding between residents and visitors may emerge. In the same time, family should also be given space to pr actice their daily living without influenced by tourism values. A homestay may be a good alternative to allow residents to share this value with visitors. It should be noted, however, that in selecting family for homestay, planners should consult the family the ideal visitors for them and to what extent they expect the visitors to behave in their house. In conclusion, participants construct a cultural landscape vi ew out of their cultural understanding of what it means to live in Sambi. Reflexive photography gave them a tool to demonstrate their prowess, their concerns, and to explore deeply held thoughts. It gives social and biophysical insight into the usefulness of the landscape meta phor in connecting activity and outcomes, history and daily experience. Modeling Tourism in Sambi The present study was framed by four interr elated research questions: (1) What does Sambis culture mean to the people of Sambi? (2) What do the people of Sambi want to share with visitors about thei r culture? (3) What do the people of Sambi want to show to visitors? (4) How do the people of Sambi choose to negotiate them es, which they want to show to visitors and themes that they want to hide from visitors? The findings of the study offered insight into the discourse between tourism and modernization. Traditional societies are nor mally based around ag riculture, hunting, and gathering. In an absolute sense, few if any traditional societies ex ist today, due to the pervasiveness of modern comm unications technology and globa lization. Some societies in 130

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Indonesia, such as Sambi can be said to be traditional even though some of their younger generations are receiving a modern education. Th e findings from this study suggest that the people of Sambi identify themselves as a Javanese peasant community. They still practice many traditional ceremonies such as S lamatan They still maintain traditional social systems based on Javanese tradition. The findings al so indicate that Sambi is currently undergoi ng significant transition from traditional way of life to a more modern society because of modernization in rural Indonesia. Sambi is an example of a tr aditional community that is being inundated by modernizing pressures to somehow abandon thei r lifestyle and adopt a monetized economic system. In Sambi, it is easy to find a modern de signed house next to an ol d rare architecturally designed house. Television, cars, and newspaper can also be found in Sambi. While this may not be a bad thing in itself, it doe s require the abandonment of one set of cultural practices for another, which in the short term at least, is co nsiderably disruptive and confusing for those living through the change. For the people of Sambi this has meant that taking visitors out onto the farms as a practice, which is compatible with their traditional lifestyle and thus apparently not too disruptive. The findings further suggest that it would be foolhardy to argue for the rigid maintenance and preservation of a historical culture. Cultu re is not static, but constantly changing and adapting to new conditions. Modernization and ch ange is not the issue of major concern, but rather, who is in control and how the social ch anges are structured. So me studies in tourism (Besculides, Lee, & McCormick, 2002) suggest that many of these communities can maintain the integral parts of their culture through tourism, b ecause that is what the visitors want to see and experience. While this may appear to be an ad vantage on the surface, this practice leads to the commodification of those parts of the culture, while abandoning other pract ices, and ways of 131

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thinking that were once and may continue to be important, although not necessarily to visitors (Reid, 2003:81). This constitutes an externally motivated preservation and not one from the center, which is an issue th at needs to be addressed. The study also demonstrated the need to ba lance cultural and natu ral conservation and tourism development for the sake of the comm unity as well as to preserve the long-term attractiveness of the destination (WTO, 2005). Deve lopment should also be done at a speed that allows members of the community to change and adapt at their own p ace. The government must play a role as facilitator and me diator in order for the villages to control their own development and work with local communities to preser ve the balance between conservation and development. Historically, the message that domestic tour ism to ethnic and natural locales makes a citizen a better Indonesian has been echoed in domestic travel advertisements, journals, and guidebooks. In fact, the Indonesian domes tic tourism campaign of 2008 states Kenali Negerimu Cintai Negerimu (Know your country, love your country) (Ministry of Tourism and Culture, 2008). This campaign prompted villages in Indon esia to consider their own trinkets and souvenirs as attractive powers. For example, one pe rson in Sambi enthusiastic ally said that their dances, architecture, and scenic landscapes would interest both foreign and domestic tourists. Since uniqueness, indigenous architecture, and dance are all key components to marketing tourism, it is clear that the people of Sambi have absorbed the t ouristic rhetoric. This situation was illustrated by Picard, (1995) who asserted that the idea of the dynamic of tourism in Indonesia appears to promote the narrowed conc ept of culture. This appeared reflecting the fourth category of Jenks framework of culture (Figure 2-2). Jenk asse rted that culture regarded as a social category as the whole way of life of people. This concept may become the basis by 132

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which local people themselves evaluate the impact of tourism. However, since the people of Sambi are not solely dependent on tourism, the no tion of the touristic rhet oric is not absorbed fully. They still view tourism as extra income a nd something that adds value to their village. In their perspective, they can live and survive without tourism. One participant, Bismoko, said I am a farmer. I have a rice field. I also ha ve a small kiosk I like when there are many visitors here, as it brings revenue to the village. Most of us are farmers and will always be like that. You cannot expect us to change for the tourists we can still live with the agricultural products here. I do not think we will depend on tourism. I just do not see it... (Bismoko) Since they do not view tourism as the main source of income, they have stronger bargaining power toward tourism value. This condition he lps us to understand that the more dependent communities are on tourism, the more vulnerable they are to tourism value. Thus, appropriate tourism plans need to be taken to reduce the vulnerability of local communities toward tourism value. The present study also revealed that the people of Sambi realize the cultural benefits from tourism in two ways. First, tourism exposes th e community to other cu ltures. This does not necessary refer to international visitors who possess high cultural distance, but also domestic visitors who come from other areas in Indone sia to promote toleran ce, understanding and national brotherhood. Second, the act of presen ting the daily living of Sambi to visitors strengthens the notion of what it means to live in Sambi and be a part of the community of Sambi. Thus, as Besculides et al (2002) suggested, cultural tourism increases identity, pride, cohesion, and support. The study showed that without local control and support for t ourism projects, legitimacy would not be sufficient to justify the developmen t in the short or long term. The people of Sambi support tourism development as they have experi enced tangible benefits from tourism. For example, the village received extra funds for the village development plan. The womens group 133

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received extra income from catering to visitors Youth groups also rece ived extra funds from parking. The identity of the local social system must be preserved as development is considered and implemented. As findings demonstrate, while societys inevitability changes over time, it is in the interest of projects and local communities for certain aspects of local culture to be preserved. Respect for visitors is threatened if the host culture and so ciety feel that their community and values are being altered by outside forces. Primacy must be given to protecting local communities and their social values, in othe r word retaining the authenticity of the village. Tourism and tourists are intrusive to communities and cultures, and as a result, balance must be sought and maintained in order to preserve bo th the community and th e tourism project (Reid, 2003:11). The present study also intimates that the focus of cultural tour ism needs to be considered from the inside out rather than from the outside in. For example, the people of Sambi participate in many traditional ri tualistic events not primarily as tourist exhibitions, but as cultural celebrations in their own right. Outsiders are invited to view and participate, but not as the main purpose of the event. Similarly, song, dance, and food are not contrived solely for outside consumption. This method of orga nizing celebration prevents the complete commoditification of the event, which would turn it into an inauthentic spectacle, and risk alienating people from the practicing culture (Reid, 2003: 12). The findings of the study revealed the intention of the people of Sambi to share their environmental features such as landscape, valleys, rivers, rural way of life, structures such as old houses, art and festivals, people and animals. Un like what was predicted, most participants did not mention features that they want to hide from visitors. It was easier for participants to identify features that they want to shar e with visitors. This may be becau se of the title of the study, which 134

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indirectly framed participant perception of asse ts for visitors. As a result, they focused on features of Sambi that they deemed suitable for visitors consumption. There was no specific feature that residents did not want to share with visitors. For residents whether or not a particular feature can be shown to visitors or not depends on factors such as whether they have prepared (cleaned) the site and in the correct time or not. Thus although the findings support the dichotomy of MacCannell (1973, 1976) back stage a nd front stage, this st udy also denotes that even in the front stage, local communities may not display it for visitor consumption if the stage is not ready in perspect ive of the residents. Similarly, when the local community has strong control on the features, they may display thei r back stage when they think it is ready for visitors. The main question is how local communities can gain control over those features and to what extent. Further, the present study suggests that the stages are fluid and always contested and negotiated. Although the theo retical framework guided this study suggested that there was a zone of privacy, the finding revealed th at there was no zone of privacy in Sambi. The people of Sambi do not mind opening their sacred places and their back stages to visitors, however, the residents expect visitors to behave appropr iately. They also prefer that the visitation not occur during their sacred time, but rather during times reserv ed for non-sacred daily activities. There are several reasons that may explain the absence of zone of privacy and the fluidity of stages in Sambi. First, the influx of media and rural development program imposed by Indonesian government. The media and rura l development brought modernization and globalization to rural communities. As an impact, local perspective was shifted to value openness as part as the idea of globalization. Second, as v illage of Sambi has recognized that tourism have provided them more benefit than the cost, such as providing extra funds fo r the village project. 135

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This suggested that the social exchange theo ry may be appropriate theory to understand the fluidity of backstage and the abse nce of zone of privacy in Sambi. The social exchange theory suggested that residents who view tourism as actually valuable a nd believe that the cost do not exceed the benefit favor the exchange and are supportive of development effort (Turner, 1986). As residents of Sambi believe that they have received benefits fr om the tourism, they are willing to trade off their zone of privacy. Third, ba sed on the Ryans model of Community-Tourists Intermediaries (Figure 2-4), the community of Sambi is aware with tourists needs. The discussion with participants also revealed that the residents u nderstood with the idea of rural tourism. The local tourism author ities have prepared the villag e through several workshops. Such workshops have increased level of confidence of their own culture. Fourth, the tourism in Sambi is still in the involvement stage of Butlers 1980 Tourism Area Life Cycle (TALC) model In this stage, more people have known about Sambi. Visitors in Sambi came in small numbers restricted by lack of access, facilities, and local knowledge. In this stage, Doxey (1975) argues that the host comm unity is in euphoria with tourism. Host community welcomes visitors and investors. Therefore, they do not mind opening their backstage as they are confident with their cult ure and do not see tourism as a threat for the existence of local culture. Thus to strengthen th e notion of cultural confidence, residents of Sambi may select people as intermediaries to play primary either a guardianship or teaching role of their cultural landscape. Th is situation however may change overtime when the numbers of visitors to Sambi begin to grow rapidly toward some theoretical carrying capacity or stagnation in Butlers 1980 model. This s ituation suggests that the tourism development in Sambi should also consider applying some carrying capacity models to retain the positive support from residents. 136

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The present study offers insi ght on the understanding of time and space in developing tourism in rural communities. As explained in th e previous chapter, the people of Sambi view time in terms of sacred and non-sacred. Non-sacr ed time refers to time for working and other daily routines. The sacred time ranges from time from their own, with their family or time for God. Everyday living is circulated within this perspective. Th e understanding of how people of Sambi view time has pivotal implication on touris m planning in Sambi. Residents, for example, prefer accepting visito rs in their non-sacred time rather than their sacred time. Even when they accept visitors in their sacred time s, only certain type of visitors may visit such as only visitors who are fellow Muslim can enter the mosque to pray. Figure 5-1 shows how the people of Sambi cont rol their culture for tourism development. The model outlined tourism in Sambi as explaine d through the discussion with the residents in this study. Based on the model, tourism in Sambi ha s four zones. The first zone is the zone of commercial potential. This zone includes all landscap es and cultural features that were identified by the participants through their photographs and interviews such as rivers, rice fields, traditional technologies, arts, and festivals. As the use of th ese features is in the re sidents non-sacred time, more development can be focused in this area. Th e zone of self-managed refers to the use of culture and landscapes in resident s sacred time. Alt hough the visitors can s till use or visit the features, visitors should be advised to respec t residents who are praying at the mosque or spending time with their family rather than meeti ng visitors. The zone of limited use refers to the use of landscape and cultural features in reside nts sacred places such as cemeteries in nonsacred time. Although residents allo w visitors to visit during sacred time, strict codes of conduct are needed to communicate visitors with special emphasis on how they should behave in this site. The zone of site-dependent refers to places and times that are sacred for residents such as the 137

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mosque during times of prayer sessions. No visi tation or use is suggest ed during such sacred times. The model also reflects the notion of sharing the authenticity of daily living by the people of Sambi. This control system allows the peop le of Sambi to live in their normal life without being affected by the negative impact of touris m. The appropriate tourism plan based on the aforementioned model (Figure 5-1) provides an opportunity to articulate a vision for the community, as well as the identification of th e sacrosanct community values, which need protecting. Further, the model provides room fo r creative maneuvering by people of Sambi. As they have a strong control over their culture, th ey can negotiate tourism value by altering time and space for visitation. In conclusion, the study illu strates Ryan (2005) assertion that successful tourism is not simply a question of presentation to visitors and the requirement that visitors responds in culturally appropriate way, but that the purveyors of the tourism also need to be aware of the nature of tourism and visitors as consumers of culture. Planning The present study demonstrates that the value of tourism development to the Sambi village is in need of revitalization. Th e conception and implementation of a tourism development plan in Sambi must be the prerogative of the community concerned, and constructed to not only preserve and retain the values and culture of the peopl e of Sambi but also ac tually enhance their authenticity. The present study provides valuable data for to urism planning in the Sambi village. Sambi landscape and culture is a major tourism asset. As re vealed in this study, the participants want to share the landscape of Sambi and their daily living as a rural Javanese village with tourists. Thus, the appropriate tourism plan should highlight land scape and cultural features that residents want to share with visitors, while also limiting the us e of features that resi dents do not identify. For 138

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this reason, developing a village-tourism under CBT principles (ESCAP, 2005) is considered suitable. Further based on the findings of the stud y, the following are some strategies that can be advanced in order to manage tourism in Sambi to maximize benefits for the residents, while also preserving some authentic aspects of cultural features and landscapes. Tourism Activities Development The photographs that were taken by participants serve as the basis of developing tourism activities in Sambi. Participants have identified various features, which in their perception are suitable for developing tourism in Sambi. These f eatures range from landscape features such as valleys, rivers, and farms to cultural features such as traditional games and wayang performance. Therefore, tourism development should be focu sed on those features. This will increase the residents support of the tourism plan as s uggested by community based tourism initiatives (Battadzhiev & Sofield, 2004). Tabl e 5-1 presents some potential t ourism activities for visitors. The key to tourism development in Sambi is to ensure that the village retains its authentic character. Some possible touris m activities as suggested in ta ble 5-1 help to retain the authenticity of Sambi. This is crucial to ensu re sustainable long-term success without becoming too dependent on tourism, but still benefiting enough to make it worthwhile. Although residents have identified many features for tourism activitie s, it is recommended that they do not offer too many activities. The CBT initiative suggests that if too many activities are offered in a village, not only will it distort the village economic and cu ltural base, it risks becoming distorted into a Disney-style tourism village. This refers to a village, which exists for, depends completely on tourism, and lacks authenticity, where the villagers literally are transformed into actors appearing on cue when visitors arrive. In addi tion, tourism activities must not distort the local village economy, which is mostly based on ag ricultural production. It should compliment the 139

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rhythms of the agricultural year and allow non-ag ricultural related altern atives to the young and those with househol d responsibilities. Connecting Identified Landsca pe and Cultural Features Having identified landscape and cultural features that residents want to share with visitors is the next step is highlighting all identified la ndscape and cultural features. One way to highlight these landscape and cultural features is by cr eating routes, which connect each feature. In creating routes to allow visitors to experience daily living in Sambi, several issues should be taken into consideration. The first such consideration is time, which is the most crucial consideration in designing a r oute. As indicated by the presen t study, residents prefer that visitation not occur during their sacred time. Therefore, the time and duration of visitation should be taken into account when designing a route. The second consideration is the place. While residents do not mind if visitors visit their local cemetery, stri ct codes of conduct should be established to respect the sanctity of the place. If the visitors are Muslims then they may be encouraged to visit and pray at the local mosque together with resident s during times of prayer sessions. Non-Muslim visitors, especially international visitors, should also be informed of the code of conduct in the mosque. Interpretation Both visitors and host communities for disparate reasons may value the same features. For residents, it is a place to be lived in and possessing profound pe rsonal, cultural, and religious significance. Conversely, it is also a place to be viewed, passed by and perhaps captured on photographs by visitors (Hull & Revell, 1989). Th ese differences in backgrounds and interests between locals and visitors suggest that it may be necessary to interpret the local landscape and cultural features and its meanings for visitors. Interpretation is essential to the delivery and enjoyment of the cultural landscap e and natural resources as well as to ensure that visitors 140

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understand the context of it. In addition, interpretation in all its forms plays a key role once attractions, products, and infrastructure are in place so that visitors understand and appreciate what they are experiencing. A good interpretation is vital as the quality of the tourist experience depends on what the visitors understand and if they can ask questions and get information regarding the culture which they are experiencing. With a good interpretation, tourism can promote cross-cultural understanding. Sambi should then prepare good in terpretation in any forms to ensure that the village is accessible to visitors. This includes having local guides, signs, information distribution, and a visitor center. Sambi presently has a visitor secretariat and some signs, which direct visitors to Sambi valley and campgrounds. Sambi does not have other interpretation. The photographs taken by residents can be used as interp retation aids. They can put the pi ctures in the village promotion media or use them in post cards that can be so ld as souvenirs. Signage in English should be considered if they want to attract visitors that are more international. The profession of interpreters has arisen to meet interpretation needs (Knudson, Cable, & Beck, 1995). However, their task is not an easy one for the landscape may tell many stories and its meaning may be contested by different groups. In Sambi there is no local guide, thus, after establishing routes connecting lands cape and cultural features that residents want to share, the next step is to train local pe ople who are willing to be local guides. Local guides are needed, especially to interpret landscape and cultural features that are considered sacred places for local communities. They should inform visitors on how to behave in the local cemetery. In addition to telling stories about who is buried in the cemeter y, the meaning of the cemetery to the residents should be explained. Interpretati on training should also be cons idered which includes language and cross-cultural training. 141

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Entrepreneurship, Marketing, and Resource Management As Indonesia is moving toward local autonomy, tourism is viewed as a means of local development (Ardika, 2005). If tourism is to cont ribute to sustainable de velopments, the role of small and micro entrepreneurs in formal and informal economic arrangements becomes vital (ESCAP, 2005).The advantages of small-scale en trepreneurship in tourism are manifold. Smallscale activities are less disruptive and have more modest capital requirements that permit local participation. In addition, it leav es control in local hands, and they are more likely to fit in with indigenous activities and land uses. While certa in benefits from tourism may be communally share such as donations to the village improveme nt fund as well as certain facilitie s such as paved roads, the majority of goods and services will come from the private sectors, which requires entrepreneurs and small enterprises. If local businesses benefit from tourism and opportunities exist for active resident involvement in the ownership and operation of facilities, local to lerance to tourism activities is significantly enhanced. Their pa rticipation in tourism entails empowerment. Further, the emerging local organizations act as a means of power in dealing with the increased power of local authorities as an impact of decentralization in Indonesia. Supporting entrepreneurship will then help developing village-based enterprise s that can function as local development. Empowering community organizations in Sambi is seen as important strategy in local development. This strategy may also act as a means of power in dealing with the increased power of local authorities. In Sambi there is one guesthouse and some additional houses that can be used as seasonal homes. This condition reveal s the need to conduct training or workshops in hospitality. As womens groups or ganize catering for visitors, training in food needs to be considered. It is essential for the long-term su stainability of tourism resources that village planning and development ensure that the village remains connected to and responsive to a 142

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global tourism system, which will actually send visitors. Thus, workshops in village tourism management should also be considered. It is al so recommended that integrated marketing be utilized and that a promotion pr ogram be developed in order to attract visitors to Sambi. To implement the training and marketing, the Sambi tourism committee can work with GIA foundation, which has assisted Sambi in develo ping tourism for the past three years. The partnership will help Sambi to strengthen the business network as well as empower people of Sambi. Developing Village Tourism Corridors Sambi village lies in the slope of Mount Me rapi on main road from Yogyakarta to Kaliurang. Kaliurang is the main recreation site in Mount Merapi. The existence of Kaliurang acts as a magnet to attract both international and do mestic visitors. Simultaneously, it also offers an opportunity to develop cu ltural tourism destinations to bring benefits direc tly to the villages in the cultural corridors that lead to Kaliurang. It shoul d be noted that without major attractions such as Kaliurang and Mount Merapi to entice in ternational visitors in the first place, tourism cannot thrive. Sambi village and other community-b ased cultural tourism destinations cannot in and of themselves attract visitors in substantial numbers to make an impact. Therefore, the link to Kaliurang and Mount Merapi should be defined clearly. Most villages do not have enough resources a nd potential by themselves to supply all visitors needs, nor to keep th eir attention beyond a day, nor shoul d that be the goal. Not every village is suitable for every pot ential type of develo pment such as homestays, refreshment area, cultural performances, and natural attractions and so forth. It is suggested to develop a cultural corridor linking different villages around Kaliurang and Mount Merapi, each offering their own services and attractions. This may help to avoi d negative cultural, economic, or environmental distortions. Very importantly, it also helps to share the benefits from tourism among different 143

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villages, thus reducing social friction and je alousy. For Sambi, the landscape and cultural features that participants have identified may be developed as main attractions. The cultural corridors around Mount Merapi Nati onal Park and Kaliurang also he lp Sambi to cover its weak points. One weak point in Sambi is the seasona lity of the cultural events. Some traditional ceremonies can only be performed during certain times of the year. The other villages also have similar issues, as other villages may have similar ities in landscape and cultural features due to their close proximity to the slope of Mount Mera pi. The villages then can make calendars of events together by highlighting major attracti ons in each village. Similar studies can be replicated in the village corrido rs to see the intersection betw een cultural features in the surrounding villages. Recommendation for Future Research Reflexive photography with the people of Sambi has provided an inside view of what it is like to live and work in a Javanese village. This method has provided valuable data to develop a more appropriate tourism in Sambi. However si nce the data collection only took 2 months, the participants could only captured fe atures that existed at that time One participant said that he wanted to take pictures of Javanese wedding ceremony but as the wedding would take time in August, she was not able to take picture of it. Therefore, it is recommended that future study using reflexive photography should c onsider longer time to allo w participants capture more features. The participants for this st udy came from various demographic backgrounds such as length of residency, occupation, gender, and education. How each of the variables influenced their response was not covered in the study as this study focused in capturing the range of opinion about research questions. Further study then should analyze any differences based on these demographic differences. It will help us to understand how residents sense of place and their 144

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attitude toward tourism development is affect ed by those variables. Moreover, as Indonesia consists of more that fifteen thousand islands and diverse culture, it is impossible to generalize this study to a larger setting. Therefore, it is recommended that similar studies may be replicated to other villages to generate a more valuable da ta to develop a more appr opriate national tourism plan. Due to time constraints, the study only focu sed on cultural landscapes that the local community desired to share with visitors. As tour ism is a matter of host-guest relations, it will be crucial to replicate similar study with visitors. By giving visitors cameras and asking them to take pictures of cultural lands cape that they want to experience a full understanding on the discourse of host-guest relation and tourists gaze is provided (Urry, 1990). As photographs reflect photographers perspectives, it will be interesting to explain any differences in photographs taken by host community and their vis itors about elements that considered unique and important. Reflexive photography is barely used in t ourism research. This present study has shown that reflexive photography can be an alternative method in t ourism studies. Allowing local communities to take pictures of what they want to share with visitors is one pivotal step in creating communities support to tourism project. A photograph can help to bridge the cultural distance between local communities and the tour ism planners. The use of photographs also enabled the researcher to elicit information, which would be still dormant if the researcher used other word based research methods. Therefore, it is recommended that reflexive photography receive further use in investigations of tourism experiences, especially to gather detailed information on the everyday life of participants including those who have been marginalized 145

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with the tourism research process and to make th e process more enjoyable. It will then advance our intellectual capacity in tourism studies. Finally, despite care and attenti on to potential ethical issues in research that uses peoples photographs, there are questions that remained unans wered in this study; for example what if the people depicted from different opinions of these images later in life and do not want the images shown the way they have been? Future tourism research using images then should consider answering such question to help us unders tand the dynamic surrounding visual methodologies. Figure 5-1. Tourism model in Sambi 146

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Table 5-1. Possible tourism potential development Sites Possibility of tourism potential development Village Living in the house with Javane se architecture, large front yard, enjoying the facilities with authentic village style (bath, meal, sleep, evening activities Participating in and learning about ceremonial life in the village especially around agricultural activities. Learning to play gamelan, watching wayang performance Farms Studying the agriculture and fa rming; doing farm activities including helping to plant or harvest Buying decoration plan ts from residents River, ponds and valley Potential for water activities (wat er exploring, catching fish in a traditional way), relaxing Could be used for trekking activities Roads, trails Potential for trekking Campground Camping and outbound activities Cemetery Learning the meaning of local cemetery with a local guide 147

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APPENDIX A INTERVIEW GUIDE Meaning of local culture What does this picture mean? Do these pictures represent things that are important about living here for you? Which pictures are especially important? Why? What do you think about way of life in Sambi? Elements of culture to share If you were going to show people what it is like to live here which pictures will you include? Why? What kinds of things are missing? Elements of culture not to share If you were going to show people what it is like to live here which pictures will not you include? Why? What kinds of things are missing? Residents way to choose parts of culture to share or to hide from tourists Why do you choose picture A to represent someth ing that you what to share with people (tourists) instead of picture B? How does your community choose the part of your culture to share and to hide from tourists? Do you or your community have so me criteria to choose the part of your culture to share and to hide from tourists ? If yes, what are they? Demographics How old are you? Gender: What is your occupation? How long have you lived in Sambi? If not born in Sambi, where are you from? How many years of education have you had 148

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Ignatius Cahyanto earned a Bachelor of Edu cation degree in Englis h language education from Sanata Dharma University in Indonesia 2002 and a Bachelor of Arts in Indonesian literature from Gadjah Mada University in I ndonesia in 2005. Under the Southeast Asia Regional Exchange Program (SEASREP) scholarship, he represented Indonesia to attend the Asian Emporium course at the University of the Philippi nes in 2004. Before attending the University of Florida as a graduate student, he worked at th e Yogyakarta tourism board in Indonesia. He was a Fulbright scholar at the Univer sity of Florida teaching Indones ian language and culture. His work in Indonesia inspired this research. 160