Analysis of Ethnomusicological Field Recordings Using Electroacoustic Listening Methods

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Analysis of Ethnomusicological Field Recordings Using Electroacoustic Listening Methods
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Park, Joo Won
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Doctorate ( Ph.D.)
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University of Florida
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Music
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Sain, James P.
Committee Members:
Richards, Paul S.
Koonce, Paul C.
Crook, Larry N.
Fishwick, Paul A.

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electroacoustic, ethnomusicology, listening, music
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Abstract:
This study is an analysis and evaluation of ethnomusicological field recordings based on electroacoustic music listening methods. The study surveys canonical electroacoustic listening methods and ethnomusicological research methods with regards to audio ethnography. Selected electroacoustic listening methods are used to interpret existing ethnomusicological field recordings, looking at ways in which these methods help ethnomusicologists better achieve their research goals. The study reveals that electroacoustic music listening methods aid ethnomusicologists in guiding their reception and interpretation of field recordings.
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In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2008.
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Adviser: Sain, James P.

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ANALYSIS OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGICAL FIELD RECORDINGS USINTG
ELECTROACOUSTIC LISTENINTG METHODS




















By

JOO WON PARK


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

2008





































O 2008 Joo Won Park



































To my parents and wife









ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I thank my committee chair and committee members for all their help. Without them, I

could not have become the composer and researcher that I am now. I thank my colleagues and

friends from whom I have learned what it means to be in a supportive and creative community. I

also thank my wife Nina for all her support and love. Lastly, I thank God for giving me strength

when I needed it most.












TABLE OF CONTENTS


page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .............. ...............4.....


LIST OF TABLES ................ ...............8............ ....


LIST OF FIGURES .............. ...............9.....


LIST OF OBJECT S .............. ...............10....


LI ST OF AB BREVIAT IONS ................. ................. 11......... ....


AB S TRAC T ............._. .......... ..............._ 12...


CHAPTER


1 INTRODUCTION ................. ...............13.......... ......


ELM as an Analytic Tool Beyond the Electroacoustic Medium ................. .....................14
Preview of the Chapters ................. ...............16................

2 SURVEY OF CANONICAL ELECTROACOUSTIC LISTENING METHODS ................17


Reduced Listening .............. ...............18....
Acousmatic Experience ................. .. ...... ....... ..... ......... ........ .............1
Comparison of Reduced Listening and the Orientations of Audile Technique ...............21
Sound scape Li stening ................... .......... ...............22.......
Properties of Soundscape Listening .............. ...............23....
Three Listening Modes............... ...............23.
Soundm ark ................. ...............25...
Acoustic Communication ............... ... ..... ..... ....... ............... ... ........ .......2

Comparison of Soundscape Listening and the Orientations of Audile Technique .........27
Spectromorphological Li stening ................. ...............28........... ....
Indicative and Interactive Relationship .............. ...............29....
G esture ................ ...... ..... ......... .. .. .. ...... ... .............

Comparison of Spectromorphological Listening and the Orientations of Audile
Techni que ............... .. ..... ......... .. ........... ............3
Strengths and Weaknesses of Three Canonical ELMs ................. .............................32
Reduced Li stening ................. ...............3.. 2..............
Sound scape Li stening ................. ...............3.. 2......... ....
Spectromorphological Listening .............. ...............33....
Summary ................. ...............33.................

3 GOALS OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGICAL FIELD RECORDINGS ................... ...............34


Preservation of Culture ................ ..............35. .......... ....












Acoustemology ............ .. ..._... ...............36.....
Bias in Cultural Preservation............... ..............3
Communication of Personal Experience ................. ... ... ...............38
Intimate and Immediate Relationship With the Field............... ...............39.
Insider and Outsider .............. ...............40....
Document for Further Analysis .............. ...............42....
Data Beyond Notation ........._.._.. ...._... ...............42....
Data Beyond Performance ........._..... ...._... ...............44....
Summary: Fieldnotes and Field Recordings ...._.._.._ ..... .._._. ...._.._ ..........4

4 ANALYSIS OF EFR USING ELM: ANALYTIC PROCEDURE..........._.._ .........._._ ...48


Analy si s Protocol ........._..... .. .... .._.. .........._.. ............4
Building Competencies Specific to ELM Analysis............... ...............48
Application Protocols of ELM Analysis ........._._........___...... ...........4
Selection Criteria of Representative EFRs ........._..... ... ....__ ..... ... ._._.... ..........5
The Recording Must Be Accompanied by Writings Based on the Recorded Subj ect ....5 1
The EFR Must Communicate the Personal Experience of the Recordist. .....................5 1
The Recordist Must Be the Author of the Written Research. .............. .............__ ....52
The Technical Specifications of the Recording Procedure Are Documented ................52

5 ANALYSIS OF EFR U SING ELM: CASE S TUDIE S ................ ............... 53...........


Case Study I: Tanzanian Kwaya by Gregory Barz ....__ ......_____ ...........___.......5
Research Goal and Approach .............. ...............53....
Analysis of Recording Technology ............_...... .__ .....___ ...........5
Track Descriptions. ............ _...... ._ ...............56....
Application of ELM ........._.. ....__ ....__ ....__ ........ ..............59
Reduced Listening ............ ..... .._ ...............59...
Soundscape Listening................ ...............6
Spectromorphological Listening .............. ...............64....
Sum m ary .............. .. .. ......... ... ...................6
Case Study II: Lift-Up-Over-Sounding of Kaluli by Steven Feld ................. ........_..._.. ....68
Research Goal and Approach .............. ...............69....
Analysi s of Recording Technology ................. ...._._. ...............71.....
Track Descriptions ...._._. ................. ..........._..........7
Application of ELM ........._.. ....__ ....__ ....__ ........ ..............75
Reduced Listening ........._._ ...... .... ...............75...
Soundscape Listening................ ...............7
Spectromorphological Listening .............. ...............81....
Sum m ary .............. ...............83....

6 RESULTS AND REFLECTION ................. ...............85................


Effectiveness of ELMs on Supporting Goals of EFRs ............ ..... ._ .............. ..85
On Preservation of Culture .............. .........__ .. .......___........8
On Communication of Personal Experience in Fieldwork.............__ .........___.......86











On Documentation for Further Analysis .............. ...............87....
Conclusion and Suggestions for Further Research ................. ...............88...............

APPENDIX

A COMPOSITION: GAINESVILLE SOUNDSCAPE .............. ...............91....

B LIST OF AUDIO AND GRAPHIC APPLICATIONS .............. ...............93....

LIST OF REFERENCES ................. ...............94................

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .............. ...............99....










LIST OF TABLES


Table page

B-1 List of Audio and Graphic Applications Used For the Study..........._...._ ........._.._. ......93










LIST OF FIGURES


Figure page

2-1 Sound of a squeaking door is visualized in the spectrogram ................ ............. .......29

4-1 Waveform plot and spectrogram of a piano playing 440Hz ........._. ...... .....__.........50

4-2 Waveform plot and spectrogram of A) a piano playing 440Hz and B) an acoustic
guitar playing 440Hz............... ...............50.

5-1 Spectrogram of the introduction of "Natuma Ujumbe Watu." Note the continuous
presence of low frequency sound below 500Hz as well as the percussive but
reverberant sonic activity between 750-900Hz................ ...............6

5-2 Stereo waveform plot of "Medley of Two Gogo-Influenced Songs" from 3:21-3:34.
To better represent the presence and movement of the drum, equalization was used to
boost drum sounds and suppress others. .............. ...............65....

5-3 Waveform plot of the tenor parts in "Medley of Two Gogo-Influenced Songs" (7:20-
7:50). Three verses were edited out from the original track and separated by silences. ...66

5-4 Spectrogram of the tenor part in "Medley of Two Gogo-Influenced Songs" (7:20-
7:50). Three verses are separated by silences. Circles identify notable spectral
changes between the three verses. ............. ...............67.....

5-5 Standard AB and XY stereo microphone configurations .............. ....................7

5-6 Spectrogram of ulab in "A Large Men' s Collective Work Group Sing And Whoop.".....76

5-7 Spectrogram of J.S. Bach's "Wo Gott der Herr nicht bei uns halt" BWV 258 (Nordic
Chamber Choir, J.S. Bach). The vertical dotted lines show the synchronization given
each syllable of the text ................. ...............77........... ...

5-8 Spectrogram of "Fo:fo: and Miseme Sing At Their Sago Place" (00:27-00:37)............_...78

5-9 Spectrogram of a section of "Ulahi and Eo:bo Sing With Afternoon Cicadas." The
analyzed sound was equalized and normalized for a better visual representation in
the spectrogram ........... ..... .._ ...............80...

5-10 Three spectrograms showing the gradual change in the glissando shape of whistling
in "Fo:fo: And Miseme Sing At Their Sago Place." A), B), and C) are in
chronological order ................. ...............8.. 2..............

5-11 Two spectrograms of doloso:k sounds ................. ...............83...............










LIST OF OBJECTS


Obl ect


page


A-1 Gainesville Soundscape (171VB, GainesvilleSS.mp3)............... ...........9









LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

ELM Electroacoustic Listening Method

EFR Ethnomusicological Field Recording









Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

ANALYSIS OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGICAL FIELD RECORDINGS USINTG
ELECTROACOUSTIC LISTENINTG METHODS
By

Joo Won Park

May 2008

Chair: James Paul Sain
Major: Music

This study is an analysis and evaluation of ethnomusicological Hield recordings based on

electroacoustic music listening methods. The study surveys canonical electroacoustic listening

methods and ethnomusicological research methods with regards to audio ethnography. Selected

electroacoustic listening methods are used to interpret existing ethnomusicological Hield

recordings, looking at ways in which these methods help ethnomusicologists better achieve their

research goals. The study reveals that electroacoustic music listening methods aid

ethnomusicologists in guiding their reception and interpretation of field recordings.









CHAPTER 1
INTTRODUCTION

In 1984, a ballet teacher held a series of classes for the Cleveland Browns. The following

passage describes the players' comical yet effective erudition in a medium with which one can

safely assume that they had little to no experience:

Because the men were so large and powerful, Mahler ditched the barre ("They would have
ripped it out of the wall," she j okes) in favor of center exerci ses, and held the class on a
football Hield, where an athlete's large frame would not send him crashing into the wall.
The players soon discovered that ballet training delivered some real benefits. Using turnout
to rotate legs from the hips helps to strengthen smaller, more injury-susceptible muscles in
ways working in parallel can't, Mahler says, by engaging what Pilates practitioners call the
"smile muscles" beneath the gluteus and around the pelvis. By practicing changement and
tendu, players gained improved flexibility in their ankles and feet, which translated to
increased agility come game time. (Howard, Without Dance)

The analytical method proposed in this study is founded on a similar concept, that of

taking the strengths of one discipline (electroacoustic music analysis) and applying it to another

ethnomusicologicall research). While the two seem ostensibly more similar than ballet and

football, the reader will see that the two Hields have little methodological intersection or

interdisciplinary discourse. The study is based on a hypothesis that the listening methods

developed in electroacoustic music research can provide a fresh interpretation of recordings

made by ethnomusicologists. Specifically, the study proposes that electroacoustic listening

methods (ELMs) will, if adopted, help ethnomusicologists in their analyses of

ethnomusicological Hield recordings (EFRs).

Just as the technique de la barre was not the best tool for football players, there are

electroacoustic music theories that are inappropriate for the research of ethnomusicology. The

subsequent sections of this chapter will explain why ELMs are valid in the study of EFRs,

outlining a robust process of inclusion, exclusion, and modification by which ELMs will be

transformed for the purposes of this study.









ELM as an Analytic Tool Beyond the Electroacoustic Medium

Listening to disembodied sound through technological mediation is common, if not

ubiquitous, in contemporary listening practices of various cultures--most notably those which

have developed economically to the point where technological reproduction of music is the way

in which the population engages with music. Albrecht gives an example of how electronically

mediated sound has transformed the way people perceive and experience music:

Over the many millennia in which men and women have walked, danced, and sung on this
earth, music had never been communicated without the actual copresence of human beings
assuming role as musicians and participants in the process. Today, this is no longer true.
The experience of music has shifted from one in which all performance was, and had to be,
direct and interpersonal to one in which most performance is indirect and mediated by
some form of mechanical or electronic technology. It sometimes seems that only the
intoxicated, the delinquent, and the insane are still capable of spontaneously producing
song while the rest of us are much more contented with a music that is industrially
produced and commercially sustained. (Albrecht 2)

He also comments that this shift of listening habits has caused a "profound reshaping and

restructuring of human perception, thought, feeling, and culture itself" (Albrecht 1 1). For

example, Emmerson cites how the crooning voice, when amplified by microphone, could sound

comfortably close on the radio at home while at the same time could also sound intimate in a

large hall (Emmerson, Living xv). This was due to the development of electronic recording

technology in the 1920's, which paved the way for more intimate styles of singing. Devices such

as the radio and portable audio player, which were made possible by the development of the

transistor in the 1950's, make "surrogate electroacoustically designed environments" a "familiar

feature of most listeners' daily experience" (Truax, The Analysis).

If the electronic mediation of sound changed how people listen to and experience music,

then one would assume that a fruitful interpretive terrain can be gained with the use of a

properly-crafted tool to measure an imagined listener' s perception and interpretation of recorded,

amplified, and disembodied sounds. Scientific metric systems, such as Hertz and decibel, exist to









measure the physical properties of a sound, but they lack the humanistic qualities that give other

musical and cultural interpretive theories their tenability. To develop measurements along these

lines, one needs to incorporate a body of knowledge from a genre of music and philosophy that

concerns itself almost exclusively with the experience and manipulation of disembodied sound--

electroacoustic music. As Truax notes, the use of recorded sound as a primary source of

composition celebrates the "primacy of listening, the ability to extract information at different

simultaneous levels, [and] a recognition of the ability of sound to shape space and time" (Truax,

The Analysis).

The compositional and analytic methods of electroacoustic music research are potentially

applicable to other mediated, sound-based disciplines. For example, Field suggests the

application of electroacoustic music listening to the analysis of film and popular music:

Sophisticated timbral manipulation is no longer the single preserve of the electroacoustic
composer. Today, interesting new timbres can also be found in Hollywood films and
contemporary popular music, and the listening public is becoming correspondingly
accustomed to listening to timbre without first wondering what the source or cause of the
sound actually was. (Field 89)

Spectromorphology Hits Hollywood, an analysis of a film score and sound effects by Gates

and Rudy, also applies an electroacoustic theory to analyze the relationship between the fi1m

score and sound effects in a movie. However, there exists a wide analytic lacuna between

electroacoustic listening methods and the standard interpretive procedures of ethnomusicology.

This treatise seeks to bridge that gap.

Ethnomusicologists make extensive use of recorded sound in their musical analyses, but

they often do not consider the more advanced and subtle properties of sound. If recorded sounds

are to be perceived and listened to differently than live sound, analysis of EFRs need to utilize an

approach that categorizes and compares the most apparent sonic features in an electronically









mediated form. While one could potentially invent entirely new analytic mechanisms by which

this goal could be achieved, this study instead adapts three canonical ELMs to serve these needs.

Preview of the Chapters

The subsequent chapters will advance a method by which ELMs may be applied to EFRs.

This will be done in four stages:

* First, the study categorizes three canonical ELMs in Chapter 2. The characteristics of
reduced listening, soundscape listening, and spectromorphological listening are discussed.
This survey reveals that each ELM has strengths and weaknesses in detecting specific
characteristics of recorded sounds.

* Second, ethnomusicological research goals for which EFRs are created will be categorized
and defined in Chapter 3. The survey shows that EFRs by different researchers have the
common function of preserving culture, communicating personal experiences, and
representing information that cannot be easily transcribed or translated in written form.

* Third, Chapter 4 outlines analysis protocols for the application of the selected ELMs to
EFRs. The chapter explains how and why graphs and digital signal processing techniques
are used in the analyses of selected EFRs. The proposed analysis procedures would yield
the most fruitful result when they are applied to EFRs that are accompanied by
documentation of the author' s research goals and methods.

* Fourth, Chapter 5 has two case studies of published ethnomusicological scholarship. Field
recordings of Gregory Barz (Barz, Performing) and Steven Feld (Feld, Bosavi) are
analyzed with the three ELMs to show that the proposed method reveals sonic evidences
that comport with the researcher' s thesis.

The last chapter evaluates the strengths and limitations of these analytical procedures,

suggesting additional avenues for exploration. The paper concludes with an original soundscape

composition called "Gainesville Soundscape" (Appendix A). This composition is an artistic

response to many of the concepts and methodologies discussed in the chapters to follow.









CHAPTER 2
SURVEY OF CANONICAL ELECTROACOUSTIC LISTENING METHODS

This chapter surveys books, papers, and published lectures on canonical electroacoustic

listening methods (ELMs). The discussed ELMs will be used as tools of analysis for the

ethnomusicological Hield recordings (EFRs) in Chapter 4 and 5. In order to properly define and

discuss a listening method, one must first make a distinction between hearing and listening.

While one potentially hears any and all sound, listening is an interpretive act whereby one Einds

meaning in sound. In discussing listening techniques in his book The Audible Pa~st, Jonathan

Sterne states the following about the nature of technique in general:

Technique connotes practice, virtuosity, and the possibility of failure and accident, as in a
musician's technique with a musical instrument. It is a learned skill, a set of repeatable
activities within a limited number of framed contexts. (92)

Sterne points out that such characteristics are found in job-specific listening activities, such

as stethoscopic medical diagnoses, encryption and decryption of Morse code, and interpretation

of sound reproduction technologies. He names "a set of practices of listening that were

articulated to science, reason, and instrumentality and that encouraged the coding and

rationalization of what was heard" (23) as audilee technique." By articulation, he means "the

process by which different phenomena with no necessary relations to one another (such as

hearing and reason) are connected in meaning and/or practice" (24).

For a listening activity to be considered as an audile technique, Sterne suggests that the

following six orientations need to be apparent (93-94):

* Technical Skill: Ways of listening can be learned and applied at will. Listening can be
"elaborated, managed, and acted out."

* Separated Activity: Listening can be separated from other senses. "Once so separated, it
can be intensified, focused, and reconstructed."










* Reconstructs Space: Listening reconstructs "private auditory space" that can be reformed
and transformed in the listener' s mind. This reconstructed space is not necessarily a true
representation of the sound source.

* Metaphoric/Pragmatic: Sound is described through metaphoric language in audile
technique. There is no metalanguage of sound (a set of abstract and obj ective descriptions
for sonic qualities) except some words such as loud and quiet. As a consequence, audile
technique stresses "listening practice and practical knowledge through listening, rather
than formal and abstract descriptions of sound."

* Specialized for Mediated Sound: audile technique mainly deals with decoding sounds that
are distanced or removed from their social and physical origins. Audile technique treats
proximal sounds as "indices of events otherwise absent to the other senses."

* Professional Distinction: Virtuosity in listening is considered as a distinguished skill of a
profession. For example, a medical doctor distinguishes himself from other professionals
through his skill at examining a patient' s condition by medical auscultation.

These six orientations of audile technique classify various subjective responses to sound,

allowing listening to become a rational tool of analysis. While Sterne acknowledges that these

six techniques may not be the only ones possible (96), they nonetheless serve as a basis for

exploring, if not evaluating, ELMs and their use as analytical tools. The subsequent sections will

show that three canonical ELMs (reduced listening, soundscape listening, and

spectromorphological listening) employ techniques or reflect concerns parallel to those of

Sterne's audile technique.

Reduced Listening

Pierre Schaeffer's reduced listening theory is the foundation upon which all subsequent

electroacoustic audile theories have been built. Since its first publication in 1966, Traite des

Objets 2usicaux by Schaeffer has been cited in 212 scholarly j ournals as of November 2007

(Google Scholar, Traite), showing the degree to which reduced listening and other musique

concrete-related theories are thought of as canonical. As an article by Atkinson states, "the

acousmatic tradition that privileges perception and the [Schaefferian] mantra of 'primacy to the

ear' is now long established" (Atkinson 118) among electroacoustic musicians and researchers.









Camilleri and Smalley summarize the influence of Schaeffer' s theory in electroacoustic music in

the following:

The Schaefferian approach had the effect of catapulting the act of listening to the fore of
investigation, not just music listening but the phenomenon of listening as a whole.
(Camilleri and Smalley 4)

Acousmatic Experience

Reduced listening is an activity that focuses on sound as an acousmatic entity. In Traitd

des Objets M~usicaux, Schaeffer defines the term "acousmatic" in the fourth chapter as such:

"acousmatic, obj ective: referring to a sound that one hears without seeing the cause behind it"

(qtd. in Kane 17). Kane explains the origin of the term in the ancient Greek tradition of

Pythagoras in which he lectured from behind a curtain, and how "the acousmatic experience

reduces sounds to the field of hearing alone" (17). The following definition and purpose of

acousmatic experience proposed by Wishart clarifies the concept further:

[Acousmatic] refers to the apprehension of a sound without relation to its source. It was
important in Schaeffer' s development of the concept of the 'sound-object' that it be
detached from any association with its source or cause. The sound-obj ect was to be
analyzed for its intrinsic acoustic properties and not in relation to the instrument or
physical cause which brought it into being. (Wishart 41)

As mentioned above, intentional detachment from the source is crucial to the acousmatic

experience. Atkinson described this condition as "highly internalized action in the sense of

focusing all on attentive listening" (117). Schaeffer's theory assumes the need for listeners to

show a competency and skill at listening equal to that of composers and performers.

Schaeffer subsequently refined the concept of acousmatic experience by defining four

modes of listening. It should be noted that there are a variety of French words that mean

listening, so finding an appropriate translation of Schaefferian distinctions in English is difficult.

The following list uses translations from Kane' s article L'objet Sonore Maintenant: Pierre

Schaeffer, Sound Objects and the Phenomenological Reduction (18-19):










* Ecouter (to listen to): Listening for information gathering and identification of source

* Comprendre (to understand): Listening for a system of sound such as language

* Ouir (the physical act of audition): Passive, disinterested, or inattentive listening

* Entendre (to hear): active listening that selects, appreciates, and responds to particular
attributes of sounds

According to Kane, reduced listening brackets off the first two modes (19). The referential,

as well as semiotic function of sound, is thus intentionally ignored when one seeks to experience

sound acousmatically.

This main feature of Schaeffer' s theory has been both praised and criticized by

electroacoustic music researchers. While advocates of reduced listening believe that one is able

to hear a sound without reference to the source, many also state that the complete divorcing of a

sound from the obj ect that makes it is impossible. Sterne' s opinion on acousmatic experience

exemplifies the latter point of view:

Acousmatic or schizophonic definitions of sound reproduction carry with them a
questionable set of prior assumptions about the fundamental nature of sound,
communication, and experience. Most important, they hold human experience and the
human body to be categories outside history. (Sterne 20)

Kane further extends Sterne's argument by stating that pure reduced listening is idealistic

insofar as it forces listeners to ignore the indicative and communicative nature of sound (22). The

practicality of pure reduced listening, in the end, was proved to be difficult for Schaeffer himself,

as he confessed in an interview in 2001:

Unfortunately, it took me forty years to conclude that nothing is possible outside DoReMi.
In other words, I wasted my life. (qtd. in Hodgkinson 35)

Despite Schaeffer' s negative view of his own theory, the electroacoustic listening

community as a whole has adopted an acousmatic approach to listening for over a half-century.

The problem occurs when one believes that reduced listening is the only means of receiving and










interpreting electroacoustic music. As the following analyses will show, reduced listening is one

of several valid interpretive prisms through which electroacoustic music may be viewed.

Comparison of Reduced Listening and the Orientations of Audile Technique

Sterne chooses to use audilee" in his term audile technique because "it references

conditions under which hearing is the privileged sense for knowing or experiencing," and

because it connotes hearing and listening as "developed and specialized practices, rather than

inherent capacities" (96). This reasoning overlaps with Schaeffer' s goal of privileging the

activity of listening as mentioned by Atkinson and Kane in the previous sections. The following

list shows that Schaefferian reduced listening has most of the characteristics of audile technique:

* Technical Skill: One needs to cultivate his reduced listening ability through the study of
Schaeffer' stexts.

* Separated Activity: As the acousmatic experience solely depends on listening, all other
senses are suppressed while the listening experience becomes "intensified, focused, and
reconstructed." (Sterne 93)

* Reconstructts Space: As reduced listening blocks the referential nature of sounds, it allows
listeners to imagine metaphoric and abstract spaces similar to those constructed by
listeners of instrumental works. In this case, as described in Schaeffer' s fourth listening
mode (Entendre), the listener is drawn into the structure of the music and its manipulated
timbres rather than its referential and historical context.

* Metaphoric/Pragmatic: As reduced listening brackets off the first two listening modes of
ecouter and comprendre, sounds are prohibited from acting as direct references. At the
same time, acousmatic listening is a pragmatic practice that can use metaphoric language
to describe the timbral qualities of sound.

* Specialized for Mediated Sound: Reduced listening is a method specialized in the
intensification of the listening experience, especially when the sound is removed from its
original context through technological mediation, as in Schaeffer's musique concrete
works.

* Professional Distinction: Those who listen exceptionally well through reduced listening
gather in a concert or conference of electroacoustic music to apply the art of reduced
listening to compositions composed with the aesthetics of reduced-listening in mind.









Soundscape Listening

While reduced listening slowly gained credibility as a part of electroacoustic theory in

Europe, R. Murray Schafer, Truax, and other composers developed soundscape listening theory

in Canada. (To avoid confusion, Pierre Schaeffer will be referred to as Schaeffer, and R. Murray

Schafer will be referred to as M. Schafer henceforth.) It was developed on the premise that one's

everyday listening practice, without proper guidance, is insufficient to extract all of the acoustic

information encoded in an environmental sound (Truax, Acoustic Communication 18).

Soundscape composition is a genre in which Hield recordings of a specific place become

the main building blocks of a composition. It should be noted that the term soundscape refers not

only to soundscape compositions, but also to the field of sound from which soundscape

compositions are made. In this sense, the term functions similarly to the term landscape, which

refers both to a visual Hield and the genre of painting depicting visual Hields. The following

characteristics of soundscape composition, as given by Truax, show the genre's significant

emphasis on the relationship between the sounds' environment and the listener (Truax,

Soundscape 63):

* The listener recognizes source materials.
* The context of the sound is enhanced to make a network of meanings.
* The composer makes his own connections.
* The work enhances the listener' s understanding of the world.

Through emphasis on context and the recognition of the source, Truax states that the "real

goal of the soundscape composition is the re-integration of the listener with the environment in a

balanced ecological relationship" (Truax, Soundscape 63). His goal is similar to that of M.

Schafer who coined the term soundscape (Schafer, Voices 104). In the CD liner notes to The

Vancouver Soundscape, M. Schafer writes about the goal of the World Soundscape Proj ect:










The aim of the World Soundscape Proj ect is to bring together research on the scientific,
sociological and aesthetic aspects of the acoustic environment. ... The recording of
acoustic environments is not new, but it often takes considerable listening experience to
begin to perceive their details accurately. A complex sensation may seem bland or boring
if listened to carelessly. We hope, therefore, that listeners will discover new sounds with
each replay of the records in these sets. ... They are the parts of the World Symphony.
(Schafer, Vancouver)

The idea that soundscapes contain viable information on culture and nature is widely

accepted in contemporary music scholarship. In addition to 150 articles citing M. Schafer and

Truax' s books (Google Scholar, Truax and The Soundscape), one can observe the use of the term

in other disciplines, such as anthropology and ethnomusicology. Some authors seem to have

independently invented the term, but many have borrowed it from M. Schafer and Truax's

original conceptualization. For example, an article by Rice in the j journal Anthropology Todcay

uses the term soundscape to depict the acoustic environment of a hospital, specifically citing M.

Schafer' s writings (Rice 4-9). This is especially important to the present study, as it shows a

common parlance in electroacoustic and anthropological analysis with respect to the concept of

soundscape.

Properties of Soundscape Listening

Both Truax and M. Schafer create numerous terms to define and describe soundscape

theory. Truax' s Handbook for Acoustic Ecology resembles a dictionary of soundscape-related

terms while M. Schafer' s The Sound'scape includes a glossary of similar terms. The next

subsection lists and explains a selection of terms that are relevant to the soundscape listening

method. The terms introduced here will be used as tools for EFR analysis in Chapter 5.

Three Listening Modes

In his book Acoustic Communication, Truax mentions three listening modes: listening-in-

search, listening-in-readiness, and background listening. Truax's listening modes are confined to

different levels of sound-source recognition and awareness of the environment through sound. In










this way, they are elaborations of ecouter as defined in the Schaefferian lexicon of listening

modes.

If a person is using the listening-in-search mode, he is actively listening for a specific

target in an environment by filtering out all other sounds. This is the most active of listening

modes, necessitating a "conscious search of the environment for cues" (Truax, Acoustic

Communication 22). The author makes a comparison between this mode of listening and one's

listening habits at a cocktail party: a person hears only the conversation in which he is involved

despite the noisy environment filled with other voices.

A person in listening-in-readiness mode recognizes familiar sounds without searching for

any sound in particular. This mode "depends on associations being built up over time, so that the

sounds are familiar and can be readily identified even by 'background' processing in the brain"

(Truax, Acoustic Communication 22). An example of listening-in-readiness would be a "mother

being awakened by her baby's cry, but not by trucks or other noises" (Truax, Acoustic

Communication 22).

Lastly, a person in background listening mode has the most exclusive awareness of the

sonic environment as he is detecting and focusing on the sounds that "exist with low volume and

low information" (Truax, Acoustic Communication 22). These expected and predictable sounds

in an environment are called "keynote sounds". An example of background listening would be a

resident near a hospital focusing on the sound of an ambulance (Truax, Acoustic Communication

25). Truax remarks, "to a visitor, such a sound [of an ambulance] may be noticed as a signal, but

to the permanent resident, it is habitually experienced as a background sound" (Acoustic

Communication 25).










Truax's intention in defining these modes is to elucidate one's everyday listening

experience. A person might go through one or all of the mentioned modes every day, but he does

not often think about his listening experience. Without Truax's definitions, it is hard to detect,

isolate, and analyze the relationship between the sound and the listener. Once the modes are

recognized, Truax argues that, "listening-in-search and listening-in-readiness are basic processes

that must be practiced daily, like any skills" (24).

Soundmark

A person using these three modes of listening is able to detect soundmarks in his

environment. Soundmarks depict sounds that are unique to a specific location. M. Schafer

defines the term as "the sounds that have been in a particular place for a long time" (Schafer,

Soundscape 108), emphasizing the historical significance of the sound to be considered as a

soundmark. In terms of their significance, sounds that are in a particular place for a long time

may fade into the background for people who have been in the place long enough to become

accustomed to the sound. People who come from an environment in which the sound is not

present, however, will perceive it in a listening-in-readiness mode (or, if they are specifically

searching for it, a listening-in-search mode).

Recognition of soundmarks is one of the most important tasks in listening to soundscape

compositions, as a soundscape work' s building materials are in essence a series of soundmarks.

The program note of a composition called "Vancouver Soundmarks" demonstrates how the

composer guides the listeners to recognize a specific sound in a historical or cultural context:

First there is the O Canada Horn (0:14), recorded from Stanley Park approximately two
miles away from the horn. ... The O Canada Horn was first heard in Vancouver on June
19, 1967. It was the brainchild of local engineer Robert Swanson, who thought it up on his
own to celebrate Canada' s 1967 Centennial. It has been playing (in E maj or) steadily ever
since, except for a short interlude (January 26- February 10, 1972) when following a
"mixed public reaction", it was temporarily silenced. (Schafer, Vancouver)










As the above quotation suggests, a soundmark does not merely refer to a single sound

producing obj ect, but rather the historical and cultural context in which that obj ect exists. More

generally, in soundscape listening, historical and cultural background information shapes a

listener' s relation to the sound and the sources from which it emanates. This is in contrast to

reduced listening, which emphasizes the intentional suppression of both historical and cultural

information.

Acoustic Communication

Acoustic communication is a soundscape theory that emphasizes the gathering of

information through listening. Sterne, paraphrasing Truax, comments that, "listening can be an

active means of gaining knowledge of a physical environment through the apprehension of

variations in sonic characters" (97). One example of this type of listening would involve the

experience of sounds in spaces: when a person makes a sound in a reverberant room, the sound

"takes on the characteristics of the environment through the processes of reflection and

absorption" (Truax, Acoustic Communication 23). As a result, "what the listener/soundmaker

hears is a simultaneous image of self and environment" (Truax, Acoustic Communication 23).

While Schaeffer developed his theory of reduced listening specifically for the

interpretation of musique concrete, acoustic communication was developed for interdisciplinary

use. In a recent article, Truax proposed that his acoustic communication theory could be applied

as an analytical tool for electroacoustic music in general:

The theory of acoustic communication expands on these concepts [of applying soundscape
ideas to analyze other electroacoustic works] to include how information is extracted from
sounds (i.e. listening) and exchanged, both acoustically and in the modern mediated forms
of electroacoustic discourse which among many of its effects includes extension of the
sonic repertoire and their arbitrary sequencing and embedding, whether through amplified
sounds imposed on an environment or the personal layering of sounds such as with the
Walkman and iPod. (Truax, The Analysis)










Truax's explanation shows the flexibility of acoustic communication theory as an

analytical tool for listening to any type of environmental sound. The application of ELM on EFR

analysis in Chapter 5 will show that the application of acoustic communication theory extends

beyond electroacoustic music.

Comparison of Soundscape Listening and the Orientations of Audile Technique

Similar to the previous section on reduced listening, one can evaluate soundscape listening

by comparing it to Sterne's six orientations for an audile technique:

* Technical Skill: Projects such as the Vancouver Soundscape Project show that soundscape
listening and composition can be practiced and taught. As for educating listeners, M.
Schafer published soundscape teaching methods in books such as EarEEEEEE~~~~~~~EEEEEE Cleaning.

* Separated Activity: Drever points out that the purpose of the recording is to put a frame
around sound (22). "Just as a photograph frames a visual environment, which may be
inspected at leisure and in detail, so a recording isolates an acoustic environment and
makes it repeatable even for study purposes" (Drever 22).

* Reconstructs Space: This is the main feature of soundscape listening. Soundmarks and the
three modes of listening help listeners imagine and reconstruct the environment through
sound.

* Metaphoric/Pragmatic: The three listening modes focus on discovering the direct
(nonabstract) meaning of the sounds. The soundscape concept in general is premised on
valuing the referential, thus pragmatic, aspects of sound.

* Specialized for Mediated Sound: Soundscape listening is a method specialized in the
identification of sound, especially when the source is removed from its original context, as
in soundscape composition.

* Professional Distinction: While one can freely listen to and interpret soundscapes, "it often
takes considerable listening experience to begin to perceive their details accurately"
(Schafer, Vancouver).

While soundscape listening is useful in understanding our sounding environment, it fails to

meaningfully explain sounds of unknown or unclear origin. To bridge this analytic lacuna, a

listener needs an ELM specialized in detecting, describing, and analyzing such sound events.









One ELM that addresses these types of sounds can be found in Smalley's concept of

spectromorphology.

Spectromorphological Listening

Spectromorphology is a theory that has been widely accepted in the electroacoustic

community since its conception in thel980's. Smalley has defined the term in two different ways

over a 21-year period. The first quote is from 1986, and the next one is from 2007:

Spectro-morphology is an approach to sound materials and music structure which
concentrates on the spectrum of available pitches and their shaping in time. (Smalley,
Spectro-Morphology 61)

Spectromorphology is the interaction between sound spectra (spectro-) and the ways they
change and are shaped in time (-morphology). (Smalley, Space-Form 36)

In both examples, spectromorphology is defined as the change in a work' s spectral

properties over time. It is important to reiterate that spectromorphological listening is not

designed in order to identify the average, constant spectrum of a sound, but in order to recognize

and articulate how the sounds' spectrum changes.

Smalley has refined and elaborated the idea of spectromorphology in numerous articles,

establishing it as a prevalent theory in the current electroacoustic community. A Google Scholar

web search of scholarly articles based on spectromorphological concepts shows that the concept

has not only been used by Smalley, but has been explored in depth by other electroacoustic

researchers (Google Scholar, Spectromorphology). Gates and Rudy's article on using

spectromorphological methods to analyze a Hollywood film score and sound effects exemplifies

the potential of spectromorphology in analyzing and appreciating non-electroacoustic music.

One popular tool for analyzing spectral change over time in electroacoustic music is the

spectrogram (Figure 2-1). Spectrograms translate sonic information into a visual representation,

giving the researcher a way to observe and record changes in timbre over time. Although this











approach has the advantage of visually representing spectral changes in a graph-like format, the


spectrogram fails to register certain acoustic properties that can only be discerned through

critical listening. On the use of listening as an analytical tool, Smalley states that the practice of


listening must "form the foundation of any musical investigation which seeks to explain the


working of spectro-morphology" (Smalley, Spectro-Morphology, 64).


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An indicative relationship between the listener and the sound is "extra-musical." Similar to

soundscape listening, the referential and semiotic nature of sound is regarded as important in an

indicative relationship. By contrast, an interactive relationship focuses on the internal

connections between sounds. The concept of an interactive relationship grows from Smalley's

study of Schaeffer' s writings on acousmatic music and reduced listening (Smalley, Spectro-

Morphology 64). By accepting the co-existence of two viewpoints, one that is closer to

soundscape and another closer to reduced listening, Smalley developed a flexible analytic

language that can be used to evaluate a broad palette of electroacoustic music.

Smalley's indicative/interactive dichotomy can also be understood in the broader context

of semiotic theory. In Interpretation and Musical Signification in Acousmatic Listening,

Atkinson draws a connection between the ideas of Smalley and Agawu by stating that,

"Smalley's account of the indicative and interactive is not dissimilar to [Agawu' s] idea of

introversive and extroversive semiosis" (120). Agawu defines introversive and extroversive

semiosis using Jackobson's words as quoted by Nattiez (23):

* Introversive semiosis: the reference of each sonic element to the other elements to come
* Extroversive semiosis: the referential link with the exterior world

Note the similarity between introversive semiosis and interactive relationship as well as

between extroversive semiosis and indicative relationship. Smalley and Jakobson's definition of

paired terms with opposing characteristics points out that musical and extra-musical experiences

occur simultaneously and concurrently. The interplay between referential and structural

relationships of sound is in fact the goal of Agawu' s theory:

It will have emerged from this preliminary discussion that these are not two disjunct modes
of musical thought, but rather two (potentially) interesting perspectives. ... It is in the
interaction between topical extroversivee] signs and structural introversivee] signs, a notion
that might be described in terms of play, that the essence of my theory lies. (Agawu 23)









Similarly, Smalley's introversive/extroversive relationships accept that sounds used in

electroacoustic music can be dually referential and abstract. Listening to his composition

"Pentes" is an example of such experience, as one can observe in the program notes of the piece:

Pentes. The French title--slopes, inclines, ascents--was suggested by the outlines of broad
stretches in the piece, which evoke spacious landscapes. Most of the music was composed
by transforming instrumental sounds. However, the only recognizable sound source is the
Northumbrian pipes whose drone is responsible for the slowly evolving harmonies out of
which a haunting traditional melody appears. (Smalley, qtd. in Sonic Arts Research
Archive, Pentes)

Gesture

One element of spectromorphology that is not particularly emphasized in the other two

ELMs involves the detection of gesture in sound. While visual connections are intentionally

suppressed in acousmatic listening, the imagining of human gesture is essential to the experience

of many electroacoustic works. Smalley incorporates this into his theory because movement, like

spectromorphology, is only understood and appreciated as a function of time. The following

excerpt from Smalley's program notes on "Wind Chimes" expresses his aesthetic theory on

movement and gesture as elements of composition:

The piece is centered on strong attacking gestures, types of real and imaginary physical
motion (spinning, rotating obj ects, resonances which sound as if scraped or bowed, for
example), contrasted with layered, more spacious sustained textures whose poignant dips
hint at a certain melancholy. (Smalley, Impacts)

Comparison of Spectromorphological Listening and the Orientations of Audile Technique

Similar to the previous sections on reduced listening and soundscape listening, one can

compare the spectromorphological listening method with Sterne's orientations for audile

technique:

*Technical Skill: Spectromorphological composition and listening can be learned and
practiced. Articles, such as that of Young, advocate the idea that spectromorphology is a
specialized skill.










* Separated Activity: As spectromorphology is first and foremost based on reduced listening,
the listening activity is privileged above other senses.

* Reconstructs Space: Detection of gesture and indicative relationships guide listeners to
imagine a listening space. As spectromorphology depends on the appreciation of spectral
changes over time, the reconstructed space evolves dynamically.

* Metaphoric/Pragmatic: Indicative relationships acknowledge and rely on the referential
and metaphoric qualities of sound, in a similar way that soundscape listening detects
practical and nonabstract information in sound.

* Specialized for Mediated Sound: Spectromorphological listening is developed for
analyzing and appreciating acousmatic sounds.

* Professional Distinction: The process of identifying and interpreting indicative/interactive
relationships and distinguishing other characteristics of spectromorphological listening
makes it a distinguished skill. "The interactive listening relationship is indeed a specialized
acquisition which lies beyond the competence of most listeners" (Smalley, The Listening
Imagination 106).

Strengths and Weaknesses of Three Canonical ELMs

That all three ELMs are rich and distinct enough to be modes of interpretation unto

themselves is proof that no one of them is gospel. Each ELM has different attitudes and goals,

leaving listeners to choose to integrate and/or disregard each ELM according to his listening

predilections. The next section summarizes each ELM' s characteristics, evaluating their

interpretive strengths and weaknesses.

Reduced Listening

* Strengths: The acousmatic context removes a listener from what he thinks he is hearing
(source recognition). This might lead a listener to an unusual experience of familiar
sounds. Reduced listening also guides a listener to appreciate timbral and structural
qualities of both instrumental and, more importantly, non-instrumental sounds.

* Weaknesses: Disconnection between the source and culture takes effort and is impractical
if not impossible.

Soundscape Listening

* Strengths: This method detects and interprets environmental information in recorded
sounds. The method also focuses on the subj ective relationship between the sound and the
recordist, as personal experience is privileged in soundscape compositions. Soundscape










theory has an established vocabulary, which it uses in detecting and analyzing
environmental sound experience.

* Weaknesses: Acousmatic Communication' s concept of knowing the world through sound
works only if the listener has previous knowledge and experience of the relevant sound
sources. A sound that is completely foreign to the listener (or which is presented in an
unfamiliar environmental context) is difficult to categorize with soundscape vocabulary.

Spectromorphological Listening

* Strengths: Spectromorphological listening is specialized in detecting changes in both
sound and source, whether abstract or concrete, as a basis of recorded sounds. The theory
has become established as vocabulary for detecting and analyzing the details of acousmatic
somic experience.

* Weaknesses: By focusing on changes over time, spectromorphological listening does not
invite the listener to consider sound atemporally, that is, in relation to other sounds or in
relation to other interpretive networks.

Summary

The comparison of the aforementioned ELMs with Sterne's audile technique suggests

that these methods can be applied outside the genre of electroacoustic music to the broader

activity of audile interpretation. The vocabularies and theories of each ELM can be used to

detect, describe, and analyze sonic properties of recorded sounds. Of course, just as certain

ELMs are better suited for some pieces than others, so too are certain ELMs better suited for

certain audio phenomena. For example, listening to Morse code through reduced listening would

not be an effective method for telegraphers, as the appreciation of the sonic quality of the code is

not their goal.

This paper will extend the interpretive utility of the above-discussed ELMs into the

analysis of the human, cultural, and environmental information embedded in EFRs. Before doing

this, however, it is important to identify common ethnomusicological research goals with regards

to the use of EFRs.









CHAPTER 3
GOALS OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGICAL FIELD RECORDINGS

This chapter examines the various purposes of ethnomusicological Hield recordings (EFRs)

by synthesizing scholarship on this commonly-used research tool. Although the goals of

ethnomusicological Hieldwork are in a state of constant flux, the manner in which audio material

is used has remained relatively consistent-ethnomusicologi sts use recordings to archive musical

and linguistic data from the Hield as well as the experiences associated with them.

In his article Knowing Fieldwuork, Titon establishes four paradigms for ethnomusicology

(91-92); each paradigm pertains to a specific way that music and culture interface. Similar to the

way that electroacoustic music is often considered as an umbrella term for music composed for

electronic media and live electronics, Titon's four paradigms show that ethnomusicology has

sub-disciplines with different approaches for studying culture through music. Note that despite

the different goals in each paradigm, EFRs have been categorically proven to be effective means

for conducting ethnomusicological research:

* Comparative musicology: the comparative study of two music cultures (usually between
Western and non-Western music).

* Musical folklore: the preservation of folk music through recording and transcription.

* Ethnomusicology: the study of acculturation and change in music.

* Study of people making/experiencing music: the study of the music making process and its
effect through performance.

In addition to these paradigms, researchers using EFRs have three standard goals. The first

is the role of EFRs in cultural preservation. The second is the role that EFRs can play in the

communication of the ethnomusicologist' s personal experience to other researchers and listeners.

The last goal of EFR is to be a source for analysis beyond transcription and performance. While









these broad categories do not claim to encompass every function of EFR, they represent

relatively independent categories into which ethnomusicological research goals may be divided.

Before proceeding, it should be mentioned that this survey applies mainly to the EFRs

made by ethnomusicologists who embrace their personal experience and the interpretive role it

plays. The EFRs presented here share the viewpoints of ethnomusicologists who "openly address

questions of individual agency, hegemony, and the role of the ethnographer-as-author in

determining not only what is interpreted but how the researcher effects change and is changed by

experiences in the Hield" (Barz, Performing 187).

Preservation of Culture

Titon defines ethnomusicology as the study of "people making music," stressing that

"people" and "making" are equally as important as "music" (qtd. in Stock, Ethnomusicology).

The discipline is generally likened to anthropology, as Blacking discusses in his article The Study

of2an as a M~usic Maker:

Musical systems are not autonomous, and that the study of musical and music-making
therefore provides an excellent model for analyzing the invention and use of cultural
forms. (7)

EFRs act as traces of musical systems, meaning that they can be studied to understand "the

invention and use of cultural forms" (Blacking 7). The recorded sound becomes a reference to

the culture in which the sound was produced. In regards to the social significance of sound,

Sterne shares Blacking' s view; in his introduction of the subj ect of 7he Audible Past, Sterne

identifies our "audible past" as a story in which "sound, hearing, and listening are central to the

cultural life of modernity, [and] where sound, hearing, and listening are foundational to modern

modes of knowledge, culture, and social organization" (2). Sterne' s remark confirms that one of

the field worker' s tasks is to create convincing documentation of the auditory world of the Hield.









Acoustemology

Steven Feld, an ethnomusicologist whose EFRs will be analyzed in the next chapter,

defines the term acoustemology as "one's sonic way of knowing and being in the world" (Feld

and Brenneis 462). By acoustemology, Feld "wishes to suggest a union of acoustics and

epistemology, and to investigate the primacy of sound as a modality of knowing and being in the

world" (Feld, Sound Worldsl184). Acoustemology reveals one function of EFRs: they help

listeners imagine the physical space heard by the field worker.

Knowing an environment through sound can reveal cultural clues that are not observable

through other senses. Rice's article on the sound world of hospitals explores "how hospital

patients confront, conceptualize and appropriate a soundscape which pervades the environment

in which they live, and which outlasts their attempts at escape" (Rice 6). Rice also explores "how

the acoustic dimension of the hospital is heightened by a relative deprivation of other sensory

modalities" (9). He then concludes by stating that his study is a demonstration of how sonic

information is an important part of anthropological study. Note that Rice's statement echoes the

epistemological concerns found in Feld's definition of acoustemology:

This study emphasizes the significance of sound in human experience in terms of both
knowledge and imagination. In doing so, it stresses the immediate relevance of sonic
meaning to ethnographic inquiry, and the need to nurture auditory idioms in the quest for
anthropological knowledge and interpretation. (Rice 8)

It is worth noting that the definition of acoustemology is remarkably similar to the one

given for acoustic communication in soundscape theory ("gaining knowledge of a physical

environment through the apprehension of variations in sonic characters" (Sterne 97)). This is not

a coincidence as Feld was involved with M. Schafer's research group. In his interview, Feld

informally remarks that he was "a kind of ethnographic sidekick to [the soundscape] crowd"

(Feld and Brenneis 466) led by M. Schafer, and that he has used recordings from The World









Soundscape Project in his teaching (466). The evidence of Feld's expertise with soundscape can

be found in his usage of soundscape terms such as "hi-fl soundscape" and "acoustic ecology" in

his published articles (Feld, Aesthetics 86-88).

Bias in Cultural Preservation

In 1964, Merriam stated ethnomusicologyy aims to approximate the methods of science,

insofar as that is possible in a discipline which deals with human behavior and its products" (37).

If his statement were true, the sonic documentation of the culture should follow the scientific

method, which demands the clear separation of the agent performing the experiment and the

obj ect on which the experiment is being performed. Even in cases where scientists perform

experiments on themselves, the distinction is made between the parts of them to which the

experiment pertains and the parts that, ideally, will be carrying out the methodology from which

the experiment draws its validity. This comports with the scientific ideal that any successful

experiment should, given the same conditions, be reproducible.

However, by the nature of the field recording and the recordist, some ethnomusicologists

acknowledge that erasing the trace of the "observer" or "collector" in EFRs is impossible,

making each recording unique and therefore incompatible with the above-mentioned

methodological constraint. Some even argue that the transmission of musical knowledge is only

possible insofar as it is communicated through an artistic response to the music of others.

Feldman supports this viewpoint by stating that, "for ethnomusicologists, unlike anthropologists,

blending art and ethnography is a time-honored practice in the field work stage" (Feldman 29).

During fieldwork, an ethnomusicologist might choose to emphasize one sound over

another by the placement of microphones. Fales observes that, as a result of microphone

placement, a recording of Barundi music by Merriam in the 1950s focuses on the

accompaniment rather than the main vocal part:









As is often the case with African music, the Barundi assign primary importance to the
vocal text, though its real significance according to musicians, lie not so much in its
meaning, but in the whisper that articulates it and particularly in the effect of the combined
timbres of the noisy whisper and the inaga. Merriam's tapes, however, show a consistent
tendency to position the microphone so close to the inaga, that the text is often muffled
and inaudible. It is difficult to escape the conclusion that Merriam was more interested in
virtuosic inaga playing--in the accompaniment, that is--than he was in the whispered
vocals by which the Barundi define the genre. (Fales 56)

Such recordings may portray a personalized, and perhaps biased, view to listeners who

wish to use EFRs as sources of research. Fales' acoustic analysis of Merriam' s Hield technique

also indicates a partial confluence between ethnomusicological research methods and the tenants

of various ELMs.

While the recording and preserving of culture is an important function of

ethnomusicological research, it is not their only role. In the last chapter of Main 1~l in the Field,

Barz and Cooley question the reader as to whether documentation is the main role of Hield

research (209), revealing in the process the ethnomusicologist' s role as an interpreter of culture

through sound. Thus, the goal of Hield research, as well as that of ethnomusicology as a whole, is
both the interpretation and documentation of "people making music"(ioqdinSck


Ethnomusicology).

Communication of Personal Experience

As early as 1964, ethnomusicologist Bruno Nettl remarked that fieldwork is the "most

personalized aspect of ethnomusicological research" (Nettl, Theory and Method 64). The

archiving of personality in fieldwork is not only accepted in contemporary ethnomusicology, but

is celebrated and encouraged by many ethnomusicologists of the 1960's and later. The following

statement of Barz from 1997 exemplifies such a viewpoint:

...contemporary ethnomusicology is challenged in many unique ways, most importantly to
listen, feel, question, understand, and represent in ways true to one's own experiences.
(Barz and Cooley 208)









The statements from Nettl and Barz reflect a move towards a more subjective brand of

inquiry in anthropology and ethnomusicology. EFRs thus can be considered as representations of

what the researcher has experienced at a particular time and context. The following subsections

survey aspects of the personal experience often engraved in EFRs.

Intimate and Immediate Relationship With the Field

EFRs can potentially document the ethnomusicologist's relation to the field. The authors of

ethnomusicological scholarship often dedicate a significant number of pages to inform readers

how they became "insiders" by befriending those from the cultures they research and studying

the music from their point of view. As an example, Barz j oined a Tanzanian church choir called

a kwaya, his main subj ect of research in the 1990's, to investigate "what it means to belong to a

kwaya community, a unique and specialized layer of cultural history(-ies) that are an integral part

of the concept of 'kwaya"' (Barz, Performing 8). By cultivating an intimate relationship with the

people in the field, ethnomusicologists can access aspects of a culture's music that are not

usually detectable by people who are not close to the subj ects. An in-depth analysis of Barz' s

recordings will be used as an example to support this statement in Chapter 5.

The function of EFRs in this situation is to capture the unique relationship an

ethnomusicologist has with the field and deliver it to the listener. Feld's approach to recording

the Kaluli people of Papua New Guinea' s Bosavi Mountain area serves as an example of this

function:

The recording takes you there, into that place, and you can have a very sensuous, affecting,
feelingful relationship with voice and place by listening. That' s the best I can do, an
anthropology of sound in and through sound, a representation of culture that is both a
pleasure and an intellectual provocation, that gets your ears as close to the Bosavi world as
I can get them. (Feld and Brenneis 468)

As stated in the last sentence of Feld's quote, an EFR brings the listener' s ears as close to

the field as an ethnomusicologist can get them. If a regular recording cannot take the listeners










close enough to the lives of the Kaluli, Feld often edits and mixes his recordings in order to

convey his personal listening experience as an insider. Such cases as this one will be discussed

and analyzed in a later chapter.

The method by which an ethnomusicologist communicates his personal experience of an

EFR may be deduced from his articles and program notes. The written notes accompanying a

recording often reference the ethnomusicologist's initial Hield experience, creating not only a

personal j journal or memoir of the experience, but a frame through which listeners can focus on

the event. Titon elaborates:

If we believe that knowledge is experiential and the intersubj ective product of our social
interactions, then what we can know arises out of our relations with others, both in the
Hield and among our colleagues where we live and work, and these relations have an
ineluctably personal aspect to them. The documents (texts) that we and our friends [the
ethnomusicologists and local people in the Hield] generate in the Hield have a certain
immediacy to them--field notes, photographs, recordings--that remind us, when we are
no longer in the Hield, of those relationships. (Titon 95)

Insider and Outsider

As previously discussed, acoustemological interpretations of EFRs give listeners cultural

and spatial cues about a specific location. It should be noted that the reception of cultural

information differs from one individual to another depending on one's knowledge of and

closeness to the environment. An individual's understanding of the world through sound varies

depending on whether he is, in ethnomusicological terms, an insider or an outsider. An insider

belongs to culture X and identifies with the music of culture X as if it were his own. An outsider

belongs to culture Y and experiences the music of culture X as a foreigner. The

ethnomusicologist begins his research as an outsider, but increasingly fits the profie of an

insider as he develops a deeper relationship with the community. In successful Hieldwork, an

ethnomusicologist gains the perspectives of both insider and outsider.









Barz's remark on the process of becoming an insider in his field exemplifies this view.

When studying lovaya culture, Barz remarked on how, as a non-lovaya member, he felt separated

from the group and on how his isolation influenced his methodology:

At the time I began observing the Kwaya, they were gathering four evenings each week in
addition to their regular Sunday service. I became increasingly uncomfortable, however,
with the distance--both physical and methodological--I was creating by the direct
observer-observed model I had adopted, and I quickly switched my research strategy to
one of participant-observation. (Barz, Performing 24)

When the author j oined the group, he gained different perspectives into the music he was

researching. Barz remarks that performing with the people of lovaya was the most rewarding and

productive approach (24).

While in Barz's experience one can see a clear distinction between insider and outsider, the

difference between the two is not always clear. Consider the following passage from Nettl's

essay Redefining the "Field", in which he takes an ethnomusicological approach to Western/Pop

music and the playing of music from other cultures in one' s "home":

You are, for example, an American, a Midwesterner, an urban resident, an Italian
American (and thus maybe also an "Italian"), a teenager, a female, a member of factory-
worker family, and more. And if you are an ethnomusicologist to boot, one asks to what
musical cultures you qualify as an insider--whether as a "Westerner" you are an inside to
all Western music, whether as a resident of Prague you are an insider of the Czech village
twenty miles away, whether as Navaj o scholar you are an insider to all Native American
culture, or as a woman insider to all woman's music. (Nettl, The Study 186)

Nettl also notes that this ambiguous line between the insider and the outsider is due to the

fact that each person "possesses numerous identities, and thus [has], as it were, numerous

music" (186). Barz was also cautious to say that he does not suggest that insider/outsider are the

only states in which one may be considered with respect to a culture:

Perhaps a better way of understanding my negotiation between insider and outsider would
be to treat it as a cultural adoption, since I did not, in fact, grow up in the culture of a
Tanzanian kwaya community (Barz, Performing 25).









The insider/outsider scheme is thus a reductive analytical tool used by ethnomusicologists

to distinguish different points of view that, in reality, exist along multivariate gradients.

Creators and listeners of EFRs can therefore act simultaneously as insiders and outsiders.

An EFR can represent an insider' s view on the music and environment of a culture for an

audience of outsiders. Especially in Feld' s case, recording is a representation of the way he has

come to hear the Hield (Feld, From Ethnomusicology). At the same time, an ethnomusicologist

can benefit from listening to his Hield recordings as an outsider so that he may investigate aspects

not seen from the inside.

Ethnomusicologists, as specialized listeners and interpreters of EFRs, need to learn the

difference between listening from the inside or the outside. Yamada, who is identified as one of

the "next generation of rain-forest sonic researchers" by Feld (Feld and Brenneis 466), has not

himself recorded the sound of the Bosavi. However, in his review in The Contemporar Pacific

of Feld' s recording of the Bosavi, he acknowledges and understands that the recording was

produced with Feld's viewpoint as an insider:

Disc II: Sounds and Songs of Everyday Life aurally sketches the Bosavi's rich acoustic life,
including sounds heard when felling trees and scraping sago pith; human voices singing
with sounds of cicadas, waterfalls, and birds; and the sound of a Jew's harp played for self-
entertainment, for example. Producing and listening to sounds are unquestionably at the
center of Bosavi life. In particular, Feld closely examines the interaction between the
sounds of people and the sounds of the rainforest. For Bosavi people the rainforest
soundscape, with its innumerable varieties of sound, is the quintessential musical source
that provides inspiration for their sound- and song-making. (Yamada 532)

Document for Further Analysis

Data Beyond Notation

The early years of ethnomusicology concentrated on transcription of oral/aural (and often

non-Western) music into Western notation. Once transcribed, the music was analyzed according

to Western theoretical norms. More recently it has become generally accepted that transcription










(especially into Western notation) is not able to capture the many intricacies of non-Western

music. Surveying intranscribable musical information using Western notation is beyond the

scope of this paper--Feld' s story about his first exposure to a Papua New Guinean funeral

summarizes the large body of information that can be detected and decoded only through

auditory perception:

I didn't understand the language. I didn't know anything [about Papua New Guinea in
1973]. So here I am, wham! With big Nagra and headphones and microphone sitting
among all these people who were weeping. I just sort of closed my eyes and listened and
realized that I could easily spend a year trying to Eigure out the first sounds I was hearing.
So much was going on with the sound and social patterning, in the relationship between
emotion and sonic form and structure and organization. And then, there was the question
of funerals, the connections with sociality, the importance in Melanesia of the way worlds
and obj ects stand in for person. All of that just slammed me in the head within a couple of
hours of being in Bosavi. (Feld, Doing Anthropology 464)

Beginning with this event, Feld spent twenty-Hyve years researching the sound and culture

of the Bosavi people of Papua New Guinea. One result of his research is a CD named Voices of

the Rainforest (1991), produced by Mickey Hart, the drummer of the Grateful Dead. In this

recording, Feld does not hesitate to use studio techniques to interpret and represent the

relationship between the human-created sounds of the New Guineans and the environmental

sounds of the rainforest:

In a live environment, the human ear can zoom in on the sound of an insect or a stream. To
re-create that kind of hearing, Feld and Jeff Stirling (Hart' s mix engineer at Studio X) took
digital samples of Feld's close-up recordings of such details and mixed them into the
soundscape "to bring the birds as alive and into the audio foreground as they are in Kaluli
musical imagination and experience." (Signell 337)

While the transcription of oral traditions into visual representations might be useful at an

abstract level, Feld' s recordings show that the social/anthropological implications of the sound

are almost impossible to capture in notation. The transcriptions are used in the structural

analysis of the researched music and the determination of its pitch and/or rhythmic relationships.









In researching the sounds of hospitals, Rice draws the conclusion that transcription of their

sound into Western notation is almost impossible given their non-instrumental, environmental

nature :

I have tried to establish here that the hospital soundscape is not composed of meaningless
scraps of sound. Rather, the acoustic elements which constitute the soundscape are the
products of particular medical practices embedded in the discourse of biomedicine.
Patients have endowed these sounds with complex meanings, such that the soundscape has
become a symbol, a sonic articulation of the patients' position. (Rice 8)

Rice's observations also describe the space in which the sounds of a hospital resonate. The

transcription of field recordings into Western notation fails to describe the space, as the spatial

quality of the field is "difficult to convey in a written ethnography" (Feld and Brenneis 465).

Where transcription into notation fails to capture the sensuality of the space, video

recordings can be used to augment and further articulate the qualities of space communicated

through sound. Nevertheless, there are fieldwork situations in which visual recording is

ineffective, such as with nocturnal sounds. One can visually record a nocturnal scene using

artificial lighting adequate to reveal the visual events, but this is not how one would experience

the event in the dark. The lighting would also change the aural world as it changes the visual

environment in which the music is performed. The absence of visual cues can actually serve to

heighten the experience as it engages listeners with the aural discrimination of space and source.

Rice gives a good example of a situation with a patient who experienced the death of a fellow

hospital room patient from behind a curtain separating their two beds:

The vividness with which Gordon [the patient] experienced the sound in this account is
heightened by an absence of other available sensory information. Indeed, the sound took
on a more affective quality because of the dearth of other sensory modalities. (Rice 5)

Data Beyond Performance

Titon' s fourth paradigm (study of performance and the music making process), compared

to recording or transcription, gives ethnomusicologists the opportunity to learn how to










experience sound physically and interactively. However, when following this paradigm, there is

the chance that the recreation of the original work through performance could result in a

substantially different final result because of its removal from its original context. This problem

arises because of numerous factors, including the lack of performer ability, incorrect

transcriptions, and the difficulty of recreating the inherently ephemeral qualities of the original

work.

EFRs, by the nature of their medium, bypass the risk of incorrectly reproducing the

original music by relying solely on observation and transcription of the original performance. A

recording frames and plays back the sound for a theoretically infinite number of repetitions

without making a "mistake" or creating "variations." This is not to say that recordings are

flawless--one tends to view, without question, the recorded sample as representative of how the

sound event is commonly performed, thereby ossifying an inherently dynamic sound-making

procedure. Nonetheless, recordings allow listeners to focus and reconstruct the sound of a

performance space. In addition, EFRs contain information about the performance's original

context, which cannot be easily reproduced on a concert stage or in a classroom. Feld's "Ulahi

and Eo:bo Sing With Afternoon Cicadas" is a good example of just such a recording. While

Kaluli songs might be learned and recreated outside the Bosavi rainforest, the specific

soundscape of the forest--with its birdsongs, cicadas, and waterfalls--is impossible to replicate

on a stage without considerable effort and expense. An in-depth analysis of this recording will

be presented in Chapter 5.

In some cases, EFRs and the music (and perhaps sound) they convey are the only way to

learn about certain cultures. If we want to learn and perform the music of a culture but are unable

to invite a master from the region (let alone an entire ensemble), analysis of an EFR is a viable










alternative. Even more importantly, EFRs preserve a unique historico-cultural moment that

cannot be revisited.

Summary: Fieldnotes and Field Recordings

The following are quotations from Barz's article Confr~onting the Field(Notes) In and Out

of Field denoting the purpose of fieldnotes in ethnomusicological research:

One of the principal purposes of any fieldnote is to support the foundation of both initial
experiences) and ultimate interpretationss, acting as an adjustable fulcrum of sorts. (54)

Fieldnotes are a physical link, the trigger of memory, the sentimental reminder, or the
source for new ideas and "translations." (57)

Writing this fieldnote and rereading it now allows me to re-experience this moment [at the
field], triggering many of the same conflicted emotions I felt. (61)

[Fieldnotes] function as an intermediary point that links the processes of ethnography back
to the processes of field research. (49)

Although Barz is specifically discussing a written form of fieldnotes, EFRs can serve the

same function in field research. Consider replacing "fieldnotes" with "EFRs", "writing" with

"recording", and "reading" with "listening." One sees a remarkable coherence between the

methods discussed in this chapter and Barz's conceptualization of fieldnotes. The following list

reiterates functions of EFR using Barz's language:

* One of the principal purposes of any EFR is to support the foundation of both initial
experiences) and ultimate interpretationss, acting as an adjustable fulcrum of sorts.

* EFRs are a physical link, the trigger of memory, the sentimental reminder, or the source
for new ideas.

* Recording an EFR and listening to it allows the author to re-experience the field, triggering
emotions he felt at the moment.

* EFRs function as an intermediary point that links the processes of ethnography back to the
processes of field research.

It should be noted that Barz also identifies unique characteristics of written fieldnotes that

are not present in any other format of communication. Fieldnotes, by their very nature, give










researchers a chance to reflect and rethink on their experience outside of real-time. He notes that

"fieldnotes stimulate reactions and remain an abstracted site for personal reflection and for the

formation of original ideas, differing from other forms of reflections in that notes involve the

observer in a physical process of organizing thoughts, ideas, and reactions to events in a uniquely

visual way" (52).

While EFRs do not afford the analyst the same opportunities for reflection as fieldnotes,

they instead provide data that can only be conveyed in the auditory realm. The next two chapters

will discuss how ELMs can reveal these elements in EFRs.









CHAPTER 4
ANALYSIS OF EFR USING ELM: ANALYTIC PROCEDURE

In Chapter 2, listening methods for electroacoustic music were discussed with reference to

their utility in:

* The interpretation of sonic parameters abstracted from their sound-making sources
(reduced listening)

* The detection of spatial and cultural information through sound (soundscape listening)

* The recognition of spectral and gestural changes over time (spectromorphologi cal
listening)

Chapter 3 classified the various methodological goals of ethnomusicological Hield

recordings. As material for research, these recordings archive cultural phenomena, personal

experiences, and information that cannot be easily transcribed or translated in written form.

The purpose of this study, then, is to discuss the ability of various ELMs to detect and

categorize sonic information in EFRs that pertain to the above-mentioned ethnomusicological

research goals. In order to do so, this chapter will establish procedures for analysis regarding

both the application of ELMs to EFRs as well as the selection criteria by which the EFRs for this

study have been chosen.

Analysis Protocol

The procedure for the use of ELMs in EFR analysis is comprised of two principal stages.

The first stage requires that the analyst research the context and technical features of the EFR

being analyzed. Following this, each of the three ELMs is applied to the EFR to distinguish

features that are not easily discerned by other analytic methods.

Building Competencies Specific to ELM Analysis

While it is clear that all practicing ethnomusicologists are equipped with the research

methods necessary to familiarize themselves with a given topic (and, by extension, the EFRs










pertaining to that topic), analysts of EFRs may not be acquainted with the specific body of

knowledge needed to conduct a meaningful analysis using ELMs. The purpose of this section is

to outline the methods by which an analyst can best prepare himself to conduct ELM-based

analyses.

First, the analyst should understand how the recorded events are described and referenced

in the written documentation. An author's comments and reflections can reveal the attitudes and

perspectives he holds about sound obj ects and offer clues as to how to listen to an EFR. Second,

with developments in recording technology, it becomes important as well to know the

technological limitations of the recording equipment used by Hieldworkers and how these

limitations affect the fidelity (frequency range, stereo image, signal-to-noise ratio, etc) of EFRs.

By the end of this process, the researcher should be fluent at describing how the recording was

produced.

Application Protocols of ELM Analysis

Each of the analyses in Chapter 5 presents findings based on reduced listening, soundscape

listening, and spectromorphological listening (in that order). Most of the subsections include

graphs that involve the modification of EFRs using digital signal processing techniques. In order

to be read properly, these graphs require certain methodological qualifications and explanations.

Waveform plots and spectrograms will be used to represent visually what is heard in an

EFR through an ELM (Figure 4-1). These two forms of graphic representations are especially

useful in documenting changes in sonic properties over time. Although the idea of using

spectrograms in ethnomusicological research is not new, it is neither widespread. Of all the

articles published in the journal Ethnomusicology for the past 10 years, only three articles, by

Schneider (2001), Fales (2002), and Latartara (2005), contain spectrograms.



















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Selection Criteria of Representative EFRs

Rather than choose a diverse array of ethnomusicological scholarship, the case studies are

limited to EFRs that meet the following four criteria. These criteria are not designed to limit the

body of scholarship to which ELMs are applicable, but rather suggest the types of scholarship for

which these methods will prove most useful.

The Recording Must Be Accompanied by Writings Based on the Recorded Subject

As Barz points out in his research, "the process of writing notes in the Hield presents a

significant opportunity to pivot between experience and understanding, explanation and

knowing" (Barz, Confronting 46). In other words, the writing is reflective, interpretive, and

explanatory by its nature. Understanding these qualities in the written documentation is an

important preparatory step for the undertaking of any ELM analysis, as the text often explains

why and how a particular EFR is used in an ethnomusicological study. The lack of written

documentation would require undertaking a laborious inquiry into the justification and context of

a recording that is beyond the scope of this paper.

The EFR Must Communicate the Personal Experience of the Recordist

As previously stated, there is a school of ethnomusicology that seeks to suppress the

influence of a researcher in audio ethnography, striving instead to present an unbiased view of

the research subj ect. In order to show the degree to which a recordist' s personal biases are

reflected in an EFR, this study is limited to EFRs where the recordist has signaled in some way

the desire to convey his experience through the recording. One can imagine that the three ELMs

may also be used to detect unintentional biases in EFRs. However, speculative claims such as

those, while interesting and often provable to an extent, fall outside of the purview of this study.









The Recordist Must Be the Author of the Written Research

An EFR does not necessarily represent the author' s personal experience if different

researchers created the writing and the recording. The recordist's personal attachment to the

recorded subj ect is a valuable parameter by which an EFR may be understood; ELMs allow one

to identify qualities of these personal relationships that are manifested through sound.

The Technical Specifications of the Recording Procedure Are Documented

Knowledge of the recording equipment and production procedure of an EFR can be

valuable in evaluating the strengths and limitations of the recording and editing techniques.

Albrecht summarizes this idea as the following:

Just as our eyes, ears, and brains limit and define the kinds of thing we can see, hear, and
think, the various techniques and technologies that we have involved limit and extend the
kinds of information available to us and shape our capacities for organizing and
manipulating them. (Albrecht 6)

It should also be noted that more recent EFRs do not necessarily use more updated and

advanced technology than older ones do. Myers comments that some researchers since the 1970s

have chosen to use amateur-level recording gear over newly developed technology such as

digital portable recorders (85). Because of this incongruity between historical moment and

technological means, it is even more important that a recordist' s limitations and choices are

known at the outset--for example, a recordist' s indifference to the technology he is using may

provide valuable clues as to the failing of an EFR in representing his field experience.










CHAPTER 5
ANALYSIS OF EFR USING ELM: CASE STUDIES

This chapter presents analyses of two EFRs using the procedures developed in Chapter 4.

Although the analyzed recordings are not included with this document, they are commercially

available (refer to the List of References for publisher information). To indicate the specific

timings of a musical selection, this chapter uses minute:second notation. For example, an excerpt

ranging from 3 minutes 30 seconds to 3 minutes 40 seconds on a given track will be written as

3:30-3:40. The case studies also incorporate email correspondences with Barz and Feld

conducted on February 18, 2008 and March 5, 2008 respectively.

Case Study I: Tanzanian Kwaya by Gregory Barz

The first case study analyzes Barz's recording from his book Performing Religion:

Negotiating Pa~st and Present in Kwaya M~usic of TaTnzania. The collection of EFRs on the

book' s accompanying CD is of particular interest to this study because it supports several

conclusions that Barz makes in the first half of the 1990's about the musical and everyday

activities of kwaya, a Tanzanian religious vocal group. This case study will show how the

application of ELMs to Barz' s recording can enhance our understanding of the relationship

between colonial, missionary, and Tanzanian culture in kwaya music and performance practice.

Research Goal and Approach

Barz notes that the purpose of his study is not simply to document and archive kwaya

music, but rather to draw conclusions about the music's relation to values brought to the region

by colonizing and globalizing forces. Specifically, he seeks to connect these values to the

urbanization and socioeconomic state of the Tanzanian Lutheran community:

While my study of Tanzanian Lutheran kwaya communities focuses on the influences of
colonial, missionary, and national histories on and within contemporary kwaya
performance, it also reflects many more general issues of urbanization: how wanakwaya









react to and deal with economic and social hardships within their everyday lives,
specifically issues related to urban displacement. (Barz, Performing 7)

Specifically, Barz categorizes this tension as one between spirituality and disaffection

(106). By "spirituality," Barz means the religious and communal intimacy of the musical

performance and its related activities. "Disaffection" is used in order to invoke "a dialogue

between contemporary Christian worship in Tanzania and the historical exploitation of East

Africa by both colonial and missionary forces. This dialogue includes the voices of religious

conversion and cultural domination, as well as ongoing cultural mediation and accommodation

that occur in everyday life of post-independence East Africa" (106).

In formulating and executing his research goals, Barz implicitly advocates the need for an

intimate relationship with the lovaya members in order to substantiate his claims. The purpose of

this case study is not to assess the validity of such a goal, but rather to assess whether the

archiving techniques used were an appropriate means by which the conclusion was reached and

if the final recording substantiates (at least partially) the conclusion and/or offers other

ethnomusicological information. To this end, the author facilitates his research by becoming a

member of a lovaya community:

I began my field research on the music and meanings of kwaya communities by j oining a
prominent kwaya in Dar es Salaam, Kwaya ya Upendo, led by composer Gideon Mdegella.
Under Mdegella's leadership and guidance I was introduced to and became intimately
involved with the everyday expressive culture in Tanzanian Christian churches. (Barz,
Performing 7)

Barz continues, "by j oining a lovaya and becoming a mwan~alovya (member of kwaya)

myself, I approached an understanding of what it means to belong to a lovaya community, a

unique and specialized layer of cultural history(-ies) that are an integral part of the concept of

'Invaya"' (8).









Traditional analyses involving transcription of music sung by kwaya is not a concern of

Barz' s. Instead, numerous photographs of performances and diagrams of performance practices

indicate that Barz emphasizes the study of performance. As the title of the book implies, the

study and recognition of performance context is crucial to a deeper understanding of the kwaya:

I intentionally move beyond music-as-sound and invoke a synthesis of expressive culture
that includes dance, music, theater, liturgy, and ritual. By focusing on performance, I
intentionally enlarge the boundaries of kwaya to include the performance of social identity.
(Barz, Performing 28)

Analysis of Recording Technology

Barz dedicates a portion of the book' s preface to an explanation of how the accompanying

CD was produced (xiii). While some ethnomusicologists choose to present their field recordings

with minimal editing, Barz edited and processed his recordings significantly. With the help of a

studio engineer, the "technical deficiencies" of the original recordings, such as tape hiss, were

removed in order to enhance the presence of the main subj ect "while retaining much of the

beauty of the live atmosphere inherent in the original recordings" (xiii).

The author also describes the specifications of the audio equipment he used during the

fieldwork:

The field recordings used for this CD were originally recorded by the author on
audiocassettes using a Sony Pro Walkman and either a Sony single point stereo
microphone or a line level signal from a phonograph record. These cassettes were then
transferred to ProTools using an Apogee Rosetta 24-bit converter. (xiii)

By the time Barz made his recording in the field, various higher-fidelity substitutes existed

for the maj ority of the equipment that he chose to use. For example, he did not use a portable

DAT recorder, an available technology with better sound quality. However, the stereo capability

of the Sony microphone enabled him to capture the spatial information of the field. The

portability of the small recording gear would also have been appropriate for his research

approach of performing as a member of kwaya. In summation, despite possible technical









disadvantages, the evidence of a successful mastering session and Barz's success at capturing the

general ambience of the field show that the quality of the recording is good for research.

Track Descriptions

The analysis s of Barz' s recordings undertaken in thi s case study uses previously-di scussed

ELMs in order to provide further information about the kwaya, both extending Barz's

conclusions and formulating new ones that may be orthogonal to his research goals. The three

ELMs in this case study will be used to define and/or imagine sonic symbols that represent

Tanzanian culture, look for sonic clues about the intimacy between the author and kwaya, and

identify sounds related to physical movement and the space in which the music was performed.

While there are 15 tracks of different kwaya events, this case study analyzes only tracks 3,

4, and 5. These three tracks are cited in chapter 2 of the book East Afr~ican Kwaya 2usic and' the

Colonial and Missionary Encounter as the "vignettes" of kwaya performances. They were

recorded during kwaya competitions known as ma;shindanoddd~~~~~~ddddd ya kwaya, where different kwayas

gather to compete in a local church. In addition to being an observer of the event, Barz was also

a judge-a crucial interpretive prism through which he heard the music.

The first vignette is a recorded performance of a Lutheran hymn sung in the Tanzanian

language. The preface to the book has the following description about the event:

Track 3 "Mahili ni Pazuri" ["This Place is Beautiful"], congregational singing, kwaya
competition, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.

This recording begins with the second verse of an old German hymn, "Wie lieblich ist' s
hienieden," performed by the congregated kwayas gathered to compete at a local kwaya
competition. (Barz, Performing xiv)

Tracks 4 and 5 represent a similar engagement with the subj ect, reflecting Barz's role as a judge

in the competitions:

Track 4 "Natuma Ujumbe Watu" ["I Send a Message to the People"], Mikocheni Anglican
Church Kwaya, kwaya competition, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania









The kwaya from Mikocheni Anglican Church competes in a local competition by
performing a song accompanied by women pounding large pestles in mortars.

Track 5 Medley of Two Gogo-Influenced Songs, Kwaya ya Vij ana, Kariakoo Lutheran
Church Kwaya, kwaya competitions, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania

These two performances by the kwaya ya vij ana from the Kariakoo Lutheran church draw
on performance practices (melodic, harmonic, and instrumental) of the WaGogo people of
central Tanzania) within the context of a kwaya competition. (Barz, Performing xiv)

While this short description of the tracks does not indicate the recording date and time,

Barz later identifies "Mahili ni Pazuri" as having been recorded at Kariakoo Lutheran Church,

Dar es Salaam on Sunday, November 28, 1993 (32), "Natuma Ujumbe Watu" at St. Alban's

Anglican Church, on Sunday, June 19, 1994 (34), and "Medley of Two Gogo-Influenced Songs"

at Kariakoo Lutheran Church on Sunday, October 17, 1993. From Barz' s photographs of the

performance space, it seems probable that the room acoustics heard in the recording are that of

the actual large church without any synthetic reverberation.

Writing about the first of the three vignettes in his book, Barz describes the ambience of

the judging table in the church, giving us clues about his spatial orientation to the performance as

related to his adjudicative role. Barz describes his engagement with this role (and, by extension,

his spatial orientation):

The three waamuzi [judges] are led out through a side door near the front of the church to
three official chairs with kneelers and bookstands in front of them. The three of us are very
much on display. The "audience" consists primarily of the seven competing kwayas
themselves, and directly in front of the waamuzi are three rows of seating for designated
"VIPS"--clergy, media, foreign guests, etc. The atmosphere in the church by now is
charged with energy. (Barz, Performing 62)

The author also writes about the sound quality and proj section. His notes on the building' s

materials and architecture hint at the room's acoustics:

The sounds of the hymn "Mahili ni Pazuri" immediately fill the church, by then packed to
near capacity with 16 Kwayas and their supporters. All kwayas sing the original four-part
harmony of the early 19th-century German hymn, and the open-air brick walls of the









church expand with sounds of the kwayas out into the neighborhood streets. (Barz,
Performing 35)

"Natuma Ujumbe Watu" is different from the previous track in that it incorporates

traditional African instruments:

After performing the required set song, two women leave their places and arrange
themselves on the ground in front of the kwaya around a large wooden mortar. Two men
from the back row of the Kwaya come out and hand the women large wooden pestles. The
mwaliumu begins the Kwaya's first optional nyimbo za Afrika (African song, pluralized as
a category) by conducting two women pounding the pestles into the large mortar in a
rhythmic pattern, back and forth. One of the other waamuzi smiles as he turns to me
saying, "Ah, this mwalimu here, he is Mhehe from Iringa" (an ethnic group in the southern
mountain areas of Tanzania). "This is African music," he tells me. (Barz, Performing 36)

The description of "Medley of Two Gogo-Influenced Songs" contains a more detailed

explanation of the spatial features of the performance environment:

A malimba player sits on the floor in front of the Kwaya directly below the mwalimu
[teacher]. He plays one amplified malimba with a differently tuned malimba resting on the
floor for the wimbo's (song's) second section. A mwanapikaji ngoma [drummer] is seated
in the center with a kayamba player to right. The Akina Mama (woman of the Kwaya) hold
matching nyungo (rice winnowers), which they later place on the ground in order to dance.
(Barz, Performing 37)

Interestingly, Barz did not support the three vignettes with photographs to the same degree

that he used them to supplement other descriptive passages in his book. It seems that, at least for

the vignettes, the photographs and the visual cues they might offer were deliberately not

provided so that readers would be forced to imagine the space using other media. As one can

read in the ma;shindanoddd~~~~~~ddddd chapter, Barz is quite successful at describing the general ambience of

the space through prose. The details of the ambience, however, are meant to be experienced

through the provided recordings.

The passage below summarizes the purpose of using three ma;shindanoddd~~~~~~ddddd competitions in the

author' s research:

A mashindano is a gathering of kwaya determined by a complicated ranking system
decided by the outcome of the previous mashindano season. The two primary goals of the









mashindano--to compete (and, of course, to win!) and to sing the praises of God--do not
represent a conflict of interests in the minds of competitors; they are, in fact,
complementary. The mashindano provide opportunities for fellowship between kwayas,
exposure to new and varied musical repertoires, guidance and encouragement from more
experienced waamuzi [judges, adjudicators] and walimu [teachers], spiritual fulfillment,
and fun. (Barz, Performing 60)

Note that the social influence of ma;shindanoddd~~~~~~ddddd cannot be seen in any kind of visualization of

the sound, such as an FFT analysis or a Western notational transcription. While Barz explores

the three ma;shindanos~~~~ddd~~~~ddd exclusively through prose, it is the contention of this study that the use of

reduced, soundscape, and spectromorphological listening methods can offer additional insight

into the author' s recorded performances and documented experience of the kwaya.

Application of ELM

This section supports Barz's stated research goals by applying ELM analysis on the

previously described EFRs. The following three sections apply each ELM (reduced listening,

soundscape, and spectromorphological) to the recordings, providing visual representations of the

sonic phenomena to support the discoveries made in the process.

Reduced Listening

Reduced listening abstracts sounds from their sources, inviting the interpretation of these

sounds as autonomous objects. Various constructive features of the sounds, such as timbre and

rhythm, become the associative glue with which they are held together. When this ELM is

applied to Barz's EFR, an analyst needs to divorce the sound of the kwaya from its music-

making source. While this seems antithetical to the purposes of anthropological research, the

process, in fact, allows the listening researcher the opportunity to make more refined

comparisons of the sounds themselves, comparisons unbiased or shaped by the cultural lattice in

which the sounds have ethnomusicological significance. Furthermore, an examination of these

sounds divorced of their referential qualities allows one to notice and categorize meaningful









features of the sound that may be otherwise excluded and lost when using standard interpretive

methods.

The unusual listening situation that reduced listening creates allows the analyst to focus,

from a more abstract perspective, on the instrumental and environmental sounds of the recording.

In 0: 12-0:28 and 0:57-0:59 of "Mahili ni Pazuri", one can detect a peculiar sound obj ect with

high-frequency content that is not typically part of the lowaya performance. The sound obj ect

moves across the stereo field with speed and intimacy, making a sharp contrast with the static

and reverberant vocal sound heard in the background. In spite of the fact that Barz does not

discuss or reference this sound in his textual analysis of the recording, our identification of it

through reduced listening behooves us to make it the subj ect of further analysis using soundscape

and spectromorphological listening. While this study does not discuss at length reasons for using

electroacoustic listening methods in this order, preliminary results show that the initial use of

reduced listening can effectively act as an entrance point for exploring sounds better interpreted

through other analytic methods.

Unexpected and/or unnoticed sounds can also be heard in "Natuma Ujumbe Watu." On

this track, one hears the sound of a wood pestle resonating in a reverberant space against a low

and continuous rumble. This rumble, caused by cars passing by near the church, would not have

much significance if heard using traditional listening attitudes that focus principally on the

musicality of the vocal sound. While the presence of this sound in the recording is rather bold,

the ears of most Western listeners naturally dismiss the sound and any significance it might hold,

assuming it to not be musically pertinent or especially meaningful. However, for the cultural and

social research agenda of an ethnomusicologist, information from a sound such as this one may










provide valuable clues as to the environment in which the recording was made or the

circumstances, perhaps unavoidable, in which the event took place.

These two examples illustrate how reduced listening allows an analyst to detect qualities in

a sound that are not accessible through more conventional ways of listening that focus on

standard musical gestures. While reduced listening does not necessarily provide the analyst with

meaningful information about the kwaya culture, it does give him a varied palette of sonically

inter-related events whose temporal and/or spatial relationship to the kwaya can be explored

through other ELMs.

Soundscape Listening

Barz' s recording of the kwaya competitions focuses not only on the musical event, but also

the performance space as a soundscape. These recordings supplement the author's written

comments about his spatial position in the event and the properties of the space ("open-air brick

walls," "neighborhood streets"). Details that the author has omitted from these explanations can

be gleaned through effective soundscape listening.

An email correspondence with Barz confirms that the microphone was positioned between

the rows of a kwaya in order to simulate a sense of what it feels like to be within a choir. From

this information, an analyst might assume that the members of the choir introduced the high-

frequency sound obj ect previously identified with reduced listening. The sound, produced

through non-musical activities, is a typical example of the type of sounds one hears from inside

the ensemble of a kwaya performance, whether as a performer or as a listener seated close to or

inside the group. The recording, therefore, invites the listener to experience the private sound

space of a kwaya performance as an insider. It is also interesting to observe that the recording

does not seem to reflect Barz's position as a judge. In contrast to Barz's published description of

the performance, the recording focuses on reproducing the intimacy of the performer' s










experience, and what a performer hears from within the choir, rather than on Barz's point-of-

view as a judge, listening, as he describes, from a much greater distance.

Listening to "Mahili ni Pazuri" with a focus on the choir' s presence in space reveals that

the male voices are positioned slightly to the right and seemingly forward given their strong

presence. In contrast, the weaker and more diffuse female voices suggest a less forward position.

These audio phenomena comport with Barz' s description of the positioning of choir members,

which describes the front line of the group as being split by gender and the back row as mixed

(Barz, Email Correspondence). When recording a loraya performance, the placement of the

microphone has the potential to capture the private listening space of the group and the

experience of being an insider. While placement of the microphone at greater distance from the

group might simulate the outsider' s experience, the presence and drama of the male-female,

stereo antiphony of the front row would be smeared if not lost.

While a close examination, through reduced listening, of Barz' s recording of "Mahili ni

Pazuri" reveals interesting details about the space, a similar examination of his recording of

"Natuma Ujumbe Watu" using soundscape listening reveals two contrasting soundmarks. The

church-like ambience of "Natuma Ujumbe Watu" agrees with Barz's explanation of the space,

which he describes as a medium-sized church with about 200 seats (Barz, Email

Correspondence). Barz' s description of the space' s size is confirmed when hearing the

percussive pestles and their long reverberations.

In addition to the church acoustics, Barz mentions the diffusion of the singing into the

surrounding street through the open windows and, conversely, the introduction of street sounds

into the church (Barz, Performing 3 5). The characteristics of this sound are identified in the

previous reduced listening analysis as continuous, low frequency rumbling. These two











soundmarks, singing and street noise, conflate into a unique hybrid soundscape representing the


loaya' s performing space (Figure 5-1). The street noise penetrates into the church acoustics due

to the church's structure and location. Barz explains how the church has open barred windows,

and how the one side of the church faces a busy street (Barz, Email Correspondence). M. Schafer

labels such prolonged and unchanging sounds, such as the sound of the urban street, as "flat-line

sounds" :


.. in all earlier societies the maj ority of sounds were discrete and interrupted, while today
a large portion--perhaps the maj ority--are continuous. This new sound phenomenon,
introduced by the Industrial Revolution and greatly extended by the Electric Revolution,
today subj ects us to permanent keynotes and swaths of broad-band noise, possessing little
personality or sense of progression. (Schafer, Soundscape 79)

2Drequency kHz]

188-
1.75-


150-










200 25 a 4 4 5050606070
Figure 5-.Setormo h nrouto f"auaUub Wt.oetecniuu
presencet of low frqec son elw50z05 Hzaswlastepruiv
but evereran sonc acivit beteen 50-90Hz










Figure 5-1 shows both drone-like activities below 500Hz and discrete sonic activity

between 100Hz and 800Hz. The former is a representation of street sounds with cars. The latter

indicates a percussive sound of wood pestles in the kwaya music. The blurred appearance of

these sounds in the spectrogram is evidence of the reverberant space of the church, as well as the

mixing or amalgamation (both visual and auditory) of source sounds and their reverberations.

These soundmarks also reveal important aspects of the cross-cultural phenomenon between

kwaya music (traditionally African) and Western culture. Perhaps most immediately, the sounds

of the kwaya are resonating within a Western acoustic space (church). An even more subtle form

of cultural interplay, which may be unnoticeable using other ELMs, is the mixture of urban (car

traffic) and sacred (choral) sounds which are presumably decoupled by the singers and

listeners--that is, those participating in the event tolerate the level of outside noise by

cognitively suppressing it and focusing instead on the kwaya music. While this decoupling may

seem logical and incidental, it is of central importance when trying to understand the way in

which globalized, Western norms impact Tanzanian society.

Spectromorphological Listening

While the application of reduced and soundscape listening can be applied to all three

tracks, "Mahili ni Pazuri" and "Natuma Ujumbe Watu" do not seem to have sonic parameters to

which spectromorphological listening may be fruitfully applied. In both, the stereo placement of

sounds is fixed, and the timbres do not change over time. In contrast, "Medley of Two Gogo-

Influenced Songs" changes its timbral and spatial comportment over time. This allows one to

develop a gestural analysis of the kwaya according to its physical performance qualities.















Left





Right


"*~ IIII I I
00:000 00:00 02 :00 04 00~o:00.05 00:0D0 00*00,,,,,, 10 0000

Figure 5-2. Stereo waveform plot of "Medley of Two Gogo-Influenced Song" from 3:21-3:34.
To better represent the presence and movement of the drum, equalization was used to
boost drum sounds and suppress others.

The first indication of a sound with a strongly spectromorphological character is produced

by the drum. While the location of all other instruments is Eixed, the drum, as indicated by its

sound, moves from center to left and back to center from 3:30-3:36 of the track. This change is

striking because it only happens once. What is more important is that the first song ends as soon

as the drum sound comes back to the center. Reflecting on this unique change of sound, Barz

notes that the drummer in this performance turned around to the conductor of the choir at the end

of the piece (Barz, Email Correspondence). The drummer's reorientation, encoded in the

recording, represents the heightened level of attention paid to the conductor at the end of the

work. Just as the mix of urban, religious, and traditional sounds in the previous soundscape

listening analysis revealed an interesting mix of cultures, so too does the change in the drum

sound here reveal an interplay between the freer approach of Tanzanian performance practice

and Western practices in which the conductor has ultimate control over the work.

The second piece on "Medley of Two Gogo-Influenced Songs" contains more examples of

sounds with unusual spectral and gestural characteristics. At 5:15, the bass part of the lovaya


'0-


Drum is in the center Drurn sounds louder in left channel 2nd song begins










suddenly becomes louder in the right channel. The bass part, which has immediacy to it in part

because of its lack of reverb, then gradually fades into the background over the next 30 seconds.

A more prominent example of sound movement occurs in the tenor part at 7:20-7:50. In this

passage, the decrease in volume and cut in high frequencies indicates that the tenor is moving

away from the microphone at the second repetition of the antiphony between the soprano and

alto sections. When the tenor comes back to its original position in the third verse, the piece

ends. We might wonder if this movement plays an incidental or structural role--that is, does the

choir need the shift of sound as a cue to cutoff or does the shift in position simply add a visual

element to the musical cadence. Barz's memory of this moment is not especially clear (Barz,

Email Correspondence). However, given that there was a conductor for this song, there is a

chance that the tenors were physically moving to add a visual element rather than acting as a

signal to end the piece.

For a visualization of this spectromorphology, the waveform plot and spectrogram of all

three verses are shown in figures 5-3 and 5-4. Frequencies below 250Hz and above 2500Hz were

cut in order to isolate voices from the low and high frequencies generated by instruments. The

soprano parts were edited out of the spectrogram in order to better isolate and examine the tenor

parts.

1st verse 2nd verse 3rd verse








Figure 5-3. Waveform plot of the tenor parts in "Medley of Two Gogo-Influenced Songs" (7:20-
7:50). Three verses were edited out from the original track and separated by silences.
Because the tenor part was more apparent in the left channel, only the left channel is
presented here.


























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Summary

In analyzing the aesthetic and social features of the contemporary kwaya, Barz draws the

following conclusion:

The music of missionaries exists today in a coextensive moment with the more indigenized
kwaya styles. Multiple systems of aesthetics, as the rich examples from my field
colleagues suggest, are embraced within the local mashindano ya kwaya in Dar es Salaam,
and embedded within the fomu [form] used for both evaluation of and self-evaluation by
competing kwayas occurs the performance of conflicting, complementary, and often
divergent cultural aesthetics. (Barz, Performing 77)

The ELM analyses of these recordings further validate the author' s conclusions by

revealing the manner in which traditional African and European modes of music making are

combined in the kwaya culture.

By perceiving recorded sounds in an unfamiliar and abstract way using reduced listening,

an analyst may identify and isolate sound objects through their distinct spectral, spatial, and

dynamic characteristics. In the case ofBarz's EFRs, seemingly unidentifiable sounds with low

and high frequencies were, through reduced listening, brought to the forefront. By focusing on

the referential characteristics of sounds through soundscape listening, an analyst can better notice

the simultaneous existence of multiple cultures (e.g. the sounds of traditional instruments

reverberating in a building with historically Western acoustics, surrounded by a postcolonial

soundscape of street noises). By focusing on the timbral changes of particular sound events

through spectromorphological listening, listeners and analysts both can discover the unique role

that physical movements play in a performance of kwaya.

Case Study II: Lift-Up-Over-Sounding of Kaluli by Steven Feld

In his book Sound and Sentiment: Birds, Weeping, Poetics, and Song in Kaluli Expression,

Feld discusses the relationship between Kaluli music, language, and an environment mixed with

his personal reflections. Although Feld's research touches upon manifold Kaluli musical and









cultural phenomena, this case study focuses on the Kaluli practice of "lift-up-over sounding" as

presented through Feld's field recordings. Lift-up-over sounding is "the local term for all the

ways sounds alternate, interlock, and overlap" (Feld and Brenneis 464). Throughout the book

and his other articles, Feld explains that this unique Kaluli concept of sound is observable in

their music, language, and environment. The following passage exemplifies the characteristic

sonic signature found in Kaluli conversation:

Common to Kaluli light and heated interaction is a good amount of interlocked, quickly
alternating or overlapped speech. ... Like fire sticks laid in contact, the voices ofKaluli
speakers ignite with a spark; they interlock, alternate, and overlap, densifying and filling
any interactional space-time gaps. (Feld, Sound 251)

Feld' s EFRs of lift-up-over sounding are on disc II of the 3-volume set called Bosavi:

Rainforest M~usic f~om Papua New Guinea. The recordings on the disc demonstrate the practice

of lift-up-over sounding in the everyday lives of the Kaluli. Although the disc is not an

accompanying supplement to Sound and Sentiment, there are strong connections between the two

sources. Not only are the sounds and events recorded on the disc mentioned and referenced in the

book, but the book also contains production notes for the last track of the disc (Feld, Sound 266-

268).

The case study of Feld' s field recording, investigated here, reveals characteristics of four

lift-up-over sounding examples with previously-used ELMs. This analysis yields results that

support Feld's conclusions by analyzing the elements of lift-up-over sounding that are not easily

perceivable without the use of ELMs.

Research Goal and Approach

Feld states the following in regards to his goal of making field recordings. Note that he

regards audio ethnography as an appropriate, and sometimes better, medium to express and

explain his research:









.. [the idea of making a field recording is] to have the sound raise the question about the
indexicality of voice and space, to provoke you to hear sound making as place making.
And when you hear the way the birds overlap in the forest and you hear the way voices
overlap in the forest, all of a sudden you can grasp something at a sensuous level that is
considerably more abstract and difficult to convey in a written ethnography. (Feld and
Brenneis 465)

The act of producing a field recording is more than an act of archiving, especially in the

case of explaining lift-up-over sounding experience. For the author, lift-up-over-sounding is

"part of the Bosavi natural soundscape and all Kaluli musical and verbal sound-making

[practices]" (Feld, Sound 266). Yet, Feld seldom identifies the individual sonic elements that

make up the lift-up-over sounding moment as a whole. An ELM analysis could provide such

missing details through specialized listening focused on spatial and spectral relationships of the

sound that are otherwise unnoticed. Listening through the three ELMs will direct an analyst to

focus on finding individual sounds that have the following characteristics:

Unison or discretely bounded sounds do not appear in nature; all sounds are dense,
multilayered, overlapping, alternating, and interlocking. The constantly changing figure
and ground of this spatio-acoustic mosaic is a 'lift-up-over sounding' texture without gaps,
pauses, or breaks. The essence of 'lift-up-over sounding' is part relations that are
simultaneously in synchrony while out-of-phase. The overall feeling is of synchronous
togetherness, of consistently cohesive part coordination in sonic motion and participatory
experience. Yet the parts are also out-of-phase, that is, at distinctly different and shifting
points of the same cycle or phrase structure at any moment, with each of the parts
continually changing in degree of displacement from a hypothetical unison. (Feld, Sound
265-266)

The result of ELM analyses identifies and categorizes sonic properties that were not

previously discussed or discovered.

It should be noted that Feld often played back his field recordings to Kaluli during his

fieldwork. The interaction between the recorded and the recordist guided his editing/recording

choices. Feld calls this two-way interaction "dialogic editing." This approach is "an

ethnoaesthetic negotiation, trying to work with Bosavi people to understand how they listened,

how they heard the dimensionality of forest sound, [and] how they would balance a mix of birds,









water, cicadas, voices, and so forth" (Feld and Brenneis 467). In this sense, not only may the

listener gain insights into the view of the recordist, but also the views of those recorded serving

unknowingly as co-producers.

Analysis of Recording Technology

Feld states "the recordings are meant to convey the intimacy of being able to record close-

up with people [he knows]" and "are also meant to be as technically precise as possible" (Feld,

Email Correspondence). The author strived for technical proficiency using the best recording

techniques and technologies available at the time. Feld used one of the first stereo Nagras in the

United States, bought in 1973 (Feld and Brenneis 465) with a stereo pair of AKG 451EB

preamps and CK1 cardioid capsules (Feld, Email Correspondence). This professional equipment

likely provided Feld with the opportunity to capture his sound sources with minimal technical

limitations. In addition, his encounter with Mickey Hart granted him access to a well-equipped

mixing studio and Dolby surround sound (Feld and Brenneis 466).

Feld's experience with quality audio equipment meant that he had a chance to develop a

listening ability sensitive to the fidelity of his recordings. His comment on the sound quality of

EFRs published along with ethnomusicological studies demonstrates his concern with the current

low standards for sound ethnography:

It seems to me that there is a serious issue of professionalism here. Publishing amateur or
substandard sound, while perhaps grubby enough to strike the listener as really
"authentic," only serves to undermine the seriousness of sound as an anthropological
proj ect. I'd rather the books came without CDs than listen to most of the rubbish published
by respectable ethnomusicology and anthropology publishers like Chicago or Oxford.
(Feld and Brenneis 471)

Given the high standard of recording to which Feld holds himself, one may assume that all

sounds perceived in the works of Feld are intended to be there. This is an important distinction










from Barz's recordings, in which various traces of Tanzanian urban life often bleed

unintentionally into the sonic environment.






AB Cofgrto XYCnfgrt9io



Fiur -5 SadadAB an Ysee mcohnonfigurationX onsiuato


In recording the EFRs analyzed in this case study, Feld used standard AB and XY stereo

microphone configurations (Feld, Email Correspondence). While Feld does not provide further

details on the microphone position, the following passage on his experience in recording bird

sounds in the Bosavi rainforest gives listeners a clue as to how the sounds may have been

recorded:

In addition to distance, height is also frequently referenced to birds. Kaluli utilize levels of
bird nesting and flight patterns to make comparative statements about vegetation and forest
life. When recording bird calls in dense forest, I frequently confused auditory depth with
height; Kaluli men always corrected me by moving my arm to point the microphone in the
right direction, and they were almost always correct. (Feld, Sound 61-62)

The above passage suggests that Feld could have made recordings where the microphones

were pointed upwards or perhaps downward depending on the landscape. While Feld used this

microphone placement to capture a sense of height, the stereo recording simply conflates this

height dimension into the left-right field. Distance from a microphone is perceived as only

distance, be it above, in front, or behind, due to overall ambience and smearing of time features.

Thus, a crucial parameter that Feld hoped to convey is lost due to the limits of stereo recording

technology.









In summary, Feld has created his EFRs using industry standard equipment and has strived

to achieve highly personalized recordings. His works were produced and edited in order to

convey how both he and the Kaluli people heard the sound in a specific listening context. One

task of this ELM analysis is to describe how some technical manipulations have been used to

convey lift-up-over sounding.

Track Descriptions

Disc II of Bosavi: Rainforest M~usicJiom Papua New Guinea is called Sound and Songs of

Everydaly Life. Of the disc's 10 tracks, the study below explores four considered representative of

different occasions in Kaluli life. The selected EFRs were all recorded in 1977 (Feld, Bosavi 45)

using the recording equipment mentioned in the previous section (Feld, Email Correspondence).

The following passage from the collection's liner notes summarizes the shared environmental

characteristics of the CD's tracks:

The kind of everyday sounds I'm speaking about are largely spontaneous. ... These are the
sounds of people living and working together. And they are the sounds of people
interacting with the surrounding rainforest environment and the pulse of its ever-present
insects, birds, frogs, rains, winds, and watercourses. (Feld, Bosavi 45)

Of the four tracks analyzed, two tracks feature groups of men working in the forest. The

other tracks feature two women singing a duet. In all of the recordings, there is a clear sense of

spatial separation between the sounds made by humans and those of the natural environment.

Yet, when listening carefully, one can quite easily perceive the sound of the environment despite

its remove from the focus of the recording. These environmental sounds will prove to be

particularly important.

According to the description of the track, the sounds heard in "A Men's Work Group

Clears a New Garden" (Track 1) display layering and overlapping characteristics of lift-up-over

sounding:









Occasionally the exuberance of group work leads directly into bursts of songs. As soon as
one voice begins, several others join in a split second later, overlapping in the style Bosavi
people call "lift-up-over sounding" (duhugu ganzalan2). The layered vocal textures blend
with the echoing axe hits, the surrounding birds and the pulsing of cicadas. (Feld, Bosavi
46)

Note that the above description suggests that the listener focus on the blending of voices

and environmental sounds. "A Large Men's Collective Work Group Sing and Whoop" (Track 8)

calls for a different listening approach because the human presence is more prominent while the

environmental sounds are masked. In this track, Feld suggests the listener pay particular attention

to the sound of ulab. Ulab is a "prominent sound symbol of male vitality, the booming bukuu

voice of the harpy Eagle (usulage, Harpyopsis novaguineae)" (Feld, Bosavi 50). Feld observes

that the whooping of ulab represents "maleness, strength, and exuberance" (Feld, Sound 224) in

Kaluli society.

Another track that mentions the Kaluli's imitation of bird sound is "Fo:fo: and Miseme

Sing at Their Sago Place" (Track 4) In this EFR, two women are singing while the husband of

one woman accompanies them by whistling. The whistling imitates the sound of a rainforest bird

called doloso:k. According to the author, "the overlapping, alternating, and interlocking texture

of the two voices, the whistling, and the stone scraper rhythm creates a rich 'lift-up-over

sounding'" (Feld, Bosavi 47).

The remaining track, which features another female duo, is called "Ulahi and Eo:bo Sing

With Afternoon Cicadas" (Track 5). The first song on the track is actually a solo by a woman

named Ulahi while the second song is a duo between the two women. In the first song, Feld

invites the listener to listen for the interaction between the vocal sounds and the sounds of the

cicadas:

The sonic interplay of the vocal sounds and cicada sounds in these two songs illustrates
how Bosavi women both sing with the forest and respond to it as a source of poetic and
musical inspiration. (Feld, Bosavi 48)









The CD liner notes, as well as information from the relevant text by Feld, suggest that the

notion of lift-up-over sounding is apparent in Kaluli speech and songs as well as the soundscape

of the Bosavi rainforest. The lift-up-over sounding is indeed a result of imitation and

interpretation of the rainforest environments by Kaluli. The ELM analyses in the next section

examine the EFRs discussed above and categorize elements of lift-up-over sounding using the

information provided by Feld's text.

Application of ELM

The subsequent analyses follow the same procedure as the previous case study of Barz's

EFRs.

Reduced Listening

Below is Feld's intuitively constructed list of characteristics describing lift-up-over

sounding; all are notably abstract and lack any direct reference to the practice:

* Continuous layers, sequential but not linear
* Non-gapped multiple presence and densities
* Overlapping chunks without internal breaks
* A spiraling, arching motion tumbling slightly forward thinning, and thickening back again
(Feld, Aesthetics 79-80)

These characteristics can be seen as a result of Schaeffer' s listening method Entendre (an

active listening that selects, appreciates, and responds to particular attributes of sounds). This

indicates that listening to the EFRs with reduced listening methods, which similarly rely on

abstraction and interpretation, can be useful in the detection and description of the patterns found

in lift-up-over sounding.

In addition to the characteristics mentioned, Feld states that the antithesis of lift-up-over

sounding is unison (Feld, Aesthetics 82). Unison in this context does not necessarily mean the

sounding of the same pitch by multiple sound sources. Rather, it refers to intentionally











synchronized (i.e. rhythmical) sound events. For Kaluli, the concept of unison is "about as

unnatural in their music as microtonal free improvisation would have been in Nineteenth Century

Germany" (Feld, Aesthetics 94).

While all four EFRs show a lack of unison, "A Large Men' s Collective Work Group Sing

And Whoop" stands out as a particularly remarkable example--the track lacks (rhythmic) unison

even though it uses 85 men (Feld, Bosavi 49). At 1:37-1:41 into the track, an astute listener can

hear one man's whooping followed by a group responding with the same sound. This group


response to the solo retains the same pitch contour, but the individual response of the group

members is never sung in regular tempo or pulse. Figure 5-6 represents the irregularity of this

aural experience in the patterns of a spectrogram.












gD-~P1~m D E05l al .520 Z2 .5B 2H .5
28 =I

Fiur -6 petrgamo uabi areMe'sCllciv Wr Gop in ndWoo.
A)i heiiia ho b h slit B sth epns yth ru o e sotn
intesaemnnr hesetalsae nA i eeae nanaychoos aho
in B).
Whnth petoga f lb scopre oth petoga o ac hoae Fgue5

7),one clearly s ers telc f(htmc nsni h omrgah ti ot eebrn










that we do not need to know the source or the environmental context of the sound to perceive

lift-up-over sounding in the ulab example. Acousmatic description is sufficient to detect and

categorize the experience of lift-up-over sounding in this example.




u~s- I II I


not- I II I

a.1- 1 II I
I I II I
I~~rrt I I I I I





Fiur -7 Setrgrmofs J.S.Bc' WoGt e er ih e ushl"B V 5Nri






two~~~~ woe sigig one ma whistig and the soun of scraping~ ~0T~ sago (ah loclpat.Hwvr

ongue doe no need tr mo f be S acq ainewt hes orii Gofe ther sonds bi n orderto detec the peridicit

of ech sundande the intractios E ) btwe en its partsInteadh listne r ho needs only ton beawr

of how each partcobines withe otherswtotneesrl eigiryhmcnsn


Fipigure 5-8 shos af si-p-etora sofn g an passage wither all four parts presen. Sounds wer







processed using equalization to make each part visible. From this spectrogram, one can observe

that the sound of singing and whistling have different rates of periodicity. Yet lift-up-over

sounding between the two female parts is impossible to visually decode. A Western notational











transcription of such a song would be equally problematic, requiring a significant number of

rests and subdivisions.








0.75-



0.0 04 151J S 5 S I81 0. 0

Figure9e 5-8. Setormo"Ff:anMiseeSn tTerSg Pae 0:70:7.A
deics hefeal do.B)dpitsth wislig oudad ) epct te crppn
sao oetattelntsofeet nal he r ifeet eutngi ifrn
perio~dictis

Alhug petogams~ ca be usfu in moeln whti eroecantrloeyo
the vsual epresntatonrs o pcrgast dniysncprprisndtciglf-poe

sounding, the anls need to pu itnn ote"fr fivsiain ( mle n a ilr

4) ~b0 as Scafe proose soeEt er g.Anaaytuigrdcdlsennecnqe









listnigtoharte instpetgance menti~o ned intisem scion. Fo r exampe, Pa lsene could00:) sipl

recogniepit the asychoniit betwen th e vices t wisthotkoing sonabout epc the prctc freduced





lstending. tHoeer whlsnens a listeraplsrdud listen t h fr ing, e ciaonsciosmaly res tod blck out










any reference to the source or connection to the origin of sounds. This orientation towards the

sound contradicts the standard approach to EFRs in which the recognition and interpretation of

the sound source is one of the most important tasks. In contrast, this section has sought to

demonstrate how concentration on the non-referential and non-metaphoric qualities of sounds,

through reduced listening, can be not only useful, but even necessary in identification of the

intrinsic and distinguishing features of the lift-up-over sounding practice of communal singing.

Soundscape Listening

As discussed in Chapter 3, Feld is familiar with the soundscape concept of M. Schafer. His

writings freely incorporate soundscape terms and concepts. For example, he observes that the

Bosavi rainforest has a high fidelity soundscape with distinguished keynote sounds (Feld,

Aesthetics 85-86). He adapts soundscape concepts to observe lift-up-over sounding patterns of

the rainforest because "these notions apply well to the Bosavi rainforest soundscape where

sounds provide ongoing indexical information about forest height, depth and distance" (Feld,

Aesthetics 86). Since Feld already applies soundscape aesthetics in the making of his EFRs, the

purpose of this section is to support his approach with specific examples and details gained

through soundscape listening methods.

Before analyzing Feld's EFRs with soundscape listening, it is important to emphasize the

intimate relationship between the Bosavi rainforest and Kaluli, as Kaluli life depends heavily on

the aural perception of their surrounding environment. For Kaluli, "the rainforest is a tuning fork,

providing well-known signals that index, mark, and coordinate space, time, and seasons" (Feld,

Aesthetics 87). "Ulahi and Eo:bo Sing With Afternoon Cicadas" is an appropriate example to

support Feld's claim as the sound of cicadas acts as an accompaniment to the vocal part.

The sound of the cicadas in the track has its resemblance to the flat-line drone often found

in industrial soundscapes as seen in Figure 5-1. However, there are differences between an











industrial drone and a naturally created drone as found in Feld' s EFR. Where the sound of the

cicadas is most prominent at around 5000Hz, the industrial drone resonates well below the

human vocal range. Also, the cicadas are distinguished by their uniquely pulsating sound (Figure

5-9).
















gDDR~ee 041 32 313 A545 SS 7 4BA1. 00 1 1 2

Figur 5-.Setormo eto f"lh n ob igWt feno iaa. h
Janalze son a qaie nomlzdfrabetrvsarpeentinnth
spcrga. oetedrn-ieqalt fte iaa ron 00z
Itshul b otd ha smla hghfrqeny roe ae etctbe n llforEFs.Ifa

anls plistelsenn-nsarhmd fsonsaelitnnwer eatveysace

fora seciicsoun na niomn tehg-rqecydoei hscs) ecndtc

simiar donei AMnsWr ru Cer e adn n "of:AdMsm igA


Their~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Sag Plc. hedoei ag ensCletiv okGopSn n ho"i
inahgerfeuny ag ron 00z.Tehghrfeunc ag sget hersln









leaves of the rainforest as the possible source of the drone. It is also possible that these sounds

are from mechanical noise caused by the microphone or the recording machine, but an email

correspondence with Feld confirmed that this was not the case.

The spectrogram representation indicates that a drone in the high frequency range (from

5000Hz and above) is a keynote sound; keynote sounds are "continuous, basic, frequent,

customary sounds that provide a sense of environmental center" (Schafer, qtd. in Feld, Aesthetics

87), much as this one does for the Bosavi rainforest. Feld does not mention the existence of this

keynote sound of the rainforest in his writings, but the high-frequency drone is an important

background sound, accompaniment, and source of inspiration for the Kaluli's expression of lift-

up-over sounding. The woman singer's onomatopoetic text in "Ulahi and Eo:bo Sing With

Afternoon Cicadas" that imitates the rainforest cicadas is an illustrative example:

She [the singer] uses poetic sound words like da~: da:, siya siya, and wa wo: both to imitate
and sing in sonorous counterpoint to the swells of surrounding cicada sound. (Feld, Bosavi
48)

Spectromorphological Listening

If reduced listening focuses on the timbral quality of a sound, spectromorphological

listening draws the listener' s attention to the changes in timbre over time. Spectromorphological

listening asks the listener to relate the past, present, and imagined future of a sound obj ect. This

section will focus on a sonic event that gradually changes its timbral characteristics over time.

The analysis reveals that the change of timbre detected through spectromorphological listening

can assist in identifying elements of lift-up-over sounding.

In "Fo:fo: And Miseme Sing At Their Sago Place", whistling sounds act as

accompaniment to the vocal parts by imitating the doloso:k, a bird of the Bosavi rainforest.

When the whistle is introduced at 0:27, its prominent sonic feature is an upward glissando (the

relevant spectrogram can be found in figure 5-8). One can hear a continuous but subtle variation










to the whistling as it follows its upward course. However, at 1:25, the pitch contour of the

whistle starts to take on a more complex shape as the glissandi begins to move both up and down

and dramatic fluctuations are progressively introduced. Figure 5-10, showing the half-minute

segment from 1:20-1:50, visualizes this gradual evolution of sound over time.




194 194-















Is048 A r-

IP1- 091-
2M IAM BM SN A2422&W DM AM D2 AM

Figure$sPbIS biiI 5-10 Tr eba~ spctog~ ram s sh ~rowing the gradus~alB changeId dsI in the gl ids Isand Io l I ishp lof whsllJaing
in "Fo~~fo: And Misem in tThi ag lce"A) ) adC aei

chonlgia odr.Arosweeade to ;th spcrgasnodrtoatclt
pitch cntours






Oncu e 51 thre mopooia spectrga s sofin the whistaln soundae idntiid theygisad chane bewis




compared to the sound of a real doloso:k (Latin: pachycephala pectoralis, English: Golden

Whistler or Sclater' s Whistler) in order to evaluate the whistle's accuracy in imitating the bird' s









sound. The spectrogram of doloso:k shows that, like its human imitation, the sound of the bird

contains a variety of contours and fluctuations (Figure 5-11). The sample of doloso:k sound was

obtained from the Cornell Lab of Ornithology (Macaulay Library, Recording Summary).

The spectromorphology of the Kaluli's whistling demonstrates their keen attention to the

sounds of the rainforest, both in terms of the properties of the sounds and their morphology over

time. Furthermore, the spectromorphological analysis reconfirms Feld's observation that the

individual elements of lift-up-over sounding are based on the imitation of the periodic sounds of

the Bosavi rainforest.






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Figre -11 Tw pcrgasofdlsMons



Sumar
The folowin passge sumarizs therole f lif-up-oer sondinginauilf.Fl
obeve ha heieao lf-u-ve oudn is~ th lm en htms itngihsteKll
footecutrsanthtteudrynfetrsothprciecnasben osrve n h




Papuae51i Newo Guieagroga ove dlsound beatd.Th'lf-poesunigsudisteKui

sh ounalocal glossfor social identt riuae th rough human-upove soundicg essncKies. ...Thi

srmonirc modrel, manifesat moth direclyn foraluli songfor and prt ce ssn also be sreverberates



and echoes through other Kaluli expressive and interactional modes. The same trope that
animates musical 'lift-up-over sounding' is highly patterned in artistic verbal, visual, and









choreographic expression, as well as in patterns of everyday conversation and social
interaction. This patterning is also explicitly linked by Kaluli to the acoustic ecology of the
rainforest environment indicating an aesthetic and ecological co-evolution. (Feld,
Aesthetics 76-77)

The statement above summarizes the role of lift-up-over sounding as a model for various

aspects of Kaluli life. It is appropriate to study and learn about Kaluli culture through sound

because Kaluli learn and perceive space and time through sound.

When listening to Feld's EFRs, one can sense lift-up-over sounding without knowledge of

ELMs. Yet, ELM analyses help the listener to find the individual elements and patterns that work

to create the overall sense of lift-up-over sounding. In the case studies explored in this section,

soundscape listening, which looks for spatial and cultural knowledge in sound, was applied to

discern spatial relationships between environmental and human sounds. These analyses also

found a common keynote sound of the rainforest not mentioned in Feld' s text.

Spectromorphological listening, which focuses on changes in sound over time, was used

to analyze the changing quality of human sounds designed to imitate nature. The non-unisons of

lift-up-over sounding were also investigated with reduced listening. Using abstract and non-

referential language, the experience and analysis of lift-up-over sounding was shown to benefit

from reduced listening methods, which helped in psychologically isolating the sound's

continuous and overlapping layers.












CHAPTER 6
RESULTS AND REFLECTION

Effectiveness of ELMs on Supporting Goals of EFRs

The case studies in Chapter 5 demonstrate that ELMs can be used as interdisciplinary

analytical tools to categorize and interpret both musical and extra-musical sounds in EFRs.

Investigating EFRs through ELMs reveals relevant information for ethnomusicological research

in a hierarchical and systematized way, lending coherence and cogency to ethnographic analyses.

However, this mode of analysis is not necessarily one that can be conveniently retrofitted to all

prior ethnographic research using EFRs. The following section will then reorganize and

compare data from the case studies in order to ascertain the degree to which the ELM analyses

comport with the ethnomusicological goals discussed in Chapter 3.

On Preservation of Culture

Although Emmerson did not attempt to apply ELMs to the analysis of EFRs, he

acknowledges the potential of electroacoustic music in the reception and interpretation of the

social aspect of music making:

Some parts of the 'art music' tradition tend to exclude (or at least de-emphasize) individual
personality--in the sense of specific recognizable location, human character or
performance act behind the production of these sounds--being generalization in the name
of a 'timeless' art. But of course there is music which presents--to a greater or lesser
extent--recognizable soundscapes or recognizable human presence, possessing 'real' and
individual personality or reflecting the human body and its rhythm. (Emmerson, Living
xvii)

The above statement also suggests that "art music" listening methods (excepting

electroacoustic ones) are relatively weak at detecting a cultural context from recorded sounds. If

electroacoustic music attempts to embody personality and human presence in sound, then the

ability of ELMs to detect and appraise those qualities may be applied to identify constructions of










"personality" in other recorded media such as EFRs. As previously discussed, the links between

acoustemology and soundscape listening lend themselves to this exact form of inquiry.

Compared to soundscape listening, reduced listening does not seem to reveal cultural clues

in an EFR. By definition, reduced listening treats a sound as an obj ect abstracted from its source,

and encourages listeners to focus on the unique timbral qualities of the sound. This process

guides the listener to reify and taxonomize sounds that were otherwise ignored or unnamed in an

ordinary listening experience. In the case study of Barz's research, the ignored sounds in the

background were brought into focus through reduced listening. This process in turn helped to re-

embody the forgotten sounds back into the performance space, creating a more complete sonic

image that was then analyzable through other ELMs. In the case of Feld's research, acousmatic

categorization of sonic elements in the analyzed EFR proved to be another means of representing

lift-up-over sounding patterns of Kaluli life.

Lastly, the observation of timbral changes through spectromorphological listening reveals

clues to the music-making culture. This analytic method is most tenable when the analyst relates

a spectromorphological sound obj ect to a physical gesture. For example, listening for gestural

clues in the drum part revealed a loraya performance practice that was not mentioned in Barz's

writings. As observed in the case study of Feld, a morphological aspect in a sound can be

compared to the sound of the surrounding environment to evaluate the interrelation of the Kaluli

and their natural world. The comparative analysis of doloso:k birdsong and its Kaluli imitation is

an example of exactly this phenomenon.

On Communication of Personal Experience in Fieldwork

ELM analysis helps the listener to imagine the personalized listening context of the

recordist. Listening to an EFR while focusing on the spatial relationships between its constituent

sounds helps the analyst to imagine the level of intimacy between the recordist and the recorded










obj ect. The analysis of microphone placement and the perspective between the recorded obj ects

using soundscape listening (and any relevant text) may indicate the recordist' s preference for one

sound over another. For example, in his EFRs of kwaya competition, Barz prefers to represent

not the judge' s, but the kwaya member' s listening space.

Reduced listening identifies, in abstract language, sonic events that were important to the

recordist. This listening method reveals the recording/mixing preferences of the recording' s

initial listener. The low rumbling sound of the streets in "Natuma Ujumbe Watu", which was

brought to the analyst's attention through reduced listening, was left in the mixing session

despite the fact that it was not a part of kwaya music. Email correspondence with Barz

confirmed that he intentionally did not take out the street sound because he found the blending of

urban, traditional, and religious soundscape to be fascinating (Barz, Email Correspondence).

Focusing on the spectromorphological aspects of a sound is not as useful in detecting the

personal experience of a recordist. In the case studies of Barz and Feld, focus on the spectral and

spatial qualities of the sound does not reveal information about the recordist' s choices in

microphone placement or mixing. The gestural change of the drum sounds and tenor parts in

Barz's recording was a result of choices made by the kwaya members. The whistle

accompaniment in Feld' s recording was the result of the performer' s conscious imitation of the

doloso:k bird, but Feld' s choices as recordist had no effect on the sound's change of timbre over

time.

On Documentation for Further Analysis

Western notation ostensibly guides the score-reading listener to listen in terms of pitch and

rhythm. In contrast, all three ELMs guide the listener to listen to other features of sound, features

that are difficult, if not impossible, to capture in Western notation. Sounds without constant

and/or recognizable pitch or rhythm are considered to be as significant in reduced listening and










spectromorphological listening as sounds that do have these properties. Soundscape listening is

even more useful to this end, as it focuses on connecting the sound and its source by minimizing

intermediaries such as notation.

In the case of Feld's research, properties of lift-up-over sounding are almost impossible to

represent with Western notation. Furthermore, the lack of a systematic approach to pitch and

meter in Kaluli culture makes their sound impossible to transcribe without introducing

significant changes and approximations. As an alternative to standard transcription, ELM

analyses in this study offer graphs and diagrams to represent the listening experience. The

spectrogram and waveform plot are often effective in representing timbral change over time.

They are useful in documenting the spectromorphology of general sonic trends as well as

particular sonic events. Certain sonic events in the spectrogram can be highlighted without loss

to the integrity of the spectral representation by applying digital signal processing procedures to

the sound before conducting a spectral analysis.

Conclusion and Suggestions for Further Research

The study does not claim to offer the perfect listening method for all recorded media. The

aesthetics of listening are always in a state of flux in the electroacoustic community, and as new

methods of comprehension come to the fore, they may prove to be more useful for the analysis of

EFRs than those described in this paper. For example, Smalley recently published a paper on

space-form, which challenges the validity of spectromorphological listening practices:

I am no longer happy with relying primarily on an investigative process that elaborates
taxonomy of spectromorphologies, and then proceeds to try and work out how they are
related to and act over time. Such a methodology is based on inherited traditional
assumptions handed down from tonal music--that we uncover building blocks of musical
materials (themes, motives), and attentively follow their transformations and development,
arriving at a view of how material progress creates the dynamic tensions of temporal
experience. (Smalley, Space 54)









In light of the continued process of modification that electroacoustic listening methods will

presumably undergo, this paper should be thought of as a procedure for incorporating ELMs into

ethnomusicological research rather than as a definitive presentation of those ELMs considered

most useful in the analysis of EFRs.

The ELM analyses of EFRs also highlight the remarkable aesthetic similarities between

audio ethnography and soundscape composition. Terms such as acoustemology and acoustic

communication describe similar concepts in the two fields. Some scholars/artists create works

that can be categorized as both ethnographic research and soundscape composition. For example,

Feld has produced a series of works that use studio techniques to create soundscape compositions

with his own field recordings. The following program notes from Volume 1 of The Time of Bells

demonstrates the connection between his field experience at Bosavi and his 2004 venture into

soundscape composition:

After twenty-five years of recording rainforest soundscape in Papua New Guinea, I've
started to listen to Europe. I'm struck by a sonic resemblance: bells stand to European time
as birds do to rainforest time. Daily time, seasonal time, work time, ritual time, social time,
collective time, cosmological time--all have their parallels, with rainforest birds sounding
as quotidian clocks and spirit voices, and European bells heralding civil and religious time.
(Feld, The Time)

This type of symbiotic relationship between audio ethnography and soundscape

composition suggests that the hermeneutic prisms through which they are viewed demand to be

blended. Thus, the oil-and-water conceptualization with which this study has approached its

subject will eventually become obsolete. If anything, this study may be used as a first step in the

process of integration, inviting members from both disciplines to consider the virtues of the other

in a more rigorous manner. Of course, not all integration is good and must be carefully crafted to

ameliorate the research goals of both fields. One must always remember that the application of

ELMs to EFRs is valid only insofar as the data yielded by such analysis is relevant to the









researcher' s goals--one needs to remember that ballet techniques are useful to football players

only if they improve the player' s safety and lead to greater performance on the gridiron.









APPENDIX A
COMPOSITION: GAINESVILLE SOUNDSCAPE

Gainesville Soundscape is an homage to a city that I love both for its people and its natural

environment. The composition was created using signature sounds, or "soundmarks," recorded at

locations whose soundscapes I Eind most aesthetically compelling--namely, the swamp and the

university .

The first section uses Hield recordings of a small pond taken between March and May of

2007. As the time passed from spring to summer in northern Florida, I captured the variations in

the sonic environment of the pond and its surrounding forest. The result of recombining and

compressing many weeks of recordings into this 6-minute section is a "greatest hits" of the pond

featuring an interview with crickets, a frog choir' s concert, and the inevitable intervention of cars

and water sprinklers.

The second section combines a continuous melody with my favorite sound of the

Gainesville summer--rain. Watching and hearing variations of rain and thunderstorms puts me,

and hopefully the listener, in a meditative mood. As this section progresses, one realizes that the

combination of wind and rain creates a subtle and pleasant rhythmic discourse. I have

accentuated the natural pulse of the rain and its harmonic elements through the help of digital

signal processing techniques.

The section following the "lullaby with rain" features one of the signature sounds of the

University of Florida--the carillon bells of the Century Tower. During the first weeks of March

2008, I recorded the sounds of the bell tower on the hour from 8am to 8pm. As the time passed

from day to night, the sound of the bell was accompanied by changing environmental sounds of

the busy campus. This section uses these recordings to create an aural mosaic of the bell tower

heard from different locations-- the bell at different times sounds loud, soft, intimate, or distant.









In addition to the sounds of Gainesville, the composition features computer-generated

tones that gradually blend into the natural soundscape. The digitally generated sounds are used to

articulate my personal experiences in the city. I arrived in Gainesville six years ago as a third-

order foreigner, coming from a distant city (Boston) that in turn was arrived at from Korea by

way of a six-year soj ourn in Argentina. Like a sine wave heard in a swamp, I was out of place in

this new environment. However, as time passed, I started to blend into Gainesville's rhythm,

finally feeling at home. Aside from the people I got to know, listening to and appreciating the

city's unique sounds facilitated my integration. It is my hope that listeners, after hearing this

piece, will understand why I hold this soundscape so near to my heart, perhaps even using it as a

springboard for their own engagement with the city's beautiful sonic environment.

Object A-1. Gainesville Soundscape (171VB, GainesvilleSS.mp3)









APPENDIX B
LIST OF AUDIO AND GRAPHIC APPLICATIONS

This section lists all audio and graphic applications used in this study. All programs are for

Macintosh OSX and many of them are freeware or shareware. Analyses using commercial

software were realized at the Florida Electroacoustic Music Studio.

Table B-1. List of Audio And Graphic Applications Used For the Study
Application Name Company Description Price
Audacity Open Source Audio editor. Freeware
Used for simple editing,
normalization, and
equalization
AudioXplorer 1.3.1 Arizona Spectrogram maker Freeware
Software
Digital Performer 4.5 Mark of the Audio/MIDI editor. $795
Unicorn Used for more
sophi sti cated
equalization and editing
GraphicConverter X 6.0 Lemke Software Graphic converter/editor. $34.95
Used for graphic editing (Free to try)
OmniGraffle 4.2.2 The Omni Group Diagram maker $79.95
(Free to try)









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Barz, Gregory F. Performing Religion: Negotiating Past and Present in Kwaya Music of
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Emmerson, Simon. The Lannuane of Electroacoustic Music, New York: Harwood Academic,
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-.Music, Electronic Media and Culture, Buriington: Ashgate, 2000.

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Feld, Steven. "From Ethnomusicology to Echo-Muse-Ecology." Acoustic Ecolony. 21 February
2007 .

-. "Aesthetics as Iconicity of Style, Or 'Lift-Up-Over Sounding': Getting Into the Kaluli
Groove." Yearbook for Traditional Music. 20 (1988 : 74-113. JSTOR. 10 Februar 2008












-. Sound and Sentiment: Birds, Weeping, Poetics, and Song in Kaluli Expression,
Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1990.

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Joo Won Park (b. 1980) is a composer and music researcher. His music and audio

applications have been featured in several conferences such as the Florida Electroacoustic Music

Festival, Society for Electro-Acoustic Music in the United States Conference, Seoul International

Computer Music Festival, and International Computer Music Conference, as well as in print in

Electronic Musician and The Csound Book. Joo Won also worked as a general manager and

associate director of the Florida Electroacoustic Music Festival from 2002 to 2007. Currently, he

is teaching undergraduate music theory courses at the University of Florida. Joo Won's music is

available at ICMC2004 DVD, spectrumpress.com, and Computer Music Journal.





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1 ANALYSIS OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGICA L FIELD RECORDINGS USING ELECTROACOUSTIC LISTENING METHODS By JOO WON PARK A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2008

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2 2008 Joo Won Park

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3 To my parents and wife

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4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I thank m y committee chair and committee members for all their help. Without them, I could not have become the composer and resear cher that I am now. I thank my colleagues and friends from whom I have learned what it mean s to be in a supportive and creative community. I also thank my wife Nina for all her support and love. Lastly, I thank God for giving me strength when I needed it most.

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5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...............................................................................................................4 LIST OF TABLES................................................................................................................. ..........8 LIST OF FIGURES.........................................................................................................................9 LIST OF OBJECTS.......................................................................................................................10 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS........................................................................................................ 11 ABSTRACT...................................................................................................................................12 CHAP TER 1 INTRODUCTION..................................................................................................................13 ELM as an Analytic Tool Beyond the Electroacoustic Medium............................................ 14 Preview of the Chapters........................................................................................................ ..16 2 SURVEY OF CANONICAL ELECTRO ACOUSTIC LISTENING METHODS ................17 Reduced Listening..................................................................................................................18 Acousmatic Experience................................................................................................... 19 Comparison of Reduced Listening and the Orientations of Audile Technique ............... 21 Soundscape Listening........................................................................................................... ..22 Properties of Soundscape Listening................................................................................23 Three Listening Modes.............................................................................................23 Soundmark............................................................................................................... 25 Acoustic Communication.........................................................................................26 Comparison of Soundscape Listening and th e Orientations of Audile Technique......... 27 Spectromorphological Listening............................................................................................. 28 Indicative and Inter active Relationship ...........................................................................29 Gesture.............................................................................................................................31 Comparison of Spectromorphological Listen ing and the Orientations of Audile Technique .....................................................................................................................31 Strengths and Weaknesses of Three Canonical E LMs........................................................... 32 Reduced Listening...........................................................................................................32 Soundscape Listening...................................................................................................... 32 Spectromorphological Listening..................................................................................... 33 Summary..........................................................................................................................33 3 GOALS OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGI CAL FIEL D RECORDINGS...................................... 34 Preservation of Culture...........................................................................................................35

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6 Acoustemology................................................................................................................36 Bias in Cultural Preservation........................................................................................... 37 Communication of Personal Experience................................................................................38 Intimate and Immediate Relationship With the Field...................................................... 39 Insider and Outsider........................................................................................................ 40 Document for Further Analysis.............................................................................................. 42 Data Beyond Notation..................................................................................................... 42 Data Beyond Performance............................................................................................... 44 Summary: Fieldnotes an d Field Recordings ...........................................................................46 4 ANALYSIS OF EFR USING ELM: ANALYTIC PROCEDURE........................................ 48 Analysis Protocol....................................................................................................................48 Building Competencies Sp ecific to ELM Analysis ......................................................... 48 Application Protocols of ELM Analysis......................................................................... 49 Selection Criteria of Representative EFRs............................................................................. 51 The Recording Must Be Accompanied by W ritings Based on the Recorded Subject.... 51 The EFR Must Communicate the Persona l Experience of the Recordist ........................ 51 The Recordist Must Be the Author of the Written Research........................................... 52 The Technical Specifications of the Recording P rocedure Are Documented................. 52 5 ANALYSIS OF EFR USING ELM: CASE STUDIES.......................................................... 53 Case Study I: Tanzanian Kwaya by Gregory Barz .................................................................53 Research Goal and Approach.......................................................................................... 53 Analysis of Recording Technology................................................................................. 55 Track Descriptions........................................................................................................... 56 Application of ELM........................................................................................................ 59 Reduced Listening....................................................................................................59 Soundscape Listening............................................................................................... 61 Spectromorphological Listening.............................................................................. 64 Summary..................................................................................................................68 Case Study II: Lift-Up-Over-Sounding of Kaluli by Steven Feld.......................................... 68 Research Goal and Approach.......................................................................................... 69 Analysis of Recording Technology................................................................................. 71 Track Descriptions........................................................................................................... 73 Application of ELM........................................................................................................ 75 Reduced Listening....................................................................................................75 Soundscape Listening............................................................................................... 79 Spectromorphological Listening.............................................................................. 81 Summary..................................................................................................................83 6 RESULTS AND RE FL ECTION............................................................................................ 85 Effectiveness of ELMs on Supporting Goals of EFRs ........................................................... 85 On Preservation of Culture..............................................................................................85 On Communication of Personal Experience in Fieldwork ..............................................86

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7 On Documentation for Further Analysis......................................................................... 87 Conclusion and Suggestions for Further Research................................................................. 88 APPENDIX A COMPOSITION: GAINESVILLE SOUNDSCAPE............................................................. 91 B LIST OF AUDIO AND GRAPHIC APPLICATIONS.......................................................... 93 LIST OF REFERENCES...............................................................................................................94 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.........................................................................................................99

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8 LIST OF TABLES Table page B-1 List of Audio and Graphic Applications Used For the Study............................................ 93

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9 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 2-1 Sound of a squeaking door is visualized in the spectrogram ............................................. 294-1 Waveform plot and spectrogr am of a piano playing 440Hz.............................................. 504-2 Waveform plot and spectrogram of A) a piano playing 440Hz and B) an acoustic guitar playing 440Hz..........................................................................................................505-1Spectrogram of the introduction of Nat uma Ujumbe Watu. Note the continuous presence of low frequency sound below 500Hz as well as the percussive but reverberant sonic activ ity between 750-900Hz..................................................................635-2 Stereo waveform plot of Medley of Two Gogo-Influenced Songs from 3:21-3:34. To better represent the presence and moveme nt of the drum, equalization was used to boost drum sounds and suppress others............................................................................. 655-3 Waveform plot of the tenor parts in Medley of Two Gogo-Influenced Songs (7:207:50). Three verses were edited out from the original track and se parated by silences....665-4 Spectrogram of the tenor part in M edley of Two Gogo-Influenced Songs (7:207:50). Three verses are sepa rated by silences. Circles identify notable spectral changes between the three verses......................................................................................675-5 Standard AB and XY ster eo microphone configurations.................................................. 725-6 Spectrogram of ulab in A Large Mens Collect ive Work Group Sing And Whoop...... 765-7 Spectrogram of J.S. Bachs Wo Gott der Herr nicht bei uns halt BWV 258 (Nordic Chamber Choir, J.S. Bach). The vertical dotted lines show the synchronization given each syllable of the text...................................................................................................... 775-8 Spectrogram of Fo:fo: and Miseme Sing At Their Sago Place (00:27-00:37)............... 785-9 Spectrogram of a section of Ulahi an d Eo:bo Sing With Afternoon Cicadas. The analyzed sound was equalized and normalized for a better visual representation in the spectrogram..................................................................................................................805-10 Three spectrograms showing the gradual change in the glissando shape of whistling in Fo:fo: And Miseme Sing At Their Sago Place. A), B), and C) are in chronological order............................................................................................................825-11 Two spectrograms of doloso:k sounds...............................................................................83

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10 LIST OF OBJECTS Object page A-1 Gainesville Soundscape (17MB, GainesvilleSS.mp3)....................................................... 92

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11 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ELM Electroacoustic Listening Method EFR Ethnomusicological Field Recording

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12 Abstract of Dissertation Pres ented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy ANALYSIS OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGICA L FIELD RECORDINGS USING ELECTROACOUSTIC LISTENING METHODS By Joo Won Park May 2008 Chair: James Paul Sain Major: Music This study is an analysis a nd evaluation of ethnomusicologica l field recordings based on electroacoustic music listening methods. The stud y surveys canonical electroacoustic listening methods and ethnomusicological research methods with regards to audio ethnography. Selected electroacoustic listening methods are used to interpret exis ting ethnomusicological field recordings, looking at ways in which these methods help ethnomusicologists better achieve their research goals. The study reveals that electroacoustic music listening methods aid ethnomusicologists in guiding their reception and interpretation of field recordings.

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13 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION In 1984, a ballet teacher held a series of classes for the Cleveland Browns. The following passage describes the players com ical yet eff ective erudition in a medium with which one can safely assume that they had little to no experience: Because the men were so large a nd powerful, Mahler ditched the barre ("They would have ripped it out of the wall," she j okes) in favor of center exerci ses, and held the class on a football field, where an athlete's large frame would not send him crashing into the wall. The players soon discovered that ballet training delivered some real benefits. Using turnout to rotate legs from the hips helps to strength en smaller, more injury-susceptible muscles in ways working in parallel can't, Mahler says, by engaging what Pilates practitioners call the "smile muscles" beneath the gluteu s and around the pelvis. By practicing changement and tendu players gained improved flexibility in th eir ankles and feet, which translated to increased agility come game time. (Howard, Without Dance) The analytical method proposed in this study is founded on a similar concept, that of taking the strengths of one discip line (electroacoustic music analys is) and applying it to another (ethnomusicological research). While the two se em ostensibly more similar than ballet and football, the reader will see that the two fi elds have little methodological intersection or interdisciplinary discourse. The study is based on a hypothesis that the listening methods developed in electroacoustic music research can provide a fresh interp retation of recordings made by ethnomusicologists. Specifically, the study proposes that elec troacoustic listening methods (ELMs) will, if adopted, help et hnomusicologists in their analyses of ethnomusicological field recordings (EFRs). Just as the technique de la barre was not the best tool for football players, there are electroacoustic music theories that are inapprop riate for the research of ethnomusicology. The subsequent sections of this chapter will ex plain why ELMs are valid in the study of EFRs, outlining a robust process of inclusion, exclusion, and modification by which ELMs will be transformed for the purposes of this study.

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14 ELM as an Analytic Tool Be yond the Electroa coustic Medium Listening to disembodied sound through t echnological mediation is common, if not ubiquitous, in contemporary listening practices of various culturesmost notably those which have developed economically to the point where technological reproducti on of music is the way in which the population engages with music. Albrecht gives an example of how electronically mediated sound has transformed the way people perceive and experience music: Over the many millennia in which men and wo men have walked, danced, and sung on this earth, music had never been communicated with out the actual copresence of human beings assuming role as musicians and participants in the process. Today, this is no longer true. The experience of music has shifted from one in which all performance was, and had to be, direct and interpersonal to one in which mo st performance is indirect and mediated by some form of mechanical or electronic t echnology. It sometimes seems that only the intoxicated, the delinquent, and the insane ar e still capable of spontaneously producing song while the rest of us are much more contented with a music that is industrially produced and commercially su stained. (Albrecht 2) He also comments that this shift of listen ing habits has caused a profound reshaping and restructuring of human perception, thought, fee ling, and culture itself (Albrecht 11). For example, Emmerson cites how the crooning voice, when amplified by microphone, could sound comfortably close on the radio at home while at the same time could also sound intimate in a large hall (Emmerson, Living xv). This was due to the development of electronic recording technology in the 1920s, which paved the way for more intimate styles of singing. Devices such as the radio and portable audio player, which were made possible by the development of the transistor in the 1950s, make surrogate elect roacoustically designed environments a familiar feature of most listeners' daily experience (Truax, The Analysis). If the electronic mediation of sound changed how people listen to and experience music, then one would assume that a fruitful interpre tive terrain can be gained with the use of a properly-crafted tool to measure an imagined lis teners perception and interpretation of recorded, amplified, and disembodied sounds. Scientific metric systems, such as Hertz and decibel, exist to

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15 measure the physical properties of a sound, but they lack the humanistic qual ities that give other musical and cultural interpretive theories their tenability. To develop measurements along these lines, one needs to incorporate a body of knowledge from a genr e of music and philosophy that concerns itself almost exclusively with the experience and ma nipulation of disembodied sound electroacoustic music. As Truax notes, the us e of recorded sound as a primary source of composition celebrates the primacy of listening, th e ability to extract information at different simultaneous levels, [and] a recognition of the ability of sound to shape space and time (Truax, The Analysis). The compositional and analytic methods of el ectroacoustic music research are potentially applicable to other mediated, sound-based di sciplines. For example, Field suggests the application of electroacous tic music listening to the analysis of film and popular music: Sophisticated timbral manipulation is no longer the single preserve of the electroacoustic composer. Today, interesting new timbres can also be found in Hollywood films and contemporary popular music, and the liste ning public is becoming correspondingly accustomed to listening to timbre without first wondering what the source or cause of the sound actually was. (Field 89) Spectromorphology Hits Hollywood an analysis of a film sc ore and sound effects by Gates and Rudy, also applies an electroacoustic theory to analyze the relatio nship between the film score and sound effects in a movie. However, th ere exists a wide anal ytic lacuna between electroacoustic listening methods and the standard interpretive procedures of ethnomusicology. This treatise seeks to bridge that gap. Ethnomusicologists make extensive use of reco rded sound in their musical analyses, but they often do not consider the more advanced an d subtle properties of sound. If recorded sounds are to be perceived and listened to differently than live sound, analysis of EFRs need to utilize an approach that categorizes and compares the most apparent sonic features in an electronically

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16 mediated form. While one could potentially inve nt entirely new analytic mechanisms by which this goal could be achieved, this study instead ad apts three canonical ELMs to serve these needs. Preview of the Chapters The subsequ ent chapters will advance a method by which ELMs may be applied to EFRs. This will be done in four stages: First, the study categorizes three canonical ELMs in Chapter 2. The characteristics of reduced listening, soundscape list ening, and spectromorphological listening are discussed. This survey reveals that each ELM has stre ngths and weaknesses in detecting specific characteristics of recorded sounds. Second, ethnomusicological research goals for which EFRs are created will be categorized and defined in Chapter 3. The survey shows that EFRs by different researchers have the common function of preserving culture, communicating personal experiences, and representing information that cannot be easily transc ribed or translated in written form. Third, Chapter 4 outlines analysis protocols fo r the applicatio n of the selected ELMs to EFRs. The chapter explains how and why gra phs and digital signal processing techniques are used in the analyses of selected EFRs. The proposed anal ysis procedures would yield the most fruitful result when they are applied to EFRs that are accompanied by documentation of the authors research goals and methods. Fourth, Chapter 5 has two case studies of pub lished ethnomusicological scholarship. Field recordings of Gregory Barz (Barz, Perfor ming) and Steven Feld (Feld, Bosavi) are analyzed with the three ELMs to show that the proposed method reveals sonic evidences that comport with the researchers thesis. The last chapter evaluates the strengths and limitations of these analytical procedures, suggesting additional avenues for exploration. The paper concludes with an original soundscape composition called Gainesville Soundscape (A ppendix A). This composition is an artistic response to many of the concepts and methodolog ies discussed in the chapters to follow.

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17 CHAPTER 2 SURVEY OF CANONICAL ELECTROACOUSTIC LISTENING METHODS This chapter surveys books, papers, and pub lished lectures on ca nonical electroacoustic listening m ethods (ELMs). The discussed ELMs w ill be used as tools of analysis for the ethnomusicological field recordings (EFRs) in Chapter 4 and 5. In order to properly define and discuss a listening method, one must first make a distinction between hearing and listening. While one potentially hears any and all sound, liste ning is an interpretive act whereby one finds meaning in sound. In discussing li stening techniques in his book The Audible Past Jonathan Sterne states the following about th e nature of technique in general: Technique connotes practice, virtuosity, and the possibi lity of failure and accident, as in a musicians technique with a musical instrument It is a learned skill, a set of repeatable activities within a limited number of framed contexts. (92) Sterne points out that such characteristics are found in job-speci fic listening activities, such as stethoscopic medical diagnoses encryption and decryption of Morse code, and interpretation of sound reproduction technologies. He names a set of practices of listening that were articulated to science, reas on, and instrumentality and that encouraged the coding and rationalization of what was heard (23) as audile technique. By articulation, he means the process by which different phenomena with no n ecessary relations to one another (such as hearing and reason) are connected in meaning and/or practice (24). For a listening activity to be considered as an audile technique, St erne suggests that the following six orientations need to be apparent (93-94): Technical Skill: Ways of listening can be lear ned and applied at wi ll. Listening can be elaborated, managed, and acted out. Separated Activity: Listening can be separate d from other senses. Once so separated, it can be intensified, focused, and reconstructed.

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18 Reconstructs Space: Listening re constructs private auditory space that can be reformed and transformed in the listeners mind. This reconstructed space is no t necessarily a true representation of the sound source. Metaphoric/Pragmatic: Sound is described through metaphoric language in audile technique. There is no metalanguage of sound (a set of abstract and objective descriptions for sonic qualities) except some words such as loud and quiet. As a consequence, audile technique stresses listening practice and practical knowle dge through listening, rather than formal and abstract descriptions of sound. Specialized for Mediated Sound: audile techni que mainly deals with decoding sounds that are distanced or removed from their social a nd physical origins. Audile technique treats proximal sounds as indices of events ot herwise absent to the other senses. Professional Distinction: Virtuosity in listening is considered as a distinguished skill of a profession. For example, a medical doctor dist inguishes himself from other professionals through his skill at examin ing a patients conditio n by medical auscultation. These six orientations of audile technique cl assify various subjective responses to sound, allowing listening to become a rational tool of analysis. While Sterne acknowledges that these six techniques may not be the only ones possibl e (96), they nonetheless serve as a basis for exploring, if not evaluating, ELMs and their use as analytical tools. The subsequent sections will show that three canonical ELMs (reduced listening, soundsca pe listening, and spectromorphological listening) employ techniques or reflect concerns parallel to those of Sternes audile technique. Reduced Listening Pierre Schaeffers reduced listening theory is the foundation upon which all subsequent electroacoustic audile theories have been built. S i nce its first publication in 1966, Trait des Objets Musicaux by Schaeffer has been cited in 212 sc holarly journals as of November 2007 (Google Scholar, Trait), showing the de gree to which reduced listening and other musique concrte -related theories are thought of as canonical. As an article by Atkinson states, the acousmatic tradition that privileges perception an d the [Schaefferian] mantra of primacy to the ear is now long established (A tkinson 118) among electroacousti c musicians and researchers.

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19 Camilleri and Smalley summarize the influence of Schaeffers theory in electroacoustic music in the following: The Schaefferian approach had th e effect of catapulting the act of listening to the fore of investigation, not just music listening but the phenome non of listening as a whole. (Camilleri and Smalley 4) Acousmatic Experience Reduced listening is an activity that focu ses on sound as an acousm atic entity. In Trait des Objets Musicaux Schaeffer defines the term acousmatic in the fourth chapter as such: acousmatic, objective: referring to a sound that one hears without seeing the cause behind it (qtd. in Kane 17). Kane explai ns the origin of the term in the ancient Greek tradition of Pythagoras in which he lectured from behi nd a curtain, and how the acousmatic experience reduces sounds to the field of hearing alon e (17). The following defi nition and purpose of acousmatic experience proposed by Wishar t clarifies the co ncept further: [Acousmatic] refers to the apprehension of a sound without relation to its source. It was important in Schaeffers development of th e concept of the soundobject that it be detached from any association with its s ource or cause. The sound-object was to be analyzed for its intrinsic acoustic properties and not in relation to the instrument or physical cause which brought it into being. (Wishart 41) As mentioned above, intentional detachment fr om the source is crucial to the acousmatic experience. Atkinson described th is condition as highly interna lized action in the sense of focusing all on attentive listening (117). Schaeffers theory assu mes the need for listeners to show a competency and skill at listening equa l to that of composers and performers. Schaeffer subsequently refined the concep t of acousmatic experi ence by defining four modes of listening. It should be noted that there are a variety of French words that mean listening, so finding an appropriate tr anslation of Schaefferian distin ctions in English is difficult. The following list uses translations from Kanes article L'objet Sonore Maintenant: Pierre Schaeffer, Sound Objects and the Phenomenological Reduction (18-19):

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20 couter (to listen to): Listening for information gathering and identification of source Comprendre (to understand): Listening for a syst em of sound such as language Our (the physical act of a udition): Passive, disintereste d, or inattentive listening Entendre (to hear): active listening that selects, appreciates, and responds to particular attributes of sounds According to Kane, reduced listening brackets o ff the first two modes (19). The referential, as well as semiotic function of sound, is thus in tentionally ignored when one seeks to experience sound acousmatically. This main feature of Schaeffers theory has been both praised and criticized by electroacoustic music researchers. While advocates of reduced listening believe that one is able to hear a sound without reference to the source, many also state that the complete divorcing of a sound from the object that makes it is impossi ble. Sternes opinion on acousmatic experience exemplifies the latter point of view: Acousmatic or schizophonic definitions of sound reproduction carry with them a questionable set of prior assumptions about the fundamental nature of sound, communication, and experience. Most importa nt, they hold human experience and the human body to be categories outside history. (Sterne 20) Kane further extends Sternes argument by statin g that pure reduced listening is idealistic insofar as it forces listeners to ignore the in dicative and communicative na ture of sound (22). The practicality of pure reduced listening, in the end, was proved to be difficult for Schaeffer himself, as he confessed in an interview in 2001: Unfortunately, it took me forty years to concl ude that nothing is possible outside DoReMi. In other words, I wasted my life. (qtd. in Hodgkinson 35) Despite Schaeffers negative view of his own theory, the electroacoustic listening community as a whole has adopted an acousmatic approach to listening for over a half-century. The problem occurs when one believes that reduced listening is the only means of receiving and

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21 interpreting electroacoustic music. As the followi ng analyses will show, reduced listening is one of several valid interpretive prisms through which electroacoustic music may be viewed. Comparison of Reduced Listening and the Orientations of Audile Technique Sterne chooses to use audile in his term audile technique because it references conditions under which hearing is the privileged sense for kn owing or experiencing, and because it connotes hearing and listening as dev eloped and specialized practices, rather than inherent capacities (96). This reasoning overlaps with Schaeffers goal of privileging the activity of listening as mentioned by Atkinson and Kane in the previous sections. The following list shows that Schaefferian reduced listening has most of the charac teristics of audile technique: Technical Skill: One needs to cultivate his re duced listening ability through the study of Schaeffers texts. Separated Activity: As the acousmatic experience solely depends on listening, all other senses are suppressed while the listening e xperience becomes intensified, focused, and reconstructed. (Sterne 93) Reconstructs Space: As reduced listening blocks the referential nature of sounds, it allows listeners to imagine metaphoric and abstract spaces similar to those constructed by listeners of instrumental works. In this case, as described in Schaeffers fourth listening mode ( Entendre) the listener is drawn into the structure of the music and its manipulated timbres rather than its referential and historical context. Metaphoric/Pragmatic: As reduced listening brac kets off the first two listening modes of couter and comprendre sounds are prohibited from acting as direct references. At the same time, acousmatic listening is a pragmatic practice that can use metaphoric language to describe the timbral qualities of sound. Specialized for Mediated Sound: Reduced li stening is a method specialized in the intensification of the listening experience, especially when the sound is removed from its original context through technological mediation, as in Schaeffers musique concrte works. Professional Distinction: Those who listen exceptionally well thr ough reduced listening gather in a concert or confer ence of electroacoustic music to apply the art of reduced listening to compositions composed with th e aesthetics of reduced-listening in mind.

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22 Soundscape Listening While reduced listening slowly ga in ed credibility as a part of electroacoustic theory in Europe, R. Murray Schafer, Truax, and other co mposers developed soundscape listening theory in Canada. (To avoid confusion, Pierre Schaeffer w ill be referred to as Schaeffer, and R. Murray Schafer will be referred to as M. Schafer hencef orth.) It was developed on the premise that ones everyday listening practice, without proper guidance, is insufficient to extract all of the acoustic information encoded in an environmenta l sound (Truax, Acoustic Communication 18). Soundscape composition is a genre in which fiel d recordings of a specific place become the main building blocks of a composition. It shou ld be noted that the te rm soundscape refers not only to soundscape compositions, but also to the field of sound from which soundscape compositions are made. In this sense, the term functions similarly to the term landscape, which refers both to a visual field a nd the genre of painting depicti ng visual fields. The following characteristics of soundscape composition, as gi ven by Truax, show the genres significant emphasis on the relationship between the s ounds environment and th e listener (Truax, Soundscape 63): The listener recognizes source materials. The context of the sound is enhanced to make a network of meanings. The composer makes his own connections. The work enhances the listeners understanding of the world. Through emphasis on context and the recognition of the source, Truax states that the real goal of the soundscape composition is the re-integra tion of the listener with the environment in a balanced ecological relationship (Truax, Soundscape 63). His goal is similar to that of M. Schafer who coined the term soundscape (Schafer Voices 104). In the CD liner notes to The Vancouver Soundscape M. Schafer writes about the goa l of the World Soundscape Project:

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23 The aim of the World Soundscape Project is to bring together resear ch on the scientific, sociological and aesthetic aspects of the acoustic environment. The recording of acoustic environments is not new, but it ofte n takes considerable listening experience to begin to perceive their detail s accurately. A complex sensat ion may seem bland or boring if listened to carelessly. We hope, therefore, th at listeners will disc over new sounds with each replay of the records in these sets. They are the parts of the World Symphony. (Schafer, Vancouver) The idea that soundscapes contain viable info rmation on culture and nature is widely accepted in contemporary music scholarship. In a ddition to 150 articles citing M. Schafer and Truaxs books (Google Scholar, Tr uax and The Soundscape), one can observe the use of the term in other disciplines, such as anthropology and ethnomusicology. Some authors seem to have independently invented the term, but many ha ve borrowed it from M. Schafer and Truaxs original conceptualization. For exampl e, an article by Rice in the journal Anthropology Today uses the term soundscape to depict the acoustic environment of a hos pital, specifically citing M. Schafers writings (Rice 4-9). This is especially important to the pres ent study, as it shows a common parlance in electroacoustic and anthropological analysis w ith respect to the concept of soundscape. Properties of Soundscape Listening Both Truax and M. Schafer create num erous terms to define and describe soundscape theory. Truaxs Handbook for Acoustic Ecology resembles a dictionary of soundscape-related terms while M. Schafers The Soundscape includes a glossary of similar terms. The next subsection lists and explains a selection of term s that are relevant to the soundscape listening method. The terms introduced here will be used as tools for EFR analysis in Chapter 5. Three Listening Modes In his book Acoustic Communication Truax m entions three listening modes: listening-insearch, listening-in-re adiness, and background listening. Truax s listening modes are confined to different levels of sound-source recognition and awareness of the environment through sound. In

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24 this way, they are elaborations of couter as defined in the Schaefferian lexicon of listening modes. If a person is using the list ening-in-search mode, he is ac tively listening for a specific target in an environment by filtering out all ot her sounds. This is the most active of listening modes, necessitating a conscious search of the environment for cues (Truax, Acoustic Communication 22). The author makes a comparis on between this mode of listening and ones listening habits at a cocktail party: a person he ars only the conversation in which he is involved despite the noisy environment filled with other voices. A person in listening-in-readiness mode recognizes familiar sounds without searching for any sound in particular. This mode depends on associations being built up over time, so that the sounds are familiar and can be readily identified even by background processing in the brain (Truax, Acoustic Communication 22). An example of listening-in-readine ss would be a mother being awakened by her babys cry, but not by trucks or other noise s (Truax, Acoustic Communication 22). Lastly, a person in background listening mode has the most exclusive awareness of the sonic environment as he is det ecting and focusing on the sounds that exist with low volume and low information (Truax, Acoustic Communicati on 22). These expected and predictable sounds in an environment are called keynote sounds. An example of background listening would be a resident near a hospital focusing on the sound of an ambulance (Truax, Acoustic Communication 25). Truax remarks, to a visitor, such a sound [o f an ambulance] may be noticed as a signal, but to the permanent resident, it is habitually experienced as a background sound (Acoustic Communication 25).

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25 Truaxs intention in defining these modes is to elucidate ones everyday listening experience. A person might go through one or all of the mentioned modes every day, but he does not often think about his listening experience. Wit hout Truaxs definitions, it is hard to detect, isolate, and analyze the relationship between the sound and the listene r. Once the modes are recognized, Truax argues that, lis tening-in-search and listening-in-readiness are basic processes that must be practiced da ily, like any skills (24). Soundmark A person using these three m odes of listeni ng is able to detect soundmarks in his environment. Soundmarks depict sounds that are unique to a specific location. M. Schafer defines the term as the sounds that have been in a particular place for a long time (Schafer, Soundscape 108), emphasizing the hist orical significance of the s ound to be considered as a soundmark. In terms of their significance, sounds th at are in a particular place for a long time may fade into the background for people who ha ve been in the place long enough to become accustomed to the sound. People who come from an environment in which the sound is not present, however, will perceive it in a listening-i n-readiness mode (or, if they are specifically searching for it, a listening-in-search mode). Recognition of soundmarks is one of the most important tasks in listening to soundscape compositions, as a soundscape works building mate rials are in essence a series of soundmarks. The program note of a composition called Vancouver Soundmarks demonstrates how the composer guides the listeners to recognize a specific sound in a historical or cultural context: First there is the O Canada Horn (0:14), r ecorded from Stanley Park approximately two miles away from the horn. The O Canada Horn was first heard in Vancouver on June 19, 1967. It was the brainchild of local engineer Robert Swanson, who thought it up on his own to celebrate Canadas 1967 Ce ntennial. It has been playi ng (in E major) steadily ever since, except for a short in terlude (January 26Februa ry 10, 1972) when following a mixed public reaction, it was tempor arily silenced. (Schafer, Vancouver)

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26 As the above quotation suggests, a soundmark does not merely refer to a single sound producing object, but rather the hist orical and cultural context in which that object exists. More generally, in soundscape listening, historical and cultural background information shapes a listeners relation to the sound and the sources from which it emanates. This is in contrast to reduced listening, which emphasizes the intentional suppression of both historical and cultural information. Acoustic Communication Acoustic communication is a soundscape theory that em phasizes the gathering of inform ation through listening. Sterne, paraphrasin g Truax, comments that, listening can be an active means of gaining knowledge of a physical environment through the apprehension of variations in sonic characters (97). One example of this type of listening would involve the experience of sounds in spaces: when a person makes a sound in a reverberant room, the sound takes on the characteristics of the environment through the processes of reflection and absorption (Truax, Acoustic Communication 23). As a result, what the listener/soundmaker hears is a simultaneous image of self and environm ent (Truax, Acoustic Comm unication 23). While Schaeffer developed his theory of reduced listening specifically for the interpretation of musique concrte acoustic communication was deve loped for interdisciplinary use. In a recent article, Truax proposed that hi s acoustic communication theory could be applied as an analytical tool for electroacoustic music in general: The theory of acoustic communication expands on these concepts [of applying soundscape ideas to analyze other electroa coustic works] to include how information is extracted from sounds (i.e. listening) and exchanged, both acoustically and in the modern mediated forms of electroacoustic discourse which among many of its effects includes extension of the sonic repertoire and their ar bitrary sequencing and embedding, whether through amplified sounds imposed on an environment or the pers onal layering of sounds such as with the Walkman and iPod. (Truax, The Analysis)

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27 Truaxs explanation shows the flexibility of acoustic communication theory as an analytical tool for listening to any type of environmental sou nd. The application of ELM on EFR analysis in Chapter 5 will show that the appl ication of acoustic communication theory extends beyond electroacoustic music. Comparison of Soundscape Listening and the Orientations of Audile Technique Sim ilar to the previous secti on on reduced listening, one can evaluate soundscape listening by comparing it to Sternes six orie ntations for an audile technique: Technical Skill: Projects such as the Vancouver Soundscape Project show that soundscape listening and composition can be practiced a nd taught. As for educating listeners, M. Schafer published soundscape teaching methods in books such as Ear Cleaning Separated Activity: Drever point s out that the purpose of the recording is to put a frame around sound (22). Just as a photograph frames a visual environment, which may be inspected at leisure and in detail, so a r ecording isolates an acoustic environment and makes it repeatable even fo r study purposes (Drever 22). Reconstructs Space: This is the main feat ure of soundscape listening. Soundmarks and the three modes of listening help listeners imag ine and reconstruct the environment through sound. Metaphoric/Pragmatic: The three listening modes focus on discovering the direct (nonabstract) meaning of the sounds. The s oundscape concept in general is premised on valuing the referential, thus pragmatic, aspects of sound. Specialized for Mediated Sound: Soundscape li stening is a method specialized in the identification of sound, especially when the sour ce is removed from its original context, as in soundscape composition. Professional Distinction: While one can freely listen to and in terpret soundscapes, it often takes considerable listening experience to begin to perceive their details accurately (Schafer, Vancouver). While soundscape listening is useful in unders tanding our sounding environment, it fails to meaningfully explain sounds of unknown or unclear origin. To bridge this analytic lacuna, a listener needs an ELM speciali zed in detecting, describing, and analyzing such sound events.

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28 One ELM that addresses these types of s ounds can be found in Smalleys concept of spectromorphology. Spectromorphological Listening Spectrom orphology is a theory that has been widely accepted in the electroacoustic community since its conception in the1980s. Smalley has defined th e term in two different ways over a 21-year period. The first quote is fr om 1986, and the next one is from 2007: Spectro-morphology is an approach to s ound materials and music structure which concentrates on the spectrum of available pitches and their shaping in time. (Smalley, Spectro-Morphology 61) Spectromorphology is the interaction between s ound spectra (spectro-) and the ways they change and are shaped in time (-morphology). (Smalley, Space-Form 36) In both examples, spectromorphology is define d as the change in a works spectral properties over time. It is important to reiterate that spectromorphol ogical listening is not designed in order to identify the average, constant spectrum of a sound, but in order to recognize and articulate how the sounds spectrum changes. Smalley has refined and elaborated the id ea of spectromorphology in numerous articles, establishing it as a prevalent th eory in the current electroacoustic community. A Google Scholar web search of scholarly articl es based on spectromorphological c oncepts shows that the concept has not only been used by Smalley, but has b een explored in depth by other electroacoustic researchers (Google Scholar, Spectromorphol ogy). Gates and Rudys article on using spectromorphological methods to analyze a Holly wood film score and sound effects exemplifies the potential of spectromorphology in analyzing and appreciating non-electroacoustic music. One popular tool for analyzing spectral change over time in electroacoustic music is the spectrogram (Figure 2-1). Spectrograms translate sonic information into a visual representation, giving the researcher a way to observe and reco rd changes in timbre over time. Although this

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29 approach has the advantage of visually represen ting spectral changes in a graph-like format, the spectrogram fails to register certain acoustic properties that can only be discerned through critical listening. On the use of listening as an an alytical tool, Smalley stat es that the practice of listening must form the foundation of any musical investigation which seeks to explain the working of spectro-morphology (Smalley, Spectro-Morphology, 64). Figure 2-1. Sound of a squeaking door is visualized in the spectrogram Indicative and Interactive Relationship The lexicon of spectromorphology includes m a ny dialectic definitions. For example, Smalley defines indicative and interactive relations hips with respect to th e listening process as such: In an indicative relationship the listener, in responding to the object of perception, refers to a range of phenomena outside the work; this indicative process, prompted by the object of perception, can embrace real/imagined sources a nd causes detected in the work, as well as more fanciful and autobiographi cal listener constructs. The interactive relationship, which embraces reduced listening, involves active explor ation of sonic qualities of the object of perception. (Smalley, qtd. in Atkinson 120)

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30 An indicative relationship betw een the listener and the sound is extra-musical. Similar to soundscape listening, the referential a nd semiotic nature of sound is regarded as important in an indicative relationship. By contrast, an inte ractive relationship focuses on the internal connections between sounds. The concept of an interactive relationship grows from Smalleys study of Schaeffers writings on acousmatic music and reduced listening (Smalley, SpectroMorphology 64). By accepting the co-existence of two viewpoints, one that is closer to soundscape and another closer to reduced listen ing, Smalley developed a flexible analytic language that can be used to evaluate a broad palette of electroacoustic music. Smalleys indicative/in teractive dichotomy can also be understood in the broader context of semiotic theory. In Interpretation and Musical Significa tion in Acousmatic Listening Atkinson draws a connection between the idea s of Smalley and Agawu by stating that, Smalleys account of the indicative and interactive is not dissimilar to [Agawus] idea of introversive and extroversive semiosis (120). Agawu defines in troversive and extroversive semiosis using Jackobsons words as quoted by Nattiez (23): Introversive semiosis: the refere nce of each sonic element to the other elements to come Extroversive semiosis: the referential link with the exterior world Note the similarity between introversive semiosis and interactive relationship as well as between extroversive semiosis and indicative relationship. Smalley and Jakobsons definition of paired terms with opposing characteristics points out that musical and extra-musical experiences occur simultaneously and concurrently. The in terplay between referential and structural relationships of sound is in fact the goal of Agawus theory: It will have emerged from th is preliminary discussion that these are not two disjunct modes of musical thought, but rather tw o (potentially) interesting pe rspectives. It is in the interaction between topical [extroversive] signs and structural [introversive] signs, a notion that might be described in terms of play, that the essence of my theory lies. (Agawu 23)

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31 Similarly, Smalleys introversive/extroversive relationships accept that sounds used in electroacoustic music can be dually referentia l and abstract. Listening to his composition Pentes is an example of such experience, as one can observe in the program notes of the piece: Pentes. The French titleslopes, inclines, as centswas suggested by the outlines of broad stretches in the piece, which evoke spacious landscapes. Most of the music was composed by transforming instrumental sounds. However, the only recognizable sound source is the Northumbrian pipes whose drone is responsible for the slowly evolving harmonies out of which a haunting traditional melody appears. (Smalley, qtd. in Sonic Arts Research Archive, Pentes) Gesture One elem ent of spectromorphology that is not particularly emphasized in the other two ELMs involves the detection of gesture in sound While visual connectio ns are intentionally suppressed in acousmatic listening, the imagining of human gesture is esse ntial to the experience of many electroacoustic works. Sma lley incorporates this into hi s theory because movement, like spectromorphology, is only understood and appreciat ed as a function of time. The following excerpt from Smalleys program notes on Wi nd Chimes expresses his aesthetic theory on movement and gesture as elements of composition: The piece is centered on strong a ttacking gestures, types of real and imaginary physical motion (spinning, rotating objects, resonances which sound as if scraped or bowed, for example), contrasted with layered, more spacious sustained textures whose poignant dips hint at a certain melancholy. (Smalley, Impacts) Comparison of Spectromorphological Listening and the Orientations of Audile Technique Sim ilar to the previous sections on reduced listening and soundscape listening, one can compare the spectromorphological listening method with Sternes orientations for audile technique: Technical Skill: Spectromorphological com position and listening can be learned and practiced. Articles, such as that of Young, advocate the idea that spectromorphology is a specialized skill.

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32 Separated Activity: As spectromorphology is firs t and foremost based on reduced listening, the listening activity is priv ileged above other senses. Reconstructs Space: Detection of gesture and indicative relationships guide listeners to imagine a listening space. As spectromorphology depends on th e appreciation of spectral changes over time, the reconstr ucted space evolves dynamically. Metaphoric/Pragmatic: Indicative relationships acknowledge and rely on the referential and metaphoric qualities of sound, in a simila r way that soundscape listening detects practical and nonabstract information in sound. Specialized for Mediated Sound: Spectromorphological listening is developed for analyzing and appreciating acousmatic sounds. Professional Distinction: The process of identifying and interpreting indicative/interactive relationships and distinguishing other char acteristics of spectrom orphological listening makes it a distinguished skill. T he interactive listening relationship is indeed a specialized acquisition which lies beyond the competence of most listeners (Smalley, The Listening Imagination 106). Strengths and Weaknesses of Three Canonical ELMs That all three ELMs are rich and distinct enough to be m odes of interpretation unto themselves is proof that no one of them is gospel. Each ELM has different attitudes and goals, leaving listeners to choose to integrate and/ or disregard each ELM according to his listening predilections. The next section summarizes each ELMs characteristics, evaluating their interpretive strengths and weaknesses. Reduced Listening Strengths : The acousmatic contex t removes a listener from what he thinks he is hearing (source recognition). This might lead a liste ner to an unusual experience of familiar sounds. Reduced listening also guides a listener to apprecia te timbral and structural qualities of both instrumental and, more importantly, non-instrumental sounds. Weaknesses : Disconnection between the source and cu lture takes effort and is impractical if not impossible. Soundscape Listening Strengths : This m ethod detects and interprets en vironmental information in recorded sounds. The method also focuses on the subjective relationship betw een the sound and the recordist, as personal experience is priv ileged in soundscape compositions. Soundscape

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33 theory has an established vocabulary, wh ich it uses in detecting and analyzing environmental sound experience. Weaknesses : Acousmatic Communications concep t of knowing the world through sound works only if the listener has previous knowle dge and experience of the relevant sound sources. A sound that is completely foreign to the listener (or which is presented in an unfamiliar environmental context) is difficu lt to categorize with soundscape vocabulary. Spectromorphological Listening Strengths : Spectrom orphological listening is specia lized in detecting changes in both sound and source, whether abstract or concrete as a basis of record ed sounds. The theory has become established as vocabulary for det ecting and analyzing the details of acousmatic sonic experience. Weaknesses : By focusing on changes over time, sp ectromorphological listening does not invite the listener to consider sound atemporall y, that is, in relation to other sounds or in relation to other inte rpretive networks. Summary The comparison of the aforementioned ELMs with Sternes audile technique suggests that these methods can be applied outside the genre of electroacousti c music to the broader activity of audile interpretati on. The vocabularies and theories of each ELM can be used to detect, describe, and analyze sonic properties of recorded sounds. Of course, just as certain ELMs are better suited for some pieces than othe rs, so too are certain ELMs better suited for certain audio phenomena. For example, listenin g to Morse code through reduced listening would not be an effective method for tele graphers, as the apprec iation of the sonic quality of the code is not their goal. This paper will extend the in terpretive utility of the above-discussed ELMs into the analysis of the human, cultural, and environmen tal information embedded in EFRs. Before doing this, however, it is important to identify common ethnomusicologica l research goals with regards to the use of EFRs.

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34 CHAPTER 3 GOALS OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGI CAL FIEL D RECORDINGS This chapter examines the various purposes of ethnomusicological fi eld recordings (EFRs) by synthesizing scholarship on this commonly-us ed research tool. Although the goals of ethnomusicological fieldwork are in a state of constant flux, the manner in which audio material is used has remained relatively consistentethno musicologists use recordings to archive musical and linguistic data from the field as well as the experiences associated with them. In his article Knowing Fieldwork, Titon establishes four paradigms for ethnomusicology (91-92); each paradigm pertains to a specific way that music and culture interface. Similar to the way that electroacoustic music is often considered as an umbrella term for music composed for electronic media and live electroni cs, Titons four paradigms s how that ethnomusicology has sub-disciplines with di fferent approaches for studying culture through music. Note that despite the different goals in each paradigm, EFRs have been categorically proven to be effective means for conducting ethnomusicological research: Comparative musicology: the comparative stud y of two music cultures (usually between Western and non-Western music). Musical folklore: the preservation of folk music through recording and transcription. Ethnomusicology: the study of acculturation and change in music. Study of people making/experiencing music: th e study of the music making process and its effect through performance. In addition to these paradigms, researchers us ing EFRs have three standard goals. The first is the role of EFRs in cultural preservation. Th e second is the role that EFRs can play in the communication of the ethnomusicologists personal experience to other re searchers and listeners. The last goal of EFR is to be a source for an alysis beyond transcription and performance. While

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35 these broad categories do not claim to encomp ass every function of EFR, they represent relatively independent categories into which ethn omusicological research goals may be divided. Before proceeding, it should be mentioned that this survey applies mainly to the EFRs made by ethnomusicologists who embrace their pers onal experience and the interpretive role it plays. The EFRs presented here share the view points of ethnomusicologists who openly address questions of individual agen cy, hegemony, and the role of the ethnographer-as-author in determining not only what is interpreted but how the researcher effects change and is changed by experiences in the field (Barz, Performing 187). Preservation of Culture Titon defines ethnom usicology as th e study of people making music, stressing that people and making are equally as important as music (qtd. in Stock, Ethnomusicology). The discipline is generally lik ened to anthropology, as Black ing discusses in his article The Study of Man as a Music Maker : Musical systems are not autonomous, and th at the study of musical and music-making therefore provides an excellent model for an alyzing the invention and use of cultural forms. (7) EFRs act as traces of musical systems, meaning that they can be studied to understand the invention and use of cultural forms (Blacki ng 7). The recorded sound becomes a reference to the culture in which the sound was produced. In regards to the social significance of sound, Sterne shares Blackings view; in his introduction of the subject of The Audible Past, Sterne identifies our audible past as a story in which sound, hearing, and listening are central to the cultural life of modernity, [and] where sound, hearing, and listen ing are foundational to modern modes of knowledge, culture, and social organization (2). Sternes remark confirms that one of the field workers tasks is to create convincing documenta tion of the auditory world of the field.

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36 Acoustemology Steven Feld, an ethnomusicologist whose EFRs will be analyzed in the next chapter, defines the term acoustemology as ones sonic way of knowing and being in the world (Feld and Brenneis 462). By acoustemology, Feld w ishes to suggest a union of acoustics and epistemology, and to investigate the primacy of sound as a modality of knowing and being in the world (Feld, Sound Worlds184). Acoustemology re veals one function of EFRs: they help listeners imagine the physical space heard by the field worker. Knowing an environment through sound can reveal cultural clues that are not observable through other senses. Rices article on the s ound world of hospitals explores how hospital patients confront, conceptualize and appropriate a soundscape which pervades the environment in which they live, and which outlasts their attemp ts at escape (Rice 6). Rice also explores how the acoustic dimension of the hosp ital is heightened by a relative deprivation of other sensory modalities (9). He then concludes by stating that his study is a demonstration of how sonic information is an important part of anthropolog ical study. Note that Rice s statement echoes the epistemological concerns found in Felds definition of acoustemology: This study emphasizes the significance of s ound in human experience in terms of both knowledge and imagination. In doing so, it stre sses the immediate relevance of sonic meaning to ethnographic inquiry, and the need to nurture auditory idio ms in the quest for anthropological knowledge and interpretation. (Rice 8) It is worth noting that the definition of acoustemology is re markably similar to the one given for acoustic communication in soundscape theory (gaining knowledge of a physical environment through the apprehension of variations in sonic charac ters (Sterne 97)). This is not a coincidence as Feld was involved with M. Sc hafers research group. In his interview, Feld informally remarks that he was a kind of et hnographic sidekick to [the soundscape] crowd (Feld and Brenneis 466) led by M. Schafer, and that he has used reco rdings from The World

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37 Soundscape Project in his teaching (466). The evid ence of Felds expertise with soundscape can be found in his usage of soundscape terms such as hi-fi soundscape and acoustic ecology in his published articles (Feld, Aesthetics 86-88). Bias in Cultural Preservation In 1964, Merriam stated ethnomusicology aims to approximate the methods of science, insofar as that is possible in a discipline which deals with huma n behavior and its products (37). If his statement were true, the sonic documentation of the culture should follow the scientific method, which demands the clear separation of the agent performing the experiment and the object on which the experiment is being performe d. Even in cases where scientists perform experiments on themselves, the distinction is ma de between the parts of them to which the experiment pertains and the parts that, idea lly, will be carrying out the methodology from which the experiment draws its validity. This comports with the scientific ideal that any successful experiment should, given the same conditions, be reproducible. However, by the nature of the field recordi ng and the recordist, so me ethnomusicologists acknowledge that erasing the trace of the obser ver or collector in EFRs is impossible, making each recording unique and therefore incompatible with the above-mentioned methodological constraint. Some even argue that the transmission of musical knowledge is only possible insofar as it is communicated through an artistic resp onse to the music of others. Feldman supports this viewpoint by stating that, for ethnomusicologists, unlike anthropologists, blending art and ethnography is a time-honored practice in the field work stage (Feldman 29). During fieldwork, an ethnomusicologist might choose to emphasize one sound over another by the placement of microphones. Fales observes that, as a result of microphone placement, a recording of Barundi music by Merriam in the 1950s focuses on the accompaniment rather than the main vocal part:

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38 As is often the case with African music, the Barundi assign primary importance to the vocal text, though its real significance accordin g to musicians, lie not so much in its meaning, but in the whisper that articulates it and particularly in the effect of the combined timbres of the noisy whisper and the inaga. Merriams tapes, however, show a consistent tendency to position the microphone so close to the inaga, that the text is often muffled and inaudible. It is difficult to escape the c onclusion that Merriam was more interested in virtuosic inaga playingin the accompaniment, that isthan he was in the whispered vocals by which the Barundi define the genre. (Fales 56) Such recordings may portray a personalized, and perhaps biased, view to listeners who wish to use EFRs as sources of research. Fales acoustic analysis of Merriams field technique also indicates a partia l confluence between ethnomusicologica l research methods and the tenants of various ELMs. While the recording and preserving of culture is an important function of ethnomusicological research, it is not th eir only role. In the last chapter of Shadows in the Field Barz and Cooley question the re ader as to whether documentati on is the main role of field research (209), revealing in the process the ethnomusicologists role as an interpreter of culture through sound. Thus, the goal of field research, as well as that of ethnomusicology as a whole, is both the interpretation and documentation of people making music (Titon, qtd. in Stock, Ethnomusicology). Communication of Personal Experience As early as 1964, ethnomusicologist Bruno Nettl rem arked that fieldwork is the most personalized aspect of ethnomusicological re search (Nettl, Theory and Method 64). The archiving of personality in fieldwork is not only accepted in contemporary ethnomusicology, but is celebrated and encouraged by many ethnomus icologists of the 1960s and later. The following statement of Barz from 1997 exemplifies such a viewpoint: contemporary ethnomusicology is challenged in many unique ways, most importantly to listen, feel, question, understand, and represent in ways true to ones own experiences. (Barz and Cooley 208)

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39 The statements from Nettl and Barz reflect a move towards a more subjective brand of inquiry in anthropology and ethnomus icology. EFRs thus can be consid ered as representations of what the researcher has experienced at a particular time and contex t. The following subsections survey aspects of the personal expe rience often engraved in EFRs. Intimate and Immediate Relationship With the Field EFRs can potentially docum ent the ethnomusicol ogists relation to the field. The authors of ethnomusicological scholarship ofte n dedicate a significant number of pages to inform readers how they became insiders by befriending those from the cultures they research and studying the music from their point of view. As an exampl e, Barz joined a Tanzanian church choir called a kwaya his main subject of research in the 1990s, to investigate what it means to belong to a kwaya community, a unique and specialized layer of cultural history(-ies) that are an integral part of the concept of kwaya (Barz, Performing 8). By cultivating an intimate relationship with the people in the field, ethnomusicologists can acces s aspects of a cultures music that are not usually detectable by people who are not close to the subjects. An in-depth analysis of Barzs recordings will be used as an example to support this statement in Chapter 5. The function of EFRs in this situation is to capture the unique relationship an ethnomusicologist has with the fiel d and deliver it to the listener. Felds approach to recording the Kaluli people of Papua New Guineas Bosavi Mountain area serves as an example of this function: The recording takes you there, into that pla ce, and you can have a very sensuous, affecting, feelingful relationship with voice and place by listening. Thats the best I can do, an anthropology of sound in and through sound, a re presentation of culture that is both a pleasure and an intellectual provocation, that gets your ears as close to the Bosavi world as I can get them. (Feld and Brenneis 468) As stated in the last sentence of Felds quote, an EFR brings the listeners ears as close to the field as an ethnomusicologist can get them. If a regular recording cannot take the listeners

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40 close enough to the lives of the Kaluli, Feld of ten edits and mixes his recordings in order to convey his personal listening experience as an insi der. Such cases as this one will be discussed and analyzed in a later chapter. The method by which an ethnomusicologist comm unicates his personal experience of an EFR may be deduced from his articles and program notes. The written notes accompanying a recording often reference the ethnomusicologists initial field experience, creating not only a personal journal or memoir of the experience, but a frame through which listeners can focus on the event. Titon elaborates: If we believe that knowledge is experiential and the intersubjective pr oduct of our social interactions, then what we can know arises ou t of our relations with others, both in the field and among our colleagues where we live and work, and these relations have an ineluctably personal aspect to them. The docum ents (texts) that we and our friends [the ethnomusicologists and local people in the fiel d] generate in the field have a certain immediacy to themfield notes, photographs recordingsthat remind us, when we are no longer in the field, of thos e relationships. (Titon 95) Insider and Outsider As previously discussed, acoustem ological inte rpretations of EFRs give listeners cultural and spatial cues about a specific location. It should be noted that th e reception of cultural information differs from one individual to another depending on ones knowledge of and closeness to the environment. An individuals understanding of the world through sound varies depending on whether he is, in et hnomusicological terms, an insider or an outsider. An insider belongs to culture X and identifies with the musi c of culture X as if it were his own. An outsider belongs to culture Y and experiences the music of culture X as a foreigner. The ethnomusicologist begins his research as an outsi der, but increasingly fits the profile of an insider as he develops a deep er relationship with the commun ity. In successful fieldwork, an ethnomusicologist gains the perspectives of both insider and outsider.

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41 Barzs remark on the process of becoming an insider in his field exemplifies this view. When studying kwaya culture, Barz remarked on how, as a nonkwaya member he felt separated from the group and on how his isolation influenced his methodology: At the time I began observing the Kwaya they were gathering four evenings each week in addition to their regular Sunday service. I became increasingly uncomfortable, however, with the distanceboth physical and met hodologicalI was creating by the direct observer-observed model I had adopted, and I quickly switched my research strategy to one of participant-observa tion. (Barz, Performing 24) When the author joined the group, he gained di fferent perspectives into the music he was researching. Barz remarks that performing with the people of kwaya was the most rewarding and productive approach (24). While in Barzs experience one can see a clear distinction between insider and outsider, the difference between the two is not always cl ear. Consider the following passage from Nettls essay Redefining the Field in which he takes an ethnomusicological approach to Western/Pop music and the playing of music from other cultures in ones home: You are, for example, an American, a Midw esterner, an urban re sident, an Italian American (and thus maybe also an Italian) a teenager, a female, a member of factoryworker family, and more. And if you are an et hnomusicologist to boot, one asks to what musical cultures you qualify as an insiderwhether as a Wes terner you are an inside to all Western music, whether as a resident of Prague you are an insider of the Czech village twenty miles away, whether as Navajo scholar you are an insider to all Native American culture, or as a woman insider to al l womans music. (Nettl, The Study 186) Nettl also notes that this ambiguous line between the insider and the outsider is due to the fact that each person possesse s numerous identities, and thus [has], as it were, numerous musics (186). Barz was also cautious to say that he does not suggest that insider/outsider are the only states in which one may be cons idered with respect to a culture: Perhaps a better way of unders tanding my negotiation betwee n insider and outsider would be to treat it as a cultural a doption, since I did not, in fact grow up in the culture of a Tanzanian kwaya community (Barz, Performing 25).

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42 The insider/outsider scheme is thus a reductive analytical tool used by ethnomusicologists to distinguish different points of view that in reality, exist along multivariate gradients. Creators and listeners of EFRs can therefore ac t simultaneously as insiders and outsiders. An EFR can represent an inside rs view on the music and environment of a culture for an audience of outsiders. Especially in Felds case, recording is a representation of the way he has come to hear the field (Feld, From Ethnomusico logy). At the same time, an ethnomusicologist can benefit from listening to his field recordings as an outsider so that he may investigate aspects not seen from the inside. Ethnomusicologists, as specialized listeners a nd interpreters of EFRs, need to learn the difference between listening from the inside or the outside. Yamada who is identified as one of the next generation of rain-forest sonic research ers by Feld (Feld and Brenneis 466), has not himself recorded the sound of the Bosavi. However, in his review in The Contemporary Pacific of Felds recording of the Bosavi, he acknow ledges and understands that the recording was produced with Felds viewpoint as an insider: Disc II: Sounds and Songs of Everyday Life aura lly sketches the Bosavi's rich acoustic life, including sounds heard when felling trees and scraping sago pith; human voices singing with sounds of cicadas, waterfalls, and birds; and the sound of a Jew's harp played for selfentertainment, for example. Producing and listening to sounds are unquestionably at the center of Bosavi life. In particular, Feld closely examines the interaction between the sounds of people and the sounds of the rainforest. For Bosavi people the rainforest soundscape, with its innumerabl e varieties of sound, is the qu intessential musical source that provides inspiration for their soundand song-making. (Yamada 532) Document for Further Analysis Data Beyond Notation The early years of ethnomusicology concentrated on transcription of oral/aural (and often non-W estern) music into Western notation. Once tr anscribed, the music was analyzed according to Western theoretical norms. More recently it has become generally accepted that transcription

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43 (especially into Western notation) is not able to capture the many intricacies of non-Western music. Surveying intranscribable musical in formation using Western notation is beyond the scope of this paperFelds story about his first exposure to a Papua New Guinean funeral summarizes the large body of in formation that can be dete cted and decoded only through auditory perception: I didnt understand the language. I didnt know anything [about Papua New Guinea in 1973]. So here I am, wham! With big Na gra and headphones and microphone sitting among all these people who were weeping. I just sort of closed my eyes and listened and realized that I could easily spend a year tryi ng to figure out the first sounds I was hearing. So much was going on with the sound and soci al patterning, in the relationship between emotion and sonic form and structure and or ganization. And then, there was the question of funerals, the connections w ith sociality, the importance in Melanesia of the way worlds and objects stand in for person. A ll of that just slammed me in the head within a couple of hours of being in Bosavi. (Feld, Doing Anthropology 464) Beginning with this event, Feld spent twenty -five years researching the sound and culture of the Bosavi people of Papua New Guinea. One result of his research is a CD named Voices of the Rainforest (1991), produced by Mickey Hart, the drummer of the Grateful Dead. In this recording, Feld does not hesitate to use studi o techniques to interp ret and represent the relationship between the human-created sounds of the New Guineans and the environmental sounds of the rainforest: In a live environment, the human ear can zoom in on the sound of an insect or a stream. To re-create that kind of hearing, Feld and Jeff Stirling (Harts mi x engineer at Studio X) took digital samples of Felds close-up recordings of such details and mixed them into the soundscape to bring the birds as alive and into the audio fo reground as they are in Kaluli musical imagination and experience. (Signell 337) While the transcription of oral traditions into visual representations might be useful at an abstract level, Felds recordings show that th e social/anthropol ogical implications of the sound are almost impossible to capture in notation. Th e transcriptions are us ed in the structural analysis of the researched music and the determina tion of its pitch and/or r hythmic relationships.

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44 In researching the sounds of hospitals, Rice draws the conclusion that transcription of their sound into Western notation is almost impossibl e given their non-instrumental, environmental nature: I have tried to establish here that the hospital soundscape is not composed of meaningless scraps of sound. Rather, the acoustic elements which constitute the soundscape are the products of particular medica l practices embedded in the discourse of biomedicine. Patients have endowed these sounds with comp lex meanings, such that the soundscape has become a symbol, a sonic articulation of the patients position. (Rice 8) Rices observations also describe the space in which the sounds of a hospital resonate. The transcription of field recordings into Western not ation fails to describe the space, as the spatial quality of the field is difficult to convey in a written ethnography (Feld and Brenneis 465). Where transcription into notation fails to cap ture the sensuality of the space, video recordings can be used to augment and furthe r articulate the qualities of space communicated through sound. Nevertheless, ther e are fieldwork situations in which visual recording is ineffective, such as with nocturnal sounds. On e can visually record a nocturnal scene using artificial lighting adequate to reveal the visual events, but this is not how one would experience the event in the dark. The lighting would also ch ange the aural world as it changes the visual environment in which the music is performed. The absence of visual cues can actually serve to heighten the experience as it engages listeners wi th the aural discrimination of space and source. Rice gives a good example of a situation with a patient who experienced the death of a fellow hospital room patient from behind a curtain separating their two beds: The vividness with which Gordon [the patient] experienced the sound in this account is heightened by an absence of other availabl e sensory information. Indeed, the sound took on a more affective quality because of the dearth of other sensory modalities. (Rice 5) Data Beyond Performance Titons fourth paradigm (study of performance and the music making process), compared to recording or transcripti on, gives ethnomusicologists the opportunity to learn how to

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45 experience sound physically and inte ractively. However, when following this paradigm, there is the chance that the recreation of the origin al work through performance could result in a substantially different final result because of its removal from its original context. This problem arises because of numerous factors, includ ing the lack of performer ability, incorrect transcriptions, and the difficulty of recreating the inherently ephemeral qualities of the original work. EFRs, by the nature of their medium, bypass the risk of incorrectly reproducing the original music by relying solely on observation a nd transcription of the original performance. A recording frames and plays back the sound for a th eoretically infinite nu mber of repetitions without making a mistake or creating variations This is not to say that recordings are flawlessone tends to view, without question, the recorded sample as representative of how the sound event is commonly performed, thereby ossifying an inherently dynamic sound-making procedure. Nonetheless, record ings allow listeners to focus and reconstruct the sound of a performance space. In addition, EFRs contain informati on about the performances original context, which cannot be easily reproduced on a c oncert stage or in a classroom. Felds Ulahi and Eo:bo Sing With Afternoon Cicadas is a go od example of just such a recording. While Kaluli songs might be learned and recreated outside the Bosa vi rainforest, the specific soundscape of the forestwith its birdsongs, cicadas, and waterfal lsis impossible to replicate on a stage without considerable effort and expense. An in-depth analysis of this recording will be presented in Chapter 5. In some cases, EFRs and the music (and perhaps sound) they convey are the only way to learn about certain cultures. If we want to learn and perform the mu sic of a culture but are unable to invite a master from the region (let alone an entire ensemble), analysis of an EFR is a viable

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46 alternative. Even more importantly, EFRs pres erve a unique historicocultural moment that cannot be revisited. Summary: Fieldnotes and Field Recordings The following are quotations from Barzs article Confronting the Field(Notes) In and Out of Field denoting the purpose of fieldnotes in ethnomusicological research: One of the principal purposes of any fieldnot e is to support the f oundation of both initial experience(s) and ultimate interp retation(s), acting as an adjustable fulcrum of sorts. (54) Fieldnotes are a physical link, th e trigger of memory, the se ntimental reminder, or the source for new ideas and translations. (57) Writing this fieldnote and rereading it now allows me to re-experience this moment [at the field], triggering many of the same conflicted emotions I felt. (61) [Fieldnotes] function as an intermediary point that links the proce sses of ethnography back to the processes of field research. (49) Although Barz is specifically discussing a written form of fieldnotes, EFRs can serve the same function in field research. Consider replac ing fieldnotes with EFRs, writing with recording, and reading with listening. On e sees a remarkable coherence between the methods discussed in this chapter and Barzs conceptualization of fi eldnotes. The following list reiterates functions of EF R using Barzs language: One of the principal purposes of any EFR is to support the foundation of both initial experience(s) and ultimate inte rpretation(s), acting as an adjustable fulcrum of sorts. EFRs are a physical link, the trigger of memory the sentimental reminder, or the source for new ideas. Recording an EFR and listening to it allows th e author to re-experien ce the field, triggering emotions he felt at the moment. EFRs function as an intermedia ry point that links the proces ses of ethnography back to the processes of field research. It should be noted that Barz also identifies un ique characteristics of written fieldnotes that are not present in any other format of communi cation. Fieldnotes, by thei r very nature, give

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47 researchers a chance to reflect and rethink on their experience outside of real-time. He notes that fieldnotes stimulate reactions and remain an ab stracted site for persona l reflection and for the formation of original ideas, differing from other forms of reflections in that notes involve the observer in a physical process of organizing thoughts, ideas, and r eactions to events in a uniquely visual way (52). While EFRs do not afford the analyst the sa me opportunities for reflection as fieldnotes, they instead provide data that ca n only be conveyed in the auditory realm. The next two chapters will discuss how ELMs can reveal these elements in EFRs.

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48 CHAPTER 4 ANALYSIS OF EFR USING ELM: ANALYTIC PROCEDURE In Chapter 2, listening m ethods for electroacous tic music were discussed with reference to their utility in: The interpretation of sonic parameters ab stracted from their sound-making sources (reduced listening) The detection of spatial a nd cultural information through sound (soundscape listening) The recognition of spectral and gestural changes over time (spectromorphological listening) Chapter 3 classified the various methodologi cal goals of ethnomusicological field recordings. As material for research, these recordings archive cultu ral phenomena, personal experiences, and information that cannot be easily transc ribed or translated in written form. The purpose of this study, then, is to discu ss the ability of various ELMs to detect and categorize sonic information in EFRs that pertain to the above-mentioned ethnomusicological research goals. In order to do so, this chapter will establish pr ocedures for analysis regarding both the application of ELMs to EFRs as well as the selection criteria by which the EFRs for this study have been chosen. Analysis Protocol The procedu re for the use of ELMs in EFR anal ysis is comprised of two principal stages. The first stage requires that the analyst research the context and technical features of the EFR being analyzed. Following this, each of the th ree ELMs is applied to the EFR to distinguish features that are not easily discer ned by other analytic methods. Building Competencies Specific to ELM Analysis W hile it is clear that all pr acticing ethnomusicologists are equipped with the research methods necessary to familiarize themselves w ith a given topic (and, by extension, the EFRs

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49 pertaining to that topic), anal ysts of EFRs may not be acqua inted with the specific body of knowledge needed to conduct a meaningful analysis using ELMs. The purpose of this section is to outline the methods by which an analyst can best prepare himself to conduct ELM-based analyses. First, the analyst should unders tand how the recorded events are described and referenced in the written documentation. An authors comment s and reflections can reveal the attitudes and perspectives he holds about sound objects and offe r clues as to how to listen to an EFR. Second, with developments in reco rding technology, it becomes impo rtant as well to know the technological limitations of the recording equipment used by fieldworkers and how these limitations affect the fidelity (frequency range, ster eo image, signal-to-noise ratio, etc) of EFRs. By the end of this process, the researcher shoul d be fluent at describi ng how the recording was produced. Application Protocols of ELM Analysis Each of the analyses in Chapter 5 presents findings based on reduced listening, soundscape listening, and spectrom orphological li stening (in that order). Most of the subsections include graphs that involve the modifica tion of EFRs using digital signal processing techniques. In order to be read properly, these graphs require certain methodological qua lifications and explanations. Waveform plots and spectrograms will be used to represent visually what is heard in an EFR through an ELM (Figure 4-1). These two form s of graphic representations are especially useful in documenting changes in sonic pr operties over time. Alt hough the idea of using spectrograms in ethnomusicological research is not new, it is neither widespread. Of all the articles published in the journal Ethnomusicology for the past 10 years, only three articles, by Schneider (2001), Fales (2002), and Lata rtara (2005), contain spectrograms.

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50 Figure 4-1. Waveform plot and spect rogram of a piano playing 440Hz It should be mentioned that, like any visual ai d, graphs of sonic events can be deceptive in the connections they present between phenomena. Most problematically, the graphs can visually conflate sounds that one would otherwise recognize as aurally di stinct. Figure 4-2 demonstrates this problem with waveform plots and spectru m analyses of a pia no and a guitar sound. However, the graphs also allow the analyst to discern similarities between sounds that are cumbersome to describe thr ough text alone. For example, th e spectrograms of figure 4-2 succinctly represent the overtone characteristics of the note as pl ayed by the two instruments. Figure 4-2. Waveform plot and spectrogram of A) a piano playing 440Hz and B) an acoustic guitar playing 440Hz

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51 Selection Criteria of Representative EFRs Rather than choose a diverse array of ethnomus icological scholarship, the case studies are limited to EFRs that meet the following four criteria. These criteria are not designed to limit the body of scholarship to which ELMs are applicable, but rather suggest the t ypes of scholarship for which these methods will prove most useful. The Recording Must Be Accompanied by Writings Based on the Recorded Subject As Barz points out in his rese arch, the process of writing no tes in the field pres ents a significant opportunity to pivot between experience and understa nding, explanation and knowing (Barz, Confronting 46). In other words, the writing is reflec tive, interpretive, and explanatory by its nature. Unders tanding these qualities in the written documentation is an important preparatory step for the undertaking of any ELM analysis, as the text often explains why and how a particular EFR is used in an ethnomusicological study. The lack of written documentation would require undertaking a laborious inquiry into the justif ication and context of a recording that is beyond the scope of this paper. The EFR Must Communicate the Personal Experience of the Recordist As previously stated, there is a school of ethnomusicology that seeks to suppress the influence of a researcher in a udio ethnography, striving instead to present an unbiased view of the research subject. In orde r to show the degree to which a recordists personal biases are reflected in an EFR, this study is limited to EFRs where the reco rdist has signaled in some way the desire to convey his experience through the r ecording. One can imagine that the three ELMs may also be used to detect unintentional biases in EFRs. However, speculative claims such as those, while interesting and often provable to an extent, fall outside of the purview of this study.

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52 The Recordist Must Be the Author of the Written Research An EFR doe s not necessarily represent the au thors personal expe rience if different researchers created the writing and the recording. The recordists personal attachment to the recorded subject is a valuable parameter by which an EFR may be understood; ELMs allow one to identify qualities of these personal relationships that are manifested through sound. The Technical Specifications of the Recording Procedure Are Documented Knowledge of the recording equipm ent a nd production procedure of an EFR can be valuable in evaluating the strengths and limita tions of the recording and editing techniques. Albrecht summarizes this idea as the following: Just as our eyes, ears, and brains limit and defi ne the kinds of thing we can see, hear, and think, the various techniques a nd technologies that we have involved limit and extend the kinds of information available to us a nd shape our capacities for organizing and manipulating them. (Albrecht 6) It should also be noted that more recent EFRs do not necessarily use more updated and advanced technology than older ones do. Myers co mments that some researchers since the 1970s have chosen to use amateur-level recording gear over newly devel oped technology such as digital portable recorders (85). Because of this incongruity between historical moment and technological means, it is even more important that a recordists lim itations and choices are known at the outsetfor example, a recordists i ndifference to the technology he is using may provide valuable clues as to the failing of an EFR in repr esenting his field experience.

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53 CHAPTER 5 ANALYSIS OF EFR USING ELM: CASE STUDIES This chapter presents an alyses of two EFRs using the procedures developed in Chapter 4. Although the analyzed recordings are not included with this doc ument, they are commercially available (refer to the List of References for publisher information). To indicate the specific timings of a musical selection, th is chapter uses minute:second not ation. For example, an excerpt ranging from 3 minutes 30 seconds to 3 minutes 40 seconds on a given track will be written as 3:30-3:40. The case studies also incorporate email correspondences with Barz and Feld conducted on February 18, 2008 and March 5, 2008 respectively. Case Study I: Tanzanian Kwaya by Gregory Barz The first case study analyzes Barzs recording from his book Performing Religion: Negotiating Past and Present in Kwaya Music of Tanzania The collection of EFRs on the books accompanying CD is of particular interest to this study because it supports several conclusions that Barz makes in the first half of the 1990s about the musical and everyday activities of kwaya a Tanzanian religious vocal group. This case study will show how the application of ELMs to Barzs recording can enhance our understandi ng of the relationship between colonial, missionary, and Tanzanian culture in kwaya music and performance practice. Research Goal and Approach Barz notes that the purpos e of his study is not simply to docum ent and archive kwaya music, but rather to draw conclusions about th e musics relation to valu es brought to the region by colonizing and globalizing forc es. Specifically, he seeks to connect these values to the urbanization and socioeconomic state of the Tanzanian Lutheran community: While my study of Tanzanian Lutheran kway a communities focuses on the influences of colonial, missionary, and national histories on and within contemporary kwaya performance, it also reflects many more gene ral issues of urbani zation: how wanakwaya

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54 react to and deal with ec onomic and social hardships within their everyday lives, specifically issues related to urban displacement. (Barz, Performing 7) Specifically, Barz categorizes this tension as one between spirituality and disaffection (106). By spirituality, Barz means the re ligious and communal in timacy of the musical performance and its related activ ities. Disaffection is used in order to invoke a dialogue between contemporary Christian worship in Tanzan ia and the historical exploitation of East Africa by both colonial and missionary forces. Th is dialogue includes the voices of religious conversion and cultural domination, as well as ongoing cultural mediation and accommodation that occur in everyday life of pos t-independence East Africa (106). In formulating and executing his research goals Barz implicitly advocates the need for an intimate relationship with the kwaya members in order to substant iate his claims. The purpose of this case study is not to assess the validity of such a goal, but rather to assess whether the archiving techniques used were an appropriate means by which the conclusion was reached and if the final recording substantiates (at least partially) the conclusion and/or offers other ethnomusicological information. To this end, the author facilitates his research by becoming a member of a kwaya community: I began my field research on the musics a nd meanings of kwaya communities by joining a prominent kwaya in Dar es Salaam, Kwaya ya Upendo, led by composer Gideon Mdegella. Under Mdegellas leadership and guidance I was introduced to and became intimately involved with the everyday expressive culture in Tanzanian Christian churches. (Barz, Performing 7) Barz continues, by joining a kwaya and becoming a mwanakwaya (member of kwaya) myself, I approached an understanding of what it means to belong to a kwaya community, a unique and specialized layer of cultu ral history(-ies) that are an in tegral part of the concept of kwaya (8).

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55 Traditional analyses involving transcription of music sung by kwaya is not a concern of Barzs. Instead, numerous photographs of performa nces and diagrams of performance practices indicate that Barz emphasizes th e study of performance. As th e title of the book implies, the study and recognition of performance context is crucial to a deeper understanding of the kwaya : I intentionally move beyond music-as-sound and invoke a synthesis of expressive culture that includes dance, music, theater, litur gy, and ritual. By focusing on performance, I intentionally enlarg e the boundaries of kwaya to include th e performance of social identity. (Barz, Performing 28) Analysis of Recording Technology Barz dedicates a portion of the books preface to an explanation of how the accom panying CD was produced (xiii). While some ethnomusicologi sts choose to present their field recordings with minimal editing, Barz edited and processed his reco rdings significantly. With the help of a studio engineer, the technical deficiencies of the original recordings, such as tape hiss, were removed in order to enhance the presence of the main subject while retaining much of the beauty of the live atmosphere inherent in the original recordings (xiii). The author also describes the specifications of the audio equipment he used during the fieldwork: The field recordings used for this CD we re originally recorded by the author on audiocassettes using a Sony Pro Walkman and either a Sony single point stereo microphone or a line level signal from a phonograph record. These cassettes were then transferred to ProTools using an Apogee Rosetta 24-bit converter. (xiii) By the time Barz made his recording in the fi eld, various higher-fidelity substitutes existed for the majority of the equipmen t that he chose to use. For example, he did not use a portable DAT recorder, an available technology with be tter sound quality. However, the stereo capability of the Sony microphone enabled him to capture the spatial information of the field. The portability of the small recording gear would also have been appropr iate for his research approach of performing as a member of kwaya In summation, despite possible technical

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56 disadvantages, the evidence of a successful master ing session and Barzs success at capturing the general ambience of the field show that the qu ality of the recording is good for research. Track Descriptions The analys is of Barzs recordi ngs undertaken in this case st udy uses previously-discussed ELMs in order to provide further information about the kwaya both extending Barzs conclusions and formulating new ones that may be orthogonal to his research goals. The three ELMs in this case study will be used to define and/or imagine sonic symbols that represent Tanzanian culture, look for sonic clues a bout the intimacy between the author and kwaya and identify sounds related to physical movement a nd the space in which the music was performed. While there are 15 tracks of different kwaya events, this case study analyzes only tracks 3, 4, and 5. These three tracks are cited in chapter 2 of the book East African Kwaya Music and the Colonial and Missionary Encounter as the vignettes of kwaya performances. They were recorded during kwaya competitions known as mashindano ya kwaya where different kwayas gather to compete in a local church. In addition to being an observer of the event, Barz was also a judgea crucial interpretive pris m through which he heard the music. The first vignette is a recorded performan ce of a Lutheran hymn sung in the Tanzanian language. The preface to the book has the following description about the event: Track 3 Mahili ni Pazuri [This Place is Beautiful], congregational singing, kwaya competition, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. This recording begins with the second verse of an old German hymn, Wie lieblich ists hienieden, performed by the congregated kway as gathered to compete at a local kwaya competition. (Barz, Performing xiv) Tracks 4 and 5 represent a similar engagement with the subject, refl ecting Barzs ro le as a judge in the competitions: Track 4 Natuma Ujumbe Watu [I Send a Me ssage to the People], Mikocheni Anglican Church Kwaya, kwaya competiti on, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania

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57 The kwaya from Mikocheni Anglican Church competes in a local competition by performing a song accompanied by women pounding large pestles in mortars. Track 5 Medley of Two Gogo-Influenced S ongs, Kwaya ya Vijana, Kariakoo Lutheran Church Kwaya, kwaya competitions, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania These two performances by the kwaya ya vijana from the Kariakoo Lutheran church draw on performance practices (melodic, harmonic, and instrumental) of the WaGogo people of central Tanzania) within th e context of a kwaya compe tition. (Barz, Performing xiv) While this short description of the tracks does not indicate the recording date and time, Barz later identifies Mahili ni Pazuri as having been recorded at Kariakoo Lutheran Church, Dar es Salaam on Sunday, November 28, 1993 (32) Natuma Ujumbe Watu at St. Albans Anglican Church, on Sunday, June 19, 1994 (34), and Medley of Two Gogo-Influenced Songs at Kariakoo Lutheran Church on Sunday, October 17, 1993. From Barzs photographs of the performance space, it seems probable that the room acoustics heard in the recording are that of the actual large church without any synthetic reverberation. Writing about the first of the three vignettes in his book, Barz describes the ambience of the judging table in the church, gi ving us clues about his spatial or ientation to the performance as related to his adjudicative role. Barz describes his engagement w ith this role (and, by extension, his spatial orientation): The three waamuzi [judges] are led out through a side door near the front of the church to three official chairs with kneel ers and bookstands in front of them. The three of us are very much on display. The audience consists pr imarily of the seven competing kwayas themselves, and directly in fr ont of the waamuzi are three ro ws of seating for designated VIPSclergy, media, foreign guests, etc. The atmosphere in the church by now is charged with energy. (Barz, Performing 62) The author also writes about the sound quality and projection. His not es on the buildings materials and architecture hint at the rooms acoustics: The sounds of the hymn Mahili ni Pazuri imme diately fill the church, by then packed to near capacity with 16 Kwayas and their supporter s. All kwayas sing th e original four-part harmony of the early 19th-centu ry German hymn, and the open-air brick walls of the

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58 church expand with sounds of the kwayas out into the neighborhood streets. (Barz, Performing 35) Natuma Ujumbe Watu is different from th e previous track in that it incorporates traditional African instruments: After performing the required set song, tw o women leave their places and arrange themselves on the ground in front of the kwaya around a large wooden mortar. Two men from the back row of the Kwaya come out and hand the women large wooden pestles. The mwaliumu begins the Kwayas first optional ny imbo za Afrika (African song, pluralized as a category) by conducting two wo men pounding the pestles into the large mortar in a rhythmic pattern, back and forth. One of th e other waamuzi smiles as he turns to me saying, Ah, this mwalimu here, he is Mhehe from Iringa (an ethnic gr oup in the southern mountain areas of Tanzania). This is African music, he tells me. (Barz, Performing 36) The description of Medley of Two Gogo-Infl uenced Songs contains a more detailed explanation of the spatial features of the performance environment: A malimba player sits on th e floor in front of the Kwaya directly below the mwalimu [teacher]. He plays one amplified malimba with a differently tuned malimba resting on the floor for the wimbos (songs) second sect ion. A mwanapikaji ngoma [drummer] is seated in the center with a kayamba player to ri ght. The Akina Mama (woman of the Kwaya) hold matching nyungo (rice winnowers), which they late r place on the ground in order to dance. (Barz, Performing 37) Interestingly, Barz did not support the three vi gnettes with photographs to the same degree that he used them to supplement other descriptiv e passages in his book. It seems that, at least for the vignettes, the photographs and the visual cu es they might offer were deliberately not provided so that readers would be forced to imagine the space using other media. As one can read in the mashindano chapter, Barz is quite successful at describing the general ambience of the space through prose. The details of the ambience, however, are meant to be experienced through the provided recordings. The passage below summarizes the purpose of using three mashindano competitions in the authors research: A mashindano is a gathering of kwaya de termined by a complicated ranking system decided by the outcome of the previous mash indano season. The two primary goals of the

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59 mashindanoto compete (and, of course, to wi n!) and to sing the praises of Goddo not represent a conflict of interests in the mi nds of competitors; they are, in fact, complementary. The mashindano provide opport unities for fellowship between kwayas, exposure to new and varied mu sical repertoires, guidance an d encouragement from more experienced waamuzi [judges, adjudicators] a nd walimu [teachers], sp iritual fulfillment, and fun. (Barz, Performing 60) Note that the social influence of mashindano cannot be seen in any kind of visualization of the sound, such as an FFT analysis or a Wester n notational transcripti on. While Barz explores the three mashindanos exclusively through prose, it is the contention of th is study that the use of reduced, soundscape, and spectromorphological li stening methods can offer additional insight into the authors recorded performa nces and documented experience of the kwaya Application of ELM This section supports Barzs stated resear ch goals by applying ELM analysis on the previously d escribed EFRs. The following three sections apply each ELM (reduced listening, soundscape, and spectromorphological) to the record ings, providing visual representations of the sonic phenomena to support the disc overies made in the process. Reduced Listening Reduced listening abstracts sounds from their so urces, inviting the interpretation of these sounds as autonomous objects. Various constructive features of the sounds, such as timbre and rhythm, become the associative glue with which they are held together. When this ELM is applied to Barzs EFR, an analyst needs to divorce the sound of the kwaya from its musicmaking source. While this seems antithetical to the purposes of anthr opological research, the process, in fact, allows the listening resear cher the opportunity to make more refined comparisons of the sounds themselves, comparisons unbiased or shaped by the cultural lattice in which the sounds have ethnomusico logical significance. Furthermor e, an examination of these sounds divorced of their referential qualities allows one to notice and categorize meaningful

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60 features of the sound that may be otherwise excl uded and lost when using standard interpretive methods. The unusual listening situation that reduced listening creates a llows the analyst to focus, from a more abstract perspectiv e, on the instrumental and envir onmental sounds of the recording. In 0:12-0:28 and 0:57-0:59 of Mahili ni Pazuri one can detect a peculiar sound object with high-frequency content that is not typically part of the kwaya performance. The sound object moves across the stereo field with speed and intimacy, making a sharp contrast with the static and reverberant vocal sound heard in the backgro und. In spite of the fact that Barz does not discuss or reference this sound in his textual analysis of the r ecording, our iden tification of it through reduced listening behooves us to make it th e subject of further an alysis using soundscape and spectromorphological listening. While this study does not discu ss at length reasons for using electroacoustic listening methods in this order, preliminary results show that the initial use of reduced listening can effec tively act as an entran ce point for exploring sounds better interpreted through other analytic methods. Unexpected and/or unnoticed sounds can also be heard in Natuma Ujumbe Watu. On this track, one hears the sound of a wood pestle resonating in a reverber ant space against a low and continuous rumble. This rumble, caused by ca rs passing by near the church, would not have much significance if heard using traditional listening attitudes that focus principally on the musicality of the vocal sound. While the presence of this sound in the recording is rather bold, the ears of most Western listeners naturally dismiss the sound and any significance it might hold, assuming it to not be musically pertinent or especially meaningful. However, for the cultural and social research agenda of an ethnomusicologist, information from a sound such as this one may

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61 provide valuable clues as to the environmen t in which the recording was made or the circumstances, perhaps unavoidable, in which the event took place. These two examples illustrate how reduced listen ing allows an analyst to detect qualities in a sound that are not accessible through more c onventional ways of listening that focus on standard musical gestures. While reduced listen ing does not necessarily pr ovide the analyst with meaningful information about the kwaya culture, it does give him a va ried palette of sonically inter-related events whose temporal and/or spatial relationship to the kwaya can be explored through other ELMs. Soundscape Listening Barzs recording of the kwaya com petitions focuses not only on the musical event, but also the performance space as a soundscape. These re cordings supplement the authors written comments about his spatial position in the event and the properties of the space (open-air brick walls, neighborhood streets). Details that the au thor has omitted from these explanations can be gleaned through effective soundscape listening. An email correspondence with Barz confirms that the microphone was positioned between the rows of a kwaya in order to simulate a sense of what it feels like to be within a choir. From this information, an analyst might assume that the members of the choir introduced the highfrequency sound object previously identified with reduced listening. The sound, produced through non-musical activities, is a typical example of the type of sounds one hears from inside the ensemble of a kwaya performance, whether as a performer or as a listener seated close to or inside the group. The recording, therefore, invite s the listener to expe rience the private sound space of a kwaya performance as an insider. It is also interesting to observe that the recording does not seem to reflect Barzs pos ition as a judge. In contrast to Barzs published description of the performance, the recording focuses on re producing the intimacy of the performers

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62 experience, and what a performer hears from with in the choir, rather than on Barzs point-ofview as a judge, listening, as he describes, from a much greater distance. Listening to Mahili ni Pazu ri with a focus on the choirs presence in space reveals that the male voices are positioned slightly to the right and seemingly forward given their strong presence. In contrast, the weaker and more diffuse female voices suggest a less forward position. These audio phenomena comport with Barzs desc ription of the positioning of choir members, which describes the front line of the group as being split by gender and the back row as mixed (Barz, Email Correspondence). When recording a kwaya performance, the placement of the microphone has the potential to capture the private listening space of the group and the experience of being an insider. While placement of the microphone at greater distance from the group might simulate the outsiders experience, the presence and drama of the male-female, stereo antiphony of the front row would be smeared if not lost. While a close examination, thr ough reduced listening, of Barzs recording of Mahili ni Pazuri reveals interesting details about the sp ace, a similar examination of his recording of Natuma Ujumbe Watu using soundscape listening reveals two contrasting soundmarks. The church-like ambience of Natuma Ujumbe Watu agrees with Barzs explanation of the space, which he describes as a medium-sized c hurch with about 200 seats (Barz, Email Correspondence). Barzs description of the spaces size is confirmed when hearing the percussive pestles and th eir long reverberations. In addition to the church acoustics, Barz me ntions the diffusion of the singing into the surrounding street through the open windows and, conversely, the in troduction of street sounds into the church (Barz, Performing 35). The characteristics of this sound are identified in the previous reduced listening analysis as continuous, low frequency rumbling. These two

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63 soundmarks, singing and street noise, conflate in to a unique hybrid soundscape representing the kwaya s performing space (Figure 5-1). The street noi se penetrates into the church acoustics due to the churchs structure and location. Barz explains how the church has open barred windows, and how the one side of the church faces a busy street (Barz, Email Correspondence). M. Schafer labels such prolonged and unchanging sounds, such as the sound of the urban street, as flat-line sounds: in all earlier societies the majority of sounds were discre te and interrupted, while today a large portionperhaps the majorityare continuous. This new sound phenomenon, introduced by the Industrial Revolution and gr eatly extended by the Electric Revolution, today subjects us to permanent keynotes and swaths of broad-band noise, possessing little personality or sense of progression. (Schafer, Soundscape 79) Figure 5-1. Spectrogram of the introduction of Natuma Ujumbe Watu. Note the continuous presence of low frequency sound below 500Hz (0.50 kHz) as well as the percussive but reverberant sonic act ivity between 750-900Hz.

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64 Figure 5-1 shows both drone-like activities below 500Hz and discrete sonic activity between 100Hz and 800Hz. The former is a represen tation of street sounds with cars. The latter indicates a percussive sound of wood pestles in the kwaya music. The blurred appearance of these sounds in the spectrogram is evidence of th e reverberant space of the church, as well as the mixing or amalgamation (both visual and audito ry) of source sounds and their reverberations. These soundmarks also reveal important aspe cts of the cross-cultural phenomenon between kwaya music (traditionally African) and Western culture. Perhaps most immediately, the sounds of the kwaya are resonating within a Western acoustic space (church). An even more subtle form of cultural interplay, which may be unnoticeable using other ELMs, is the mixture of urban (car traffic) and sacred (choral) sounds which are presumably decoupled by the singers and listenersthat is, those participating in the event tolerate the leve l of outside noise by cognitively suppressing it a nd focusing instead on the kwaya music. While this decoupling may seem logical and incidental, it is of central importance when trying to understand the way in which globalized, Western norms impact Tanzanian society. Spectromorphological Listening While the application of reduced and soundscape listening ca n be applied to all three tracks, Ma hili ni Pazuri and Natuma Ujumbe Wa tu do not seem to have sonic parameters to which spectromorphological listening may be fruitfully applied. In both, the stereo placement of sounds is fixed, and the timbres do not change over time. In contrast, Medley of Two GogoInfluenced Songs changes its timbral and spatia l comportment over time. This allows one to develop a gestural analysis of the kwaya according to its physical performance qualities.

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65 Figure 5-2. Stereo waveform plot of Medley of Two Gogo-Influenced Song from 3:21-3:34. To better represent the presence and moveme nt of the drum, equalization was used to boost drum sounds and suppress others. The first indication of a sound with a strongly spectromorphological character is produced by the drum. While the location of all other inst ruments is fixed, the drum, as indicated by its sound, moves from center to left and back to cente r from 3:30-3:36 of the track. This change is striking because it only happens onc e. What is more important is that the first song ends as soon as the drum sound comes back to the center. Reflecting on this unique change of sound, Barz notes that the drummer in this performance turned around to the c onductor of the choir at the end of the piece (Barz, Email Correspondence). Th e drummers reorientation, encoded in the recording, represents the heighten ed level of attention paid to the conductor at the end of the work. Just as the mix of urban, religious, and traditional sounds in the previous soundscape listening analysis revealed an interesting mix of cultures, so too does the change in the drum sound here reveal an interplay between the free r approach of Tanzanian performance practice and Western practices in which the conduc tor has ultimate control over the work. The second piece on Medley of Two Gogo-Influe nced Songs contains more examples of sounds with unusual spectral and gestural char acteristics. At 5:15, th e bass part of the kwaya

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66 suddenly becomes louder in the right channel. Th e bass part, which has immediacy to it in part because of its lack of reverb, then gradually fades into the background over the next 30 seconds. A more prominent example of sound movement occu rs in the tenor part at 7:20-7:50. In this passage, the decrease in volume and cut in high frequencies indicates th at the tenor is moving away from the microphone at the second repeti tion of the antiphony between the soprano and alto sections. When the tenor comes back to its original position in the third verse, the piece ends. We might wonder if this movement plays an incidental or structural rolethat is, does the choir need the shift of sound as a cue to cutoff or does the shift in positio n simply add a visual element to the musical cadence. Barzs memory of this moment is not especially clear (Barz, Email Correspondence). However, given that ther e was a conductor for this song, there is a chance that the tenors were physically moving to a dd a visual element rather than acting as a signal to end the piece. For a visualization of this spectromorphology, the waveform plot a nd spectrogram of all three verses are shown in fi gures 5-3 and 5-4. Frequencies below 250Hz and above 2500Hz were cut in order to isolate voices from the low a nd high frequencies generated by instruments. The soprano parts were edited out of the spectrogram in order to better isolate and examine the tenor parts. Figure 5-3. Waveform plot of the tenor parts in Medley of Two Gogo-Influenced Songs (7:207:50). Three verses were edited out from th e original track and separated by silences. Because the tenor part was more apparent in the left channel, only the left channel is presented here.

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67 Figure 5-4. Spectrogram of the tenor part in Medley of Tw o Gogo-Influenced Songs (7:207:50). Three verses are sepa rated by silences. Circles identify notable spectral changes between the three verses. Whether the drummer and the tenors were signaling the end of the piece to the kwaya or, instead, communicating to the audience the end of the piece is impossible to detect through listening alone. However, it should be noted that the gestural/spectral changes in the medley occur just before the end. In this case study, the detection of movement was made possible by focusing on the spectromorphological and spatial cha nges in the sound, rather than on changes in pitch, harmony, or rhythm. Insofar as the sign als of a musician can affect musical form, spectromorphological listening methods offer th e analyst a valuable tool in commenting upon intersections of gesture and form that could not be adequately described by Western notation or the other ELMs presen ted in this study.

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68 Summary In analy zing the aesthetic and social features of the contemporary kwaya Barz draws the following conclusion: The music of missionaries exists today in a co extensive moment with the more indigenized kwaya styles. Multiple systems of aestheti cs, as the rich examples from my field colleagues suggest, are embraced within the local mashindano ya kwaya in Dar es Salaam, and embedded within the fomu [form] used for both evaluation of and self-evaluation by competing kwayas occurs the performan ce of conflicting, complementary, and often divergent cultural aesthetic s. (Barz, Performing 77) The ELM analyses of these recordings furt her validate the auth ors conclusions by revealing the manner in which traditional African and Europe an modes of music making are combined in the kwaya culture. By perceiving recorded sounds in an unfamilia r and abstract way us ing reduced listening, an analyst may identify and isolate sound objects through their distinct spectral, spatial, and dynamic characteristics. In the case of Barzs EFRs, seemingly unidentifiable sounds with low and high frequencies were, through reduced list ening, brought to the forefront. By focusing on the referential characteristics of sounds thr ough soundscape listening, an analyst can better notice the simultaneous existence of multiple culture s (e.g. the sounds of traditional instruments reverberating in a building w ith historically Western acoustics, surrounded by a postcolonial soundscape of street noises). By focusing on th e timbral changes of particular sound events through spectromorphological listeni ng, listeners and analysts both can discover the unique role that physical movements play in a performance of kwaya Case Study II: Lift-Up-Over-Sounding of Kaluli by Steven Feld In his book Sound and Sentiment: Birds, Weeping, Poetics, and Song in Kaluli Expression Feld discusses the relationship between Kaluli m u sic, language, and an environment mixed with his personal reflections. Alt hough Felds research touches upo n manifold Kaluli musical and

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69 cultural phenomena, this case st udy focuses on the Kaluli practice of lift-up-over sounding" as presented through Felds field recordings. Lift-up-over sounding is the local term for all the ways sounds alternate, interlock, and overl ap (Feld and Brenneis 464). Throughout the book and his other articles, Feld explains that this unique Kaluli concept of sound is observable in their music, language, and environment. The following passage exemplifies the characteristic sonic signature found in Kaluli conversation: Common to Kaluli light and heat ed interaction is a good amo unt of interlocked, quickly alternating or overlapped speech. Like fire sticks laid in contact, the voices of Kaluli speakers ignite with a spark; they interlock, alternate, and overlap, densifying and filling any interactional space-time gaps. (Feld, Sound 251) Felds EFRs of lift-up-over sounding are on disc II of the 3-volume set called Bosavi: Rainforest Music from Papua New Guinea The recordings on the disc demonstrate the practice of lift-up-over sounding in the everyday lives of the Kaluli Although the disc is not an accompanying supplement to Sound and Sentiment there are strong connec tions between the two sources. Not only are the sounds and events recorded on the disc mentioned and referenced in the book, but the book also contains pr oduction notes for the last tr ack of the disc (Feld, Sound 266268). The case study of Felds field recording, invest igated here, reveals ch aracteristics of four lift-up-over sounding exampl es with previously-used ELMs. This analysis yields results that support Felds conclusions by analyzing the elements of lift-up-over sounding that are not easily perceivable without the use of ELMs. Research Goal and Approach Feld states the following in regards to his goal of making field recordings. Note that he regards audio ethnography as an appropriate, an d sometimes better, medium to express and explain his research:

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70 [the idea of making a field recording is] to have the sound raise the question about the indexicality of voice and space, to provoke you to hear sound making as place making. And when you hear the way the birds overlap in the forest and you hear the way voices overlap in the forest, all of a sudden you can grasp something at a sensuous level that is considerably more abstract and difficult to convey in a writte n ethnography. (Feld and Brenneis 465) The act of producing a field recording is more than an act of archiv ing, especially in the case of explaining lift-up-over sounding experience. For the au thor, lift-up-over-sounding is part of the Bosavi natural soundscape and all Kaluli musical and verbal sound-making [practices] (Feld, Sound 266). Yet, Feld seldom identifies the individual sonic elements that make up the lift-up-over sounding moment as a whole. An ELM analysis could provide such missing details through specialized listening focused on spatial and spectral relationships of the sound that are otherwise unnoticed. Listening thr ough the three ELMs will di rect an analyst to focus on finding individual sounds that have the following ch aracteristics: Unison or discretely bounded sounds do not a ppear in nature; a ll sounds are dense, multilayered, overlapping, alternating, and in terlocking. The constantly changing figure and ground of this spatio-acoustic mosaic is a lift-up-over sounding texture without gaps, pauses, or breaks. The essence of lift-upover sounding is part relations that are simultaneously in synchrony while out-of-pha se. The overall feeli ng is of synchronous togetherness, of consistently cohesive part coordination in sonic motion and participatory experience. Yet the parts are also out-of-phase, that is, at distinctly different and shifting points of the same cycle or phrase structur e at any moment, with each of the parts continually changing in degree of displ acement from a hypothetical unison. (Feld, Sound 265-266) The result of ELM analyses identifies and categorizes sonic properties that were not previously discusse d or discovered. It should be noted that Feld often played b ack his field recordings to Kaluli during his fieldwork. The interaction between the recorded and the recordist guided his editing/recording choices. Feld calls this two-way interacti on dialogic editing. This approach is an ethnoaesthetic negotiation, trying to work with Bosavi people to understand how they listened, how they heard the dimensionality of forest soun d, [and] how they would balance a mix of birds,

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71 water, cicadas, voices, and so forth (Feld and Brenneis 467). In this sense, not only may the listener gain insights into the view of the recordis t, but also the views of those recorded serving unknowingly as co-producers. Analysis of Recording Technology Feld states the recordings are m eant to conve y the intimacy of being able to record closeup with people [he knows] and are also meant to be as technically precise as possible (Feld, Email Correspondence). The author strived for te chnical proficiency using the best recording techniques and technologies availabl e at the time. Feld used one of the first stereo Nagras in the United States, bought in 1973 (Feld and Brenneis 465) with a stereo pair of AKG 451EB preamps and CK1 cardioid capsules (Feld, Email Correspondence). This professional equipment likely provided Feld with the opportunity to captu re his sound sources with minimal technical limitations. In addition, his encounter with Mick ey Hart granted him access to a well-equipped mixing studio and Dolby surround sound (Feld and Brenneis 466). Felds experience with quality audio equipmen t meant that he had a chance to develop a listening ability sensitive to the fidelity of hi s recordings. His comment on the sound quality of EFRs published along with ethnomusicological studies demonstrates his concern with the current low standards for sound ethnography: It seems to me that there is a serious issue of professionalism here. Publishing amateur or substandard sound, while perhaps grubby e nough to strike the listener as really authentic, only serves to undermine the seriousness of sound as an anthropological project. Id rather the books came without CDs than listen to most of the rubbish published by respectable ethnomusicology and anthropolo gy publishers like Chicago or Oxford. (Feld and Brenneis 471) Given the high standard of recording to which Feld holds himself, one may assume that all sounds perceived in the works of Fe ld are intended to be there. This is an important distinction

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72 from Barzs recordings, in which various tr aces of Tanzanian urban life often bleed unintentionally into th e sonic environment. Figure 5-5. Standard AB and XY st ereo microphone configurations In recording the EFRs analyzed in this case study, Feld used standard AB and XY stereo microphone configurations (Feld, Email Corresponde nce). While Feld does not provide further details on the microphone position, the following passage on his experien ce in recording bird sounds in the Bosavi rainforest gives listeners a clue as to how the sounds may have been recorded: In addition to distance, height is also frequently referenced to birds. Kaluli utilize levels of bird nesting and flight patterns to make comparative statements about vegetation and forest life. When recording bird calls in dense forest, I frequently confused auditory depth with height; Kaluli men always corrected me by moving my arm to point the microphone in the right direction, and they were almo st always correct. (Feld, Sound 61-62) The above passage suggests that Feld coul d have made recordings where the microphones were pointed upwards or perhaps downward de pending on the landscape. While Feld used this microphone placement to capture a sense of height, the stereo recording simply conflates this height dimension into the left -right field. Distance from a microphone is perceived as only distance, be it above, in front, or behind, due to overall ambience and smearing of time features. Thus, a crucial parameter that Feld hoped to convey is lost due to the limits of stereo recording technology.

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73 In summary, Feld has created his EFRs using industry standard equipment and has strived to achieve highly personalized recordings. Hi s works were produced and edited in order to convey how both he and the Kaluli people heard the sound in a specific li stening context. One task of this ELM analysis is to describe how some technical ma nipulations have been used to convey lift-up-over sounding. Track Descriptions Disc II of Bosavi: Rainforest Music from Papua New Guinea is ca lled Sound and Songs of Everyday Life Of the discs 10 tracks, the study below e xplores four considered representative of different occasions in Kaluli life. The selected EF Rs were all recorded in 1977 (Feld, Bosavi 45) using the recording equipment mentioned in the previous section (Feld, Email Correspondence). The following passage from the collections line r notes summarizes the shared environmental characteristics of the CDs tracks: The kind of everyday sounds Im speaking abou t are largely spontaneous. These are the sounds of people living and working togeth er. And they are the sounds of people interacting with the su rrounding rainforest envi ronment and the pulse of its ever-present insects, birds, frogs, rains, winds, and watercourses. (Feld, Bosavi 45) Of the four tracks analyzed, two tracks feature groups of men working in the forest. The other tracks feature two women singi ng a duet. In all of the recordi ngs, there is a clear sense of spatial separation between the sounds made by hum ans and those of the natural environment. Yet, when listening carefully, one can quite eas ily perceive the sound of the environment despite its remove from the focus of the recording. These environmental sounds will prove to be particularly important. According to the description of the track, the sounds heard in A Men's Work Group Clears a New Garden (Track 1) display layering and overl apping characteristic s of lift-up-over sounding:

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74 Occasionally the exuberance of group work lead s directly into bursts of songs. As soon as one voice begins, several others join in a split second later, overlappi ng in the style Bosavi people call lift-up -over sounding ( dulugu ganalan). The layered vocal textures blend with the echoing axe hits, the surrounding bi rds and the pulsing of cicadas. (Feld, Bosavi 46) Note that the above descripti on suggests that the listener focus on the blending of voices and environmental sounds. A Large Men's Coll ective Work Group Sing and Whoop (Track 8) calls for a different listening approach because the human presence is more prominent while the environmental sounds are masked. In this track, Feld suggests the listener pa y particular attention to the sound of ulab. Ulab is a prominent sound symbol of male vitality, the booming bukuu voice of the harpy Eagle ( usulage, Harpyopsis novaguineae ) (Feld, Bosavi 50). Feld observes that the whooping of ulab represents maleness, strength, and exuberance (Feld, Sound 224) in Kaluli society. Another track that mentions the Kalulis imitation of bird sound is Fo:fo: and Miseme Sing at Their Sago Place (Track 4) In this EF R, two women are singing while the husband of one woman accompanies them by whistling. The whistling imitates the sound of a rainforest bird called doloso:k. According to the author, t he overlapping, alternating, and interlocking texture of the two voices, the whistling, and the stone scraper rhythm creates a rich lift-up-over sounding (Feld, Bosavi 47). The remaining track, which features another female duo, is called U lahi and Eo:bo Sing With Afternoon Cicadas (Track 5). The first song on the track is actually a solo by a woman named Ulahi while the second song is a duo betw een the two women. In the first song, Feld invites the listener to listen for the interaction between the vocal sounds and the sounds of the cicadas: The sonic interplay of the vocal sounds and cicada sounds in these two songs illustrates how Bosavi women both sing with the forest a nd respond to it as a source of poetic and musical inspiration. (Feld, Bosavi 48)

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75 The CD liner notes, as well as information from the relevant text by Feld, suggest that the notion of lift-up-over sounding is apparent in Kaluli speech and songs as well as the soundscape of the Bosavi rainforest. Th e lift-up-over sounding is indeed a result of imitation and interpretation of the rainforest environments by Kaluli. The ELM analyses in the next section examine the EFRs discussed above and categorize elements of lift-up-over sounding using the information provided by Felds text. Application of ELM The subsequent analyses follow the sam e pro cedure as the previous case study of Barzs EFRs. Reduced Listening Below is Felds intu itively constructed list of characteristics describing lift-up-over sounding; all are notably abstract and lack any direct reference to the practice: Continuous layers, sequ ential but not linear Non-gapped multiple presences and densities Overlapping chunks without internal breaks A spiraling, arching motion tumbling slightly forward thinning, and thickening back again (Feld, Aesthetics 79-80) These characteristics can be seen as a result of Schaeffers listening method Entendre (an active listening that selects, appr eciates, and responds to particular attributes of sounds). This indicates that listening to the EFRs with reduced listening methods, which similarly rely on abstraction and interpreta tion, can be useful in the detection and description of the patterns found in lift-up-over sounding. In addition to the characteristics mentioned, Feld states that the antithesis of lift-up-over sounding is unison (Feld, Aesthetics 82). Unison in this context does not necessarily mean the sounding of the same pitch by multiple sound sources. Rather, it refers to intentionally

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76 synchronized (i.e. rhythmical) sound events. For Kaluli, the concept of unison is about as unnatural in their music as microtonal free improvisation would have been in Nineteenth Century Germany (Feld, Aesthetics 94). While all four EFRs show a lack of unis on, A Large Mens Collective Work Group Sing And Whoop stands out as a particularly remarkable examplethe track lacks (rhythmic) unison even though it uses 85 men (Feld, Bosavi 49). At 1: 37-1:41 into the track, an astute listener can hear one mans whooping followed by a group responding with the same sound. This group response to the solo retains the same pitch co ntour, but the individua l response of the group members is never sung in regular tempo or pulse. Figure 5-6 represents the irregularity of this aural experience in the pa tterns of a spectrogram. Figure 5-6. Spectrogram of ulab in A Large Mens Collect ive Work Group Sing And Whoop. A) is the initial whoop by the soloist. B) is the response by the group of men shouting in the same manner. The spectral shape in A) is repeated in an asynchronous fashion in B). When the spectrogram of ulab is compared to the spectrogram of a Bach c horale (Figure 57), one clearly sees the lack of (rhythmic) unison in the former graph. It is worth remembering

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77 that we do not need to know the source or the environmental context of the sound to perceive lift-up-over sounding in the ulab example. Acousmatic descripti on is sufficient to detect and categorize the experience of lift-upover sounding in this example. Figure 5-7. Spectrogram of J.S. Bachs Wo Gott der Herr nicht bei uns halt BWV 258 (Nordic Chamber Choir, J.S. Bach). The vertical dotted lines show the synchronization of each syllable of the text. One can listen to Fo:fo: and Miseme Sing At Their Sago Place in a similar way to pinpoint elements of lift-up-over sounding. In this EFR, there are four sounds that commingle: two women singing, one man whistli ng, and the sound of scraping sago (a local plant). However, one does not need to be acquainted with the origin of the sounds in order to detect the periodicity of each sound and the interactions between its part s. Instead, the listener needs only to be aware of how each part combines with others w ithout necessarily being in (rhythmic) unison. Figure 5-8 shows a spectrogram of a passage with all four parts present. Sounds were processed using equalization to make each part vi sible. From this spectrogram, one can observe that the sound of singing and wh istling have different rates of periodicity. Ye t lift-up-over sounding between the two female parts is impossi ble to visually decode. A Western notational

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78 transcription of such a song would be equally problematic, requiring a significant number of rests and subdivisions. Figure 5-8. Spectrogram of Fo:fo: and Miseme Sing At Their Sago Place (00:27-00:37). A) depicts the female duo. B) depicts the whis tling sound, and C) depicts the scrapping sago. Note that the lengths of events in al l three are different, re sulting in different periodicities. Although spectrograms can be useful in modeli ng what is heard, one cannot rely solely on the visual representations of spectrograms to id entify sonic properties. In detecting lift-up-over sounding, the analyst needs to put listening to the fore of investigation (Smalley and Camilleri 4) as Schaeffer proposed some fifty years a go. An analyst using redu ced listening techniques would identify specific instances of lift-upover sounding in Felds recordings without necessarily having information about how it is produced or the context in which it was performed. One could argue that an analyst does not necessa rily need to learn techniques for reduced listening to hear the instances me ntioned in this section. For ex ample, a listener could simply recognize the asynchronicity betw een the voices without knowing a bout the practice of reduced listening. However, when a listene r applies reduced liste ning, he consciously tries to block out

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79 any reference to the source or c onnection to the origin of sounds This orientation towards the sound contradicts the standard approach to EFRs in which the recognition and interpretation of the sound source is one of the most important tasks. In contrast, this section has sought to demonstrate how concentration on the non-referential and non-metaphoric qualities of sounds, through reduced listening, can be not only useful, but even necessary in identification of the intrinsic and distinguishing feat ures of the lift-up-over soundi ng practice of communal singing. Soundscape Listening As discussed in Chapter 3, Feld is fam iliar with the soundscape concept of M. Schafer. His writings freely incorporate soundscape terms and concepts. For example, he observes that the Bosavi rainforest has a high fidelity sounds cape with distinguished keynote sounds (Feld, Aesthetics 85-86). He adapts soundscape con cepts to observe lift-up-over sounding patterns of the rainforest because these notions apply well to the Bosavi rainforest soundscape where sounds provide ongoing indexical information about forest height, depth and distance (Feld, Aesthetics 86). Since Feld already applies sound scape aesthetics in the making of his EFRs, the purpose of this section is to s upport his approach with specific examples and details gained through soundscape listening methods. Before analyzing Felds EFRs with soundscap e listening, it is important to emphasize the intimate relationship between the Bosavi rainforest and Kaluli, as Kaluli life depends heavily on the aural perception of th eir surrounding environment. For Kaluli the rainforest is a tuning fork, providing well-known signals that index, mark, a nd coordinate space, time, and seasons (Feld, Aesthetics 87). Ulahi and Eo:bo Sing With Af ternoon Cicadas is an appropriate example to support Felds claim as the sound of cicadas act s as an accompaniment to the vocal part. The sound of the cicadas in the track has its resemblance to the flat-line drone often found in industrial soundscapes as seen in Figure 51. However, there are differences between an

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80 industrial drone and a naturally created drone as found in Felds EFR. Where the sound of the cicadas is most prominent at around 5000Hz, th e industrial drone res onates well below the human vocal range. Also, the cicadas are distinguished by their uniquely pulsating sound (Figure 5-9). Figure 5-9. Spectrogram of a sec tion of Ulahi and Eo:bo Sing With Afternoon Cicadas. The analyzed sound was equalized and normalized for a better visual representation in the spectrogram. Note the drone-like qua lity of the cicadas around 5000Hz. It should be noted that similar high-frequency drones are detectab le in all four EFRs. If an analyst applies the listening-in-s earch mode of soundscape listeni ng, where he actively searches for a specific sound in an environment (the high-fr equency drone in this case), he can detect a similar drone in A Mens Work Group Clears a New Garden and Fo:fo: And Miseme Sing At Their Sago Place. The drone in A Large Me ns Collective Work Group Sing And Whoop is in a higher frequency range around 8000Hz. The higher frequency range suggests the rustling

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81 leaves of the rainforest as the possible source of the drone. It is also possible that these sounds are from mechanical noise caused by the micr ophone or the recording machine, but an email correspondence with Feld confirmed that this was not the case. The spectrogram representation indicates that a drone in the high frequency range (from 5000Hz and above) is a keynote sound; keynote sounds are continuous, basic, frequent, customary sounds that provide a sense of environm ental center (Schafer, qt d. in Feld, Aesthetics 87), much as this one does for the Bosavi rainfore st. Feld does not mention the existence of this keynote sound of the rainforest in his writings, but the high-frequency drone is an important background sound, accompaniment, and source of inspir ation for the Kalulis expression of liftup-over sounding. The woman singers onomatopoetic text in Ulahi and Eo:bo Sing With Afternoon Cicadas that imitates the rainfore st cicadas is an illustrative example: She [the singer] uses poetic sound words like da: da: siya siya and wa wo: both to imitate and sing in sonorous counterpoint to the swel ls of surrounding cicad a sound. (Feld, Bosavi 48) Spectromorphological Listening If reduced listening focuses on the timbra l quality of a sound, spectrom orphological listening draws the listeners attention to the ch anges in timbre over time. Spectromorphological listening asks the listener to relate the past, pr esent, and imagined future of a sound object. This section will focus on a sonic event that graduall y changes its timbral characteristics over time. The analysis reveals that the change of timbr e detected through spectromorphological listening can assist in identifying el ements of lift-up-over sounding. In Fo:fo: And Miseme Sing At Their Sa go Place, whistling sounds act as accompaniment to the vocal parts by imitating the doloso:k, a bird of the Bosavi rainforest. When the whistle is introduced at 0:27, its promin ent sonic feature is an upward glissando (the relevant spectrogram can be found in figure 5-8). One can hear a continuous but subtle variation

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82 to the whistling as it follows its upward cour se. However, at 1:25, the pitch contour of the whistle starts to take on a more complex shape as the glissandi begins to move both up and down and dramatic fluctuations are progressively introduced. Figure 5-10, showing the half-minute segment from 1:20-1:50, visualizes this gradual evolution of sound over time. A) B) C) Figure 5-10. Three spectrograms showing the gra dual change in the glissando shape of whistling in Fo:fo: And Miseme Sing At Their Sago Place. A), B), and C) are in chronological order. Arrows were added to the spectrograms in order to articulate pitch contours. Once the morphological aspects of the whis tling sound are identif ied, they can be compared to the sound of a real doloso:k (Latin: pachycephala pectoralis English: Golden Whistler or Sclaters Whistler) in order to evalua te the whistles accuracy in imitating the birds

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83 sound. The spectrogram of doloso:k shows that, like its human imitation, the sound of the bird contains a variety of contours and fluc tuations (Figure 5-11). The sample of doloso:k sound was obtained from the Cornell Lab of Ornit hology (Macaulay Library, Recording Summary). The spectromorphology of the Kalulis whistling demonstrates their keen attention to the sounds of the rainforest, both in terms of the properties of the sounds and their morphology over time. Furthermore, the spectromorphological anal ysis reconfirms Felds observation that the individual elements of lift-up-over sounding are based on the imitati on of the aperiodic sounds of the Bosavi rainforest. Figure 5-11. Two spectrograms of doloso:k sounds. Summary The following passage summ arizes the role of lift-up-over sounding in Kaluli life. Feld observes that the idea of lift-up-over sounding is the element that most distinguishes the Kaluli from other cultures, and that th e underlying features of the prac tice can also be observed in the non-sonic behavior of Kaluli life: The Kaluli notion of dulugu ganalan lift-up-over sounding, is a style statement, a local Papua New Guinea groove, sound, beat. The lift-up-over sounding sound is the Kaluli sound, a local gloss for social identity arti culated through human sonic essences. This sonic model, manifest most directly for Kalu li song form and process, also reverberates and echoes through other Kaluli expressive and interactional modes. The same trope that animates musical lift-up-over s ounding is highly pa tterned in artistic verbal, visual, and

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84 choreographic expression, as well as in pa tterns of everyday c onversation and social interaction. This patterning is also explicitly linked by Kaluli to the acoustic ecology of the rainforest environment indicating an aesth etic and ecological co-evolution. (Feld, Aesthetics 76-77) The statement above summarizes the role of lift-up-over sounding as a model for various aspects of Kaluli life. It is appropriate to study and learn about Kaluli culture through sound because Kaluli learn and perceive space and time through sound. When listening to Felds EFRs, one can sens e lift-up-over sounding without knowledge of ELMs. Yet, ELM analyses help the listener to find the individual elements and patterns that work to create the overall sense of lift-up-over sounding. In the case st udies explored in this section, soundscape listening, which looks for spatial and cultural knowledge in sound, was applied to discern spatial relationships between environmental and human sounds. These analyses also found a common keynote sound of the rainfore st not mentioned in Felds text. Spectromorphological listening, which focuses on changes in sound over time, was used to analyze the changing quality of human sounds designed to imitate nature. The non-unisons of lift-up-over sounding were also investigated with reduced lis tening. Using abstract and nonreferential language, the experien ce and analysis of lift-up-over sounding was shown to benefit from reduced listening methods, which helped in psychologically isolating the sounds continuous and overlapping layers.

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85 CHAPTER 6 RESULTS AND REFLECTION Effectiveness of ELMs on Supporting Goals of EFRs The case s tudies in Chapter 5 demonstrate that ELMs can be used as interdisciplinary analytical tools to categorize and interpret both musical and extra-musical sounds in EFRs. Investigating EFRs through ELMs reveals relevant information for ethnomusicological research in a hierarchical and systematized way, lending coherence and cogency to ethnographic analyses. However, this mode of analysis is not necessarily one that can be conveniently retrofitted to all prior ethnographic research using EFRs. The following section will then reorganize and compare data from the case studies in order to ascertain the degree to which the ELM analyses comport with the ethnomusicological goals discussed in Chapter 3. On Preservation of Culture Although Emmerson did not attem pt to apply ELMs to the analysis of EFRs, he acknowledges the potential of el ectroacoustic music in the reception and interpretation of the social aspect of music making: Some parts of the art music tradition tend to exclude (or at least de-emphasize) individual personalityin the sense of specific rec ognizable location, human character or performance act behind the production of th ese soundsbeing generalization in the name of a timeless art. But of course there is music which presentsto a greater or lesser extentrecognizable soundscapes or recognizab le human presence, possessing real and individual personality or reflecting the hum an body and its rhythm (Emmerson, Living xvii) The above statement also suggests that art music listening methods (excepting electroacoustic ones) are relativel y weak at detecting a cultural context from recorded sounds. If electroacoustic music attempts to embody pers onality and human presence in sound, then the ability of ELMs to detect and appraise those quali ties may be applied to id entify constructions of

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86 personality in other recorded media such as EFRs. As previously discussed, the links between acoustemology and soundscape listening lend them selves to this exact form of inquiry. Compared to soundscape listening, reduced listen ing does not seem to reveal cultural clues in an EFR. By definition, reduced listening treats a sound as an object abstracted from its source, and encourages listeners to focus on the unique timbral qualities of the sound. This process guides the listener to reify and taxonomize sounds that were othe rwise ignored or unnamed in an ordinary listening experience. In the case study of Barzs rese arch, the ignored sounds in the background were brought into focus th rough reduced listening. This pr ocess in turn helped to reembody the forgotten sounds back into the perfor mance space, creating a more complete sonic image that was then analyzable through other ELMs. In the case of Felds research, acousmatic categorization of sonic elements in the analyzed EFR proved to be another means of representing lift-up-over sounding patte rns of Kaluli life. Lastly, the observation of timbral changes through spectromorphologi cal listening reveals clues to the music-making culture. This analytic method is most tenable when the analyst relates a spectromorphological sound object to a physical ge sture. For example, listening for gestural clues in the drum part revealed a kwaya performance practice that was not mentioned in Barzs writings. As observed in the cas e study of Feld, a morphological aspect in a sound can be compared to the sound of the surrounding environm ent to evaluate the interrelation of the Kaluli and their natural world. The comparative analysis of doloso:k birdsong and its Kaluli imitation is an example of exactly this phenomenon. On Communication of Person al Experience in Fieldw ork ELM analysis helps the listener to imagin e the personalized list ening context of the recordist. Listening to an EFR while focusing on the spatial relationships between its constituent sounds helps the analyst to imagine the level of intimacy between the reco rdist and the recorded

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87 object. The analysis of microphone placement and th e perspective between the recorded objects using soundscape listening (and any relevant text ) may indicate the record ists preference for one sound over another. For example, in his EFRs of kwaya competition, Barz prefers to represent not the judges, but the kwaya members listening space. Reduced listening identifies, in abstract languag e, sonic events that were important to the recordist. This listen ing method reveals the recording/mixi ng preferences of the recordings initial listener. The low rumbli ng sound of the streets in Nat uma Ujumbe Watu, which was brought to the analysts atten tion through reduced listening, wa s left in the mixing session despite the fact that it was not a part of kwaya music. Email correspondence with Barz confirmed that he intentionally did not take out the street sound because he found the blending of urban, traditional, and religious soundscape to be fascinating (Barz, Email Correspondence). Focusing on the spectromorphological aspects of a sound is not as useful in detecting the personal experience of a recordist. In the case stud ies of Barz and Feld, focus on the spectral and spatial qualities of the sound doe s not reveal information about the recordists choices in microphone placement or mixing. The gestural cha nge of the drum sounds and tenor parts in Barzs recording was a result of choices made by the kwaya members. The whistle accompaniment in Felds recording was the result of the performers c onscious imitation of the doloso:k bird, but Felds choices as recordist had no effect on the sounds change of timbre over time. On Documentation for Further Analysis Western notation ostensibly guide s the score -reading listener to listen in terms of pitch and rhythm. In contrast, all three ELMs guide the listener to listen to other features of sound, features that are difficult, if not impossible, to captu re in Western notation. Sounds without constant and/or recognizable pitch or rhythm are consider ed to be as significant in reduced listening and

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88 spectromorphological listening as sounds that do have these properties. Soundscape listening is even more useful to this end, as it focuse s on connecting the sound and its source by minimizing intermediaries such as notation. In the case of Felds research, properties of lift-up-over sounding ar e almost impossible to represent with Western notation. Furthermore, the lack of a systematic approach to pitch and meter in Kaluli culture makes their sound im possible to transcribe without introducing significant changes and approximations. As an alternative to standa rd transcription, ELM analyses in this study offer graphs and diagra ms to represent the lis tening experience. The spectrogram and waveform plot are often effec tive in representing timbral change over time. They are useful in documenting the spectromo rphology of general sonic trends as well as particular sonic events. Certain sonic events in the spectrogram can be highlighted without loss to the integrity of the spectral representation by applying digital signal pr ocessing procedures to the sound before conducting a spectral analysis. Conclusion and Suggestions for Further Research The study does not claim to offer the perfect listening method for all recorded media. The aesthetics of listening are always in a state of flux in the electr oacoustic community, and as new methods of comprehension come to the fore, they ma y prove to be more useful for the analysis of EFRs than those described in this paper. Fo r example, Smalley recently published a paper on space-form, which challenges the validity of spectromorphological listening practices: I am no longer happy with relying primarily on an investigative pro cess that elaborates taxonomy of spectromorphologies, and then proc eeds to try and work out how they are related to and act over time Such a methodology is based on inherited traditional assumptions handed down from tonal musicth at we uncover building blocks of musical materials (themes, motives), and attentively follow their transformations and development, arriving at a view of how material progress creates the dynamic tensions of temporal experience. (Smalley, Space 54)

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89 In light of the continued process of modifi cation that electroacoustic listening methods will presumably undergo, this paper should be thought of as a procedure for incorporating ELMs into ethnomusicological research rather than as a de finitive presentation of those ELMs considered most useful in the analysis of EFRs. The ELM analyses of EFRs also highlight th e remarkable aesthetic similarities between audio ethnography and soundscape composition. Te rms such as acoustemology and acoustic communication describe similar concepts in the two fields. Some scholars/artists create works that can be categorized as both ethnographic research and sou ndscape composition. For example, Feld has produced a series of works that use studio techniques to create soundscape compositions with his own field recordings. The follo wing program notes from Volume 1 of The Time of Bells demonstrates the connection between his field experience at Bosavi a nd his 2004 venture into soundscape composition: After twenty-five years of recording rainforest soundscap e in Papua New Guinea, Ive started to listen to Europe. Im struck by a soni c resemblance: bells stand to European time as birds do to rainforest time. Daily time, seasonal time, work time, ritual time, social time, collective time, cosmological timeall have th eir parallels, with rain forest birds sounding as quotidian clocks and spirit voices, and European bells hera lding civil and religious time. (Feld, The Time) This type of symbiotic relationshi p between audio ethnography and soundscape composition suggests that the hermeneutic prisms through which they are viewed demand to be blended. Thus, the oil-and-wate r conceptualization with which this study has approached its subject will eventually become obsol ete. If anything, this study may be used as a first step in the process of integration, inviting members from both di sciplines to consider the virtues of the other in a more rigorous manner. Of course, not all in tegration is good and must be carefully crafted to ameliorate the research goals of both fields. One must always remember that the application of ELMs to EFRs is valid only insofar as the data yielded by such analysis is relevant to the

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90 researchers goalsone needs to remember that ba llet techniques are useful to football players only if they improve the players safety and lead to greater performance on the gridiron.

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91 APPENDIX A COMPOSITION: GAINESVILLE SOUNDSCAPE Gainesville Soundscape is an hom age to a city that I love both for its people and its natural environment. The composition was created using signature sounds, or sound marks, recorded at locations whose soundscapes I find most aesthet ically compellingnamely, the swamp and the university. The first section uses field recordings of a small pond taken between March and May of 2007. As the time passed from spring to summer in northern Florida, I captured the variations in the sonic environment of the pond and its surrou nding forest. The result of recombining and compressing many weeks of recordin gs into this 6-minute section is a greatest hits of the pond featuring an interview with cric kets, a frog choirs concert, and the inevitable intervention of cars and water sprinklers. The second section combines a continuous melody with my favorite sound of the Gainesville summerrain. Watching and hearing va riations of rain a nd thunderstorms puts me, and hopefully the listener, in a meditative mood. As this section progresses, one realizes that the combination of wind and rain creates a subtle and pleasant rhythmic discourse. I have accentuated the natural pulse of the rain and it s harmonic elements through the help of digital signal processing techniques. The section following the lullaby with rain f eatures one of the signature sounds of the University of Floridathe carillon bells of the Century Tower. During the first weeks of March 2008, I recorded the sounds of th e bell tower on the hour from 8am to 8pm. As the time passed from day to night, the sound of the bell was a ccompanied by changing environmental sounds of the busy campus. This section uses these recordings to create an aural mosaic of the bell tower heard from different locations th e bell at different times sounds l oud, soft, intimate, or distant.

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92 In addition to the sounds of Gainesville, th e composition features computer-generated tones that gradually blend into the natural soundscape. The digitally generated sounds are used to articulate my personal experiences in the city. I arrived in Gain esville six years ago as a thirdorder foreigner, coming from a distant city (Bost on) that in turn was arrived at from Korea by way of a six-year sojourn in Argentina. Like a si ne wave heard in a swamp, I was out of place in this new environment. However, as time passed, I started to blend into Gainesvilles rhythm, finally feeling at home. Aside from the people I got to know, listening to and appreciating the citys unique sounds facilitated my integration. It is my hope that listeners, after hearing this piece, will understand why I hold this soundscape so n ear to my heart, perh aps even using it as a springboard for their own engagement with th e citys beautiful sonic environment. Object A-1. Gainesville Soundscap e (17MB, GainesvilleSS.mp3)

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93 APPENDIX B LIST OF AUDIO AND GRAPHIC APPLICATIONS This section lists all audio and graphic appli cations used in this study. All program s are for Macintosh OSX and many of them are freeware or shareware. Analyses using commercial software were realized at the Florida Electroacoustic Music Studio. Table B-1. List of Audio And Graphi c Applications Used For the Study Application Name Company Description Price Audacity Open Source Audio editor. Used for simple editing, normalization, and equalization Freeware AudioXplorer 1.3.1 Arizona Software Spectrogram maker Freeware Digital Performer 4.5 Mark of the Unicorn Audio/MIDI editor. Used for more sophisticated equalization and editing $795 GraphicConverter X 6.0 Lemke Softwa re Graphic converter/editor. Used for graphic editing $34.95 (Free to try) OmniGraffle 4.2.2 The Omni Group Diagram maker $79.95 (Free to try)

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94 LIST OF REFERENCES Agawu, V. Kofi. Playing W ith Signs: A Se miotic Interpretation of Classic Music Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991. Albrecht, Robert. Mediating the Muse: A Comm unications Approach to Music, Media and Cultural Change Cresskill: Hampton Press, 2004. Atkinson, Simon. "Interpretation and Musical Signification in Ac ousmatic Listening." Organised Sound 12.2 (2007): 113-22. Barz, Gregory F. Performing Religion: Negotia ting Past and Present in Kwaya Music of Tanzania New York: Rodopi, 2003. "Confronting the Field(Notes) in and Ou t of Field." Shadows in the Field: New Perspectives for Fieldwork in Ethnomusicology Eds. Gregory F. Barz, and Timothy J. Cooley. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. 45-62. Barz, Gregory F., and Timothy J. Cooley. Shadows in the Field: New Perspectives for Fieldwork in Ethnomusicology New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. Bent, Ian D. Analysis New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1987. Blacking, John. "The Study of Man as Music-Maker." The Performing Arts: Music and Dance Ed. John Blacking. New York: Mouton De Gruyter, 1979. 4-15. Camilleri, Lelio, and Denis Smalley. "The Analys is of Electroacoustic Music: Introduction." Journal of New Music Research 27 (1998): 3-12. Drever, John L.. "Soundscape Composition: The Convergence of Ethnography and Acousmatic Music." Organised Sound 7.1 (2002): 21-27. Emmerson, Simon. The Language of Electroacoustic Music New York: Harwood Academic, 1986. Music, Electronic Media and Culture Buriington: Ashgate, 2000. Living Electronic Music Burlington: Ashgate, 2007. Fales, Cornelia. "The Paradox of Timbre." Ethnomusicology 46-1 (2002): 56-95. Feld, Steven. "From Ethnomusicology to Echo-Muse-Ecology." Acoustic Ecology. 21 February 2007 < http://www.acousticecol ogy.org/feld/index.htm l>. "Aesthetics as Iconicity of Style, Or 'Lift-Up-Over Sounding': Getting Into the Kaluli Groove." Yearbook for Traditional Music 20 (1988): 74-113. JSTOR 10 February 2008 < http://www.jstor.org/search >

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95 Sound and Sentiment: Birds, Weeping, Po etics, and Song in Kaluli Expression Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1990. The Time of Bells 1: Soundscape of Italy, Finland, Greece and France. VoxLox, 2004. "Sound Worlds." Sound Eds. Patricia Kruth, and Henr y Stobart. Cambridge University Press, 2000. 173-200. Bosavi: Rainforest Music From Papua New Guinea. Smithsonian Folkways Recordings, 2001. Feld, Steven, and Donald Brenneis. "Doi ng Anthropology in Sound." American Ethnologist 31.4 (2004): 461-74. Anthrosource. 8 September 2007 < http://www.anthrosource.net/search >. Feldm an, Heidi. "Which Side Are You on? "Victi m Art" and the Cultural Politics of the ArtEthnography Continuum." Pacifi c Review of Ethnomusicology 10 (2001): 25-37. 8 September 2007 < http://www.ethnomusic.ucla .edu/pre/archive.htm l > Field, Ambrose. "Simulation and Reality: The Ne w Sonic Objects." Music, Electronic Media and Culture Ed. Simon Emmerson. Ashgate Pub Ltd, 2000. 36-55. Gates, Philippa, and Paul Rudy. "Spect romorphology Hits Hollywood: Morphology, Objectification and Moral Messages in the Sound Design of Black Hawk Down." 6 November 2007 < http://cec.concordia.ca/econtact/8_3/gates_rudy.html >. Google Scholar. "Schafer the Soundscape." 4 Novem ber 2007 < http://scholar.google. com /scholar?hl=en&lr=&safe=off& q=schafer+the+soundscape+&btnG=S earch >. "Spectromorphology." 4 November 2007 < http://scholar.google.co m /scholar?q=spectromorphology&hl=en&lr=&btnG=Search >. "Trait Des Objets Musicaux." 4 November 2007 < http://scholar.google.com /scholar?hl=en&lr= &safe=off&cites=8708499578183944960 >. "Truax Acoustic Communication." 4 November 2007 < http://scholar.google. com /scholar?hl=en&lr=&safe=off&q= truax+acoustic+communication+& btnG=Search >. Hackett, Regina. "Saturday Q&A: Nicholas Ade, Pacific Northwest Ballet Dancer." Seattle Post Intelligence r. 6 February 2008 < http://seattlepi.nwsource.co m /classical/128691_satchat28.html >. Hodgkinson, Tim. "An Interview With Pierre Sc haeffer." The Book of Music and Nature: An Anthology of Sounds, Words, Thoughts Eds. David Rothenberg, and Marta Ulvaeus. Middletown: Wesleyan University Press, 2001. 34-44.

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96 Howard, Rachel. "Without Dance, They'd Just be Roni Mahler Brings Ballet to the Sports World." Dance Magazine. 6 February 2008. < http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1083/is_1_78/ai_112212780 >. Iturbide, Manuel Rocha. "Unfolding the Na tural Sound Object Through Electroacoustic Com position." Journal of New Music Research 24.4 (1995): 384-91. Kane, Brian. "L'objet Sonore Maintenant: Pierre Schaeffer, Sound Objects and the Phenomenological Reduction." Organised Sound 12.1 (2007): 15-24. Kostelanetz, Richard, and Joseph Darby. Classic Essays on Twentieth-Century Music: A Continuing Symposium New York: Schirmer Books, 1996. Latartara, John. "Theoretical A pproaches Toward Qin Analysis: Water and Clouds Over Xiao Xiang." Ethnomusicology 49.2 (2005): 232-65. Macaulay Library. "Recording Summary: Catalog #21241." Cornell Lab of Ornithology. 13 February 2008 < http://www.animalbehaviorarchive.org/assetS elect.do ?assetId=809446§ion=summary >. Merriam, Alan. The Anthropology of Music Evanstone: Northwestern University Press, 1964. Myers, Helen. Ethnomusicology: An Introduction New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1992. Nettl, Bruno. Theory and Method in Ethnomusicology New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1964. The Study of Ethnomusicology: Thirty-One Issues and Concepts Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2005. Nordic Chamber Choir. Johann Se bastian Bach: Chorle/Chorales Brilliant Classics, 2000. Rice, Tom. "Soundselves: An Acoustemology of Sound and Self in the Edinburgh Royal Infirmary." Anthropology Today 19-4 (2003): 4-9. Anthrosource. 8 September 2007 < http://www.anthrosource.net/search >. Schafer, R. Murray. Ear Cleaning: N otes for an Experimental Music Course Toronto, Canada: Clark & Cruickshank, 1969. Voices of Tyranny Temples of Silence Ontario, Canada: Arcana Editions, 1993. The Soundscape: Our Sonic Environm ent and the Tunig of the World Rochester: Destiny Books, 1993. The Vancouver Soundscape 1973. Cambridge Street Record, 1997.

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97 Schneider, Albrecht. "Sound, Pitch, and Scale: From "Tone Measurements" to Sonological Analysis in Ethnomusicology." Ethnomusicology 45.3 (2001): 489-519. Seeger, Anthony. Why Suy Sing: A Musical Anthropology of an Amazonian People Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2004. Signell, Karl. "Recording Reviews: Voices of th e Rainforest By Mickey Hart; Steven Feld." Ethnomusicology 39.2 (1995): 335-38. Smalley, Denis. "Spectro-Morphology and St ructuring Processes." The Language of Electroacoustic Music Ed. Simon Emmerson. New York: Harwood Academic, 1986. 61-93. Impacts Intrieurs. Emprentes Digitales, 1992. "Space-Form and the Acousmatic Music." Organised Sound 12.1 (2007): 35-58. "The Listening Imagination: Listening in the Electroacous tic Era." Contemporary Music Review 13.2 (1996): 77-107. Sonic Arts Research Archive. "Pentes." 27 November 2007 < http://www.sara.uea.ac.uk/?work&id=594 >. Sterne, Jonathan. The Audible Past: Cultural Origins of Sound Reproduction Durham: Duke University Press, 2002. Stock, Jonathan. "Ethnomusicology: Definition and Links." 8 November 2007 < http://www.shef.ac.uk/music/staff/js/EthLink.html >. Titon, Jeff Todd. "Knowing Fieldwork." Shadows in the Field: New Perspectives for Fieldwork in Ethnomusicology Eds. Gregory F. Barz, and Timothy J. Cooley. New York: Oxford University Press, 1996. 87-100. Truax, Barry. Handbook for Acoustic Ecology-Cd-Rom Edition CD-ROM. Cambridge Street Record, 1999. Acoustic Communication: Second Edition Westport: Ablex Publishing, 2000. "The Analysis of Electoacous tic Music as Soundscape." EMS07 18 February 2008 < http://www.sfu.ca/~truax/EMS07.html >. "Soundscape, Acoustic Communication a nd Environm ental Sound Composition." Contemporary Music Review 15.1&2 (1996): 49-65. Wishart, Trevor. "Sound Symbols and Landscapes." The Language of Electroacoustic Music Ed. Simon Emmerson. New York: Harwood Academic, 1986. 41-60. Yamada, Yoichi. "Bosavi: Rainforest Music From Papua New Guinea." The Contemporary

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98 Pacific 14.2 (2002): 532-33. The Contemporary Pacific. 10 October 2007 < http://muse.uq.edu.au/journals/contemporary_pacific > Young, John. "Im agining the Source: The Interplay of Realism and Abstraction in Electrocute Music." Contemporary Music Review 15.1&2 (1996): 73-93.

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Joo W on Park (b. 1980) is a composer a nd music researcher. His music and audio applications have been featured in several conferences such as the Florida Electroacoustic Music Festival, Society for Electro-Acous tic Music in the United States Conference, Seoul International Computer Music Festival, and Inte rnational Computer Music Conferen ce, as well as in print in Electronic Musician and The Csound Book. Joo W on also worked as a general manager and associate director of the Florid a Electroacoustic Music Festival from 2002 to 2007. Currently, he is teaching undergraduate music theory courses at the University of Florida. Joo Won's music is available at ICMC2004 DVD, spectrumpress. com, and Computer Music Journal.