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Spaces of Aspiration, Liberation and Exclusion

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0022037/00001

Material Information

Title: Spaces of Aspiration, Liberation and Exclusion The Politics of Urban Space in an African Democracy
Physical Description: 1 online resource (458 p.)
Language: english
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2008

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: africa, botswana, cities, citizenship, colonial, consumption, gaborone, planning, post, slums, space, urban
Political Science -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Political Science thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: The study, entitled Spaces of Aspiration, Liberation and Exclusion: The Politics of Urban Space in an African Democracy, situates Gaborone, the capital of Botswana, in a wider theoretical perspective related to the study of comparative urban politics. Questions posed include: how is the pervasive social and economic inequality maintained in Gaborone? What formal and informal methods are employed by the State to organize and marginalize the population of urban poor in the city? What role does informal cultural politics have in creating contemporary notions of citizenship and identity amongst the residents of Gaborone? How are class, race and social conflicts enacted in the urban geographies of space, discourse and imagination? To interrogate these theoretical issues, I combine the qualitative methodologies required for in-depth ethnography with an interdisciplinary body of social and political theory. This approach allows me to move beyond the focused case study of Gaborone and make broader comparative linkages both in the Southern Africa region, as well as elsewhere in the globe. In the first half of the study I trace the forty-year history of the planned capital of Gaborone in terms of the formal policies and regulations guiding the colonial and post-colonial planning and development of the city. One of the primary assertions made here is that in spite of the efforts made by the independent government of Botswana to alter the divided socio-economic landscape of Gaborone, there is little difference between the colonial and the post-colonial city, as economic inequality and the social and political marginalization of the urban poor remains largely unchanged in both contexts. The latter half of the study builds on the themes and conclusions covered in the preceding chapters by considering four locations throughout the city. These sites are: a popular Western style shopping mall, the oldest urban slum in Gaborone, the town's central plaza, and a well-traveled street corner frequented by illegal immigrants looking for work. Taken together, these four locales capture a mosaic depicting the organization of power in the discursive and physical spaces of Gaborone. A narrative of these sites illuminates the contemporary prevalence of inequality and poverty existing adjacent to lifestyles of extreme affluence and prosperity, which characterize the conflicts and possibilities of urban citizenship in Gaborone. More significantly, the questions asked of Gaborone related to consumption, citizenship and inequality suggest broader cultural, political and policy implications for emergent urban centers across the world.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Thesis: Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2008.
Local: Adviser: Hyden, Goran S.
Electronic Access: RESTRICTED TO UF STUDENTS, STAFF, FACULTY, AND ON-CAMPUS USE UNTIL 2010-05-31

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2008
System ID: UFE0022037:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0022037/00001

Material Information

Title: Spaces of Aspiration, Liberation and Exclusion The Politics of Urban Space in an African Democracy
Physical Description: 1 online resource (458 p.)
Language: english
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2008

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: africa, botswana, cities, citizenship, colonial, consumption, gaborone, planning, post, slums, space, urban
Political Science -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Political Science thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: The study, entitled Spaces of Aspiration, Liberation and Exclusion: The Politics of Urban Space in an African Democracy, situates Gaborone, the capital of Botswana, in a wider theoretical perspective related to the study of comparative urban politics. Questions posed include: how is the pervasive social and economic inequality maintained in Gaborone? What formal and informal methods are employed by the State to organize and marginalize the population of urban poor in the city? What role does informal cultural politics have in creating contemporary notions of citizenship and identity amongst the residents of Gaborone? How are class, race and social conflicts enacted in the urban geographies of space, discourse and imagination? To interrogate these theoretical issues, I combine the qualitative methodologies required for in-depth ethnography with an interdisciplinary body of social and political theory. This approach allows me to move beyond the focused case study of Gaborone and make broader comparative linkages both in the Southern Africa region, as well as elsewhere in the globe. In the first half of the study I trace the forty-year history of the planned capital of Gaborone in terms of the formal policies and regulations guiding the colonial and post-colonial planning and development of the city. One of the primary assertions made here is that in spite of the efforts made by the independent government of Botswana to alter the divided socio-economic landscape of Gaborone, there is little difference between the colonial and the post-colonial city, as economic inequality and the social and political marginalization of the urban poor remains largely unchanged in both contexts. The latter half of the study builds on the themes and conclusions covered in the preceding chapters by considering four locations throughout the city. These sites are: a popular Western style shopping mall, the oldest urban slum in Gaborone, the town's central plaza, and a well-traveled street corner frequented by illegal immigrants looking for work. Taken together, these four locales capture a mosaic depicting the organization of power in the discursive and physical spaces of Gaborone. A narrative of these sites illuminates the contemporary prevalence of inequality and poverty existing adjacent to lifestyles of extreme affluence and prosperity, which characterize the conflicts and possibilities of urban citizenship in Gaborone. More significantly, the questions asked of Gaborone related to consumption, citizenship and inequality suggest broader cultural, political and policy implications for emergent urban centers across the world.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Thesis: Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2008.
Local: Adviser: Hyden, Goran S.
Electronic Access: RESTRICTED TO UF STUDENTS, STAFF, FACULTY, AND ON-CAMPUS USE UNTIL 2010-05-31

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2008
System ID: UFE0022037:00001


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1 SPACES OF ASPIRATION, LIBERATION AND EXCLUSION: THE POLITICS OF URBAN SPACE IN AN AFRICAN DEMOCRACY BY STEPHEN D. MARR A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2008

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2 2008 Stephen D. Marr

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3 To My Parents and Grandparents

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4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS It seem s strange that all the labor of the past 9 years is to be distil led into these last few concluding lines. More to the point: Ive long fantasized about this day and all the people Id thank for the lessons theyve imparted, perhaps even going so far as to narrate a few mildly hilarious anecdotes about some of the individua ls Ive encountered over the course of this project. It was to be a great moment. And it still is. Although at this final stage of looming deadlines I feel these final paragraphs resemble more a feeble monument to my own exhaustionmore a whimper than a bang. To make a fanboy analogy sure to cause no small amount of cringing, Ive carried this burden all the way up to th e fires of Mount Doom, and now that I can be rid of it, Im not sure how to draw things to a close. Hopefully Ill manage to find my verbal footinghere at the end of all [dissertation] things while doing a serviceable job thanking everybody who made the journey possible, in ways big or small, whether they know it or not. The writing has been occasionally exhilarating, frequently tedious, more than slightly terrifying; how I managed to cobble together a couple hundred pages from a mess of fieldnote scribbles acquired through a mixt ure of street corner conversa tions, barroom blustering and a host of other improvisations, Im not quite certai n. I do, however, know two things: first, Im glad this is over and that I can begin to co mport myself as a real live human person, again engaged with long-term friends and family w ho have been recently reduced to digitized apparitions, unreturned emails and missed calls on my cell phone. Second, and in spite of my own inattentiveness over these past months and years, these same people have been unceasingly supportive throughout the writing process, even if they didnt quite understand what I was doing or why I was doing it or why I wasnt finished already. I owe them all some debt of gratitude I will likely never be able to repay.

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5 For starters, Id be remiss if I didnt thank my friends from Notre Dame, St. Eds and Lafayette 12 and 13. The regular 4am conversations, often over beer at the end of a late night of avoiding work, occasionally interrupted by explod ing fireworks or flying pumpkins, went a long way in shaping my own thinking about the world a nd the people in it. If you read this, and perhaps one or two of you will, youll no doubt make fun of me for saying so, but its true. At the University of Florid a too, I dont think I wouldve made it through without the camaraderie and friendship of the many folks I know in the Political Science Department and the Center for African Studies. In what no way amo unts to an exhaustive li st, special mention is reserved for: Ryan Bakker, Melinda Negron, Wadley, Liz the Beav Be aver, Noelle Mecoli, Parakh Hoon, The Doodle, Matt DeSantis, Laur a Dehmlow, Greg Markowski, Todd Leedy, Andy Lepp, Andrew Woods, Kenly Fenio, Joe Kr aus, Kevin Fridy, Jason Gainous, and Matt Caverly. I remember fondly al l the time spent at the Copper Monkey, the Top (despite the sometimes insufferable presence of Gainesvilles scenesters), the Salty Dog; not too mention the weekly Chinese Food Saturdays, an after noon rite often sponsored by Bakker, in which everyone ate while watching me scr eam myself hoarse at a usually dismal performance of Notre Dames football team. Youve all both corrupted and enhanced my time at UFno small feat, that. Id also like to give a special mention to the staffs of the Department of Political Science and the Center for African Studies. Debbie Wallen and Sue Lawless-Yanchisin have been amazing helps over the past 9 years(!) Ive been at UF, and, I think it is pretty safe to say that without them, Id still be trying to figure out how to register for my first semesters classes. And at the CAS, Professor Leo V illalon, Corinna Greene and (now) Dr. Todd Leedy have been especially supportive of not just me, but of all the graduate students in their domain. Keep up the

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6 ASA tripsand the next time were all at Bukowsk is, the drinks are on me. Professor Villalon deserves further thanks for taking me on as a me mber of my committee a few years back, despite his approximately one million other responsibilities He is a charismatic and warm person for which we are all better for knowing. I would also be neglectful if I didnt single ou t the help and guidance of two former members of the UF Political Scie nce faculty who were great ment ors to me early in my grad student career. Professor Dennis Ga lvan would patiently listen to al l of my crazy research ideas, complaints, and threats to leave the program be fore calmly settling me down and putting things in perspective. I always left his office feeling better than when I entere d it. Dr. Michael Chege was my advisor in the year prio r to my leaving for Botswana for the first time in 2002. In the weeks preceding my trip, I was more than a bit a pprehensive and nervous about what to do when I got to Botswana. I went to his office one afternoon in the hopes that he would give me a schematic on how I was to do fieldwork or for what I should be looking. Instead of detailed instructions however, he merely told me to keep my eyes open and something would appear. At the time, I thought that was fa irly terrible advice teetering on the verge of new age-y inanity, but in retrospect, after my time in the field, his suggestion seems incredibly wiseI was just too immature and inexperienced at the time to know it. These days, my current committee of dissertation advisors has been equally awesome: providing advice when asked, prodding when neede d, and otherwise leaving me to myself to seek out my own voice and approach. I cant be gin to express my appreciation to them for granting me the freedom to pursue my own admitte dly odd research project. I didnt meet with much resistance, even after they heard what I intended to do, or that I wanted to make shopping malls (in Botswana) an integral component of the research. And in fact, the only time they told

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7 me no was when they rejected my idea to add a survey to the research so as to make it more political science-y. Apart from the mentor ing help, Ive learned mu ch from all of you: Professor Luise White taught me to pay attention to the whispered stories and backroom gossips I would have no doubt otherwise dismissed, while Professor Aida Hozic taught me about both the importance of (pop) culture and politics, as well as its performance. Without Professor Peggy Kohns seminar on Cities and Citizenship its likely that I would never have undertaken this project. So it is with much gratitude that I thank her for not just opening my eyes to another side of political science, but be ing one of the projects biggest s upporters. It is probably safe to say that she knew what this project was about long before I did. Professor Goran Hyden, along with his wife Me lania, has been a tremendous help to me through these disserta tion years. A student couldnt ask fo r a better mentor and advisor. Dr. Hyden, more than anyone, was willing to let me follow my own pathin research, thinking, writing, pretty well everythingwhile also reining me back in when he felt I was going a bit too far afield. Beyond the realm of academics, Dr. H yden is kind and generous, always willing to make time for his students. I wont soon forget the regular end-of-sem ester parties that the Hydens would throw for students and the larger African studies comm unitynor Mama Hydens famous chapati. For whatever virtues are to be found in the upcoming pages, much of the credit goes to the influence and guidance of Dr. Hyden and the rest of the committee. I would also like to than k Dr. JoAnn Moody, the Northeast Consortium for Faculty Diversity and Monmouth University for providing me with the space, time, and resources to do much of the writing for this project. Its not much of a stretch to think that without this year to write uninterrupted Id be year s away from finishing. My co lleagues and friends at Monmouth University were welcoming and made the writing experience far less lonely than it otherwise

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8 might have been. Id like to single out Dean Stanton Green and Judy Ra mos from the School of the Humanities and Social Societies; and Joy Cr ane, Rekha Datta, Joe Patten, Ken Mitchell, and Kevin Dooley from the department of political science. And, of course, my year and a half in Botswa na would not have been possible without the help of people too numerous to mention. Funding for the project was obtained from a Fulbright Dissertation Research Grant provided by the IIE. Jermaine Jones, the liaison for Fulbrighters in Africa did an especially commendable job in maki ng sure we got all the support we needed. At the U.S. Embassy in Gaborone, Id also like to thank the Public Affairs Officer Karen Morrissey, Dr. Judy Butterman and Doug Blackburn. For swiftly granting me my research permit, Id like to thank President Festus Mogae and the Office of the President in Gaborone. As for all the many anonymous people in Gabz who gave generously of their time in the shebeens, taxis, street corners, coffee shops, park benches and all the rest, I am eternally grateful for your help in making this project possible. Even the constant marriage proposals from strangers played a significant role, though they seemed a nuisance at the time. For those whose names I do know, the list is long, and by no means exhaustive. De serving special mention are: Gabriel Malebang, Osi Lesole, Tshepo Makgasa, for your friendship, advice, help and endless supply of patience in answering all my boring and incessant questions. To my Rasta friends at the Main Mall: Aaron, Days, Sean, Richard, Slick, George. To my friends and colleagues at the University of Botswana and the Department of Politics and Administrative Studies who supplied a seemingly boundless supply of support and feedbac k. Id like to single out in particular, Professors Ian Taylor, Roger Tangri, Ken Good, Gladys Mokhawa, Gervase Maipose (Chair of the Politics and Administrative Studies Departme nt), and Neil Parsonswho seemed to always

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9 have at hand some arcane bit of historical inform ation or insight that was pertinent to whatever I was focusing on at the time. Many thanks to th e Botswana National Archives and the amazing (now retired) Gilbert Mpoloke ng. Gilbert had this uncanny ability to know exactly what I needed, and when; hed come from behind and so ftly drop on the desk a file long-forgotten by everybody but him. Sandy Grant was a great friend and sounding board for much of the thinking and research while I was in Botswana. And equally so, over the years via email. His comments on all the chapters have been invaluablehes saved me from mistakes too numerous to mention. Other friends, apart from the ones already mentione d, that warrant special acknowledgement: Elise Carpenter, Adrian and Liz Wisnicki, Aziz Haid ari, Natalie Doyle, Pa ul Rushton, Lisa Brooks, Andrea Sepinwall, Mona Drage, the Honorable Dumelang Saleshando, Miss Botswana 2004 Juby Peacock, Puseletso Mompei, Natalie Do, Roy Mafunga, the anonymous person who slaughtered the farewell party goat in Old Naledi so I didnt have to, Rory Sheldon, Charlie Sheldon, Quill Hermans, Taylor Ahlgren, Mma Ke tlogetswe, Dr. James MacQuillan, Zach and Jackie, Ruth and Ruth, the good people at A to B Cabs, Primi Piatti, the Okavango Caf, Caravellas, and the Presidents Hotel. Not t oo mention the night-owls at the Gaborone Sun. I could write pages and pages about all of you. And, of course, last but not least, the two people most responsible for my ascensi on into the ranks of local Gabo rone celebrityyou dont become the 5th most famous person in Botswana on your own!Naledi Ketlogetswe and Warona Setshwaelo. Finally, my parents and grandparents. I don t thank you nearly as much as I probably should. And though you werent always pleased by my choice to study in Africawhy not Europe? Or the area within a 15-mile radius of home?and continued to fl oat the possibility of

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10 law school well into my graduate student career, I just wanted to say, however inadequate the word, Thanks! No telling where Id be wit hout your constant encouragement and support. With much love and gratitude. The last word: I claim ownership over the mistakes, misinterpretations or outright inaccuracies there are in the following manuscript. Credit for whatever insights and redeeming observations there might be in this study of urban space in Gaborone is owed entirely to the contributions of those both named and unnamed. Ther e. Im rid of it. Lets end the story here.

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11 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .............................................................................................................4 LIST OF TABLES .........................................................................................................................13 LIST OF FIGURES .......................................................................................................................14 ABSTRACT ...................................................................................................................... .............16 CHAP TER 1 AFRICAS BLEMISHED MIRACLE: TH E IRONIES OF DEVELOPMENT AND DEMOCRACY IN BOTSW ANA ..........................................................................................18 A Statement of the Problem ....................................................................................................18 From a Dorp in the Bush to a City of Tomorrow ................................................................ 20 The African Exception ............................................................................................................28 2 A CITY FROM SCRATCH: THE BIRT H OF GABORONE INTO THE 1960S .................48 Chiefs, Subjects and Traditional Settlements in Bechuanaland ............................................. 50 Dreaming a City, Thinking a Plan .......................................................................................... 70 Meet the New Boss, Same as the Old Boss: Or, a Colonial City fit for Independence ......85 Sand Castles at High Tide: Zoning, Housing and W ho Goes Where? ................................. 102 Conclusion .................................................................................................................... ........130 3 RECLAIMING THE CITY: GABORONES TRANSFORMATION FROM COLONIAL HEADQUARTERS TO PO ST-COLONIAL CAPITAL DURING THE 1970S AND AFTER .............................................................................................................135 Principles with which to Build a Nation ............................................................................... 140 Fish out of Water: An Aparthei d C ity in a non-Apartheid State .......................................... 147 Designing a Mixed Densit y, Non-Racial Town ................................................................... 161 Conclusion .................................................................................................................... ........169 4 BUY, BUY, BUY: CONSUMPTION AND T HE MAKING OF MODERN CITIZENS IN AND AROUND THE SHOPPING MALLS OF GABORONE, BOTSWANA ............ 174 Introduction .................................................................................................................. .........174 Modern Houses for Modern Living (Maybe Ne x t Door to the Former President or in Close Proximity to Other Celebrities) ............................................................................... 179 Youre Not Your Fucking Khakis vs. No One Can See if Your Belly is Em pty .......... 186 Thank You for Visiting the Shopping Capital of Gaborone ................................................. 198

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12 5 DOWN ON THE CORNER: ILLEGAL IMMIGRATION A ND THE STRUGGLE FOR SPACE ON THE STREETS OF GABORONE, BOTSWANA ..................................210 This Land is Our Land. As for the Rest of You ...............................................................216 Zim Women Admit Stealing Underpants: the Making of Perfect Strangers ....................231 Citizen v. Stranger Struggles, White City and Beyond ........................................................ 252 6 FROM FILTH TO FEAR: SEQUESTERING POVERTY IN BOTSWANAS CAPITAL CITY .................................................................................................................. .258 Bugs and Dirt and Crud: Accounting for the Ick! Factor in Col onial Bechuanaland ........... 268 The Establishment of Unauthorized Settlements in Gaborone ............................................. 282 A Village Becomes a Town? ................................................................................................ 318 Wandering Where the Streets Have No Name: Talking about, Living in, Old Naledi ........ 331 Conclusion: The Village Talks Back? .................................................................................. 367 Photographs ..........................................................................................................................376 7 BORDERS, BOUNDARIES AND PUTTING PEOPLE IN THEIR (RIGHT) PLACE: SHAPING URBAN FRONTIERS I N BOTSWANAS CAPITAL CITY ........................... 385 The Civilized and the Savage? Navigating Am erican and African Frontiers ......................395 Spaces of Aspiration, Liberation and Exclus ion : Making Sense of Gaborones Urban Frontiers ..................................................................................................................... .......412 REFERENCE LIST OF BOOKS AND ARTICLES ................................................................... 422 REFERENCE LIST OF NEWSPAPE R AND M AGAZINE ARTICLES .................................. 437 REFERENCE LIST OF GOVERNMENT DOCUMENTS, NON-GOVE RNMENTAL PUBLICATIONS AND ARCHIVAL MATERIALS .......................................................... 444 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .......................................................................................................458

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13 LIST OF TABLES Table page 6-1 Chart of labor statistic s entered into Legislative Assem bly public record. ..................... 291

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14 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 4-1 Riverwalk Shopping Mall from across the Tlokw eng Road. Notice the metal fence and hawkers' stalls hovering on the edge of the malls propert y (Photograph: Elise Carpenter). ................................................................................................................... ....206 4-2 Christmas Display at Riverwalk (Photograph: Adrian W isnicki). ...................................206 4-3 Riverwalk Parking Lot and Food Cour t (Photograph: Adrian W isnicki). ....................... 207 4-4 Riverwalks rear lot with the garbage dum p in the background. In the distance, you can make out the smoke from a garbage fire and a bulldozer (Photograph: Steve Marr). ........................................................................................................................ .......207 4-5 Shopping at Riverwalk (P hotograph: Steve Marr)........................................................... 208 4-6 Banner at the Entrance of Rive rwalk (Photograph: Steve Marr). ....................................208 4-7 Botswanas own Elvis impersonator pe rform ing at a $50 a ticket show at the Gaborone Sun Hotel and Casino (Photograph: Steve Marr). ........................................... 209 5-1 The Orapa House looms over White City (Photograph: Steve Marr). ............................. 255 5-2 The Orapa House street corn er (Photograph: Steve Marr). ............................................. 255 5-3 Three police officers on patrol. The tra ffic cones stake out an inform al driving school (Photograph: Steve Marr). ....................................................................................256 5-4 Two gumbakumba parked at a Gabor one imm igration office (Photograph: Steve Marr). ........................................................................................................................ .......256 5-5 Sharing breakfast while waiting fo r work (Photograph: Steve Marr). ............................. 257 5-6 Hustling for a job on the Orapa House corn er. The parked autom obile is owned by a government agency. The government both hires and chases away Zimbabweans from the White City (Pho tograph: Steve Marr). ..............................................................257 6-1 Early design for the new capital by the Departm ent of Public Works. ............................ 376 6-2 A close-up shot of the plan shown in 6-1. Of particular interest here is the African housing separated from the rest of the town. ................................................................... 377 6-3 Old Naledi Gathering and Informal Mark et, 1971 (Photo courtesy of Sandy Grant). ..... 378 6-4 Old Naledi Street, 1971 (Phot o Courtesy of Sandy Grant). ............................................. 378 6-5 Old Naledi Street, 2005 (Photo: Steve Marr). ..................................................................379

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15 6-6 Old Naledi Market, 200 5 (Photo: Steve Marr). ...............................................................379 6-7 Old Naledi Market. The billboard prom oting condom usage in the distance reads, Even the best ballers take a safe dunk with it (Photo: Steve Marr). ............................. 380 6-8 Old Naledi Market (Pho to: Steve Marr). ......................................................................... 380 6-9 One of two signs posted at the north and south edges of Old Naledi along the Old Lobatse Road (Photo: Steve Marr). .................................................................................381 6-10 A shot of Old Naledi taken from the overp ass that separates the northern edge of the area from the businesses and offices acr oss the road (Photo: Steve Marr). ..................... 381 6-11 Overlooking Old Naledi (Photo: Steve Marr). ................................................................. 382 6-12 An early morning at an Old Nale di shabeen (Photo: Tshepo Makgasa). ......................... 382 6-13 An original White City house built to hous e low-incom e workers in the last phase of Gaborones initial construction (Photo: Steve Marr). ...................................................... 383 6-14 The still empty Central Business Distri ct in the center of Gaborone, with newly constructed governm ent offices in th e distance (Photo: Steve Marr). .............................383 6-15 An Old Naledi contractors advertisement articulating the dream s of the residents of Botswanas new capital, 1971 (Phot o Courtesy of Sandy Grant). ................................... 384

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16 Abstract of Dissertation Pres ented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy SPACES OF ASPIRATION, LIBERATION AND EXCLUSION: THE POLITICS OF URBAN SPACE IN AN AFRICAN DEMOCRACY Stephen D. Marr May 2008 Chair: Goran Hyden Major: Political Science The dissertation, entitled Spaces of Aspiration, Liberation and Exclusion: The Politics of Urban Space in an African Democracy situates Gaborone, the capital of Botswana, in a wider theoretical perspective re lated to the study of comparative urba n politics. Questions posed in the dissertation include: how is the pervasive social and economic inequality maintained in Gaborone? What formal and informal methods are employed by the State to organize and marginalize the population of urban poor in the c ity? What role does informal cultural politics have in creating contemporary notions of citiz enship and identity amongst the residents of Gaborone? How are class, race and social conflicts enacted in th e urban geographies of space, discourse and imagination? To interrogate these theoretical issues, I co mbine the qualitative methodologies required for in-depth ethnography with an interdisciplinary body of social and political theory. This approach allows me to move beyond the focused case study of Gaborone and make broader comparative linkages both in the Southern Africa region, as well as elsewhere in the globe. In the first half of the dissertation I trace the forty-year history of the pl anned capital of Gaborone in terms of the formal policies and regulations guidi ng the colonial and post-colonial planning and development of the city. One of the primary assertions made here is that in spite of the efforts made by the independent government of Botswana to alter the divided socio-economic

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17 landscape of Gaborone, there is litt le difference between the coloni al and the post-colonial city, as economic inequality and the social and poli tical marginalization of the urban poor remains largely unchanged in both contexts. The latter half of the study builds on the themes and conclusions covered in the preceding chapters by considering three lo cations throughout the city. These sites are: a popular Western style shopping mall, the oldest urban slum in Gaborone, and a well-trav eled street corner frequented by illegal immigrants looking for wor k. Taken together, these three locales capture a mosaic depicting the organization of power in the discursive and physic al spaces of Gaborone. A narrative of these sites illuminates the cont emporary prevalence of inequality and poverty existing adjacent to lifestyles of extreme affl uence and prosperity, which characterize the conflicts and possibilities of urban citizenship in Gaborone. More significantly, the questions asked of Gaborone related to consumption, citizenship and inequality su ggest broader cultural, political and policy implications for emer gent urban centers across the world.

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18 CHAPTER 1 AFRICAS BLEMISHED MIRACLE: TH E IRONIES OF DEVELOPMENT AND DEMOC RACY IN BOTSWANA A Statement of the Problem A central them e of the dissertation might we ll be summed up in a deceptively simple question: how come some people have money to buy things while others do not? Framing the issue this way, I recall a brief scene I witnesse d while doing fieldwork in Gaborone in the spring of 2004. I was newly arrived in Botswana at the time and didnt really know what to judge as important or irrelevant, so as it happened, I didn t give what I was seeing much extra thought. I was riding in a taxi around 8 or 9pm heading toward Game City, one of the new South African/Western style shopping centers that were being built all over Gaborone at the time. Reminding me of an elongated airport terminal, Ga me City was notable as the first enclosed, environment controlled shopping mall in the country. Built at the sout hernmost tip of the city in view of the citys only large geographic feature, Kgale Hill, Game City was home to shops, boutiques, a miniature golf course, a multiple x cinema, and the occasional baboon adventurous enough to make its way down from its home on the nearby Hill. Across the street from the shopping complex sit some luxury automobile dealerships, and not much further beyond is the main industrial area of town and Old Naledi, the la rge urban slum adjacent to it; the distance to the slum from the shopping center being not much more than one mile. Although the dealership was closed at the time, the indoor lights illumina ted the showroom, making the sedans and sports cars visible from the parking lot and street outside. Taking advantage of the lights, a group of 4 or 5 young boys stood with their heads pressed against the showrooms window looking and pointing at one particularly snazzy sports car. Just as I noticed them, they disappeared behind me as my taxi turned out of the intersections roundabout, sped up and headed off in a different direction. Little did I know then, that this ephemeral moment one random evening, years ago

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19 and a continent away, rather than dissipating to some seldom-accessed part of my brain, would retain a permanence that Ive never quite be en able to shake, let alone ignore. And while I obviously didnt hear what was be ing said, or where these boys homes were located, the darkened silhouettes of these boys, standing as close to th eir dream car as the window would allow, encapsulates the circumstan ces of urban life in contemporary Gaborone. Wealth, power, luxury consumable sthe usual symbols of prospe rityare everywhere visible in this city where the rich live geographically close to the poor, yet are worlds apart in terms of status, opportunity and money. Simu ltaneously these same symbols, the trappings of affluence, remain almost completely unattainable for a substa ntial portion of people, rarely existing outside the realm of fantasy or consumer desire. Th e principle of look, but dont touch, or more formally put, the themes of inclusion and exclusio n, or inequality of stat us and resources, which so dominates the politics of urban space and citize nship in Gaborone, is neatly wrapped in this memory of some scrawny kids admiring a car they ll likely never be able to afford. It is not though, enough to simply point out the inability of many to obtain a fast car, use the newest multimedia cell phone, or be seen drinking imported beer, but rather, to dire ct this observation to develop a broader theme about the meaning of urban citizenship and identity for people who cant participate in these activitie s while at the same time living in a society that for upwards of forty years has preached the singular importan ce and value of development and growth, of turning away from the past in order to create something different. What happens to those who have failed to develop? What is the source of these inequities? And perhaps most important for the discussion to follow, how are these dynami cs maintained in the urban geographies of space, imagination and discourse in 21st century Gaborone?

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20 Over the course of the upcoming chapters we will attempt to answer these questions. For now however, we start more modestly by examin ing the transformation of Gaborone since its founding forty years ago and placi ng the city in the c ontext of Botswanas broader democratic and economic development. From a Dorp in the Bush to a City of Tomorrow The m iddle decades of the 20th century following the atomic conclusion of World War II and the often-painful dissolution of colonial rule across the globe were seen in their time as marking the beginning of a new epoch in histor y. Technology, culture, pol itics, the rise of a global economic and communications network: all these realms e xperienced changes as quick as they were momentous. Elvis, the jet engine and vacuum tube computers the size of single-family houses all signaled the birth of new ways of livi ng that were no longer compatible with the old ways of living (however it was th at you wanted to define oldthe lines demarcating the past from the present from the future have never been readily identifiable). For a world seen through the prism of stages of growth, which culm inated in the pinnacle society-wide mass consumption1, tradition became an indefensible wor d, valuable only as a means of describing what people around the world needed to escape from. And quickly.2 For peoples and countries that didnt, or couldnt, transf orm quickly enough on their own, various means were devised in order to prod th em forward. One of the more dramatic, and certainly traumatic for at least some of a nati ons most vulnerable, me thods employed was statesponsored town planning. The motivation behi nd such sweeping exercises being that the creation of new, modern urban spaces would have a transformative effect on a backwards 1 W.W. Rostow, The Stages of Economic Growth: A non-communist manifesto (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1967). 2 Rostow suggests that the move traditional society to one based on high consumption will take about 60 years. See page 10.

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21 population sorely needing an example in the habi ts, thinking and practices required by modern living. Cities such as Chandigarh, New York City and Brasilia, as well as their conjurers Le Corbusier, Robert Moses, and Oscar Niemayer, constitute some of the most famous examples of supposedly orderly, rational and ideo logically driven town planning. And in the specific cases of Brasilia and Chandigarh, the enormous building projects conducted on these wild, vacant and unspoiled sites represented a fresh start and a brea k with the past; the attempt to redirect their populations, institutions and governments onto a new path more suitable for the speed, commerce and technology of the new age. Their symbolic function, as an exemplar of a rational, organized, easily administered fu ture, is arguably the most important of the New City. To state the issue in the colorful terms of Le Co rbusier in his famous planning manifesto The City of Tomorrow are we to follow the way of the pack-d onkey and the past, or the way of Man and freedom, an accomplishment facilitated by the rigor ous application of linear geometry and orderly planning?3 For urban planners of the period, th ere could be only one answer to that question. Not only did this urban planning philosophy cal l for the alteration of peopleboth at the level of the collective an d the individualits visionary advocat es described these practices as the fundamental technique of politics and governance. From the same treatise, Le Corbusier writes: [Town planning] is the concrete expression of human needs, of human means, and of human intentions? These needs, these means, these intentions, are to-day clearly apparent to those who are capable of discernment and vi sion. And so town planning really becomes as it were, the mirror of authority and, it may be, the decisive act of governing.4 The architect as politician, th e politician as architect, if we are to understand the above, there is seemingly no difference. The politicians/architects of today are not merely to represent 3 Le Corbusier, translated by Frederick Etchells, The City of To-morrow and its Planning (The Architectural Press, London, 1971). Although this is a recurrent theme in the book, see Chapter 1 for its initial statement. 4 Ibid ., p. VIII.

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22 the interests of the pe ople, rather they are to formulat e them. Urban planning under this conception therefore, becomes much more than being simply about making a space for comfortable living. Instead, unde rlyingnot terribly subtlythese planning principles are, among others, issues of authority, power, govern ment, economics and the good life. The road to the future, as foreseen by Le Corbusier and his modernist brethren, is going to be paved, preferably with 8 lanes of traffic. The themes discussed above will be explored in greater detail in the coming pages. I only mention them now to provide a signpost as to wh ere we are headed and because the themes and consequences wrought by the large-scale planni ng projects conducted in a place like, for example, Brasilia, are also in evidence in other planning projects that have nt been the subject of intense academic scrutiny. The lesser-known, lesser -told stories of places like Abuja, Lusaka, Rabat, and Gaborone are no less dramatic, no less interesting and no less reflective of a time, ideology and way of thinking that continues to a ffect the lives of urban dwellers on a political, social and economic level into the present. Cities such as Canberra and Abuja were built to function as centers of administration and government whose establishment was as much an expression of power a nd monumentality as it was about providing a space for governance. And while this is also true of places like Rabat and Gaborone, the complicating layer of colonialism wa s added to the planning and building of these sites. Although built, or reshaped as in the case of Rabat, as colonial administrative hubs, following the conclusion of colonial rule, the cities were recast into new roles as capitals of independent states. Untangling however, the legacy of colonial planni ng is a task not easily accomplished. As Abu-Lughod points out in her exam ination of the development of Rabat, the

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23 city divided along colonial lines before independence is often di vided along class lines following independence, as local elites fill the v acuum left by departing colonialists.5 Botswanas capital of Gaborone has expe rienced similar problems following its independence in 1966. As a city bu ilt out of the bush over the course of a few frantic years in the mid-1960s, designed first to serve as a replacement for the existing colonial capital located in Mafikeng6, South Africa and then as the capital for an independent Botswana, the relatively unexplored case of Gaborone has something to offer with regards to the processes and consequences of Western planning models attempte d in Africa. The conflu ence of colonialisms lingering effects, Botswanas economic and political stability and successes following independence, the countrys long-standing experi ences with urban living in the pre-colonial period and encirclement by much larger and more influential racist stat es, particularly South Africa (for a large portion of its independence history), have all playedand possibly continue to playimportant roles in development of the city. The story of Gaborone is not about domi neering figures and architectural giants7, majestic monuments or revolutionary ideo logies; there was neither time nor money for such sweeping gestures. Instead the early planning of the city was conducte d by a largely anonymous group of colonial architects and planners, aided occasiona lly by housing and planning officials from their London headquarters, who derived their vision for the city from town planning techniques taken from models used in the industr ialized West, other British col onies, and the surrounding region. 5 Janet L. Abu-Lughod, Rabat: Urban apartheid in Morocco (Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ, 1980). See especially chapter 13, Rabat from Caste to Class, pp. 258-274. 6 Under colonial rule the name of the town was spelled Mafeking and was changed following independence. As was, for example, Gaborone and the nearby town of Lobatse, which were formerly Gaberones and Lobatsi. I use the current spellings unless otherwise noted. 7 Although one could persuasively argue that the figure of Seretse Khama, Botswanas founding father and first president, casts quite a long shad ow over the history of the city.

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24 The variety of disparate forces that have shaped the making of Gaborone makes the study of urban planning, as well as a more broadly focuse d politics of space, in to the contemporary period, a particularly useful and illuminating ex ercise. But beyond the story of its origins, Gaborone is compelling due to the vastness of cha nges that has occurred over the past 40 years. From a dusty backwater to a cosmopolitan locati on and regional economic hub, the city would be virtually unrecognizable to those who built it four decades previous. To show just how dramatic Gaborones transfor mation has been since th e urban core of the city was built over forty years ago, it is instructive to c onsider some descriptions of Gaborone in its infancy. Around the time of the construction of the future capital, the population in the nontribal area around what was then called Gaberones consisted of a small number of permanent residents. There were a few government bu ildings, including a jail and a public works department camp, some general trad ers, government officials, farm ers and not much else. Even at the time of the first census following i ndependence in 1971, the population in Gaborone represented only 3% (17,700) of the nations total population.8 Sandy Grant, a long-time expatriate observer and historian of the politics and culture of Botswana, writes, For several years, Gabor one was a pretty odd place anyway consisting mainly of bush with the occasional building in between a nd with no obvious connection between one and the next. So true was this that one visito r, having driven thro ugh Gaborone, stopped to ask another motorist on the Lobatse road9 where Gaborone was to be found.10 Another author, acidly characterizes the Ga borone of her childhood as possessing nothing in the way of beauty; it was just an ugly little dorp squatting on the main road and railway line, 8 Republic of Botswana, Central Statistics Office, 2001 Population and Housing Census Table 1.6 Distribution of Population in Urban Settlements: 1971-2001 Censuses < http://www.cso.gov.bw > (1 August 2006). 9 At that time there was one main North/South road parallel to the railway connecting the few urban centers in the Eastern section of the country. 10 Sandy Grant, Gaborone: symbol of independence, Botswana Magazine 1 2 (no date), p. 8. Although the article has no date, based on other information contained in the article, it seems likely to have been written early in the 1970s.

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25 close to the border of th e Republic [South Africa].11 Aesthetic evaluations aside, the above two descriptions capture the flavor of character izations written about Gaborone before it was redesigned and more or less constructed from scratch in the years leading up to independence. And indeed as the plans for the city and th e future of Bechuanaland were debated in colonial government circles, there was the gene ral expectation that Gaborone would look much the same decades into the future. Due to the low population, poverty, and bleak economic prospects beyond a cattle industry st ruggling to survive amidst th e severe droughts of the early 1960s and periodic outbreaks of foot and mouth diseasethis, being shortly before the enormous diamond fields were discoveredthe government foresaw little hope for prosperity in the country. Accordingly, even the most optimistic planning estimates only predicted a future maximum population of around 20,000 Gaborone re sidents by 1990. This expected maximum was surpassed very early in the citys devel opment; the reasons behind the wildly inaccurate predictions and their consequences into the present will be explored in greater detail below. Fast forward forty years, of a city and a count ry, on the edge of subsistence, present-day Gaborone is home, according to the most recent census in 2001, to about 186,000 people.12 A five your old figure that was probably underreported at the time and which is surely substantially higher now. If for example, the rates of grow th continue on the trajectory from 1991-2001 in which the population of Gaborone increased by over 50,000 people, then the current official population for the city is well over 200,000.13 And it is probably higher when you factor in the circulatory migration of both fore ign and rural workers, as well as the fact that households in 11 Carolyn Slaughter, Before the Knife: Memoirs of an African childhood (Vintage Books, New York, NY, 2002), p. 84. 12 Republic of Botswana, Central Statistics Office, 2001 Population and Housing Census Table 1.6 Distribution of Population in Urban Settlements: 1971-2001 Censuses < http://www.cso.gov.bw > (1 August 2006). 13 Ibid

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26 high-density areas tend to under-repre sent the number of people livi ng on the property for fear of government sanctions. Even today however, some popular outlets still consider Gaborone as little more than a sprawling village suffering from the drabness and lack of definition that accompany an abrupt transition from a rural settlement in the 1960s to a modern city14 that is so obscure its not even recognized by MS Words own spellchecker.15 But to gloss over the dramatic changes that have revolutionized life and politics in the city does a diss ervice to the complexity of Gaborone by ignoring pervasive regional and global cu ltural and economic for ces at play in the city. The pace of change has especially quickened in the past ten years or so. When I first visited Gaborone in the summer of 2002 on my ina ugural trip into the fiel d I didnt know quite what to make of things, did th e city so confound my expectations about what I would find in an African city. Upon driving into the core of the city on my first day in Gabs,16 I saw just how affluent the citys business and political elite and burgeoning middl e class were. The roads were seemingly clogged with imported luxury European sedans and SUVs. A new shopping mall, with the scenic name Riverwalksited on a floodplain rather a consis tently flowing body of waterthat wouldnt have been out of place in a well-to-do American suburb had recently opened and immediately became an important venue for the young, hip or rich to see and be seen. The city was in the middle of a cons truction boom, birthing a nascent skyline in the central located government hub. I wa s even able to catch a special late night screening of the second Star Wars prequel only one day after its release b ack in the States. Being in Gaborone 14 Paul Greenway, Lonely Planet: Guide to Botswana (Lonely Planet Publications, Oakland, CA, 2001), p. 114. 15 Wish you were here?, BBC News Online 26 April 2005 < http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/magazine/4464293.stm > (27 July 2006). 16 Gabs or Gabz, is the shortened nickname for the city adopted by many residents.

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27 made it easy to forget that I was in another hemi sphere and a four-leg th irty-five hour plane trip home. And when I returned again in February of 2004 I was not surprised to discover that the city had continued to grow at an accelerated pace. There were, depending on how you counted, at least four new modern shopping cen ters, indicating the vibrancy and importance of Gaborones newly developed mall-culture. Construction e xpanded the bounds of the city outwards, as well as upwards as newer, taller buildings were erected and the roads appeared even more congested and overflowing. Fashionable western consumables, such as Ipods, Red Bull and Miller Genuine Draft beer, continued to make their entrance in to the shops and restau rants of urban Gaborone, often accompanied by invitation only launch parties to trumpet their arrival. A glamorous17 hotel-casino complex resided on the outskirts of town, playing host to beauty pageants, film festivals and US presidents.18 Other recent visitors to Gaborone have had their expectations similarly defied. One researcher describes his surprise at finding elite Batswana shopping for designer jeans and the latest Harry Potter book.19 It is no longer accurate to conclude as one British volunteer did in a 1966 letter home that G aberones is even less of a shopping centre than Serowe20; it has shops but nothing in them.21 17 Barnaby Philips, Im beautiful and HIV-positive, BBC News Online 3 March 2005 < http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4311807.stm > (27 July 2006). 18 George Bushs Presidential entourage stayed there during his short visit to Botswana in 2003, as did one of the first daughters during her covert volunteer trip to Gaborone in 2005. 19 Scott A. Beaulier, Lessons from Botswana: Africas econ omic dynamo, (The Independent Institute, Washington DC, 2005) (27 July 2006). 20 Serowe was, and still remains, a major and populous Tswana village located a few hours north of Gaborone that serves as the capital of the BaNgwato tribe. 21 Sandy Grant (ed), Sheila Bagnalls Letters from Botswana, 1966-1974 (Leitlho Publications Odi, Botswana, 2001), p. 28.

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28 The changes experienced by Gaborone and th e people who live there go beyond the most obvious visible cues of prosperity and affluen ce signified by malls, cars and imported beer. For some long-term residents of Gaborone, even not ions of citizenship and home have been transformed. Generally Batswana identify a village of their parent in answer to a question about where they are from even if they have not lived there for a long time, if they have even lived there at all. The home village is not just a place where one might say they come from, in practice, it is also where most people return on holidays and important family occasions. But as Gaborone becomes a more established and perman ent home for a more urbanized population it is transforming peoples relationships to their familial village and lands.22 Where in the past it would have been a futile task to locate a pe rson from Gaborone, this effort is no longer impossible. Indeed, the development of Gabor one has included not only economic growth and new lifestyle options for those with the means to participate in them, but it has also begun to permeate peoples identities as it alters, for example, rural-urban linkages and the very definition of place and home for its residents. The African Exception The tales of a glittering city full of increasingly urbanized residents, luxury cars and shopping malls m eshes with the dominant political assessment of the polit ics and economics of post-Independence Botswana. Most of the popular Western press and the scholarly literature23 22 Tshireletso Motlogelwa, Old Naledi spawns first kraal of city breed, Mmegi 6 January 2006 < http://mmegi.bw/2006/January/Friday6/819492207632.html > (30 July 2006). 23 A sampling of the literature along these lines includes: Louis A. Picard (ed), The Evolution of Modern Botswana (University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln, NE, 1985); Stephen John Stedman (ed), Botswana: The political economy of democratic development (Lynne Rienner Publishers, Boulder, CO, 1993); Richard Werbner, Reasonable Radicals and Citizenship in Botswana: The public anthropology of Kalanga elites (Indiana University Press, Bloomington, IN, 2004); Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johns on, and James A. Robinson, An Afri can success story: Botswana (CEPR Discussion Papers 3219, Centre for Economic Policy Research, London, 2002); Abdi Ismail Samatar, Leadership and ethnicity in the making of African state models: Botswana versus Somalia, Third World Quarterly 14 4 (1997), pp. 687-707.

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29 dealing with Africa in general, or Botswana sp ecifically, tells the story of an African exception in opposition to the chaos, viol ence and poverty typically portra yed in media discussions of Africa. An African Miracle, the title of a 1999 volume about Bo tswanas political and economic successes, encapsulates much of the optimistic fe elings the academics have long held towards Botswana.24 Even in the early days of post-indepe ndence government, there was the recognition amongst both external observers and domestic politicians that something different was transpiring in Botswana despite the countrys tremendously weak economic position, near lack of any sort of infrastructure and its unfortunate encirclement by Southern Africas racist white regimes. By 1970, for example, the New York Times was able to announce in a page 2 headline Botswana Offers a Promis ing Contrast in Africa.25 The first president, Sir Seretse Khama, had also adopted this optim istic rhetoric about Botswana being exceptional in the developing worl d as a country of raci al and social harmony. In a 1972 speech to the attendees of the Botswana Democratic Partys (BDP) annual conference, Khama states, . Botswana is widely regarded as a beacon of hope in a troubled region, a force for constructive change.26 Because of Botswanas politic al and economic weakness in the region, Khama outlined the national guiding principle Kagisanoa synthesis of traditional and modern values that had been, a nd would in theory continue to be, the underlying motivation in the development of Botswana. Further into the speech, Khama goes on to define the normative implications of a society founded on Kagisano: 24 Abdi Ismail Samatar, An African Miracle: State and class leadership and colonial legacies in Botswana Development (Heinemann, Portsmouth, NH, 1999). 25 Charles Mohr, Botswana offers a promising contrast in Africa, New York Times 7 June 1970, p. 2. 26 Gwendolen M. Carter and Philip E. Morgan (eds), From the Frontline: Speeches of Sir Seretse Khama (Rex Collings, London, 1980), p. 144.

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30 Our principal contribution [to progress in Africa] must be the defence and development of our independence by the only means availabl e to usthe defence and development of non-racialism and social justice for all. We mu st build a society in which all our citizens, irrespective of race, tribe or occupation, can fulfill themselves to the greatest possible extent, where they can live in peace and uphold the ideals enshrined in the Setswana concept Kagisanounity, peace, harmony and a sense of community.27 From the earliest then, Kagisano has been a primary force guiding the development plans and policies of the government. Even today, in Botswanas twenty-year all encompassing blueprint to a better society, Vision 2016 Kagisano continues to be the symbol of Botswanas utopian aspirations. Further elaboration of this pr inciple, as well as how successfully it has been implemented across society will be explored el sewhere. For now though, brief mention of it will suffice to demonstrate Botswanas positioning as a developing democracy unlike any other. It is worth noting that Botswanas glowing reputation both globally and regionally is an important public relations tool fo r attracting investment and fore ign development aid. And that the rhetoric of success is in some ways a se lf-fulfilling prophesy; Botswanas untarnished reputation attracts capital, there by enabling more potential successes and more investment in the future. The importance of good publicity might e xplain, for example, why the first two things you see on the official government website is a link proclaiming Botswana to be the gem of Africa adjacent to a link debunking charges that it is violating th e human rights of the so-called Bushmen by relocating them from their ances tral homelands in the pursuit of diamond exploration.28 Accusations made by some international human rights organizations, most notably the UK-based Survival International, have suggested that Botswanas diamonds are not, in fact, untainted by the human ri ghts violations and abuse that characterize mineral exploration 27 Ibid ., p. 144. 28 This juxtaposition was present on the Government of Botswanas official websiteavailable at www.gov.bw -through August 2006. As of January 2008 however, Botswanas defense of what it terms the Relocation of the Basarwa is buried deeper in the website, under the s till telling headline, Social and Economic Development.

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31 elsewhere in Africa.29 And while my point isnt to comment on the validity or accuracy of either sides claims, the lengths to which the Botswana government goes to protect its reputation, democratic credentials and res ources accounting for a substantial amount of the countrys foreign exports30 is noteworthy.31 This is not to say however, that Botswanas designation as an African miracle is not at least partially deserved, sin ce aspects of its development since independence are indeed staggering. Even for those familiar with Botswanas situation towards the end of its status as a British Protectorate and the early days of independence, the statistics bear repeating. At independence in 1966 Botswana was one of the ten poorest countries on earth.32 Largely neglected and ill-funded by the colonial government for reasons ranging from the constant threat of the territorys incorporation into South Af rica and Rhodesia to the colonial governments reluctance to invest in a country thought to have bleak economic prospects for the future due to its desolation, small population a nd apparent lack of natural resources. Accordingly, Bechuanalands administrativ e headquarters resided outside its te rritory in adjacent South Africa, 29 Two pieces that provide overviews of the governments policies and activities with regards to diamonds and San relocation from the Central Kalahari Game Reserve are: Kenneth Good, Bushmen and diamonds: (un)civil society in Botswana (Discussion Paper 23, Nord iska Afrikainstitutet, Uppsala, 2003 ); Ian Taylor and Gladys Mokhawa, Not forever: Botswana conflict diamonds and the Bushmen, African Affairs 102 (2003), pp. 261-283. 30 Taylor and Mokhawa, Not forever, p. 263. According to Taylor and Mokhawa diamond mining accounted for 87% of the foreign exports in Botswana in the first quarter of 2001. 31 Even as I write, the current President of Botswana, Festus Mogae, conducted a meeting with leaders from all the primary opposition parties to strategize about the allegations made by Survival Interna tional about abuse against the Bushmen. This meeting is unusual since the ruling BDP is dominant in the government and rarely consults with opposition on policy matters. But in the case of the CKGR relocation issue, the government considers the presentation of a united front agains t its critics necessary. See: Gideon Nkala and Tuduetso Setsiba, Mogae summons opposition leaders, Mmegi 4 August 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/August/Friday4/1005123522994.html > (4 August 2006); Tuduetso Setsiba, Opposition parties claim ignorance on CKGR, Mmegi 10 August 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/August/Thursday10/4232063021144.html > (10 August 2006). 32 United Nations Development Program, Botswana Human Development Report 2005: Harnessing science and technology for human development (UNDP, Gaborone, 2005), p. 14.

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32 less than 7 km of tarred road existed in the country and there were only 3 secondary schools serving a country rough ly the size of Texas.33 Seretse Khama in a 1970 speech in Sweden describes the circumstances in which the people of Botswana found themselves: Not one single secondary school was completed by the colonial Government during the whole seventy years of British rule. Nor did we inherit any properly equipped institutions for vocational training even at the lowest level of artisan skills. The administration had at its disposal only the most rudimentary inform ation on our national resources. The country was largely unmapped. On the threshold of independence, as I told Botswanas first National Assembly in my dissolution speech, We were in the humiliating, but essentially challenging position, of not knowing the basic facts on which to found our plans for the future.34 The future of the newly independent and democr atic Botswana, it is safe to say, did not look terribly promising. With the discovery of significant diamond depos its in 1967 however, everything changed. Today, the mine operating out of Jwaneng is the most profitable diamond mining operation on the planet and as a consequence, the few kilometers of tarmac roads found at independence has ballooned to over 18000 km35 and there are now over 300 secondary schools across the country.36 Responsible for this dramatic increase in infrastructure is a GDP that grew 2000 percent from 1965-198037 and experienced the fastest growth of GDP per capita of any nation on earth over a three-decade period from 1966-1996.38 Although the growth of Botswanas 33 Jenny Clover, Botswana: future prospects and the need for broad-based development (Institute for Security Studies Pretoria, 2003), p. 2 < http://www.iss.co.za/AF/cur rent/botswanaasep03.pdf > (1 August 2006). 34 Carter and Morgan, From the Frontline p. 100. 35 The Economist, Diamond country, 346, 4 April 1998, p. 53. 36 Clover, Botswana: future prospects and the need for broad-based development, p. 2. 37 Jack Parson, The trajectory of class and state in dependent development: the consequences of new wealth for Botswana, in Nelson Kasfir (ed), State and Class in Africa (Frank Cass and Company, London, 1984), p. 40. 38 J. Clark Leith, Why Botswana prospered (Canadian Economics Association Thirty-Fourth Annual Meetings, University of British Columbia, 2000), p. 3 < http://www.ssc.uwo.ca/economics /faculty/Leith/Botswana.pdf > (26 January 2008).

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33 economy has slowed its meteoric increase in re cent years, due to the variability of the international diamond trading market, it continues to demonstrate steady progress. For example, in the fiscal year of 2003/2004 the economy gr ew at 3.4 percent while in 2004/2005 the economy increased by 8.3 percent as a re sult of an 18.2 percent increase in the mining sector from the previous year.39 Complementing these rosy growth figures is the fact that Botswana possesses foreign reserves of $6.2 billion, which translates into 27 months of imports if the economy were to cease operation.40 As Leith points out in his article on the reas ons for Botswanas development, observers ought not to focus solely on the numbers dem onstrating economic pros perity. But rather, emphasis must also be placed on the policies and l eadership that has allowed Botswana to evade the paths taken by other resour ce-cursed African nati ons such as the Congo, Sierra Leone or Angola. The existence of diamonds, in other words, is only part of the story. Equally important, is what happened after they were dug up out of the ground.41 Apart from the singularly focused perspectives of trade, money a nd minerals it is also important to consider Botswanas politics when discussing their exceptionality. Indeed, Good and Taylor criticize the mostly economycentric positions taken by most academics in prai se of Botswana, arguing instead that to fully appreciate the circumstances in Botswana it is necessary to consider th e countrys social and political aspects.42 39 Republic of Botswana, Annual Budget Speech 2006 (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 2006), p. 3. 40 Ibid ., p. 9. 41 Leith, Why Botswana prospered, p. 9. Leith focuses largely on the economic aspect of policy-making, such as monetary and mining policies, or policies an d regulations tied to international trade. 42 Kenneth Good and Ian Taylor, Unpacking the model: presidential succession in Botswana, in Roger Southall and Henning Melber (eds), Legacies of Power: Leadership change an d former presidents in African politics (HSRC Press, Johannesburg, 2006), p. 51 < http://www.hsrcpress.ac.za/index.asp> (15 August 2006). I should note that I further discuss this extremely critical paper on the practice of politics in Botswana in a bit more detail below.

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34 The story of Botswanas democratic tr ajectory and good governance credentials since independence are nearly as well known as its economic statistics. Along with Mauritius, Botswana is the only other African nation to have experienced uninterrupted democratic rule, punctuated in the case of Botswana, by presidential and parliamentary electio ns every fifth year. Eschewing the path taken by most other African nations, Botswana has avoided internal and external violence, military interventions in dom estic politics, or corrupt and contested election procedures. Political stability in Botswana ha s no doubt been aided by the economic prosperity described above. As Parson notes, because of the dynamism and growth of Botswanas economy, the government could pay its way out of direct conflict with potentially troublesome groups such as poor rural villag e dwellers through large-scal e infrastructure development programs.43 But beyond economics and the potentials of devel opment, stability has also been achieved because the ruling Botswana Democratic Part y (BDP), formed in the waning moments of colonial rule with the tacit encouragement a nd support of the British, has never lost a national electionnor for that matter, has it even come close. Each election period therefore, has been marked by a peaceful continuation of governance by the BDP. And because of the close ties between the colonial government and the early BD P elites, due to their concern over the then Bechuanaland Protectorate becoming embroiled in the Marxist leaning Pan-African political movement that was sweeping the continent and gaining a small, but vocal, following led by P. G. Matante and the Botswana Peoples Party (BPP) in urban areas, such as the northern city of Francistown, even the transition to independent rule proceeded smoothly and without trauma. However, Taylor and Goods advice about the need to more fully consider the political arena holds true in spite of their criticisms. 43 Parson, The trajectory of class and state in dependent development, p. 57.

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35 The easy move from Protectorate status to I ndependence was also made possible due to the intersecting economic interests be tween the colonial white population and the Tswana elites who replaced them. The desire to engage in s ound policy-making to further the development of Botswana rather than devolve into more paro chial cleavages involving tribalism or race has continued into the present. From the beginning, as J. Stephen Morrison outlines in his case study of cattle-owning institutions in the late colonial period, elites have been able to overcome differences for the sake of growing the economy. In this instance, what little wealth there was in the Protectorate and later, in ea rly Botswana, depended heavily on the cattle industr y. For this reason, prominent white ranchers and the Tswana cattle ranching elite, who constituted the core of the BDPs governing body, were able to co alesce around issues of economic importance.44 While politics was important to the leaders of tim e, a former officer of both the colonial and independence government recollects that these men were often busin essmen first and politicians second, writing of Seretse Khama during his first years back in Botswana following his exile due to the chieftainship contr oversies surrounding his marriage to a white British woman, For several years [Khama] adopted a low profil e and after his return from exile he had much work to do in attending to his privat e affairs. He had ma ny cattle and although his trusty servants had looked after his interest s in his absence he still had much to do to consolidate his holdings.45 Cooperation in the pursuit of elite interests and stability, was and st ill remains, the most sensible policy option for the BDP today, even in the face of extreme income inequality and poverty in 44 J. Stephen Morrison, Botswanas formative late colonial experiences, in Stedman, Botswana: The political economy of democratic development pp. 27-49. 45 George Winstanley, Under Two Flags in Africa: Recollections of a British administrator in Bechuanaland and Botswana, 1954-1972 (Blackwater Books, Colchester, UK, 2000), p. 204.

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36 substantial segments of the popul ation (to be discussed below).46 The elite mentality of sticking together is important not just for understa nding the relative political and economic stability in Botswana, but also for untangling th e politics of planning in the capital, Gaborone to be examined in the upcoming pages. Achieving less notoriety in discussions of Botswanas miracle mythology are the problems besetting democracy in Botswana. The more you examine the democratic situation in Botswana, the more the countrys reputation as a model for political and economic development in Africa becomes a bit more suspect. While stability, non-interference by the military, and the occurrence of elections indicate th e presence of democratic politics, at least on the surface, other practices and mentalities question both the depth and quality of democracy in Botswana. Politics in Botswana can be criticized for its lack of transparency, one-party dominance, a hierarchical top-down approach to politics, weak civil society, corrupt ion at the top of government47, and a lack of popular representation in policy-making. To expand on a few examples, the central role played by the bureaucratic machinery in Botswana ha s been explored elsewher e in the literature. Molutsi asserts that the expertise of bureaucr ats have enabled the bureaucracy to dominate policy-making at all levels of government due to a political class that was weak and 46 For a more recent look at the development policies pursued by the BDP government in Botswana, see: Zibani Maundeni, The politics of poverty in Botswana, Botswana Notes and Records 23 (2003), pp. 99-109. Referring specifically to pp. 105-107. 47 Government corruption with regards to land allocation and housing has been especially problematic in Botswana, particularly in Gaborone. Most recently, a government inquiry in 200 4 under a commission appointed by the President uncovered examples of possible corruption at worst, and bureaucratic incompetence at best. The investigation centered on shady allocations of land arou nd Gaborone that failed to conform to standardized land allocation policies set by the government. The most suspicious case being a shopping mall built on land set aside as an environmentally sensitive bird sanctuary and flood plane. Off the record, people involved in this case spoke of intimidation, threats and bribery. The official record of the Molapo Crossing investigation, along with the other cases and recommendations of presidential commission can be found in the official report: Republic of Botswana, Report of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into State Land Allocations in Gaborone (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 2004).

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37 unknowledgeable in comparison.48 As one government minist er noted with regards to bureaucratic control of the making of the National Development Plans and warning of political interference of these plans, w e could have politicians disrup ting projects as they pleased.49 In recent years however, the fear of disturbances has been ameliorated because the BDP and the bureaucracy have developed a much cozier relati onship, as the BDP has recruited senior level bureaucrats into political positions in the gove rnment, thereby allowing BDP ideologies and objectives to permeate the civil se rvice and putting the bureaucracy more in the service of the interests of the ruling party.50 The insularity provided by the cl ose relationship of politicians and civil service technocrats cause s policy to be implemented in a top-down way with few opportunities for popular input or consultations. Positioned as a modern day kgosi /chief, the BDP government led by an institutionally powerful president proclaims and dictates with the expected consequence being that the people are to respond accordingly. Typical of these as sumptions of governance is a current example of the governments efforts to incorporate, Le dumadumane, a section of neighboring village Mogoditshane into Gaborone while relocating it s 1700 residents elsewhere in the country to provide some much needed land and space for the rapidly expanding city.51 In a recent kgotla meeting in the village, the Mini ster of Lands and Housing, Ramade luka Seretse, announced that the entire village would be annexed into Gaboron e instead of only a portion of the area as the villagers had been previously to ld. The minister suggested that the village residents ought not 48 P. P. Molutsi, The ruling class and democracy in Botswana, in John Holm and Patrick Molutsi (eds), Democracy in Botswana: The proceedings of a sympos ium held in Gaborone, 1-5 August 1988 (The Botswana Society, The University of Botswana and Ohio University Press, Gaborone and Athens, OH, 1989), pp. 108-109. 49 Ibid ., p. 115. 50 Maundeni, The politics of poverty in Botswana, p. 107. 51 Daily News, Gaborone to expand into Kweneng, 15 August 2006 < http://www.gov.bw/cgibin/news.cgi?d=20060815 > (15 August 2006).

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38 oppose the relocation efforts because it is a necess ary sacrifice for the benefit of the whole nation52 as other villages have had to do in instance s of the discovery of natural resources. Residents complained however as to why they had to move rather than experience the developments that would accompany incorporation into urban Gaborone, since in this case, the discovery of mineral deposits was not the ca use of the resettlement scheme. Are the developments that you want to bring here not suitable for us? one asks.53 Another observes, the government has a tendency of ta king decisions and consulting later.54 In response to these remarks opposing the need to relocate, the Minister explains the real reason why it is necessary for the villagers to move once their village is designated a town, Once we put in water drainages, electricity and roads, this would be no longer a village which would be expensive for most of you.55 Even if we accept the seemingly dubious proposition that it is a better economic proposition to relocate and rebuild an entire village than it would be to provide some sort of subsidies to allow these people to continue livin g where they currently reside, the Ministers comment, I think, encapsulates something importa nt about the government s paternalism and attitudes toward to the poor. One unstated implicat ion here is that the government knows what is best for the people and therefore, its a dvice and guidance should be followed. More important than that though, by characterizing the need to move in terms of expense, the Minister acknowledges the marginal status of the poor in Gabor one, as well as their unimportance in the urban areas future development. In a 2005 Mmegi editorial speaking 52 Tuduetso Setsida, Consult us on landLedumadumane residents, Mmegi 14 August 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/August/Monday14/62510827634.html > (14 August 2006). 53 Ibid 54 Ibid 55 Ibid

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39 directly to the specific case of Ledumadumane v illage, the paper notes that the rules governing land allocation seem to differ for the rich and th e poor. The editorial bo ard pointedly writes of the government brutality directed towards s quatters living in Mogoditshane, the peri-urban village adjacent to Gaborone, Government has been quick to unleash its might on the poor and ensure that it whips them into compliance whenever they depart from th e expected decorum. But nay, the rich have never been made to the feel the might of the state even when there is evidence of wrongdoing!56 As land speculation in Gaborone becomes more lucr ative, not to mention, in creasingly privatized and consolidated in the hands of a few large r eal estate developers, it becomes an acceptable solution to shuffle around large numbers of people who potentially might add to the ranks of the urban poor in Gaborone, rather than sacrifice the pa yday deriving from the sale of land to private developers. Although the above might seem just one minor example, the tension between elite interests and the urban poor are recurrent themes in the story Botswanas democracy, and more specifically, in the 40-year history of Gaborone. Also worth mentioning with regards to some of the limitations of Botswanas democracy, the unrestrained power of the President and the BDPs general intolerance of dissent can be found in the 2005 deportation of the political scie nce professor and government critic, Professor Kenneth Good. On Monday February 21, 2005 the President of Botswana Festus Mogae gave a speech to his alma mater, the University of Su ssex in the United Kingdom. In the middle of his talk he detailed the democratic environment found in contemporary Botswana proclaiming that first and foremost, In Botswana everyone is fr ee to air their opinions, no matter how different, [which is] something deeply embedded in our cultu ral heritage. Post-independence leaders built 56 Mmegi Government must ensure equality in land question, 27 September 2005 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2005/Septemb er/Tuesday27/122392864409.html > (27 September 2005).

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40 on this heritage. The opposition conducts its business freely and without hindrance.57 On Friday, three days earlier, Professor Kenneth Good was handed documen tation at his home declaring him a prohibited immigrant along with orders to leave the country within 48 hours.58 Suspiciously, the orders came at 5pm, just after the government offices had closed for business for the weekend, making any app eal or protest impossible until Monday morning, after the time Good was to be out of the country. The reasons for the deportation werent entir ely clear then or now because the law in Botswana doesnt require the government to explai n or justify why a person has been declared a prohibited immigrant. Two possibilities however, have distinguished themselves. The first reason, which has become the official version of la te, is that Good was a threat to the Botswana economy because he was working with and exchanging information with the NGO Survival International in their defense of the San in their fight against relocation from the Central Kalahari Game Reserve, with the government going so fa r as to declare Good a threat to national security.59 In a public meeting in June 2006 President Mogae vocalized these concerns when he dramatically, if not a bit defens ively stated, [Good] appealed to the internationa l community to reject our diamonds and tourism yet he stayed with us here. He even lied with his compatriots, 57 Festus Mogae, Botswanas Developmental Experience (A ddress given by President Festus Mogae, Institute of Development Studies, Sussex University, 21 February 2005) < http://www.sarpn.org.za/documents/d0001114/index.php > (11 August 2006). 58 Neil Parsons, of The Department of History at the Un iversity of Botswana, has compiled a detailed timeline of events surrounding Goods deportation, which I have found invaluable in keeping the dates in order. It is available at < http://www.thuto.org/ubh/news/kengood1/htm > (11 August 2006). 59 Scott Pegg, Presidential succession and academic freedom: Botswana deports leading political scientist Kenneth Good, PS Online (October 2005), p. 829. For a fuller account of this story from one of the co-authors of the paper that ignited the controversy, see: Ian Taylor, The limit s of the African Miracle: academic freedom in Botswana and the deportation of Kenneth Good, Journal of Contemporary African Studies 24 1 (January 2006), pp. 101122.

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41 Survivor International that we were killing Basarwa like animals.60 How the communications of an elderly academic or the scholarly critique s of the government policy he discusses in his writing constitute a national security threat is unclear. What is certain however, is the governments combative attitude toward dissenters, as well as the insinuation in Mogaes comment that because Good lived in Botswana he was somehow prevented from speaking out against it. The implication here is that to be a well-behaved citizen, or perhaps more aptly, a well-behaved child to the BDP governments father, you ought not criticize the state.61 The above point would not seem entirely c onvincing if it werent for the timing of the deportation notice. Good had been critical of the government in his writing since the early 1990s.62 What was different this time around? Ea rly the next week, Good was to present a paper, entitled Presidential Succession in Botswana : No Model for Africa, at the University of Botswanas Department of Political and Administra tive Studies Politics Seminar. In the paper, Good and Taylor argue that the tr ansfers of power in Botswana fr om one president to another are more autocratic than they are democratic. And that rather than lauding politics in Botswana we should be scrutinizing its march towards author itarianism and irrationality, as one section heading reads.63 Add to these critiques in the paper a few swipes at the publicly irreproachable Seretse Khama and his son, Ian, the current vice -president and expected successor to current 60 Tuduetso Setsiba, Good was terribleMogae, M megi 26 June 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/June/Monday26/10650409261.html> (26 June 2006). 61 And indeed, the case of Goods deportation is not the firs t time the government has tried to silence its critics or control the content of the media. See: Good, Bushmen and diamonds, pp. 9-13. 62 For example: Kenneth Good, At the ends of the ladder: radical inequalities in Botswana, The Journal of Modern African Studies 31 2 (June 1993), pp. 203-230; Kenneth Good, The state and extreme poverty: the San and destitutes, The Journal of Modern African Studies 37 2 (June 1999), pp. 185-205. 63 Kenneth Good and Ian Taylor, Presi dential succession in Botswana: no model for Africa, (University of Botswanas Department of Political a nd Administrative Studies Politics Seminar, 2005), p. 18. The revised and published version of this paper is Good and Taylors Unpacking the Model cited above.

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42 Mogae, and the paper became a rather explos ive document. Good maneuvered to delay his deportation long enough to give the paper to an overflowing audito rium of students, professors, local and international journalist s, NGO observers and members of the international diplomatic community instead of the few academics in the usual small conference room who would have attended if the government ha d done nothing at all. The governments handling of the affair ha d become a national scandal as Batswana wrestled with the implications of their government s apparent suppression of free speech and the contradiction that posed for the countrys sterling international re putation. Most Batswana take for granted that the country is special in Africa, if not the world, and were shocked to discover that their country could now possi bly be uttered in the same br eath as their authoritarian and collapsing neighbor Zimbabwe. Indeed, in the chaos and excitement surrounding the presentationthis was the most vibrant political moment I had ever experienced living in the almost boring stability that characterize Botswanas politic sI recall standing around outside the lecture hall, being too clau strophobic to cram inside with everybody else, with a friend of mine from the US Embassy wondering if the pol ice were going to allow the paper to be presented at all, such was the air of uncerta inty and anger on that February afternoon. While intolerance of dissent and a correlate d top-down approach to politics centered on elite interests puts a damper on the unbridled enthusiasm heaped on the government of Botswana, it is also necessary to include in this reexamination of contemporary Botswana a discussion of the bleak socio-economic tendencies existent in the country that are inextricably linked to the political arena. Although the mo re broadly focused economic indicators about a growing GDP or a booming mineral sector seems to describe a healthy ec onomy, closer scrutiny reveals serious problems in the economy with regards to unemployment, the concentration of

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43 wealth in a small minority of th e population, and the closing off of opportunities for most of the population outside the urban elite of local and fo reign businessmen and po liticians and the largescale cattle ranchers and farmers in the rural areas. The two questions that need to be asked are: first, who has benefited from Botswanas tr aditionally strong economy? And secondly, how do you account for those who have retained a margin al position in the economy? These kinds of pointed questions continue to be asked of Botswanas leadership in public forums such as newspapers and on radio talk shows, as well as privately on the street and in the bars. In a recent newspaper editorial, Dumelang Saleshando, an MP from one of the opposition parties, the Botswana Congress Party (BCP), suggests that the make-up of the national economy is little changed from independence. He writes, Forty years after independence, the structur e of our economy has not changed much. The indigenous Batswana, previously referred to as natives, provide a pool of labour to the white entrepreneurs who own the means of production. The citizens have become spectators [and] their hope to corporat e success does not transcend an ailing small general dealer, bar and bottle store, or more miserably, a roadside mobile phone service.64 Saleshando concludes, What is th e worth of our independence, when the wealth of our country eludes a majority of us?65 Saleshando articulates the fee lings of powerlessness and economic isolation held by many Batswana ci tizens. The policies of developm ent rather than redistribution or reform, pursued by the BDP since 196666 have excluded most Batswana from the national economy at worst, or allowed them to have only supporting or bit parts at best. A cursory glance at the numbers lends cred ibility to Saleshandos accusations. For example, the United Nations Development Program based in Botswana, states that 47% of the 64 Dumelang Saleshando, What is the worth of our independence?, Mmegi 8 May 2006 < http://www.mmegi.b w/2006/May/Monday8 /2743713371 17.html> (8 May 2006). 65 Ibid 66 Maundeni, The politics of poverty in Botswana, p. 107.

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44 population in Botswana lives below the poverty li ne and that while the richest 20% of the population possesses about 60% of the nations wealth, the poorest 20 % control only 4%.67 These income distribution statisti cs translate into a GINI Coefficient of .6, which is one of the most unequal distributions of wealth on the planet.68 In their 2006 report on World Development Indicators, the World Bank paints an even bleaker picture of income distribution in Botswana, suggesting that while the poorest 10% have a .7% share of the na tional income, the richest 10% control 56.6%.69 The World Bank also puts unemploymen t in Botswana around 19% of the total population, while unemployment for people between the ages 15-24 hovers around 34% for men and 46% for women.70 A quality of life indicator, such as access to improved sa nitation facilities also speaks to the inequity in Botswana societ y, as the percentage of urban dwellers who had these facilities fell in 2003 fr om the 1990 level of 61% to 57%.71 And while I dont want to belabor the point, it is worth not ing that inequality exists not just in the modern money economy, but has long persisted even in the traditiona l segments of the economy related to cattle ownershipcattle being the traditional currency as well as the primary symbol of wealth and social status. Today in Botswa na, in households relying on farmi ng and agricultural, 2.5% of the population owns 40% of the total number of cattle in Botswana.72 Both in the modern and 67 United Nations Development Programme Botswana, Summary of Anti-Poverty Projects in Botswana < http://www.unbotswana.or g.bw/undp/poverty.html> (11 August 2006). 68 Where 0 represents perfect income equality, while 100 represents perfect income inequality. 69 The World Bank Group, World Development Indicators Table 2.8 Distribution of Income or Consumption < http://devdata.worldbank.org/wdi2006/contents/cover.htm > (11 August 2006). 70 Ibid ., Table 2.5 Unemployment and Table 2.9 Assessing Vulnerability and Security. 71 Ibid ., Table 3.10 Urbanization. 72 United Nations Development Program, Botswana Human Development Report 2005, p. 17.

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45 traditional sectors therefore, socio-economic ineq uality has been a long established cultural and structural fact of life. While the BDP government is not unaware of th ese large inequities in the country, it has been largely unwilling or unable to adequately deal with them. Even allowing for the fact that there have been substantial impediments to comb ating these problems, such as the inability to diversify the economy away from it over-reliance on diamond mining or the countrys fairly small and widely dispersed population, the govern ment has failed miserably in this regard.73 Instead the government has been reduced to de claring platitudes that dont really seem to, frankly, have much basis in reality or demonstr ate much grasp of the full scope of the socioeconomic problems facing their country. A few lofty statements from Botswanas guiding Vision 2016 the championed long term vision for Botswana, should suffice. For example, under the heading A Compassionate and Caring Nation the document states that come 2016, Botswana will have a more equitable income dist ribution that ensures the participation of as many people as possible in economic success. Ther e will be policies and measures that increase the participation of poorer households in productive and in come earning activities.74 Two paragraphs down the pamphlet predicts, by the year 2016, Botswana will have eradicated absolute poverty, so that no part of the country will have people living with incomes below the appropriate poverty datum line.75 No doubt these goals are admira ble, but nearly a decade after 73 One enormous complication facing Botswana today that deserves mention is, of course, the AIDS epidemic. There is really no way to quantify or account for the damage wrought by a disease infecting so many people, likely altering the social, economic and political landscape for gene rations. Despite the governme nts successful efforts at education and drug dispensation, merely considering the unprecedented drop in life expectancy from 1990 to 2004 is enough to bring the ramifications into fo cus: life expectancy in Botswana in 1990 was 64 years, while by 2004 the number had dropped to 35. 74 Republic of Botswana, Vision 2016: A Framework for a Long-Term Vision for Botswana (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 1997), p. 9 < http://www.vision 2016.co.bw/html/publications_publications.shtm > (10 April 2006). 75 Ibid ., p. 9.

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46 they were written, the situation remains much th e same as when the words were written about one decade ago. Whatever policies and measures have been enacted seem to have had little impact in achieving these stated social justice objectives And indeed, in a sadly telling example that visually summarizes this lack of progress, clicking the heading Achievements So Far on the Internet homepage of the Vision 2016 Council brings you to an empty white screen.76 Im not sure I would take the cynics route and suggest that Vision 2016 is little more than a public relations tool with not much substance be yond its good intentions. Still, the fact remains that in todays Botswana, half the population lives in poverty and many of the countrys youngest residents have little hope for employ ment or advancement beyond the life of the roadside cell phone airtime sellers Saleshando decr ies. Meanwhile, money and resources remain largely consolidated in the hands of a powerful political and economic elite. And so we return to the story of the boys and a car that few in Gaborone will ever likely be able to call their own. This set of circumstan ces manifest in contemporary Gaborone should not surprise us. In fact, it was anticipated decades ago. Sandy Gr ant, the long-time observer of the politics and culture of Botswana summed up the problems, prospects and contradictions of the new town in a State of the City piece published a few years after independence. Grant presciently describes Gaborone as a place on the move, a place on the make; uncer tain as yet whethe r it is being overaccommodating or over-assertive, striving both to absorb foreign influences and reject them, a place whose wealth is shown in its su rprising land values and its poverty in its shanty towns. A place which will carry many to a better future and perhaps leave many behind.77 76 See the Vision 2016 homepage < http://www.vision2016.co.bw/ht ml/acheivements_so_far.shtm > (11 August 2007). 77 Grant, Gaborone: symbol of independence, p. 13.

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47 Though written years ago, the above statement is es pecially applicable in the present. The question then becomes where have the lucky few b een carried to, and where have the great many remaining, been left? While we have laid out the relevant circumstances of development and democracy in Botswana, we have not yet explored the hows, whys and mechanisms at work in the continuance of the persistent socio-economic in equality in the largest and most important city of the African miracle. It is to this task we must now turn. Working under the assumption that to arrive at the present, we must revisit past, we will necessarily begin with an exploration of the vision and birth of Gaborone over four decades ago.

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48 CHAPTER 2 A CITY FROM SCRATCH: THE BIRT H OF GABORONE INTO THE 1960S W riting the story of Gaborone requires that we begin our narrative in the decades and years preceding the planning and eventual founding of Botswanas new ca pital. One of the primary reasons for selecting an earlier date follows fr om the fact that alt hough Gaborone was largely a new city, envisioned and built for the coming of Independence, Gaborone did not represent Bechuanaland/Botswanas sole experience with urba n life within the territory. In fact, it is reasonable to state that it was a relatively late arrival in the urban hist ory of Botswana. Long before the days of Gaborone, whites had c onstructed the mining and farming town of Francistown located in the northeastern region of Botswana, along with Lobatse, present day home of the High Court and the Botswana Meat Commission, close to the southern border with South Africa. Apart from the European style towns built along modern lines, the various Tswana polities within the territ ory, both before colonialism and afterwards, had a long history of living in densely populated village settlements that constituted some of the largest accumulations of populations in sub-Saharan Africa. It is with some bit of unintended irony then, that colonial officials in charge of planning the new town of Gaborone sought to make the Batswana fit for urban lifetheir field of vision of limited to urban existence akin to what might ordinarily be found in Manchester or London. Functioning under a narrow focus of what was a city and what was not, it would have been pr eposterous for these expatriate bureaucrats to consider, as does Coquery-Vidrovitc h in a recent volume on the history of African cities, that the familiar towns and cities of industrial England represented only one possibility amongst many forms and variations of ur ban settings and processes.1 At the same time however, from the 1 Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch, The History of African Cities South of the Sahara: From the origins to colonization (Markus Wiener Publishers, Princeton, NJ, 2005), p. 17.

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49 perspective of the Batswana, the historical experi ences of living in large villages, combined with traditional notions of status, spatial organizati on, and socio-economic hierarchy made the divided urban landscape of Gaborone conjured up by colonial bureaucrats and planners seem familiar, if not an inevitable outcome of city planning. Of course, it would be foolis h to suggest that Gaborone a nd the long-established Tswana settlement norms were exact replicas of one another in terms of design, purpose, governance or economic practice. That disclaimer aside, there are subtle points of contac t and similarity in the two systems of organization and hierarchy that deserve attention. Bridging colonial British and Tswana spatial and planning cosmologies makes the divided history of Gaborone comprehensible. Assuming that Tswana elites ha d substantial influence in the decision-making process in the years immediatel y preceding independenceand th e historical record suggests they didthe question to answer is why they assented to a city largely divided along class and racial lines. To put the matter cr udely, one might state that the Tswana elites didnt want to live any closer to the poor than did the white colonial bureaucratic a nd trading elite. Putting an academic gloss on this assertion, we might say that already existing Tswana conceptions of chiefly power and authority, a st ratified (though potentially fluid) socio-economic hierarchy, and established patterns of spatial organization made the final plan of Gaborone both acceptable and intelligible to the Tswana authorities who might have had an influence on both its conception and implementation. These indigenous elite expectations directly complemented attitudes about race, economics, urban citizenship and planning evidenced by the colonial bureaucracy who provided the funds for the project and conducted th e formal designing and bu ilding of Gaborone. What we find is that rather than a strict dichotomy between the objectives and motivations of the Protectorate government and the Tswana e lite, led largely by indi viduals who would take

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50 power in the BDP led government, the two sides possessed largely similar understandings about the look and construction of the city, but also, mo re broadly, about the look, the aesthetics, of the population to reside there. For what kinds of people, in other words, was the new capital being reserved? Before arriving at this judgment, I wi ll first explore some of the key points regarding Tswana notions of authorit y, power and settlement. Chiefs, Subjects and Traditional Settlements in Bechuanaland Patterns of village organizati on and housing have undergone dram atic changes since the Tswana first encountered Europeans around the turn of the 19th century. Even so, it is worth mentioning some accounts of Tswana settleme nts published by various white missionaries, travelers and adventurers to provide some perspec tive to later transformations and adaptations as Tswana interaction with Europeans intensified in the coming decades. Many of the earliest visitors to the region ca me away impressed with the order, si ze and beauty of Tswana villages. One individual traveling to the capi tal of the Tlhaping in 1801 writes, In a country, whose general features are so rude and barren, so great an assemblage of huts, constructed on a regular plan, wa s in sight as novel as unexpec ted; and a society of men so numerous collected together on the same spot, im plied a superior degree of civilization to what any part of this co ntinent to the s outhward line is supposed to afford.2 Describing the village of Dithakong a few years later, John Barrow wrote in the second volume of his well know work Travels into the Interior of Southern Africa passing through several large tracts of ground, that were laid out and cultivated like so many gardens, we arrived about noon not a little astonished to find, in th is part of the world, a large and populous city.3 Dithakong, Barrow estimates, was at the time hom e to between two and three thousand houses 2 Samuel Daniell, quoted in Jan Wa reus, The traditional Tswana village: a neglected planning prototype (Gaborone, no date), p. 4. 3 Quoted in Anthony Sillery, The Bechuanaland Protectorate (Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1952), p. 3.

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51 and a population of ten to fifteen thousand individuals.4 Providing a proper guess was impossible on account of the irregularity of the streets and the lowness of the buildings. .5 One final example, from an October 20, 1890 edition of the Cape Argus newspaper should suffice, as the author gushes: We often speak, of Kimberly and Johannesburg, as the Americans used to speak of Chicago, as wonderful cities for their age. In my opinion, King Khamas Bechuana city of Palapye is a city not one whit less wonderful than either. Palapye is a native town covering some twenty square miles of ground, holding some thirty thousand inhabitants; yet less than fifteen m onths ago there was no such place as Palapye in existence.6 Indeed, the village of Shoshong, the former capit al of the BaNgwato replaced by Palapye, is thought to have been home to around thirty thou sand people, thus making it second in the region, behind Cape Town, in terms of size.7 And although most Tswana tr ibes lived in concentrated settlements, most did not come close to reaching the scale or population levels of these rather exceptional cases. Even the larg er villages described above rarely maintained the maximum carrying capacity due to agricultu ral seasonal migration patterns.8 So while I dont want to give the impression that these large settlements were typical of those generally found in the region, it remains important to point out that nucleated, densely populated villages were not completely foreign to people inhabiting the area eventually encapsulated into the Protectorate. 4 Ibid ., p.4. 5 Ibid ., p. 4. 6 Anita Larsson, Modern Houses for Modern Life: The transformation of housing in Botswana (Department of Building Functions Analysis, School of Architecture, University of Lund, Sweden, 1990), p. 64. 7 Wareus, The traditional Tswana village, p. 5. 8 Neil Parsons, Settlement in east-central Botswana circa 1800-1920, in R. Renee Hitchcock and Mary R. Smith (eds), Proceedings of the Symposium on Settlement in Botswa na: The historical developm ent of a human landscape (The Botswana Society, Gaborone, 1982), p. 120. Parsons goes on to state that peopl e might claim residence in a village, even though they might not live there permanently, in order to have citizen status in the tribal state.

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52 What are we to take away from these descri ptions? They present an unexpected view of the spaces of living inhabited by substantial numbers of people in the days preceding the imposition of colonialism. Mere mention of Palapye with the globally-renowned city of Chicago, itself only a few years away from hosting the Worlds Fair in 1893, suggests a complexity of social organization and politics not generally attributed to the more idyllic, simpler romanticized perceptions about life in a pre-coloni al Africa village. With in the borders of these larger villages, along with their smaller count erparts, life centered mostly on agricultural production and cattle herding. Reflecting these interests, Batswana, befo re Independence in 1966, while keeping their primary residence in their village, would also mi grate seasonally to their cattle posts and their agricultural lands, which were typically locat ed some distance away from the village.9 In the colonial period and before, people were not perm itted to head towards the lands or the cattle posts until permitted by the chief.10 But as the colonial and post-independence governments modified, and ultimately minimized, the influence and authority of the chiefs over the allocation of land, the movement of populations, and the organization of villages waned. Accordingly, there is some evidence to suggest that following Independence, people have increasingly migrated permanently from the village to settle at the lands or the cattle post, not to mention the migration to urban areas and the new towns in such of better employment prospects.11 9 Anita Larrson and Viera Larrson, Traditional Tswana Housing: A study in four villages in eastern Botswana (Swedish Council for Building Research, Lund, Sweden, 1984), p. 33. 10 R. M. K. Silitshena, Chiefly authority and the organi zation of space in Botswana: towards an exploration of nucleated settlements among the Tswana, Botswana Notes and Records 11 (1979), p.62. 11 See R. M. K. Silitshena, Population movements an d settlement patterns in contemporary Botswana, in Hitchcock and Smith, Settlement in Botswana pp. 31-43.

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53 And while traditional chiefly authority has since been supplanted by the post-independence ruling BDP partywhich has adopted some of the symbolic trappings of traditional authority by presenting itself as the chief, the father of a now secularized, non-tribalized nation12--certain characteristics of the past such as elite-driven politics, paternal attitude toward subordinates and dislike of dissent have bled into the present. Specifically, two trends have been particularly durable. In a 1995 article, Gulbrandsen points ou t that because Seretse Khama represented the new meneducated, non-tribal leaders who w ould come to dominate the independence governmentalong with his position as the rightful royal heir of the largest Tswana tribe, he was uniquely positioned to easily bridge [the] patr imonial and republican systems of government.13 From the beginning of Botswanas independent existence therefore, the ruling BDP has demonstrated significant ideolog ical continuity with practices and ideologies previously identified with elite dominated chiefly politics.14 Beyond more abstract ideological considerations and practices how ever, inequality and an extr emely polarized socio-economic hierarchy have continued to be replicated into the present despite the governments recurrent calls for a society founded on social justice and Kagisano (social harmony). As Kenneth Good bluntly states, poverty has deep roots in Botswana, arguing further that th ere is little difference in the material circumstances of the poor be fore, during or following the colonial period.15 12 One controversy that periodically come s to the surface however, is the treatment of the minority tribes (relative to the dominant Setswana speaking Tswana tribes), such as the Basarwa, Kalanga, BaKgalakgadi, who are not represented in the largely ceremonial institution, the Ntlo ya Dikgosi (House of Chiefs). So whether Botswana has succeeded in its quest to exist as a non-tribal nation likely depends on whom you ask. See Chapter Five for further clarification. 13 Ornulf Gulbrandsen, The king is king by the grace of the people: the exercise and control of power in subjectruler relations, Comparative Studies in Society and History 37 3 (July 1995), p. 437. 14 Ibid ., p. 437. 15 Kenneth Good, The state and extreme poverty in Botswana: the San and destitutes, The Journal of Modern African Studies 32 2 (1999), pp. 185-186.

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54 There are, in other words, severe structural, cultural and political impedime nts, originating in the past and echoing into the present, obstructing the poors attainment of a qualit y of life that would barely approach a level you could comf ortably characterize as sub-standard.16 But before we get too far ahead of ourselves, we must first say a few things regarding the practice of chiefly authority before indepe ndence and the emphasis placed on the spatial organization of Tswana villages. Discussing thes e political spatial and symbolic practices will provide avenues to further examination of th e reasons behind present day inequality in Botswana, and more specifically, Gaborone. Outlining the relationship between space and politics in Botswana is critical due to the fact that statements of status and hierarchy were inscribed into the organization of the village la ndscape. That is, th e location of your home compound in the village provided a cl ear, albeit potentially flexible, marker as to your social and political position in the life of the tribe. I will begin first with some relevant facets of Tswana chieftaincy. The position of the chief in the political, productive, cultura l and religious realms was paramount. The chief of a Tswana tribe was, among other duties, simultaneously judge, philanthropic benefactor, general, diplomat, and lawmaker of the tribe.17 As the head of the tribal royal lineage, the man who was chief, st ood at the apex of trib al lifeserving as the intermediary between the people a nd the royal ancestry, and later, as go-between for the colonial government and the masses. In return for carryin g out these responsibilities, and by sheer fact that an individual was granted the title of kgosi he was entitled to all t ypes of tributes from his subjects in the form of skins, cattle, or, in years of good harvests baskets of produce. And as the 16 As Good points out on page 186, for many of the rural poor, it is not uncommon for the poorest households to survive (in 1997) on roughly $0.25 a day. 17 Isaac Schapera, The Tswana (International African Institute, London, 1953), p. 51.

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55 colonial government phased out the payment of tri bute, the chief instead collected a percentage of the taxes he collected in the name of the colonial government.18 In addition to these material accoutrements, the chief retained unique symbolic powers that re flected his special position in the tribe. Beyond the accordance of extra resp ect and deferencein the form of specially prepared praise-poems and festivals in his honor, for examplethe kgosi was recognized as the personification of the tribe; he was not, in other words, a member of the tribe, he was the tribe, the living part of the royal lineage.19 And although the chiefs powers and duties we re transformed following the establishment of colonial rule under the British, the Tswana dikgosi retained much of their symbolic authority and traditional responsibilities up until the precipice marking the conclusion of colonial rule.20 As many scholars of Botswana state formation a nd politics have noted, rather than supplanting the chiefs, the already established norms of obe dience to authority and the emphasis on social harmony rather than conflict and dissent were well su ited to British colonial policies. The chiefs and colonial officials thus became easy and willing collaborators.21 Others go further and suggest that the imposition of coloni al rule actually incr eased the power of the Tswana chiefs, as they became less beholden to the opinions and fee lings of their subjects. Instead their legitimacy now flowed from the approval and su pport of the colonial authorities.22 As the High Commissioner in 1909 explained, I f a tribe has never been conque red and they voluntarily 18 Ibid ., pp. 26-27. 19 Ibid ., p. 52. 20 Silitshena, Chiefly authority and the orga nization of space in Botswana, p. 55. 21 See for example: Silitshena, Chiefly Authority and the organization of sp ace in Botswana, p. 60; Good, The state and extreme poverty in Botswana, p. 188. 22 For further informati on please see: Gulbrandse n, The king is king by the gr ace of the people, p. 436; Louis Truschel, Political survival in colonial Botswana: the preservation of Khamas state and growth of the Ngwato monarchy, Transafrican Journal of History IV, 1 and 2 (1974), p. 73.

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56 surrendered themselves into our hands, the wisest policy is to rule that tribe through their paramount chief.23 One of the primary ways that a Tswana chief was able to successfully manage his subjects was his control over the economic life of the tribe. As has al ready been noted, the population could not disperse to the village to begin farming until the chief had given his consent, in addition to that however, the chief retained absolu te control over all the tribes land, as well as possession of the national herd. The chief dete rmined everything from who would have access to land and who would not, to having the power to expropriate the cattle of individuals who decided to leave the state and settle somewhere else.24 Succinctly put, from his general powers over land, the king controlled ever ything in his state, from crops to cattle to people.25 To justify this structural inequity, proverb s articulating the chiefs patern al benevolence (The King feeds the nation) and the chiefs important position as role model to the nation (When the King limps his followers limp as well) were widely disseminated.2627 This is not to suggest however, that the chie f could behave as an unchecked dictator or autocrat. The general history of Tswana trib es speaks of numerous instances of state fragmentation and separation due to conflicts between competing royals over ascension to the throne and to the dispersal of tribal populations during times of leadership by unpopular or unjust 23 Quoted in Truschel, Political Surviv al in colonial Botswana, p. 73. 24 Thomas Tlou, The nature of Batswana states: towards a theory of Batswana traditional governmentthe Batawana case, Botswana Notes and Records 6 (1974), p. 70. 25 Ibid ., p. 70. 26 Ibid ., p. 70. 27 Beyond the economic realm however, the chiefs behavi or and attitudes went a long way in influencing a broad range of behaviors in his subjects lives, touching on everything from learning to read to adopting European agricultural techniques. See: Isaac Schapera, Tribal Innovators: Tswana chiefs and social change 1795-1940 (University of London, The Athlone Press, London, 1970), p. 44.

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57 rulers. Apart from these more dramatic instance s, over the course of th e everyday, the decisions taken by the chief, although final, must be taken in consultation with his close advisors, as well as discussed in a meeting held in the public assembly, known as the kgotla .28 And while this emphasis on consultation might exis t in the abstract, there is some debate as to how actively it was implemented in practice. In Schaperas descriptions of the procedural rules defining the conduct of kgotla meetings, he writes that while the chief and his advisors might be scolded or their wish es occasionally obstructed, more often than not, the decisions reached in the kgotla are generally those already formul ated privately by the chief and his personal advisors.29 Writing more recently, Kokorwe goes further, suggesting that although a consensus might be sought, ultima tely, the opinion of wealthy r oyals and chiefs uncles carries more weight than that of ordinary tribesmen.30 The consultative nature of the kgotla remains under dispute (especially in the years following Independenc e) as well. Decisions by Government tend to be taken in advance of the actual meeting; people are therefore consulted only about matters of implementation, as the case of Ledumadumane discussed in Chapter 1 indicates.31 Even if we are to go ahead and concede that the kgotla acted as a significant check on the exercise of chiefly power in Tswana tribes this in no way diminishes the fact that the economic and political structures existing in the tribe were slante d entirely in the favor of the chief and his cadre of advisors, and that outside the confines of the kgotla other mechanisms 28 Gulbrandsen, The king is king by the grace of the people, p. 419. 29 Schapera, The Tswana p. 53. 30 Mogopodi H. Kokorwe, The kgotla and the freedom square: one-way or two-way communication?, in John Holm and Patrick Molutsi (eds), Democracy in Botswana: The proceedings of a symposium held in Gaborone, 1-5 August 1988 (The Botswana Society, The University of Botswana and Ohio University Press, Gaborone and Athens, OH, 1989), p. 219. 31 Ibid ., p. 227.

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58 were in place to ensure that potential dissent was dampened and that the norms governing the chiefs authority and the tribes socio-economic hierarchy largely went unchallenged. For instance, it was generally accepted that the ch ief stood in relation to the subjects of the tribe as a father would to a child. This patern al relationship was evident in the way that the common Tswana addressed the chief. As Tlou notes, the chief could varying be called, for example, father of orphans and man of the people.32 The chiefs position as father of the tribe was enhanced by his religious and supernatural association with the royal ancestry who had an important bearing on the day-to -day life of the tribe. And wh ile the chief wasnt viewed as divine by his followers, he was perceived to be in command [of] superhuman powers over areas such as agricultura l production and the weather.33 Accordingly, the important religion functions exhibited by the chief afforded him some protection in the non-spi ritual political realm by suggesting the importance of obedience to his fo llowers, as demonstrated in the saying, the king is a little god, no evil must be spoken of him.34 Even into the post-colonial present, the presid ents of Botswana have adopted some of the symbolic rhetoric of the politic s of the past, thereby linking them both to the moral order and to the largely unopposed authority previously represented by the chiefs. The president of Botswana, for example, carries the informal title of Tau e tona (the Great Lion), which functions as a not so subtle nod to an important symbol of traditional power: the skin of the lion that adorned a newly crowned chief.35 Over the past few year s, President Mogaes press secretary has even pushed this moniker into the realm of official business, publishing a weekly 32 Tlou, The nature of Batswana states, p. 66. 33 Gulbrandsen, The king is king by the grace of his people, p. 426. 34 Tlou, The nature of Batswana states, p. 67. 35 Ibid ., p. 68.

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59 newsletter, The Tautona Times, detailing the Presidents doings, speeches and activities. Although the office of the chief ha s been greatly diminished in to the present, the residual symbols, proverbs and expectations of behavior that used to informally constitute the backbone of the chieftaincy retain their poli tical and cultural uses into the pr esent. This remains especially true, I would argue, of the political and socioeconomic hierarchy that has continued from the pre-colonial into the inde pendence years after 1966. In the past, the various Tswana polities exhibited a contradiction. On the one hand, there were possibilities for assimilation into a particul ar tribe, if for exampl e, foreign individuals attempted to settle within a tribes territory. In this way, the external bou ndaries of a tribe were porous. Internally however, the story is quite a bit different. Within the bounds of the tribe, positions of statusparticularly in terms of wealth and social mobilitywere clearly demarcated and largely inflexible, except in the occasional exceptional circumstance.36 Before the imposition of colonialism the bounda ries defining the specific territory of particular Tswana tribes were imprecise. Acco rdingly, Sillery suggests that the best way to conceive of a tribes territory is in terms of spheres of influe nce, in which the boundaries of one state might overlap with those of a neighboring state.37 Only in the period after the British gave Bechuanaland the status of Protectorate, did boundaries betwee n the tribes began to harden, as the period between 1886-1894 saw the establishm ent of clearly delineated tribal reserves in the southern regions of the Protectorate.38 The relative ambiguity of where one tribes sovereignty began and anothers ended, along with other factors such as common language and 36 For example, a chief might elevate loyal commoners to positions of headman as a way to counterbalance the influence of other members of the royal family of whom the chief might be suspicious. But even in the hypothetical suggested here however, opportunities for advancement depe nded largely on the chiefs patronage or consent. 37 Sillery, The Bechuanaland Protectorate p. 56. 38 Parsons, Settlement in east-central Botswana circa 1800-1920, p. 121.

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60 historical linkages between the Tswana tribes, fa cilitated the assimilation of foreigners into a state. The porous nature of te rritorial boundaries was thus reflected in the possibilities for a fluid tribal membership. As long as a foreigner had th e chiefs approval to set tle in the region, they could subsequently be adopted into the state. Schapera, therefore, write s that the best way to characterize the typical Tswana tribe is as an association into whic h people may be born, absorbed by conquest, or enter of their own acco rd, and from which, again, they may depart voluntarily or be expelled.39 While there was the potential for mobility into and out of a particular state, this flexibility was not present w ith regards to other aspects of the Tswana polity. Of particular relevance here, is the persistence of a fairly static socio-economic hierarchy and the standardization of planning principles governing the layout of villages. We have previously mentioned such terms as hierarchy and status in somewhat imprecise terms. Now, however, having discusse d power and position of the chief, we can move to a fuller explication of the form and manner of hierarchy in the dominant Tswana society. Implicit in our discussion of the kgosi stands the fact that the chief, in concert with his close advisors and the royal ancestr al lineage, resides at the pi nnacle of powerboth political and moraland governance of the tribe. If the chief exists at the top, it is only reasonable to ask who lies at the bottom. Hierarchy in Botswana is a multi-faceted construction. Along the lines of, for example, gender, as in traditional Tswana society women were la rgely shut out of the public and political life of the tribe. Another important marker of stat us is that of age. Relationships based on seniority, which permeate most social interactions in the tribe, are guided 39 Schapera, The Tswana p. 35.

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61 primarily by the Tswana term tshisimogo, social respect, which includes elements of reverence and even fear.40 Here again the chief represents the u ltimate political sanction of this order.41 A further component of this moral-politico order consists of issues related to citizenship derived from an individuals social and economic position in the tribe. Broadly conceived, Tswana society was segmented into three divisions42: 1) Nobles; 2) Commoners; 3) Immigrants (who could eventually be incorpor ated into the commoner grouping).43 Although Schapera writes that these distinctions are operational primar ily in the realm of politics, it is worthwhile to point out that these social markers provide a fairly good guide as to ones economic position within the society as well. As has been suggest ed above, and will be again reiterated below, the correlation between political power and economic pow er is well established in the literature on Botswana. In certain instances, there was a limited amount of fluidity in th is social hierarchy, if, for example, a commoner accumulated enough cattle to make him wealthy or demonstrated extreme loyalty to the chief.44 These circumstances however, were atypical. Writing of the reified nature of hierarchy in traditional Ts wana polities, David Massey notes that status depended ultimately on increasing control over access to land and cattlewith the defeated aboriginal people and alien immigrants at th e bottom and a powerful royalty at the top.45 And as the Comaroffs write, in their case study of th e numerous meanings and uses of cattle among 40 Gulbrandsen, The king is king by the grace of his people, p. 429. 41 Ibid ., p. 429. 42 Elsewhere, the groupings have been further subdivided. I replicate one example here (in descending order): Chiefs Chiefs Uncles Councillors Headmen Sub-Headmen Commoners Lower Commoners Immigrants Slaves, Semi-Serfs, Serfs. See: K. K. Prah, Notes and comments on aspects of Tswana feudalism in the precolonial period (Working Paper No. 15, National Institute for Research in Development and African Studies Documentation Unit, Gaborone, 1977), p. 13. 43 Schapera, The Tswana p. 36. 44 Ibid ., p. 37. 45 Quoted in Larsson, Modern Houses for Modern Life p. 74.

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62 the Tshidi Barolong, a southern Tswana people, the distribution of wealth or political capital was structurally oriented toward actively preventi ng the poor from achieving any improvement in their economic or social position. On the one ha nd, while an accumulation of a large herd gave [the chief, other royals and office-holders] the opportunity to initiate ties of alliance and patronage, for most people, it was simply impossible to build up a sizeable estate in one generation.46 For the wealthy, as we will see below, ther e is a direct relationship in the size of their herd and their subse quent control over people. Because of the direct relationship between economic and political power, Prah, for example, argues that pre-colonial Tswana soci ety was fundamentally based on class divisions.47 Writing of the Bakwena, a tribe located in the southeastern region of Kweneng, one observer says, the long-term development in Kweneng from about 1840 was the evolution of a classdivided society.48 These stark distinctions were especially true for the group of serfs, hereditary servants and even slaves that constituted the bottom margins of a State s population. Typically the labels of slave and serf were affixed to the conquered so-called le sser indigenous peoples (e.g. the Bakgalagadi or the Basarwatodays Bushmen49).50 The predicament of the serfs 46 Jean Comaroff and John L. Comaroff, Goodly beasts, beastly goods: cattle and other commodities in a South African context, American Ethnologist 17 2 (May 1990), p. 205. 47 Prah, Notes and comments on asp ects of Tswana feudalism, pp. 7-8. 48 Fanuel Nangati, Early capitalist penetration: the im pact of precolonial trade in Kweneng (1840-1876), in Hitchcock and Smith, Settlement in Botswana p. 146. 49 There is a quite large body of literature detailing the hist ory and plight of the Basarwa/Bushmen, ranging from the romanticized writings of Laurens van der Post to more contemporary discussions about the origins of their current political and economic marginalization and dispossession of their ancestral homelands. See, for example: Edwin Wilmsen, Land Filled with Flies: A political economy of the Kalahari (University of Chicago Press, Chicago, IL, 1989); Sidsel Saugestad, The Inconvenient Indigenous: Remote area development in Botswana, donor assistance and the First People of the Kalahari (Nordic Africa Institute, Sweden, 2001); Laurens van der Post, The Lost World of the Kalahari (William Morrow and Company, New York, NY, 1958). 50 There are instances however, of non-indigenous populations being labeled as serfs similar to the Basarwa. One brief account of this construction of a caste-like position is to be found in: Pnina Motzafi-Haller, The duiker and

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63 meant that they were prevented from having their ow n land to farm or cattle to own. And in fact, the extent to which the serfs could have any posse ssions was left solely to the discretion of the chief. Simply put, they were at the mercy of the chiefs or othe r elites, obligated to serve as manual labor at the lands or as herd-boys in ch arge of looking after the herds of the wealthy. The landlessness of the serfs di rectly reflected their marginal status in Tswana society.51 Echoing the position of slaves in the American South, the serfs, if they ran away, Schapera rather dispassionately states, as they sometimes did, they we re usually pursued and brought back by force.52 Not only were they expected to work as compulsory laborers, the chief also used them as commodities, rewardin g preferred and loyal subjects with gifts of serfs as a form of patronage and social control.53 To be sure, the serfs bore the worst of the inequitable distribution of wealth and power54 in Tswana states, but in broader terms, inequality of wealth and power char acterized the position of most people. In the rural economy where accumulation of cattle was a significant indicator of wealth and status, the majority of cattle in B echuanaland were concentrat ed in the hands of a minority of large-scale herd owners. The polar ization of wealth caused by unbalanced herd ownership was an established fact of life in th e past, as the number of cattle in the region continued to increase at greater rates than the population of pe ople, meaning that those with the hare: Tswapong subjects and Ngwato rulers in pre-colonial Botswana, Botswana Notes and Records 25 (1993), pp. 59-71. 51 Edwin N. Wilmsen, Exchange, interaction, and se ttlement in north-western Botswana: past and present perspectives, in Hitchcock and Smith, Settlement in Botswana p. 103. 52 Schapera, The Tswana p. 28. 53 Nangati, Early capitalist penetration, p. 144. 54 They were also, for example, prevented from speaking at kgotla meetings, meaning they had little to no voice in creating the policies enacted by the tribal government.

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64 cattle were able to accumulate and increasing number of cattle. 55 To put a figure to this statement, Good suggests that Tshekedi Khama, the long-serving rege nt of the BaNgwato, possessed in the 1920s a herd to taling around 50,000 cattle, along with the land in which they ranged; and by 1938 he owned the la rgest herd in the territory.56 And in the years immediately following Independence in 1966, the Government of Botswana published a report in the mid1970s suggesting that 40% of th e national herd of Botswana was owned by only 5% of the population.57 Not only did a minority have a strang lehold over the cattle-herding industry, but because of their dominant economic position, cattle ow ners exerted a substantial influence in the political decision making process.58 The linkage between large cattle-herders and politics was therefore, a symbiotic one. As the independence year of 1966 receded into the rearview mirror, the cultural legitimacy of socio-economic inequity retain ed its potency. The statistics related to the pervasiveness of rural poverty cast a long sha dow over Botswanas vaunted rosy economic prognostications: 20% of the rural population has cont rol over 70% of the rural we alth while 60% of the rural population hovered at, or just above, the govern ments narrowly concei ved poverty line defining extremely basic requirements for food, clothing and housing.59 To demonstrate the austerity of the governments poverty programs, an official re port unflinchingly states that the only furniture permitted in the house (by way of a government purchase) was a bench, for the sole purpose of 55 James R. Denbow, The Toutswe tradition: a study in socio-economic change, in Hitchcock and Smith, Settlement in Botswana p. 79. 56 Good, The state and extreme p overty in Botswana, p. 187. 57 David Cooper, An overview of the Botswana urban class struggle and its articulation with the rural structure: insights from Selebi-Phikwe, in Hitchcock and Smith, Settlement in Botswana p. 251. 58 Larrson, Modern Houses for Modern Life pp. 83; 85. 59 Good, The state and extreme poverty in Botswana, pp. 190-191; 196.

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65 the man of the house being able to discharge [h is] social obligation towards an important visitor.60 While much of this discussion about poverty and inequality relates spec ifically to the rural cattle, rangeland, and agricultural ec onomy, the general trajectory of polarized social hierarchies and the concentration of wealth in the hands of the few existent in the rural areas, is readily transferred to the realm of ur ban poverty that we described in the previous chapter. The relationships dictating the norms and practices of the cattl e economy are adaptable to the new circumstances required by the cash and capital-int ensive economy present in contemporary urban areas. No doubt facilitating this adaptation is the prominence in government and business of the so-called new men who emerged from cattle backgrounds and came to dominate the postindependence government and who, as elder states men today, continue to wield much influence in both the public and private se ctor of present-day Botswana. What has become clear over the past few pa ges is that contemporary inequality in Botswana has a long historical precedent. Es tablishing this fact is, I think, crucial to understanding the permanence of these power dynamics and socio-economic circumstances, particularly in the context of urban Gaborone. One other historical pattern having a direct bearing on the present study of urban spaces in Ga borone is the pattern of village organization existing in the colonial and pre-colo nial period. Of particular intere st is the fact that traditional notions of authority and hierarchy were bui lt into the space of the village. The built environment, in other words, constituted an expr ession, a statement, of status and position in the village. Unpacking these statements might grant us insight in to the present day layout of 60 Ibid ., p. 196.

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66 Gaborone, allowing us to better re ad the narrative of the city presented by its design and organization. Until the imposition of colonialism in the region inhabited by Batswana tribes when the colonial government attempted to fix the locatio ns of Tswana settlements, villages moved frequently, even the larger ones could be relocated on occasion.61 Despite the frequency with which the villages might move, there were strict rules of organization and design that governed the construction of newly established villages. So much so, in fact, that new villages would have essentially the same layout and de sign as the one just abandoned.62 Spatial orientation as expressed in the settlement was conceived as a natural order that reflected detailed cosmological principles.63 MacKenzie, an early missionary into the region, described the procedures dictating the layout of the village: in the case of the Bechuana town[,] as soon as the chiefs position is ascertained, one says, My place is always next [to] the chie f on this side; another adds, And mine is always on that side, and so on till the whole town is laid out. The chief is umpire in all such matters, and settles a ll disputes about ground, etc.64 The central role played by the kgosi in arbitrating the organization of the village is also evidenced by the core location his primary reside nce held in the village. Everything in the village existed spatially in relation to his home (and the royal kraal and kgotla ). The schematic of the village as laid out by Tlou shows the chiefs dwelling at the cen ter of a series of concentric circles radiating out from the cente r; closest to the chief would be his advisors and other royals, 61 Christopher Morton, Fixity and fluidity: chiefly authority and settlement movement in colonial Botswana, History and Anthropology, 15 4 (December 2004), p. 364. 62 Wareus, The traditional Tswana village, p. 5. 63 Adam Kuper, Social aspects of Kgalag ari settlement, in Hitchcock and Smith, Settlement in Botswana p. 262. 64 John MacKenzie, quoted in Andr ew Reid et al., Tswana architectur e and responses to colonialism, World Archaeology 28 3 (February 1997), p. 375.

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67 while located further away sa t the homes of the commoners, immigrant and serf populations.65 This structured ward settlement centered upon the kgosis ward meant a consolidation of power through a hierarchical set of spatial relationships.66 The centralized settlements of the Tswana revolving around the chief, and administered by hi s delegates on the periphery, thus enabled the chief to keep close watch and supervision over the movements of pe ople and the activities ongoing in his territory.67 The influence exerted by the chief in selecting the site for the new village and the care in which the chief decided on a location for his home carried important consequences for the village. The placement of the chiefs home at th e nexus of the village, symbolically etched the social and political hierarchy into the landscape of the village. This was accomplished in two ways: by the chiefs placement at the villag e center and by locating the subject and serf populations of the tribe at the furthest reaches from the core. In the village, the chiefs compound occupied sacred space. After setting a location for the new village, the chief cut the first branch before any other tr ees and brush could be cleared, further cementing the relationship between the chief and the site of the village.68 Additionally, the chief was also the only person who could magically consecrate the land of the new village through charms and the ignition of a sacred fire in the chiefs compound, thereby protecting the village from the potentially damaging use of other tribes magic meant to harm the settlement.69 65 Tlou, The nature of Batswana states, p. 73. 66 Morton, Fixity and Fluidity, p. 347. 67 For detailed treatment of the ward structure of Tswana villages see: Isaac Schapera, T he social structure of the Tswana ward, Bantu Studies: A Journal Devoted to the Scientific Study of Bantu, Hottentot and Bushmen 9 (1935), pp. 203-224. 68 Tlou, The nature of Batswana states, p. 67. 69 Ibid ., p. 69.

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68 Aside from the magical and mystical practices as sociated with the center of the village, the royal kraal and kgotla were also located adjacent to the chiefs compound. From the earliest observations of Tswana culture a nd settlements, scholars noted the central location of the royal kraal in the construction of the village.70 Situating the kraal in such a strategic location accomplished two things. First, it tied the political authority of the chieftaincy to the control of cattle, 71 which, as we have demonstrated, was criti cal to the chiefs ability to distribute patronage, as well as command the labor power of his subjects. Secondly, the triangular linkage of the public forum of the kgotla the kraal and the chiefs com pound, all placed at the center of the village, served as a visible marker of the chiefs dominant position in social, political and economic life; power was thus built in to the very materiality of place.72 If placement at the center of the village repr esented power and authority, the call for the serfs and subjects to reside at the margins conversely indicate d a corresponding powerlessness. Typical of Tswana settlement pattern s is the placement of the immigrant73, marginalized, conquered or laboring classes at the edge of the village.74 And although located on the periphery, the chief was able to maintain cont rol of these populations through the establishment of an official administrative system using a ward system as the basic unit of governance. Each ward was governed in the name of the chief by a headman loyal to his authority. Supervision of these peripheral regions inhabited by those considered to be at the bottom of society was deemed 70 W. C. Willoughby, Notes on the totemism of the Becwana, The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 35 (July-December 190 5), pp. 301-302. 71 Denbow, The Toutswe tradition, p. 74. 72 Morton, Fixity and Fluidity, p. 349. 73 I should note that the position of the immigrant was a bit di fferent from that of the serf, for example. A foreigner, particularly someone from a neighboring Tswana tribe, wo uld eventually be assimilated into the tribe completely, thus losing their immigrant status and adopting the full array of privileges afforded by citizenship. 74 Schapera, The Tswana p. 35.

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69 necessary in order to ensure th at the obligations of their serv itudecaring for the herds of the wealthy, for examplewere fulfill ed. Writing of a completely different time and context, but with relevance here, Appadurai states of cont emporary Mumbai, As in all societies based on financial apartheid[the wealthy el ite] wants the poor near at hand as servants but far away as people.75 Similarly, in the context of the traditio nal settlements under discussion here, both the Tswana subjects along with the Bushmenwho we re perceived as being wholly incapable of living in the more civilized vill age environmentthe chiefs prefe rred to have these populations kept at arms length.76 Kept apart, in other words, from the sites, symbols and locations denoting political and economic power. The maintenance of these stark distinctions de termining who lives where, serves to reify ones position in Tswana society. If a commoner or a serf is told to live in the space housing other serfs and commoners, it becomes exceedingl y difficult to contest the boundaries drawn by authority. Like a scarlet letter permanently inscribed into the earth, a person was made aware of their station and status every time they walked into the front yard of their home or past the main kgotla adjacent to the chiefs compound, the smells of the nearby royal kraal wafting in the air. We asked earlier in this chap ter how Gaborone came to be home to pervasive social and economic inequality and why these tendencies were bui lt into the very fabric of the new city. As the above has demonstrated, stratified settleme nts in which the boundaries between subjects and elites defined by their association to a royal ancestry or large-scal e cattle herding were distinctly laid out, were common across the majority Tswana tribes. A city founded along these lines, in other words, would have seemed an acceptable, if not inevitable, outcome for the elite Tswana 75 Arjun Appadurai, Spectral housing and urban cleansing: notes on millennial Mumbai, Public Culture 12 3 (2000), p. 637. 76 Comaroff and Comaroff, Goodly beasts, beastly goods, p. 206; Kuper, Social Aspects of Kgalagari Settlement, p. 259.

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70 leadership during the Independence period. Similarly, a city founded on principles of racial equality and tolerance, as Gaborone was, would have seemed equally inevitable to the Batswana, considering their long-es tablished practices of assimilation, incorporation and acceptance of foreigners. In the coming pages we will trace th e development of the planning of Gaborone, to see more precisely how these planning ideologies and objectives played out during the critical planning period of the early 1960s when most of th e important decisions were taken, and the first wave of construction initiated. Although operating from differen t perspectives on questions of planning or the symbolic importance of the cit y, quite apart from the broader discourses about modernity and traditional, democracy and independence, both colonial and elite Tswana attitudes about city life, most significantly related to questions of the placement of people and making space for the poor, intersected in a variety of co mplementary ways. We will begin first with a brief look at some of the guiding motivations and in tentions held by Batswana elites and colonial officials as the plans for Gaborone were first being formulated. Dreaming a City, Thinking a Plan Characterized by the Chief Secret ary A. J. A. Douglas as a friendly invasion into our own country the initial transfer from Mafike ng to Gaborone of British civil servants, their families, documents, and the other extraneous equipment a functioning colonial bureaucracy requires, occurred early in 1965.77 Placing the capital within th e boundaries of the Bechuanaland Protectorate was the first in a series of importa nt events culminating in the establishment of Batswana self-governance following Independence in September 1966. The oft-repeated refrain of the era, covering the last few years before the handover of power to the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) into the early post-Independence pe riod, were phrases exhorting the citizens of the 77 Kutlwano From Mafeking to Gaberones, 4 3 (March 1965), p. 2.

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71 territory to develop socially, economically and politically. As the Pr otectorates government magazine Kutlwano proclaimed in a headline on page 1 of the first issue following the election that installed the BDP into power: The Word to Remember isProgress.78 Botswana, as an independent, but extremely poor nation, was envisioned as an experiment in African democracy and non-racial cooperation, situated not only in a continent fraught with turmoil and political instability, but in a Southe rn African region fragmented by racist policies and regimes. For the Botswana experiment to not end in catastrophe, let alone succeed, both colonial and a few influential Tswa na elites felt the country must be pushed forward, rather than remain wedded to traditional norms and practices As advocated by the government, the citizens were propelled toward an uncertain destina tion marked by ambiguously defined notions of progress and development. Over time, these obje ctives came to be typified by the adoption of globalized capitalism, consumptive practices and the Western discourse of modernity. Before these wholesale changes could occur how ever, a location was needed to facilitate their attainment. The constructi on of the new capital, therefore, served as a prerequisite step taken toward achieving these cu ltural, economic and political goals. The plan for Gaborone represented a spatial realization of the governing elites political and economic aspirations. And once finished, the new urban space of Gaborone was expected to also exert a transformative influence on the behaviors and atti tudes of the territorys rural dw ellers who constituted the vast majority of the population. As a representation of an ideal future, Gaboron e sat as the singularity around which a new type of citizenry, indeed a new type of nation, was to be formed. Encapsulating the feelings of the period, Seretse Khama, in a 1969 address to the Council on Foreign Relations stated, Although we are a small country in numbers, if not in area, we are 78 Kutlwano, The word to remember is progress, 4 3 (March 1965), p. 1.

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72 immodest enough to believe that our commitment to certain valuesto democracy, self-reliance, and non-racialism, has a wider significance.79 Stating these watchwords is one thing. Actually giving them teeth by enacting them in policy and practice is quite another. Determining the extent to which this has happened constitutes a primary theme of the following chapters and pages. Although lacking the money or infrastructur e to mobilize the government resources necessary for sweeping programs or transformati ons in the State-dominated manners described by James Scott80 or, with specific reference to Brasilia, James Holston81, the makers of Gaborone nonetheless possessed their own visi onary set of aspirations and intentions guiding the planning of the city. Motivations that provided answers to two foundati onal questions, what should the city be? and whom should the city be for? Even so, within the vision of a city plan already limited by a lack of available resources, ther e remained a level of dissonance between the designs for the Gaborone laid out on paper and disc ussed in the corridors of the civil service and the built space of the city. The discrepanc y between words and plans on one hand, and the implementation of them on the othe r, has afflicted the development of the city from its earliest construction, continuing, as we will see in the next chapter, into the post-colonial period, exemplified by the BDP governments emphasis on an urban planning founded on the idea of mixed density housing. For the moment however, briefly reviewing Legislative Council debates from the early 1960s, on topics related to the creation of the plan for Gaborone, race relations 79 Gwendolen Carter and Philip E. Morgan (eds), From the Frontline: Speeches of Sir Seretse Khama (Rex Collings, London, 1980), p. 57. 80 James C. Scott, Seeing Like a State: How certain schemes to improve the human condition have failed (Yale University Press, New Haven, CT, 1998). 81 James Holston, The Modernist City: An anthropological critique of Brasilia (University of Chicago Press, Chicago, IL, 1989).

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73 and the necessity of standardized planning techni ques in the villages, pr ovides a suitable entry point into the thinking of the dominant elites a nd bureaucratic officials charged with governing the Protectorate, along with the specific task of creating the new city. Underlying the discussion surrounding the construction of Gaborone was the now wellworn binary of tradition v. mode rnity. As Ferguson writes in hi s powerful look at the rise and fall of modernity narratives al ong the Zambian Copperbelt, during the era of independence in the 1960s, an urbanizing Africa wa s a modernizing Africa.82 It shouldnt be surprising therefore, to find that the attitudes in Botswana echoe d these widely held cheerleading development mantras. The future of Botswana too, was rhetorically framed as being located in the place occupied by so-called Western values. And ev en for those who took a more traditionalist position, the debate centered mostly on the sp eed with which European norms and attitudes should be adopted and what specific ad aptations Tswana society would require.83 I submit two examples illuminating these intent ions. The first of these, a particularly contentious parliamentary debate in November 1963 about whether Batswana should have the ability to make wills in the Protectorate, provid es insight into the thinking of the time. The debate in the Legislative C ouncil turned on two particular points: whether the bill was discriminatory and whether the regular Motswa na was ready to move from customary willmaking arbitrated by the chief to those will-m aking practices favored by the Western legal system. Batswana members on either side of th e issue articulated their concerns in terms of 82 James Ferguson, Expectations of Modernity: Myths and meanings of urban life on the Zambian copperbelt (University of California Press, Berkeley, CA, 1999), p. 5. 83 In a 1970 speech entitled A Developing Society, given to the participants of the BDPs annual meeting, Vice President Masire explicitly employs the idea of adapta tion as a means to development: We value our traditional way of life, but to survive and progress, we must adapt. We must adapt our custom s to enable development to proceed without undue hindrance. In brief, ours is an extremely pragmatic and realistic approach. For the full text of the speech, please see: Sir Sere tse Khama, Dr. Q.K.J. Masire, and A. M. Dambe, Development in Botswana: Speeches by Sir Seretse Khama, Dr. Q.K.J. Masire and Minister of Agriculture Mr. A.M. Dambe (The Government Printer, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 2121, Gaborone, no date), p. 3.

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74 tradition and seemed in general agreement on the trajectory of Botswanas culture and economic practices. For a staunch traditionalist like Kgosi Batheon, the people were anchored to traditionand would be for quite some timemaking the attainment of modern living a far off event. Kgosi Batheon remarks, The time has not come for Wills to be in the hands of Africans, not in the way the BaTswana live, and it will be some time Mr. Sp eaker before our way of life is changed to be in line with the modern way of living I th ink it will be after all of us here are six foot under this earth. We have got to rise to these changes, but tradition has got hold of us, tradition is not easily changed, it is a habit, it is something inherent in the people.84 Another Motswana speaker agrees with Batheon. Because Batswana are still bound to tradition and havent fully ascended to European ways of living, they should tread carefully when deciding what traditions to k eep, and which ought to be excise d. Mr. Gugushe advises that Batswana not prematurely dispense with some of the good things in our life because we are at a stage of preparation, we are soaking the gr ound properly so that when we accept European customs we shall do it on grounds that have been prepared.85 While wishing to tread slowly in moving away from tradition, both speakers accept th at a transformation is occurring; that the people of the Protectorate are so mething akin to Europeans in training. In the same debate, Quett Masire, the first Vice-President and eventual President of Botswana following the death of Seretse Khama, explicitly adopts the discourse of modernization as he discusses the need for flexibility and accommodation for that element of society which is evolving from the lower type, from the semi-primitive type where people are mechanistic and are merely clay in the hands of tradition.86 And later, in the years following Botswanas independence, the need to 84 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Legislative Council Official Report (Han sard 9): Third Session, First Meeting: Sittings from 18th to 26th November 1963 (Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 819, Gaborone, 1963), p. 26. 85 Ibid ., p. 28. 86 Ibid ., p. 27.

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75 modernize was written into official state policy. The National Development Plan,1968-1973 recognizes that the rate of development depends on the extent to whic h the majority of the population are prepared to change their traditional attitudes for a more modern and scientific mode of life.87 Furthermore, the NDP continues, in a country such as Botswana, where the life of most of the people is determined by trad ition, all development means changechange not only in the way of life but also in the attitudes and values wh ich underlie this way of life.88 From these comments we can see that Botswana s Tswana leadership, from the earliest, had begun to participate in the global discourses on modernity, social ev olution and progress. And while not directly related to the planning of Gaborone, these st atements serve as evidence of a broader pattern of thinking prevalent at the ti me that was also built into similar debates and discussions about urban planning and living conditions in the Protectorate. If society was/is in the midst of a linear transformation, it becomes a fair question to ask about the end-point, who determined the destination, and about the means u tilized in arriving ther e. As Her Majestys Commissioner advised in his openi ng address to this particular meeting of the Legislative Council, a main concern of government, in the year s leading up to independence, is to work with the rural inhabitants of the Territory, assisti ng the people living [in th e Tribal Reserves] to become adjusted to modern conditions.89 The tasks of cleaning up the villages and the construction of Gaborone were perceived as significant facilitators of fulfilling the governments desire to improve the population from Masires nebulously defined semi-primitive type, as it 87 Republic of Botswana, National Development Plan, 1968-1973 (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 1968), p. 61. 88 Ibid ., p. 61. 89 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Legislative Council Official Report (Hansard 9) p. 4.

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76 was assumed that by changing the spaces in which people lived, they could themselves be altered. In a short debate held during November 1964 on the need to forma lly survey larger villages in the Protectorate the relationship between the improvement of the population, modernity and built space is clearly demonstrated Superficially, the discussion revolves around the need to better plan Batswa na villages due to their increasing size and the subsequent difficulties keeping them clean and providing modern amenities such as sewers and electricity amongst the winding streets and cul-de-sacs charac terizing the layout of villages laid out along customary patterns. And while these issues might have been important considerations, the implicit assumptions underlying them are illuminating. As one speaker announces, everybody in this House and outside is completely aware of the impending need for villages to be laid out on modern lines.90 Kgosi Bathoen doesnt provide details as to what precisely is incorporated into a design along modern lines, but two othe r speakers provide some insight here. On the one hand, Quett Masire suggests th at economic efficiency and infr astructure considerations now outweigh the traditional administ rative system represented by the ward structure of Batswana villages.91 On the other hand however, comments by both Masire and Khama suggest that symbolic and aesthetic functions are of greater importance. Contrasting the larg ely glowing reviews of customary settlement patterns by European scholars described earlier, Masi re suggests there is a situation needing immediate atte ntion regarding huts having been thrown all over the place in 90 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Legislative Council Official Report (Hansard 12): Fourth Session, Second Meeting: Sittings from 16th to 19th November, 1964 (Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 822, Gaborone, 1964), p. 81. 91 Ibid ., p. 79.

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77 an unorderly manner.92 This perceived shabby state of affair s in the villages i gnores a fact that Masire says all Batswana must now recognize: times have cha nged and we with them, not only that, modern life, modern standards of living have placed greater demands on us to improve ourselves. .93 The road to self-improvementwhether to be tread by Batswana elites or by all citizens is unclearis inextricably tied up in the adoption of Western spatial forms, as a permanent visual display denoting ones linkage to broader globalized patterns of living and dwelling. A resident of Mochudi, a village a short drive to the north of Gaborone, says of his European style zinc-roofed square house, whe n you have a house like this you need never fear the white man because you are equal to him.94 Beyond this singular informal expression of aspiration, Khama, using language echoing Le Cor busiers revolutionary ca ll to choose geometry and order rather than the unplanned str eets and cities fit for the pack-donkey,95 argues that for Batswana to go on in the same old way for fear that some body else would like or prefer a winding road to a straight one, or would rather go on in the same old-fashioned way, when we know that properly surveyed and laid out villages are more attractive than the pr esent type of villages that we have, is entirely erroneous.96 For Batswana elites at the time, particularly the most powerful and influential individuals, policies that pushed the inhabitant s of the Protectorate to change were at the forefront of the government agenda. This vision of modernity, best exemplified by the new capital of Gaborone, was shared by the members of the colonial gove rnment at the time, although as we will see 92 Ibid ., p. 79. 93 Ibid ., p. 79. 94 Quoted in: Graeme John Hardie, Tswana Design of House and Settlement: Continuity and change in expressive space (Boston University, unpublished PhD dissertation, 1981), p. 102. 95 See Chapter 1 for fuller explanation. 96 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Legislative Council Official Report (Hansard 12) p. 81.

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78 below, not always for the same reasons or intentions. Furthermore, as we delve deeper into the early days of the city, the implications of this elite vision for the everyday citizen of Gaborone, and for the Protectorate more ge nerally, will become clearer. One of the primary considerations factored into the decision to place the new capital at Gaborone was because it was perceived as a clean slate. As weve already noted in the first chapter, Gaborone, into the early 1960s, was hom e to a small number of basic businesses, a government public works camp, a hotel and not much else. To the indivi duals in charge of selecting a site for the capital then, Gaborone offered an opportun ity to custom build a city to fit the vision of the planners, rather than reconfigure, or be constrained by, the already built spaces of Francistown, Lobatsi, Mahalapye or any of the ot her locations considered.97 One primary drawback to these towns to the decision-makers was that they c ould not provide the visual pomp and dignity expected of a pr operly laid out capital city.98 Beyond the pragmatic considerations of layout, infrastructure and planning enabled by building on a relativel y pristine site, the emptiness of the Gaborone site was thought to encourage harmonious race relations. Both influential Africans and Europeans advised that the unity of the country, exemplified by the capital, was of paramount importance as the territory moved towards independence.99 In the debate to decide on the new headqua rters location, Seretse Khama, in the first substantial speech supporting the recommendati on of Gaborone, argued that the success of 97 It should be mentioned that towns such as Lobatsi and Francistown had other problems precluding them from being serious contenders for the site of the new capital. Divided explicitly along racial lines, Lobatsi and Francistown were seen by Batswana elites as not suitable in light of the non-racial, symbolic intentions to be manifested in the nations capital city. For more informat ion on the problems of urban segregation in Francistown in the years following independence, please see Chapter 3. 98 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Legislative Council Official Report (Hansard 2): Debates of the Second Meeting of the First Session of the First Legislative Council: Sittings from 26th and 27th September, 1961 (Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number 328.6883 NAT, Gaborone, 1961), pp. 45-46. 99 Ibid ., pp. 26; 28.

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79 Botswanas non-racial experiment depended on the selection of a neutral territory where we can put into operation the policy which we all wish to see associated with this country because of the absence of set ideas am ongst the residents of the town.100 It was assumed therefore, that the government would have a far easier time culti vating a non-racial culture in a spot where racist attitudes had not had time to take root. I should note that the pub licity efforts to convey the non-racial rhetoric of the governing elite extended outside the formal discourse of the Legislative Council. Issues of the territorys magazine, Kutlwano, for example, carried short essays by figures such as Seretse Khama and A. J. A. Douglas (the Govern ment Secretary) about the importance of good race relations101 or supplied a front cove r photograph of Khama and Jimmy Haskins, depicting the white businessman (later a Minister and Speaker of the Natioanl Assembly in the independence government) and the future President, dining together on the Rhodesian Railways service through the Protectorate.102 Of course though, race relations in the territory werent always as harmonious as the official rhetoric might have suggested, as disc rimination popped up, for instance, with regards to the serving of liquor in the African beerhalls103 or in the closed membership of social clubs across the Protectorate.104 And even according to a former co lonial official stationed for a time 100 Ibid ., pp. 9-10. 101 Seretse Khama and Arthur Douglas, Two views on race relations, Kutlwano 1 9 (September 1962), pp. 16-17. 102 Kutlwano 2 2 (February 1963). 103 For insight into this particular controversy see the debate transcribed in: Bechuanaland Protectorate, Legislative Council Official Report (Hansard 1): Debates of the First Meeting of the First Session of the First Legislative Council: Sittings from 20th and 21st June, and 26th June-3rd July1961 (Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 811, Gaborone, 1961), pp. 72-76. 104 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Racial Discrimination Select Committee, 19 February 1963-23 December 1964 (Collected Files, Botswana National Archives File Reference Number S.591/1, Gaborone).

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80 in Gaborone early in the development of the cap ital project, problems related to discrimination were prevalent. Winstanley writes: This racial state of affairs seemed to me to pervade the whole Gaborones [sp] camp. The PWD [Public Works Department Camp] was a hot bed of racial attitudes as many of the mechanics, fitters etc hailed from South Afri ca or Rhodesia where such attitudes prevailed amongst artisan types. Not that many of th e people who hailed from the UK were much different.105 It seems then, that even a pristine Gaborone was home to discriminatory practices and attitudes long entrenched among white populations liv ing elsewhere in the Protectorate. Presently, I think it is wise to insert a crucial, yet probabl y unpopular, caveat regarding the practice of discrimination in the Gaborone ar ea. As Winstanley also says, during the construction phase of the capital and in the ye ars immediately following the citys completion, the old colonial establishment was replaced by a younger set of officers who while not woolly liberals did think differently.106 These new attitudes were exhibited in the formation of discussion groups and a new soci al club in Gaborone whose membership was open to both elite whites and blacks. I would suggest however, that discrimination was more easily overcome amongst people of relatively equal social and political positions. The racial harmony strived for in the planning of Gaborone, as will become especi ally apparent as we examine the particulars of the urban plan for the capital, seemed to depe nd on a persons class position. Racial harmony for either the Batswana elites or the whites didnt en compass consorting with the laborers, the urban poorthe help. What the above implies then, is that the que st for harmonious race relations either in Gaborone, or in the broader Protectorate, wasnt simply a matter of stri ct altruism (although of 105 Personal email communication, George Winstanley, 30 August 2006. 106 Ibid

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81 course, there was certainly a large measure of that), but instead, this policy must also be understood as a pragmatic economic and political compromise benefiting both the Europeans and the BDP elite with whom they cooperated. Y ou might say that by advocating racial harmony, both sides got something out of the deal. For th eir part the Batswana who constituted the BDP leadership were able to get the support of the colonial government in their pursuit of power in the post-colonial period. While for the Europeans, the BDP represented a reasonable alternative to the nationalist, Pan-Africanist, a nd communist affiliated political parties w ho were popular in the urban areas of the Territory. If independe nce was coming, from the perspective of the Europeans, it was better to collaborate with individuals who wouldnt kick you out of the country, or possibly even worse, unsettle their dominant busin ess position. Accordingly, one author estimates that the BDP carried almost unanimous support amongst the white population of the Protectorate.107 As Parson notes, the independence deal between the BDP and the British marked the intersection of signi ficant economic and political motivations.108 Both sides possessed substantial trading, farming and cattle interests th at were threatened by the nationalist politics advocated by an oppositionhowever ill-funded and fragmentedand a stark discontinuity between the colonial and independe nce periods. The protection of these interests resulted in an informal pact founded on an exclusionary class bias that preserved the political and economic status quo throughout Botswanas inde pendence period into the present.109 Solidifying racial 107 One publication estimates that white support of the BDP was around 95%. See: Political Developments in the Bechuanaland Protectorate, International Bulletin: A Monthly Publication of the Africa Institute, Vol. 2, No. 2 (February 1964), pp. 51-52. 108 Jack Parson, Inclusion/exclusion and the health of liberal democracy in Botswana, (Annual Meeting of the African Studies Association, Washington DC, 2005), p. 3. 109 Ibid ., pp. 7; 9.

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82 harmony amongst elites who needed each other under a post-colonial political and economic framework was a crucial step in this direction. While not wanting to belabor the point, I woul d like to point out that the coziness of the arrangement between the BDP and the former colonial government was criticized by members of the political opposition from the beginning. P. G. Matante, an opposition leader argued in the Legislature following the first vote for self-gove rnment in 1965, if, Mr. Speaker, you own a house, a nice building, and after four years you ch anged the furniture, it does not mean that you are not the owner of that house, you have merely changed the furniture.110 What Matante is suggesting is that although the BDP had won th e election, the structural organization of the government remained the same; there is, in Mata ntes view, no difference between the colonial and post-colonial government. And while I wouldnt go so far as to agree with Matantes politicized rhetoric there exists some degree of tr uth in his statement. In to the present, scholars of Botswana's politics have largely applauded th is continuity between the British and the BDP, viewing it as an important factor in Botswana s successful management of its government and resources. The stabilit y provided by this arrangement is a manifestation of the leaderships pragmatism and good governance. This assertion is true to an extent. What is not usually discussed however, are the exclus ionary attitudes and class bias this framework represents and legitimizes. When looking at the history of the planning of Gaborone, for example, this discrepancy between the rhetor ic of equality and social harmony on the one hand, and the institutional practice of exclus ion and bias on the other, into the spaces, politics and economics of Botswana becomes exceedingly glaring. 110 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Legislative Assembly: Official Report (H ansard 14): First Sessi on, Second Meeting: Sittings from 5th to 14th July 1965 (Botswana National Archives, File Re ference Number BNB 824, Gaborone, 1965), p. 143.

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83 Although the plan for Gaborone expresses the intentions of the government in more technical terms, descriptions of the vision for the city from the initial Legislative Council debates provide a colorful depict ion of the future environment of Gaborone. Amongst the members of the Council there seemed to be a feeling th at Gaborone should function solely as an administrative center, serving as a home only to government functionaries, their families and attendants.111 These preferences were, from the beginni ng, built into the plan of the city, which no doubt largely account for the underestimation of th e future population of th e city, or the near complete lack of preparedness to deal with th e influx of poor rural dwellers coming to Gaborone in search of better prospects. The failure of the government on these counts becomes a bit more understandablenot excusableif you consider th e Gaborone of the elite imagination. Says Mr. Sim, The inhabitants of this territory desire that the new capital will be a town of beauty, with parks and gardens, with avenues lined with exo tic trees, with wide streets, with traffic islands with either lawns or flowers in the centre, and an imposing Legislative Council Chamber.112 111 Even at the late planning stages at the end of 1962/beginning of 1963 there was talk of Gaborone existing solely as an administrative capital. One of the clearest indica tions of the government only conception of the plan for Gaborone is evidenced by a formula used to predict the initial population of the new city. Articulated by an expert technical officer from the main colonial office in London who briefly visited the Protectorate in the early planning period, the formula was deemed capable of fixing the minimum size of Gaberones with fair accuracy. Out of an expected initial population of 5,000 residents, 2,000 of were government officials and their dependents, while the remaining 3,000 would likely be mainly Africans who serve and support the governm ent employees. After a period of 20 years, with an anticipated 2% increase in population, there would be approximately 7,500 people in Gaborone. See: Kenneth Watts, The Planning of Gaberones, the New Capital for Bechuanaland: Report of an Advisory Visit: January 1963 (Collected Files, Gab erones Headquarters: Town Plan, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S. 592/8, Gaborone, 1962-1963). To provide some perspective, I should also note that according to demographic data in the mid 1970s, the po pulation of Gaborone was already over 34,000 people by the end of 1975. See: Betsy Stephens, Urban migration in Botswana: Gaborone, December 1975, Botswana Notes and Records 9 (1977), p. 92. 112 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Legislative Council Official Report (Hansard 2) p. 17.

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84 He concludes by stating that the site for Gaborone allows for the possibility of making this new capital a modern garden town.113 In a similar vein, I quote at length from Dr. Merriweathers dream for Gaborone: I do not think that the administrative capital should be mixed up with the noise, bustle and squalor of an industrial area. When we thi nk of an administrative capital, we think of peace and quietness, we think of th e gentle rustle of papers, and gentle clink of cups of tea, we think of the tip-toeing of messengers taki ng portfolios from one office, one department to another in an everlasting circle and this would hardly fit in with a busy industrial area! Think of Scotland! There, over on the west, we have a great dense population of the Clydeside, we have the great industries and the noi se and the turmoil and the slums, and the smoke. We come over to the capital in the east, Edinburgh, where we find the dignity and the quiet of a capital city a nd I think we can take a lesson from that. Let us have our administrative capital where it can be devel oped into a beautiful and dignified place and I think Gaberones is most suited for that.114 The Gaborone, the capital of an independent Botswana, as envisioned by the British civil servant, takes the form of a colonial fantas y where industry, noise, and the feared seething cauldron of African urban poor presumably respons ible for both, are noticeably absent. Some Batswana officials however, seemed to harbor a comparable vision. Batheon says of his ideal capital, We would not like to be pestered with [the] noise of railway engines, with smoke and all industrial activities when we want to have our minds collected, when we need to be at peace discussing [the] major problems of the Territory.115 The plan for Gaborone, as eventually drawn up, reflected these concerns, these shared desires for an administrative Eden characteri zed by quiet, cleanliness, and a town free of unseemly riff-raff. Instituting harmonious race relations in the pristin e location represented by Gaborone was a task much more easily accomplished when the folks who might present problems for this objective were left out of the idealized elit e vision of the city. As the 113 Ibid ., p. 19. 114 Ibid ., pp. 25-26. 115 Ibid ., p. 50.

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85 development and construction of the city progres sed however, this versio n of utopian Gaborone became increasingly untenable. Because, apparently, somebody neglected to tell the rural, soon to be urban, poor they werent pa rticularly welcome in their own capital, the product of a grand social experiment. Meet the New Boss, Same as the Old Boss: Or, a Colo nial City fit for Independence Sounding like an evocation of a billboard a family might have seen driving along a Midwestern highway in the 1950s advertising the latest innova tions found in a new suburban development, the planners commissioned with the task of founding Ga borone declared their intention to design a city both new and modern in conception.116 Rather than referencing the dreamy tomorrowland of idyllic middle class domestic blissthe toasters, plastics and other paraphernalia representing the Machine Ages arri val into the kitchenth e makers of Gaborone instead directed their sights far beyond the m undane concerns of the domestic household. This collection of bureaucrats and civil servants saw their charge as direct ed towards transforming entire ways of living, doing and thinking. For this objective, they recognized the benefits of the Territorys African population living according to customary patterns. A people ostensibly unspoiled by civilization would no doubt prove easier to mold: the advantage is on our side in so far as we can endeavour to guide the African into an urban way of life should the necessity arise. .117 This transition, it was assumed, would be long and difficult, as the Public Works Department notes, the citizens of the Protectorat e live under tribal condit ions [,] have done so 116 Department of Public Works, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Gaberones, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Southern Africa, Proposed New Capital City: A Town Planning Arch itectural and Sociological St udy of the Proposal for the Guidance of the Professional Development Team and the Ar chitectural Association School of Tropical Architecture, Bedford Square, London (Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 1100, Mafikeng, South Africa, 1962), p. 5. 117 Ibid ., p. 2.

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86 for centuries, and it is considered likely th at they will do so for many years to come.118 It is also worth noting that the perception of Botswana as a stagnant and b ackward locale was not strictly limited to colonial officers. Even af ter independence this char acterization of Batswana persisted, as one observer noted, the BaTswana are not a politically cons cious people, whose lack of aware[ness] of national objectives and international affair s can be partially countered by the countrys exemplar of progress, Gaborone.119 The accepted, if unstated, wisdom exhibited in the planning manual (a nd afterwards) is the belief that while a capital city would be built, most of the Africans in an independent Botswana wouldnt be prepared to liveor, at least, live properlywithin its borders. The image of Gaborone offered here is one of a city ahead of its time and without ci tizens, a nostalgic monument bu ilt with a view to a modern future. Upon receiving final approval from the higher ups in London for the plan to move the Territorys Headquarters out of S outh Africa, the individuals dire cting the project were ordered to complete the move as soon as possible.120 In keeping with the mandate for urgency, the time between the projects inception and the comp letion of the first phase of construction was about 5 years. Many decisions needed to be take n, and quickly. One of the first was the need to locate a suitable site on which to build. W ithout dwelling for too long on the technical considerations of landscape, topography and other si te characteristics, I will draw attention to probably the two most important assets possessed by the land curre ntly occupied by Gaborone. 118 Department of Public Works, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Gaberones Capital Project: Draft Town Plan Report (Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 1098, Mafikeng, 1962), p. 13. 119 Alan C. G. Best, Gaberone: prob lems and prospects of a new capital, The Geographical Review LX 1 (1970), p. 11. 120 Headquarters Development Committee, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Report of a meeting held at Lobatsi on Tuesday 10th April 1962 (Collected Files, Town Planning: Gaberones: New Township, 1961-1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.73/3/1-2, Gaborone, 1961-1962).

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87 The first of these, the importa nce of selecting a neutral, unde veloped site with regards to fostering harmonious race relations was mentioned earlier in this ch apter. The desire to prevent discrimination between whites and Africans was not the only consideration factored into the decision to select the Gaberones site. Because the land for the city was located on Crown Lands, already owned by the colonial government, the future development of the city could be zoned, and land allocated, in any manner the planners or city officials wishe d. Construction or buildings and the buying and se lling of land would not be bound to following customary land tenure practices or the practice of chiefly au thority. From the beginning therefore, the establishment of Gaborone could be conducted solely at the discretion of the colonial planners, rather than being forced to contend with the difficulties arising from pl acing the city within the boundaries of a tribal reserve govern ed by customary Tswana law. Gaborone was also an attractive site to Ba tswana precisely because of its location on Crown Lands. In addition to the de sire to create a conflict-free racial environment, the Batswana similarly wanted to avoid any tensions amongst th e main Tswana tribes. Charges of favoritism and bias, not to mention the power and prestige the capital would bri ng to the tribe whose territory in which the new town sat, would upset the tribal balance that Tswana elites across the Protectorate were attempting to cement. Of th e eight major tribes in the Territory, six were nearby the Gaborone site, while two of the largestincluding Khamas BaMangwatowere furthest away.121 Throughout the discussion about where to place the new Headquarters, to the credit of those involved, repeat ed calls were made by both Afri cans and Europeans to ignore the temptations of personal interests or prestige when determining the location for the capital. Most of the people involved in the decision were ab le to do sothe only in dividuals who exercised 121 The debate transcribed in Hansard 2 provides the best summary available regarding the motivations, intentions, and tensions of the people involved in the earliest stages of the Capital Project.

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88 any opposition at all were some of the white busin essmen in the Legislative Council hailing from other already established cities who stood to have their influe nce reduced by placing the capital on new ground. One trader from Francistown went so far as to warn that Gaborones proximity to South Africa would result in the Republics apartheid practices creeping over the border: one morning, he predicts, you might be rudely awakened and see on your Railway Station Europeans Only.122 Ominous warnings aside, these point s of view of were soundly rebuked in the Legislative Council because beyond the site s neutrality, it possessed an important logistical asset that a thriving new city couldnt do without: water. Of chief importance in the selection of a viable location was the availabi lity of an adequate water supply to provide not only for the early years of the city but well into the future. Botswana, as home to the Kalahari Desert a nd an otherwise dry clim ate with a short and unpredictable rainy season, the pr ovision of a permanent and re liable source of water was obviously of high practical concern. Worry over the supply of water played a large role in determining the admittedly fuzzy population predictions for the eventual size of the city. Early estimations, for instance, postulated that the maximum size of a Gaborone constrained by an expected limited water supply would optimistically be around 15,000 people.123 Undoubtedly the concern over the availability of water was legitimate, and the problem was eventually solved by damming the seasonally flowing Notwane River. However, an internal report summarizing the conduct of a meeting of the Headquarters Development Committee124 122 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Legislative Council Official Report (Hansard 2) p. 44. 123 Department of Public Works, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Gaberones Capital Project, p. 3. 124 The HQ Development Committee was chaired by A. J. A. Douglas and was constituted almost entirely of government officials. There was one Motswana on the committee, M. A. Maribe.

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89 provides a telling glimpse at some of the other motivati ons underlying these water worries. The document advises that in the Bechuanaland Protectorate, with its hot, arid, and at time s trying climate, larger quantities of water are necessarily used by householders thanin the United Kingdom. To attempt any severe restriction of water used e.g. for gardens would gravely handicap our efforts to attract the right type of resident, and in particular to recruit of the public service.125 Apprehension over water is rooted, at least partially, in a concern over whether Gaborone will support the comfort level of the expected population of British a nd other elites comprising the right type of resident that would predominate w ithin the city limits. In light of this, a stated carrying capacity of 15,000 reside nts seems a bit suspect, even in a country with the poor, relatively small, and widely dispersed population residing in the Protector ate in the early 1960s. The concern with landscaping, gardening and indire ctly, ventilation and th e need for a city to possess good lungs, reflected ordinary British colonial apprehensions about surviving the climates in which they were living. These attitude s, furthermore, tend to discredit the official colonial line that they were planning Gaborone specifically as a town for the Batswana. For both the British colonial town specifically, and the modernist city generally, vegetation, ventilation and health ful living go hand in hand. In hi s theoretical depiction of the City of To-morrow, Le Corbusier for exampl e, suggested that to remove the potential oppressiveness of his urban environment charact erized by vast open spaces and sixty story apartment blocks, the city must be filled with ob jects closer to a human scale. He writes, the vast buildings which the town planning of the future will bring about would crush us if there were no common measure between them a nd ourselves. The tree modifies a scene that is too vast [and] it would seem that the tree is an element essential to our comfort, 125 Headquarters Development Committee, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Report of a meeting held at Lobatsi on Tuesday 10th April 1962.

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90 and its presence in the city is a sort of care ss, a kindly thing in the midst of our severe creations.126 As a salve for the soul-as-cog in Le Corbusier s urbanized Machine for Li ving, plants and trees helped to counter the repetitive monumentality ch aracterizing his revolutionary urban space. Lefebvre perhaps ironically adopts Le Corbusiers machine label for cities, but goes beyond Le Corbusier by pushing the metaphor further. If the city is a machine, it is t hus a tool to be used, wielded and manipulated by dominant social groups.127 Foreshadowing the point made here, early designs for Gaborone, which placed an emphasis on gardens and landscaping familiar to other colonial settings, not to mention the subur bs of London, demonstrated the Protectorate Governments intention to imprint its own sp ecific needs, desires and fantasies onto the landscape of the new capital. The details of the plan indicates the general expectation among the governing and planning elite that the final form of Gaborone would reflect its existence as a relatively closed administrative city home to a class of apparently gardening bureaucrats and government functionaries. The failure to adequa tely plan for the poor, a consequence arising largely (though not entirely) from planning biases, continued up to and after the completion of Gaborone. But, for the present disc ussion, we get ahead of ourselves. While on one level, the planning of Gaborone proceeded in a manner that seemed largely free of conflict, the design for Gaborone suggests something different The pursuit of the right type of resident necessarily required efforts at (meta-) domin ation, first on a map, then in actuality. For if you controlled the layout on pape r, in a city where much emphasis and worry was placed on proper zoning, you ideally controlled the city itself. Of course though, total 126 Le Corbusier, translated by Frederick Etchells, The City of To-morrow and its Planning (The Architectural Press, London, 1971), p. 137. 127 Henri Lefebvre, translated by Donald Nicholson-Smith, The Production of Space (Blackwell Publishing, Oxford, 1991), p. 345.

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91 control was elusive, even impossible. As C ooper rightfully notes, due to the appearance of slumsthe unplanned development and peoplethe co lonial city was never fully colonial as envisioned by the colonial government.128 However, in the realm of expert abstraction, in the form of the physical plan for the capital, the fu ll realization of the col onial fantasy could be played out. And while not achieved in realit y, the schematic put down on paper that was both symbolic and pragmatic, set the tone in ways subtle and explicit, ultimately influencing the city eventually built. Writing of the British bungalow in India, King argues that the arrangement of gardens and landscaping served both a hygienic and a symbolic function for colonial officials. On the one hand, as a former colonial official observed, we brought with us in our home lives almost exact replicas of the sort of life that upper middl e class people lived in England at that time.129 The English landscape was, in other words, re madealthough perhaps re-imagined is a better wordin the colonial cities of India. Additionally, not only di d gardens give the wives of bureaucrats something with which to occupy thei r time, gardens and trees provided shade and fresh air for the residences occupants. The requirements of ample green space created a buffer between the colonial elite and the rest of the indigenous populationan increase in physical distance was also believed to lessen the di ffusion of germs and bact eria from the Indian settlements into the homes of the British.130 128 Frederick Cooper, Urban space, industrial time, and wage labor in A frica, in Frederick Cooper (ed), Struggle for the City: Migrant labor, capital, and the state in urban Africa (Sage Publications, Beverly Hills, CA, 1983), p. 18. 129 C. Allen, quoted in Anthony D. King, Colonial Urban Development: Culture, social power and environment (Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1976), p. 134. 130 Ibid ., pp. 133-143.

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92 This medical approach to segregated sp atial arrangements and home design was also carried out in Africa, as Curtin details in his article on the relationship between specialized medical knowledge and town planning.131 In West Africa too, the implementation of what might be termed medico-segregation was often more the product of economic and political concerns than anything to do with sound medical advice.132 One example given in support of this contention is that while Europeans demanded segr egation from local populations, their servants were allowed to move in and out of their neighborhoods, reflecting a desire to be segregated but not inconvenienced.133 And closer to home in Lusaka, for the admi nistrative of capital for Northern Rhodesia and later Zambia, planners relied on th e garden city model popular in the UK at the turn of the 20th century. However, rather than create a town designed to enhance the quality of life of the poorest workers, as Ebenezer Howards original vision dictated, the colonial planners in Lusaka attempted to establish a city with wide street s, open spaces, and low density housing that would be most suitable for colonial, and later, for post-independence elites.134 In the 1952 plan for Lusaka for example, approximately 22,000 Eur opeans were allotted 7,000 residential acres, while about 53,000 were to be accommodated on 1,709 acreswhich doesnt even come close to accounting for the optimum African population of 133,000.135 The long-term consequences of these colonial planning maneuvers, whether talk ing of Abu-Lughods Rabat or Lusaka, is that the minoritys need for space and low density housing in the colonial period becomes a problem 131 Philip D. Curtin, Medical knowledge and urban plan ning in tropical Africa, The American Historical Review 90 3 (June 1985), pp. 594-613. 132 Ibid ., p. 605. 133 Ibid ., p. 605. 134 John Collins, Lusaka: the myth of the Garden City, Zambian Urban Studies 2 (1969), pp. 4-6. 135 Ibid ., p. 13.

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93 following independence. After independence, segr egation is continued and reproduced in terms of economic stratification, as lowdensity housing is seen as equiva lent to high income and high status.136 Roughly ten years following the completion of the Rhodesian plan for Lusaka, the final preparations were being completed for Gaborone. These same colonial concerns and desires were reproduced in the plan for Gaborone, despit e claims and protestations to the contrary by both whites and Africans that Gaborone was going to be different. Language used to describe the plan for the new city however, seems merely to re-circulate discourse evident elsewhere in the British colonial enterprise. As in the Indian case, large tracts of open space were preferred in the city in order to create a lung for the ci ty through the maintenanc e of open areas providing for the free flow of breezes.137 In keeping with the thinking of the Public Works Departments planning team, who bound their design to the assertion that a city consists of more than roads, services and buildings,138 the civil service bureaucrats in char ge of the project assumed the role of landscapers and gardeners seeking to not only remake the environment, but the people who inhabited the new space of Gaborone. The area occupied by Gaborone was consid ered typical Southern African bush country,139 meaning that filtered thro ugh the eyes of the colonial establishment it was barren, dry and uninspiring. To modify th is apparently dreary set of circ umstances, the development of 136 Ibid ., p. 23. 137 Department of Public Works, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Gaberones, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Southern Africa, Proposed New Capital City, p. 29. 138 Department of Public Works, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Gaberones Landscaping (Collected Files, Town Planning: Gaberones: New Township, 1961-1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.73/3/1-2, Gaborone, 1961-1962). 139 Department of Public Works, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Gaberones Capital Project, p. 14.

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94 Gaberones as an oasis of greenery and flowering trees [was] most necessary140 in order for the town to fully realize the ideals which Gaber ones symbolizes as the capital of Bechuanaland.141 In theory, accomplishing these goals required the need for the authorities to compelultimately an impossible task in a place already lacking funds and manpo werboth whites and Africans to maintain their property. To the British, the c ooperation of the African, seemed particularly doubtful considering their sheer sloth a nd lack of home pride and tidiness.142 At any rate, only after gardens flourished in the co mmunity could an enhanced quality of life for the (presumably British) inhabitants be assured. Modeling Gaborone after a hamlet in an Englis h countryside isnt simply just about the making the civil service and their families feel at home. There is, I think, a dual meaning to the use of the term oasis in the planning documentati on of the city. Gaborone as oasis is not just referring to flowers and leafy herbage as an aest hetic device to beautify the city. Gaborone as oasis also suggests Gaborone as citadel, a defensive space in which proper civilization and modern living is protected, is in sulated from a wild, uncontrolled exterior. In a colonial world where the veneer between civiliza tion and not-civilization is thin a nd unstable, even the plant-life and the dry dusty hills surrounding Gaborone wield a certain amount of menace. They need to be tamed in ways not accomplished solely thro ugh the construction of roads, services and buildings. Green space buffers and healthy breezes constitute part of the defensive maneuvering segregating the town from whatever lurks outside. The planners ensure that an 140 Ibid ., p. 14. 141 Department of Public Works, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Gaberones Landscaping. 142 R.A.R. Bent, Bechuanaland Protectorate, A Minute from R.A.R. Bent, Member of Natural Resources and Industries Department to the Secretar y for Townships, Works and Communications, 16 April 1962 (Collected Files, Housing African non-Government Employees: Gaberones New Township, 1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S. 589/9, Gaborone, 1962).

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95 important goal in the landscaping of Gaborone is to bring a touch of civ ilization to the present wild scene.143 This kind of informal moat building to protect the sanctity of the urban core from an ambiguous external threat is evident not just in terms of the physical environment but, as we will see shortly, also in the internally direct ed efforts to maintain separation between the low and high cost housing and the fears over the influences of the nearby tribal villages spilling over into the neatly packaged and zoned model town144 Gaborone represents. The partitioning of Gaborone appeared elsewhere in the urban plan beyond the meaning ascribed to variations of shrubbery strategica lly planted across the city. Similar to other administrative cities across the globe, the plan s imbued Gaborone with other expressions of symbolic importance related to its political and moral position as a nations capital. In the postcolonial capital of Chandigarh for example, both Nehru and Le Corbusier felt that this new city represented a progression in the evolution of urba n development. For Le Corbusier, the plan of Chandirgarh represented the fullest expressi on of the Open Hand: a new era of harmony emerging from the integration of man, authority, and environment.145 And for Nehrus part, he saw the new capital as marking not only a spatial, but also a temporal destination, for the people of post-colonial India to head towards. The new city as future-oriented space also wa s an important factor in the motivating the construction of another new capital in South Ameri ca, Brasilia. As Holston notes, the city of Brasilia, built according to modernist arch itectural principles set down by the CIAM architectural movement a few decad es earlier, functioned as a dram atic and visible break with 143 Public Works Department, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Gaberones, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Southern Africa, Proposed New Capital City, p. 11. 144 Department of Public Works, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Gaberones Landscaping. 145 Ravi Kalia, Chandigarh: The making of an Indian city (Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1999), p. 117.

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96 the colonial past and a leap into the future.146 Superficially, these sort s of utopian aspirations suggest a sharp, clean and easy break between a st agnant and backwards pa st and a progressive entry into a global modernity. Not surprisingly, this distinction is far less starkif it even exists at allin practice. Speaking generally of desi gned capitals and capitols in the post-colonial world, Vale argues that the design of these buildings remains closely tied to political forces that reinforce existing patterns of dominance and submission.147 The capital project that produced Gaborone exhibited these continuities and tensi ons between past and future and colonial authority and post-colonial democracy. The colonial government made repeated clai ms in public reports and internal dialogue between officials declaring the plans ideological neutrality. In one of the early planning reports, for example, in a passage describing the government s efforts to avoid a ra cially divided city, it is noted that every attempt has been made to provide a town plan which postulates no particular social or political or economic ideology, but is based at all times upon hard economic and sociological facts.148 Even if we concede this point fo r the present, the emphasis placed on Gaborones existence as a center of government and authority seems to cast doubt over the above statement. The ideology of power, order and au thority was very much imprinted onto the built space of Gaborone. Consider the re ports detailing the approach to be taken in the construction of the city. Three separate documents suggest that close attention wa s paid to the citys government and administration function. Due to the governme nts prominence in the cityindeed, it is the 146 Holston, The Modernist City p. 96. See Chapter Three of Hols tons study for a full discussion. 147 Lawrence J. Vale, Architecture, Power and National Identity (Yale University Press, New Haven, CT, 1992), p. 10. 148 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Gaberones Township Report (Collected Files, Town Planning: Gaberones: New Township, 1961-1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S. 73/3/1-2, Gaborone, 1961-1962), p. 3.

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97 reason the construction project was even undertakengovernment buildings were expected to set the architectural standards for the rest of the town to follow.149 Moreover, because the primary function of the town is to provide th e Territory with an im posing Legislative and Administrative Capital, it is ap propriate that the seat of governme nt should be the focal point of the town.150 A later elaboration of this point is found in a revised version of the town planning doctrine to be implemented in Gaborone. Expanding on the notion that the symbolis m of administrative function in Gaborone should be ac centuated, the planners write, it may be assumed that the most imposing architecture in the town will be built in [the Government enclave] and it is therefore, appropriate that these buildings, which are the material and visible manifestation of the concept of ordered Government, Law and Ju stice should dominate and overlook the town.151 And although there were no hilltops or other geographical features su itable as a site for a capitol compound to be built allowing the capitol to trul y overlook the town, in the diagrams produced detailing the layout of the city, the capitol buildings we re indeed granted a prominent location in the space of the city. Bounded by the railway reserve to the west, priv ately owned farms to the north, and tribal territories to the east, Gaborone was designed to occupy the ava ilable space within these external barriers. Even with these spatia l constraints, the planners of Ga borone were able to account for varying levels of residential housing, commercial space, areas for both light and heavy industrial, 149 Department of Public Works, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Gaberones, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Southern Africa, Proposed New Capital City, p. 6. 150 Department of Public Works, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Gaberones Capital Project, p. 8. 151 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Gaberones Township Report, p. 8.

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98 an airstrip and a makeshift golf course.152 Positioned at the northernmost edge of the town, nearly abutting the boundary of the private farm land, resided the Governme nt Enclave: a halfcircle shaped site home to the offices of th e bureaucracy, the courts and the legislative headquarters. Across the street to the south, sat the commerci al and business sector, the upper class residential sector, parks and open space, as well as land specially set aside for the Anglican Church. Still further to the south were the areas set aside for the high-density housing, the stadium area and the industrial areas. The arterial roadwaysgoing nor th/south and east/west to/from the airportbisec ting the town intersect in front of the government sector. As for the roads themselves, in the plans schematic, they are depicted as wide, tree lined boulevards; perfect for processional ceremonies, parades and to put the best foot forward for visiting dignitaries arriving by air or by car. As I mentioned, the plan discussed above is a draft; the final form of the town looked substantially different in some respects by the time construction was finished. For example, in the final product, the high and low density housi ng were separated by an open air Mall (a central plaza) with the local and nationa l government buildings located at either end, rather than dividing the residential areas by open spaces and a major road. Additionally, the town plan was rotated counterclockwise, thus pl acing the governmental head of th e city at the western edge in closer proximity to the railway reserve and the major north/south road leading to Francistown. Despite these modifications enacted for the end product, the early draft map of Gaborone best exemplifies the planners intentions and desires fo r the plan in their purest form; before, that is, 152 This description of the diagram for Gaborone is based on a draft map of the city prepared by the Public Works Department sometime in 1962, under the heading Gaberon es, Bechuanaland Protectorat e, Draft Township Layout.

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99 they were forced to make revisions to it due to considerations of impracti cality, lack of funds, or any of the innumerable other reas ons that are part of the give and take of the planning process.153 The early plan you might say, represents a sort of urban town planning wish list, asking for tree lined boulevards, neatly compartmentalized residential spaces, and a government sector that is sits at the center of the ceremonial and symbolic space of th e town. The roads convergence in the governmental space suggests the supreme position of the government in the plan for Gaborone, the individuals walking along th e wide and imposing stre et to arrive at the government sector brings to mind the image of hum ble supplicants prostrating themselves at the gates of a religious temple. An image made more real by the fact that there was to be a gate at the complexs entrance on the north/south roadthe one passing through the residential areas of townwhile the road traveling to the airport or the main northern thoroughfare lacked any sort of barrier. This not surprising planning decisi on probably resulted from the assumption that the right sorts of people would be tr aveling by car or aircraft, so th ere wasnt much reason to erect a barrier obstructing thei r movement, but for the folks, the Africans, traveling by foot, well, you couldnt be too careful. An imposing capital citynot to menti on the capitol build ingswould suitably communicate the message of authority and power. Th is seems particularly true in a country such as the Botswana, where there were few, if any, buildings of the substantial size and scale that might be possessed by the parliamentary chambers, fo r example. In the Protectorate therefore, the monumentality of government structures would carry a certain Wow factor. Multi-floor 153 For example, the planners wish for a neatly landscaped garden town were scaled back, at best, or rejected outright at worst, due to what was seen as a prohibitively high cost when funds for the citys completion were already being stretched. See: Headquarters Developmen t Committee, Bechuanaland Prot ectorate, Minutes of the Headquarters Development Committee at Gaberones, 13 Ju ne 1962 (Collected Files, Gaberones Headquarters: Headquarters Development Committee Mi nutes, 1961-1963, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.592/9, Gaborone, 1961-1963).

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100 government blocks sequestered away in their own sp ecial section of the city would also suggest a familiar political and cultural imagery for the Batswana elites who would be taking over the country at some point in the future. As discussed at length in an earlier portion of the chapter on traditional settlement and authority amongst the Tswana, the arrangement of villages and the position of the chiefs compound car ried significant symbolic weight. A town plan that emphasized the primacy, the triangulated importan ce of Government, Authority and Law, in its design would demonstrate a continuity between past present and future pr actices and hierarchies of power and governance. So while the new l eaders of an independent Botswana would no longer possess the same titles of traditional authority, by placing the capitol complex at a distinct location, separate from the rest of the town, they could lay claim to traditional spatial patterns and the forms of power and legitimacy they re presented. Thereby perpetuating the familiar divide between rulers and ruled, long estab lished in the customary politics, economics and culture of Tswana society. Both the modern capitol complex and the chiefs compound in the village composed of his home, the royal kraal, and the kgotla served a similar function: to demonstrate whos in charge. The visual cues and placement of both constructs prevented any confusion from the subjects. Just as important to the Batswana elites, th e government buildings, along with the larger town plan, didnt simply represent the continuation, the amplification, of some traditions, they served as visible markers demonstrating the termination of others. For example, although the practice of periodically relocating settlements had faded into the 20th century, the establishment of a government complex built along modern lin es, and with modern materials, seemed to announce the death of such practices. In th e vision of the new and modern Botswana,

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101 represented by a Gaborone permanently located in a fixed position, there was a more acceptable way of doing things. And for Batswana modernizers, Gaborone wasn t simply to speak to the masses of rural dwellers proclaiming the onset of Progress, it also was an announcemen t to the in ternational community: possessing their own variations of concrete-box parliaments [with] indistinguishably joined concrete-box offices and housing blocks thereby proclaiming their entry into the discourse of universal modernity.154 In this way, Gaborone exists not simply as built space, but also as a discursive space adoptin g the language of progress, directed both to internal and external audiences. The display, the dioramic space, exhibited by Gaborone told two distinct tales: for the s ubjects of the government, Gaborone was a site of power and authority, while for the international audience the new town was to suggest a transformative moment along the path to development. Other aspects of the plan for Gaborone, sp ecifically the emphasis on zoning and the controversy over low cost housing displayed in the colonial gove rnments planning documents, also meshed with the expectations of the Tswana elite based on the pervasive patterns related to traditional authority and hierarchy and the organizati on of settlements. From the earliest days of the capital project however, controlling the movement s of people in the city proved to be an exceptionally complicated exercise. Reasons for the difficulty are numerous, ranging from peoples waning adherence to traditional authority st ructures and the allure of big city living to the governments inability to micromanage life in the city and the lack of resources to properly deal with a larger than expected influx of poor migrants into the city. In crucial ways, as we will 154 Vale, Architecture, Power and National Identity p. 52-53.

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102 see in a later chapter with respec t to the persistence of slums in Gaborone, the plans in support of the vision of the city often b ecame obsolete in the making. Sand Castles at High Tide: Zoning, Housing and Who Goes Where? Because the eventual lev els of urban devel opment and population growth remained largely unpredictable into the early 1970s and beyond, the makers of Gaborone attempted to account for uncertainty by making the citys development whol e and complete at each phase of construction and expansion. By keeping the focus on a speci fic area of the town, and only moving on to a new section once the first was filled out, it was hoped that scattershot development would be prevented and the urban core of the city would be completed much sooner. The emphasis on the plans wholeness, compactness and orderly organization is found in advice from external planning experts and the civil service o fficials on the ground in the Protectorate.155 The desire for a more holistic, less piece-meal approach to planning is reflec ted in the wish to overcome the vacant lot appearance of new towns.156 The ideal vessel for the achievement of wholeness was a plan based on concentric circ les radiating out from the center as the urban core is each completely filled in and developed.157 There is a subtle, yet I think important difference in the meaning of whole as used by the local planning committee and the experts employe d by London that is worth mentioning here, as it bears on our upcoming discussion of low cost housing in Gaborone. Otto Koenigsberger, a widely recognized expert on buildin g in tropical colonial envi ronments in the employ of the 155 Department of Public Works, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Gaberones Capital Project, p. 9; Bechuanaland Protectorate, Savingram from Acting Director of Public Works to the Government Secretary, 22 November 1962 (Collected Files, Gaberon es Headquarters Town Plan, November 196 2-April 1963, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.592/8, Gaborone, 1962-1963). 156 Ibid. quoting Kenneth Watts of the Tropical Division, Building Research Station, London. 157 Headquarters Development Committee, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Minutes of the Headquarters Development Committee Meeting at Gaberones, 13 June 1962.

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103 home offices in London, suggested to the Protect orate officials that ea ch neighborhood within the town be conceived of as a whole, therefore resulting in a close interm ingling of low, medium and high cost housing.158 This recommendation was received as a fundamental difference to the plan created internally by the Protectorate offi cials and was viewed rather derisively. Our [plan], the Chairman of the Headquarters De velopment Committee explains at a meeting, was based on the idea that the town as a whole would be a unit whic h would consist of different neighbourhoods, each with its own distinguishing de nsity and catering for a particular class, irrespective of race.159 Another member present at the briefing deplored Koenigsbergers suggestion due to the fact that people of differe nt income levels and different interests would not wish to live in a tig ht residential community.160 The distinction between town as whole and neighborhood as whole articulated in the de bate over the plan, suggests the governing elites apprehensions about living too close the African population. And although a happy face might have been painted onto the plan as suppor tive of harmonious race relations, whereby the colonial officials could staunchly (and heroically?) advocate for a town divided by class, rather than race on one hand, while on the other, feel qu ite comfortable in the knowledge that a town segregated by class would also be divided by race, save for the acc eptable, Westernized Batswana elite minority. The proposal put fort h by Koenigsberger seems to have exposed the intentions of the class of elites in the Protecto rate by demonstrating the perceived threat posed by the close proximity of the African masses to the proper urban resident. Just as the radial designed implemented in Johannesburg allowed for metropolitan growth while maintaining the need for racial segregation, the plan for Gabor one modeled on residential compartmentalization 158 Ibid 159 Ibid 160 Ibid

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104 conducive to urban development was directed towards similar ends.161 Elite fear of the African Other, therefore, became embedded into th e planning of Gaborone through such mundane technical devices as urban zoni ng and building regulations. One of the primary legal mechanisms employe d to enforce the building and zoning code was the Town and Country Planning Proclamation of 1961.162 Key provisions in this decree included the prohibition of subdi viding privately held land for residential or commercial purposes without the permission of the local town planning board, as well as granting the government the power to demolish unauthorized build ings for the purpose of restoring the land to its condition before the new development took place.163 These regulations, buttressed by the States legal backing, demonstrate legitimate technical concerns re lated to urban planning. They also, however, suggest politically and socially motivated attemp ts to control both the population and their activities (say, for ex ample, the potential for squatting on land illegally subdivided). In this way, zoning becomes an explicit pronounc ement of dominant political, economic and aesthetic practices. Accordingly, to protect the vi ability of the town plan for Gaborone, one planner suggests that there is a need to control all aspects of development of the town, extending outside the boundaries of the city to all land bordering the site fo r the Capital, in or der to better enforce the minimum standards of the town.164 Or, as an official planni ng blueprint for the city notes, much of the character of the town, its efficien cy, and particularly its aesthetic appeal, will 161 Andre P. Czegledy, Villas of the highveld: a cultural pers pective on Johannesburg and its northern suburbs, in Richard Tomlinson et al. (eds), Emerging Johannesburg: Perspectives on the postapartheid city (Routledge, New York, NY, 2003), p. 24. 162 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Statute Law, Vol. XLVIII (Mafeking Mail, Mafeking, 1964). 163 Ibid 164 Watts, The Planning of Gaberones, the New Capital for Bechuanaland, p. 6.

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105 depend on the conditions which are imposed in rega rd to the use and development of any land in the township.165 On the surface, composed in the bla nd, sterilized language of the technocratic planner, these expectations sound straightfo rward enough. If, however, you peel back the official discursive gloss, and solder to it, for example, offi cial discussions of Tlokweng, the neighboring tribal village of the BaTlokwa, another interp retation presents itself. To foreshadow: zoning becomes another way to insulate the proper, elite reside nts of the city from those who might negatively influe nce the sensibilities of the re sidents and imperil the modern, model image the new town of Gaborone is to project to Batswana, the region, and the world. As the plans for Gaborone were being formulated, and eventually finalized by the beginning of 1963, one of the recurrent issues th e planners wrangled with was the potential problem that the already existing se ttlements in the area posed for the future capital city. One of the settlements, as mentioned above was the tr ibal village of Tlokweng, while the other, informally known as the Village, consisted of some colonial government buildings, a jail and police compound, along with the offici al residences for the people w ho were posted to the area. The planning problems presented by these areas we re framed in terms of their existence being a threat to the look, order, and development of th e plan for Gaborone. It was thought, for example, that continued development in Tlokweng and th e Village would undercut Gaborones growth in the crucial early years of its existence. In the case of the Village, an external expert from the Building Research Station in London suggested that because it would eventually become a suburb of the new capital, all possible st eps should be taken to tidy it up.166 The Village, in other words, was to be tolerated, spruced up, and ultimately incorporated into the development of 165 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Gaberones Township Report, p. 6. 166 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Savingram from Acting Director of Public Works to the Government Secretary, 22 November 1962.

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106 Gaborone as a suburban satellite community. The tribal village of Tlokweng however, was viewed as a unique challenge that needed to be ov ercome in order to preserve the viability of the plan for the Headquarters Project. Consequently, it was recommended that the full force of the bureaucracy be utilized to prevent any furt her construction or development of Tlokweng.167 In a 1962 meeting of the Headquarters Development Committee, the to pic of controlling the development of Tlokweng app eared on the agenda. The minutes of the meeting records one of the participants making the argument that as Gaborone is establ ished, the population of Tlokweng will increase expone ntially as the job-seekers who floc k to the capital city will need a place to live. If that happens, he predicts t he position could develop where a model township would develop on one side of the Notwani [R iver] and an unsightly slum on the other.168 In one of the early official planning manuals for Gaborone the alarm was also sounded. Failure to take the vitally necessary action to control development both inside and outside the borders of Gaborone would result in the def eat of the planners thereby e liminating the chances that the vision of the model township outlined on paper would come to fruition.169 Although the problem of Tlokweng was identifie d early on, finding a viable solution to a puzzle that was likely unsolvable was a far more difficult task. One suggestion to increase the availability of clean water in Tlokweng to aid in sanitation effo rts was dismissed by the Director of Medical Services as tacitly granting individuals th e governments approval to settle in the 167 Ibid 168 Headquarters Development Committee, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Minutes of the Headquarters Development Committee Meeting at Gaberones, 13 June 1962; Bechuanaland Protectorate, Minutes of the Meeting of the SubCommittee of the Headquarters Developm ent Committee, 9 July 1962 (Collect ed Files, Gaberones Headquarters Headquarters Development Sub-Committee Minutes, June 1962-April 1963, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.592/10, Gaborone, 1962-1963). 169 Department of Public Works, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Gaberones Capital Project, p. 2.

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107 BaTlokwa village.170 Other officials lamented that ther e was little the gove rnment could do to dissuade movement into Tlokweng. In an inte rnally circulated memo, the Secretary for Townships, Works and Communications speculates, the great majority of casual workers will pr efer to build a traditional African house in Tlokweng on ground which will cost nothing and wh ere he is not concerned with rates and other incidentals that are necessary in a regularly organized township. As far as the African is concerned he would rather do without the benefit of water and light on the site and save his money for food and clothing.171 The seemingly exasperated accepta nce by the colonial gove rnment that Africans were going to move into the area was accompanied by an appa rent unwillingness to actually do anything to improve the quality of life of the people who woul d be moving to the region in search of work or better opportunities. The worry over the schematic for Gaborone being impinged on by circumstances entirely outside the control of planners is reflected in the appreh ension over Tlokwengs burgeoning development. But as with other episodes in the planning of the new capital, the specific focus on anonymous (African) laborers and slum develo pment suggests that the concern went beyond the technical or logistical. In stead, these worries impact direct ly on who is, and perhaps more revealing, who isnt allowed to reside in and ar ound Gaborone. While allowances were made for a working (non-civil servi ce) population, the presence of a population unplanned and unaccounted for was damaging to the plans obje ctives. One planning official paints this hypothetical when discussing what will likely happen as the number of Afri can migrants into the area increases: 170 Headquarters Development Committee, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Minutes of the Headquarters Development Committee Meeting at Gaberones, 13 June 1962. 171 Secretary for Townships, Works and Communications, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Note on Housing Loan Scheme (Collected Files, Housing African non-Governmental Employees: Gaberones New Township, 1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S. 589/9, Gaborone, 1962).

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108 Suppose a portion of land were to be set aside within the town area in which workers were allowed to build an African village at low cost to themselves. There are reasons for thinking that the result would be a slum a nd a disgrace to the new town. The workers would be in a completely different position form the inhabitants of a town such as Kanye. In the Tribal Headquarters towns there is a Ch ief and a Tribal Organi zation and it is they who keep the town decent and clean. There is an age-old system of tribal custom and allegiance to an all powerful chief. If a section of Kanye were to be scooped up by a Titans shovel and deposited on the outskirts of Gaberones it would quickly degenerate into a slum.172 Once the city was built the presence of large num bers of unemployed and poor slum dwellers living outside the reach of the traditional authorit y structures present in their home villages, as well as the formal administrative arms of the ne wly constructed State, re presented a particularly disastrous outcome. The fear of a blighted town caused by shan ty growth in Tlokwengan eyesore on the boundary of the town as one description phras ed itwas no doubt important to Gaborones founders.173 However, the problem went beyond the re alm of the aesthetic or the desire to maintain the orderly organization laid out by the blueprint for the town. A slum on the margins threatened the fabric of the modern life that was to be practiced by the residents of the city. Just as the wild, untamed landscape around Gaborone was something to be controlled and administered, a slum adjacent to the city presente d a similar problem. Both the vegetation in the bush and the people in the slum required ga rdening, demanded manage ment. A so-called modern town set in a so-called un-modern land existed on unstable ground and required constant vigilance in order to protect it. The presen ce of a slum nearby would have a derogatory 172 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Housing for the Lower Paid Inhabitants of the New Town of Gaberones, (Collected Files, Housing African non-Governmental Employees: Gaberones New Township, 1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S. 589/9, Gaborone, 1962). 173 Watts, The Planning of Gaberones, the New Capital for Bechuanaland, p. 6.

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109 influence on the inhabitants of the town, not to mention diminish ing the glow of the beacon of the countrys model township.174 For the State, the specter of a slum, exem plified by the adjacent village of Tlokweng, represented not just a subversion of authority, but also an absen ce of formalized administrative authority. Through the appearance of a wild zone of urban frontier space, not only would the plan be thwarted and the pla nners defeated, but the exerci se of control over the most potentially volatile elements of the population woul d be sporadic at best, non-existent at worst. Coopers description of the shebeen as deflecting the glare of official eyes and as a site of resistance is also applicable to the case of Tlokweng specifically, and the slum more generally.175 In a city based on neatly organized urban and residential compartments to be occupied by the faithful servants of government and their subord inates, the appearance of autonomous people and places that dont adhere to this description is, to say the least, problematic. Indeed, in a memo to the Administrative Secretary, the District Co mmissioner of Gaberones argues against the provision of African beerhalls in the area. He observes, one big beer hall is a source of trouble. It leads to passions being raised, [and] to the focussing (sic) of political action. .176 For a planned city designed around principles of orga nization, order and predic tability, officially sanctioning such a location capable of disrupting th ese objectives was a non-starter. Instead of unsupervised beerhalls full of la rge, likely rowdy crowds of Ba tswana, therefore, the D.C. 174 In this chapter, I only touch briefly on slum developm ent in Gaborone so as to place the emphasis on zoning and planning in a broader context. In Chapter Six, I explore in detail the case of Old Naledi, the citys oldest and largest urban slum. 175 Cooper, Urban space, industrial time and wage labor in Africa, p. 8. 176 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Savingram from the D.C. at Gaberones to the Administrative Secretary at Mafeking 17 December 1963 (Collected Files, Beer Halls: Production and Distribu tion of Local Beer, December 1963September 1964, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.399/16, Gaborone, 1963-1964).

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110 suggests smaller scale pubs located in sui table places as being a preferable, more manageable solution.177 The States inability to account for people and activities deviating from the urban plan has been well documented. De Certeau argues that the theoretical city drawn on a planners blueprint lacks knowledge of the behaviors of the people who inhabit the city. To planners and administrators, the ordinary practitioners of th e city live down below, below the thresholds at which visibility begins.178 The invisibility of the everyday that de Certeau examines becomes troublesome for the authorities be cause the person who exists outside the bounds, guidelines and normative regulations set down by the planner, unknowingly presents, enacts on a minute scale, an alternative to the planning vision.179 Because of the chasmbig or smallthat exists between the plan on paper and the city in practice, others have argued that the city is better studied in terms of how it responds to these gaps, dissonances and leaks.180 As we have suggested above, and will reiterate below, in th e case of Gaborone, the urban plans emphasis on zoning and the placement of low-cost housi ng into clearly demarcated residential compartmentsthat were by no means neatly ac hieved in realityserved as an important organizing device directed to maintaining contro l of the population. Whet her were talking of Coopers shebeens, or urban slums, or the meandering informally named pathways of a traditional Tswana village located on the outskirts of the capital, or the occasionally bewildering vibrancy and activity present in the central bus-station in contemporary Gaborone, these 177 Ibid 178 Michel de Certeau, transl ated by Steven Rendall, The Practice of Everyday Life (University of California Press, Los Angeles, CA, 1984), p. 93. 179 Ibid ., p. 93. 180 Achille Mbembe and Sarah Nuttall, Writing the world from an African metropolis, Public Culture 16 3 (2004), p. 354.

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111 locationsnot to mention the certainly undoc umented, potentially au tonomous, workers, migrants and unemployed individuals who occupy themneed to be eradicated at best, or at the very least, remade so the Stat e can make sense of them. The quest for the citys transformation into something legible or simplified in order to read the urban landscape is a po int repeatedly made in Scotts Seeing Like a State The efforts made in the pursuit of what Scott terms as high modernismHausmanns Paris, Brasilia, or even to far less dramatic effect, Gaboroneare designed to strengthen and centralize control over the natural and manmade environment. E quating the modern city to a geometrically regularized scientific forest, Scott states, th e city laid out according to a simple, repetitive logic will be easiest to ad minister and to police.181 Such a place, will, in other words, be more readily knowable. Accordingly, from the perspec tive of the administrato r or the planner, the grid cityde Certeaus theoretical c ityis granted the status of utopia.182 And while Gaborone doesnt necessarily display every char acteristic of a grid city, there is enough correspondence to this ideal urban type to suggest that the rationales mo tivating the elaboration of the high modernist urban form were present in this context as well. There are a few logics imprinted into the pl an for Gaborone that might be worth noting. For one thing, the making legible of the urban fo rm is, Scott notes, an important prerequisite for any large-scale state intervention.183 In the case of Gaborone, for example, its symbolic position as a model township and maker of mode rn citizens required that it adopt the trappings of the modernist discourse and the practices legiti mated by it. If lives and lifestyles were to be transformed, if the town was really going to li ve up to its billing as new and modern in 181 Scott, Seeing Like a State p. 55. 182 Ibid ., p. 56. 183 Ibid ., p. 78.

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112 conception, the founders of Gaborone needed to simplify and regular ize the location through zoning or landscaping mechanisms that not only cleaned up the wild environment, but also its people and places. To realize the vision for the city, these activities would have likely been advocated not only by the colonial planners, but also by the Batswana modernizers and elites who would be taking control of the city following the conclusi on of the capital project at independence. Also of concern to the colonial and post-i ndependence government, would have been the creation of a city that would ev entually be economically viable. Although the early years of the cityeven, perhaps, the initial decades of Gabor ones lifewere thought to most likely retain the character of a solely administrative city, the planners realized that at some point industrial development would occur in or around the area occupi ed by the capital. In the earliest plans for Gaborone therefore, land set was aside for industrial development. A readily readable, homogenized, arrangement of the city thus confor med to the future requirements of capital, industry and production. And while Scott makes th e general observation that a neatly organized city is mostly beneficial for the purposes of dividing up land for real-estate developers, in the context of Gaborone184both in the colonial period and into the independence erathe presence of a low paid labor-force in and around the city also made the regularized gird-like modernist spatial arrangement attractive. Coopers sugg estion, for example, that the control of labor necessarily extended outside the walls of the f actory has post-colonial implications as well.185 The management of labor by the State would pose di fficulties to Protectorate officials as well as the BDP government. The regularization of the workforce through the manipulation of the urban 184 Ibid ., p. 58. 185 Cooper, Urban space, industrial time and wage labor in Africa, p. 20.

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113 spatial, as well as temporal,186 environment would be seen as an important strategy in the efforts to control low paid (and unemployed) workers. In the context of Southern Africa, townships and compounds built to control the domestic, leisure and labor practices of potentially dangerous and destabilizing working classes were a common, though not usually successful, solution to the problem of control. Despite their mixed record as a method to urban spatial organization and racist underpinnings, the housing and building policies common to the region appear to have seeped into the plan for Gaborone, influencing the thinking of the planners on how to best grapple with the presence of low paid workers. The seepage into Botswana from places like Rhodesia and South Africa tended to take the form of borrowing and adaptation; both of a planning style and ideol ogy, along with the more technical and practical aspects of high de nsity neighborhood development. The rigorous application of organized, modernis t, and ostensibly scientific pl anning techniques that privileged efficiency over disorder187 was first attempted in South Africa. Beginning with the importation of the Garden City moveme nt in the second decade of the 20th century and continuing into the 1930s with th e techniques outlined in the CI AM planning doctrine, European theories of urban planning were easily ad apted to circumstances in South Africa.188 While initially intended to improve the quality of lif e in all urban areasinhabited by both Africans and poor whitesthe modernist style simultaneously fulfilled a symbolic function allowing 186 Coopers case study of dockworkers in Kenya provides a look at the colonial need to colonize time in order to create laborers better suited to the practice of Westernstyle industrial capitalism. See: Frederick Cooper, Colonizing time: work rhythms and labor conflict in colonial Mombasa, in Nicholas B. Dirks (ed), Colonialism and Culture (The University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, MI, 1992). 187 Brenda Bozzolli, Why were the 1 980s millenarian? style, repertoire, space and authority in South Africas black cities, Journal of Historical Sociology 13 1 (March 2000), p. 92. 188 See: Fassil Demissie, Controlling and civilising natives through architecture and town planning in South Africa, Social Identities 10 4 (2004), pp. 483-507; Alan Mabin and Dan Smit, Reconstructing South Africas cities? the making of urban planning 1900-2000, Planning Perspectives 12 (1997), pp. 193-223.

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114 cosmopolitan white South Africans to both accentuat e their Europeanness through architecture and differentiate themselves from the rest of the African population.189 Modernist planning propelled by its emphasis on practices devoted to the establishment of green belts, rigid zoning, and the social health of communities, was theref ore eventually directed to creating, and later, maintaining the segregationist spatial framework of the South African regime.190 In keeping with the broad tendencies of the mo dernist approach, planning was not simply a technical concern, but became fundamentally bound to a more ambiguous moral terrain in which the way life should be lived, politics practiced, or power distributed was contested. A French colonial planner employed in Madagascar obser ved that his planning endeavors had quit the technical terrain [and] enter[ed] into the realm of social politics, of which urbanism is evidentally (sic) one of the principal means of action.191 Similarly, in the case of South Africa, planning, space and architecture did not just represent a form of State ac tion performed on behalf of its population, but served also as a visual monu mental voice communicating the intentions, authority and power of the State. As Herwitz notes, apartheids most imposing architectural achievements proclaimed a power that does not have to account for itself192 and whose existence was typified by rigid spatial formulae the institution of bur eaucratic control, [and] the inflexibility of system. .193 Not only does this observation echo the planners of Gaborones call for the city to convey the concep t of ordered Government, Law and Justice to 189 Daniel Herwitz, Race and Reconciliation: Essays from the new South Africa (University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, MN, 2003), pp. 130; 136-137. 190 Mabin and Smit, Reconstructing South Africas cities, p. 204. 191 Jean de Cantelou quoted in Gwendolyn Wright, Tradition in the service of modernity: architecture and urbanism in French colonial policy, 1900-1930, The Journal of Modern History 59 2 (June 1987), pp. 312-313. 192 Andries Gouws quoted in Herwitz, Race and Reconciliation, p. 148. 193 Ibid ., p. 148.

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115 the citizens of the territo ry, but it also suggests that thes e messages could be found in everyday structures, such as domestic residences and neighborhoods, that were not expressly built to serve ceremonial or ornamental functi ons. Indeed, the presence of a modernist planning doctrine active in South Africa in th e early decades of the 20th century was a necessary prerequisite for the construction of township and lo cation neighborhoods in South(ern) Africa.194 Broadly conceived spatial theories whose pr inciple concerns revol ved around issues of order, organization and stability prompted an easy transition to more specific regulations grappling with where and how poor Africans liv ed. State and local governments, along with private industry, such as mineral concerns, had an interest in ma naging the lives of their citizens and employees. For businesses, the problem of African housing was a balancing act requiring working populations be located close enough to urban areas in order to par ticipate in the engines of production, but far enough away from the respectable parts of the city so as not to contaminate it or encourage intermingling.195 And for the State, the cont rol and management of African housing was deemed necessary in order to prevent the formation of opposition movements that might pose it a threat.196 As White points out in her study of housing and prostitution in colonial Nairobi, the presence of autonom ous individuals who were tied neither to the formal economy nor to the state represented an in tolerable danger to the government.197 The construction of housing for Africans, first in the form of barrack s or hostels, and later, in small houses to be occupied by a worker and his immediate family, provided the authorities with a means to keep 194 Ibid ., p. 159. 195 Demissie, Controlling and civilising natives through architecture and town planning in South Africa, p. 500. 196 Susan Parnell and Deborah Hart, Self-help housing as a flexible instrument of state control in 20th century South Africa, Housing Studies 14 3 (1999), p. 375. 197 Luise White, The Comforts of Home: Prostitution in colonial Nairobi (University of Chicago Press, Chicago, IL, 1990), pp. 131-132.

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116 tabs on a potentially dangerous population. Th e hostel-barracks erec ted in South Africa represented what Bozzolli termed a mad form of modernity relying ex clusively on prison-like methods to keep control of its occupants.198 The African neighborhood composed of singlefamily houses was founded on a more subtle vision of control. A romanticization of domestic life, advocates of large-scale construction proj ects of austere tract housing argued that the inculcation of western ideas of moral values and family life would train the African working classes to become proper law-abiding individuals constituting not a threat to the State, but a society of compliant citizens.199 Applied to the case of Gaborone during the formative period of its planning, modernist low-cost worker housing policies practiced else where in the region prov ide insight into the inspiration for the models for high density housin g designed for local implementation. Planners in Gaborone, when considering where and how to house the African working populationspace for non-working Batswana was not included in the plans for the citydidnt attempt to reinvent the housing wheel operationalized in countries nearby. Instead, they made use of the examples presented by their closest neighbors. Consequent ly, in the archival r ecord, there arent any grandiose theoretical statements detailing the rationales behi nd the adoption of one housing policy or another: planning offici als made use of tried and true formulas about low-cost housing, merely tinkering with questions of practicality and logistics in order to fit these schemes into the specific financial and political ci rcumstances of the Protectorate. It doesnt appe ar that those involved in the planning paid much attention to the contradiction between their mandate to create a new kind of city in sub-Saharan Africa and thei r decision to replicate, in Gaborone, the very 198 Bozzolli, Why were the 1980s millenarian, p. 98. 199 Robert Home, From barrack compounds to the single-family house: planning worker housing in colonial Natal and Northern Rhodesia, Planning Perspectives 15 (2000), p. 330.

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117 urban models used in support of the kinds of regimes from which Bechuanaland was trying to distance itself. Questions of intentionality aside, the form al documentation suggests that although the planners of Gaborone saw housing as a technical problem in need of a solution, the fact remains that they adapted urban spatial pract ices expressly developed in order to preserve a particular set of unbala nced power dynamics. As the planning for Gaborone progressed, mu ch hand-wringing and debate revolved around the topic of what to do with the low-paid workers involved in the citys construction or who would later be employed as the manual labor n eeded to ensure the functionality of the new administrative capital. More so than other facets of the plan for the new capital, the issue of lowcost housing brought to the fore the tensions and contradictions presen t in the oft-stated desire to create a new kind of urban environment in sub-Sa haran Africa. The loft y aspirations Batswana and colonial elites often spoke of for Gaborone rarely corresponded to the planning schematics produced by the Protectorates government. Class, race and social fissures were most visible, and perhaps most intractable, with regards to low-cost housing in Ga borone. It probably isnt all that surprising then, that the deci sions taken tended towards the sa fe and conservative rather than something that might radically transform the political, social and economic landscape. Early on in the planning for Gaborone, there was recognition by the Assistant Attorney General and others that the succe ss or failure of the new city would be judged according to the type and quality of accommodations provided for the lower grade employee.200 Accordingly, the suggestion of the British government consulta nt, Kenneth Watts, sent to the Territory to advise on the Capital Project, urged local officials to move beyond the individual box 200 Headquarters Development Committee, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Report of a meeting held at Lobatsi on Tuesday 10 April 1962.

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118 mentality for low-cost African housing popular in Southern Africa.201 To those already in the Protectorate, Gaborone represente d a unique opportunity to not si mply tinker with or improve on something already there, but to found a city fr om scratchbuildings, people and all the rest built for a specific purpose. The open-ended possibili ties presented by a city that existed only in minds or on paper in the early 1960s were charact erized in terms of pr evention. The Assistant Secretary of Townships, Works and Communications framed the task in Gaborone to be not one of organiz[ing] and improve[ing] an existing city, but how to prevent unsatisfactory development in a place not yet built.202 How, in blunter terms, coul d a city be established that would lack slums both in the present and into the foreseeable future? As the District Commissioner for Gaberones, P. Cardross-Grant, is recorded arguing in th e minutes of an April 1963 meeting of the Headquarters (Development) Sub-Committee, the prevention of slum conditions in Gaberones must be the guiding pr inciple of all planning decisions taken by the Protectorate Government.203 Debate over the quality of housing evidenced by those involved in the planning of Gaborone likely stemmed not from a concern over the well-being of the people who would be occupying these houses, but rather from a worry that unsightly slums might have a derogatory influence on the viabil ity of the new capitals self-ima ge as a new kind of city in Africa or impinge on the expected quality of life the new capital was to afford the elites. 201 Kenneth Watts, Letter from Kenneth Watts to Ray Renew of the Department of Public Works in Mafeking, 9 April 1963 (Collected Files, Gaberon es Headquarters: High Density (or low cost) Housing, January-June 1963, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.592/11, Gaborone, 1963). 202 K. J. Windsor, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Note on High Density Housing, 26 March 1963 (Collected Files, Gaberones Headquarters: High Density (or low cost) Ho using, January-June 1963, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.592/11, Gaborone, 1963). 203 Headquarters Development Sub-Committee, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Minutes of the Headquarters SubCommittee, 17 April 1963 (C ollected Files, Gaberones Headquarters Headquarters Development Sub-Committee Minutes, June 1962-April 1963, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.592/10, Gaborone, 19621963).

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119 Two of the most problematic contradictions surfaced due to the governments insistence on maintaining a city divided by class but not race. First, the goal of a city founded on non-racial principles was at odds with the governments bor rowing of housing models utilized in racist regimes and colonial settings. In 1956, long befo re the decision to relocat e the new capital from Mafikeng was taken, African Housi ng, as it was typically labeled in the files and memos of the period, in places like Gaberones and elsewhere was already consid ered to be an urgent policy matter. One suggested solution to the problem was to house the urban African population in locations of the sort that mi ght be found in the South Africa or Rhodesia. The provision of African housing, the minutes of one meeting read, other than for a small number of domestic servants, is a normal local government responsibility, and usually takes place in what is called a location, a centre of African settlement in a township area, where such settlement, its sanitation and control can be effectively managed. It is obviously more desirable that Africans be decently housed amongst their own fellows than they be huddled together in overcr owded hovels in the insanitary (sic) back-premises of stores and industrial concer ns. There are employees too who do not desire the residence of domestic servants in close proximity to themselves.204 The creation of a separate urban space for th e (African) working populat ion was discussed as being solvable through th e construction of hostels or singl e-family housing units. Although the Europeans considered hostels to be an easy solution to their desire to keep the new capital neat and tidy,205 this option was ultimately rejected due to their failure in Southern Rhodesia and due to the disdain felt towards these residences by the people expected to live in them.206 If hostels, 204 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Minutes from a Meeti ng with the G.S. [Government Secretary], 3 May 1956 (Collected Files, Town Planning Gaberones, 1947-1960 Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.73/2/1 (Folder 1 of 2), Gaborone, 1947-1960). 205 Headquarters Development Sub-Committee, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Minutes of the Headquarters SubCommittee, 17 April 1963. 206 Secretary for Townships, Works and Communications, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Low Cost Housing at Gaberones, 5 April 1963 (Collected Files, Gaberones Headquarters: Hi gh Density (or Low Cost) Housing, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.592/11, Gaborone, 1963).

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120 of the sort tried on the Copperbelt to the north, for example, were not the answer, planning officials looked to the South; to the mines of Kimberly and the suburbs of Johannesburg. Into the 1960s, advice about how to efficiently house th e Tswana urban population was sought from South Africa, including a June1962 trip by the Secretary of Townships, Works and Communications (A.N.W. Matthews) and the Director of Public Works (W.O Davies). In the reports following their return, th e housing estates are described as most depressing; rows upon rows of houses gave no atmosphere to the estates. In Kimberly, the estates were soullesstrees had been ripped out, stand pipes were provided only once every 400 ft.207 A blunter judgment appears in their firstha nd account of the trip: A regrettable feature noted during the visit to the Gove rnment Housing Scheme [in Johannesburg], was the unsightly tin hut additions [emphasis in original] to the standard brick buildings. These shack-l ike constructions must have been sanctioned by the estate managers, but the effect was depressing, and the ultimate result must be the propagation of the evil [emphasis in original] that the Estates were intended to replaceShanty Towns.208 Although the negative assessment provided abov e seems to preclude the possibility of townships of the type populating South Afri cas urban landscape, there remained some ambivalence about the utility of this style of resi dential organization for th e Protectorate. On the one hand, officials were leery of bringing a location system acro ss the border as they did not want to be bothered with its attendant administrative and political difficulties.209 Yet, in a memo written approximately three weeks later, the provision of a satellite township was 207 Headquarters Development Sub-Committee, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Minutes of the Meeting of the SubCommittee of the HQ Developmen t Committee, 9 July 1962. 208 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Visit to JohannesburgMessrs. Matthews and Davies, 18th-21st June 1962 (Collected Files, Housing African Non-Government Employees: Gaberones New Township, 1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.589/9, Gaborone, 1962). 209 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Housing Low Income Group WorkersExtract fr om the Minutes of the Bechuanaland Protectorate Council Meeting held in D ecember 1961 (Collected Files, Housing African NonGovernment Employees: Gaberones New Township, 1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S. 589/9, Gaborone, 1962).

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121 thought to be the optimal way to proceed. The document predicts that because the majority of occupants for many years to come will be semi-t ribalised, and will [therefore] not wish to mix either with the more highly educat ed and paid African or European.210 Due to the tension between the wish not to outright mimic the disc riminatory practices co nducted in South Africa and the unappealingfor the White and Tswana e litesoption of living in close proximity to semi-tribalised Batswana, the construction of low-cost housing in Gaborone ultimately adopted some of the principles and techniques found elsewhere in the region. Against this backdrop, Batswana elites al so cautioned colonial officials against establishing residential townships divided exclusiv ely by race due to the inherent difficulties which would result.211 Whatever the ambiguously termed difficulties referred to in the planning document, the colonial government t oo, found it best to avoid an urban geography officially divided by race. Separation based on th e metrics of economics and class was seen as a much more palatable planning guide. And while unspoken in the official record, it could not have been lost on those engaged in the planning specifically, or the governme nt generally, that if Gaborone were to be divided economically, it was also to be segregated by race. Questions about sanitation, overcrowding and unplanned development in the Protectorates nascent urban areas were bei ng asked as far back as 1952.212 By 1958, one solution thought applicable to the general probl em of unplanned urban development in Bechuanalanda version 210 Department of Public Works, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Low Cost HousingBechuanaland Protectorate, Paper No. 2, 5 April 1962 (Collected Files Entitled, Housing African Non-Government Employees: Gaberones New Township, 1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S. 589/9, Gaborone, 1962). 211 Department of Public Works, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Gaberones, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Southern Africa, Proposed New Capital City, p. 7. 212 Government Secretary, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Savingram from the Government Secretary to: Director of Public Works, Director of Medical Services, Divisional Commissioners North and South, DCs of Gaberones, Francistown, Lobatsi, Ghanzi, 24 January 1952 (Collected Files, Town Planning Gaberones, 1947-1960, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.73/2/1 (Folder 1 of 2), Gaborone, 1947-1960).

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122 of which that was to eventually find itself inserted into the blueprint for Gaboronewas compartmentalizing cities into re gions of high, medium and low cost housing. Even then, in the official correspondence, great care was taken to point out that th ese divisions were matters of money and not of skin color, as the Divisiona l Commissioner in a meeting on the planning for Gaborone, is recorded as emphasizing that the th ree-tiered housing breakdown was suitable for people of differing economic sta ndards, not different races.213 Later, as the doctrine guiding the plans for Gaborone were laid out, these concer ns were more explicitly articulated, although not always clarified. One version of the planning ma nual for Gaborone was able to confidently state for example, that the town plan would not be be holden to any particular social or political or economic ideology, but [be] based at all times upon hard economic and sociological facts.214 Only one page earlier however, the document unwittingly outlines the social and economic ideology on which the town plan was to be founded. The authors mandate, Social and [economic] differentiation exists and is a factor which controls and dictates the development of the town no less than factors of cost, use, climate, topography, etc. They are important factors, intimately related to th e question of residential densities and density zoning, which cannot be properly and intelligen tly considered without a frank realization of social and economic differentiation. An attempt has been made in this plan to grasp firmly all the elements necessary to bring the geographic, economi c, and sociological factors in harmony with human purposes.215 Hierarchies of class and status, in other words, are taken as givens on par with the weather and the unrelenting desert sun. I dont wa nt to be seen as criticizing th e planners too heavily for their failure to vanquish these often-intr actable cleavages or for their in ability to magically conjure an everybody-lets-hold-hands-and-sing societal transformation. Yet it must be pointed out that 213 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Minutes of a Meeting Held in the Courtroom, Gaberones on 20th October 1958, on the subject of the proposed plan for Gaberones Township (Collected Files, Town Planning Gaberones, 1947-1960, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.73/2/1 (Folder 1 of 2), Gaborone, 1947-1960). 214 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Gaberones Township Report, p. 3. 215 Ibid ., p. 2.

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123 their willingness to accept as hard sociological facts, and replicate wholesale, the sharp divides between the elites, whether colonial or Tswa na, and the rest of the urban population had important consequences for the future course of Gaborones spatial, political, social and economic development. Part of the problem facing the government as it settled on a housing policy was a somewhat muddled conception of who would eventual ly inhabit the city. In the plans formative stages, colonial officials dismi ssed the possibility that the cap ital would attract many Batswana. They tended to characterize much of the labo r presence arriving in the city as temporary216 or migratory.217 As a result, there was no real plan for what to do with the poorest and unemployed migrants who might make their home in the city despite the absence of employment opportunities. This planning failure, discussed fu rther in a later chapte r, played out most dramatically in the largely futile efforts to dism antle slums and shanty areas constructed to house people not accounted for in the form al organizational plan for the cit y. Of course, this wasnt an entirely accidental omission, despite th e practical problems it later caused. As outlined earlier, Gaborone was meant to be a modern city inhabited by a modern population. Migrants circ ulating between the urban and the ru ral would disrupt the new kind of life to be practiced in the capital because they would not conform to the behaviors and values the ruling Tswana and colonial elites envisioned to be present in a modern urban citizen. Indeed, a memo written by D.A.T. Atkins, a onetime District Commissioner of Gaberones, suggests that the Batswana permanently inhabiting the new urba n space of the capital would not be typical of 216 P. Hansford, Bechuanaland Protectorat e, Savingram from the Medical Officer of Health (Dr. P. Hansford) to the Member for Townships, Works and Communications, 14 March 1963 (Collected Files, Gaberones Headquarters: High Density (or Low Cost) Housing, First Half of 196 3, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.592/11, Gaborone, 1963). 217 Department of Public Works, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Gaberones Capital Project, p. 14.

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124 those who remained behind in rural areas. Africa ns in Gaborone will inevitably not fall into the normal definition of peasants in this Territory.218 Taking up residence in Gaborone did not merely signify a change in address, but represen ted part of a process of urbanization that culminated in a complete transformation of an in dividuals life. Because they deviated from the linear trajectory presupposed by development or modernist discourse of the period, temporary Africanresidents were deemed unfit for Gaborone living due to the danger of contamination presented by their rural or non-modern ways. In the same way that unemployed migrants we re not granted space in the city, the location of residential housing was simila rly tied to the sort of work done by those who would reside permanently in the capital. The plan for Gaborone identified four broad economic populations who would occupy the city and for whom housing w ould have to be provided: the upper, middle, low paid worker, and lowest paid worker.219 As noted earlier, the fi nal plan for Gaborone called for the residential areas to be divided by a large open-air mall or plaza with the more well to do adjacent to malls northern border and the worki ng classes to the south. It was generally assumed that the lower paid residents of the city should be located within walking distance220 of the areas set aside for industrial useeven if that caused neighborhoods to be situated outside of 218 District Commissioner of Gaberones, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Savingram from District Commissioner of Gaberones (D.A.T. Atkins) to Government Secretary at Mafeking, 9 May 1960 (Collected Files, Crown Lands, Township: from the District Commissioner of Gaberones, 1956-1963, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number DCG. 15/13, Gaborone, 1956-1963). 219 Department of Public Works, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Gaberones Capital Project, p. 14. The distinction between the 2 lowest grades of worker seems to have been determined on the basis of whether or not housing could be provided at economic rates; that is, without some form of government subsidy. 220 Walking distance was considered not to exceed 2 miles. See: Department of Public Works, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Low Cost HousingBechua naland Protectorate, Paper No. 2, 4 May 1962 (Collected Files, Town Planning: Gaberones: New Township 1961-1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.73/3/1-2, Gaborone, 1961-1962).

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125 the borders of Gaborone.221 Ostensibly put forth out of a concern for the convenience of the workers and families who would live in these areas, the expectation that low-paid African laborers would reside in close proximity to the industrial sections of townwhether inside or outside the boundaries of Gaboronehad the adde d effect of controlling the movements and behaviors of the urban poor. Binding the workplace to the homeplace meant that the Batswana working class, especially those thought to be of a more backwards disposition, was to tread a limited path in the urban space of Gaborone, cordone d off from the more respectable and modern parts of town occupied by the administrative and business elite. Furthermore, there were gradat ions underneath the broad labe l of low-cost housing. One suggestion discussed was to divide the Batswana working class into satellite neighborhoods and suburbs whereby the less urbanized workers a nd families could be kept at a distance from the upper classes. A working paper on the topic of housing advised that suburbs closer to the central mall could house employees in the hi gher income groups who have developed their standard of living along the western pattern.222 Conversely, those who have not reached an acceptable standardhowever vaguely definedwoul d be relegated to the urban periphery. Fitting into this spatial schematic, and echoing the colonial tendencies practiced elsewhere in the British Empire, some in the Protectorate considered the maintenance of distance as a measure of the plans success as the objectives of privacy and seclusion were major considerations.223 So much so, in fact, that the high density serv ants quarters situated in the low density areas 221 Windsor, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Note on High Density Housing 26 March 1963. 222 Department of Public Works, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Low Cost HousingBechuanaland Protectorate, Paper No. 2, 4 May 1962. 223 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Savingram from Director of Public Works to the Member for Local Government, Social Services and Commerce, 24 November 1961 (Collected Files, Town Planning: Gaberones: New Township 1961-1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.73/3/1-2, Gaborone, 1961-1962).

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126 would be adequately cordoned off, as this area is, Ray Renew, the chief surveyor advised, well-screened from the surroundi ng area by parks and a school site and [therefore would] have no detrimental effect on the general ch aracter of that particular area.224 However much the plan proclaims the virtues of integration between the working classes and the administrative elites and the races, it seems likely that the neighborhoods housing the African laborers were generally viewed in terms of their utility in supporting th e new capitals operation. Th ey were vital to the functioning of the city, but could otherwise be do ne without. By relega ting African workers to the periphery, the modern, civilized and organized urban core could be better preserved, at least until the Batswana were more fully integrated to the complexities of urban living at some indeterminate point in the future. The privacy and seclusion afforded by re sidential segregati on was supported by the housing density regulations enacted in the new ca pital. In the same document where isolation and privacy was described as important to the achievement of an acceptable residential environment, the Director of Public Works tentatively outlined the e xpected housing densities for Gaborones future neighborhoods. The high cost/low density housing compounds were to be composed of plots between 1-5 acres, while th e highest density neighborhoods were to be made up of between 10-15 single-family dwellings per acre.225 As the plan was refined into 1962 and 1963, the demand for such spacious plots was ta mped down, since domestic spaces modeled after those found in the colonies seemed at odds with the coming of the Protectorates independence. Not only would larger houses be more expensive to maintain and conflict with 224 Ray Renew, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Gaberones Township LayoutScheme B: Survey Branch Submission, 18 May 1962 (Collected Files, Town Planning, Gaberones New Township, 1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.74/1, Gaborone, 1962). 225 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Savingram from Director of Public Works to the Member for Local Government, Social Services and Commer ce, 24 November 1961.

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127 the objective of a compact city, the British advise r Watts asserted, the spreadout of towns of colonial empires are an uncomfo rtable bequest to newly independent peoples, whose standards are inevitably lower than those of the vacating peoples.226 He goes on to advise that the lowest density housing should be no greater than 3 houses per acre. By February 1963, his suggestion was largely hewed to, as low-density housing was set at 2 houses per acre.227 High-density residences for the low paid worker remained a problem in need of a solution up to, as well as following, the completion of Gaborone. Any policy and planning solution for high densit y housing had to deal with a wide variety of issues, ranging from how to most effici ently use the limited space of the city to accommodating the wishes of the Batswana who would live in these plots. Also ever-present in any discussions of the living s ituation of the urban working population was the prospect of lowcost housing areas devolving into slums. The f ear of slumsas a catchall term encompassing disease, sanitation, crime or immoralitywas a constant throughout the planning of Gaborone. Not only was it felt that slum development within the city have a derogatory influence on the life and look of the city, it was also assumed that the presence of slums would prevent the development of urbanized Batswana with the rig ht types of values and behaviors fit for city living. Without deviating from the already set pa rameters dictating that the African population be located near the industrial areas, live in fairly close and cr amped quarters (the figures most often discussed were 8-10 houses per acre), and no t be housed in hostels, Protectorate officials ultimately decided that the single family house was the optimal way to prevent slum development and facilitate the evolution from ru ral African peasant to proper urban citizen. 226 Watts, The Planning of Gaberones, the New Capital for Bechuanaland, p. 4. 227 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Savingram from Acting Director of Public Works to Secretary for Townships, Works and Communications, 20 February 1963 (Collected Files, Gaberones Headquarters: Town Plan, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S. 592/8, Gaborone, 1962-1963).

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128 Following an approach popular in the region du ring this period, det ached houses occupied by some semblance of a Western-style nuclear fa mily were perceived as having transformative capabilities. Not only could hous ing help create stable Victorian family values amongst those who lacked them, but a domestic life modeled afte r the Western pattern would teach principles of capitalism and private property to Batswana by ma king them renters obligated to a private or public landlord, or owner-occupiers of a specific plot of land.228 In this way, workers and their families could be bound to the nascent money-ba sed economy, thus adding another layer to the formal observation and management by the State of Gaborones working population. For a city founded on the imported notions of modernity, deve lopment and a turning away from the past, the private family house as both a preventative measure against the app earance of slums and a visible symbol of Western values could be seen as critically important to the making of Gaborone. As a perfect system of control,229 starting with the child ren, the household became a central front in the development struggle for the hearts and minds of the Batswana working class. By recognizing degrees of low-paid workers, there were accordingly, three degrees of lowcost housing. At a cost of 200 for construction and site development, the upper end of the lowcost range consisted of a 2 or 3 room house that included a verandah, a sheltered outdoor cooking area and services such as roads and street lighting.230 Grade III housing for the poorest residents was to be of minimum standard, and even then, was only allowable under the 228 A. H. Taylor, Aided Self-Help Housing, December 1961 (Collected Files, Town Planning: Gaberones: New Township, 1961-1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.73/3/1-2, Gaborone, 1961-1962). Its worth noting that Taylor was, at th e time, Kenyas Chief Health Inspector. 229 J. B. Robinson quoted in Home, From barrack compounds to the single-family house, p. 338. 230 Department of Public Works, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Low Cost HousingBechuanaland Protectorate, Paper No. 2, 5 April 1962, pp. 2-3.

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129 condition that a Western-style house be bui lt in its place in the near future.231 In keeping with the symbolic and design intentions of the new capital, traditional rondavels constructed without the need for specialized building knowledge and out of readily avai lable materials at next to no cost, just like the temporary migrants to Gaborone who might build them, were considered undesirable, since they would likely fail to co nform to the exacting standards of hygiene and construction outlined by the city planners.232 The decision to forbid people to erect traditional housing in favor of permanent box-like houses common in African urban areas in Rhodesia and South Africa ignored the fact that most people couldnt affo rd such structures. Early on, there was a realization amongst th e planning committees that the government would either have to substantially raise wages or subsidize housing.233 The lack of funds available however, prevented the government from taking either ac tion, which caused severe housing shortages and squatting into the later 1960s and beyond. Du ring the planning, it was estimated that about 11 million would be needed to complete the capital project.234 But as reported in a 1965 New York Times article on the birth of Gaborone, only 7 million in funding was available.235 Stretched thin financially, the 1963/68 Deve lopment Plan notes that only 50,000 was granted to a loan 231 Secretary for Townships, Works and Communications, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Low Cost Housing at Gaberones, 5 April 1963. 232 Bechuanaland Protectorate, HousingLow Income Group Workers, Extract from the minutes of the Bechuanaland Protectorate Council Mee ting, held in December 1961. 233 Headquarters Development Sub-Committee, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Minutes of the Meeting of the SubCommittee of the HQ Developmen t Committee, 9 July 1962. 234 Headquarters Development Committee, Bechuanaland Protect orate, Minutes of the M eeting of the Headquarters Development Committee, Friday 14 Decem ber 1962 (Collected Files, Town Planning: Gaberones: New Township, 1961-1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.73/3/1-2, Gaborone, 1961-1962). 235 New York Times A new life begins in Bechuanaland: Protectorate transforming hamlet into capital, 25 January 1965, p. 80.

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130 program for high-density residential occupants.236 An amount that was nowhere near enough to fund the building of houses or prov ide loans to the peopl e who migrated to the area shortly after the start of the capitals construction. From th e beginning therefore, the towns blueprint calling for neat separation of classes and methodical ur ban development went awry as the government tried to figure out what to do with an unexpected ly large population. A trend that is recurrent into the present, the plans for Gaborone typi cally fail to reflect the needs and on-the-ground circumstances. The fact that there was a r ecognized discrepancy between the need for housing and the money available to provide it, forces us to pa use and ask the question as to why traditional housing was deemed such an unpalatable option. Qu estions of control, as a means to protect both the vision of the plan for Gaborone and th e interests and lifestyles of the Tswana and European administrative elite, were of para mount importance during the formative period of planning and construction. The struggle over th e physical and imaginary space of the capital whether speaking of an idyllic ve rsion of a modern city of the future, the emphasis placed on the location of the poor, or the attempted preventi on of traditional housing becoming a permanent feature of the cityreflects a pa rticular approach and organizati on of power in Gaborone. Why were these housing decisions taken and what did they imply for the broader dynamics of power and politics transmitted through the new urban spaces forged by the capital project? Conclusion You can get a sense of the m otivations opera ting just below the surface of a planning process dominated by Protectorate officials, and the Batswana who advised them, by honing in on the imperatives of obtaining an urban popula tion ordered, organized and legible. The 236 Secretary for Townships, Works and Communications, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Low Cost Housing at Gaberones, 5 April 1963.

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131 blueprints detailing the imaginative and physic al spaces of Gaborone allowed the State to separate the wild from the tamed, the civilized from the backwards, while granting them the hope of directing the populations tran sition to a lifestyle more pala table to Westernized tastes. Indeed, in those descriptions of the plan suggest ing that the least developed Batswana reside on the fringes of the city, moving closer to a priv ileged center only after theyve become suitably urbanized, one can envision Gaborone as a ge ographic representation of the populations Westernization: viewed from above, at the abstract level of the plan, someones level of development could be determined merely by lo cating their address on a map. Achieving this level of knowledge required the carefully regularized placement of people. Conversely, temporary workers and the temporary places they occupied, which were neither permanent nor easily counted, were anathema to the creation of the town new and modern in conception Gaborone was supposed to exemplify. On one level, the planners of Gaborone rec ognized the practical problems of allowing temporary housing to become established in the city. The trouble, w ith unauthorized housing development, one official writes, is that it is always difficult to remove temporary housing. The gradual improvement of temporary housing would be a chancy business in the context of Gaberones, and the only alternative is the bulldozer, which, in these days, always becomes a political weaponthe government versus [emphasis in original] the people. We therefore favour the construction of permanent housing.237 Once these kinds of dwellings become establis hed, in other words, they become exceedingly difficult to remove. True. But the issue of perm anence and the desire not to antagonize residents of a slum points to another reason for the wo rry expended over them. The thinking at the time assumed that people living in slums might be less docile, a bit less amenab le to the virtues of 237 Watts, Letter from Kenneth Watts to Ray Renew of the Department of Public Works in Mafeking, 9 April 1963.

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132 development than those who lived in permanent, if relatively austere, single family houses. Moreover, permanent structures composed of wood, concrete, and metal were more or less immovableurban families couldnt easily move fr om one place to another within the city limits meaning they were essentially rooted to the spot set aside for them by the city authorities. This outcome was not accidental. Maintaining a stable urban citizenry easily incorporated to the formal money economy and efficiently governed was important to Gaborones founders. Some administers no doubt were resigned to the fact that no matter what was planned, there would still be unauthorized housing within the capitals c ity limits. What could be done however, was to plan for this contingency by providing areas with some level of basic services enabling the government to still exercise a degree of observation and supervision.238 A more direct statement of the problem was provided by Dr. P. Hansford, the Medical Officer of Health, who in a 1963 memo about the need for hygiene a nd sanitation controls in Gaborone rightly predicted the inevitability of a larger African population [that] will move to Gaberones whether provision is made for it or not.239 Therefore, he continued, it is better to have [housing] organised [rather] than squatting in the bush and evading the administration. .240 One organizing tactic Dr. Hansford suggests is to employ Tswana supervisors as sanitary inspectors who will possess the authority to administer sa nitation regulations, prevent overcrowding and otherwise evict people who fail to follow the rules.241 238 Secretary for Townships, Works and Communications, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Low Cost Housing at Gaberones, 5 April 1963. 239 P. Hansford, Bechuanaland Protectorat e, Savingram from the Medical Officer of Health (Dr. P. Hansford) to the Member for Townships, Works and Communications 14 March 1963. 240 Ibid 241 Ibid

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133 What these apprehensions, along with the tec hniques discussed or implemented to alleviate them, tells us is that we might be wise to call into question the oft-st ated proclamation that Gaborone was a new kind of city in the region, S ub-Saharan Africa or anyw here else in the postcolonial world. Indeed, as I have shown, the ar chival record suggests ot herwise. In Gaborone during the formative period of its planning and construction, there remains a sharp discrepancy between the public and official rh etoric used to describe the ci ty and the planning schematics and regulations eventually implement ed. Obviously, Protectorate o fficials did not mimic wholesale their apartheid neighbors in the planning of Gaborone but at the same time, their calls to create a new model for urban living in post-colonial Afri ca remained unfulfilled. Instead, the plan for Bechuanalands new capital fell so mewhere between these two extr emes. And although colonial officials didnt aspireat least officially or overtlyto compartmenta lize Gaborone according to race, its decision to divide the living and working spaces of the city along economic cleavages did just that. Over the long-term however, in to the post-colonial pe riod and beyond, the decision to build sharply delineated cla ss identification into the city-s pace had more profound effects for life and politics in Gaborone. This seems particul arly true for a city f ounded on principles of development, Westernization, and civilization: th e starkly constructed rich/poor binary implied in the plans for Gaborone were much more than just being about who had more money in the bank, but rather these generalized categories made a deeper statement about who was an urban citizen fully attuned to the procedures of accep table modern city living. The imaginative and geographic spaces of urban Gaborone became key sites of struggle over who had rightful access to these symbols and ideologies. But as time went on however, and the space one occupied in the urban landscape became a less reliable indica tor of ones position on th e development scale, other factors, such as automobile ownership and ones broader consumption practices, became

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134 important. In mentioning these more contem porary concerns though, Im jumping ahead in the narrative of the chrono logy of Gaborone. Beyond the more abstract tensions and conf licts suggested above, dividing the population of Gaborone according to socio-economic class had the practical effect of helping to protect the post-colonial establishments poli tical and economic interests. Crucially, the new capital, born of colonial planners, adapted and perhaps inadve rtently, adopted, some of the layout principles that appeared in traditional Tswana settlements. Continuity between the past and present, and most importantly, the future, helped legitima te a post-colonial political structure whose paternalism, hierarchy and control strongly echoe d the chiefly power framework of the past. A capital conceived along the supposedly modern tende ncies of class division that privileged the central core of its urba n setting was not the exclusive purview of Western planners. Instead, the design of Gaborone had strong linkages to the look and symbolic intent of a typical Tswana village whereby the chief occupies the geographic a nd symbolic center of so cial and political life while his subjects and serfs radiate outwards to ward the geographic and symbolic periphery. Although certainly not inspired by Tswana cultural practice, the new capital closely hewed to a spatial framework familiar to Batswana. Thes e commonalities provided an easy transition from the chiefly rule of previous eras to that of the BDP, a seculari zed and modern equivalent of the chiefly paternal figure, better suited to govern the post-colonial and pos t-traditional (perhaps neo-traditional is a better term) times upcom ing for the new nation of Botswana. For the foreseeable future, the spaces of Gaborone, a city unexpectantly connected to both its developed future and its traditional past, set the tone for the political, so cial, and economic struggles to occur following the demise of Bechuanaland and the birth of an independent Botswana.

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135 CHAPTER 3 RECLAIMING THE CITY: GABORONES T RANSFORMATION FROM COLONIAL HEADQUARTERS TO POST-COLONIAL CA PITAL DURING THE 1970S AND AFTER The previous chapter documents the ideo logical underpinnings and urban planning processes that produced Botswanas capital city, Gaborone. I descri be how the prejudices, biases and political and economic objec tives of both Bechuanaland Protectorate bureaucrats and influential Batswana elites helped to forge an urban center whose shape and structure would be severely limited in the years and decades after in dependence. Some of th ese planning gaffes and miscalculations, such as the underestimation of Gaborones future populationalthough perhaps we ought not be overly forgiving given the various predictions vast inaccuraciescan be overlooked and even understood. Other flawed pl anning decisions however, such as the near total neglect to make space for, or even acknowledge the likely presence of, non-employed African migrants to Gabor one, are far less excusable.1 Of course though, when considered that Gaborone was designed to be a government-only to wn with a restricted citizenry, the logic behind the failure to prepare for a city composed of a diverse population at least becomes understandable. Apart from these big picture questions of w ho is supposed to live in Gaborone and who isnt, the consequences of pla nning decisions taken from before the grounds were surveyed and staked in the early 1960s are still felt today. Residents of Gaborone live in a city nearly bursting at the seamsand indeed, in many instances, it ha s already surpassed them as Gaborones urban development bleeds into neighboring villages. Land for residential housing is scarce as thousands sit on waiting lists to be allocated for plots, formal state planning processes appear both mysterious to most observers and haphazardly applied, and too many automobiles vie for a 1 These issues are also explored in much greater detail in Chapter 6, which traces the development and transformation of Gaborones first squatter settlement, Old Naledi.

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136 spot on the citys congested road waysthe plethora of crescent shaped streets, cul-de-sacs, and one-way roads that might have been charmingly pleasant in the less-trafficked early days of Gaborone are now a daily source of annoyance and frustration. Barolong Seboni, a local poet and newspaper columnist, captures much of the contemporary ire directed toward Gaborone. Wr iting weekly satirical columns that provide topical political and social comm entaries about life in Botswana in the form of conversations between imagined characters at a local shab een, the Nitty Gritty, in 2004 Seboni turned his farcical eye at the planning of Gaborone. In Se bonis conception, he imagines a trio of British planners camped underneath a tree increasingly intoxicated from an ever-present supply of gin and tonics. How else to explai n, Seboni suggests, the messy and incoherent final product? Of the plans behind the centrally located government enclave for example, Planner 2 advises his fellow planners, Well, whatever you chaps do make sure that the area is small enough to create planning and developmental nightmares in the future, but large enough for massive holes that can be easily abandoned in cases of corruption and mismanagement.2 Joking about the inadequacies of the plan aside, Sebonis writing doesnt mask the serious point he makes, as he takes aim at the inherent divisiveness of the origin al town plan. I quote at length from the first of the pair of columns about Gaborones colonial invention: Planner 2: A cinema? I beg your pardon old chap, what do you need a cinema for in the middle of the bush[?] The natives wont use it! Planner 1: Yes, but the Peace Corps and other European expatriates will. Remember we are planning to put several embassies ar ound this central place [the Main Mall]. 2 Barolong Seboni, Long road to independence, Mmegi 15 October 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/Octob er/Friday15/953987629926.html > (1 August 2007). The hole referred to in this joke is the spot where the Botswana Housing Corporation h eadquarters was supposed to be sited. The location was exacavated, but after the BHCs financial scandals in the 1990s, nothing was built. Th e site was vacant until the new Ministry of Health headquarters was built there in 2005.

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137 Planner 2: We should have a ro ad that runs around this cent ral place and leads nowhere in particular. What do you think number 3? Planner 3: I think its a splendidly super notion to have a road that leads absolutely nowhere. Although you could extend it just a little bit to go into those government buildings we were thinking about. Planner 1: Okay, a road that goes into the government buildings but thats all, no further than that. You dont want the natives driving all over the place aimlessly. Planner 3: Driving? You mean there will actu ally be some natives who will own their own cars apart from the Prime Minister, the embassies and the cabinet?3 The preceding and remaining bits of the dialogue continues along much the same lines. Of course though, Seboni isnt the first to identify the ex clusionary, colonial-inspired urban design that characterized Gabor one in its early days. (Though as sugge sted in the previous chapter, the Batswana leadership assented to, and benefited from, these same designs they were to later criticize.) These critical observations penned in 2004, though colorfully put, certainly arent new. They, along with a variety of others, have been in circulation in one venue or another for nearly as long as Botswana has been independent. A 1971 report commissioned by the government to articulate a vision for the future development of Gaborone states th at one of the primary flaws of the 1963 plan drawn up by former Protectorate offi cials was that the development controls and zoning regulations were unable to efficiently or effectively manage the growth of the new capital.4 Two and a half decades late r, another development plan for Gaborone suggests that one of the great flaws of the origin al design of the city that con tinues to influence contemporary urban infrastructure was the insistence, premised on the prediction that th ere would be few cars 3 Barolong Seboni, Motherless city fathers, Mmegi 8 October 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/Octob er/Friday8/761976391420.html > (1 August 2007). 4 Republic of Botswana, Gaborone Planning Proposals (The Government Printer, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 5340, Gaborone, 1971), p. 18.

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138 traversing Gaborone streets well into the futu re, that human and vehicular traffic remain completely segregated from one another.5 Such are the tone, perspective and voracity of criticisms di rected at the 1963 plan for Gaborone, that they occasionally contradict each other. Commenting on a more expansive view of Gaborone city planning, the authors of th e Department of Town and Regional Plannings (DTRP) 25 year plan for Gaborone conclude that the massive growth of the city has largely occurred against the bac kdrop of the absence of an integrat ed comprehensive development guide for the entire city.6 Written at approximately the same time however, the DTRPs Physical Planning Handbook for Botswana complains that Gaborone, and a number of other urban centers across the country, adhered to a general framework of planning concepts and principles [that] we re European ones, based on cost-recovery, affordability and income segregation. The overall planning concept was technically and economically oriented and not based on social and traditional values.7 Based on what Ive shown about th e early planning of Gaborone in the previous chapter, it seems more likely that the latter evalua tion is closer to summarizing the planning reality. For much of Gaborones history, it is not that the requisite plans a nd regulations have not been in place to shepherd the growth of the city, it is just that they have not always been effectively, competently, or efficiently implemented. Indeed, just five years after independen ce (around 1971), the government of Botswana embarked on a large-scale effort to transform th e organization of urban space across the country, 5 Ministry of Lands, Housing and Environment, Gaborone City Council, Department of Town and Regional Planning, Republic of Botswana, Gaborone City Development Plan (1997-2021) (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 2001), p. 11. 6 Ibid ., p. 1. 7 Department of Town and Regional Planning, Swedeplan, Republic of Botswana, Physical Planning Handbook for Botswana (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 1997), p. 19.

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139 Gaborone included, as they tried to rectify the urban polarizati on of residential neighborhoods inherited from the Protectorate era. Maundeni, for example, notes that urban segregation during the independence period stemmed largely from th e type of employment in which a person might be involved; lower level government officials an d staff were housed sout h of the Main Mall in places like White City and Bontle ng, while the upper echelon bureaucrats occupied residences north of the Main Mall.8 While this is true, it ignores a critical aspect of this form of segregation: Maundeni dismisses the racial and social components that factored into urban planning during this period. As demonstrated at length in Chapter 2, the economic segregation favored by, and advocated for, colonial planners was synonymous with raci al segregation, a fact which Protectorate officials and Tswana elites could not but have been well aware. This correlation between race and class served a dual purpose. On the one hand, it allowed whites to remain largely separate from the Batswana masse s, while also enabling Tswana authorities to maintain the social and spatial distance from th eir subordinates that ch aracterized the spatial arrangement of Batswana villages. To many observers, the presence of such bl atant polarization across the urban landscape, fractured along racial and economic lines, seemed at odds with Botswanas claim that the newly independent nation represented something new, ex emplified a departure from the usual ways of operating that typified southern Africa during this era of White-dominated rule. In a 1975 speech to Parliament, BDP MP for Gaborone, Willie Seboni, summed up these concerns. Stating: There is something basically and radically wrong with our Housing Policy especially for Low Cost Houses. It is my be lief that our policy as far as Low Cost Houses are concerned is pregnant with Colonial unde rtones and hang-overs and I thi nk we have only ourselves to 8 Zibani Maundeni, Mapping Local Democracy in Gaborone City (Botswana Association of Local Authorities and Friedrich Ebert Foundation, Gaborone, 2004), p. 14.

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140 blame [though] I think I should be fair w ith our Government that White City possibly was the design of our Colonial Masters. But I think that now that we are in a position to shape our own destiny, it is the time that we sh ould correct anomalies which we feel are a thorn in the flesh.9 Opposition MP P. G. Matante of the Botswa na Peoples Party concurs by saying, When imperialists build houses for [Africans] they th ink in terms of a compound. Now this idea of a compound house should no longer be accomm odated in our democratic state.10 Across the board then, it was generally ag reed that the housing situati on in Gaborone was a serious, widespread problem in need of a solution. What emerged out these discussions was a po licy of mixed density housing that sought to integrate Botswanas urban spaces first in terms of race, and then later, in terms of socioeconomic status. The mixed density scheme wa s portrayed as a contem porary application of what were viewed as traditional Tswana values and cultural traits. To understand this postcolonial housing policy, we must firs t explore the values that underpin it. It is to these we now focus our attention. Principles with which to Build a Nation It has been a well-docum ented (see Chapter 1) fact that Botswanas infrastructure, economy, and social services, along with pretty well everyt hing else, at the time of independence, were at best, under-funded and at worst, non-existent. Long neglected by the Protectorate government, development in Bechua naland was determined to be not worth the 9 Republic of Botswana, National Assembly: Official Repo rt (Hansard 54): First Meeting of the Second Session of the Third Parliament, Sittings from 24th November to 5th December, 1975 (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 1975), pp. 57-58. In the same speech Seboni goes on to describe what, precisely, was the matter with the low cost housing available in Gaborone, adding: If one takes a look at our houses in our villages, it is striking to discover that the average home consists of about two to five houses depending on the size of the family. [In White City however] one finds that our people are denied privacy. Those little houses at White City consisting of two rooms, take a man whose children are big enough now to be students in the Gaborone secondary school who all to themselves occupy a small little hut with two rooms and you need only to scratch yourself as a parent, and all the children wake up in the next room. 10 Ibid ., p. 60.

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141 bother or the money. Why appr opriate a budget, the colonial accountant in London might well have thought, only to invest in a sparsely populated, African desert backwater? Indeed, according to the recollections of Peter Wass, who was appointed Social Welfare Officer for the whole of the Protectorate in th e early 1960s, the provision of soci al services by the Protectorate had been, up until that point, restricted to th ree areas: funding the Scouts and Guides program, managing the Soldiers Benefit Fund for permanently injured or destitute Batswana veterans of the Second World War, and maintaining a mob ile cinema van that traversed the country.11 There was then, amongst Botswanas soon-to-be post-inde pendence leaders, the palpable sense that not only were they constructing a democratic state, but that they were also building from scratch everything else too; the basic, constituent partsroads, schools, industrythat compose a nation. Reflecting this upward trajectory of efforts to raise Botswana from the ground, the graphic symbol of the ruling Botswana Democratic Party has been, since its inception, the image of a car jack.12 Adhering even today to the effect ive symbolism of the automotive tool conveying practicality, sturdiness, stability, strengththe BDPs supporters often simply referred to the party by the jack s Afrikaans name, Domkrag. 11 Peter Wass, Initiatives to promote civil society in Botswana in the late 1960s: a personal memoir, Botswana Notes and Records 36 (no date), p. 75. 12 Botswana Democratic Party, Raising a Nation: Botswana Democratic Party: 1962-2002: Commemorative Brochure (Front Page Publications, Gaborone, 2002), p. 19. The Commemorative Brochure suggests also that the adoption of the symbol might have been accidental, presenting the possibility that some supporters would cry domkrag at rallies, being unable to properly pronounce d emocratic. Another writer suggests however, that the similarity between democracy and d omkrag was intentionally played up party supporters. See: Jan-Bart Gewald, El Negro, El Nio, witchcraft and the absence of rain in Botswana, African Affairs 100 (2001), p. 558. Being present during the time, Vice-President, and later Botswanas second President Quett Masire perhaps provides the most authoritative version of the Domkrag appellation. Masire says that the name was originally intended as an insult, used by P.G. Matanteleader of the opposition Botswana Peoples Party. Domkrag in its literal translation means stupid power. Mr. Matante said: Those fellows are just stupid power Domkrag making fun of the word democratic in our partys name. But, it was appea ling to us, since we knew it was an object that everybody in the country recogised, and they knew what function it performed. Domkrag is used to lift up ( tsholetsa ) an oxwagon; and we were going to lift up th is country! So, our slogan became: Tsholetsa! Domkrag See: Quett Ketumile Joni Masire, Stephen R. Lewis Jr. (ed), Very Brave or Very Foolish?: Memoirs of an African democrat (MacMillan Botswana Publishing, Gaborone, 2006), p. 51.

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142 Accompanying this broadly conceived Horatio Alger style ethic of pulling a nation up from off the mat were a set of national princi ples, descended from what were said to be traditional Tswana values and cultural norms, and were to guide the development of Botswana into her post-colonial independence. These pr inciples were primarily devised by a trio of Botswanas most influential founding fathersSe retse Khama, Quett Ma sire and Moutlakgola Nwako.13 From their earliest invention, they were invoked in speeches, pa rty politics, national development plans and all the while, were used as rallying points around which Botswana could grow its nascent na tional identity. Seretse Khama lays out the general model for Botswanas development in the Transitional Plan for Social and Economic Development written to map the transf ormation from Protectorate to independent state. For example, in the pr eface to the document, Khama writes that even though at independence Botswana is beyond doubt one of the poorest nations in Africa, it remains the primary aim of the Government to take all steps necessary to create a strongly united nation, to overcome all parochial, tribal or racial rivalries and to make clear to the whole world our determination to preser ve the territorial integrity an d sovereign independence of our country.14 Khama concludes by urging all Batswana to take responsibility for the growth of their country: the energies of the nation must now be devoted to the economic and social development of the country. The Transitional Plan sets out in much detail what has to be done. Every Motswana must play his part.15 Soon after President Khama laid out Botswanas governing ethos in generic terms, these national goals coalesced into f our overarching national 13 Email communication with Sandy Grant and Quill Hermans, 21 July 2007. 14 Republic of Botswana, Transitional Plan for Social and Economic Development (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 1966), p. 1. 15 Ibid ., p. 1.

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143 principles. Former President Masire says of the simple motivation behind these national principles in his autobiography many years later, We knew what we wanted; and from observing other countries, we knew what we wanted to avoid.16 Framed as values intrinsic to Tswana culture that were adapted to fit a mode rn, post-colonial context, all government policies were therefore to be founded on principles of: democracy ( puso ya batho ka batho), development ( ditiro tsa ditlhabololo ), self-reliance ( boipelego ), and unity ( popagano ya sechabe).17 This four-pronged framework was conceived so as to influence everything from rural development and education policy to the de-em phasis of tribal identifications and authority structures. And while meant to be applied generally to th e entire nationthey were something that all Batswana could get behind and supportit is wort h noting that almost immediately they adopted a partisan tinge, as the BDP sought to claim them and the universal values they represented, for explicitly political purpo ses. In a political environment dominated by the BDP, party elites sought to make Botswanas national principles synonymous with the ruli ng party. This clever discursive turn subtly sent th e message that to support the BD P was to support Botswana, while to oppose the BDP meant that one rejected democracy or d evelopment. As then Vice President Masire said in a speech give n before the party faithful at the 9th annual BDP conference in the village of Mole polole in 1970, the BDP prefers to use words which immediately convey a clear meani ng. Let us talk in terms that we can all easily understand. The BDP is a national party dedicated to national unity and democracy, to development and self-reliance. We must therefore, be concerned to follow policies 16 Masire, Very Brave or Very Foolish? p. 49. 17 Ministry of Finance and Development Planning, Republic of Botswana, National Development Plan 1976-1981 (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 1977), p. 15.

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144 which promote the wellbeing of all the people an d not just of a few of the people. We are a party of the common man.18 Today, beyond representing co-opted slogans us ed in the practice of electoral party politics, the number of national symbols has been added to, and their usage expanded. The fifth national principle is Botho. According to the Vision 2016 project that articulates Botswanas utopian society to be attained by the time of the nations 50th birthday,19 Botho refers to one of the tenets of African culturethe concept of a person who has a well-rounded character, who is well-mannered, courteous a nd disciplined, and realis es his or her full potential both as an indivi dual and as a part of the community to which he or she belongs.20 Elsewhere, the government of Botswanas inte rnet homepage explains the responsibilities incumbent on each citizen in order to fully adhere to the principle of Botho : Botho as a concept must stretch to its utmost limits the largeness of the spirit of all Batswana. It must permeate every aspect of our lives, like the air we breath [sic], so that no Motswana will rest easy knowing that another is in need.21 The concept of Botho is nowadays invoked to variously govern the conduct of candidates running for elected office,22 the implementation of the nations HIV/AIDS policy,23 and the direction of Botswanas economic development.24 Taken together, these 18 Sir Seretse Khama, Dr. Q. K. J. Ma sire, and A. M. Dambe, Development in Botswana: Speeches by Sir Seretse Khama, Dr. Q. K. J. Masire and Mini ster of Agriculture Mr. A. M. Dambe (The Government Printer, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 2121, Gaborone, no date), p.2. 19 Among the stated goals for the project are for Bots wana to be an educated and informed nation, a compassionate and caring nation, and a moral and tolerant nation. 20 Republic of Botswana, A Long Term Vision for Botswana : Towards Prosperity for All (Gaborone, no date), p. 5. The full text is available at < http://www.vision2016.co.bw > (4 August 2007). 21 Republic of Botswana. Government homepage accessed August 7, 2007. Available at: http://www.gov.bw/index.php?option=com_ content&task=view&id=14&Itemid=79 22 Daily News, The academic worldBotho as an ingridinet (sic) of elections, 22 October 2004 < http://www.gov.bw/cgi-bin/news.cgi?d =20041022&i=THE_ACADEMIC_WORLD__BOTHO_AS_AN_INGRIDINET_OF_ELECTIONS > (1 August 2007). 23 Botswana-Harvard AIDS Institute, Ethics: the concept of Botho, Botswana-Harvard AIDS Institute Quarterly 1 1 (2003), p. 3 < http://www.hsph.harvard.edu/bhp/news_publications/quarter1_2003.pdf> (30 July 2007).

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145 principles are to lead to the attainment of Kagisano, or social harmony,25 an ethic that one observer has gone so far as to label it the national philosophy of Botswana.26 Why take the time to mention these principl es? From the beginning of Botswanas postcolonial politics and history they have ostensib ly formed the basis of policy implementation. The emphasis on abstract concepts such as unity, harmony, egalitarian development point the way to an explanation about why the government of Botswana promoted efforts to facilitate a non-racial, non-polarized economy and society, in cluding the issue at interest here: the reorganization of the post-colonial city. Take for example, the issue of unequal resour ce distribution. Recogni zing the historical and cultural durability of income inequality, the Transitional Plan cited a few pages earlier states in the section outlining eventual economic and soci al goals that a more equitable distribution of wealth in Botswana is a long-term objective.27 Similarly, in the speech before the party faithful in Molepolole, Vice-President Masire elabor ates on the structural inequities persistent in Botswana: We all know that much of the cattle wealth in the country is concentrat ed in the hands of a few. However undesirable this is it is not a new feature of our society. It has been so for 24 The Vision 2016 document states that all economic growth must adhere to five social, moral and political principles implied by Botho Development in accordance with Botho must avoid: jobless growth, voiceless growth, ruthless growth, rootless growth [meaning that all ethnic groups should benefit], futureless growth. See: Republic of Botswana, A Long Term Vision for Botswana, pp. 47-48 < http://www.vision2016.co.bw > (4 August 2007). 25 Ibid ., p. 5. The adoptation of a more skeptical take on the notion of Kagisano offers a different perspective. The emphasis on unity and social harmony as a national ethic has a useful political function supportive of the established hierarchies and the continued political dominance of the ru ling Botswana Democratic Party. Requiring unity of opinion has as much to do with the subtle repression disobedience, raising questions to authority, or supporting opposition parties, as much as it does with obtaining commun ity integration and social tolerance, for example. The BDP has quite successfully frame d vocal, critical analysis of the status quo as obstructing Kagisano, as illmannered, as opposing Batswana values and as, therefore, something to be avoided. 26 Koketso Jeremiah, Junior Secondary School Students Recognition of Kagisano/Social Harmony, the National Philosophy of Botswana (Florida State University, unpublished PhD dissertation, 2005), p. 10. 27 Republic of Botswana, Transitional Plan for Social and Economic Development, p. 6.

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146 a long time in the past. But in the past, our people had over the years evolved a social system in which the rich shared the use of th eir wealth with the less fortunate members of society. If we cannot main tain these and perhaps devel op them to fit in with the aspirations of a modern society, then we must evolve new syst ems which are fair and just. The BDP wishes to see great disparities in wealth reduced.28 And even into the early 1980s, the redistribution of wealth to create a more harmonious state that achieved some semblance of soc ial justice required that all citizens should benefit from the nations development.29 Of course though, even casual observers of Botswanas current economy recognize that these goals, however noble, have fallen well short of their targets. It is probably fair to wonder, as I do, just how genuine these objectiv es were from the onset: was it ever likely that those occupying the upper brac kets of politics and economics would willingly, not to mention radically, alter the structural circumstances that allowed them to proffer such lofty goals in the first place? These utopian aspirations were perhaps best left on paper. And indeed as we will see below, the government of Botswana today, has in some sense backed away from populist suggestions that society be completely restructured. Favori ng instead, generalized optimism that by 2016, Income will be distributed equitably. [and] Poverty will have been eradicated. .30 With this bit of foreshadowing, Im getting ahead of myself We will return to this point shortly. Up to now, we have examined two seemingl y divergent things: first, the problems and flaws of Gaborone in the years immediately following its completion. And second, the meaning and application of Botswanas so-called nationa l principles. In the upcoming sections, these 28 Khama et al., Development in Botswana, pp. 2-3. 29 Ministry of Finance and Development, Republic of Botswana, National Development Plan 1976-1981, pp. 16; 19. 30 These proclamations have been well-publicized and can be found in a variety of venues. In this case, Ive taken them from the section dealing with Vision 2016 on the Government of Botswanas homepage. Available at: Republic of Botswana, Vision 2016 Homepage < http://www.gov.bw/index.php?option=com_ content&task=view&id=14&Itemid=79 > (1 August 2007).

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147 themes will converge, as we see how they were used to justify government interventions to transform urban space in first Francistown, then Gaborone. Changing themor at least trying tofrom cities polarized by race a nd class into egalitarian, mixed urban locations in which these sorts of cleavages were to be planned out of existence. Fish out of Water: An Apartheid City in a non-Apartheid State The m ethod used to integrate Botswanas urban centers relied on large-scale state interventions that sought to redirect the organization of urban space acro ss the countrys cities and towns. Perhaps inspired by Botswanas nati onal principles and th e ethics of living and citizenship compelled by the concept of Kagisano, Seretse Khama is credited with demanding the reordering of urban space in Botswana so as to counteract an urban geography riven by class and racial divisions. The oft-circulated legend describing the genesis of the idea for mixed density housing development claims that the policy was prompted by Khamas living in the overwhelmingly white neighborhood north of th e Main Mallderisively nicknamed Little Englandin Gaborone.31 While this might be the case for Gaborone as it outgrew the inhibiting skin of its original colonial plan and expanded into farmland adjacent to the towns borders, it did not represent the firs t efforts to radically alter an urban landscape. For that, we must turn our attention northward, to Francistow n, the oldest town in Botswana. Before, though, we briefly32 look at the specific case of Francistown, one final wo rd about the principles involved in the mixed density housing policy. 31 Department of Town and Regional Planning, SwedePlan, Republic of Botswana, Physical Planning Handbook for Botswana, p. 20. 32 The history and politics of Francistown is both fascinatin g and complicated, worthy of its own dissertation project. The upcoming discussion of the city then, can not be much more than cursory. It is though, necessary, since it with regards to Francistown that the ideology and specific regulations embodied in the mixed density housing scheme are most fully elaborated. The policies attempted in Gaborone amount to an imported variation of those tried in Francistown.

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148 In broad terms, why was a mixed density housing policy deemed necessary, and what specifically did it mean conceptually and prac tically? We can glean some sense of the motivations behind this approach from a much later government appraisal of the role and function of urban planning. The handbook writt en by members of the Botswana planning bureaucracy and their Swedish advisors in an effo rt to standardize the practice of urban planning in Botswana employs a medical metaphor to describe the relationship between the planner and the community in which s/he works: A community can be compared to a living body; all the necessary parts, like bones and muscles must be present and in the correct orde r. But the organism must also have life, and in the case of town planning, if the peopl e who use the roads, parks, buildings etc. do not have their needs satisfied, there will be at best, a very defective life for that community.33 Planners as doctors of spaceto employ Lefebvr es appellationare vital to keeping a city and its inhabitants well. To extend the imager y a bit further then, a city fractured by race and class divisions is sick, and in need of a cure It was precisely the feeling that there was something wrong or dysfunctionaldown to the i nvocation of a similar health metaphor or judgments about what is normal or abnormal in an urban settingwith Botswanas towns in the years immediately after independence. For ex ample, this excerpt from a government housing report about the consequences of statesubsidization of expatriate housing: It was submitted to the Commission that special housing for expatriates had serious social implications. Big expatriates (sic) houses were built in exclusive residential areas. The location of these houses helped to isolate e xpatriates from Batswana and did not expose them to normal non-formal contacts. Conse quently, segregated living arrangements bred suspicion, contempt, and complexities. This situation can be the cause of social unrest.34 33 Ibid ., p. 3. 34 Republic of Botswana, Report of the Presidential Commission on Housing Policy in Botswana (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 1981), p. 31.

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149 Speaking more generally about housing policy, the National Development Plan covering the years 1976-1981 statesunder the subheading, Social Harmony: Although economic development is an important ai m, it is not a totall y exclusive one. The prevention of polarization, social or economic, is essential in maintaining the social health of urban areas, and to some extent this qualifi es the insistence on cost effectiveness. Urban expansion projects will be planned so as to avoid the physical separation of socioeconomic groupsall groups within an area using common commercial and community facilities.35 While the government lauded the practical effects of a mixed-density housing policy, viewing it as the best way to bring urban infrastructuree lectricity, water, garbag e collection, etc.to all income levels, rather than limiting these services to the enclave areas occupied by upper income citizens, the emphasis was clearly on transfor ming the social landscape achieved via a spatial compression of urban geography. Indeed, the authors of the Nationa l Development Plan immediately preceding the one cited above list ed the elimination of social and economic disparities the number one objec tive of urban policy during this period. The report states, Future development must not promote, and s hould if possible reduce, polarization between people of different races and income groups. Fu ture town planning will have this as one of its main objectives, and will therefore mi x areas of different types of housing.36 Though no doubt sounding good and noble when exchanged across a Ministrys boardroom table, these ideas were far trickier and complicated when confronted with murkier onthe-ground realities. How, to state the problem bluntly, do yo u make people get along? How does geographic proximity evolve into community in tegration? Even at the time, the potential difficulties and limitations were noted by the planners charged with making these transformations happen. The consultants charged with planning the second phase of Gaborones 35 Ministry of Finance and Development Planning, Republic of Botswana, National Development Plan 1976-1981, p. 90. 36 Ministry of Finance and Development Planning, Republic of Botswana, National Development Plan 1973-1978: Part I: Policies and Objectives (The Government Printe r, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 2085, Gaborone, 1973), p. 74.

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150 development note that their ability to accomplis h the governments set goal is likely beyond the scope of urban planning. They write, The chief political aim of planning the towns is that [of] non racial development. This raises the problem of the extent to which pe ople from different races and classes can be mixed together in a housing layout. This is particularly intractable for physical planning, as the form and layout of a housing area in them selves can do very little to further the achievement of this aim; it is mainly a question of social attitudes and behaviour.37 Despite these obvious obstacles, in order to retain Botswanas self-proclaimed reputation as a non-racial state and avoid charges of hypocrisy or a double-standard, something had to be done. The need to act was made especi ally urgent in light of the co ntinued problems in Francistown, a town cloven by racial segregation since its incep tion. It is here where we can explore the motivations and intentions behind the mixed de nsity housing policy init iated by the Botswana governmentthe why of the matter. Though, hope fully by now it should be clear how these efforts neatly complement, and indeed, are perhaps demanded by, the nations founding principles and their accom panying governing ethic of Kagisano. Much has been made, both inside and out, of Botswanas national non-racial experimentations. To those most closely tied to Botswanas transition to independence, its nonracialism was, perhaps, the most important comp onent of its move to self-governance. In a speech given to the attendees of the annual meeting of the Afri can Studies Association in 1965, Seretse Khama went through the socio-economic difficulties facing what was still then Bechuanaland, but concluded his ta lk, to a standing ovation, on a more hopeful note. I present gloomy facts, he said, But the picture I would prefer to leave with you is one of a nation which does need international assistance, but happens to play a useful part in world affairs. Bechuanaland has nothing material to offer others, but I believe our efforts to create a non-racial 37 Republic of Botswana, Gaborone Planning Proposals, p. 148.

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151 society can provide inspiration to others with the same problems.38 Hope, then, was to be the nations greatest export, a form of curre ncy with which to en gage the world. The challenge of this vision offered by Khama in his visit to the United States was how to translate this message into tangible changes in be havior and comportment. Because, despite the lofty rhetoric, not all was well in terms of Bots wanas race relations. These cleavages extended to broadly painted suggestions of African inferi ority, such as appeared in the state published magazine, Kutlwano whose English translation, Mutual U nderstanding, carries more than a tinge of irony in this instance. An info-tainment piece providing some trivia and history on railroading in Africa proclaims that the story of the coming of the railway from South Africa through Bechuanaland to Rhodesia is the story of our country. However problematic that statement is, it is immediately followed by more overtly racist concluding lines: Elsewhere in Africa we have only got to look at the spiked lines on the maps, which represent railways in almost every country, to see that without the railways this would be a land of ignorance and savagery now waiting for air travel to reach the unawakened lands. Everywhere the railways have carried in men, and machines, and wealth, and knowledge and light.39 Reflective of the fact that the discriminatory attitude noted above was not an isolated occurrence in Botswana is the fact that most, if not all, of the sporting and social clubs in operation dur ing the Protectorates twilight years either implicitly (via informal membership practices: e.g. Gaberones Sports Club, Mahalapye Club, Palapye Sports Club, Maun Sports Club, among others) or explicitly restricted their membership to Whites only in the writing of their club constitution (Francistown Club, 38 Bechuanaland Daily News Prime Minister addresses African Studies Association in U. S. A., 2 November 1965, p. 1. 39 Pat Charlton, Did you know?, Kutlwano 2 4 (April 1963), pp. 4-5.

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152 Mahalapye Railway Recreation Club).40 In response to these racia lly exclusive social clubs, the government exerted pressure on their membership to get them to change th eir ways. Failing that, they threatened to close them downthis was es pecially true of the r ecalcitrant Francistown Club, whose continued obstinacy was viewed as cap able of disrupting the efforts of the many people of all races who have loyally tried, and ar e trying, to remove from Bechuanaland a feature which has caused distress and disturbance elsewhere.41 Parallel to the top-down efforts, progressive elitesboth bl ack and white, and specifically th e former Protectorate economist Quill Hermans and the Motswana politician Gobe Matenge42sought to create new social clubs with an open membership. The most famous exam ple of these efforts to carve a new non-racial space into the city is Gaborones Notwane Club. Creating an alternative site to the Gaberones Sports Club was seen as imperative for a new town trying to break free of the usual segregationminded colonial legacies.43 To this end, the Notwane Club was a marked success, as it supplanted the Gaberones Sports Club as the hub of elite interaction in the new capital. Even so, whatever its achievements at racial integration and tolera nce, its impact was inevitably limited. By focusing solely on f acilitating interaction between Gaborones new movers and shakers, it excluded the vast majority of Batswana residents who were neither economically well-off nor particularly influentia lthus replicating the same problems inherent 40 For a fuller description of the governme nts efforts to deal with the issue of race and social clubs, see: Racial Discrimination Select Committee, Bechuanaland Protectorat e, (Collected Files, Raci al Discrimination Select Committee, 19 February 1963-23 Decembe r 1964, Botswana National Archives File Reference Number S.591/1, Gaborone, 1963-1964). 41 Extracted from a letter written to the Francistown Club by the Senior Officer, Ministry of Home Affairs, 23 December 1964. The full letter is ava ilale in the files of the Racial Discrimination Select Committee. 42 For further reading, Richard Werbners 2004 book provides a detailed biographical perspective on Matenges life and political career, especially chapters 8 and 9. See: Richard Werbner, Reasonable Radicals and Citizenship in Botswana: The public anthropology of Kalanga elites (Indiana University Press, Bloomington, IN, 2004). 43 Wass, Initiatives to promote civil society in Botswana in the 1960s, pp. 79-80; Masire, Very Brave or Very Foolish? pp. 81-82.

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153 in the overall layout of Gaborone: the upper echelons of society were fairly well integrated, not so much however, as one moved down the socioeconomic ladder. More on this later, as the mixed density housing policy is eventually deployed to combat these fissures. Before the socioeconomic segregation could be rectifiedor at least, an attempt made to do sothe more immediate problem of racial segregation needed to be addressed. And for this, the government needed a broader policy to achieve its non-racial aims that extended beyond the narrow confines of white-only social clubs, a holisti c approach that tackled the entirety of a particular space. It is here that we can reintroduce the policy of mixed de nsity housing. The most egregious example of segregation during the early period of Botswanas postindependence history was to be found in the north eastern urban center of Francistown. The first public volley in the effort to realign the space of Franci stown into correspondence with Botswanas non-racial reputati on and national principles was fired by then Vice-President Masire in a May 1971 speech to the towns resident s. His presence in Francistown, he remarked, was to bring attention to the fact that Govern ment was extremely dissatisfied by the lack of progress in integrating the town.44 Masire explained to his audien ce that while he couldnt force people to be friends or associate in privat e, the government couldand wouldremove the structural impediments (e.g. customer service, employment opportunities, etc) that were until then precluding racial equality in public. To do this, Masire asked citizen s in Francistown to ask themselves what kind of city they wished to occupy. Telling them, A town does not only consist of the land and buildings constructed on such land. A town is essentially a community that lives and works in it, and it is this aspect of community relationships that I wish to speak 44 Quett Ketumile Joni Masire, Speech by the Honora ble Q.K.J. Masire, Vice-President of Botswana, to Francistown Residents on the 17th May, 1971 (Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 6785, Gaborone, 1971).

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154 about this morning because it is fundamental to the kind of town that we in Botswana are determined to have.45 Later telling them one way or anot her change is coming, so as to make Francistown a better, more integrated and fairer pl ace for all its citizens regardless of their colour or social standing.46 Approximately three months later, Masire a ddressed Parliament to announce that nothing had improved in Francistown. And that in fact his speech served only to increase hostility amongst the towns white population, noting that t he vast majority have either dragged their feet or have adopted delibera tely unhelpful, truculent, and even provocative, attitudes.47 To fix the problem in Francistown, Masire announced that the government would implement a wide array of regulations, laws and planning interven tions to force change amongst the population, both there and across Botswana. In describing the urgency of the circumstances, he suggests that to do nothing equates to dooming Botswanas future: We are dealing today with an issue which is inextricably bound up with Botswa nas national principles and obj ectives. If we fail to apply these in Francistown, and ind eed through the country the very foundations of our non-racial democracy will be undermined.48 Masires strong words voiced in the public forum of the Parliamentary floorand subsequently made even more visible by th e speechs printing and distribution by the governmentcreated quite a stir in the days af ter it was delivered. In the same session of Parliament, for example, the issue of unequal or discriminatory treatment of white employers 45 Ibid 46 Ibid 47 Republic of Botswana, Community Relations in Botswa na, with Special Reference to Francistown: Statement Delivered to the National Assembly by his Honour the Vice-President Dr. Masire on Monday 13th of September 1971 (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 1971), p. 1. 48 Ibid ., p. 1.

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155 towards their African employees was taken up. The nationalist, generally anti-white minority parties took these official revelations as an oppor tunity to attempt to raise public ire against whites and the ruling BDP said to be enabling their behavioropposition MP Tshane derisively labels their supposedly willful ignorance, Domkrag ostrich psychology.49 The most vocal critic, being P. G. Matante of the Botswana Peoples Party, who attacked the government for being so lenient, only taking a cosmetic action, threaten[ing] one little town where there [are] about three culprits when th e discrimination and double-standa rds exist everywhere: Look if an African commits a small offence at Naledi, you get the whole police station there to go and arrest one black who has committed no serious cr ime. But a white man can get away with murder.50 From the other side, white MP and BD P treasurer Ben Steinberg advocated for a more cautious approach. Urging that if Francistow n needed to be dealt with, that was one thing, but it was quite another to indiscriminately go hunting for white people which would cause outsiders to note that once Ba tswana people are in power they chase out the whites. Whatever actions the government takes, Steinberg said that they must tread carefully, since the whole world is watching: Botswana is a shop window of Africa today.51 In the end, Botswana didnt embark on a ra cial witch-hunt or re verse discrimination befitting their reputation for pragmatism, the BDP st eered a moderate course. Yet, even so, the option decided uponremaking the city of Francist own, and shortly thereaft er, Gaborone to be a more inclusive spacewas still, both then and in retrospect, a fairly ra dical policy decision. 49 Republic of Botswana, National Assembly Official Report (Hansard 38): Second Session (Second Parliament) Fourth Meeting: Sittings from 13th to 22nd September, 1971 (The Government Printer, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 1903, Gaborone, 1971), p. 157. 50 Ibid ., p. 123. 51 Ibid ., p. 209.

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156 The general experience of urban settings in Botswana during its existence as a British controlled Protectorate isnt that much different from other nations in the regionthe few urban centers present in Bechuanaland during the early and middle decades of the 20th century were divided along racial lines. Indeed, the Motswa na historian Rodgers Mole fi has concluded that Colonial Bechuanalands townships were founde d on racial segregation and were much like those in South Africa.52 Francistown, however, was different than other places in Botswana, since it was owned and operated by the privatel y held Tati Companyit was its own largely autonomous city-state within the territory of the Protectorate. Becau se Francistown was a company town the Tati Company could create, ad minister and enforce its own laws and urban planning arrangements. Initially founded as a boom town to take advantage of the discovery of gold in the region, by the mid-1880s the mineral vein had dried up and the towns European citizenry redirected their efforts to broader business and trading opportunities.53 It was around this timethat the Tati Concession and Mi ning Exploration Company Limited acquired sweeping rights from the local Ma tabele ruler, Chief Lobengula, who granted the Tati Company not only mineral rights and concessions, but also the power to enact laws for the peace, order and good government of the Tati district.54 Without detailing the fu ll history of growth and development in Francistown under the authority of the Tati Company, it is sufficient to say that the Tati Company had strict rules on the books governing the conduct and living arrangements of its African population that were in effect well into the 1960s. Th is isnt to say though, that these rules were effective or enforced, since, for example, although African s were forbidden from 52 Rodgers Keteng K. Molefi, A Medical History of Botswana: 1885-1966 (The Botswana Society, Gaborone, 1996), p. 87. 53 Ibid ., p. 99. 54 Ministry of Local Government and Lands, Republic of Botswana, Francistown: Planning Proposals (The Government Printer, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 4500, Gaborone, 1970), p. 10.

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157 establishing permanent residence in Franci stown, this regulation was never seriously implemented in practice.55 Instead, the Africans who moved to the area constructed their own slum residential areas roughly de marcated by the railway line a nd the Tati RiverTati Town, Blue Town, Somerset, etcthat were tolerated so long as they remained spatially distinct from the White areas.56 And, too, much like apartheid cities elsewhere, there were special areas set aside for mixed-race citizens residing in Francistown.57 Pushing the chronology forward into a mo re contemporary period, Francistown has retained aspects of its previous colonial, segregationist herita ge. In an ethnography of urban space and symbolism in late s, early s, Fran cistown, van Binsbergen notes that while there is more intermingling than in the past, reside ntial and business areas, dow n to the street signs affixed to the signposts in neighborhoods with a heavy white concentrat ion, the city remains racially divided.58 Van Binsbergen for example, notes that even as public spaces have been desegregated in Francistown, Whites and Batswa na elites have simply stopped using them, suggesting that whatever integration th ere might be, it is largely superficial.59 At the time though, government thinking presumed that urban redevelopment policies with a more egalitarian focus would be able to overc ome the grossest injustices and inequities in Francistown. As suggested previously, and reit erated here, the ruling Botswana Democratic Party saw the remaking of Francistown as a chance to live up to the ideals of their four national principles. The partys 1969 electio n manifesto stated, for instance, that the area presents an 55 Molefi, A Medical History of Botswana p. 100. 56 Ibid ., p. 103. 57 Ministry of Local Government and Lands, Republic of Botswana, Francistown: Planning Proposals, p. 12. 58 Wim van Binsbergen, Making sense of urban space in Francistown, Botswana, in Peter J. M. Nas (ed), Urban Symbolism (E. J. Brill, New York, 1993). 59 Ibid ., pp. 198-199.

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158 opportunity to rebuild Francistown as a town and a community of which Botswana can justly be proud.60 This would be no easy task. Before any such reforms could take place, the government needed to acquire land for the pr oject from the Tati Company. In 1970, through a combination of donations and land purchases, the government received 500 square miles (out of a total of 2,000 square miles then owned by the Tati Company), including 3,600 acres within the Francistown town limits.61 Having solved one problem by obtaining land in the area outside the jurisdiction of the Tati Company, the government had to face another if their mixed density housing scheme was to be successful: the skewed demographics of Franci stown. Government surveys at the time placed the population of Francistown to be approxima tely 16,000 individuals, mostly white, lived in high cost housing; 900 Muslims, mixed-race, and some Batswana lived in the medium cost area, as well as in the Government Camp; th e remaining 14,000 mostly Ba tswana residents lived in the peripheral slum areas dotting th e landscape around Francistowns center.62 The outside consultants charged with devising a plan for Francistown recognized the difficulty of arriving at any semblance of a mixed population when Batswa na vastly outnumbered whites. Instead, they pinned their hopes to the future when there would be a tendency for upward mobility amongst the Batswana population. Then, they speculate, The question would be whether it would become an aim of planning policy to encourag e a mixing of people from different income groups.63 In this instance, they raise the important point that more than being a matter of urban planning policy, the mixed density approach was ultimately a social and political project that 60 Ministry of Local Government and Lands, Republic of Botswana, Francistown: Planning Proposals, p. 3. 61 Ibid ., pp. 3; 12-13. 62 Ibid ., p. 16. 63 Ibid ., p. 51.

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159 would be unlikely to succeed without individual ch anges in attitudes and behaviors. The mixed density vision for the city, achieved through non-r acial development, was in the end an objective wholly political [in] nature.64 Planning could only present a model for non-racial living; it could not force people to abide by it. And even as the State pursued its efforts to produce a more open, egalitarian city, it was still forced to make judgments to determine who might be welcome or granted legitimate entry in these recast urban spacesbe welcomed, that is, as an acceptable ingredient to the mixed density potand who would not. Echoing concerns voiced in Gaborone during th e construction of the new capital regarding the kinds of people urban planners should make room for (see Chapters 2 and 6), the Francistown plan also exhibited the planning bureaucracys worry over how to restrict the presence of squatters and those withou t steady employment. Clearly referred to as the third aim to be targeted in the new planning of the town was the need to restrict the growth of population at Francistown to those who have work in the town or who are otherwise able to afford properly organised forms of ur ban housing, however low the standard.65 Stated another way in the reports prefatory summary, planners suggested land for housing [be allocated] only for those who can afford and want an urban life style, broadly those with paid employment in town.66 As part of this urban housecleaning, it was recommended that approximately 2,100 traditionally styled houses be cleared and replaced.67 Policies directed toward establishing a minimum socio-economic benchmark for residency in Francistown was, like in Gaborone, a way to first inaugurate, and then protect, a sanctifi ed space for a new (i.e. modern) form of living in 64 Ibid ., p. 4. 65 Ibid ., p. 5. 66 Ibid ., p. XIII. 67 Ibid ., p. XIV.

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160 Botswana. Noting an evolutionary trend, the planners behind the Planning Proposals built into Francistown flexibility able to deal with ne w trends in shopping habits, the demands for education and recreation, car ownership . th at will inevitably occur as Batswana residents chang[e] from a traditiona l village way of life to an urbanised way of life.68 Based on what we know of Gaborone, then and now, it is perhaps not surprising that in the list of new behaviors and goals inherent to the expect ations of modern living, and for which, room must be made in the reinvented Francistown, an alteration of shopping habits was mentioned first. As an urban center in southern Africa during the early 1970s, Francistown was to be unique and new because of the efforts to reshape it as a non-racial citya n oddity for the region. That much is clear. But, no doubt, it was also to be new because of its status an innovative space for modern, urban living in Botswana. This mode of urban living required a form of citizenship and identity which, again as in Gaborone, could not be open and accessible to everybody. In the end, these trepidations expressed in the pla nning report for Francistown foreshadowed the difficult balancing act required when implementing a mixed-density development that advocated non-racialism but said little about socio-economic integration. This untenable juxtaposition resonates in present-day Fran cistown, as van Binsbergen demonstrates in his semiotic ethnography of the city. He suggests that cl eavages of race and class today manifest in Francistown produce effects [that] are far from limited to the use and conceptualization of space, but amount to a compartmentalization of life worlds and symbolic universes.69 What results are parallel cities with an almost sp ectral relationship to one anotherthe physical ground might be shared, but the symbolisms, usages transit spaces (van Binsbergen employs the 68 Ibid ., p. 6. 69 van Binsbergen, Making sense of urban space in Francistown, Botswana, p. 201.

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161 contrasting example of automobile roadways and footpaths), and per ceptions are distinct, enclosed and dont overlap.70 Or, to put it in more concrete terms: fo llowing the glamorous opening of the Galo Shopping Centre in April 2004, the new mall was expected to garner national attention and hordes of unemployed people.71 Reporting the dichotomous s cene of tranquil shopping inside the compound and anxious would-be employees camped beyond the metal security fence, Mmegi describes one individual as jus t one of the hundreds of youth w ho are still loitering around the mall in search of a job. Every morning they stand by the gate waiting for the opportunity for the security guard to lose concentration so that they can sneak in. Some jump over the fence to gain entry.72 The imagery of the shopping mall as a fortre ss, as a citadel, protecting the consumerist fantasies of the Francistown shopping class on th e one hand, keeping out those might potentially infringe on their experience, on the other. Th is moment, perhaps as much as anything else captures both the reality of the sp ectral, parallel city in contemporary Francistown, as well as what happens when these divergent worlds intersect. Designing a Mixed Density, Non-Racial Town Following the com pletion of the 1970 Francistown: Planning Proposals report advising on the need and ideological basis for non-racial development in the northeastern town, 10 months later a more specific housing blueprint was drawn up and published.73 This document explores 70 Even so, I would argue that the ques tion of non-overlapping spaces and urban universes is perhaps not as sharply drawn as van Binsbergen suggests. See: Chapter 4 on Riverwalk and consumer behavior, and Chapter 6, on the discursive construction of slums in Gaborone. Or, at the least, that the sharpness of boundaries depends on what youre referring to. 71 Alice Banda, New Francistown mall wont satisfy unemployed, Mmegi 22 April 2004, p. 9. 72 Ibid ., p. 9. 73 Ministry of Local Government and Lands, Republic of Botswana, Francistown: First Stage Housing (The Government Printer, Botswana National Archives, F ile Reference Number BNB 4501, Gaborone, 1971).

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162 in greater detail what a non-racial urban development policy would look like in practical terms. The external consultants hired to prepare the plans come up w ith four desirable planning outcomes. One of the long-term products of such a plan revolved around the establishment of a real estate market based on prope rty values comparable to what might be found in more highly developed countries.74 As for the other three, it is perh aps beneficial to q uote these in full: (a) that anyone of any race should be able to live in whichever type of house he can afford, without feeling socially isolated (b) that people in the high and medium cost hous ing should at least be aware of the other housing areas (c) that people in the lower cost housing, esp ecially those in self help housing, should be given every encouragement, through proximity and example, to improve their houses[.]75 The phrasing of these goals provides some critical hints as to what motivated the plans, as well as exposing some questions and ambiguities. Again, while it seems clear that a policy of nonracialism sat at the heart of early post-colonial ur ban planning policies, closer inspection of these goals suggests things are, in f act, less clear. What, for exampl e, does without feeling socially isolated mean? The same question could be asked of the proposal that elit es should at least be aware of the other housing areas. Founding a po licy on opaque feelings and perceptions seems an odd thing to do, particularly si nce there is no real explanati on as to how awareness becomes integration. This seems to imply, at best, a fair ly superficial definition of community. Here, I think, we can begin to see the ex tent of the limitations of the non -racial housing proposals, which at first seemed so radical or revolutionary. Without chal lenging the social and economic inequities inherentthen and now in the structures of Batswana society, a mixed density housing proposal based almost exclusively on race could produce only limited effects. Whether 74 Ibid ., p. 13. 75 Ibid ., p. 13.

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163 intended or not, what seems to have happened is that by enforcing these planning policies one form of segregation was simply exchanged for another.76 At the same time, the third aim listed above returns us to the issue of the desire to create new kinds of citizen, both urban and modern. Only by watching and learning from the experiences, attitudes and comportments of the more well-to-do, will the (very) poor be able to overcome their currently deficien t statesay, being too Motswana, or too rural. Through close contact withaware[ ness] oftheir richer neighbors, th e town becomes a vessel that people can ride into a new era of modern living. To the recent arrival, Francistown is a one-way portal to the future. The normative implications of such a future are, of course, up for debate. Though this interpretation does offer anot her perspective on the national principles of Botswana urging Kagisano, unity and development. Since in this ca se, the development ideal seems to involve replicating the established, bourgeois model of fered by the Batswana (white or black) upper class. The poor should, appare ntly, aspire to a manicured, s quare-walled house equipped with the latest in roofing technology. No word however, on running water or electricity. The examples provided by the elites, can only provide a rough cosmetic approximation, a simulation of upper class living, not however, the substance. Despite these obvious incongruities, the phys ical layout of the mixed-density urban development blueprint seems to have been in tended to reinforce through proximity and example a particular mode of town living. Th e basic community design for the First Stage development in Francistown was based on the assumption that each environmental area would form a self-contained, self-susta ining unitwith a school, shoppi ng area, low, medium and high 76 This conclusion is supported by an early statement in the document that advises that the implementation of the general aim that urban development should be only for those who want and can afford an urban life style. It is, I suppose, easier to achieve the type of city desired if there are restric tions in place making it difficultthe government wanted to avoid housing su bsidies if possiblefor poor people to assert a place for themselves in the city. See page 14 of the report Francistown: First Stage Housing.

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164 cost housingbordered on all four sides by roads.77 Occupying the central sections of the environmental areas would be the low-cost h ousing areas, bi-sected by footpaths and the occasional service road. Meanwhile: The high and medium cost housing is locate d on the edge of the area next to the surrounding road and served by loop roads, giving good access by car. People from these areas are likely to form their social relati onships with people from other environmental areas and in other parts of the town, and less likely within the environmental area itself.78 Deciphering this statement requires that we read it as a polite way of sa ying the elitesbe they white or Batswanahave little intention of ming ling with their poorer neighbors. Admitting this before the ground for the site was broken or th e first brick laid, seems like an odd thing to do, since it implicitly acknowledges the entire exerci se is largely futile: rearranging the space of the city does nothing to affect the behaviors and attitudes of the people who live within it. Heightening the already steep difficulties facing the stated goal of community integration was the decision to ensure that the medium and hi gh cost houses remained grouped together within each environmental area, so as to form homoge neous areas sufficiently large to instill a sense of security and identification with neighbours.79 Again, it is worth noting too, that even the definition of neighbor is drawn around the edge s of classand probably raciallines. From the beginning, it seems, the possibilities fo r community under the mixed-density, non-racial rubric, were more or less, forecl osed. At least in Francistown, but what of Gaborone. To what depth was the mixed-density urban developmen t policy deployed in the nations capital? In Botswanas new capital, Gaborone, condi tions both similar and different to those evident in Francistown prevailed. On the side of difference, Gaborone was a much newer town 77 Ibid ., p. 19. 78 Ibid ., p. 19. 79 Ibid ., p. 47.

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165 than was Francistown during the period of the early to mid 1970s. Being only a decade removed from the initial planning conducted by the team be hind the Capital Project, the original blueprint and planning predictions were obsolete nearly as soon as the first phase of construction was completed during the transition to Independence in 1966. Due to an influx of migrants into Gaborone, the government was under pressure to do so mething to deal with the, what was at the time unexpected, growth. Decades later, in the pages of the current 25 year plan for Gaborone, government urban planners lamented the fact that overurbanizatio n is ongoing, propelled forward by the bright light theory by which migrants tr oop to the city in search of the good things of life even when they have full knowledge th at these may be elusive [italics in original].80 This was no doubt true during the period under discussion here. The plans for the first major expansion of Gaborone into the Broadhurst farms northeast of Gaborones original borders state, for example, that approximately 87% of the towns population was classified as either lower or medium income.81 And that within the Broadhurst neighborhood in which the second phase of urban development was to occur, nearly 83% (from a population projection of 12,110 for 1978) of the people who settle d there would be able to afford only traditional, site and service or low cost housing.82 The stark demographic imbalan ce between the rich and poor that existed in Francistown was also present in Gaborone. Similar to the environmenta l area concept util ized in Francistown, the Broadhurst development plan adopted a holistic approach. Bounded to the west by the north-south railroad 80 Ministry of Lands, Housing and Environment, Gaborone City Council, Department of Town and Regional Planning, Republic of Botswana, Gaborone City Development Plan (1997-2021), p. 132. 81 Ministry of Local Government and Lands, Department of Town and Regional Planning, Republic of Botswana, Broadhurst: Stage Two: Volume 1 (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 1975), no page. I gathered this information from Table XIII, Stage Two Population Breakdown into Income Groups and to Desired Housing by Income Categories. 82 Ibid ., paragraph 3.6.

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166 and by the Notwane and Segoditshane rivers and floodplains to the east, the area for Broadhurst was to encompass space for educational, co mmerce, shopping, industrial and residential locations. And according to maps provided in the Broadhurst State Two planning manual, as in Francistown, the mixture of high, medium and low cost housing was to be determined along the same model of geographic organiza tion. Much of the interior areas of the residential sections would be occupied by the low cost and self help housing areas, while the peripheries adjacent to the system of roads was to be the site of the high and medium cost housing. Between the high and low cost housing were spatial buffers, usuall y shared open spaces. Accessible, open spaces to be shared by residents of th e area were, from the beginning, vi ewed also a possible site of consternation and tens ion between the users of these spaces, si nce as the planners note, Areas of responsibility are in dispute and privacy and security at risk predictably the area between houses becomes a trampled wasteland and often a rubbish dump. Open spaces, beyond the maintenance resources of authority, suffer the same fate.83 Disputes caused by a mixed density version of the tragedy of the commons though, we rent the only conflicts envisioned by the implementation of this urban de velopment policy. Many years later, a Motswana friends wellto-do mother, who was part of the first generation of Gaborone residents, having arrived with her husband in 1969, recalled the nostalgic days of life in Gaborone, be fore mixed density residential housing was fully established, when a person coul d leave their keys in the car while shopping. Of the close proximity of rich and poor in to days Gaborone, she posited this doomsday scenario: I can imagine if one day we have an uprising, I can imagine that people [referring to those living in low cost or self-help housin g areas] will go burn down the rich houses.84 83 Ibid ., paragraph 5.4. 84 Interview with Mma Ketlogetswe, Gaborone, 24 February 2005.

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167 Despite, or perhaps because of, the disparat e socio-economic and ra cial balance, new development in Gaborone was to be modeled on the mixed-density approach envisioned for Francistown. Recalling Seretse Khama, who was quoted earlier in this chapter, he complained of residing in Little England and wanted to reshap e the polarized landscape of Gaborone. Even at the time however, the thinking was not limited exclusively to racial polarizationeconomic status was factored into the planning calculus in Gaborone. A report on th e problems related to land security and housing the poor in Gaborone not ed that a frequently-v oiced complaint about Gaborone is that it offers everythi ng for the rich, nothing for the poor.85 And while the 1971 Gaborone: Planning Proposals state that the number one priority for future development in Gaborone is the enforcement of Governmen ts non racial policy as applied to urban development,86 no serious undertaking to achieve this end could happen without reevaluating the economic inequities pe rvading the town. However, two pages after laying out the G overnments planning objectives for Gaborone as it moved into the 1970s and beyond, the re ports authors identif y the major difficulty confronting the endeavor. In practical terms, while non racial development is the announced policy of government, There is still no clear ex pression of what this means in town planning terms, but [even so] it must affect every level of planning from the urban structure to the detailed local planning.87 They continue: It is arguable that the existing form of Gaborone runs counter to this [non racial] aim, as it comprises three large, strongly contrasted areas of housing. But this criticism may arise from a confusion between the question of non racial development, and the more difficult one of class and economic di stinction. The low and medium cost housing areas of 85 E. B. Egner, Report on a Preliminary Survey of the Bontleng Self-Help Housing Scheme, Gaborone, 28 July 1971 (Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number 10,672, Gaborone, 1971), p. 6. 86 Republic of Botswana, Gaborone Planning Proposals, p. 15. 87 Ibid ., p. 17.

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168 Gaborone are both relatively poor and almost en tirely occupied by black people. But the high cost housing area north of the [Main] Mall is truly multi racial, and sharply set off from the rest of the town by class distinction and economic differences.88 Rarely, in the documentation Ive come across, is the root problem put so clearly or succinctly. And while the allusions are made early in postindependence five-year de velopment plans about the need to equalize the distribution of wealth in Botswanacalls that are stated only generally and even then, as a long-term objective that is un attainable for those of the first post-colonial generations. The message is even more vague and ambiguous today, as no longer are outright calls for a redistribution of wealth made in government publications, but rather, these socioeconomic goals are subsumed into genera lized national principles that call for Kagisano, unity, Botho A potentially hopeful message to be sure, but one with neither th e enforcement teeth nor the detailed policies to arrive th ere. And indeed, even the att itude toward individual success disseminated these days seems to articulate th e mood of the governing el ite with regards to individual achievement and the accumulation of wealth: describing one of the many tenets that compose the Botho ethos, the Vision 2016 Long Term Vision for Botswana encourages people to applaud rather than resent those who succeed.89 To behave as a good Motswana, one is to cheer the achievements of the few, rather than question thei r own marginal position in the economy. Equal parts subtle and clear, there is perhaps no better advertisement for supporting the socio-economic status quo in contemporary Botswana. With this passage though, we anticipate what is to come in the conclusion. 88 Ibid ., p. 17. 89 Republic of Botswana, A Long Term Vision for Botswana, p. 5 < http://www.vision2016.co.bw > (10 August 2007).

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169 Conclusion A cursory lo ok at Botswanas more recent fi ve-year national development plans and urban development plans suggests a rather emphatic break with past trends, particularly in the last two decades. Early iterations of Botswanas housing and urban development policy tended to prioritize large-scale interventions designed to alter the shape a nd style of urban livingmixing residential areas to include diffe rent races and a range of socioeconomic levels. To change the face and substance, in other words, of Little En gland. In more recent government publications however, there seems to be revalua tion of what is desirable in the towns and cities of Botswana. No longer do you see sweeping statements describi ng the possibilities of a utopian reengineering of urban space. And while an objection to this conclusion might be that these goals are now simply subsumed under the auspices of Kagisano or one of the other national principles, I would argue that doesnt seem to be the case. In the past, the national principles were listed in conjunction with specific mentions of the mixe d density goals. Inst ead, today, the national principles as discussed in gove rnment publications related to housing and urban development are mentioned alongside specific mention of different, less revolutionary policy goals. Perhaps the other objection to this might be that they are no longer listed outright because they have succeeded, and thus need no longer be e xplicitly spelled out. Maybe. But as future chapters will suggest, whatever success th ere might be is at best ambiguous and its consequences mixed. It is probably true to conc lude that poorer resident s of Broadhurst, and the later expansion into the area known as Gaborone West, gained access to some city services electricity, running water, indoor plumbingthat they might not othe rwise have been able to tap into by virtue of living in the same area as th eir wealthier neighbors. And too, the government did achieve some successover much resistancei n forcing people of different income levels to live nearly side by side. And indeed, where I stayed during most of my stay in Gaborone, in

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170 the Phase 2 sub-development of Gaborone West, adjacent to the Molepolole road and within walking distance of the bus rank and the still va cant Central Business Di strict, it was not unusual to see multi-story brick homes ringed by an electric razor wire fence across the street from a square, two-room cinder block house. Of course though, simply living in close proximity to those in the next income bracket higher or lower, does not at all mean that the neighborhood is mixed in terms of community or interaction, as my friends mom who worried about being the first target of uprising[s] by the poor suggested. Though for its part, the government has contended that the mixing of neighbourhoods of various income categories in the same area, though unorthodox, has removed the glaring dispari ties in environmental quality and social standing which are common in other African countries,90 a drive through Gaborones many residential areas might bring these more rosy-hued conclusions into dispute. Without attributing motivations or intentions to the writings au thored, or at least authorized, by various national government ministri es, it nonetheless is clear that the focus has changed. Rather than taking the lead to initia te broad urban transformations, the government has adopted more pragmatic, rather than ideologica l, objectives while looking to cede control over urban development to the private sector. Cons ider, for example, the outline of aims and objectives appearing near the beginning of recent writings on urban development. Whereas in the early post-colonial pe riod, the goal of non-racial development was almost always listed first and was described as being the guiding principle to all facets of urban planning, this is no longer true. Instead, less loftythough still important to general quality of lifestandards are now targeted. In the section on Residential Land Use in the 1995 Development Control Code for example, the four mandates listed for the purpose of providing a good living environment for all 90 Ministry of Local Government, Lands and Housing, Republic of Botswana, Review of the National Policy on Housing (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 1997), p. 26.

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171 users were: safety, amenity, accessibility and energy conservation and environmental protection.91 Or out of the eleven targets the 25 year plan for Gaborone was intended to achieve, not one approached the id eological, politically-tinged pla nning blueprints of the past. Rather, the goals were more modest, less c ontroversial, focusing on questions of budgeting, synchronizing long and short-term planning, an d technical and bureaucratic efficiency.92 Perhaps the only one slightly reminiscent was a bullet point vaguely calling for future planning to promote the physical environment of Gaborone C ity as a setting for human activities which is functional, efficient, healthy and conducive.93 But even there, it is a poor approximation hewing to concerns about the quality of environm ental spaces, rather than the quality of social relations. More recently, too, in the ninth National De velopment Plan (NDP 9) published in 2002, the goal of the housing and urban development st rategy during the most recent planning cycle focused on three areas: . the focus will be on housing policy effectiveness, facilitation of housing delivery and promotion of home ownership.94 A critical component of this new emphasis depended on the encouragement of the pr ivate sector increasing their presence in the Gaborone housing market. This reexamination of the role of government in urban development represents an enormous reversal in policy thinki ng and approach. At the moment, the role of government still looms exceedingly large, as even NDP 9 notes that in Gaborone, only three 91 Ministry of Local Government, Lands and Housing, Department of Town and Regional Planning, Republic of Botswana, Development Control Code, 1995 (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 1995), p. 1. 92 Ministry of Lands, Housing and Environment, Gaborone City Council, Department of Town and Regional Planning, Republic of Botswana, Gaborone City Development Plan (1997-2021), pp. 3-5. 93 Ibid ., p. 5. 94 Republic of Botswana, National Development Plan 9: Pa rt IPolicies and Objectives (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 2002), p. 340 < http://www.sarpn.org.za/do cuments/d0001172/index.php > (20 August 2007).

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172 private developers possess holdi ngs of any substantial size.95 But the future direction is clear: government is slowly backing away from broadbased urban planning intended to reshape urban living, in favor of privatized market forces to determine the shape, look and style of Gaborone into the next few decades.96 Maybe though, this withdrawal of the State on behalf of the market shouldnt be seen as too surprisingly or unanticipated. Back in th e early 1990s, as evidenced in a short, non-descript passage in NDP 7, the hea dy rhetoric of the early post-colonial days advocating for a fairer, more balanced economic and social system had been long disappeared. Replaced instead, under the bolded heading Social Responsibility, a word about the duties of government: Although Government has an obligation to se rve the people, Government should not be seen as the solution to all problems. As well as people accepting responsibility for their own betterment, it is also important for th e beneficiaries of development to serve the community as a whole.97 From admonishing the population to take responsibility for their social and economic marginalization, it is only a small distance to th e suggestion that for people to behave as good Batswana, they ought to applaud those who succeed. And thus, good citizenship depends not just on the preservation of inequities, but on the cheerful acceptance of them. 95 Ibid ., p. 335. The three privat e real estate developers referred to in th e plan are: Time Projects, Phakalane Estates and Universal Builders. 96 This is not however, likely to be a fluid transition that w ill be of ultimate benefit to a wide range of the population. Instead, as the Lesetedi Commission findings showed, the transition to a market based system will be marred perhaps intentionally soby corruption, inefficiency, bureaucratic incompetence, a lack of transparency and cronyism. The report produced by the Lesetedi Commission provided ample evidence of a land allocation system that is at best severely dysfunctional, and at worst, intentionally tilted in favor of well-funded individuals and companies able to successfully navigate the governments bureaucracy. See: Republic of Botswana, Report of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into State Land Allocations in Gaborone (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 2004). A subtle indication of the Commissions damaging findings is the fact that the report cost P100, substantially more than the usual price for government produced documents. At a cost of P100, few people would have the luxury of buying and reading the entire document. 97 Ministry of Finance and Development Planning, Republic of Botswana, National Development Plan 7: 19911997 (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 1991), p. 386.

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173 Or does it? A corollary of the governments earlier efforts at mixed density housing emerges. The compression of urban space it required, by forcing elites to live next close by their poorer neighbors served to efface the usualI wouldnt go so far as to say normaldistance that separates people of varying status. B ecause residential location no longer adequately functioned as a universally reliable marker of soci al statusin the case of Gaborone in its initial inception, this meant that the rich lived north of the Main Mall, while th e low class houses and shanties were located to the southother methods of differentiation were employed. In the upcoming three chapters, we visit the shopping mall ; the slum; and the stre et corner where the dynamic interplay between the citizen and the strange r is examined. Each of these sites tells us something about the struggle for status and urba n citizenship as it unfol ded in Gaborone during the early years of the 21st century. Unlike the stark borders offered by physical spatial distance, the discursive and imaginative urban spaces contes ted, are neither stable, nor so clearly defined. The fluidity of these terrains proves fertile ground for understanding the making and meaning of urban citizenship in todays Gaborone. We will begin this next phase of explor ation with a look at Gaborones burgeoning shopping and consumer culture.

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174 CHAPTER 4 BUY, BUY, BUY: CONSUMPTION AND THE MAKING OF MODER N CITIZENS IN AND AROUND THE SHOPPING MALLS OF GABORONE, BOTSWANA Money is important to people. Lots of money is important to people. Everybody wants to be the whos who in town. Everybody wants a house in Phakalane. Everybody wants to drive a Beemer. . (So says a 19 year old who works in the Riverwalk shopping mall, in answer to the question: What is important to people in Gaborone?) Introduction A point of departure: the s hopping mall as a subject worthy of discussion in Am erican popular culture has a fairly long, if not always illustrious or dis tinguished, history. Take its portrayal in recent years in the venue of film and television. Stories told about shopping malls, along with the people who inhabit these spaces, have presented th emes alternately fantastic, nightmarish, apocalyptic, cautionary or absurd. There are narratives about lovelorn clerks ( Shopgirl ) or lovelorn display case objects ( Mannequin ); tales showing the mall as a refuge for the teenage stoner-slacker ( Mallrats ) or following the emergence of a zombified middle America, the mall is magnet both for the human survivors, as well as the undead who retain vestigial memories of thei r past consumer lives ( Dawn of the Dead ); B-movie visions of the mall as a contemporary technologica l dystopia that is not only a lienating but also dangerous ( Chopping Mall ); the mall as home to both our innocent aspirations and our failings as consumers ( Christmas Story, Jingle All the Way ). These are but a sampling of many. The mall as a setting for stories has been so we ll mined in fact, that the writers of Seinfeld were able to build two separate episodes detailing the disorientations and difficulties accompanying the act of parking your car at the mall.1 1 The episodes Im referring to are: The Parking Garage (1991) and The Handicap Spot (1993).

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175 And while these stories might well be situated, or the plots unfurled, in the mall, they are rarely ever actually about the mall. Instead, th e examination of questions related to the practice of capitalism, identity, power, or the absurditie s and mixed-up prioriti es of our lives as consumer-citizens is never far from the surf ace. Indeed, while a viewer of a movie like Dawn of the Dead recognizes the legitimacy of the mall as a sa nctuary of last resort as society crumbles around its last survivors or perh aps as a monumental edifice en capsulating American values in the latter stages of the 20th century, at the same time, we de rive some satisfaction watching it, and the order and norms it symbolizes, destroyed, overrun by zombies or smashed to bits, as in the car chase scene in the opening minutes of The Blues Brothers Watching the ordered and policed environment of the mall violated by rebe lswhether undead suburbanites or musically inclined ex-cons from Jolietis liberating, even fr om our position as voyeur engaged in fantasy. These emotions of course, reach their revolutionary apogee in the final moments of Fight Club as the global corporate and banking complexalong with all records of our consumer driven credit card debtare incinerated in a seri es of explosions trig gered by car bombs. Despite the ambivalence of our feelings toward s the mall, whether viewed on the screen or experienced in our local shopping complex, there is much to be gleaned from studying them. This seems an especially worthy endeavor in places outside the American heartland where increasing numbers of shopping malls are having profound impacts, transf orming the practice of politics, economics and social interaction in the places in which they are built. If we look to Africa, and in particular, Gaborone, the capital of Botswana, the alterations wrought by the increased presence of shopping centers as the fo cal point of a burgeoning consumption-driven lifestyle are especially apparent. The new kind of citizenship forged through consumer practices is explicitly political, yet also de -politicizing. It is political in that it reifies an existent politico-

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176 economic structure that is highly polarized and exclusionary. Simultaneously these practices remain de-politicizing because although the majo rity has been unable to attain the coveted consumer position manifested by the disposable income of the wealthy, their efforts and aspirations are directed towards replicating the elites lifestyle, rather than challenging the political, cultural and economic systems working to maintain their relatively marginal status. The glossy new Western and South African in fluenced shopping malls that have popped up in Gaborone since 2002 are perhaps the primary sites where these prac tices, struggles and contradictions are enacted. The story presented here is one of snippets and fragments, one of anecdotes and observations. It is, therefore, n ecessarily interpretive. There are many narratives to tell about the practice of everyday (urban) life in cont emporary Gaborone. However illuminating and revealing a telling of shopping and consumpti on might be for our understanding of Botswana and for urban life in the devel oping world more generallywhat fo llows just happens to be the one that best reflects my own experience. Conse quently, the focus isnt just limited to some sort of discursive/semiotic textual exeg esis of the space of the Mall (t hough there is some of that), but rather, locates the Mall in a broa der analysis of consumption and identity in Gaborone that views the Mall as the best exemplar of trends, behaviors, and ways of th inking about lifestyle and status among the residents of Botswanas capital. To demonstrate what I am getting at, let me present three observations and episodes that we will unravel as we travel along. One: a banner hung at the entrance of Riverwalk, the shopping mall of primary focus in this Chapter, proudly announces to the visitor arriving by car that they have reached the Shopping Capital of Gaborone. Capital of what? Capital for whom? A Capital presided over by whom? Thes e questions are left una nswered by the signage,

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177 and likely by the customers, as well. Pondering the implications of the advertisement is of little importance when compared to the knowledge that youve arrived at the center of a symbolic somewhere, a destination of note, crossing into th e parking lot youre now a citizen (subject?) of a new and exotic land, your cash and cr edit card serving as passport. What does it mean to be a resident of Riverwalk? Perhaps one of its denizens can tell us. Two: during my many days and hours hanging out at Riverwalk, I tended to see the same folks over and over again. I was introduced to one of them, a teenage girl, by a friend while browsing magazines at a South African-based chain bookstore located in the mall. During the exchange of greetings and pleasantrie s I mentioned that I had seen her around the mall many times before. Her response, echoing the cheery ph rasing of southern California Valley Girls parodied in innumerable movies, songs and TV shows, was we ll, what can I say? I m a Riverwalk girl. Allegiance to her adopted homeland confirmed, what did it mean, I wondered, to be a Riverwalk anybody? Is it a style, a mindset, a way of being, a fo rm of display, a new site of imagination and daydreams,2 a place of flux, mobility and trans ition? All of th e above? Can it be practiced by anyone? Is it, in other words, accessible? And finally, a hint at what it might mean to be a Riverwalk girl. Th ird: while working in Gaborones largest urban slum I hi red a research assistant from the neighborhood, or village as many of the older residents referred to it, to aid me in my fieldwork. As the research progressed we encountered some difficulties communica ting and arranging appointments because though I had a cell phone, he did not. One of my roommates, a Canadian volunteer who was leaving the country shortly, gave me his phone to give to my research assistant. Now, the phone was one of the earliest models to be introduced into Botswa na in the early 2000s. Consequently, it lacked 2 Something along the lines of: Gaston Bachelard, The Poetics of Space (Beacon Press, Boston, MA, 1994).

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178 among many other things, the color graphics in terface and aerodynamic flip-top look exhibited by most of the more recent models that were becoming increasingly popul ar across the city. Clunky looking though it wasa digital age equivale nt of a rotary phone it could dial numbers and send text messages. And it was free. When, the next morning I arrived at my assistants house with the phone, he studied it for a moment a nd then proceeded to lis t all the reasons why it was completely unacceptable, most of which boiled down to the simple fact that he couldnt be seen using such a phone. It carried the stigma of poverty, of not being able to afford something better. The phone quickly went into his pocket and that was the last I saw of it; by the next morning he had swapped phones with his father, who had a much newer, more modern looking model. This anecdote illuminates a few key points. It suggests the importance of self-presentation, of self-display, of the utility of accessories as a marker of status and perhaps hints at the existence of a hybrid public/private space in wh ich the phone you use, the car you drive or the beer you drink functions as a form of visual communicationextensions of your body exhibited for public consumption, the anonymous audiences gaze. Such observations are not new, I think. Second, and perhaps more interesting, is that the obviously rich Riverwalk girl and my definitely un-wealthy friend and research assi stant are participating in the same visual conversation about status, belongi ng and urban citizenship. The Ri verwalk lifestyle then, isnt just occurring at the obv ious centers of wealth, commerce a nd consumption, but appears also at the margins and in the relatively obscure cap illaries of politics, culture and economics in Gaborone. The primary difference being that for some, this lifestyle, this conversation, is easily realized and engaged in, while for most others, the aspirations are there, but the actualization of the gold standards represented by Riverw alk is something else entirely.

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179 Writing about the symbolic significance of the space of display in Gaborone evidenced by the emphasis placed on where you shop, what you buy and what you use, Im reminded of Fight Clubs Tyler Durdens shrill admonishment, You're not your job. You're not how much money you have in the bank. You're not the car you drive. You're not the contents of your wallet, culminating in his punchy concluding expl etive: You're not your fucking khakis.3 Among the urban populace of Gaborone however, the relations hip between the person and the possession is not so easily untangled. Modern Houses for Modern Living (Maybe Next Door to the Former President o r in Close Proximity to Other Celebrities) The relationship between identity, modernity and materiality has been explored elsewhere. For example, in the specific case of housing and the internal domestic spaces we inhabit, the home has been privileged as a primary site of daydreaming. The protective space of the home shelters the imagination and functions as the pres erve of the near poet that we all become in our most introspective moments.4 More than that however, Bach elard argues that the intimate space of the home stabilizes the lives of its residents. He writes, Past, present and future give the house different dynamisms, which ofte n interfere, at times opposing, at others, stimulating one another. In the life of a man, the house thrusts aside contingencies, its councils of continuity are unceasing. Without it, man would be a dispersed being. It is the human beings first world.5 Beyond the enclosed, internal space of the home it carries a significance reaching outside the minds of its inhabitants. In a study of the autoconstruction of houses amongst the Brazilian urban poor, Holston suggests that rather than focusing solely on the internal dynamics or symbolisms carried by the house-space, we ought to consider the demonstr ative capabilities, the 3 David Fincher, Fight Club (1999). 4 Bachelard, The Poetics of Space p. 6. 5 Ibid ., pp. 6-7.

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180 public face, of the house. An emphasis on the ex ternality, the superficiality of the domestic space as surfaceas public faade, signboar d, decorated wrapper, [and] second skin6 allows us to examine the public dimensions and pronoun cements of domestic material space. The home, in other words, is both a space intern ally, as well as externally, oriented. The autoconstructed house, Holston writes, is an expr ession of an imagined fu ture and functions as a method of communicating aspira tions, prestige and status.7 Similarly, the role of the house as an architectural artifact transmitted through th e interaction between the spectator and the building itself is a way to broad cast claims about the occupant.8 If the communicative aspect of material disp lays, in the above example of domestic space holds true, what is the message being sent? In the case of the mid 20th century emergent African middle class in Southern Rhodesia, the adoption of European housing standards and practices by the new elite class served to distinguish themselves from the majority of African laborers, poor and unemployed urban dwellers.9 Amongst the two South American examples presented by Holston and Colloredo-Mansfeld, emphasizing difference from ones ne ighbor is only part of the story. Adapting to new or modern or popular styles not only legi timates the prestige and power 6 James Holston, Autoconstruction in working class Brazil, Cultural Anthropology 6 4 (November 1991), p. 457. 7 Ibid ., pp. 451; 456. 8 Rudolf Colloredo-Mansfeld, Architectural conspicuous consumption and economic change in the Andes, American Anthropologist New Series, 96 4 (December 1994) pp. 849; 855. 9 Michael O. West, The Rise of an African Middle Class: Colonial Zimbabwe, 1898-1965 (Indiana University Press, Bloomington, IN, 2002), pp. 99-100. Th ough as West points out, accentuating difference wasnt the only reason the middle class wanted to leave the townships and relocate in more respectable neighborhoods. African middle class men, for example, wanted to control the sexuality of their wives, who might, for example, be seduced by other, more uncivilized, men living in the townships.

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181 of the few elites whom they are emulating10 but also replicates and inscribes the same hegemonic power relations onto the remade domestic sphere.11 To insert Botswana and partic ularly, Gaborone, into a discus sion of this apparent paradox, one might consider the contemporary use of fences around the plots of most residents in the city. When traveling around the wealthier neighborhoods of Gaborone it is re adily apparent that nearly every house was enclosed behind large secur ity walls. Most often, the walls stand taller than eye-levelsevering the view of the street from that of the house insideincludes an electronic remote-controlled metal gate and are t opped with occasionally electrified razorwire. And although crime seems to be in creasing across the city, it was always my impression that the rise of the house-as-fortress in Gaborone was more a product of the influence of the South African home security complex than as a preventi ve measure to ward off an increasing threat.12 Having an imposing security structure was just something you did if you had the money to pay for the service, meaning that the wall served as an expression of wealth and consumer values as much as it functioned as a mechanism of protection. In the less wealthy areas around town, many plots were also demarcated by fencing. Usually these were less elaborate, less sturdy, an d as they might only be constructed of chainlinks, were shorter and more easily climbable, and not electrified13, they were, therefore, probably also far less useful as security deterren t. And although fencing was a standard feature 10 Colloredo-Mansfeld, Architectural conspicuous consumption and economic change in the Andes, p. 862. 11 Holston, Autoconstruction in working class Brazil, pp. 448; 456. Holston elaborates by noting that although autoconstruction is both a form of resistance and a subversion of authority, the poors entrance into the consumer lifestyle that accompanies home ownershi p entangles them in the very econom ic and political system keeping them poor and located on the margins of the urban periphery. 12 Especially considering that security fences have long been part of the urban landscape of Gaborone, dating back until at least the early 1990s, if not earlier. 13 Although not electrified, some owners opted to place shards of broken glass on the tops of the fences instead of, for example, razorwire.

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182 of traditional Tswana housing, predominately usef ul to stake out the boundaries of the family compound and to separate the private domestic space of the lolwapa14 from the more public spaces in the village, I would suggest that in an urban context, they wield a more symbolic, rather than functional, purpose. At the le vel of aspiration, these structures exhibit a correspondence with those found in the wealthier ar eas of town. They announce that inside the external walls, however flimsy, there are not only occupants, but also consumer goods worth protecting. Failing to have a fence would not only publicly demonstrate ones poverty but possibly serve as evidence of ignorance of what is valued, of what is important in todays Gaborone. In this instance, a fence serves as an important entrance into the discourse of urban consumption. It is both a form of participa tion and of belonging, dem onstrating that while a family might not yet have the means to practice an active consumer lifesty le, they recognize the value of attempting to attain it, lest they be stigmatized as poor, backwa rd and having a village mentality. The fence as a representation of striving toward future achievements, an announcement of the adoption of urban living and values, and an accentuation of the difference between themselves and their poorer or less with it neighbors, as it has been suggested earlier, reinforces and legitimates the moral a nd economic universe of the elites. To flip the discussion, we might turn our attention to the exclusive spaces of the rich in the greater Gaborone area by discussing Phakal ane, Gaborones nascent haven for wealthy expatriates and Batswana. Just as much as the less rich citizens of Gaborone have been trying to occupy the same symbolic space of the monied ur ban consumer class, the rich have similarly attempted to distance themselves spatially, discursi vely and socially from interlopers barging in on their already insulated political and economic space. Phakalan e Estates is a self-contained 14 The term lolwapa denotes the familys outdoor living room common to traditional style housing in Botswana.

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183 residential, golf and recreation, and business community situated 15 kilometers to the north of Gaborone.15 Owned by the family of a former Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) government minister, the neighborhood has b ecome the home of Gaborones nouveau riche class of entrepreneurs and government officials.16 Encompassing 1100 hectares and seemingly modeled after the exclusiveand exclus ionarygated suburbs of South Africa and the US, Phakalane Estates has positioned itself as the epitome of m odern, secure, serene community living available in Botswana today. Indeed, perhaps the primar y difference between Phakalane and its American cousin is that the Botswana version eschews the nostalgic romanticism of small town living evidenced in the model of the New Urbanist community17 in favor of a planned community explicitly severed from the past, and is inst ead inextricably connect ed with the globalized discourse on wealth and consumption. Phak alane, however, presents its own form of romanticism in that it replicates the idealized modela trope with which were all familiarof a boutique elite suburban golfing community found in the West. While a poor persons fence in a typical Gaborone neighborhood mi ght suggest ones aspiring to the good life, owning a home in Phakalane is the good life, achieved by situating Batswa na elites own aspirations to locate themselves in the global economy of consum ption (of both culture and commodities) and identity. We might go so far as to conclude that in the final analysis, what is ultimately being consumed is a product of the imagination, the very idea of what it ostensibly means to be a Westernized consumer. 15 All the quotations and information, unless otherwise noted, are taken from the homepage of Phakalane Properties. Available at < http://www.phakalane.com /property/intro.asp > (8 November 2006). 16 As one Motswana friend explained it to me, Gaborones old money still resides largely near the original city center, while the newly rich have te nded to migrate towards the recently developed exclusive suburban enclaves. 17 For an entertaining, anecdotal description of this type focusing on Disneys Imagineered experimental community in central Flor ida, see: Andrew Ross, The Celebration Chronicles: Life, liberty and the pursuit of property value in Disneys new town (Ballantine Books, New York, NY, 1999).

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184 As the tagline announces in bold lettering at the top of their we bsites front page: Phakalane suburb, the address that says it all! (italics appear in the original) What it says or whom it says it to is left unstate d. We are left to infer to its meaning. The advertisement posted online however, provides some guidance to the uninf ormed. A visitor to Phakalanes homepage is told in a series of bullet points: Living on a golf estate offers a lifestyle of family value (bold lettering appears in the original) Exclusivity and security are the cornerstone of a wholesome family lifestyle nowadays, ensuring peace of mind for residents. Existing celebrity investors as neighbours . (bold letter ing appears in the original) Explaining further, the a dvertisement continues: [Being built in Phakalane is the] retirement home for the current President of Botswana (this means more security for [the] golf estate). And also, we are informed: Nobility from the United Kingdom and S ADC region have endorsed Phakalane Golf Estate and Hotel resort as second homes. Leaving the enticements of the website behind, what should we take away from this? Obviously, the public faade suggested by Holston is import ant not just to the poo r and to those who find themselves mired in the lower levels of status, but also, and perhaps even especially, to those positioned at the pinnacle of prestige and status. Having a Phakalane address is a statement by the economic and social elite to th e residents of the urban core of Gaborone. At the same time, it is a not so subtle nod to the world outside Gaboroneto the worl d of international celebrities and royalty, to the influx of tourists, investors and dignitaries who will inevitably travel to the region in the years leading up to the South African World Cup in 2010, and to the universalized discursive domain where a wholesome family lifestyle is exemplified by security and exclusivity.

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185 The realization of these values, where lif estyle itself becomes the primary locus of consumption, can best be accomplished in spaces that exist apartor, at worst, are only tenuously linkedto locations and people w ho dont quite measure up. A suburb like Phakalane, or a shopping cente r like Riverwalk, exist as such venues, where the dominant economic and political hierarchies are most read ily exhibited and activat ed, while the negative consequences of these relationships are pushed to the fringes, if they are present at all. In Gaborone however, the serenity and security de sired by those who frequent the mall or live behind their security systems, or better yet, in their very own insulated communities, is not so readily achieved. The image of a sterilized utopian consumer space does not often translate in practice. The push-pull between the wealthy urban elite consumer and those who aspire to be one, impinges on the imaginative ut opian spaces of these residential and shopping sanctuaries. To bring this point home, a concluding sidebar: a feature that doesnt garner attention in the glossy investment literature on Phakalane is the substantial numbers of squatters living throughout the development. Part of the problem is self-inflicted and the consequence of the developers preference for cheap labor. Much of the construction work force involved in the building of houses in the community consists of illegal immigrants from Zimbabwe. As the houses are being built, the laborers are allowed to squat on the property in ramshackle huts constructed out of leftover building materials. Consequently, a large squatter community has developed as other unauthorized individuals came into the area to provide services for the construction workers or, in some cases, to find a place to live due to the scar city (not to mention expense) of acquiring land in the urban core of Gaborone. As the Daily News Botswanas state newspaper, notes, It is the upmarket suburb in northern Gaborone where most of Botswanas elite live. The place has adopted the name tshaba ntsa meaning beware of the dog. As with

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186 anything that has got two faces, Phakalane has another side, which is not so gloriousthe squatter camps and shebeens that have infe sted the classy locati on. The squatter camps [some of which you can see from the Nort h-South highway] are an eyesore.18 The presence of squatters poses a stark contradiction when considering the branding of the Phakalane, as a label, as an address of envy (for those who dont live ther e) and affirmation (for those who do). Accordingly, as the managing di rector of the property development tells the newspaper, if it wasnt for the law, he would ju st utilize the yellow mo nster and bulldoze the squatters in the Mugabe way.19 Explaining further, he continue s, I did not give these people permission to live there, as you might be aware Phakalane is an upmarket place.20 Where, to finish the thought, some are welcome but most are not. Here, well leave Phakalane, and the consump tion of community, behind, traveling on to a discussion of the practice of a more generalized consumer identity in Gaborone that isnt anchored to one specific place. Instead, well find ourselves in a flashy realm of cash and cars and clothes and cell phones. Youre not your fucking khakis vs. No one can see if y our belly is empty To talk about consumption in Gaborone ofte n means we must enter into discourses beyond the transactions of buying and selling or the exhibitions of the self. For instance, consumption touches on the practice of gender and sexual rela tions. While brandishing consumables is no doubt important as a measurement of prestige and status, as well as a m eans to distinguish the true Big Man from the aspiring poser chaff, it is also a significant factor in the practice of gender relations in the contemporary urban environment. As one author puts it, 18 Daily News, Squatters haunt Phakalane Estates, 16 November 2005 < http://www.gov.bw/cgibin/news.cgi?d=20051116&i=Squatters_haunt_Phakalane_Estates > (2 October 2006). 19 This is an obvious referen ce to Robert Mugabes mid-2005 Operation Murambatsvina (Drive out the Filth) slum clearance scheme that destroyed the homes of approximately 700,000 Zimbabwean squatters. 20 Ibid

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187 Nowadays a man without a car is like a kraal without cattle. Lifeless. Those with cars are the cream of the town, and sure they hang out with the most beautiful women. A classic case of flies clustering around the honey pot! Mo st modern women will agree with me that cars add a little spice to their lives. Our sisters-with-bodies seem to understand what is really expected of them nowadays, and they play the part. One friend of mine once boasted that in Gabs you dont have to chat her up because once she steps inside the car she is yours. He who drives is able to take twenty four women to bed in just 24 hours.21 Although there is certainly some accuracy to th e above exaggerated characterization, Im not sure we want to simply stop there and suggest on ly that accoutrements of the space of display are relevant only as a way to meet girls, or for women to extract love tariffs22 from their suitors. Recognizing this seems especially pertinent, considering the fact that many recent theoretical discussions of consumption have emphasized its inherently political character. De Certeau, for example, places the practice of consumption in the context of resistance to authority. Arguing that through consumption, anonym ous individuals are able to evade, subvert or short-circuit the established order by making use of the produc ts of the dominant politicaleconomic hierarchies in new and unscripted ways, de Certeau sees consumption as embedded in layers of social situations and the power dynamics accompanying them. He writes, the tactics of consumption, the ingenious ways in which the weak make use of the strong, thus lend a political dimension to everyday practices.23 The spaces occupied by consumption are invisible to the totalizing, panoptic stru ctures of authority, becoming instead home to innovation and 21 John Brown, Immorality raids Gaborone sign of the times?, Kutlwano 33 9 (September 1999), p. 43. 22 Ibid ., p. 43. 23 Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life (University of California Press, Berkeley, CA, 1984), p. XVII.

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188 liberation. In the same wayand in a different contextScott24 privileges metis and local knowledge, so does de Certeau.25 For his part, Baudrillard26 also understands consumption to be part of a greater system of power transmitted through political, economic and social networks. Baudrillard however, has a much darker view of the purpose and practices of the consumer. His description of an insatiable consumer of not concrete goods, but signs and symbols, is not one of liberation but a stark example of our bondage to the prevailing po litico-economic structures. By entering into the realm of consumption we are furthering th e foundational inequities of a culture whose fundamental imperative [is] of maintaining an order of privilege and domination.27 And where the consumer is sovereign in a jungle of ugliness where freedom of choice has been forced upon him (italics in original).28 While not wanting to get too distracted from the empirics of the case of Gaborone in the pursuit of a normative debate on the virtues of c onsumption, de Certeau and Baudrillard provide a substantial launching pad to push the discussion forward as we move to consider the framework of consumption in Botswana. Ind eed, their emphasis on the symbols, imagery and visuals exhibited by consumers seems especially re levant as global society has increasingly come to valorize the heroes of cons umption. In the US, this mi ght be best exemplified by the explosive growth of MTVs popular look at how rich I am shows: Cribs Super Sweet Sixteen 24 James C. Scott, Seeing Like a State: How certain schemes to improve the human condition have failed (Yale University Press, New Haven, CT, 1998). 25 See, for example, the chapter entitled Walking in the City in The Practice of Everyday Life 26 Jean Baudrillard, The Consumer Society: Myths and structures (Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks, CA, 1998). 27 Ibid ., p. 53. 28 Ibid ., p. 72.

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189 Laguna Beach.29 For those with satellite television in Botswana, these images are readily available, facilitating the cons truction of heroes of consump tion in Gaborone. Here, Im reminded of one young businessman, well known in Ga borone, explaining to me his intentions of importing the first Hummer into Botswana. Or of the above articles suggestion that even a regular man, who fails to qualify as a hero of consumption, without a car in todays Gaborone, is not only someone to be derided, but isnt even alive. Writing of the sapeur a Congolese variety of fop or dandy, Gondola c oncludes that a particular styl e or look is not about sending visual messages to external viewer s, but rather, that at some ba sic ontological level, the clothes make the wearer.30 Similarly, in the context of Gaborone objects dont simply send messages to other people about who we areor perhaps mo re aptly, who we would like to bethey are essential indicators of vitality, of existence, of life. In urban Gaborone, life sits exposed on the surface at the level of th e accessorized epidermal. This message is perpetuated in newspaper advertisements, for example. Worth mentioning here is that newspapers in Botswanaother than the free gov ernment dailyare largely the purview of a more elite, urban audience, the consumer lifestyles therefore advocated in the newspapers are directed toward an exclusive re adership, not for eyes outside of the targeted demographic composed of Gaborone elit es and aspiring urban sophisticates.31 The exclusionary 29 At the same time, we also like to see the normal side of our idealized celebrities. As in, for example, US Weekly s Theyre Just Like Us photo column. Where, in a Fall 2006 issue, you coul d see Lawrence Fishbourne buying beer, Al Pacino with a stain on his shirt, and Keanu Reeves picking up change off the street. 30 Ch. Didier Gondola, Dream and drama: the search for elegance among Congolese youth, African Studies Review, 42 1 (April 1999), pp. 30-32. 31 Private newspapers are not readily available in the rural areas of Botswana, nor can poorer individuals usually afford the added expense of paying for daily or weekly newspapers (priced slightly north of 2 pula per issue). Accordingly, in terms of circulation statistics, there are onl y 41.47 issues per 1000 people printed in Botswana (as of 2005). I should note though, that this doesnt account for the informal circulati on of newspapers that occurs on the street or in public markets: a purchased newspaper is likely to be passed through many hands over the course of a day. See: UNESCO, Institute of Statistics, Botswana General Profile < http://www.uis.unesco.org/profiles/EN/GEN/countryPr ofile_en.aspx?code=720 > (February 8, 2008).

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190 intent of the advertisements is nicely conveyed in an April 2004 full page color ad announcing the opening of a new shopping complex in the nort hern town of Francistown, Botswanas second largest city. Directly underneath large bolde d lettering screaming Ope ning Welcome! and the mention of the Galo Center being the meeting pl ace in Francistown, we are told that the mall is private property and the rig ht of admission [is] reserved.32 For those allowed entry, the opportunities presented inside the confines of th e mall will allow you to (re)make yourself fit for urban living as both a consuming subject and an object to be consumed. Queenspark, a South African clothing chain states in one ad, Queenspark fashion is re freshing and inspirational, and will blow everyones mind. . The ad concludes by encouraging the reader to make a statement.33 An ad for Woolworths goes one step fu rther by stripping away any pretentions of marketing gloss. Without pictures or graphics, the bare Woolwort hs ad consists of a paragraph of text that gives it to us straight. We are told, There is no getting away from the fact that we are judged by the way we look. We are faced with a series of occasions that requi re careful dressing. Woolworths stylish accessories will set you apart from the crowd an d make you feel special. After all one of the fundamental pleasures of the human bodies [sic] is to clothe it and it is not only about silhouettes and colours, it is cl osely caught up with our social being.34 In practically the same breath, the passage empha sizes the utility of clothing as a method of differentiationstanding out from the crowdand th e need for the right kind of clothing and accessories to bind us tighter to the web of inte rpersonal relations that constitutes our social being. This duality hints at an importan t motivation of consumption in Gaborone: it is important, for those who are able, to distinguish oneself from thos e who are unable to participate by removing the possibility of being mistaken for someone poor or in possession of a village or 32 The ad can be found in: Mmegi 16 April 2004, Advertising Insert, p. 3. 33 This ad also appears in: Mmegi, 16 April 2004, Advertising Insert, p. 2. 34 Mmegi 23 April 2004, Style Guide, p. 1.

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191 bush mentality (for example), while at the same time visually linking your self to not only local urban elites and trendsetters, but also to the globalized ur ban consumer consciousness. If we take another example, we might read these consumer tendencies as a form of repudiationor at the very least, the transformative erosionof pr evious practices and icons of status that carried symbolic weight in earlier Tswana culture. As peopl e increasingly move to urban areas and their ties to the traditional rural-based valu e system diminish, the car, for instance in the above Kutlwano commentary, is equated with life and status, rather than the quality and quantity of cattle as members of past generations might have done. Along the same lines, a current ad campaign by the international mobile phone service provider, Orange, advocates a similar transition. Whereas in the past propertied men would have congregated in the village kgotla to discuss matters of importance to the community, these advertisements both acknowledge and demonstrat e the changing times. Affixed to a photograph of five older Batswana men, sitting in the kgotla sharing a few gourds of traditionally brewed beer, the promotion announces th e arrival of conference callin g services: you dont have to meet to chat now that you can talk to up to 5 people at the same time.35 The next stage in the evolution of the kgotla s development is portrayed as the end of face-to-face dialogue in exchange for communication in a public sphere transmitted across the digital ether. Ironically, the people most likely to see th is messagesince it is reproduced online and much of the rural population has yet to become wiredhave pr obably already familiarized themselves and adapted to these new practices. Perhaps though, that is the point. Observers of this advertisement are granted a feeling of continuity however tenuous, to the pa st even as its forms and practices are altered in order to fit the expectations of mode rn urban living in the shops and 35 This electronic ad banner appeared on Mmegi s website in October and November 2006. It was available at < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/November/Friday10/opinion.html > (10 November 2006).

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192 streets of Gaborone. Though whether this is more than a passing over-the-shoulder glance to the past or a deeper reflection on the interconnection between past events and future trajectories likely depends on the individual interpretation. Of course, this is not to say that the re sidents of Gaborone are somehow exceptional in their consumer behaviors and desires or in th e manner of their entrance into the modernity discourse however we wish to de fine it. Indeed, I have tried to point out the connectedness of life in Gaboronereal and imaginarywith ot her locationsreal and imaginarythroughout the globe. As others have stressed, Africa finds itself embedded in multiple elsewheres in which the linkages rather than the differences be tween Africa and these elsewheres needs to be emphasized.36 Appadurai makes a similar observation related to the practice of consumption as a result of the disjunctive force of the global (and globali zing) economy. The layers of confusion, destabilization and c onfusion wrought by the five scap es (ideoscapes, technoscapes, etc.) he identifies serve as the constituent pa rts of world(s) now fundamentally imagined.37 As a storehouse of decontextualized images, in which global forces are easily indigenized by local ones, the universe of the consumer is open to innovation and possibility, ra ther than confined to sheer replication or mimicry.38 Following this style of approach, many studies of informal cultural politics in Africa have written of the potentialities for invention granted by practices of consumption. Folke Frederiksen writes of the opening of alternate pu blic spaces and the renegotiation of identity 36 Achille Mbembe and Sarah Nuttall, Writing the world from an African metropolis, Public Culture 16 3 (1994), pp. 348; 351. 37 Arjun Appadurai, Modernity at Large: Cultural dimensions of globalization (University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, MN, 1996), p. 32. For a more detailed elaboration see the chapter entitled, Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy. 38 Ibid ., pp. 30-32.

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193 made possible by the transnational flow of popular culture images (in this case, the American television shows The Fresh Prince of Bel-Air and The Bold and the Beautiful ).39 Likewise, Gondola suggests that the consump tion of particular clothing styles and labels facilitates the construction of a utopian space that creates connections between their circumstances and those prevalent in their fantasies of Europe, a dreamlike order, otherwise unreachable.40 Chris Abanis fictionalized evocation of life in the sl ums of Lagos in the early 1980s notes something similar. The young boys who populate the book i nhabit an imaginative space dominated by Western slang and figures like Elvis Presley, Clint Eastwood and Sam Peckinpah. By quoting TV lines or whistling theme songs somehow it all made sense to them, like some bizarre pig latin. And there was a power in the words that elevated them, made them part of something bigger.41 Accompanying the issue of connection, of juxtaposition, perhaps even a form of breaking free, comes the techniques of innovation, having been noted in studies of consumption and identity in postapartheid South Africa,42 of Sebago shoes in Senegal,43 or in the tentative consumer behaviors of a recent rural migrant in to the northern Botswana city of Francistown.44 What are we to make of this focus on appearan ces, on particular styles of shoes or shirts, on department store advertising campaigns, on ki ds in Nigerian slums conversing with one 39 Bodil Folke Frederiksen, Popular culture, gender relati ons and the democratization of everyday life in Kenya, Journal of Southern African Studies 26 2 (June 2000), p. 210. 40 Gondola, Dream and drama, p. 25. 41 Chris Abani, Graceland (Picador Press, New York, NY, 2004), p. 150. 42 Sarah Nuttall, Stylizing the self: the Y generation in Rosebank, Johannesburg, Public Culture 16 3 (2004), pp. 430-452; Belinda Dodson, Are we having fun yet? leisure and consumption in the post-apartheid city, Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie 91 4 (2000), pp. 412-425. 43 Suzanne Scheld, The city in a shoe: redefining urban Africa through Sebago footwear consumption, City and Society XV 1 (2003), pp. 109-130. 44 Wim van Binsbergen, Marys room: a case study on becoming a consumer in Francistown, Botswana, in Richard Fardon et al. (eds), Modernity on a Shoestring: Dimensions of globalization, consum ption and development in Africa and beyond (EIDOS, Leiden, 1999), pp. 179-245.

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194 another through dialogue borrowed from The Wild Bunch on the importance placed on the make and model of the car you drive? This collection of these, and other, fragments forces us to consider another framework for understanding th e city. Writing of Johannesburg, but making a point, I think, applicable to the specific case of Gaborone, Mb embe and Nuttall argue that rather than considering the South African metropolis solely as the spatia l embodiment of inequity or as an urban theatre of capita list accumulation and exploitation we should instead read the city as an aesthetic vision.45 This isnt to marginalize the ec onomic and social inequalities that remain pervasive in places lik e Johannesburg or Gaborone. Inst ead, it forces us to adopt an additional lens with which to view the city. Important to this theoretical turn seems to be the spaces of imagination, the spaces of fluid and sh ifting linkages, and the effacement of barriers and borders that are re-erected elsewhere, and pe rhaps even elsewhen (a de-contextualized and de-temporalized shopping center like Riverwalk, as we will shortly suggest, establishes a privileged version of a future whose access is limited). Before moving on to a fuller discussion of Ri verwalk, I would like to pause for a moment in order to draw some broad conclusions about the aesthetic vision of Gaborone. What is, in other words, motivating the practice of cons umption and the emphasis on the imaginative geography represented by the body and appearances ? In his recent ethnography of the rise and fall of the modernity narrative along the Zambia n Copperbelt, Ferguson explores what happens to individuals caught up in a discourse of m odernity that is no l onger attainabletheir connection to global capitalism is experienced in terms of de-industrialization and failed promises.46 And while the story of modernity has been in decline in Zambia for decades, in 45 Mbembe and Nuttall, Writing the world from an African metropolis, pp. 353-356. 46 James Ferguson, Expectations of Modernity: Myths and Meanings of Urban Life on the Zambian Copperbelt (University of California Press, Berkeley, CA, 1999), p. 242. Especially relevant for the issues discussed here as the

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195 Botswana, this narrative remains largely ascend ant. Despite Botswanas rampant poverty or unemployment, the practice of capitalism and the attainment of consumer lifestyles remains a much sought after desire for ma ny. Stresses in the system however, are becoming apparent. One common story told about life in Gaborone today is a bout the people living outside their means in order to give the impression that they are well-off people of means. Practically everyone I asked had stories about people47 who had fancy foreign ca rs (BMWs and Mercedes seemingly the most popular brand) yet lived in servants quart ers, about guys who would be pushing [driving] the big toys and yet only be able to afford to put 20 pula (about 4 dollars) worth of gas into the car, about guys who would cr uise around the Riverwal k parking lot in their BMWs with the windows rolled down because they couldnt afford the extra fuel required to run the air conditioners, or of seeing nice cars parked next to roadsi de restaurants a nd tuckshops as the occupants are buying dinner, not because they liked it, but because they couldnt afford a better meal. A few observations are worth mentioning here: the car stories always involved men. Women were usually characters only as a form of accessoryin, for instance, the stories I heard about Big Men going to the University in their luxur y cars at the start of the school year in order to go fishing or trolling for female students newly arrived from the villages. At the same time though, living outside ones means wasnt only the domain of men. As one wealthy female twenty-something explained to me the reasons why her contemporaries spent lots of money on clothes they couldnt afford, no one can see if your belly is empt y. This succinct explanation of the difference between being poor and looking poor serves as an even blunter assessment chapters Asia in Miniature: Signification, Noise and Cosmopolitan Style and Global Disconnect: Abjection and the Aftermath of Modernism. 47 Interestingly, no one could ever specifically name someone they knewall the stories I heard were of the friend of a friend variety.

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196 about the importance of appear ances and perceptions than wa s published in the Woolworths advertisement discussed above. One other point to be made about these stories is that when relayed to me by more well-todo residents of Gaborone, there was a sense of exasperation and annoyance at these interlopers who impinged on the markers of status that were previously used to distinguish the elite urbanized consumer from everybody else. The e fforts made by people to position themselves in a higher social and economic class than would otherwise be warrant ed if we measured solely by the size of their bank account blurred the boundaries and hierarchies of elite status.48 If a BMW no longer was a significant marker of status, other spaces needed to be created where the aspirations of the proper globalized elite consumer could be pract iced, their difference highlighted, without being infri nged upon by someone unauthorized to be there. Riverwalk and Phakalane are two such locations, but even ther e, the barriers of exclusivity are far from impermeable. The search for difference exemplified by pursu ing the new and modern at the expense of the past or the traditional seems to sit close to the core of the consumer-citizen identity in Gaborone. I would like to make one final leap that may confirm the continued activation of a modernity discourse operating along the lines described by Ferguson, while also alluding to the aesthetic vision being constructe d in Gaborone. Most Batswana have adopted the international development discourse deeming Botswana as exceptional or the African miracle. The internalization of this image re quires that the labels of civilization or modernization, accompanied by the need to show off where one fits in on this progressive linear scale, become 48 Outside the bounds of this study, but probably part of the efforts to live beyond ones paycheck is the recent growth of check-cashing and short-term loan businesses more like loan sharksthat have opened their doors in the past few years across Gaborone in order to provide customers an immediate cash fix.

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197 important. This can, for example, be observed in the talk surrounding th e so-called wild and undeveloped Bushmen.49 In recent years, the language used to describe the indigenous people of Botswana has become increasingly combative a nd derogatoryalthough they have long retained a marginal, serf-like position in Tswana societyas the government has come under international pressure because of their relocation, resettlement a nd development policies. One of the governments stated objectives of the pl ans to remove the nomadic indigenous populations from their Kalahari homelands into permanent vill ages is to civilize them. The Foreign Minister of Botswana has said, Our treatment of the Basarwa dictates that th ey should be elevated from a status where they [currently] find themselves. We all came from there. We became civilised and drive expensive vehicles we all aspire to Cadi llacs and would be concerned with any tribe to remain in the bush communing with flora and fauna.50 This position is echoed outside the halls of gove rnment amongst regular Batswana. In talking about the Bushmen the common theme was that as a modern country, Botswana couldnt have backwards and not-modern people living within its borders who had to hunt for their next meal or spent their time running around in skin s. Or, as opposition MP Robert Molefabangwe said in an address to an audi ence gathered at the Gaborone bus rank, Why should we desire to see Basarwa wrapped in skins when we dont wear them ourselves?51 Another informant used the imagery of a sliding scale of development a nd civilization. He argue d that while the vast majority of Batswana are at Level 8 in thei r development, the Bushmen sit mired at Level 49 This is an entirely different can of worms worthy of its own in-depth analysis. There is though, I think, a linkage to be made. 50 Foreign Minister Lt. General Mompati Merafhe in London on 29 July 2001. Quoted in: Kenneth Good, Bushmen and diamonds: (un)civil society in Botswana (Discussion Pa per 23, Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Uppsala, 2003), p. 27. 51 Letshwiti Tutwane, BNF supports Basarwa relocationMolefabangwe, Mmegi 16 April 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/April/Friday16/9437894371144.html > (7 November 2006).

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198 0. Why shouldnt Batswana, therefore, he continued, desire to increa se their standards of living, up to, for example, Level 3? What these comments suggest is th at there is a need to dissociat e from the past or from the cultural state in which all Batswana came from. If, in other words, Botswana is to be counted as a modern nation, the people who are the greatest affront to the countrys collective self image must be directed to aspire to drive Cadillacs Modern living in Botswana generally, and Gaborone specifically, is di rectly correlated to consumption: to drive expensive cars is to be civilized. To locate Mbembe and Nuttalls aesthetic vision in Gaborone, we must look to the sitesof physical urban geography along wi th the landscapes of imaginationthat specifically privilege consumpti on by both building and reaffirming the connections to the world beyond Botswanas borders. As with the Phakalan e development however, these places, as sites of differentiation for the elite c onsumer-citizen, remain exclusive and closely guarded terrains. Returning now to the place from which we started: Thank You for Visiting the Shopping Capital of Gaborone In the beginning of 2002, there were no shopping m alls in Gaborone. If you wanted to hit up a shopping mall, you had to head to Johanne sburg where, in the post-apartheid years, shopping centers were a booming busin ess. Lacking the means or th e inclination to travel to Johannesburg, most residents of Gaborone did their shopping in the unenclosed squares comprised of a mixture of businesses, government offices, and shops and stores that were a long established part of the life of the city. Places like the Main Mall, Broadhurst, or the African Mall that had been open for business for nearly as long as Gaborone was a ci ty (its first phases completed by 1966). As development across the city became increasingly consolidated in the hands of private developments, rather than being led by the public sector as had previously been the common practice, shopping malls began to dot the urban landscape. By the end of 2004, five

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199 shopping complexes had been erected across th e city: The Fairgrounds Mall, Molapo Crossing, Game City, The OK Foods complex, and Riverwalk.52 One of the main questions that puzzled me in the early days of my fieldwork was how co me so many malls had been built in such a short time? This construction boom seemed especia lly odd since the population as noted during the last census completed in 2001 was approximately 186,000, and of those, a bit less than half lived below the poverty line.53 The number of shops and stores and boutiques represented by these new malls seemed unsustainable considering th e limited numbers of people who could actually afford to purchase things. Placed in the br oader context of consumption described above however, Gaborones nascent mall culture made more sense. Riverwalk, a P75 million development,54 constructed on the edge of Gaborone adjacent to the border with the tribal village of Tlokweng, was the first to bring the South African/Western style shopping experience to Gaborone. A friend of mine, who also worked in the management of Riverwalk, described the general feeling of excitement accompanying the malls opening: I thought: oh my God! This is the place to be. Ten years ago, this place [Gaborone] was like living under a rock. [And now] We are excited about having restaurants and movies in the same place. Being a chick, you could come and get your shoes, get your hair done, get your makeup. All in one place. Although laid out in a pattern typi cal to shopping malls we might be accustomed to, the corridors of the mall are not completely roofed-over, th us exposing customers moving from place to place to the elementsbut since rain is rarely a prob lem in Botswana, the need for a self-contained, environmentally controlled mall seems less a prior ity. The three main arterial hallways leading 52 Since then, a new mall has opened up in the Phakalane de velopment, furthering its self-containment with the rest of Gaborones urban core. 53 More detailed demographic and economic statistics can be found at: Republic of Botswana, Central Statistics Office, < www.cso.gov.bw > (2 November 2006). 54 Daily News, Riverwalk complex to house Pick n Pay, 4 May 2001 < http://www.gov.bw/cgibin/news.cgi?d=20010504 > (2 November 2006).

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200 from the various parking areas converge on an op en area used for large displays in front of Riverwalks primary anchor merchant, the Pick n Pay grocery store. The two-story mall, home not only to the countrys first escalator, but, in line with the convenience my friend mentions above, Riverwalk houses nearly eighty shops, bus inesses, clothing boutiques, restaurants and recreational activities. Riverwalk touts itself as the Shopping Capital of Gaborone, and after spending many hours hanging out on its premises, my ethnographic impression is that it is indeed the preferred place to see and be seen in the city. Almost every store in the mall is a South African import55Nandos Portuguese Chicken, Exclusive Books, Pick n Pay grocery store, Capitol Cinemas, Fishmonger, Primi Piatti, MICA Hardware, Hi-Fi Warehouse, Cape Union Martgeared towards an upscale shopping clientele. Indeed, probably the only shops catering to a less well-to-do customer are the South Afri can based Pep Stores which target the working class or the Pick n Pays lunch take-away c ounter which provide a ch eaper alternative than would otherwise be available at Nandos or the Debonairs pizza chain. A further indication that Riverwalk is for an explicitly paying public, is that unlike the other older plaza-style shopping areas in the city, there are few places to sit without purchasing something. Unless circumstances have changed since I was last in Gaborone, th ere are only 6 benches sc attered throughout the mall. Otherwise, most of the seating resides in the food court area where you would generally need to buy something in order to occupy a seat.56 55 Oddly enough, the only American chain in the mall was a Redwings Shoe Outlet. Always devoid of customersI made it a point to look nearly every visitthe rumor was that it was a front for some sort of illegal activity. In any case, it finally ceased operations shortly before I left in July 2005. 56 Perhaps one final example hinting at the mall managements disapproval of lingering for too long in one placeif youre sitting, youre not buyingis that the malls soundtr ack loops fairly quickly (usually clocking in at about 1 hour). Eschewing the familiar canned elevator music, the tunes emanating from the malls speakers consisted almost entirely of pop idols you might see during an afternoon spent watching MTV. A sample playlist included: The Boys of Summer, Dont Phunk with my Heart by the Black Eyed Peas, Avril La vigne, Coldplay, Keane, the Killers, and Kelly Clarksons Since You Been Gone.

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201 The exclusivity of Riverwalk was evident in other areas as well. The management constructed a metal fence at th e propertys border facing the he avily trafficked Tlokweng Road that went past the mall. When I asked about th e fence, I was told that it was there to prevent people from walking across the landscaping that the mall had erected at the edge of the development. While this might be true, what al so seemed likely was that the landscaping didnt provide enough of a deterrent to the people who might have been coming in from the adjacent combi stop or the hawkers and public cell phone operators who located themselves on Riverwalks periphery.57 Similarly, one might consider the parking lots as another mechanism used to demarcate the ordered and surveilled sp ace of the mall to distinguish itself from the surrounding area. The large parking lot at the back of the mall he ld the majority of the malls parking spaces, it was rarely ever close to fu ll capacity and therefore, always seemed a bit oversized. However, if you consider the fact that this section of the mall faced the nearby Gaborone garbage dump--and the poor people w ho scavenged it or made the dump their home an overly large parking lot that extended the bou ndaries of the mall outward in order to enlarge the space controlled by the mall and increased the distance from people and places that might infringe on the insulated shopping environment, the design makes more sense. And, when intruders failed to heed the not so subtle physical symbols warning them to stay away, there were always the security people a nd their guard dogs, along with the undercover mall detectives who patrolled the grounds. Despite efforts to control the malls perimeter, as in the case of squatters in Phakalane, the borders were far from impermeable. Due to the proximity of the dump, on hot daysof which there were many in the dry, desert heat of Bo tswanathe smell, and occasionally, the flies, 57 A starker message sent to people who might come to the mall via public transportation appeared at the Game City mall. There, the combi stop was situat ed across the street from Game City on the busy 4-lane North-South road.

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202 would be more than a nuisance. I have also seen a goat bleed to death in front of Nandos following an attack by stray dogs. Beyond the unavoidable incursions of animals and environment, pick pockets and thieves were a common problem in Riverwalk. Common practice would be for would-be thieves to stake out one of the restaurant s, grab a purse and hope they could out-run their pursuers and disa ppear into the forest across the street in the direction of Tlokweng village. Some did, others would be ca ught and beaten by customers before the police arrived and the security watched. One disturbi ng incident I witnessed involved an alleged pickpocket who was caught by the malls security, be aten, and forced to cower next to a wall as the snarling guard dogs were held close to his face. Retelling the story of his capture, the guards and the gathered crowd laughed until the police arrived. More mundane subversions of the malls environment occurred as well. Following the closure of a formerly popular pub and restaurant, the outdoor seating area became a f ree place to sit and became a hangoutdespite less than enthusiastic warnings from mall secu rityfor teenagers, employees of the mall on break, and guys who would dri nk beer bought from the malls Li quorama. This went on for close to a month, until the picnic tables were chained together, turned upside down and placed against the wall. Problem solve d. What is important to point out here, I think, is that even in well-ordered and controlled space of the mall, heterotopic spaces58 and moments that contravened the rules and expectations of the mallspace could flicker into and out of existence. Even so, the efforts to maintain the sanctifie d, superficially inviolab le, space of Riverwalk as a site reserved for a privileged elite consumer helped preserve the imaginative geographies linking the mall patron to the globa lized consumer world, as well as the feeling of differentiation 58 Michel Foucault, Of other spaces: utopia s and heterotopias, in Neil Leach (ed), Rethinking Architecture: A reader in cultural theory (Routledge, New York, NY, 1997), pp. 350-356.

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203 from the poor or backward residents of Gaborone.59 One of the best exemplars of the theatre of display and differentiation was the symbiotic relationship between th e parking lot and the outdoor seating area of the food court, particular ly the coffee-shop. The section of the parking lot that faced the food court was always full and always hectic w ith traffic, badly parked cars, taxis dropping off and picking up customersdue in part to the poor design of the area. And even though spots got be easily gotten elsewhere in the mall with far less headaches, the ones closest to the outside seating of the food and an ample supply of watching eyes, were most prized. If you wanted to show off your car, your new duds, or the hot girl or guy you were with, parking in this area was the thing to do.60 I remember one especially hot summer day having lunch with a Motswana friend (a university studen t) at Nandos. Due to the days heat, I wanted to sit inside with the air condi tioning, rather than bake outsi de, but my friend refused, arguing that he wanted to look for girls, and anyway, no one could see him eating at Nandos if he sat inside the restaurant.61 What good, in other words, was it, to spend moneyon food, a car, a new outfitif there were no witnesses to the occasion? The communicative aspects of the performance of consumption in th e theatre of display at Riverwal k shouldnt be understated. 59 I want to point out though, that this emphasis on difference didnt just exist in some ephemeral imaginative realm. Being a patron at Riverwalk did, in very real ways, separate you from most of the other residents of the city. For example, after having dinner and drinks at its most popular restaurant, I noted that I had just spent more than I had paid for a months rent for the room I had been renting in one of the poorest neighborhoods in Gaborone. This reflexive moment called into question my own role in perpetuating the lifestyles and inequities about which I am writing. And is, a disjuncture with which I never reconciled. 60 This was especially true when the Keg n Zebrathe pub I mentioned that had been taken over by squatters looking for a free seat following its closurewas the place in town to be seen at. Back then, folks would cruise the malls parking lot in the luxury cars, windows down, music bl aring. If you had a seat outside, you would keep one eye to the street in order to not miss anybody of note who might be passing by. 61 For anybody who has spent some time in Gaborone, it quickly becomes evident just as small the community iseverybody does really seem to know everybody. So, chances are, if you sit outside a Nandos (throwing away 30 pula for lunch), someone who knows you, or knows of y ou, will see you, and perhaps talk about you later.

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204 The mall as a site of distinction not only tied together the elite class of consumers, but also bound the mall and its inhabitants to a region ou tside of Gaborone. Although physically, it is located in Gaborone, it occupies a time and space decontextualized from the everyday life occurring within it. The food court in Game C ity, for example, is enclosed under a glass dome and seems to be modeled after a public square that you might find in Spain or South America. The walls surrounding the enclosur e are painted to look aged a nd constructed out of adobe. Open windows with flower pots teetering on the edge of windowsills are also painted onto the imagined space of the typical Italian piazza. So me of the restaurants have carried the motif further, having gone so far as to have an i ndoor and outdoor seati ng section, in which the outdoor tables are fitt ed with umbrellas to keep out the wind and the rain, which someone actually sitting outdoors at a caf in Italy might encounter. Riverwalk too, strives to connect their shopp ing experience to the outside world. Their Christmas displays come complete with a decora ted Christmas tree, a sl eigh pulled by a plastic zebra and a singing robotic Sa nta Claus that belts out Jingle Bells and the Yellow Rose of Texas.62 Add to these universalized holiday disp lays a globalized coffee shop frequented by locals and expatriates from across the world and there is little to remind you that you are sitting at a caf, in a mall, in Botswana.63 You could be anywhere. But that, however, is the point. Severed from its local moorings, Riverwalk is an imagined space both nowhere and everywhere. The fluid spatiality of the ma ll also suggests a privileged tem porality: a utopian present and 62 Thanks to my friend and fellow researcher, Elise Carpenter, for providing this information. 63 One aspect of the coffee-shop crowd deserving further study is the sub-culture of former Yugoslavian nationals who have moved to Botswana following the war. Friends who spent time in the UN Mission in Kosovo informed me that many customs of behavior, seniority and respect that occur in a coffee shop in Ko sovo are replicated in the coffee-shop at Riverwalk.

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205 future in which the elite shopper will be the primary participant.64 Rather than recovering the nostalgia for a lost, more like never-was, past th at retail developers in the US have been trying to replicate in recent years,65 the malls in Gaborone have been oriented toward the future. Riverwalk, Game City, and all the rest are th e monuments reflecting th e final repudiation of where Batswana, to apply the words of their Foreign Minister, came from. Questions of citizenship, modernity or inequali ty are not enacted in the formal arenas of State and laws and policy. But instead, find their fullest realizati on in the layered terrai ns of imagination and informal cultural performances. To be a Riverwalk girl a nnounces ones engagement to the world beyond Gaborone, outside Botswana, while simultaneously serving as a subtle renunciation of the world within it. 64 The working classes who stock the shelves are larg ely observers in the pursuit of these aspirations. 65 Consider Wal-Marts efforts to build fake downtown faca des onto the front of its megastores, or the growth in village style malls that are no longer enclosed and pedestrian friendly.

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206 Figure 4-1. Riverwalk Shopping Mall from across the Tlokweng Road. Notice the metal fence and hawkers' stalls hovering on the edge of the malls propert y (Photograph: Elise Carpenter). Figure 4-2. Christmas Display at Riverwalk (Photograph: Adrian Wisnicki).

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207 Figure 4-3. Riverwalk Parking Lot and Food Court (Photograph: Adrian Wisnicki). Figure 4-4. Riverwalks rear lot with the garbage dump in the background. In the distance, you can make out the smoke from a garbage fire and a bulldozer (Photograph: Steve Marr).

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208 Figure 4-5. Shopping at Riverwal k (Photograph: Steve Marr). Figure 4-6. Banner at the Entrance of Riverwalk (Photograph: Steve Marr).

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209 Figure 4-7. Botswanas own El vis impersonator performing at a $50 a ticket show at the Gaborone Sun Hotel and Casino (Photograph: Steve Marr).

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210 CHAPTER 5 DOWN ON THE CORNER: ILLEGAL IMMI GRATION AND THE ST RUGGLE FOR SPACE ON THE STREETS OF GABORONE, BOTSWANA Over a fifteen-year period from 1985-2000, Botswana found itself amidst rather dubious company. The southern African nation, along with Rwanda, Uganda, Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo all doubled (at least) their military spending during this span.1 And while the latter four were wracked by bouts of state co llapse, civil wars, ge nocides and domestic insurgencies of varying severity, Botswana a ppeared to lack any obvious foreign-based or homegrown threats. True, Botswana occasionally suffered incursions of South African commandos in pursuit of ANC symp athizers harbored in Gaborone, along with sporadic bursts of artillery-fire carried out under th e mantle of apartheid in the 1980s. But yet, as apartheid waned and quietly diedalong with th e threat posed to Botswana by an aggressive South Africa military appropriations continue d on their upwards trajector y. Spending approximately $34 million on the military in 1985, expenditures ballooned to $228 million by 2003.2 These trends did not go unnoticed outside Botswana. In respon se to these increases, Botswanas ambassador to the United States was called to the State Department to explain what the US government termed Botswanas excessive military spending, including the construction of a military airbase located close to a large village an hours drive from the capital, Gaborone.3 Building the Thebephatshwa Airbase was not a matter of St ate preference, reasoned the Foreign Affairs 1 Oxfam, Global military spending set to top Cold War high as conflict causes record hunger, 22 September 2006 < http://www.oxfam.org.uk/press/releases/un_gen_ass220906.htm?searchterm=botswana+military > (2 February 2007). 2 Dan Henk, The Botswana Defence Force: evol ution of a professional African military, African Security Review 13 4 (2004) < http://www.iss.co.za/pubs/ASR/13No4/EHenk.htm > (30 January 2007). 3 Lerato Maleke, Merafhe concerned about Zim allegations, Mmegi 31 March 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/March /Wednesday31/4493554961732.html > (1 February 2007).

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211 Minister Mompati Merafhe, but a necessity demanded by Batswana for protection against external threats at the time.4 Accompanying the large-scale build-up of military equipment, manpower and infrastructure, is the growing frequency of ominously vague pronouncements regarding the existence of enemies, foes, threats and dangers seeking to undermine and vi olate the stability of the political and moral communities of Botswana. Pe rhaps one of the most striking exemplars of the heightened emphasis on security is a bill r ecently debated in Parliament to establish a security and intelligence bureaucracy under the author ity of the President. Long rumored to be in the offing, the bill made its formal unveiling following publication in the Government Gazette in November 2006. Justifying its necessity, the bill in minimal detail reads, Botswana faces a number of threats or potential th reats to its national security, political systems, and its economy, all of which may be destabilis ed through subversive activities fr om the countrys detractors.5 One way to view this proposal is to see it as th e States method of protecti ng itself from critics at home and abroad. Consider for example, the 2005 deportation of political science professor Kenneth Good following the presentation of a high publicized paper in which the Vice President was criticized or Survival Internationals globa l campaign protesting the removal of the so-called Bushmen from their ancestral homelands in the Kala hari Desert. In these instances, the Attorney General at the time could label Good as an outlaw6 while the first line of a front-page newspaper article could assert, I t is not in doubt that Stephen Co rry, the Survival International 4 Ibid 5 Gideon Nkala, Intelligence Big Brother is coming, Mmegi 7 November 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/November/Tuesday7/437967177180.html > (7 November 2006). 6 Joel Konopo, AG admits error in Good deportation, Mmegi 12 July 2005 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2005/July/Tuesday12/295147307293.html> (25 January 2007).

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212 Executive Director, is one of the leading fo reign enemies of the Botswana government.7 Taking the need for protection from critics even fu rther, one of the bills supporters, ruling party MP Pono Moatlhodi, argued in Parliament th at the proposed law be amended to include provisions enabling the government to s py on domestic political organizations.8 Noting the bills political overtones, including the suggestion that the newly established security apparatus be overseen by politicians and their appointees rather than be supervised by a staff of non-partisan civil servants, newspaper columnist Michael Dingake observes that the bill smells more [like] politics than security.9 These speculations, while likely valid to some degree, are set aside for another time. Instead, what is of interest here is how thes e official activities and proclamations reflect pervasive, informal attitudes in the media and on the street that describe a nation under threat. But rather than being concerne d with critics leveling charges at the government, most of the popular ire appearing in the prin t media and heard in street-lev el conversations occurring in places like bars and taxis is directed towards th e increasingly visible presence of immigrants. Blamed for taking jobs and resources, crimes committed, and the erosion of Tswana morals and culture, non-citizen populations are said to pose a clear and immediate danger to the viability of Botswana. Emphasizing the fragility and preca rious circumstances of Botswanas politics, economy and society both globally and closer to home in Sout hern Africa, new security 7 Gideon Nkala, Corry finds no lions in the den, Mmegi 18 March 2004, p. 1. 8 Daily News, Intelligence bill loose, vague Mabiletsa, 14 December 2006 < http://www.gov.bw/cgibin/news.cgi?d=20061214&I=Intelligence_bill_loose_vague_Mabiletsa > (14 December 2006). 9 Michael Dingake, The bill smells more politics than security, Mmegi 14 November 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/November/Tuesday14/4255980721431.html > (14 November 2006).

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213 measures are needed to counteract Botswanas former international naivet and innocence10 to ensure that terrorists do not engulf the country.11 Accordingly, the security bill recently deba ted in Parliament can be understood as a mechanism Batswana see as protecting their economic interests from unidentified foreign people in the region and the entire world [w ho] were [not] happy with Botswanas economic progress.12 And through the everyday experiences of liv ing in a nation said to be under threat from outside forces, one Motswana could confid ently claim that Islams were taking over all the businesses in Gaborone, while affixing th e corollary point to his grievance that Al Qaeda are everywhere [in Gaborone]. Similarly, another Motswana, a retired civil servant formerly employed in Gaborones municipal bureaucracy, cri ticized the influential presence of Muslim expatriates in business and government saying, if government isnt careful there will be conflict between the Muslims and Black Christians. Wh ile Muslims constitute 2% of the population he continues, You cant leave the 98% [the rest of Botswanas population] out of business. Otherwise there will be a war he re. Like in Uganda where they kicked out all the Muslims. Fear and anxiety over the economy is a common c ondition for many in Botswana. And criticism is becoming more pointed. A third Motswana man suggests that the govern ment is intentionally putting the poor at a perpetual disadvantage, telling me, The government wants to make us like Zimbabweans. Cheap labor for these companies. How can you work for 2 Pula a day? You cant. I would rather die than work for nothi ng. Despite living in a country whose economy has experienced enormous growth since independ ence in 1966, the engines of progress have left 10 Daily News, Intelligence and security b ill vital, 14 December 2006 (14 December 2006). 11 Daily News, Intelligence bill loose, vague Mabiletsa. 12 Bame Piet, Intelligence bill meant to avoid security pitfallsSkelemani, Mmegi 12 December 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/20 06/December/Tuesday12 /73342014111 67.html > (12 December 2006).

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214 behind large swaths of the urba n and rural population, thus creati ng the need for scapegoats who can be held accountable for the economys failin gs. Economic insecurity though, provides only a partial explanation to the suspic ion, and sometimes, outright animosity directed to foreigners. No discussion of immigration in Botswana is, these days, complete without extensive mention of Zimbabweans. As the disaster in adjacent Zimbabwe worsens and the extent of the damage wrought by an unfolding confluence of famine, political repression, runaway hyperinflation and general economic collapse cuts across the population, more and more people are leaving the country. Partic ularly popular destinations for Zimbabwean migrants are South Africa and Botswana. Recent reporting, for exam ple, indicates that 140,000 Zimbabweans were deported from Botswana and South Africa in 2006 with roughly 32,000 removed from Botswana.13 The numbers however, could be even higher: Botswanas only privately owned daily paper, Mmegi figures that the number of indivi duals deported from Francistown, the countrys second largest city locat ed in close proximity to the bor der, over a six month period in 2006 is upwards of 30,000.14 And these figures only document those who have been caught, meaning that the ebb and flow of people movi ng across the Zimbabwe-Botswana border is far greater. Zimbabwean immigrants are perceived to be everywhere: vampires on the one hand, siphoning off jobs and resources that should be going to citize ns; contagions on the other, infecting Botswanas body politic with a level of crime and immorality not previously present, perhaps further sullying Botswanas innocence. A Gaborone street vendor, a self-proclaimed Rastafarian Bushman who often goes by the monike r Bantu to demonstrate his commitment to 13 Sunday Standard Botswana, South Africa deport 140,000 Zimbabweans in 2006, police, 29 January 2007 < http://sundaystandard.info/print.php?NewsID=929 > (29 January 2007). 14 Mmegi The neighbourly-burden that is Zimbabwe, 26 October 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/Octob er/Thursday26/9976358061774.html > (26 October 2006).

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215 a broader African identity, provide s a fantastically high estimate of their numbers. They are 3 million. We are 1.7 million. That is too many. A few minutes later, to emphasize the everywhereness of Zimbabweans, he poses the hypothetical, If you are with 10 [people], only 2 will be Batswana. Three million constitutes approximately a quarter of the entire population of Zimbabwe and is, of course, factually inaccurate But whether the figure is right or wrong is irrelevant. What matters is that Bantus statemen t reflects a widely held perception that the state of Botswana and the Tswana nation, proudly myt hologized by most citizens as being ethnically and culturally homogenous, is being overrun, that both the borders deli miting territory and culture are being violated by foreign hordes. There is now, a sort of demographic claustrophobia, where Batswana see them selves as being crowded by outsiders. A popular undercurrent of worry today in Gabor one and in other parts of the territory is that Batswana are in danger of becoming marginalized in their own country. The hope for regional stability through the presence of p eaceful and prosperous neighbours has been dashed by Zimbabwe.15 What has happened instead is that Botswana is forced to confront a neighbourly-burden, or, put more forcefully, Neighbours from Hell.16 Indeed, in the latter piece, a rambling article touc hing on slum degeneration and overworked and under-qualified Customary Courts in Gaborone, Zimbabweans ar e variously charged with causing criminal behavior, urban overcrowding, upset ting local values and turning one nearby village into a giant brothel.17 And while adjudicating a case involving ten Zimbabwean prostitutes, the presiding court official proclaimed that it was time th e courts took serious action against these people 15 Ibid 16 Sunday Standard Neighbours from Hell, 30 October 2006 < http://sundaystandard.info/print.php?=NewsID=593 > (30 October 2006). 17 Ibid

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216 who are responsible for the spread of HIV/AIDS in Botswana.18 If Zimbabweans come from Hell, it seems only fitting, then, that they are said to bring with them an apocalyptic brew of crime and danger, sex and drugs, disease and pestilence. But what do these words and images, depict ing the presence of shadowy specters of enemies and foreigners engaged in unsavory behavi ors, really signify? Examined in the context of recent debates in Africa on questions of belonging, citizenship and autochthony, along with a broader look at social theory re lated to questions of national id entity, sovereignty, and security, we might see how as the imagery of an et hnically homogenous Botswana comes under fire, national solidarity starts to turn less on tribal or ethnic affiliation and more on identifications of who is from Botswana and who is not. The arenas for this exploration include articles produced by the print media, which will show this nas cent national imaginary being carved out in the symbolic spaces occupied by citizens and strangers, while a well-traveled street corner in Gaborone known for attracting Zimbabweans looking for piece-jobs will demonstrate how these struggles are enacted during the performance of everyday life in Botswanas capital city. This Land is Our Land. As for the Rest of You One of the foundational myths long circulated in Botswana tells the story of a tribally and ethnically hom ogenous population. Birthed even before Botswanas independence from the British, the desire to portray an image of a unified, non-fac tionalized state has guided the decision-making of government from the earliest. These practices implemented in support of what Werbner terms the One-Nation Consensus19 ranged from the transfer of land distribution powers previously held by customar y authorities to ethnically and tribally neutral State-run land 18 Ibid 19 Richard Werbner, Reasonable Radicals and Citizenship in Botswana: The public anthropology of Kalanga elites (University of Indiana Press, Bloomington, IN, 2004), p. 38.

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217 boards to the founding fathers wi sh to situate the new capital of Gaborone on non-tribal land, so as not to confer an advant age on one group over the others.20 The persistence of a monolithic Tswana population that has avoi ded the violent fragmentation that has caused such havoc elsewhere in Africa has been pointed to as a powerful reason for Botswanas success and stability over the past four decades. Yet, what is often glossed over in discussions regarding Botswanas ethnic make-up is the fact that it is, to a la rge extent, a fabrication, whatever its usefulness. As Parsons notes, Botswana is mono-ethnic only to the degree that the Tswana minority has successfully imposed its culture on a majority populati on of extremely diverse ethnic origins.21 Similarly, others have used the image of a Galactic Polity to describe the assimila tionist tendencies of the Tswana, suggesting their ability to absorb othe r peripheral groups, binding them to a political, economic and administrative center.22 While the fiction of one Ts wana nation has been used to solidify the ground on which the state of Botswana re sts, in recent years, challenges resisting the minimalization, if not outright er asure, of difference by the c onstruction of a superficially hegemonic Tswana identity have been increasing ly vocalized in public. The irony of this newly public debate over the recognition of differen ce on one hand and the inclusion of minority 20 For a full account of the decision to site the new capital outside areas of tribal infl uence, see: Bechuanaland Protectorate, Legislative Council Official Report (Hansard 2): Debates of the Second Meeting of the First Session of the First Legislative Council: Sittings from 26th and 27th September, 1961 (Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number 328.6883 NA T, Gaborone, 1961). Of particular intere st is Seretse Khama s introductory speech on pp. 7-11. 21 Q. N. Parsons, The evolution of modern Botswana: historical revisions, in Louis Picard (ed), The Evolution of Modern Botswana (University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln, NE, 1985), p. 27. 22 Richard Werbner, Introduction: challenging minorities, difference and tribal citizenship in Botswana, Journal of Southern African Studies 28 4 (December 2002), p. 675. This issue is devoted entirely to questions of identity, minority rights and citizenship in contemporary Botswana.

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218 participation in the State on the ot her hand, is that it is precisely the stability and efficacy of the State that has allowed these points of view to come to the fore.23 Regardless of the cause, these differences, pr eviously concealed under the surface of a dominant Tswana identity have now appeared in a variety of circumstances, including: the controversy over the plan to develop the not-yet assimilated Bushmen, the entrance into the public sphere of ethnically oriented advocacy groups, or the emotional reevaluation of the Constitution and the House of Chiefs ( Ntlo ya Dikgosi ) and their apparent favoritism towards the eight major Tswana tribes.24 Because of the struggles occurr ing over now contestable symbolic terrain, the cohesiveness of a Ts wana identity adopted in support of the One-Nation Consensus has lost some of its potency. The fractures exhibited by the Tswa na national identity, have been met by trepidation and anxiety, by many individual s in government and the population at large. Testifying before a Presidential Commission charged with investigating whether the Constitution of Botswana discriminated against minority grou ps, a former President suggested that even raising questions about thes e issues might set loose th e Tiger of ethnic conflict.25 And even as Botswana has broadened the tribal membership of the Ntlo ya Dikgosi the current President of Botswana cautioned against di stinguishing between lesser and greater tribes, as these distinctions threatened the unity of the nation.26 Apart from official statements calling for 23 Jacqueline S. Solway, Navigating the neutr al state: minority rights in Botswana, Journal of Southern African Studies 28 4 (December 2002), p. 713. 24 See pp. 43-47 of Werbners Reasonable Radicals for a brief account of the controversy surrounding Botswanas Constitution and the Ntlo ya Dikgosi. 25 Werbner, Introduction, p. 681. 26 Daily News, National unity, respect vital, 2 February 2007 < http://www.gov.bw/cgibin/news.cgi?d=20070202&i=National_unity_respect_vital > (2 February 2007). See also: Bame Piet, Mogae wants modern chiefs, Mmegi 2 February 2007 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2007/February/Friday2/83.php > (2 February 2007).

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219 caution and calm, pressure groups composed of private citizens, such as Pitso ya Batswana have formed to defend the status quo from an increasingly influential minority presence.27 For those groups who continue to resist be ing subsumed under the Tswana label, they become targets of rumors and belittlement. Fo r example, on one end of the spectrum, there are conspiracy theories warning of one influen tial minority groups desi re to dominate the government.28 Conversely, at the level of the economi cally and socially ma rginalized Bushmen populations, they are ostracized as backward pr imitives. Statements that both denigrate the Bushmens lifestyle, while simultaneously argue for their need to assimilate into a more appropriate lifestyle are abundant. The words of one columnis t encapsulates the flavor of much of this discourse: the Basarwa must j oin the rest of the nation in the 21st century of cars, education, decent houses, running water, computing, designer clothing . and to even suggest that there is another way of lif e devoid of these things is plain wrong. It is disingenuous to think it is a pleas ant way of life.29 Or to take another example, when a member of the Basarwa community transgresses the behavioral boundaries of what is deemed to be an authentic Sarwa hunter-gatherer lifestyle, he is cr iticized as being a Tastic Rice30 Mosarwa who ought to keep to his properly subordinate minority-space. I quote at length from the following newspaper article to demonstrate the vorac ity of attacks on a leader of the Basarwa community opposing their removal from their traditional homelands, along with the intensity of feeling related to discussions over who legitimately belongs to th e Tswana identity and those who do not. As a Tastic Rice Mosarwa with an 27 Werbner, Reasonable Radicals pp. 52-57. 28 Ibid ., pp. 54-55. 29 Dichaba Molabe, Government could brush communications 101 on CKGR, Mmegi 19 March 2004, p. 10. 30 Tastic sells food products, including white rice, across Southern Africa.

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220 English first name [Roy Sesana ], well-preserved skin, wester n clothes, frequent foreign trips, hi-tech telecommunications equipment at the home base, cameo roles at international sob-fests and, audience with gullible white care er activists to wax me lancholic about the governments resettlement programme. To celebrate a court of appeal victory earli er this yearSesana stopped over at an airconditioned bar at the Pop-Inn mall in Gaborone, knocked back a couple of ice-cold Castle beers, shot a round or two of pool and nonchala ntly swayed to the latest Eminem charttopper blaring from the wall mounted jukebox. La ter, as he sucked on a filter cigarette and vociferously pumped clicks into his Nokia cel lphone, he was chauffeured away to a city hotel in a gleaming 4x4 Toyota van.31 Among the many implications carried by the above statement, which palpably seeps disdain, one of the more striking is the assumption that on some level, the boundaries delineating the Tswana identity are starkly drawn, as the reporter caricatur es Sesana as some sort of poser or fraud living an inauthentic Bushman life. Meaning that youre not a real Bushmen unless youre fulfilling the typical Batswana fantasy, where the Basarwa run around the Kalahari De sert in animal skins shooting game with poison-tipped a rrows. The failure to perform or conform to the stereotype suggests fluidity, and even worse, ambiguity, representing a potentially dangerous source of uncertainty. The mere idea that a member of a minority group maintain s contact between two potentially explosive worlds, is a threat to the purity of the pro cesses of Tswanafication that have up until now maintained the image of Botswanas tripartite national community of morality, politics and ethnicity. As the notion of a monolithic Tswana nation frays, appeals to unity and solidarity have shifted their focus. The geography of national un ity seems to have been redrawn to emphasize Insider-Outsider, Citizen-Strange r distinctions. Nyamnjoh obser ved these tendencies back in 2002, identifying the struggle to explicitly define citizens from foreigners as reflecting broader 31 Lesego Mabiletsa, CKGR row pits uncle against nephew, The Botswana Guardian 19 March 2004.

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221 conflicts over the alloca tion of economic resources and employment opportunities.32 As the writer of a letter to the Mmegi editor complains, We are tire d of being economic spectators in our own country. When will we ever transform th is economy so that it is in the right hands, our hands and not foreigners?33 Protestations revolving around land, around laying claim to our own country, suggest a particular ly important current in the cr eation of distinctions between those from Botswana and those from outside. During the period of my fieldwor k too, the issue of access to resources and property was a dominant topic of conversation in Gaborone as the Lesetedi Commission investigated whether land was being unfairly distributed to foreign investors at the expens e of Batswana citizens.34 In this context, Nyamnjoh rightly raises the question of whether citizen empow erment initiatives are now indi stinguishable when compared to a more general feeling of xenophobia against foreigners.35 I think though, it is worth consid ering the question of xenophobia, of a country in a state of siege, outside the realm of the purely economic. Speaking out against the growing number of naturalized citizens in Botswana, the chair of the Kgatleng District Council says that the government needs to be more judicious in granting these applications in order to guard against the possibility of indigenous ci tizens being overwhelmed by naturalised Batswana so as to 32 Francis B. Nyamnjoh, Local attitudes towards citizenship and foreigners in Botswa na: an appraisal of recent press stories, Journal of Southern African Studies 28 4 (December 2002), pp. 755-775. 33 Mmegi Whats good for them is also good for us, 6 February 2007 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2007/February/Tuesday6/157.php > (6 February 2007). 34 The Lesetedi Commission, appointed by President Mogae, took evidence and heard testimony during June and July of 2004. While it investigated examples of favoritism extended to expatriates with regards to land allocation, the Commission carried the broad mandate to examine po ssible corruption and procedural irregularities related to land distribution in Gaborone, including very public scrutiny of the behavior and decisions of a number of current government Ministers. See: Republic of Botswana, Report of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into State Land Allocations in Gaborone (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 2004). 35 Nyamnjoh, Local attitudes towards citizensh ip and foreigners in Botswana, p. 772.

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222 preserve the homogeneity and cultura l norms of the indigenous population.36 While appeals to roots and homeland framed in terms of the purity of ones indigenousness are made, the construction of foreign dangers takes a variety of forms. As noted above, and will be elaborated on below, in recent years the Zimbabwean immigran t as a general trope has been framed as an ideal-type foreigner, a faceless figure upon whic h a multitude of offenses and evils can be attributed. Yet, it is worth noting that the shadow, the specter of threat, extends beyond the realm of the human to include even the non-sentient: microbes and livestock. Alarm over both infectious dis ease and the presence of foreigners in Botswana briefly merged in 2004, as members of a Christian churc h, whose beliefs lead them to reject modern medicine, refused to allow their children to be inoculated agains t polio. Putting the very real public health concerns aside, following a brie f polio scare in the Ngamiland District, the reemergence of the disease within Botswanas bo rders allowed for the discussion to be framed around foreigners who could literally make th e nation sick. As a well-known lawyer in Botswana put it, the parents rights should be abridged in orde r to protect the children and the nation at large.37 Another headline captures the more virulent edge of the public debate, announcing, Gaborone [Councilors] Condemn Anti-Im munisation Foreigners. In the article, Gaborone city officials reporte dly broadened the discussion by moving beyond the narrow focus of immunization by suggesting that outsiders are flooding the country in huge numbers and that if the trend continues they would take over the country and assume positions of responsibility such as being the mayor of Gaborone.38 Disease, in other words, provided 36 Chippa Legodimo, KDC boss wants to change citizenship laws, Mmegi 10 March 2004, p. 4. 37 Shirley Nkepe, Human rights campaigners support children in anti-Polio drive, Mmegi 27 May 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/May/Thursday27/677378399130.html > (26 January 2007). 38 Donny Dithato, Gaborone Cllrs condemn anti-immunisation foreigners, Mmegi 26 May 2004.

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223 another avenue to construct foreigners as an immediate threat to the politics and people of Botswana. More than that though, as a danger to the well-being of the children, these people represented a direct threat to the future, the ve ry survival of the country. Similarly, the virus causing HIV/AIDS is an thropomorphized into an intruding enemy crossing the borders into Botswana. In an i nnovative research projec t, Lisa Brooks uses pop music lyrics in Botswana to trace the evolution of the AIDS virus from terrible disease to something seen as almost engaged in the willful destruction of the citizens and sovereignty of Botswana.39 A song by Mr. Tagg urges citizens to fight back before it is t oo late: This is the time to fight it/you and I could become conquerors It is time to fight this enemy It is time to sharpen swords/its time to fight the war/to conquer this enemy.40 Others suggest that the fight against outsiders has already been lost. Ly rics by local pop star Franco, warn that because of HIV/AIDS invaders, Batswana have lost control of their count ry. He sings, It governs the country, our country/It governs th e country, the c ountry Botswana.41 The symbolic parallels between the above song lyric and one officials speculation that foreigners will perhaps one day become mayor of Gaborone are striking, hinting at a widely available collection of words and images, fears and anxieties, all of which call attention to the need for the citizens of Botswana to band together in order to regain co ntrol from these foreign marauders. The power and effectiveness of these articu lations is underscored in their usage by Roy Sesana, the public face of the Basarwa in his figh t against the governments relocation efforts. Warning the people and government of Botswana of the dire consequences caused by a failure to 39 Lisa Allette Brooks, Music and HIV/AIDS in Botswana: Rearticulating relationships through song (Yale University, unpublished MA thesis, 2006), p. 44. 40 Ibid ., p. 48. The translations from the original Setswana song lyrics are Lisa Brooks. 41 Ibid ., p. 49.

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224 accede to Basarwa demands, Sesana says, If the issu e of the resettlement of the Basarwa is not resolved, Survival International [the Britishbased advocacy group] is going to plague this country like AIDS.42 An analogy linking Survival Internat ional and AIDS seems a potent tactic when used by a minority group long oppressed by the majority, whose only hope for accommodation might rely on the utilization of the very outside forces the rest of the population understands as threats. In a different context, this time with specific reference to the porousness of Botswanas border with Zimbabwe, we can observe apprehensions over the appearance of diseased Zimbabwean cattle. Cattle hold a position of long-standing cultural, political and economic importance in Botswana. Not only is the expor t of cattle a large source of revenue for the economy, cattle are also traditional i ndicators of wealth, status and power. Therefore, to protect the national herds as a financial resource and exemplar of nationa l pride, in 2003 the government began building an electrified fence across the 300 mile long Zimbabwe-Botswana border, in order to exert some control over cr ossings by people and animals alike.43 As possible carriers of Foot and Mouth Disease, Zimbabwean cattle th reatened not only a sign ificant portion of the nations livelihood, but also the Botswana governments ability to effectively manage its livestock resources or borders. The unimpe ded movement of alien cattle into Botswana prompted the police to request th e vigilance of the Botswanas ci tizenry, as they were asked to report any suspicious cattle movement to the authorities.44 Across the country, but particularly 42 Bashi Letsididi, Corrywrong caste, right script, The Botswana Guardian 19 March 2004. 43 Rory Carroll, Botswana erects 300-mile electrifi ed fence to keep cattle (and Zimbabweans) out, Guardian Unlimited 10 September 2003 < http://www.guardian.co.uk/zimbabwe/article/0,2763,1039033,00.html > (27 January 2007). 44 Ryder Gabathuse, Zim rustlers th reaten Botswana cattle industry, Mmegi 13 April 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/April/Tuesday13/2090817271129.html > (27 January 2007); Ryder Gabathuse, Zim cattle spread FMD in Botswana, Mmegi 19 May 2004, p. 2.

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225 along the border, Zimbabwean beasts and people posed severe problems for citizens of Botswana. It is perhaps not surprising then, that concer ns about outside livest ock were incorporated into a wider debate about borders and foreigners Writing of the invasion of alien species in South Africa, the Comaroffs observe, the anxi ety over foreign flora gesture[s] toward a submerged landscape of civic terror and moral alarm.45 Mike Davis too, in his analysis of the construction of environmental cat astrophe and conflict in Los Angeles suggests that discussions of nature and animals reveal c lass or ethnic conflict refracte d through the symbolic role of wildlife in distinguishing the ethical universes of competing social groups.46 In this case, worry over Zimbabwean cattle becomes merely another wa y to express anxiety over insecure territorial borders and the suspicious movement[s] of unauthorized foreign bugs livestock and people into Botswana. To better convey the processes guiding the very public disc ussions of foreigners in Botswana, I must situate the above discussion in a wider geographic and theoretical framework. Questions of threat, invasion, security and the maintenance of a populations internal coherence and purity are themes that have been raised wi th an increasing frequency in recent years. Foucault observed two decades ago that the obje ct of State power had shifted, emphasizing the control, organization and regulariz ation of the people living within the territorial boundaries of the state.47 The dictates of bio-power suggest th at the security appa ratus of the State 45 Jean Comaroff and John L. Comaroff, Naturing the nation: aliens, apocalypse and the postcolonial state, Journal of Southern African Studies 28 3 (September 2001), p. 630. 46 Mike Davis, Ecology of Fear: Los Angeles and the imagination of disaster (Vintage Books, New York, NY, 1999), p. 208. 47 Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality: Volume 1: an introduction (Vintage Books, New York, NY, 1990), p. 136.

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226 Foucaults policeexert s a positive, corrective influence on the masses.48 Accomplishing this task requires the presence of an ordered a nd undifferentiated population readily made knowable to the authorities. As the populati ons security and well-being, ind eed their very lives, forms the impetus for State intervention, th ere becomes a heightened awaren ess of dangers to the social health of the populations body. The existence of an undeclared war on behalf of public hygiene, in order to cleanse the social body of impurities, hu man or otherwise, is understood as being part of continual effort to improve society;49 a continual, occasionally violent, self-help project conducted on a mass-scale. And whereas Foucault is more focused on the presence of internal dangers, it is not a large leap to extrapolate hi s point to include foreigners and immigrants. Criminality, immorality and other instigators of so cial imperfection, wherever their origin, lead to State policing.50 These processes however, are not simp ly limited to domestic forces, but are often, and certainly in the case under discussion here, attributed to the supposedly noxious presence of outsiders. Framed this way, human-aliens infect the domestic social body, prompting the security machinery of the State to action. Protection against, culminating in the removal of, foreign interlopers present in the soci al body casts the police in the technical role of doctors and surgeons, excising hum an tumors from the population. Working off Foucaults theoretical presumpti ons, Agamben observes that from the late 1970s onwards, the point of interest became the transf ormation of the territorial state to that of the State of population.51 Under these circumstances, The police now becomes politics 48 Ibid ., p. 137. 49 Michel Foucault, Society Must be Defended (Allen Lane, London, 2003), pp. 255-257. 50 Ibid ., p. 258. 51 Giorgio Agamben, Homo Sacer: Sovereign power and bare life (Stanford University Press, Stanford, CA, 1998), p. 3.

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227 [italics in original], and the care of life coincides with the fight against the enemy.52 As a point of departure, distinctions betw een inclusion and exclusion, friend and foe, citizen and stranger, the formal authority of the state becomes occupied with situations, rather than laws and rules.53 Order, health, public morality, life lived under perm anent state of siege, these are the focuses of the day, of which, the immigrant is seen as a pr eeminent obstacle to the alleviating of these situations. If the foreigners, werent around, in other words, life would improve, anxieties would dissipate. One observer goes so far as to suggest that in the extrem e, refugees present a danger to everything, the consequence of which is that so ciety adopts a defensive posture to fend off the external threat.54 Even in a less restricted sense, considering the br oader category of foreigners, determinations of who belongs, as opposed to those who dont, composes the fundamental activity of a societ y that must be defended. But why, it remains to be asked, are immigrants such a source of worry? Bauman, taking Agamben and Foucaults concern with borders, secu rity, enemies and social health in a different direction, presents a possib le explanation. Our worl d, he states, is full.55 Pushed to the periphery by an economic system no longer in need of their productive services, socially marginalized, economically destitute immigrants of the sort, for example, who daily stand on prominent Gaborone street corner s in hope of landing a construc tion, washing or cleaning piece jobrepresent a terrifyingly visible reminder of our own pre carious economic and social position.56 Unemployed foreigners on a street corner are the funhouse image of employed 52 Ibid ., p. 147. 53 Ibid ., p. 172. 54 Nikos Papastergiadis, The invasion comple x: the abject other and spaces of violence, Geografiska Annaler: Series B, Human Geography 88 (December 2006), p. 433. 55 Zygmunt Bauman, Wasted Lives: Modernity and its outcasts (Polity Press, Cambridge, 2004), p. 5. 56 Ibid ., pp. 55-56.

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228 citizens barely scraping by. As violators of th e illusion of social and political stability, foreigners are recast as dastardly malingere rs feeding parasitically on the social body;57 committing crimes, stealing the local women, taking jobs rightfully belonging to citizens. It is at the border where th e first battles between order a nd chaos, between perhaps, good and evil, are waged. State geography ordered by solid black lines on a map assists in the creation of the simplified, yet dialectical ly interacting, categories of ci tizen-stranger. Questions of location, birth and land are inescapable in discussi ons of these binaries. Agamben, for example posits a trinity of land-order-birth58 while Foucault emphasizes the in tegral place of blood in bio-powers politics, which require a panoply of everyday interventions to regulate a whole range of processes, including the making of citi zens and the overall well -being of the indigenous social body.59 The occasional appearance of land, blood and citizenship in the above writings provides a segue to a more focused examination of these issues in an African context, where the citizen-stranger framework has become a key pivot point in writing about the politics and economics of an increasingly globa lized post-colonial Africa. In their discussion of invasive species in S outh Africa, the Comaroff s pose the question as to why issues of transgressed borders and the corollarative dilemmas of belonging and citizenship have become politica lly explosive issues in not just South Africa, but elsewhere as well.60 One possible explanation fuses the societ y-under-siege mentality and the uncertainty wrought by the ebbs and flows of globalization to the i ssue of autochthony or belonging and the forging of a new national identity to ward off th ese invaders. As Geschiere and Nyamnjoh note, 57 Ibid ., pp. 40-41. 58 Agamben, Homo Sacer p. 175. 59 Foucault, History of Sexuality p. 149. 60 Comaroff and Comaroff, Naturing the nation, p. 631.

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229 Everywhere in our globalized world the increasing intensity of globa l flows seems to be accompanied by an affirmation of cultural differences and belonging.61 The emphasis on membership or belonging is not, in other words, evidence of the reemergen ce of traditionalism in disguise, but rather is a di rect consequence of contempor ary political, demographic and economic processes. Reflecting current concerns an observer can broadly assert the existence overwhelming insecurity and uncertainty faci ng todays inhabitants of African cities.62 A readily identifiable source of problems, from the perspe ctive of citizens, is the growing presence of migrant workers or immigrants. Equated to the s upernatural figure of zombies, immigrants are nightmare citizens, their rootlessness thre atening to siphon off the remaining, rapidly diminishing prosperity of the indigenous population.63 The response by populations under attack, whether in Europe or Africa, has been to emphasize the nativeness of the people already living within a particular territory. Achieving solidarity through the creation of a collective se nse of national autochthony echoes Andersons notion of the construction of imagined political communities.64 Yet inasmuch as the discourse of autochthony is abou t binding citizens together, just as important is starkly differentiating those who belong to t hose who do not. Facilitating the hardened categories is the malleability of the language of autochthony. Both adaptable and mutable, theorists of autochthony have gone so far as to su ggest that it is an empty concept, to be filled 61 Peter Geschiere and Francis Nyamnjoh, Capitalism and autochthony: the seesaw of mobility and belonging, Public Culture 12 2 (2000), p. 424. 62 AbdouMaliq Simone, On the worlding of African cities, African Studies Review 44 2 (September 2001), p. 17. 63 Jean Comaroff and John L. Comaroff, Alien-nation: zombies, immigrants, and millennial capitalism, The South Atlantic Quarterly 101 4 (Fall 2002), p. 789. 64 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism (Verso, New York, NY, 1991), p. 6.

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230 with whatever the circumstances require.65 Because of its lack of concrete substance, the creation of hard categorizations distinguishing between citizens and strangers is more readily accomplished.66 Indeed, in a world where starkly draw n categories matter, much of the language and imagery used in support of autochthony is founded on symbols of hygiene and purity, of cleaning the population of forei gn impurities. Like the nerv ous addict who experiences imaginary bugs crawling along the skin, so to the language of autochthony is inherently anxious, restless, even paranoid, keeping au tochthons vigilant against the arrival of a creeping impurity into the population.67 From broadly framed worries about foreigne rs transgressing borders, living among the population, and even permanently embedding themselves in the nations territory, it is an easy leap to the invention of specifi c character flaws or racial tra its generalized about the foreign masses. Criminal tendencies, penchants for se xual deviancy, and other negative personality characteristics attributed to out sider populations are the things from which an innocent and pure citizenry must be protected against. In th e need to defend an i ndigenous population from potentially dangerous and destab ilizing external forces, melds th e concerns of bio-politics and the language of autochthony. What follows in the upcoming section is a sn apshot of these discursive devices, symbols and images being put into action. Dwelling on de tails--sometimes banal, sometimes salacious, almost always referencing the ever-present th reat of foreigners generally, and Zimbabweans 65 Peter Geschiere and Stephen Jackson, Autochthony and the crisis of citizenship: democratization, decentralization, and the politics of belonging, African Studies Review 49 2 (September 2006), p. 6. 66 For a recent in-depth case study of these processes s ee: Ruth Marshall-Fratani, The war of who is who: autochthony, nationalism, and citizenship in the Ivoirian crisis, African Studies Review 49 2 (September 2006), pp. 9-43. 67 Stephen Jackson, Sons of which soil? The language and politics of autochthony in Eastern D.R. Congo, African Studies Review 49 2 (September 2006), p. 114.

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231 specificallythe methodical daily drum beat framing Zimbabweans in Botswanas newspapers followed two general trajectories. On the one hand, the papers portrayed a people largely objectified as criminals and sexual objects from whom the citizens of Botswana needed to be insulated. At the other end of the spectrum, Zimbabweans, here lumped into a broader category of foreigners also occupied by Asians, Indians and whites, are seen as usurpers of Botswanas economic livelihood, depriving citizens of economic benefits rightfully belonging to them. The portrait painted in print, it is worth noting, often reflected the onthe-street feelings of many Batswana. The confrontation of citizens and strangers, is, perhaps, the furnace in which a new, more potent, national id entity is being forged. Zim Women Admit Stealing Underpants: th e Making of Perfect Strangers In his Imagined Communities Benedict Anderson wrote pe rsuasively of newspapers ability to bind discrete segments of a nation, separated by space and circumstance, into a more unified whole. Through the use of standardized fields of exchange and communication print media has the capacity to create a broadl y held sense of community and belonging.68 The narratives disseminated by the media however, cu t two ways. The underbelly of unification processes, are those of differentiation. Not onl y can newspapers help establish the community membership, they can likewise determine those who did not belong. It might, therefore, be worthwhile to read articles published in the pr ess as a literary device in which foreigners, Zimbabweans as faceless Other, are characters in an unfolding plot detailing crime or sex or the economic victimization of Batswana citizens. In the same way Davis explores race and class tensions in Los Angeles through an examination of the citys repe ated apocalyptic destruction in 68 Anderson, Imagined Communities p. 44.

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232 20th century pulp fiction,69 the real stories carried in Botswanas newspapers reveals similar sorts of thematic concerns about a society in flux, beset by circum stances outside its best efforts at control. Told in sometimes dramatic and lu rid detail, while at other times, mentioned in vague, general, almost throwaway statements, the articles depict the shared experience of an anxious citizenry living in a state of crisis, where even the mundane and everyday seem under threat of annihilation. Longtime residents of Gaborone fondly romantici ze the city as a safe place, largely devoid of crime. In recent years however, there is a palpab le shift in the way people feel about the city. Window bars, electrified razor-wire fences and private security are near ubiquitous across Botswanas capital. With an unsettled population, the city, it seems, is no longer deemed secure, instead safety is sought behind wrought iron bars. Lamenting Gaborones pervasive security culture, which now includes the breeding of Pit Bulls, an editorial states, It is now becoming normal to see high perimeter walls, electric fences, and expensive electronic gadgets. We are slowly becoming a security-craze (sic) society thanks to the brutish beasts that have taken over our streets and alleys. Because of this circumstanceforced obsession with security-our society is losing the rapport and closeness it is known for.70 Confirming the feeling of transformation, wher e beasts are offenders and defenders of individual security, a few days later, local newspapers public ized a UNDP report that states Gaborone is dangerous, on par with some of the worlds crime in fested cities such as South Africas Johannesburg.71 Contradicting the notion that the city was safe in the past, the report that even in 1996, nearly 32% of the citys population had experi enced crime of one type or 69 See Chapter 6, The Literary Destruction of Los Angeles, in Mike Davis Ecology of Fear 70 Mmegi We should act now, 24 November 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/November/Friday24/58361142723 > (24 November 2006). 71 Mmegi UNDP crime report shocking, 28 November 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/November/Tuesday28/5836116621297.html > (28 November 2006).

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233 another.72 Much of the increase in crime is blam ed on the increased number of foreigners, particularly Zimbabweans. Even the images of infest[ation] and taken over streets and alleys used in the newspaper re ports suggests that perpetrators of crime have invaded from the outside, disrupting the social health of a previously safe urban population. Within the stories about crime, two trends are evident. On the one hand, are those that vaguely mention the criminal ha bits of illegal immigrants, while on the other, are those that specifically mark Zimbabweans as habitual lawbr eakers. Examples of the former include: the opening of a police station in th e Northeast District being hailed by residents as a symbol of hope and salvation due to thei r being terrorised by illegal immi grants squatting in the area.73 A Chief in the village of Kanye says that Batswa na must not shelter illegal immigrants because by living with these people, we become our own enemies because they will come back and steal from us. .74 Another writer tells of Serowe, once a peaceful village [that] is now turning into the lawless Wild West, a situation exacerba ted by illegal immigrants who are said to be stealing anything they can lay their hands on.75 Hearsay and generalized denunciatio ns of foreigner-thieves pers ist as a regular feature of the press reports. The focus however, is ofte n narrowed, directly accusing Zimbabweans living in Botswana of being the source of criminal behavior. Headlines from Mmegi give some hint of the general characterization of Zimbabweans as criminals: Zim Criminals Give Police Tough 72 Ibid 73 Alice Banda, New police station of fers hope to Tshesebe residents, Mmegi 27 April 2004, p. 4. 74 Chippa Legodimo, Kanye residents warned against harbouring illegal immigrants, Mmegi Monitor 15 March 2004, p. 4. 75 Meekaeel M. Siphambili, Alarm as Serowe crime wave soars, Mmegi 10 March 2004, p. 6.

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234 Time76 to Suspected Zim Trickster on the Prowl.77 Beyond the language of petty crime, the headlines proclaim even more imminent dange rs, seemingly latching on to the post-September 11 imagery of global terrorism. Stories related to Zimbabwean cattle thieves in the Northeast part of Botswana, slide from an uncertain Zimbabweans Terrorise Babirwa?78 to, 6 months later, a more assured pronouncement that Zim Cattle Rustlers Terrori se Bobirwa Residents.79 Increased episodes of burglary in a Francistown slum are caused by an influx of illegal Zimbabweans80 while the murder of one Zimbabwean man is partially blamed on the presence of illegal Zimbabweans arriving into Botswana, sinc e the police are overburdened in their combat against illegal immigration.81 On the street, similar attitudes prevail. Evoking the cinematic image of medieval villagers storming Dr. Frankensteins castle a Motswana cab driver explains to me on one trip across Gaborone, that along with residents of a local sl um, Zimbabweans are also dangerous. One must be fearful of being robbed by them as groups patrol the city under cover of dark. He explains, They go out at night with torc hes, sticks and knives look ing for unsuspecting Batswana victims, rather than a mutated product of an abominable form of science. Crimes committed by Zimbabweans however, are not simply offenses against individuals or personal property. The perpet ration of crime is taken as a broad assault on the nation of 76 Ryder Gabathuse, Zim criminals give police tough time, Mmegi 7 April 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/April/Wednesday7/238845680850.html > (24 January 2007). 77 Chandapiwa Baputaki, Suspected Zim trickster on the prowl, Mmegi 22 November 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/Novemb er/Wednesday22/583611235294.html > (22 November 2006). 78 Ryder Gabathuse, Zimbabweans terrorise Babirwa?, Mmegi 6 June 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/June/Tuesday6/746019155871.html > (6 June 2006). 79 Ryder Gabathuse, Zim cattle rus tlers terrorise Bobirwa residents, Mmegi 22 November 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/November/Wednesday22/2479209671554.html > (22 November 2006). 80 Tomeletso Sereetsi, F/town police make appeal on rising crime, Mmegi 14 July 2004, p. 5. 81 Botswana Gazette Man cut into pieces over a toy, 28 April 2004, p. 6.

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235 Botswana. One letter writer condemns Zimbabw eans who now squatter (s ic) in all villages and settlements where they rape, maim and murder. Consequently, illegal immigrants threaten the safety and security of the nation.82 In a similar vein, a letter to the editor tries to draw a line between peaceful Zimbabweans and a mara uding mob of gangsters originating from Zimbabwe. Further echoing the di scursive trope of terrorists who hate freedom, a letter writer argues that Botswanas future survival hinges on the outcome of the struggle against these foreign criminals. The author writes, Pe ople all over the world have fought for freedom: freedom from domination by any evil force. Are we not being patriotic by defending our freedom?83 The headline of another editorial letter draws the defensive posture of the CitizenStranger distinction more plainly, telling probl em Zimbabweans to: Crawl back to your mothers land.84 Framed this way, fighting crime become s more than a matter of law and order; it is a patriotic duty in which all responsible citizens of Botswana must participate. Metaphors of infestation and infection to de scribe the onslaught of foreign criminal behavior provide an apt appraisal of current circumstances. The notion of a nation poisoned from foreign wells carries a popular traction, as many residents of Botswana indicated that Batswana were learning crimin al behavior from out siders. Although as a well-respected, now retired, government official suggested, the coll ective fantasy of a pure Batswana nation under attack from foreign criminal elements is becomi ng increasingly untenable. He gave the example that in his neighborhood, the section of town known as Gaborone West, approximately 100 crimes are reported to the police pe r day. Now, can all of these, he asked with a skeptics raised eyebrow, be attributed to immigrants? 82 Mmegi Police ill-equipped to win war on crime, 19 May 2004, p. 7. 83 Mmegi Is this xenophobic behaviour?, 13 May 2004, p. 10. 84 Botswana Gazette Crawl back to your mothers land, 28 April 2004, p. 11.

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236 One mans doubts aside, the public narrative detailing a nations possible ruination by foreign elements is particularly salient in to days Botswana. While th ere is, no doubt, a certain tabloid mentality apparent in much of the private press, it seems also tr ue that crimes, both big and small, committed by Zimbabweans are an impor tant subject of writing over the past few years. Detailing criminal offenses, either in te rms of specific cases or generalized implications about the bad behavior of foreigners, is a way to suggest that the crimin al element has nowadays permeated, infiltrated all parts of society. As a shadow cast across the c ountry, no stories are too small too report. No reporting better illustra tes this than a piece appearing on page 2 of Mmegi Zim Women Admit Stealing Underpants.85 Detailing the capture and appearance before the Francistown Customary Court of two Zimbabwean women, the story seems particularly petty and of not much interest to a national readershi p, especially considering its page 2 placement. Yet considered in the context of the ongoing creation of a Zim babwean, its appearance makes more sense. The storys newswort hiness is not what is at issue he re, but rather, this article might be read as the culmination of the process of founding a new Zimbabwean imaginary for Botswanas citizens. Not only are Zimbabwean s reduced to committing the most minor crimes, they are infantilized, portrayed as silly peopl e fit for a blooper reel (Zimbabweans Do the Darndest Things?). Zimbabweans as threat to the nation, Zimbabweans as faceless criminals, Zimbabweans as children: these sets of words a nd images all help reproduce Zimbabweans as an anonymous horde of sentient locusts, distinguishable from the rest of the Batswana citizenry. It is, in other words, a far simpler task to draw out a foreign poison if it is located in rigid and easily identifiable categories. 85 Chenjelani Baraedi, Zim women admit stealing underpants, Mmegi 14 April 2004, p. 2.

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237 A further dimension of the obj ectification of Zimbabweans ma rks their presence as a dirty pox on Botswana. Zimbabweans are equated with a lack of cleanliness across the country. Complaining of the Gaborone bus st ations state of disrepair, the Daily News writes, The influx of illegal immigrants into the city has also co ntributed to the bus rank degenerating into an eyesore.86 Worse conditions prevail at the Francistow n bus and train station. Awash with trash and raw sewage, the grounds of the bus station al so provide a haven for nightly acts of public indecency committed by an influx of illegal immigrants who have no accommodation and money.87 Complementing the notion that Zimbabweans in Botswana is as much a health problem, as it is anything else, authorities routinely embark on clean-up88 operations where illegal Zimbabweans are rounded up, given four lashes and subsequently deported.89 Disinfecting Botswana from Zimbabwean germs is also important for the countrys moral health. An opponent of the ruling BDP (Botswan a Democratic Party) government catalogues the governments perceived policy failures, one of the more important being the inability to combat the frightful influx of immigrants into the coun try [so] that our chil dren and fellowmen are being completely overrun.90 Contributing to the eroding mora lity of Botswana, Zimbabweans who are mostly illegal immigrants have declared a late evening to dawn curfew in all our towns and villages.91 Where the author of this particular letter leaves the nighttime activities pursued 86 Daily News, Gaborone bus ranks eyesore, 4 April 2006 < http://www.gov.bw/cgibin/news.cgi?d=20060404&I=Gaborone_bus_ranks_eyesore > (4 April 2006). 87 Tomeletso Sereetsi, The filth of Francistown, Mmegi 7 July 2004, p. 5. 88 Ryder Gabathuse, Illegal immigrants campaign launched, Mmegi 26 October 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/Octob er/Thursday26/997635794793.html > (26 October 2006). 89 Onalenna Modikwa, Anti-illegal immigrant operation starts, Mmegi 6 July 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/July/Thursday6/32695696961777.html > (6 July 2006). 90 Mmegi Monitor There is so much intrigue, 11 July 2005, p. 16. 91 Ibid

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238 by these folks unstated, another writer fills in the blanks. Nighttime at one Gaborone shopping center is the home to all manne r of drunkenness and prurient sexua l deviancy. Depicting an Xrated bacchanal, Local ladies of the night and their Zimbab wean compatriots assemble along the road, selling sex like hot cakes. For a quickie, they just do it by the side of the road next to the screen walls of the nearby residential houses. When they are through, they just flip the condom over the screen wall for the kids residi ng here to use as balloons in the morning.92 In this instance, both Batswana and Zimbabwean prostitutes are mentioned together in the above letter. Other times however Zimbabwean prostitutes are trea ted separately, fantasized in public as a boon to the libidos of Batswana men. When it comes to the sexuality of Zimbabwean women therefore, there is a bit of a contradiction in how it is tr eated in print and on the street. Sometimes, Zimbabwean prostitutes are treate d as criminal offenders worthy of police interest. Seemingly in response to the previously mentioned letter to the editor, the following week, at the same shopping complex, the police declared war on Zimbabwean commercial sex workers who operate at the mall.93 Yet, at the same time, the usually maligned influx of illegal Zimbabweans into Botswana is treated as a gift that has fallen into the laps of Botswanas men. Window Shopping is the term used in Fran cistown to describe men looking for foreign prostitutes, where sex is available for as little as 5 pula (approximately $1).94 Another headline announces, Zim Prostitutes: Blessing for Hot-Blooded Men in Botswana, followed by instructions where to find the Zimbabwe (sic ) women [who] come out in hordes after dark.95 92 Mmegi Gaborone West police stationa disgrace, 29 November 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/November/Wednesday29/5836117951446.html > (29 November 2006). 93 Lekopanye Mooketsi, Police nab food vendors in G-West blitz, Mmegi 8 December 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/ 2006/December/Friday 8/733419847722.html > (8 December 2006). 94 Ryder Gabathuse, The new meaning of window-shopping, Mmegi 13 July 2004, p. 5. 95 Meekaeel M. Siphambili, Zim prostitutes: bl essing for hot-blooded men in Botswana, Mmegi 15 April 2004, p. 6.

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239 A similar scene unfolds in a village adjacen t to Gaborone. The word-on-the-street in Botswanas capital describes large brothels, employing Zimbabwean prostitutes, where sex is cheaply available for those who know where to look. One well-respected public figure explained to me during a long interview over a few after noon beers at Gaborones only faux Irish pub the benefits of seeking out these locations: you can talk [expletive] down to 5 pula but also, because of their desperate economic situation, th e wearing of condoms is not requiredif they object, the man will search for someone else who wont. In a country where HIV infection is rampant, it was disturbing to hear a community leader talk so casually, with such disregard, about putting somebodys health at such tremendous risk just because they could. The cavalier attitude though, makes sense when again considered in the context of the broader discourse about Zimbabweans, imagining them as anonymous member s of a faceless blob to be used however is seen fit. Perhaps the apex of humilia tion was reached towards the end of 2005, following the police and armys apprehension of some Zimbabwean men and women during patrols of a village a short drive away from Gaborone. Following th eir detainment, the supervising police and soldiers forced the detainees to strip, ordering two to have se x while the others watched and masturbated. Reporting the incident in rather lurid detail, the h eadline of one article captures a revealing dimension of the offense and the subse quent investigation, calling it the sex that could divide nations.96 Even the allegations of a severe crime are framed in a way so as to pit one countrys citizens against another. It is not, in other words, a simple matter of criminals and victims, but of Batswana and Zimbabweans. Why ta lk about a sadistic abuse of authority in this 96 Francinah Baaitse, The sex that could divide nations, Mmegi 6 December 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/ 2005/December/Tuesda y6/706697050 1838.html > (6 December 2006); Bame Piet, I was forced to have sexwitness, Mmegi 13 November 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/November/Monday13/42559793521.html > (13 November 2006).

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240 way? Why retreat behind the mantle of national identity? Without reading too much into this single occurrence, maybe there is a cathartic process of retribu tion under way. As many Batswana experience economic and social insecurity, reflecting a lessening amount of control over the outcomes of their lives, much of the blame for the precariousness is directed towards outsiders coming into Botswana. Exacting some form of collective reve nge on the most easily identifiable outsider-targets might be a way of reclaiming some measure of power, however tenuous or ephemeral or inconsequential, over se emingly indecipherable gl obal flows of jobs and people, of ideas and information. The powerlessness and animosity felt towards foreigners likely says as much about current living conditions in Botswana as it does about real feelings people have about foreigners. In a society where criticism of authority is frowned upon, maybe a submerged discourse attacking fore igners rather than the domestic status quo is a safer, more acceptable, way to spread a message of discontent. Indeed, economic insecurity wrought by outside global forces is a prominent theme in Botswana. One of the most notorious examples being the arrival and shocking closure of the assembly plant built by Hyundai in the 1990s.97 More recently though, there has a been a more generalized discourse suggesting that foreigners are taking opport unities that rightfully belong to Batswana. The picture painted by Batswana regarding their own economic prospects is grim: the towns are being flooded with cheaply made Ch inese goods, all the shops are owned by Arabs and Indians, Whites have cornered the lucra tive tourism market in the Okavango Delta, Zimbabweans provide low paid manual labor and dome stic help. In the more dire depictions, it is not only jobs that are lost, but Botswanas lands and homes, as ownership of the country has been increasingly ceded into foreign hands. Refe rring to the consolidation of land into the hands 97 For a fuller account of these events, see: Kenneth Good, and Skye Hughes, Globalization and diversification: two cases in southern Africa, African Affairs 101 402 (2002), pp. 39-59.

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241 of a few influential interests, Kgosi Gaborone, Deputy Chief of the Gaborone, asks about the future, Where should our children li ve if outsiders take their land?98 One day, he predicts, the people of Botswana will have to fight for their bi rthright. If we let foreigners and a minority of Batswana take all the land, then future generations will revolt.99 One woman writes of her frustration, All my dreams, hopes and aspirations for this country have crashed. How could our parents sell us out like this? How could they a llow foreigners to parcel out our land to other foreigners, while wethe citizenshave no land We are sitting on a time bomb.100 Down on the Corner: An Eye-Level View Peering underneath the public discussions of foreigners and Zimbabweans appearing in print, it is important to examin e how the citizen-stranger dynamic play out on Gaborones streets. Occasionally, these tensions crescendo into violent outbursts, as happened during a brief riot, labeled a war in the local media, at the Gaborone bus station between Batswana and Zimbabweans.101 More often though, the struggles are far less dramatic, played out in the more mundane theatre of the everyday. One of the pr imary sites for interaction between Batswana citizens, Zimbabweans, and the police is found on the street corners of the Gaborone neighborhood known as White City. The neighb orhood, named for the small low-cost houses hastily painted white in the final days of Ga borones construction in the mid 1960s, is now wellknown in Gaborone and Zimbabwe as a site where Zimbabwean immigrantsalong with a smattering of individuals from other countries in the regiondaily come to look for work, hired 98 Batlhalefi Leagajang, Botswanas Roots are Embedded in Land, Botswana Gazette 23 June 2004, p. 3. 99 Ibid 100 Mmegi Learn from the Lesetedi Commission, 29 June 2004, p. 9. 101 Bester Gabotlale, Bus rank business counts losses after war, Mmegi 6 May 2004, p. 9; Mmegi This xenophobic behavior must stop, 5 May 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/May/Wednesday5/10680060701279.html > (24 January 2006).

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242 to do short-term piece jobs such as washing, gardening or construction. For those familiar with the area, the neighborhood has acquired ne w names, such as Bulawayo or Little Zimbabwe, reflecting its curre nt demographic notoriety. For many of the Zimbabweans seeking work in White City, Botswana was seen as their best hope, in the short-term, fo r escaping Zimbabwes crushing inflation and unemployment and raising some money for their families who remain ed behind. As one job seeker described the situation back in Zimbabwe, It is not a country now. It is a like a game par k. It is not a suitable place for people to live. Another said of Pres ident Mugabes disastrous regime: Mugabe is like a plane with no fuel and with no place to land. The options are to jump out and die, or glide and see what happens. You will crash eventuall y, [but] we are now just seeing how long he will glide. People formerly employed as skilled workers, teachers and nurses in Zimbabwe, in Botswana subsisted on far less as day laborers or domestic help, assu ming they were paid at all. For some Zimbabweans, such as my research assistant Ruth, who could rely on a long established network of friends and family while in Gaborone, standing on the street corner represented a low form of behavior. Speaki ng of the White City locales frequented by Zimbabweans, This is an ugly pl ace. It has a bad name. I woul dnt even want to walk by this place. To sit here all day, I dont like what they are doing. But people know I am here on research so it is okay. For many new arrivals, whove heard about th is place from people they knew back home however, the White City is a place of last reso rt. One Zimbabwean male who had been coming to White City to look for work emphasized the desperation, the pure random ness inherent in their day-to-day predicament. Responding to a ques tion about how things ar e going, he told me, Things are not okay. As you can see. We come here at the earliest, 6[am], when it is dark and very cold. To stand here and wait. And fo r what? We get here at the earliest, at 6

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243 and we dont know what is going to happen. Some they get here at 10 and they get jobs. And we are here all day and have nothing. Much of the activity occurs on the street corner entrances leading into White Citys residential interior, where the car traffic is heaviest, visibility is highest, and the odds that the occupant of a passing car might stop are most in creased. Conversely, areas of increased car traffic, also means there is greate r density of job seekers. One of the busiest locations is situated along a busy road dividing White City from the Gove rnment Enclave. Cast in the shadow of the Orapa House complex, the collectio n point for most of the diamonds mined in Botswana before they are shipped off to South Africa for furt her processing, Zimbabweans wait for hours in a dusty open space alternately used as a public lot or informal driving school, on the off chance that a car will stop and a job will be offered. D eeper into the White City groups of Zimbabweans also congregate in less-t raveled residential areas. In these ar eas adjacent to the property lines of private houses, the competition for jobs is less, but so is the number of opportunities. The rhythms of waiting for work on the street corner dont deviate much, day after day. Starting early in the morning and lasting into the late afternoon, the days activities variously involve periods of sitting, standing, avoiding the afternoon sun, seeking out the morning sun during Botswanas chilly winter mornings, shie lding your eyes from dust and discarded plastic bags kicked up by the wind, chatting, laughing, arguing, gossiping and debating current events from Chinas increasing involvement in Africa to detailed accounts of the Michael Jackson molestation trial. For the more assertive, each day involves hu stling for a few Pula to buy a bit of food or a carton of Shake Shake/Chibuku sorghum beer. Occasionally interrupting the fl ow of the day, a car would pa use on the side of the road, sometimes the vehicle would only slow down, prom pting running negotiati ons between the cars occupants and the people trying to keep up. The appearance of a stopping car caused most

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244 Zimbabweans in the vicinity to crowd around the open window announcing often exaggerated (if not alright falsified) qualifications. Competition for employment could be fierce, but never, as far as I was able to tell, did it turn aggressive or violent; imme diately after a car departed the jokes and laughter tended to return. Most times cars would pass by with no jobs in the offing, though the more courteous drivers would place thei r arm out the window, palm up, and shake it back and forth to indicate no job. Weighing opportunities against competition howev er, is not the only criteria determining where people decide to stand the day away. One must also select a spot with enough avenues for escape to avoid the constant police presence, or more infrequently, a large-scale round-up of Zimbabweans. The area across from the Orapa H ouse offers many possibilities for escape, while street corners in the interior present more limited options due to the walls of private houses. As someone who chose a more risky spot simply put it, there is no reward w ith no risk. Being-onthe-corner for a Zimbabwean job-seeker require s a balance between visibility to potential employers and the need to maintain a low profile in order to evade the po lice presence frequently patrolling the area. The most comm on form of patrol occurs on foot, policemen in twos or threes walking the beat, appearing as often as a few times an hour or as little as once or twice a day. A slow day on the corner is, therefor e, periodically punctuated by bursts of activity as people move to hide from the local police. In the open spaces of the Orapa House corner, the uniformed police in their deep blue uniforms are often visible from distances of hundreds of yards.102 In those rare instances where the police werent immediately visible, loud whistli ng heard in the distance or the sight of some people running towards your pos ition with their wrists cr ossed (evoking a policemans 102 Undercover officers are usually floating around too, but their presence is a poorly kept secret among most Zimbabweans. As were the Batswana residents of the neighborhood who acted as citizen informers for the police.

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245 handcuffs) were enough to indicat e that it was probably a good time to move. Indeed, one of the common practical jokes pranksters would play on newcomers to the corner was to begin running away in a panic, setting off the newbies. Th e guys who initiated th e joke would stop running after a short distance and burst out laughing, along with all the folks who knew better. Apart from jokes intentionally made, there was also a joke like quality to the interaction of the police and the Zimbabweans. One long-time re sident of Gaborone dismissed the raids as a joke everybody is in on. A nd really, there was a dimension of phoniness, of going through the motions merely for the sake of appearances. A typical episode would begin with the police appearing in the distance, proceeding to casually walk toward a large group of Zimbabweans. A group of Zimbabweans I had been talking to for example, having seen the approaching authorities, would bid me a so long and then slowly move off a variety of directionssome melting away into the neighborhood, others ducking into one of the front-yard Chibuku bars, others heading toward the crowds of the nearby bus-station, the bravest wading into the streets busy traffic, dodging comb is and private taxis.103 The police would pass through and disappear around a corner to reappear later in the day. Usually within a minute or two of their passing, most everybody would be heading back to re take their street co rner positions. There was little drama in these small displa ys of authority and evasion, rather, most seemed rather disinterested, playing long familiar roles in a bit of public theater. But has been noted elsewhere, when dealing with the mo st marginal of undocumented immigrants, the authorities will make a showeven if it is half-hearted as in this instanceof force if only to enforce the illusion of the Stat es ability to perform effectively.104 The Zimbabweans 103 Walking into traffic is made even more dangerous by the fact that combi drivers will sometimes attempt to run over suspected Zimbabweans runnin g away from the police. 104 Comaroff and Comaroff, Naturing the nation, p. 648.

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246 recognize the underlying superficial ity of the displays of most police patrols. One man tells me that for the police walking the stre et, they arent really interested in making arrests, rather they just want to see how we react. Whether we fear them or not. Describing Thai policing efforts, raids on immigrants becomes a superficial way to cleanse society.105 In a similar way, the crime being po liced in the streets of White City by Zimbabwean immigrants is that of loitering or i dling, so the visibility of the Zimbabwean in Gaborone was effaced, along with the very public reminder of the governments impotence in dealing with the problem. One police officer resting on a concrete slab on the Orapa House corner, taking a break from his foot patrol, warns me to be wary of the Zimbabwean rude boys who will rob me of my money and cell phone. Furthermore, he info rms me that this area must be kept clear of people, since Zimbabweans will commit crimes during the day and engage in immoral activities once the sun goes down. Another officer talking of Zimbabweans in White City, These people are causing us big problems. They are like wild animals. They dont behave sharp. For thieves in Gaborone, the people who are ruling Botswana, White City is their office, says a Motswana woman who work s as a clerk in a neighborhood shop. A police officer accosting a group of Zimbabweans tells them, This is not a hotel. You cannot stay here. Pointing to me though, I was allowed to re main in the same spot, continuing to idle. The Zimbabweans I encountered recognized that the authorities were trying to control their movements on Gaborones streets. The police woul d tell them that White City was a no go area for Zimbabweans, but, they woul d ask, Where are the signs? The fact that I was, time and time again, allowed to remain in the same place, calls into the question the claim that the police are concerned mostly with disrupting criminal behavior by 105 Prem Kumar Rajaram and Carl Grundy-Warr, The irregular migrant as homo sacer: migration and detention in Australia, Malaysia, and Thailand, International Migration 42 1 (2004), p. 56.

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247 breaking up congregations of loiterers. It became clear, in other words, that lo itering was not the so-called crime with which the authorities were worried. In her et hnography of Costa Rican plazas, Low describes how the same behaviors are given different meaning depending on the people performing them.106 On White City streets, this was especially true of sitting and standing, the crime of idling. A long exchange wi th a Zimbabwean job-seeker about life in Gaborone was summed up with the statement: It is a crime to be a Zimbabwean. Sitting, standing, walking; it didnt really matter, being Zimbabwean made you fair game to the police. Zimbabweans pointed to the fact that Batswana criminals in White City were left alone by the police while Zimbabweans were, in their opini on, unfairly singled out. On the White City locations I frequented, Batswana were perceived to be selling stolen goods to Zimbabweans. The buyers of stolen merchandise, especially cell phones, were often the focus of police attention. These [thieves] are Batswana, I was told, In fact, if the police catch them, they will take the police back to the pe ople they sold [stolen goods] to and then the police will let the thieves go and arrest the person who bought the stolen goods. Asking how can you buy without seeing a receipt? I witnessed this bias firsthand as well. As a small skirmish between some Batswana and Zimbabweans, in which rocks a nd pipes were displayed as weapons, ended and the police arrived, the Batswana were told to go while the Zimbabweans involved were arrested and taken to jail. In terms of the everyday street corner e xperience, I asked some of my Zimbabwean informants why I was allowed to remain loitering in the streets while they were made to leave, or worse. I was told that was an easy question to an swer; they were almost surprised that I needed to ask. Ah, they respect your skin color. As time went on though, and I spent increasing 106 Setha Low, On the Plaza: The politics of public space and culture (University of Texas Press, Austin, TX, 2000), pp. 174-175.

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248 amounts of time hanging out in the same places as the Zimbabweans, my skin color began to matter less and less. Sitting for hours with a pe n and notebook talking with whoever happened to be around, in the eyes of the police, I began to be more closely associated with the problem of Zimbabweans, worthy of suspicion to some author ities. Towards the end of my time working this area, I was just as likely to be hassledeven coming close to being arrested and my research confiscated one afternoonas were the Zimbabw eans who frequented the White City street corners. While cops on the beat created some problem s, more worrisome for Zimbabweans, were patrols carried out by the SSG (Special Support Guard) who are spoken of by Zimbabweans as an especially brutal paramilitary arm of Botswana s security apparatus. Existing in a gray area between the police and the military, the SSG ar e employed for more difficult or dangerous policing operations. Around with much less freque ncy than the regular police, an appearance by the SSG immediately dissipated any possible levity in the usual cat and m ouse game occurring in White City. Typical of an SSG sweep, a larg e open air trucknicknamed a -Packcapable of disgorging a contingent of officers, would converge on an area, rounding up any folks unlucky enough to be in the vicinity. Rumors abound detailing the violence perpetrated by the SSG. One Zimbabwean relayed a story about what happened to one individual caught without a passport. The regular police will take you to the police sta tion, he explained, but th e SSG prefers to just beat you. This particular boy, They [SSG officers] hit and hit, until he couldnt speak or eat. All he could do is open his eyes and bleed. He died yesterday. The Botswana Government must teach the SSGs not to beat people. More often than not though, once caught, immigr ants are given the opt ion of receiving a small number of lashes (anywhere from 3 to 5) from the customary court, a short jail sentence

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249 (up to 3 months), or payment of a P100 fine. Since a P100 fine remains outside the financial reach of most Zimbabweans immigrants in Gaborone, most opt for the lashes or a jail sentence. At other times, when larger numbers of indi viduals have been ca ught by the police, the authorities will conduct mass deportations. A day long trip to the border on the gumbakumba,107 the large armored truck capable of legally carrying 150 standing Zimbabweans, but known to carry up to twice as ma ny bodies, is seen by mo st people I talked to as the least bad option. For those who want to remain in Botswana after being deposited back in Zimbabwe, re-jumping the border is easily accomp lished, If you get deported at 2:00 you can be back across the border at half 2, one Zimbabwean who frequently moves between the countries told me. Even if the trip on the gumbakumba re quires a stopover at a Fran cistown prison facility known for housing illegal immigrants, that isnt necessarily a bad thing. One woman describes the prisons environment as being be tter than a cell here in town. It is just like [a] house: there is food, a bed, water to bathe with. The only diffe rence is that you are not free to go, there is a big fence and the police. A Zambian male illegally in Botswana, caught in the White City, threw away his passport in order to continue to claim he was from Zimbabwe, knowing that if he could successfully argue he was a Zimbabwean, his deportation would be expedited through the bureaucratic machinery. There are, on occasion, some advantages to being a Zimbabwean in White City during interactions with the authorities. Apart from looking for employment and evadi ng the ever-lurking beat cops and SSG packs rumbling across White Citys dusty interior streets, much of the activity occurring on the neighborhoods corners revolved around talki ng, debating, and gossiping. For many, their treatment in Botswana is seen as humiliati ng because Zimbabweans are caricatured as 107 This term was explained to me to be an Ndebele word meaning big thing.

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250 animals or as children. Criticizing their coverage in the media, a Zimbabwean man says they are treated unfairly, telling me that photographers will come and take pictures of them running from the police, and the next day, th e headline will say something like, Illegal Immigrants out of Control. Another complains, I am not a criminal, but they treat me like one. Indeed, many scoff at the popular conten tion that Zimbabweans are bringing crime into the country, thereby teaching Bats wana how to become criminals. Batswana often steal, but when caught, a Zimbabwean woman sitting next to me on a White City st reet corner explains, They will say that a Zimbabwean taught them. Dismissing the blame, she continues, Before we came here there were big jails in Botswana: mo Mahalapye, mo Francistown. Who are these jails for? They say Zimbabweans are stealing, but its all lies. You cant teach people things if they dont want to learn them. Aware of their unflattering portr ayal in public discourse, Zi mbabweans eking out a living on White City streetsand no doubt elsewhere toocirculate thei r own counter-n arrative about the perceived failings and character flaws of Botswana citizens.108 The general consensus seems to be that while they are willing to work for Bats wana they dont have to like them. Some of the stories told about Batswana suggest they are predisposed to immoral behavior. If the police arrest Zimbabwean women, they will be touching their private parts, abusing them. Going even further, others describe Zimbabwean job-seekers who are murdered and mutilated by their Batswana employers. Some of the people who are taken [for piece-jo bs], especially the women, will be abused. They will be killed for business: they will take their heads and their hearts. The heads are used for fishing in South Africa. The hearts are used for medicine. This is happening here [in Gaborone]. Some of the women are raped. They risk their lives because they need 108 For another example in a South African context, see: Loren B. Landau, Transplants and transients: idioms of belonging and dislocation in inner-city Johannesburg, African Studies Review 49 2 (September 2006), p. 139.

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251 money. Sometimes you are paid an amount less than what we agreed on. And if you complain they will take you to the police. We ar e lacking civil rights. We need civil rights. However extreme, and unlikely, the beginning porti on of the above scenario seems, it speaks to the frustration and feeling of helplessness e xperienced by many Zimbabweans looking for work in White City. People on the street are perp lexed at the amount of energy expended pursuing Zimbabweans: They spend all their time chasing Zimbabweans for nothing, when we have to eat, to get bus fare, to pay rent. They feel as if they are being taken adva ntage of: economically, morally, physically. For many, their marginal status in Gaborone is seen as especially degrading because they see Batswana as inferior. A common refrain amongs t the Zimbabweans is that Batswana are an unintelligent people. Speaking of Batswana, a man from Harare says that their lack of education might explain the poor relations between citizens of the two countries, T hey are not educated. They dont know how to interact with other people. They might not talk to you, but not because they dont want to talk to you but b ecause they dont know how to speak English. Another man says that in comparison to Zimbab wes cities, Gaborones town plan is totally disorganized: if you dont have a phone number, you will get lost. He continues, In Zimbabwe, people are much more civilize d. Here you can find someone from the young generation, 15, 16, years old and they cant speak a word of English. Many people tell stories about having outwitt ed Batswana, especially their immigration and police officers. One woman says while wa iting for a washing job, These Batswana are stupid. She elaborates by desc ribing easily tricked, illiterate immigration officials who need Zimbabweans to read their passports or point out the appropriate stamps. On a different occasion, I observed my research assistant get away with showing the police illegitimate documentation. While taking notes one morning, two police officers came to where we were

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252 sitting to ask what we were doing. After questio ning me about what I doing and writing in my notebook, they turned their attention to Ruth and demanded to see her papers. Reaching into her handbag, she gave one of the officers a tattered sh eet of paper, which he studied for a minute, handed it back to her, and told he r she needed to get the document laminated. With that, the pair walked off. Once they were a safe distance aw ay, Ruth showed me the paper she gave to the cops. Printed on the top of the sheet in bold blac ks letters, was the phrase Emergency Travel Document. Issued by the Zimbabwean governme nt, it granted her permission to travel to Botswana (and South Africa). Laughing at the policemans inability to distinguish between documentation from Botswana and Zimbabwe she tells me, These are so stupid. They are fooled by the picture [the seal of the Zi mbabwean government] and stamps. Though this is perhaps more evid ence of shoddy police work rather than proof of an innate lack of mental capacity, it is likely that these stories and episodes provide a way for Zimbabweans to subvert the authority, recapturing some control over their circumstances while reclaiming a personal pride. In the same way, fant asies get created stating that people are more compassionate and caring than those in Botswa na. One woman tells a sympathetic crowd that her Batswana employers would eat in front of he r without offering her anything. Confirming this point of view, Batswana think Zimbabweans are not human beings. Even a security guard will ask you for your passport. He continues, concluding with what he suggests to be the ultimate condemnation of Batswana, In Zimbabwe if you ask for water, they will give you water. On a different day, the typical Zimbab wean experience in Gaborone was thusly summed up, Batswana? They dont want us here. They hate us. They treat us like dogs. Citizen v. Stranger Struggles, White City and Beyond As Batswana have tried to circle the wagons to defend their hom eland in the face of what many perceive to be an inexorable march of Zi mbabweans (and foreigners more generally) into

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253 Botswana, Zimbabweans have complained that they are not being aided as their country implodes. There is a mix of befuddlement and resentment amongst Zimbabweans frequenting the White City streets. They understand themse lves as being kept underfoot in a subordinate position. Tolerated to the extent that their cheaply availabl e labor facilitated Gaborones construction boom over the past few years and al lowed even poor Batswana to employ domestic help. Because of their relatively high standard of living, Batswana, one Zimbabwean man told me are like spoiled children who dont behave in a properly African way. Considering his own daily struggle for subsisten ce, the failure of Batswana to help, seemed particularly inexcusable to him. For many Zimbabweans w ho hang out daily on White City streets, an African way hints at set of moral precepts requ iring a particular course of action. The ethical calculus formulated on the street corner says that rather than insulating themselves behind a new conception of Batswana citizensh ip, citizens of Botswana should be opening up their national community, embracing their Zimbabwean brothers in their time of trouble. In other words, Batswana should aid Zimbabweans today because no one can predict the future: their positions might one day be reversed. Botswanas refusal to adhere to the Zimbabw ean fantasy of an African way suggests two alternate responses to regional or global flows of capital, work, or, in this case, people. For the immigrants moving into Botswana, their precariou s economic and social position is a signal that they need to be helped and welcomed. From the perspective of Batswana citizens however, these same flows are portents of a crisis of domestic economic, moral and social insecurity. To stave off catastrophe a wall must be built, construc ted from sturdy and strictly defined notions of citizenship and belonging. Citizenship becomes a bunke r of last resort, to be retreated to in the potentially cataclysmic national encounter with indecipherable global processes. There is, it

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254 seems, an intractable tension between being citiz ens of Botswana and be ing citizens who adhere to a larger pan-African identity, as the Zimbabw eans migrants living in Gaborone would have it. Discourses of autochthony seem an inevitable response to uncontainable processes such as transgressed borders, regional transformations or populations teeteri ng on the brink of an economic and cultural abyss. Perhaps then, under girded with at least a small dose of collectively experienced paranoi a, it ought not be surprising that Botswanas people and government see a nation under threat. Symptoms of a siege mentality include: statements suggesting that Zimbabweans outnumber Batswana 2 to 1, observations that foreigners are taking Botswanas land out from under its citizens feet a military that continues to grow and grow despite the absence of any obvious formal threat. As the borders leak people inward and funnel jobs and capital outwards, defending against an ex ternal menace makes the experience of threat to Botswana and its people part of the fabric of everyday life. More than being daily-occurring phenomena, threats have seemingly permeated ever ywhere, down to the smallest capillaries of urban life in Gaborone, observable in the str uggles between citizens and strangers routinely performed on the dusty street corners of Wh ite City, a large, centrally located, Gaborone neighborhood. Under assault from flows and pr ocesses outside their control, citizens of Botswana unify, finding virtue in their Botswanan birth, steeling themse lves against who and what comes next.

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255 Some White City Scenes Figure 5-1. The Orapa House looms over White City (Photograph: Steve Marr). Figure 5-2. The Orapa House street corner (Photograph: Steve Marr).

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256 Figure 5-3. Three police officers on patrol. The traffic cones st ake out an informal driving school (Photograph: Steve Marr). Figure 5-4. Two gumbakumba parked at a Ga borone immigration office (Photograph: Steve Marr).

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257 Figure 5-5. Sharing breakfa st while waiting for work (Photograph: Steve Marr). Figure 5-6. Hustling for a job on the Orapa House corner. The parked automobile is owned by a government agency. The government both hi res and chases away Zimbabweans from the White City (Photograph: Steve Marr).

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258 CHAPTER 6 FROM FILTH TO FEAR: SEQUESTERING P OVER TY IN BOTSWANAS CAPITAL CITY Narratives depicting rickety tenements, disordered slums and shantytown urban wildernesses have been regularly put to print for well over 150 y ears. Variously sensational, foreboding, scientific, moralistic, or descriptive, these stories which first seemed to gain traction during the Victorian peri od in Englandtend to share common themes and images, as if authors all borrowed from the same storehouse of literary or journalistic stock footage. No description of slums seems complete unless it men tions dirt or filth, stench or sewage, crime or vice; and preferably, some combination of the preceding elements. The people and places occupying these urban terrainsthe vagrants, open se wers, petty thieves, prostitutes, ramshackle dwellings, and flophouse drunkshave become familia r characters and settings, tropes replete with their own generic backgrounds and histories. One of the most potent and detailed expl orations of slum life in the mid 19th century is Friedrich Engels look at working class existence in Manchester His chapter, The Great Towns, reads like a travelogue, transporting the r eader to the underbelly of urban and industrial centers across the UK. The journey concludes w ith an examination of Manchesters working class living arrangements. While ostensibly cas t with a sympathetic eye, the quick, rat-a-tat survey of slum life teeters on th e verge of a pornography of squalor and degradation, as the prose flits from one putrid garbage heap to the next, re cycling adjectives like filthy, repulsive, or foul. To cite one particularly colorful exam ple, Engels writes of the community occupying a riverbank under Manchesters Ducie Bridge. An observer, pr esumably Engels, walking the neighborhood encounters the following: [H]e wanders from one court to another, turns countless corners, passes nothing but narrow, filthy nooks and alleys, until after a few minutes he has lost all clue, and knows not whither to turn. Everywhere half or w holly ruined buildings, some of them actually uninhabited, which means a great deal here; rarely a wooden or stone floor to be seen in

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259 the houses, almost uniformly broken, ill-fitti ng windows and doors, and a state of filth! Everywhere heaps of debris, refuse, and o ffal; standing pools for gutters, and a stench which alone would make it impossible for a human being in any degree civilized to live in such a district.1 An indecipherable geography of pathways and alleys on one hand, a stifling atmosphere of unbreathable smells on the other; these charact eristics encapsulate the outsiders typically visceral and bewildered point of view on slum life. Following Engels, other European writers ex tended the lineage of slum writing that emphasized the worst, most shocking aspects. Cline, in his angry and violent semiautobiography Journey to the End of the Night contrasts the wealthy parts of Paristhe good part of the citywith the parts falling outside th e urban core. All the rest, he says, is shit and misery.2 In keeping with his pessimistic account, elsewhere Cline desc ribes the crowds of dirty feet that the city doe s a good job of hiding in the s ubterranean public transportation system where the poor are compre ssed like garbage in [a] tin box.3 These are the residents of what he terms the Fortified Zone.4 Unlike Engels, who lamented the social and economic injustice of slum occupants, reading Cline, one gets the feeling that he thinks the poor are a failed, depraved lot who are only receiving wh at they deserve. He further writes, [T]he zone, that village of sorts, which neve r succeeds in picking itself entirely out of the mud and garbage, bordered by paths where precocious snotnosed litt le girls play hookey under the fences to garner a franc, a handful of French frie s, and a dose of gonorrhea from some sex fiend. A setting for avante-garde f ilms where the trees ar e poisoned with laundry and lettuces drip with urine on Saturday night.5 1 Friedrich Engels, The Condition of the Working Class in England (Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1999), p. 63. 2 Louis-Ferdinand Cline, Journey to the End of the Night (New Directions Books, New York, NY, 1983), p. 61. 3 Ibid ., p. 206. 4 Ibid ., p. 206. 5 Ibid ., pp. 287-288.

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260 Despite their differing perspectives, both writ ers rely on similar images and themes to convey their points. Author orientations or biases are explicit ly stated as slum-talk becomes universalized: slums are dirty, ga rbage-strewn, made impenetrab le to external examination because of a confusing internal geography or expe diently hidden from sight to tamp down the potentially combustible encounter between the civilized and the slum. Writing during this period helped consolidate a durable discursive edifice that seeped into popular use, comprehension and imagination. Foucault, writing generally of the delinquent behavior that filled the pages of crime novels, sugge sts that the stories told had a lesson to impart to the reading public, to show that the delinqu ent belonged to an enti rely different world, unrelated to familiar everyday life, while also demonstrating through crime novels that delinquency appears both as very close and quite alien, a perpetual threat to everyday life, but extremely distant in its origins and motives, both everyday and exotic in the milieu in which it takes place.6 George Orwell too, also recognized the tension between the quotidian and strange in stories about crime, slums a nd the marginal, as well as their enduring power. Orwell, for example, towards the conclusion of his et hnography on poverty and pauperism in Paris and London described the boogeyman-esque fantasy of what he deemed the tramp-monster, about whom English children had long been warned. While the physical spaces of slums seem beyond understanding, vagrants toomobile, unpredictable, delinquent, a spectral presence on the fringes of the formal economy and respect able societywere equally unknowable and potentially dangerous. Summing up his undercover experiences on the str eets of the two great capitals, Orwell says that by e quating the poor to something monstrous, we thus permanently obfuscate the structures a nd origins of poverty, creating a distorte d caricature instead. He writes: 6 Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The birth of the prison (Vintage Books, New York, NY, 1977), p. 286.

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261 In childhood we have been taught that tram ps are blackguards, and consequently there exists in our minds a sort of ideal or typica l trampa repulsive, rath er dangerous creature, who would die rather than work or wash, and wants nothing but to beg, drink and rob henhouses. This tramp-monster is no truer to life than the sinister Chinaman of the magazine stories, but he is very hard to get rid of. The very word t ramp evokes his image. And the belief in him obscures the re al questions of vagrancy.7 These iconographies of deviance, danger or dirt set against the ordered, clean or secure bodies and spaces of Victorian-era urban modernity we re, of course, not bound to the geographies of Europe, but were also applied elsewhere. Writing in a different context, Sander Gilman links the symbols and fantasies of white prostitutes and African women. He finds th at although there is no obvious, discernible connection between the two groups, talk and imagery about both is surprisingly similar. In explaining the similarities, Gilman argues that the myths are so powerful that they are able to move from class to class without substantial alteration.8 Being transferable to a variety of circumstances and locations allows these patterns to support particular ideologies or configurations of power. This wa s certainly true of the colonial project, in which invocations of the dirty or filthy native could simultaneously legitimate the civilizing mission of colonialism while also demonstrating the inherent superiority of the white coloni zer. Suggestive of the former, Warwick Anderson frames a critical com ponent of the American colonial endeavor in the Philippines as an effort to cleanse the region colonial officials viewed as a desolate humanwaste land [that was] brownwashed with a thin film of germs through an ongoing process of massive, ceaseless disinfection.9 While of the latter, writer of Empire Rudyard Kipling, 7 George Orwell, Down and Out in Paris and London (Harcourt, New York, NY, 1933), pp. 200-201. 8 Sander L. Gilman, Black bodies, wh ite bodies: toward an iconography of female sexuality in late nineteenthcentury art, medicine, and literature, Critical Inquiry 12 1 (Autumn 1985), p. 205. 9 Warwick Anderson, Excremental colonialism: public health and the poetics of pollution, Critical Inquiry 21 3 (Spring 1995), p. 641.

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262 spends a good portion of his short novella The City of Dreadful Night decrying, not to mention, describing the various bad smells of Calcutta. Deeming it the Big Calcutta Stink that resembles the essence of corruption that has ro tted for the second time, he concludes the first chapter with the following observation: Let us sl eep, let us sleep, and pray that Calcutta may be better to-morrow. At present it is remarkably like sleeping with a corpse.10 African authors too, in writing about slums, seem to faintly echo the examples and characterizations described above. Sensitive to the circumstances on the ground, they attempt to humanize occupants of slums, make some sense of the everyday lives of the urban poor, or criticize the economic injustices prevalent in African cities. Ye t, at the same time, the words used to illustrate the setti ngs or characters convey the sa me basic slum typology employed by their European counterparts; various ly describing the inscrutability of slum residents, dirt and disorder, or accentuating the scatological. Fugard s story of the brutal(ized) township gangster Tsotsi says that his daily survival depends not only on remaining indecipherable to outside observers, but also to himself as he sought never to disturb his inward darkness.11 Meja Mwangis take on post-colonial urban poverty in Kenya describe s the local Shanty Land as being built of paper, tin, mud and anything that could keep out the rain, thrown together in no particular pattern. The shacks were so closely bui lt that they looked like a rubbish dump full of paper and shining tin.12 Or consider Chris Abanis excep tional portrait of life in an early 1980s Lagos ghetto. In contrast to the wealth an d opulence of some parts of Lagos, much of the novels action occurs in the various slums throughout the city. The main character, the teenager 10 Rudyard Kipling, The City of Dreadful Night and Other Stories (Books Inc., New York, NY, n.d.), pp. 14; 18. 11 Athol Fugard, Tsotsi (Grove Press, New York, NY, 1980), p. 36. 12 Meja Mwangi, Kill Me Quick (Heinemann Educational Books, London, 1973), p. 50.

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263 Elvis, surveys his home neighborhood of Maroko, describing a nightmarish scene practically identical to Engels bleak e vocation of 1840s Manchester: Half the town was built of a confused mix of clapboard, wood, cement and zinc sheets, raised above a swamp by means of stilts a nd wooden walkways. As [Elvis] looked, a child, a little boy, sank into the black filth under one [of] the houses, rooting like a pig. Elvis guessed it was some form of play. To his left, a man squatted on a plank walkway outside his house, defecating into the sw amp below, where a dog lapped up the feces before they hit the ground. Elvis looked away in disgust and saw another young boy sitting on an outcrop of planki ng, dangling a rod in the water.13 The horrific imagery of one young boy playing in th e brackish muck, while another fishes in a water source whose boundaries are indistinguishable from an open sewer builds on a long established tradition of slum por trayals. Again, these places ar e depicted as filthy, residents behaviors are degraded or seemingly sub-human and so on. Whether speaking of Lagos or Paris or Manchester, slums retain universal, familiar traits. But to ask the so what question: what, in the end, can we glean from this cursory overview of the preceding discursive composite? Perhaps not much if these words and images had an exclusively Western origin or were limite d to a single geographic region or a particular moment in time. By taking a more expansive view though, what is revealed as we widen the focus to Africa, and even wider still to the capital city of Botswana, the pa ttern resurfaces and is almost replicated verbatim. The continued func tioning of slum-talk into the present, and into Botswana, hints at the power and utility of this discursive complex. Power directed toward what objective? Imp lied in the persistence of these communicative forms is the possibility that rath er than being perpetuated in orde r to identify the problems faced by residents of slums for the purpose of betteri ng their lives, the con tinued usage of slum descriptions in Botswana, which originate from a source across a large temporal and spatial 13 Chris Abani, Graceland (Picador, New York, NY, 2004), p. 48.

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264 distance, serves to create a mutable catalog of de viance and difference. In turn, these processes work to disconnect, if not isol ate, the urban poor from the greater urban communities, which they, at least geographically, i nhabit. Words, rumors, spatial markers such as maps and signposts, official communications and statisti cssubsumed under a broad category of slumtalklike the residents who themselves live on the urban periphery, assu me a spectral presence in the discursive vernacular, seep into common usage, and work to compartmentalize the physical geography, in this case, in the capital of Botswana: Gaborone. Whether intentional or not is perhaps irrelevant, at least for what is to follow. Instead, the consequencesthe separation of the respectable places and people of Gaborone from the backwards, dirty, or dangerous occupants of the largest slum in the city who might pose a threat to those practicing modern, urban livingare more important. To hint at what is to follow, let me provide a few basic details. Old Naledi began as a camp for workers involved in the Ca pital Project to build Gaborone in the mid 1960s. Originally situated outside the city limits, as Gaborone expanded, adding buildings and people, the city encroached on the worker campwhich at this ti me was known only as Naledi, the Old was added some time later following government ef forts to build an ordered and planned neighborhood, New Naledi. New Naledi however never succeeded in supplanting Old Naledi, as the officially sanctioned alternative place to liv e. Over time then, as the capital grew larger, (Old) Naledi was swallowed by Gaborone; today it is surrounded by urban development, located on the southern side of the city. Old Naledi ma naged to survive into the present, despite early efforts by city officials to have it demolished a nd its residents relocated. And even from its earliest days as an unauthorized settlement, Old Naledi has always been home to approximately one-quarter to one-third of the entire citys population. The c ontinued presence of Old Naledi

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265 has long been a source of consternation and embarrassment, even as the government has attempted to upgrade the neighborhood, for a city that presents itself as a shining exemplar of Botswanas self-proclaimed economic and political successes. The general feeling of ambivale nce about Old Naledi from residents of Botswana can be gleaned from some of the earliest writings abou t the location, as well as those from a more contemporary period. In 1976, ten years after th e official founding of Gaborone, steps were taken to initiate a development project for Old Naledi. In describing the need for an infrastructural upgrade, the usual slum descript ions were employed, as in the opening line of Botswanas Kutlwano magazines article on the subject: Those shanty huts made out of conglomerations of mud, grass, coconut leaves, cardboards, beer tins, oil drums and all types of metals pieced together will certainly be buldozed [sic] out of existence. .14 Instead of these futile effort[s] to provide for human habitation15 the structures will be cleared to make way for housing that conforms with both hygenic [sic] and architectural standa rds set for the area.16 Also at odds with the modern urban presumptions of Botswanas stil l new capital, was the physical layout of the settlement as the stre ets winds [sic] like wild animals trails.17 All these modifications were necessary because, as the authors almost ruefully notes, it would be impossible politically, sociall y, and economically to completely put a stop to and prohibit squatters from settling in Gaborone.18 If people couldnt be prevented from relocating to 14 Paul Rantao, Blue print to upgrade Naledi squalid status, Kutlwano 10 1976, p. 8. 15 Ibid ., p. 10. 16 Ibid ., p. 10. 17 Ibid ., p. 10. 18 Ibid ., p. 10.

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266 Gaborone, they must be reconstituted in order to fit the expectations required for legitimate membership in the urban community. An article from the same publication written a quarter century later articulates the same set of problems and images. In its early years, Old Naledi was deemed a cesspit of people.19 In the intervening years, the desc riptions have only marginally improved. While, for example, noting the vast improvement in the neighborh ood that is vaguely stated in terms of infrastructure development and getting rid of thugs, Old Naledi remains embedded in a slum discourse that distinguishes it from th e rest of Gaborone as a defiled site.20 The author notes that Gaborone residents remain prejudiced agai nst Old Naledi because like many heavily populated and low income urban areas, [Old Naledi] is dirty. People discard garbag e indiscriminately and pour dirty water on the roads. If you have a weak liver you may not stomach the putrid smells from pit latrines which perforate the air at certain times of the day.21 Worth noting is the fact that the above passage speaks only generally about the positive changes in Old Naledi, dwelling instead, and in specific detail, on the usual descriptive and normative judgments about filth and disorder. And going ev en further, the unnamed author suggests that not just is the air contaminated, but that the behaviors of its residents are to blame. Old Naledi, in other words, might be a clean, civilized and re spectable place, if it werent for the people who live there. The statement declaring Old Naledi to be dirty refers to much more than the physical location the neighborhood occupies. 19 Kutlwano Old Naledi: a Setswana village grappling with urban problems, 38 3 (March 2000), p. 12. 20 Ibid ., p. 12. 21 Ibid ., p. 12.

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267 One final example ought to be included here, as these adjectives and biases are injected into formal policy or development discussions. The overpopulation of Old Naledi has resulted in a shortage of adequate bathroom facilities (p it latrines are the norm in the neighborhood). Consequently, the open areas of the railway reserv e adjacent to Old Naledi are used extensively for indiscriminate defecation, with the flies, smells and open acce ss posing all too obvious health hazards. The main organisms [that presen t a risk] are a number of pathogenic bacteria, viruses, parasitic protozoa and helminthes. .22 Exposed trash is also a problem. Bins are normally overflowing with miscellaneous garbage. They contain rotting refuse, have offensive smells and attract flies and other vermin. .23 While the researcher might raise a legitimate point, the rhetoric fetishizing the diseases, contaminants, and the transgression of public sp ace by bringing, for exam ple, private (bodily) functions out into the open situat es Old Naledi in direct oppositi on to the rest of a sterilized, secure and ordered Gaborone wh ere people, along with garbage and waste, can be predictably located in their proper place. The ultimate consequence of this opposition is that if Old Naledi cant be cleaned up and reformed, it must be contained. These concerns related to the maintenance of urban order are not new to Gabor one, nor are they limited to abstract, ambiguous discursive realms. Instead slum talk is direc tly inserted into wider concerns about poverty and urban citizenship, as will be demonstrated in the upcoming di scussion about Gaborones oldest and largest slum, Old Naledi. 22 Thando D. Gwebu, Environmental problems among low income urban residents: an empirical analysis of Old NalediGaborone, Botswana, Habitat International 27 (2003), p. 421. 23 Ibid ., p. 423.

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268 Bugs and Dirt and Crud: Accounting for th e Ick! Factor in Colonial Bechuanaland In her anthropological study of rituals prac ticed by people from ancient times to now, Mary Douglas discussed the practical uses of discursive and symbolic boundaries in religious and cultural life. Ostensibly a work of comparative religion, Purity and Danger possesses relevance extending far beyond these narrowly focu sed disciplinary boundarie s. Douglass take on the meaning and formations of the symbolisms of sterility and impur ity, or disorder and cleanliness, along with, for example, the mechanisms to prevent or punish transgress ions of these borders, expressly touches the topics of social control, poli tics and power. Of particular relevance in a discussion about slums, is her unde rstanding of the social construction of dirt. Society, Douglas suggests, is perhaps best descri bed in terms of the borde rs and boundaries that delineate it.24 Rather than conceiving of the image of society as a coherent body with clearly defined edges, Douglas presents us with a more muddled pict ure. The margins, gaps and interstices where things dont just quite fit together or are be set by ambiguity pose problems for creating and maintaining an interna lly coherent social order, wher e the good is clearly identified from the bad, where the clean can be r eadily distinguished from the dirty. Yet, determining where clean ends and dirt begins is rarely a simple, or static, task. Dirt never exists by itself, and therefor e cant just be extricated on its own to exist as a discrete, stand-alone entity: where ther e is dirt there is system.25 In other words, by identifying what is dirty, contaminated or bad, judgmen ts are also being made that determine what is clean, pure or good. The function of boundaries, as lines we are forbidden to cross, is to provide a guiding framework to the practice of living, to impose syst em on an inherently untidy experience. It is 24 Mary Douglas, Purity and Danger: An analysis of concepts of pollution and taboo (Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1966), p. 114. 25 Ibid ., p. 35.

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269 only by exaggerating the difference between with in and without, above and below, male and female, with and against, that a semblance of order is created.26 By the same logic, the slum is extracted from, and set against, the city center (the proper city); the de signation between those who retain a legitimate right to the urban space of the city and those who dont is starkly (though not always permanently) drawn. Ambiguity over citizenship is erased and the subsequent possibilities of confusion and c ontamination are decreased, at l east ideally. In contemporary Gaborone for example, the right kinds of urban citizens are thos e who watch satellite television and possess an ATM car d, while those who lack indoor plumbing or dont own a car are relegated to a fuzzy inter-zone of urban ci tizenshipthey might live in the city, but they arent really of the city. Dirt offends against order. Eliminating it is not a negative movement, but a positive effort to organise the environment.27 Urbanity, like beauty, is a quality that seems to exist in the eye of the beholder. Therefore, those people not quite adhering to the standards of respectable urban living are seen by those positioned to impose th eir judgments as a form of human dirt cluttering up the cityscape. These determinations about what constitute dirt and disorder are inherently normative. They outline an idealized version of the city, marking out its symbolic and physical topography and identifying who should be allowed to not only traverse, but also occupy, its spaces. In this way, the sl um and slum-dweller are differentiated from the rest of the city and its inhabitants. In their work on the politics of boundary-maki ng/maintaining, Peter Stallybrass and Allon White further explore these processes in thei r work on high and low cultural practices and 26 Ibid ., p. 4. 27 Ibid ., p. 2.

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270 spaces.28 They write that the symbolic binaries of high and low constitute a fundamental basis to mechanisms of ordering and sense-making.29 Applied to the spaces of the city, the functions of these mechanisms was to make the city knowable, predictable, and routinizedwhere everybody and everything could be found, and bound, to their appropriate place. One of the primary purposes being to remove the possibility of unpleasant or surpri sing urban encounters with matter-out-of-place, where finding a street corner beggar in a safe suburban enclave might be akin to finding a swimming cockroach in you r soup. As Stallybrass and White note, the middle classes feared the slums because these places were viewed as open, whose borders were easily transcended, leaving open the possibility that the proper area s of the city might placed in danger by having unregulated c ontact with these outsiders.30 These concerns were not just limited to European geography. Indeed, as European attitudes and biases transcended their borders of origin as they accompanied the colonial project, it is only reasonable to expect that the European backgr ound formed a major source of inspiration for the white response to social problems in Africa.31 Though writing specifically of Victorian London, but also equally relatabl e to the colonial fears of the unsupervised, off the grid migrants who founded Old Naledi, Henry Ma yhew identifies the tw o urban races: the wanderers and the civilized tribes.32 He describes the wanderer s as having a repugnance to regular and continuous labor by his passion for stupefyin g herbs and roots, and, when 28 Peter Stallybrass and Allon White, The Politics and Poetics of Transgression (Cornell University Press, Ithaca, NY, 1986). See especially the Int roduction and The city: the sewer, the gaze and the contaminating touch. 29 Ibid ., p. 3. 30 Ibid ., p. 133. 31 Maynard W. Swanson, The sanitation syndrome: bubonic plague and urban native policy in the Cape Colony, 1900-1909, The Journal of African History 18 3 (1977), p. 390. 32 Stallybrass and White, Politics and Poetics of Transgression p. 128.

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271 possible, for intoxicating fermented liquors by his love of libidinous dances by the absence of the chastity among his women. .33 Protecting the civilized urban dweller from these negative influences required that the sa nctified spaces of fantasy, imagination, and geography be systematically scoured.34 Through, for example, State-sponsored health regulations, urban planning, or housing schematics, city spaces can be cleansed, marking out the boundary between safety and dange r, civilized and wild. It is not though, only the macro spaces of the c ity that become sites of contestation, as the body is placed under scrutiny in order to make it conform to the practices of modern urban living. That is, further removed from the broad tendrils of official pol icy, informal norms of behavior become powerful tool s to remake, if possible, demo nizemore likelyslum dwellers. Rules governing the acceptable limits of public behavior, for example, become markers of bourgeois identification: dumping garbage in publ ic, smelling bad, Chris Abanis fictional child at play rooting around in filth like a pig, or Gwebus indiscriminate defecation: all these mundane behaviors of the everyday are affixed with a political tinge, as they denote a distinctive non-urban identity (to those who look on disapprovingly, that is).35 Or to extend the language to the American colonial enterprise in the Philippi nes, bodies of the American colonizers, unlike those of the colonized, were understood as having overcome the grotesque products and limitations previously imposed by their bodily functions.36 In keeping with this new imagery trope of the modern American body, an act of indiscriminate defecation served as an 33 Henry Mayhew, London Labour and the London Poor (1861), quoted in Stallybrass and White, Politics and Poetics of Transgression p. 128. 34 Ibid ., p. 93. 35 Ibid ., pp. 88-90. 36 Anderson, Excremental colonialism, pp. 648-650.

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272 uncrossable chasm marking the boundary between civi lization and its antithes is. As Americans, the supposed mastery of the body, m eant that the body was recast as a sort of natural machine, an ideal human vehicle fit for living in an industrial age.37 Part of the progression from filthy to clean, primitive to modern, this transcendence of the natural body is what the colonized native peoples of the Philippines were exhorted to aspi re. Whether they could actually ever become fully modernone thinks notis a nother matter entirely. But wh at is important to take note of then, as David Arnold suggests, is that notions of public health were not just a bundle of rules and regulations cultivated excl usively for practical application on Third World bodies, but they also functioned as an ideological tool, as an inc ontrovertible demonstrati on of the superiority of Western science and culture.38 If people want to be truly embraced as a legi timate urban citizen, the thinking of the urban resident goes, they must overcome their unseemly te ndencies, if not, they mu st keep to their own confined spaces and away from those whove al ready attained full-fle dged urban status. The quest to obtain sanitized urban spaces as outline d in the works above however, proved to be an elusive, though enduring goal, of colonial (and post-colonial ) city-making in Africa and elsewhere. In Old Naledi, as elsewhere, the objectives of urban pl anning and public health merged.39 As has already been intimated, at the core of regulations enacted to maintain a cleansed city free from population impurities are efforts to k eep order, binding marginal people and things 37 Ibid ., p. 650. 38 David Arnold, Public health and public power: medicine and hegemony in colonial India, in Dagmar Engels and Shula Marks (eds), Contesting Colonial Hegemony: State and society in Africa and India (British Academic Press, London, 1994), p. 139. 39 Philip D. Curtin, Medical knowledge and urban plan ning in tropical Africa, The American Historical Review 90 3 (June 1985), p. 594.

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273 to the geographies where the State and urban elite expects to find them. Whether out of place, or at a more ambiguous extreme, placelessas a homeless person or transient labor migrant moving from village to city and back again mi ght bepeople living outside of any embedding context and divested of all so cial location[s] posed unique pr oblems to society and the State.40 Not the least of which being that the Dis-embedded presented potential cha llenges or personified subversions to authority. Because transien t populations werent easily counted made urban governance and administration difficu lt, the colonial solu tion to these problems involved some combination of supervision and segr egation of African urban dwellers.41 Similar to dirt and filth then, placelessness can be understood as a normative construct directed towards problem populations.42 In this view, there is, in other words, a right way and a wrong way to engage in urban living: the middle class for example, with its ordered neighborhoods and rigid implementation of private/public distinctions, has got it more or less correct, not so much for the typical slum-dweller, whose rootlessness a nd ambiguous use of urban spaces seemed to exemplify an innate moral degradation. These c onclusions made efforts to insulate rightful urban citizens from the potential negative infl uence of faulty citizens seem all the more reasonable and urgent. And thus Africans were characterized as vector s of disease on the one hand, and harbingers of moral calamity on the other. Much as the ta lk about slums and their occupants in Victorian Britain across most of the decades of the 1800s, well-publicized images of decay, of untamed sexuality and of the madness of disorder likewi se brought about the gen eral pathologization 40 Bhaskar Mukhopadhyay, Crossing the Howrah Brid ge: Calcutta, filth and dwellingforms, fragments, phantasms, Theory, Culture & Society, 23 7-8 (2006), p. 228. 41 Curtin, Medical knowledge and urban planning in tropical Africa, p. 607. 42 Mukhopadhyay, Crossing the Howrah Bridge, p. 229.

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274 of African populations.43 A widely disseminated trope in colonial Africa perpetuated these characterizations, as African rural life was valorized and those who found themselves living in urban environments were depicted as deficient, as yet unfit for city-living. The mythology of the healthy reserve and the dressed native rather disingenuously, as it reinforced a set of political and economic interests related to migration and the control of labor, posited that it was for their own good that Africans remain in the rural areas or homelands.44 Specifically sketching the dichotomy between an African living in an overly idealized state of nature and one living on a c itys peripheral, T. Duncan Gr eenless, a South African health official made a clear distinction between the u ncontaminated native living a simple mode of life and the contaminated, living in or near cities. The latter were found to suffer most from general paralysis, which Gr eenless attributed to excessi ve drinking and the smoking of dagga.45 These stereotypes and discourses we re no doubt common across the Southern African region, including in the Bechuanaland Protec torate. Indeed, as will be seen below, these mythologies were manifest in the planning of Ga borone and were perhaps used to legitimate the official reactions of colonial o fficers to the unauthorized appearance of Africans and the informal settlements in which they resided. By traci ng the topography and mechanics of discourse about slums and Africans and city planning, we can see that informal talking points and conversations and official health and political discourse corroborated each other. But before moving on to the specifics of th e Gaborone case, it is worth mentioning a few other applicable points related to planning for A fricans in South Africa. The South African case 43 Megan Vaughn, Health and hegemony: representation of disease and the creation of the colonial subject in Nyasaland, in Engels and Marks, Contesting Colonial Hegemony p. 181. 44 Randall M. Packard, The healthy rese rve and the dressed native: discourses on black health and the language of legitimation in South Africa, American Ethnologist 16 4 (November 1989), p. 687. 45 Vaughn, Health and hegemony, p. 175.

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275 is particularly instructive for a look at events in Botswana because of the close geographic proximity of the two nations; as a satellite of it s larger neighbor to the south, the South African Republic wielded much influence in the ec onomics, politics and co lonial culture of Bechuanaland. Also included underneath the umbrella of the South African sphere of influence, attitudes related to the regulation of slums and poor urban Africans permeated the planning bureaucracy charged with founding Botswanas ne w capital. The clean slate approach to urban development in British co lonial Africa, in which cities were sited on previously undeveloped land, allowed health and racial and ec onomic segregation to be built directly into the spatial fabric of the city.46 And where founding a city on pristine land wasnt possible at the onset, efforts to enforce rules for public hygiene or the police of dwellings has been a long-used tool of the State to manage the difference(s) embodied by the poor.47 In South Africa example, where the construction of urban areas occurred well before the establishment of comprehensive housing or urban planning regulations, South African urban centers, government planners in the first decades of the 20th century, in the name of cleaning up the cities, advocated that slums and African housing be cleared and relocated away from the core urban areas and rebuilt on land sited on the cities outskirts.48 Of course though, as Susan Parnell points out, the enforcement of town planning regulations on African neighborhoods hinged on whethe r or not they were useful 46 Curtin, Medical knowle dge and urban planning in tropical Africa, p. 602. 47 Giovanna Procacci, Social economy a nd the government of poverty, in Graham Burchell, Colin Gordon and Peter Miller (eds), The Foucault Effect: Studies in governmentality with two lectures by and an interview with Michel Foucault (University of Chicago Press, Chicago, IL, 1991), pp. 164-165. 48 Susan Parnell, Creating racial privilege: the origin s of South African public health and town planning legislation, Journal of Southern African Studies 19 3 (September 1993), p. 481.

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276 as a means to evict these populations from the urba n areas determined to be for exclusively white usage.49 For one final word about the interaction betw een the talk about health and urban planning in South Africa we will draw from the work of the urban historian, Maynard Swanson. Swanson suggests that metaphors related to disease, hygien e, danger or crime produce urban segregation: metaphors, he writes, function not simply as ra tionalizations but as active motives or forces tending to shape perceptions, perspectives and behavior in those who rule[.]50 In the case of Durban, for example, political and economic conf licts between whites and Indians were couched in terms of dirt and pollution, as whites attemp ted to assert their dominance over the spaces of the city by consistently associating In dian coolies with filth and squalor.51 And although these characterizations didnt mesh with facts on the ground, demonizi ng the Indian population proved an effective tactic for achiev ing social control through urban planning and segregation. Similarly, white collective panic over the pres ence of urban-dwelling Africans who were considered to be festering pockets of diseasedu ring, for example, the outbreak of plague in the Cape Colony around the turn of the 20th centurysaw the sanitation syndrome [become] a fundamental condition of the white response to African urbanization.52 These measures more than faintly echo Foucaults description of a typical 17th century European town placed under quarantine following an outbreak of bubonic plague.53 Indeed, the formal State-led white response to epidemics in South Africa, or ev en for more mundane public health concerns, 49 Ibid ., p. 488. 50 Maynard W. Swanson, The Asiatic menace: creating segregation in Durban, 1870-1900, The International Journal of African Historical Studies 16 3 (1983), p. 402. 51 Ibid ., pp. 408; 420. 52 Swanson, The sanitation syndrome, pp. 396; 407. 53 Foucault, Discipline and Punish pp. 195-200.

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277 involved, perhaps inevitably, policie s related to urban segregation that eventually became more a matter of policing and surveillance than it wa s purely about the a pplication of health regulations.54 Taking Foucault and Swanson in tandem is of great value here: and Swanson especially, since he is writing of circumstances relevant specifically to the Southern African context. He makes clear that reality and act ual real-life health worries of ten took a back seat to public hysteria and long disseminated myths about the inhe rent dangers of civilized, middle class whites associating, if only tange ntially through casual contact, with poor, Af rican slum-dwellers. Linking morality and modernity to the quality an d layout of urban environmentswhether those in European metropoles, and later, in colonial citiescolored, and actively influenced, the official policy reactions marsha led to grapple with urban sl ums. There is though, perhaps another motivating factor at work here beyond s imply solvingwhatever that might even meant in colonial urban societythe slum puzzle. A further consequence of th e prominence of stories of fear, danger and moral degradation is that they are often used to obscu re the enduring political or economic inequalities that enable slums to be created, as well as persist, in the first place. This is as true in the early days of the Cape Colony, as it is today with regards to the contemporary circumstances and marginalization of Old Naledi in Gaborone. The repetition of these stories, where the poor are painted as t ramp-monsters, boogeymen or worse, becomes an explicitly political acteven as the story itse lf is decontextualized and depoliticizedthat reinforces, indeed legitimates, structural inequi ties. As Charles Briggs explains in a piece on 54 Swanson, The sanitation syndrome, pp. 387; 398.

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278 cholera and conspiracy theory, the everyday perf ormance of subtle prejudice and discrimination turns the people on the margins into inscrutable monsters.55 Well before construction on the Capital Projec t started in Bechuana land, generalized talk of the dirty, unhygienic Motswana ha d long circulated in colonial government circles. Much of the discussion tended to focus, not just on the supposedly poor living environments, but also on the bodies and minds of the Batswana, implying that they were somehow cognitively deficient or naturally predisposed to unhealthy living (as de fined by colonial observers). Writing to the Principal Medical Officer stationed in Mafike ng, the District Commissioner of Gaberones condescendingly advises that ther e is little hope of enacting beha vioral change through talking and education, Unless, of course, you inte nd paying the native to help himself.56 He further elaborates that it is useless ta lking to [Batswana] about the risk s of dysentery, enteric, plague and so on, for their usual reply is really una nswerablethey will say that their fathers, grandfathers lived as they did now and if these diseases did not attack and overwhelm them why should they do so now?57 From the perspective of the Batswana, this folk logic, though belittled in the above inter-office correspondence, makes a good bit of sense. But for the British colonial officer taught to fear dirt and disease from his earlies t days, such apparent cultural obstinacy served as another piece of accumulate d evidence regarding the backwardness of their colonial subjects. Adhering to the established pattern of beliefs about dirty natives and the susceptibility of whites to their diseases, thes e failings were framed as dangersin need of 55 Charles L. Briggs, Theorizing modernity conspiratorially: science, scale and the political economy of public discourse in explanations of a cholera epidemic, American Ethnologist 31 2 (2004), p. 165. 56 District Commissioner of Gaberones, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Dispatch to the Principal Health Officer in Mafeking, 22 August 1936 (Collected Files, Question of Application of Sanitary Scheme to all Native Townships and Villages, 1934-1938, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Nu mber S.404/1, Gaborone, 1936). 57 Ibid

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279 urgent solutionthat might ultimately impinge on the health and well-being of Europeans living throughout the region. Subsequently, in a 1937 meeting with the Native Advisory Council, the Resident Commissioner urged local leaders to do something to protect thei r clean water wells. I have asked the teachers, he later wrote in a summary of the meeting, . with the consent of the Headman, to put a parapet at least round one well to stop the filth of this somewhat filthy country [from] going into the water supply, to put up at l east one incinerator to bu rn the rubbish rather than dig a hole into which someone wandering home late at night might fall, even myself. .58 While the above passage is amusing for the ironic image of the disapproving colonial administrator toppling into a garb age pit of the sort he desper ately wanted to eradicate, it inadvertently exposes the core objective of the application of health po licy in the Bechuanaland Protectorate: when it came down to it, though perh aps not terribly surprising, the health of the white population was of primary importance. Health regulations, as with planning regulations in adjacent South Africa (see the article by Susan Parn ell cited earlier in th is chapter), were only necessary or enforced insofar as there might be a possibility that the European population could be harmed. A description of the living circumstan ces of the white resident s of the large village, and capital of the Bamangwato tribe, Serowe, suggests this might indeed be the case. Written by observers sent from London, the report notes: [G]enerally speaking, however, sanitary conditio ns throughout [the] B.P. are appalling and the effect of the lack of a public health br anch of the medical service is everywhere evident. Conditions under which some of the poorer white people[,] farmers and storekeepers are living in must be seen to be believed. At towns such as Serowe[,] European houses are scattere d through the town amongst the Native huts, the Residency is 58 Native Advisory Council, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Minutes of the 18th Session of the Native Advisory Council, 4-6 March 1937 (Collected Files, Question of Application of Sanitary Scheme to all Native Townships and Villages, 1934-1938, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Nu mber S.404/1, Gaborone, 1937).

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280 up against the Native prison, and there is no possibl e control over animals, dust, and flies. The Bechuana native has never learnt the use of a latrine, even in larger villages. .59 The struggle for village hygiene, therefore, was not only about helping Batswana maintain clean water sources or supply a more efficient way to ta ke out the trash. It was, in terms laid out by the Resident Commissioner, a battle for the moral health of the village(r), both white and black. The state of sanitation in some of the villages he proclaimed to th e Native Advisory Council, was the physical manifestation of evil, an evil to tackle, 60 a dragon to be slayed by the powershowever limited or illfunded they might have been in the Bechuanaland Protectorateof the State. In this declared battle against evil, wher e Batswana were the specific focus of health regulations, implementation was ge nerally geared towards efforts designed to legitimate and maintain a sufficient level of control and observa tion so that policies could be enforced from above. Public health proclamations were both oriented toward the ge neral Batswana population inhabiting the territory, as in 1924s decree allowing the quarantine and movement restrictions of individuals in case of an infectious disease outbreak, to specific groups of individuals, as with The Health and Sanitation (Mines and Works) rule of 1934.61 The mining and sanitation rule is particularly illuminating for what it says about colonial perceptions abou t the inherent dirtiness and backwardness of Africans. The Proclamatio n gives instructions pertaining to sanitary 59 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Report of the Commission Appo inted by the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs to Advise on Medical Administration in [the] Bechuanaland Protectorate (Collected Files, Question of Application of Sanitary Scheme to all Native Townships and Villages, 1934-1938, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.404/1, Gaborone, no date). 60 Native Advisory Council, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Minutes of the 18th Session of the Native Advisory Council, 4-6 March 1937. 61 Both Proclamation No. 51 of 1934 and Proclamation No. 54 of 1934 (known as The Health and Sanitation (Mines and Works) (Bechuanaland Protectorate) Proclamation, 1934) can be found in: Bechuanaland Protectorate, High Commissioners Proclamations and more Important Government Notices, from 1st January to 31st December 1934 (Mafeking, 1935).

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281 supervisions and inspections, as well as more detailed explanations for the number of toilet facilities needed in proportion to the number of workers (1 bucket latrine for every 50 people) to the amount of air needed for proper breathing and ventilation (sleeping accommodation shall not contain less cubic air space than 600 feet for Europeans and 250 feet for natives.).62 Also worth noting for its addition to the composite pict ure being developed is the rations scale for the African laborers: Mealie Meal: 1 lbs. per day Beans: 2 lbs. per week Meat: 2 lbs. per week Vegetables: 2 lbs. per week Peanuts (shelled): 1 lb. per week Salt: 3.5 ounces per week63 These policies detailing the basic nourishment or oxygen requirements of native workers seem little different than the instructions a person mi ght leave with a friend charged with watching a house-pet. Essentially they ar e rules governing the upkeep of th e African manual laborer, the product of a bureaucratic cal culus used to determine what is the bare minimum required to keep the body alive and functioning. Ultimately, the delineation of basic rules used to keep mineworkers supervised, alive and in sanitary conditions extended to the broader circumstances of everyday village life across the Protectorate. In the Bechuana land Protectorate Sanitary Regu lations, again enacted in 1934, the government imposed rules ranging from advi sing on the appropriate distance from a persons house where they might legally relieve nature to the obligation to clear brush and undergrowth 62 See specifically: Pt. 2, Section 3 of The Health and Sanitation (Mines and Works) (Bechuanaland Protectorate) Proclamation, 1934. The concerns with air circulation perhaps make more sense when considered in the context of the desire to build Gaborone with proper lungs in order to encourage what was thought to be a healthy level of ventilation for its European inhabitants. This issue, as it relates to urban planning ideology and the construction of Gaborone, is addressed in Chapter 2. 63 These subsistence guidelines are listed in The Hea lth and Sanitation (Mines and Works) (Bechuanaland Protectorate) Proclamation, 1934.

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282 if the local colonial health official determined th at their presence may impair the health of the community, by harbouring mosquito es, reptiles or rodents.64 As the District Commissioner of Gaberones quoted above cautioned in his memo to the Medical Officer a few years later, these policy proposals attempt to break into the native s private life and alter his ways of livinga delicate matter. .65 And indeed, these requirements di d more than just benignly transform everyday village life, they actively sought to suppla nt it with a set of rules and behaviors deemed more appropriate and respectable, and which were in the final analysis, more palatable to European tastes. In this way, then, the imposition of polite society was inevitably political, as it worked to reshape rural villag e landscapes, while also recasti ng African bodies so that they might better conform to Wester n behavioral expectations. The Establishment of Unauthorized Settlements in Gaborone Decades later, as the p lanning of Gaborone be gin to build some momentum, these widely held worries and apprehensions were reactivatedi f, they ever actually were muted or went undergroundas city officials a nd local elites, worked to write unauthorized people and settlements out of the designs for the new capital. When that wasnt feasible, or possible, colonial officers attempted to at least manage the development pr ocess, as well as the flow of people into Gaborone. To this end, exercising some form of development control to limit the number of people who might move to Gaborone as well as providing a supervised space for Batswana, was from the beginning, seen as a key measure of the success of the new town. Failing to account for the possibili ty of slums would, the Director of Public Works warned in a working paper, would produce tin shacks, an asso rtment of mud huts, which eventually results 64 Bechuanaland Protectorate, High Commissioners Notice 116 of 1934: Bechuanaland Protectorate Sanitary Regulations, in High Commissioners Proclamations and more Important Government Notices 65 District Commissioner of Gaberones, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Dispatch to the Principal Health Officer in Mafeking, 22 August 1936.

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283 in an unhygienic Shanty-Town66 with the potential to subvert th e intentions of the planners by engulfing the colonial design of Gaborone. Such a result, for a planned town where the a llocation of every plot or business permit was, at least officially, even if not always practic ally possible, a matter of careful consideration, would mean Gaborone was a failed city, a perver sion of the planners in tent. The importance placed on an ordered and well-planned urban e nvironment meant that apart from the bigger issues of neighborhood construction and the decisions regarding where to put people, even the most mundane and trivial matters were subject to state interventi on. In the months preceding the formal start of the Capital Project, for example, G. S. L. Atkinson, the District Commissioner of Gaberones, circulated a memo to the European re sidents of the area urging them, in the interests of everybodys peace and quiet, and in the interests of good neighbourliness, to check the considerable inconvenience caused by barking dogs.67 Newly arrived Batswana allowed to live within the city limitsmanual laborers and other service workers needed to keep Botswana s political and commer ce hub functionalwere relegated to designated areas of low cost/hi gh density housing apart fr om the upper and middle class ranks of Gaborones citizenry.68 Provision was made for the bulk of African housing to be located in a concentrated area near to the towns industrial area: the proposal called for the allocation of semi-detached terraced houses, flats and communal rooms. This development 66 Director of Public Works, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Low Cost Housing: Bechuanaland Protectorate: An Appreciation by the Director of Public Works, Paper No. 1, 22 May 1962 (Collected Files, Town Planning: Gaberones: New Township, 1961-1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.73/3/1-2, Gaborone, 1962). 67 G. S. L. Atkinson, District Commissioners Notice, 7 July 1961 (Collected Files, Crown Lands, Township; from the District Commissioner of Gaberones, 1956-1963, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number DCG. 15/13, Gaborone, 1961). 68 The details of the issues surrounding the establishment of low cost housing in Gaborone are covered at length in the latter pages of Chapter 2.

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284 would be in the area near to where most of the labour demand will occur and under such supervision as would preclude its developing into a slum.69 A version of an early Gaborone town plan prov ides some visual evidence as to the model envisioned early in the planning proc ess (see Figure 6-1 and 6-2 below).70 Commissioned by the Public Works Department, the planning blueprint au thored by the architect J. L. Harrison, clearly shows the distinction between the parts of the city where public life and commerce would occur and those areas, residential dumping grounds, to be occupied by the African population that were cut off from the full urban experience. Shaped approximately like an arrow-point, the drawing depicts the tip of Gaborone as be ing home to the government offices, tennis courts, shops and the capitals only hotel. Following the vertical axis downward towards the southern base of the city sat the clinic, prison and the locati on designated for African Housing.71 Assembled in a circular pattern akin to a wheel with spokes, the African loca tion revolved around a central point capable of providing a suitable vantage point fo r constant observation and surveillance, not unlike Benthams or Foucaults panopticon. Further separating these residences from the rest of 69 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Gaberones Township Report (Collected Files, Town Planning: Gaberones: New Township, 1961-1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S. 73/3/1-2, Gaborone, 1961-1962), p. 13. 70 Department of Public Works, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Town Planning LayoutGaberones (Collected Files, Town Planning Gaberones Village, December 1960-1963, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.73/2/2, Gaborone, no date). The map lacks a date stamp, but was placed with documents from January 1962, so it is probably safe to assume that it originates from so metime around that period. Apologies for the poor picture quality, but I had to take a picture of the well-worn map with a digital camera in a far from ideal setting in the reading room of the National Archives. 71 Also discussed in Chapter 2 is the effort to create a non-racial city. Much disc ussion occurred around the ideology of non-racialism and the accompanying desire to build a Capital that while divided by class, would not succumb to the apartheid tendencies of the region and be se gregated by race. Yet this early map depicting an area reserved for African housing no doubt undercuts these stated lofty intentions. Perhaps implying that later talk about low-cost or high-density housing had morphed into an acceptable euphemism to talk about African housing without actually talking about African housing. Of course though, the issue is more complicated than being simply a matter of white attempts to dominate Batswana populations in the new Gaborone, because as I also point out in Chapter 2, for other reasons, elite Batswana as well, had little desire to reside adjacent to the vast majority of newly arrived Batswana residents of Gaborone.

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285 the city was the single road lead ing into and out of the area. Ra ther than taking the most direct route, one can see that it followed a more meande ring path, first traveling west before turning north and into the city center. Looking at this design, an observe r cant but make the conclusion that this layout, and its partic ular road arrangement, was to be a spatial deterrent used to discourage poor Batswana from coming into the inner part of the city, a seemingly insulated urban sanctuary set aside for Gaborones newly emergent town-elites. Not only were these areas seen by the city gover nment as necessary to maintaining order in the city, they were also seen as a critical tool to guide Batswana to prop er ways of urban living; planned, supervised housing was identified as fertile ground on which to grow good urban citizens. Carrying strong echoes of earlier st rains of Victorian links between morality and environment, the prevention of slum development w ould lead to a stable social life, thus creating the conditions leading to the a doption of proper standards of ur ban behavior that would mimic the idealized Western image of a typical domestic household. One colonial housing manual used as a reference in the building of Gaborone stat es in the first sentence, The basis of family life being the home, hygiene and sanitation are essential for th e health and comfort of the family.72 Cultivating a European vision of family life was not however, just about altering manners and private lives. These efforts carrie d political and economic implications as well, since if workers became part of the formal ur ban economy and labor stru cture, they would, at least ostensibly, be more easily controlled by the official mechanisms of governance and State power. Accordingly, the possibili ty of a lack of control over the local African population in Gaborone was a great fear of th e colonial authorities. 72 A. H. Taylor, Aided Self-Help Housing (Collected Files, Town Planning: Gaberones: New Township, 19611962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Numb er S. 73/3/1-2, Gaborone, 1961-1962). This document was presented at the CCTA/WHO Symposium on Hygiene and Sanitation in Relation to Housing (4th-9th December 1961).

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286 These worries were manifested in two ways. Fi rst, members of the colonial establishment, along with their local advisors, wo rried that Batswana existing out side their sphere of influence would not be successfully civilized or urbanize d. Secondly, and probably more important, based on the amount of internally circulated corre spondence across governmental offices, is the presence of unregulated or unwatched African populations, existi ng outside of th eir specified area for African Housing, which was projected as constituting the ruin ation of the pristine, modern urban environment that colonial official s and local elites were attempting to make for themselves. The large amount of internal communi cation exchanged with regard to the adjacent village of Tlokweng, for example, illuminates the scope and prevalence of these worries.73 One town-planning manual argued that it was vitally necessary to take steps immediately to control development outside the boundaries of [Gaborone], and particul arly the control of Tlokweng village which, with the influx of workers, could very rapidly become a slum area and defeat the object of the planners.74 Administered according to the trib al law and custom of the Batlokwa, the already present village of Tlokweng was worri some to the Protectorate government because neither its space nor inhabitants fell under the pl anning authority of the colonial government. From the European point of view, Tlokweng, b ecause it wasnt subject to the zoning or infrastructure requirements that would be en forced in the new capital, invoked predictions envisioning the defeat of the planners. Yet, beyond the logistical or planning con cerns, Tlokweng represented the negation of Gaborone, reflecting everything the new capital was not supposed to be. Thus, the object of the planners wasnt just a matter of building types and street layouts, but was also inherently about 73 For further examples and discussion of the Tlokweng issue, as it relates to the planning and founding of Gaborone, please also refer to Chapter 2. 74 Department of Public Works, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Gaberones Capital Project: Draft Town Plan Report (Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 1098, Mafikeng, 1962), p. 2.

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287 aesthetics and ideology, if there is even a distinction between the two. According to the rigid normative colonial measurements of settlement types, Tlokweng, as an African founded and governed village, was an example of a lowe r spatial form whose mere presence would potentially infringe on the e volved, Western-inspired Gaborone. Hinting at these worries, another planning report warns that measures must be taken, lest Tlokweng become a shanty town and an eyesore on the boundary of the town.75 Another document further notes the choice facing migrants to the capital: payi ng for a plot in the city or ac quiring a free site in an adjacent village that would be allocated through customar y practice. Only by acti ng early in the planning process could the worst-case scenariothe estab lishment of a haphazard settlement by a colony of paupers hoping to beg a living from the township inhabitantsbe averted.76 One proposal, for example, floated in planning meetings suggested cooperation with the Batlokwa kgosi since an influx of new arrivals to the area would equa lly tax his communitys resources. This option was eventually dismissed as not likely to produce results though, since, in the muted phraseology of polite colonial racism, Protectorate offici als claimed, the inertia of the Batlokwa was notorious and the Chief wa s not a strong character.77 Instead, the primary measure taken to control development in Tlokweng, and especially elsewhere within the Gaborones borders, was an attempt to stem the movement of people into th e city; and when that wasnt possible, the State sought to funnel migrants into specifically design ated areas for recent a rrivals to live. These 75 Kenneth Watts, The Planning of Ga berones, the New Capital for Bechuanaland: Report of an Advisory Visit: January 1963 (Collected File s, Gaberones Headqu arters: Town Plan, Botswana Na tional Archives, File Reference Number S. 592/8, Gaborone, 1962-1963), p. 6. 76 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Memorandum for Discussion on 6 July: Low Cost Housing, Gaberones 1962 (Collected Files, Housing African non-Government Employees: Gaberones New Township, 1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S. 589/9, Gaborone, 1962). 77 Headquarters Development Sub-Committee, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Minutes of the Meeting of the SubCommittee of the Headquarters Developm ent Committee, 9 July 1962 (Collect ed Files, Gaberones Headquarters Headquarters Development Sub-Committee Minutes, June 1962-April 1963, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.592/10, Gaborone, 1962).

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288 mandates guided the way in which slums and their inhabitants were regulated from the earliest days of the city. Whether these efforts were successful, however, is another matter entirely. Of course though, dictating outcomes related to large-scale popul ation movements or individual day-to-day life decisi ons, usually exceed the limits of formal authority. And so it was with the emergence of unauthorized settlement s in Gaborone. In this instance, no amount of careful planning could have accounted for the population displacements caused by one of the worst droughts in decades to occur in Botswana. The 1968-1973 National Development Plan describes the event as the most calamitous drought in living memory. It lasted from 1961 to 1966. Famine was widespread and about one third of the national herd was lost. In many areas, the vegetation was grazed away, and permanent damage done to the veld.78 The ramifications of the years-long drought quickly reached crisis proportions. Immediately, the government was forced to provide food for approximately 111,000 individuals made destitute by failed crops and widespread cattle starvation,79 while at the same time, the count rys ability to feed itself was undermined as the Southern and Eastern regi ons of Botswana experienced unsuccessful harvests.80 The significance of these 111,000 destitutes is enhanced when considered in the context of the total population of the Protectorate during this period. The 1964 census places the 78 Republic of Botswana, National Development Plan, 1968-1973 (The Government Printer, Gaberones, 1968), p. 1. 79 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Legislative Assembly Official Report (Hansard 17): First Session, Fifth Meeting, Sittings from 14th to 21st March 1966 (Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 827, Gaborone, 1966), p. 125. 80 Department of Agriculture, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Report from the Department of Agriculture to be used for preparation of High Commissioners Speech at the Opening of the Legislative Assembly, 29 June 1962 (Collected Files, Legislative Council Meetings: General Corresponde nce, State of the Nation Speech, 1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.550/4, Gaborone, 1962).

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289 figure at 549,510, meaning that the drought and its aftermath exacted a severe human toll on approximately 20% of th e territorys population.81 Over the longer term though, the damaging ef fects of the drought on rural livelihoods and village economies prompted people to seek optio ns elsewhere. Obvious places for relocation were the growing urban centers, Fr ancistown, Lobatse, and Gaborone.82 In Gaborone, the influx of people no doubt contributed to the growth of squatter areas, as th e town plan, already struggling to accommodate unforeseen growth, was further overwhelmed. And although the large numbers of migrants to Gaborone caused g overnment to invest in more low-cost housing during the period of the 5 year plan (1968-1973),83 with limited funds and resources, demand increasingly outpaced the supply of affordable housing. Early on even, the provision of adequate housing was lamented as a futile task: by June 1965, the Permanent Secretary for Local Government, M. R. B. Williams, admitted that government-sponsored low-cost housing schemes could never hope by itself to meet the de mand for housing, which is ever increasing.84 Unfortunate luck and catastr ophic weather patterns however are certainly not the only reason why squatter settlements appeared in Gaborone. The drought merely made worse an already bad situation. Consequences wrought by the drought disaster were exacerbated by poor planning, as well as a general unwillingness to make room in the new capital for poor workers, the unemployed and their families who were not directly connected to the civil service. 81 1964 census statistics taken from the government of Bo tswanas Central Statistics Office and are available at: www.cso.gov.bw 82 Republic of Botswana, National Development Plan, 1968-1973, p. 50. 83 Ibid ., p. 50. 84 M. R. B. Williams, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Memo from P. S. Local Government to P. S. Ministry of Labour and Social Services, 18 June 1965 (C ollected Files, Squatters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1965).

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290 First, the question of labor. At the onse t of the Headquarters Development Project, officials recognized that labor was going to have to be imported from somewhere other than the Gaborone area due to the fact that there was a lack of the skille d labor and expertise required to propel a construction project of this magnitude forward. From the Rhodesian building company hired to oversee the bulk of the project, Costains, to the ski lled manual labor, much of the workforce was brought from outside the area. Ge nerally, the explanation given for relying so heavily on a non-local population wa s that Batswana lacked the re quisite skills (e.g. carpentry, masonry, plumbing) to properly do the work. Yet, from what we know about the intentions and future look of the new capitalas a modern hub of government and bureaucracy populated by a civil service eliteI cant help but wonder if the initia l reliance on foreign (m anual) labor helped further these goals. Foreign workers could be bro ught in to build the cit y, but would not be able to stay once it was completed, unl ike locally born workers who might be tempted to stick around and live in the town they built. While I couldnt find direct confirmation of these suspicions, a reading of the internal governme nt documentation makes it possible to justify such an inference. For example, the planning authorities were ad amant that worker housing not be constructed within the Gaborone city limits, for fear of its derogatory effects on the look and lifestyles of the city. The Secretary for Townships, Works and Communications wrote in an internally circulated memo before construction began, One of our biggest problems will be to ensure that temporary houses built by contractors are not built within th e planned township area and that, should any contractor wish to build any hous ing within the planned township area these houses should be built to a stand approved by us.85 85 Secretary Townships, Works, an d Communications, Bechuanaland Prot ectorate, Note by Secretary for Townships, Works and Communications on Housing in Gaberones and the Protectorate in General, 22 May 1962 (Collected Files, Housing African non-Government Employees: Gaberones New Township, 1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S. 589/9, Gaborone, 1962).

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291 Despite the influx of foreign workers into the capital, these numbers were fluid over time. As construction progressed, complaints were aired that locals shoul d have opportunity to compete for jobs held by non-locals. The ratios of locals to non-locals thus changed during the course of the construction project. The followi ng chart detailing the breakdown was entered into the Legislative Assembly public record:86 Table 6-1. Chart of labor statistics entered into Legislative Assembly public record. Locals Non-Locals Travaglini Brothers (Painters) 44 16 Costains (Builders) 720 229 Hancock & Ward (Plumbers) 280 20 Asphalt & General (Roads) 168 12 Drake & Gorham (Electrical) 54 6 The problem was, of course, that the planning or design of Gaborone di dnt respond to these labor changes that would later ha ve an effect on the towns development. Whether it was too late to alter things, or officials just turned a blind eye to the new circumstances is probably irrelevant. What matters is that the plan st ill adhered to the notion that the workers would eventually leave, even as the number of locally produced workers increased. Of course, this didnt happen. Instead, one long time Old Naledi resident estimates, recalling the years of Gaborones construction, that if 100 people were to depart the tr ain in Gaborone, 90 would come to Naledi, while the remaining 10 would trek to the town center or other surrounding areas.87 Irregardless of the demographic transforma tion of the worker population, governments reluctance to set aside a place for workers to live that wouldnt conform to the high standards applied elsewhere in Gaborone, led to their wo rst-case scenario: the creation of squatter settlements. And indeed, as we will see belo w, the Naledi neighborhood began life as a worker 86 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Legislative Assembly Official Report (Hansard 15): First Session, Third Meeting, Sittings from 6th to 14th December 1965 (Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 826, Gaborone, 1965), p. 14. 87 Tshireletso Motlogelwa, In the heart of the hood, pt. 2, Mmegi 16 June 2004, p. 6.

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292 community residing just beyond the formal town borders. Even though Naledi was a worry, there was, initially, an overly optimistic feeling that this was only a temporary situation; the workers would leave sometime in 1966 as the ma in construction project reached its conclusion.88 There is also a sense in the archival record th at the construction project was so overwhelming as to allow the so-called squatter problem to fall through the cracks. One Town Council document explains, No hard measures were taken against the squatters, mainly because the magnitude of the task of transforming Gaberones into a Capital was of such a nature as to cause the attention of squatters to be relegated to the background.89 This early inattentiven ess, however soon led to seemingly intractable difficulties. Instead of housing only transient laborers, as male workers arrived, so did their families; and later, othe r Batswana came, lured by the possibility of employment servicing the manual labor population. By the latter months of 1964 therefore, the Administrative Officer in charge of the Capital Project, Hugh-Murray Hudson could conclude in a memo distributed throughout the bureaucrac y, Well over 1,500 workers and their families reside on Crown Land in and around Gaberones in home made huts.90 To give some sense of the demographic breakdown around this time, a government survey conducted in 1967 suggested 88 Officials eventually relented on the prohibition for families to live with their husbands and fathers, since they assumed that once the Costains contract was up and their paychecks disappeared, people would leave the area voluntary. This proposal is outlined in a savingram writte n to the Permanent Secretary of Local Government from the District Commissioner of Gaberones, P. Cardross-Grant. See: P. Cardross-Grant, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Squatters in Gaberones, 11 March 1965 (Collected File s, Squatters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1965). 89 This quote is taken from a 1967 Gaberones Town Council Report (and Survey) about the personal characteristics of Naledi residents. I had access to this, and other documents, from a local historian, journalist and writer, Sandy Grant; who himself acquired these papers from the Reverend J. Derek Jones, the first mayor of Gaborone, while working on a project related to the early history of Gaborone. Many thanks to Sandy for offering up his collection for perusal. 90 Hugh Murray-Hudson, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Slum ConditionsGaberones, 27 October 1962 (Collected Files Entitled, Gaberones New Town, General Correspo ndence, 12 August 1963-10 October 1964, Botswana National Archives, Archival Series, Secretariat, Bo x Number S2, Unit Number S2/7, Gaborone, 1962).

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293 that adult males constituted onl y 28% of the population in Naledi; the rest were women (23%) and children (49%).91 Additionally, the commissioner of police also blamed unemployed foreigners for swelling the squatter population ranks. Quot ing information provided by his cr iminal investigations unit, the police commissioner wrote to the Perman ent Secretary for Home Affairs in 1965, A very large percentage of the Rhodesian Africans have been attracted [to Gaborone squatter areas] by the hope of employment and by relatives employed by firms working on Government contracts, but from questioning pers ons resident in Naledi it is evident that there are also many aliens who have been ordered to leave Sout h Africa and who have drifted as far as Gaberones. Persons falling within this category are estimated between 2,000 and 4,000.92 Besides contributing to the growth of the squa tter population, the increased presence of foreign workers heightened tensions between local Batswana and those from outside the territory. Resentment toward foreigners, because they were perceived as taki ng jobs for Batswana, occasionally precipitated brutal violence. One such occasion occurred in November 1965, as a fight over control of the standpipe located in a Costains work cam p that was shared by Batswana and Rhodesians, escalated into a melee where a man was locked in a burning hut and 350 Batswana and 300 Rhodesian s were set to riot.93 Though mass conflict was averted, the need 91 The results of this survey though, should probably be read with some trepidation. Figures also put forth in this survey state that the Naledi population is 1,613 and that 73% of those eligible are working in Gaborone. The total population figures given in this document are substantially less than those found elsewhere (ranging anywhere from 3,000 to approximately 10,000). Since people living in Naledi were illegally occupying land, it seems likely that many might have made themselves scarce from the government employed survey taker. These results therefore, could have skewed the employment statistics as well, since only those with jobs might have felt comfortable making themselves available for a government su rvey. Thanks again to Sa ndy Grant, for granting acce ss to this information. 92 Commissioner of Police, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Sav ingram from the Commissioner of Police to the P. S. Ministry of Home Affairs, 26 August 1965 (Collected Files, Squatters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 19662 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Re ference Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1965). 93 Q. K. J. Masire, Bechuanaland Protectorate, SecurityDisturbances Gaberones Township, 9 November 1965 (Collected Files, Squatters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1965).

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294 arose to keep separate the two populations. Standpipes were thus brought to the Naledi encampment. While these provisions defused the quite real potential fo r violence in the shortterm, they ironically forced government to furthe r entrench the population squatting in Naledi, as residents now possessed a permanent water source. This inevitably made Naledi more viable as a longer-term place to live. Along with drought and the arrival of a large population related to the construction of Gaborone, the final facilitator of squatter settlement development was the governments generally unwavering insist ence that development adhere to th e plan and that certain types of people and places should not be tolerated in the ne w capital. Rather than deal realistically with the poorly paid or unemployed urban population, planners instead chose toNaively? Stoically? Stubbornly?assume that the problem would be re solved once squatters understood that their presence violated the vision of Gaborones develo pment plan. Which, of course, posited an elite bureaucratic fantasy that as a modern seat of government, a population of unemployed or undocumented residents would be absent from th e grounds of the capital city. And even though the inadequacy of the town plan for Gaborone was apparent during the towns construction, the Housing Problem was only openly talked about following the onset of self-government. A Gaborone Town Council report notes that as a prim arily civil service town, the housing needs of government employees had been taken care of, no t so much though, for the rest of the urban residents who already exceeded the planned for g overnment population. Furthermore, the report goes on to say that the original projected population for 1970 was around 10,000, but at the time of writing in 1967, it was in excess of 18,000.94 94 This data comes from another 1967 Gaborone Town Council report I found in Sandy Grants possession. Thanks again to Sandy Grant.

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295 This is not to say though, that these inad equacies were completely ignored within government circles. Shortly before independenc e even, disputes about the governments failure to account for low-income appeared. In a letter se nt to the Ministry of Home Affairs in early 1966 by the Gaberones Town Clerk complained of the governments lack of foresight and incompetence. An outsider sent from Britain to help specifically with the transition to independence, W. T. W. Large was a former WW II fighter pilot who didnt have a stake in the initial planning of Gaborone. Perhaps then, he was freer than most to be overly critical regarding what had happened before his arrival. Ch astising the government, Wally Large writes, Government departments are very largely to blame for the present state of affairs [squatting] as no planning was made by them to house their daily paid labour and the Authority takes no responsibility for housing their staff and no repeat no record exists whereby 300 out of 500 [State built housing] units are [exclusively] reserved for Government employees.95 This last allegation is particular ly damning, since it cuts to the h eart of the official stance that Gaborone was designed to be a government to wn composed of government employees. As discussed at length in Chapter 2, both co lonial and local Batswana elites worked to stake an exclusive claim to the new capital ci ty. Under the rubric of a planning idea that proposed racially equal, economically unequal urban development at a time in which these divisions were essentially artifici al (the only Batswana with any resources of substance were the larger cattle owners or ruling elites who would constitute th e post-independence government), the suggestion was repeatedly made that what low cost housing there would be allowed in Gaborone was to be segregated from the ritzie r parts of town in order to protect property 95 W. T. W. Large, Bechuanaland Prot ectorate, Savingram from the Town Cler k, Gaberones to P. S. Ministry of Home Affairs, 10 January 1966 (Collected Files, Squatters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1965).

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296 values.96 And indeed, for the lowest paid worker s, it was considered unsound economics to provide low-cost housing for those unable to bu ild or pay an economic rent, and [who are], in any case, of a migratory disposition.97 The difficulty was then, that while it was bad finances to provide housing for those not able to pay for ita nd, to be fair, funds werent readily available to provide enough housing, even if decision-makers thought it a good ideathe construction of traditional housing was viewed as an unacceptable alternative.98 The effects of these seemingly contradictory positions were obvious. Both the lack of practical, reality-based planning on the one hand, and the inflexible adherence to the vi sion of what a future Gaborone should look like as a final product by those charged with crea ting and implementing the Capital Project, contributed to the Housing Problem. Perhaps some of the mistakes made and difficulties encountered can be forgivenif thats the righ t wordbecause of the sc ale of the project, the limited amount of available f unding and the inexperi ence of those involved. Indeed, as longtime official of the colonial and post-colonial government heavily involved in the economic development of Botswana, wrote in an email to Sandy Grant, the astoni shing thing wasnt the amount of mistakes that were made during construc tion, but that more did not occur. He writes, The real good fortune was that the Capital Project Planning Team did not screw up more than it did. The Deputy Queens Commissioner, Arthur Douglas, had been entrusted with the responsibility for the implementation of the project but he delegated that responsibility to the Director of Public Wo rks, Bill Davies, a large florid beery Welshman with no prior experience in the design or implementation of large multi-functional urban projects. Bill assembled a team of engineers, architects a nd urban planners, drawn largely from his own staff resources (e.g. Peter Harrison who was th e Chief Architect; Ray Renew, the Surveyor 96 Department of Public Works, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Gaberones Capital Project, p. 9. 97 Ibid ., p. 14. 98 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Summary of Discussions in Government Secretarys Office, 15 May 1962 (Collected Files, Gaberon es Headquarters: Headquarters Developmen t Committee Minutes, 1961-1963, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.592/9, Gaborone, 1962).

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297 General). One member of the team, whose name I forget, was recruited in a bar in Bulawayo!99 The author of the email paints an almost charming portrait of an ill-equipped group of individuals who put forth their best efforts under difficult circum stances. However, the planning ideologies, assumptions, motivations and intentio ns arent so easily explained away. With regards to slums and squatters, as suggested earlie r, these places and people, represented the total negation, the ultimate repudiation of what Gaborone was intended to be, both then and now. The continued presence of places like Naledi amount s to a daily, visible reminder of the plans violation; an affront, in some sense, to the authority and power of the State to enact a particular vision or way of urban living. Focusing on these aspects below, will bring us back to the slumtalk elaborated on previously, and later still, allow us to put a contemporary spin on what is nowadays known as Old Naledi. One of the central tenets of urban planning regulating the development of Gaborone in this early period, and even, to a certa in extent today, was the idea that construction must occur in an orderly pattern set down by the Gaborone plan ners. The locations of neighborhoods, offices, factories, even down to specific building deta ils such as the number and placement of gas stations, fell under the purview of the bureaucrac y in charge of constructing Gaborone. Ideally, these guidelines would allow Government to control all urban development in order to prevent land speculation, unauthorized plot subdivisions, or shanty devel opment that didnt conform to the minimal building regulations.100 Through building and zoning regulations, the issues of 99 Thanks to Sandy Grant for providing this June 2005 email correspondence between himself and another government participant in the founding of Gaborone. Further on in the letter, the author catalogues some of the major mistakes made by the Planning T eam. The worst of which being the poor oversight of the contractors. The upper echelon of management remained in Mafeking over the course of construction, making infrequent visits to Gaborone, heavily relying instead on progress reports from Davies and other subordinates. Free to run amok, the contractors often got away with shoddy workmanship. 100 Watts, The Planning of Gaberones, the New Capital for Bechuanaland, p. 6.

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298 urban aesthetics and movement of people, not only intersected, but controls could be legally enforced. One method of enforcement put fort h by the Acting Secretary of Townships, Works and Communications in a meeting of the Hea dquarters Development Committee suggested that Government preferred to lease whatever low-cost housing that was built, s o that administrative control could be retained over th e occupants and it could be ensured that they maintained the standards which had been laid down by government for the area. .101 To achieve the above objectives for exam ple, Ray Renew (the Surveyor General mentioned above) advocated incorporating as much land as could be reasonably administered by town officials into the new Ga borone. Extending the towns boundaries at a 5 mile radius out from the center would have two beneficial effects to this end: such a distance would, on the one hand, prevent businesses from opening outside the to wn that might draw development away from Gaborones center, while at the sa me time, it would force laborers to live in Gaborone, rather than residing in unregulated shanty towns constructed just outside the town limits.102 For its part, Naledi, transgressed the overall zoning pl an by occupying land set aside for the hoped-for industrial development in Gaborone. Moreover, with regards to Naledi and the fe w other squatter camps that dotted the periurban landscape, they provided visible contra diction to the look and ambience Gaborone was intended to portray. The Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Local Government, M. R. B. Williams, argued, control [of squatter camps] is im mediately necessary because this is the 101 Headquarters Development Committee, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Minutes of a Meeting of the Headquarters Development Committee held at Lobatsi, Tuesday 28 May 1963 at 9:30 am (Collected Files Entitled, Gaberones New Town, General Correspondence, 12 August 1963-10 October 1964, Botswana National Archives, Archival Series, Secretariat, Box Number S2, Unit Number S2/7, Gaborone, 1963). 102 Ray Renew, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Savingram from the Surveyor-General at Ma feking to the Town Clerk at Gaberones, Regarding Control of Peri-Urban Development at Gaberones, 6 October 1965 (Collected Files, Gaberones Township Authority: Affairs, January 1965 -February 1966, Botswana Na tional Archives, Archival Series Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Unit Number MLGL 5, Box Number 24, Gaborone, 1965).

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299 capital of a country, and should to the greatest extent possible, be regarded as something in the nature of a show-piece.103 Similarly, under the heading, T he General Appearance of the Town, an officer of the Gaborone city government wrote of the need to keep up appearances, however superficially, telling Secretary Williams, the entrances to Gaberones are being cleared of unsightly houses as fast as possi ble in order that vis itors to the Capital arrive with a favorable impression.104 The desire to make the city legible through zoning however, was not simply a matter of achieving a town stylized to look a particular way. The regulation of the spaces of the new capital was meant to subordinate potentially untamed places. In the same way that planners attempted to tame the wild Botswana envi ronment through landscaping and the management of green spaces, they also tried to place slums and squatters under the eye and arm of the city government. As indicated in Chapter 2 earlier, th ere was a real anxiety about heterotopic urbanspaces that existed outside of, or actively subverte d, the influence of the State. Officials favored African beer shops or smaller, dispersed pubs rather than a centraliz ed beerhall that might lead to passions being roused or to the focussing (sic) of po litical action that might oppose the colonial government and their Batswana coun terparts who constituted the ruling Botswana Democratic Party following independence.105 And for slums more generally, in a report 103 M. R. B. Williams, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Squ atters within the Gaberones Township, 12 March 1965(Collected Files, Squatters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1965). 104 Gaberones Township Executive Officer, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Savingram from Township Executive Officer, Gaberones to Permanent Secret ary, Ministry of Local Government, 11 March 1965 (Collected Files, Gaberones Township Authority: Affairs, January 1965 -February 1966, Botswana Na tional Archives, Archival Series Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Unit Number MLGL 5, Box Number 24, Gaborone, 1965). 105 District Commissioner Gaberones, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Savingram from D.C. at Gaberones to Administrative Secretary at Mafeking, 17 December 1963 (Collected Files, Beer Halls: Production and

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300 commissioned shortly after independence, the wo rry over disorienting urban spaces is explicitly stated. One of the most serious defects in Naledi identified by the reports authors was the maze of intertwining pathways which defy order and fail to provide adequate transportation essential for fire or police prot ection. The resultant confusion to the outside observer suggests disorder which may or may not exist in the situation itself.106 Though there might be internal coherence for the resident of Naledithey could likely find their way around the maze just finethis situation was untenable for authoritie s lacking knowledge on what sorts of things transpired in this urban frontier. For order to reign, confusion was to be eradicated, chaos simplified. Indeed, in a later pa rt of the Fuller Report, as the above document came to be known, the need to preclude urban di ssension that might percolate amongst Naledis population was expressly stated as a reason to remove the encampment: social dissatisfaction growing among people [in Naledi] brings about social movements which disrupt both local and state government.107 Applying long-established discourses about the evils of urban slums, Naledi was characterized as a jumbled site of disease, danger and degeneration, a malignant blemish in need of excision. A 1967 document written by officials in the then Gaberones municipal government describes Naledi in the following way: The third settlement, known incongruously as Naledi (The Star), is sti ll with us. Here, on a rectangular piece of ground about 660 yards by 400 yards is a concentration of over 4000 people. Some of the houses are quite respec table and are thatch buildings, but some are little more than shelters made of branches, grass, cement bags, polythene scraps, and odds Distribution of Local Beer, December 1963-September 1964, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.399/16, Gaborone, 1963). 106 Charles Edward Fuller, A Study of the Squatter Popula tion in Gaberones: Undertaken for the Town Council of Gaberones July-August 1967 (Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 5316, Gaborone, 1967), p. 2. 107 Ibid ., p. 4.

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301 and ends of builders materials. Good and bad houses alike are concentrated together so closely that hygenic (sic) standa rds are non-existent, one tap se rves the whole area, the few latrines built by communal effort have pr oved totally inadequate, and the risk of devastating fire is considerab le. Moreover, the sites on whic h these people are squatting are urgently needed for industrial development. A more appropriate name than the Star would be the Running Sore.108 A couple things here are worth pointing out. Fi rst, the ever-fluctuati ng official population of Naledi. Formal estimates put the population at anywhere between approximately 1,600 to 4,000 to 10,000 individuals (see also footnote 87), with all this variation be ing noted within the temporal space of about one year (1967). For a plan contingent on knowledge of people and places, the lack of information was a cause for c oncern. And even today, as well see below, officials remain uncertain of Naledis demography. Then, as now, Naledi remains a sort of urban wilderness, a blank space on the Gaborone map. Secondly, there is also the suggestion that Naledi isnt just a homogenous blob of ramshackle huts and lean-tos, but instead, a more diverse location where houses of varying degrees of soph istication and construction can be found. This depiction is at odds with its usual portrayal as a dirty and dilapidated Running Sore on the urban landscape. The popular ge neralization accentuating the nega tive projects into present-day Gaborone as well, seemingly innocuously di sseminated through everyday assumptions and street-talk, even as it is empl oyed on behalf of particular poli tical and economic interests. Leaving aside these observations for the moment the above passage indicates the size of Naledi; not only was it the last s quatter camp standing, it was by far the most substantial. In the towns early days, there were 3 main squatter settlements: one occupying land by the dam that was depopulated/abandoned following the dams comp letion; another, Ditakhana, located within the town limits, which was cleared following the construction of 200 low-cost housing units 108 Gaberones Town Council, Republic of Botswana, A Housing Problem at Gaberones, Botswanaand a Remedy, 12 December 1967 (Collected Files, S quatters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1967).

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302 preceding Independence; and finally, Naledi. And ev en before these formal informal settlements were established, some residents of Gaberones co mplained of squatters and the so-called filthy conditions they engendered. Government, for example, assailed the conditions at the Department of Public Works camp near the town s only service station, De Wets Garage, as extremely unsanitary because of the increasing numbers of unsupervised coloured laborers who were unlawfully settling there.109 A health inspector describes the scene, There are between 40-50 structures, spread over a wide area which is not fenced in, consequently there is no control as to who lives in this area. This camp has no lavatories, and the only place where water is drawn is from a tap at the rear of the Postmasters house. This whol e area is very dirty and fouled with human excreta, papers, tins and all types of refuse are scattered in all directions.110 Although the concerns stated above captured th e essence of those that would later be expressed with regards to Naledi, as time went on and construction on the capital site progressed however, most of the attention and accompanying ire was directed there. In the space of Naledi, along with the other smaller unaut horized settlements, the Direct or of Medical Services in a memo on slum conditions ominously warned, a very dangerous Public Health Menace is building up in Gaberones.111 Constituting this Menace, the usual dangers were invoked: garbage, human waste, poor toilet facilities, co mmunicable diseases. Bugs, especially flies, 109 P. Hansford, Bechuanaland Protector ate, Savingram from the Medical Offi cer of Health to the Member for Townships, Works and Communications, 14 March 1963 (Co llected Files, Gaberones Headquarters: High Density (or Low Cost) Housing, January-June 1963, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.592/11, Gaborone, 1963). 110 This extract is taken from an undated memo sent to the Director of Medical Services, which consists of a set of excerpts from previously commissioned reports compiling information about slum conditions in Gaberones. It is available in: (Collected Files Entitled, Gaberones Ne w Town, General Correspondence, 12 August 1963-10 October 1964, Botswana National Archives, Archival Se ries, Secretariat, Box Numb er S2, Unit Number S2/7, Gaborone, 1963). 111 Director of Medical Services, Bechuanaland Protectorat e, Savingram to the Member for Tribal Affairs and Social Services, 21 October 1964 (Collected Files En titled, Gaberones New Town, General Correspondence, 12 August 1963-10 October 1964, Botswana National Archives, Archival Series, Secretariat, Box Number S2, Unit Number S2/7, Gaborone, 1963).

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303 because of their mobility112 and ability to overcome the protec tion afforded by spatial distance to transport disease and dirt from its slum incubato rs to the pristine urba n environs were also treated as a particularly worrisome predicament. Flies The fly population in Gaberones is enormous. This is no doubt due to the poor toilet facilities offered in the townships e.g. Shanty Town has no toilets, and in Naledi (Shanty Town on Lobatsi Road) there are no toilets.113 Another memo gets to the heart of what is at stak e. Echoing the colonial officer of three decades earlier who worried about falling into a garbage p it while walking in the village after dark, the Director of Medical Services wrote, The flies are appalling and the disease might easily attack anyone in the area regardle ss how good their personal and domestic hygiene is.114 Implicit here, is the thought that squatter camps are intole rable because they cant be contained: the dirt and germs that are supposed to be natural to these areas transgresses boundaries, making no difference between, for example, the African s quatter and the government officers stay-at-home wife. And indeed, the poor conditions at Naledi a nd elsewhere werent simply problems to be solved by health officials or civil engineers, but were cause for police interv ention. In a letter to the Local Government offices from a representati ve of the Botswana Red Cross, Mrs. E. M. Norman advocates for a patrol [to be] maintain ed to, a) prevent further overcrowding or erection of shacks and, b) control garbage dispos al and prevent urinati on and defaeciation (sic) 112 As indicated elsewhere, worry over unchecked mobility wa s a common theme, not just confined to insect flight paths. The squatters occupying the PWD Camp, for example, were viewed with apprehension and suspicion, not to mention a matter of great urgency, because they were a floating population not anchored to any specific space. See document referenced in footnote 110. 113 Director of Medical Services, Bechuanaland Protect orate, Memo on Gastro-EnteritisGaberones, 13 October 1964 (Collected Files Entitled, Gaberones New Town General Correspondence, 12 August 1963-10 October 1964, Botswana National Archives, Ar chival Series, Secretariat, Box Numb er S2, Unit Number S2/7, Gaborone, 1963). 114 Director of Medical Services, Bechuanaland Protectorat e, Savingram to the Member for Tribal Affairs and Social Services, 21 October 1964.

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304 outside latrines.115 Responding to the letter, the Perman ent Secretary for Local Government notes his sympathy to the groups co ncernshis letter opens with, I am to say that the Ministry has long term plans for the clearing of these squa tters camp (sic),but conc ludes that little can be done to increase action on the areas because of the tightness of funds.116 Even though the request didnt produce the desired effects, me rely by asking for police involvement in the everyday activities of Naledi (a nd elsewhere), being dirty or poor was equated to warrant police regulation in the same way that burglary or assault might. The outcome of this request to place the body and its functions under surveillance, if money were available, would have been to criminalize poverty, the very ac ts of living could have brough t some kind of penalty or punishment. Disease however, wasnt the only thing thought dangerous or transmittable. Naledi, as a place characterized by moral indecen cy and illicit behaviors, was also thought to spread its degeneracy into the respectable parts of tow n. Already present in Gaberones, was a racist tradition among white settlers, who worried about the derogatory consequences of close contact with the Batswana population. Reacting angrily to government efforts to allocate more land to local Batswana tribes, white farmers protested th at their lives were soon to be infringed on if these new policies took effect. Representing the white farming interests at a meeting of the European Advisory Council, one settler complain ed, the administration seems to prefer the less costly [rather than buying the farmers out comple tely] but more slow and cruel method of getting natives sandwiched in between settlers farms, which can only finally result in the degeneration 115 E. M. Norman, Letter to the Minister of Local Government, 20 May 1965 (Collected Files, Squatters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1965). 116 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Letter to Mrs. E. M. Norman of the Botswana Red Cross Society (Collected Files, Squatters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 Ma y 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1965).

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305 of the settler. .117 Another farmer, E. Simwhose family was later represented in the Legislative Council during the independence pe riodpredicted that the demands to provide more land would mean that I would be surrounded by natives and I could not live isolated.118 Landowner T.O. Haston further argues that clos e contact between Whites and Africans cant ever work: I believe White Men will always be White Men, Bantu Peoples always Bantu Peoples, No (sic) matter what polish.119 And finally, a Mr. Glover, anticipating the debates of nearly three decades later asks, When the day of transfer comes, will Gaberones be a white or a black area?120 For all the high-minded rhetoric that went into the planning of Gaborone, when cut down to the core, as in the anxious discussions about Naledi specifica lly and slums generally, many of the farmers worries about living with or near by poor Batswana populations were recreated. The supposed degeneracy of the elite urban resident perhaps devolution is a more apt term, was cause for widespread concern. Viewed with of ficial eyes, Naledi represented a dangerous location, a site of a vicious circ le that was both home to, and breed er of, vice and immorality. Painted in broad terms, Naledi was said to attract a large cast of supposed work-seekers and other doubtful characters, along with the disturbi ng fact [that] girls between the ages of 14 and 18 are increasingly appearing on th e scene and in these difficult ti mes it is obvious that the type 117 European Advisory Council, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Extract from Minutes of [the] 21st Session of the European Advisory Council, 19-23 October 1936 (Collect ed Files, Alienation of Land: Question of Preventing Sale of Land to Natives in the Gaberones Block, 19361938, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.435/4, Gaborone, 1936). 118 This untitled document August 1936describes the wh ite opposition to a proposed sale of land to the Bamalete tribe. It is located in: (Collected Files, A lienation of Land: Question of Preventing Sale of Land to Natives in the Gaberones Block, 1936-1938, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.435/4, Gaborone, 1936). 119 European Advisory Council, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Extract of Minutes of the European Advisory Council, 22 August 1938 (Collected Files, Alienation of Land: Question of Preventing Sale of Land to Natives in the Gaberones Block, 1936-1938, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.435/4, Gaborone, 1938). 120 Ibid

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306 of life they live at Naledi without employment is most undesirable. The only way these girls could be reclaimed to their parents and to society is by returning them to their home villages.121 It is probably worth pointing out however, that despite the stated fears about women coming to Gaborone solely to engage in immora l and unseemly behaviors, the assumption that all Batswana women arriving in Ga borone were practici ng some form of prostitution was a large simplification of what was actually occurring in th e squatter camps. Alberto Travaglini, one of the primary contractors dur ing the Capital Project, tells a some what different story. Travaglini, a colorful Italian holdover from the first days of construction, whose active eyes peer through a slightly wild mane of shoulde r-length hair and untrimmed b eard, indicated that he and his brother employed at one point, approximately 250 workers, of which 40 were women. The women, he goes on to explain, were hired as clea ners, as well as placed in charge of boiling water, brought back from a dam that was for a time largely pumping mud into large metal drums whose contents had previously been making people ill when it was drank without being first sterilized (a large probl em considering the doctor from Johannesburg only came to Gaborone once a week).122 Even so, and despite some facts to the contrary, the general perception among the authorities seemed to hold to the belief that to wn life, especially life in the squatter/worker camps, was having a corrosive effect on the mo rality of the women living among the general population. Prostitution however was only a symptom of a much larger problem. The 121 Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Lo cal Government and Lands, Republic of Botswana, Savingram to District Commissioners of Mochudi, Molepolole, and Gaberones, 13 January 1967 (Collected Files, Squatter Problem, Naledi, 1967-1968, Botswana National Archives, File Re ference Number, Division C, HA. 21/19, Volume 1, Gaborone, 1967). 122 Interview with Alberto Travaglini, Gaborone, 19 February 2005.

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307 Commissioner of Police, for exam ple, described the following squatter camp scene, capturing the feeling that the squatter areas were corrupting the residents: The presence of such large concentrations of unemployed aliens, camp followers, vagrants, and persons without any means of livelihood pres ents not only a difficult problem to police whose limited resources are stretched to the utmost in investigating complaints [at these areas] of theft, assaults, gambling, illegal liquor brewing, domestic quarrels and faction fights, but is also, I believe, a matter of grave concern to the Health authorities in view of the incidence of disease caused by dirt and inadequate sanitation arrangements. Prostitution, I am advised, is rife and the incidence of venereal disease is on the increase.123 From the perspective of the town establishm ent, these illicit behaviors needed to be combated. Not only did they represent an evasio n of the governments authority, but at the same time, they also presented a forbidden temptati on to the respectable men of Gaborones urban community. An uncontrolled Naledi, home to available women, booze or gambling might cause outsiders to stray into the camp, or even worse, for these elements to be brought into the formerly uncontaminated town. In the Fuller Repor t, for example, out of a list of seven reasons why the Naledi squatters needed to be relocated elsewhere, prefer ably back to the rural tribal regions from whence they came, three specifically addressed these worries. The Fuller Report variously concludes: The continuation of a population area in the absence of educational amenities and other social services breeds delinquency and crime. Unorganized or disorganized living, in the midst of disorderly mazes of paths and confus ions of buildings, tends to produce socially pathological conditions. C ontagion of disease, disconte nt, delinquency, and other evils, once started in an under-privileged area such as Naledi, swiftly spread to other areas with tragic results.124 Immorality as a communicable virus, a contagion that could spark an epidemic infection of evils across the urban landscap e of Gaborone, was the final, most urgent threat posed by 123 Commissioner of Police, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Savingram to the P. S. Ministry of Home Affairs, 26 August 1965. 124 Fuller, A Study of the Squatter Population in Gaberones, p. 4.

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308 Naledis continued existence. For this reas on, the dwellings needed to be pulled down, the residents removed, the site razed and depopulated. This was the course to be taken in this early period, and which was, in the end, completely futile and thus unsucce ssful. Ironically though, the same reasons that were once used to pursu e Naledis eradication, are nowadays put to a different purpose, to keep the neighborhood and it s inhabitants alive, but largely disconnected and marginalized from the spaces of daily living in the rest of Gaborone. So far we have seen how the Naledi squa tter camp was establishe d, along with how it was thought and talked about by the authorities as they articulated why squatter areas were a problem. To conclude the investigation of its ea rly history, it is worth briefly discussing how government grappled with the slum areas within Gaborone. Much of the official reaction to Naledi, and the other smaller s quatter neighborhoods in the town, consisted of moves to remove the resident populations, re locate them to more appropriate housing and dismantle the homes in which they were living. As was often the case, this was often eas ier in the planning than it was to accomplish in practice. Not only did people continue arriving into Gaboroneconstantly adding to the unplanned for urban population but the construction of low-cost housing conforming to the minimal building specificati ons could never keep up with demand for the people who were already there. At this time, both money and the capacity to respond to the housing need were in short supply. One aspect of the approach to slum development was to try to prevent people from coming into Gaborone. This involved internal efforts to keep people in Botswanas rural areas from migrating to urban areas, as we ll as regional diplomacy to reque st that the neighboring racist governments stop deporting some of their excess African populations into Botswana. One 1968 letter sent to all the Dist rict Councils across th e country urged local officials to exert

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309 whatever influence they could to prevent Batswana from coming to Gaborone to look for jobs. The gist of the message that Gaborone was ba sically full and that very few vacancies for workers exist in Gaberones at present and that people should not just arri ve in Gaberones looking for work.125 Government officials also sought to enga ge the chiefs by having them assert their customary authority over the movements of their tribal membership. By employing Chiefs to explain the ways of the town in terms of customary land usag e understandable to potential migrants, the State thought it c ould preclude movement to Gabor one. The thinking went like this: The Chief and/or headmen should be asked par ticularly to stress that just as outsiders, cannot according to customary usage settle in a tribal territory wit hout the permission of that tribe, tribesmen cannot just come a nd erect buildings on State land without the approval of Government as has happened at Naledi. House Building and other developments in Gaberones have to proceed according to modern town planning methods and that any infringement of these [regulat ions] would be strictly dealt with by the authorities here.126 Even before this was tried, the outcome assess ment was gloomy. The document notes, It is realized that once people have been affected by the lure of urban life it is difficult to control their drift to the towns.127 If Batswana citizens couldnt be stopped from settling temporarily, if not permanently, in Gaborone, it was thought that at least the fore igners could be rounded up and repatriated. Specifically, there was thinking th at the population pressure in Gaborone could be remedied by calling on places like Rhodesia and South Africa to quit dumping their unwanted or undesirables 125 W. T. W. Large, Republic of Botswana, Savingram from the Town Clerk [at] Gaberones to All District Councils, Town Council [at] Francistown, Town Council [at] Lobatsi, 16 April 1968 (C ollected Files, Squatters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1968). 126 Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Lo cal Government and Lands, Republic of Botswana, Savingram from P. S. Ministry of Local Government and Lands to District Commissioners of Mochudi, Molepolole, and Gaberones, 13 January 1967. 127 Ibid

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310 into Botswana. As indicated earlier, there wa s the general perception am ong town officials that Naledi was home to a few thousand unemployed fore ign malingers or relatives of Capital Project employees who came to take advantage of th eir family members steady paycheck. Although this generalization was wrong, it informed many of the decisions taken during the years immediately following the construction of Gaborone. The Fuller Report for example, notes that on ly 6.6% of Naledis population was foreignborn, and that the overwhelming number of empl oyable males, as well as some women, had some sort of income-generating occupation.128 And breaking the numbers down even further, out of the 273 foreigners in Na ledi, there were only 10 from R hodesia and 32 from South Africa (the most represented nation was Zambia, with 138 individuals).129 So despite the facts on the ground, the Botswana government seemed to exaggerate both the numbers, as well as the burden these people placed on the towns infrastructure. In one instance, for example, the government claimed that 2,000-4,000 non-Batswana were present in the squatter camps.130 Others complained of the policy enacted by apartheid South Africa that repatr iated Africans through Botswana: It is understood that a percentage of thos e in Naledi have moved off [some of the contracted employees working on the construc tion project had left the area] and their numbers replaced by newcomers from South Af rica who have been deported in the usual manner by placing them on a northbound train and to ld not to return. They leave the train in Botswana and join their countrymen in Gaberones where they either get temporary employment or live on those w ho are already in employment.131 128 Fuller, A Study of the Squatter Population in Gaberones, p. 3. 129 Ibid ., p. 3. 130 See footnote 88. 131 Immigration Control Officer, Republic of Botswana, Savingram from Immigration Control Officer to P. S. Ministry of Home Affairs, P. S. Ministry of Labour and Social Services, P. S. Ministry of Local Government, Commissioner of Police, 2 December 1966 (Collected Files, Squatter Problem, Naledi, 1967-1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number, Division C, HA. 21/19, Volume 1, Gaborone, 1966).

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311 Alternately, even if those expelled from South Africa made it north to the Rhodesian border, they were not allowed entry: they c ould neither continue north or re turn to South Africa. They inevitably end up in Botswana where they he lp to swell the ranks of the unemployed.132 And although these incidents did occur, pr ompting high-level meetings between South Africa and newly independent Botswana,133 it is unclear whether th ey occurred with enough frequency to account for the large population at Naledi. Even accounting for some of the likely flaws or inaccuracies in the available figures, the census data seems to imply that foreigners were a minority in Naledi. The blame placed on foreigners therefore, seems rather misplaced.134 Claiming that the situation would improve, or resolv e itself, if only if it we rent for the presence foreigners, reads more like a ready-made excu se designed to mask a lack of governmental capacity or the inherent, intractable inadequaci es of the design and implementation of the Gaborone town plan. 132 Commissioner of Police, Republic of Botswana, Savingram from Commissioner of Police, Gaberones to P. S. Ministry of Home Affairs, P. S. Ministry of Labour and Social Services, P. S. Ministry of Local Government, Immigration Control Officer, 6 December 1966 (Collected Files, Squatter Problem, Naledi 1967-1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number, Division C, HA. 21/19, Volume 1, Gaborone, 1967). 133 One such meeting was held on 6 March 1967 and involve d the Permanent Secretary of Home Affairs (Major A. H. Donald) and the Attorney General (A G. Tilbury), as well as representatives of the South African government from the Departments of Foreign Affairs and Bantu Administration & Development, among others. See: Republic of Botswana, Discussions Between Representatives of the Botswana and South African Governments on Matters Relating to the Documentation and Movement of Botswana Citizens Between South Africa and Botswana and Other Incidental Matters, 6 March 1967 (Collected Files, S quatter Problem, Naledi, 1967-1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number, Division C, HA. 21/19, Volume 1, Gaborone, 1967). 134 The government of Botswana also initiated a repatriatio n project of Zambians and Malawians living in Gaborone to mixed success. It never seemed to get very far however, because officials worried that forcing Zambians to return home might prompt retaliatory measures from their Zambian counterparts who would send home their Batswana population, many of whom were employed in Zambia. If this class of Batswana, the Botswana High Commissioner wrote to the higher-ups back in Gaborone, are repatriated we may not find jobs for them and they will swell up the ranks of the opposition parties in Botswana particularly that it will be public knowledge that they are repatriated in relation to our policy. See: R. Mann athoko, Republic of Botswana, Letter from the Botswana High Commissioner in Lusaka, Zambia, R. Mannathoko to Archie Mogwe, Secretary for External Affairs, 17 January 1967 (Collected Files, Squ atter Problem, Naledi, 1967-1968, Botswa na National Archives, File Reference Number, Division C, HA. 21/19, Volume 1, Gaborone, 1967).

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312 Unable to cut off the flow of people into Gaborone, Gaborones Town Council sought to eliminate the places where they might live; the ho pe being that arrivals couldnt remain in the town if they had no place to stay. Thus th e government embarked on a dual policy of slum demolition, replacing those structures with govern ment constructed lowcost housing. Or, at least that was the hope anyway. Wally Larg e, the Gaborone Town Clerk, who had already criticized Gaborone authorities for their previous failures, al so recognized the need to do something about the squatter camps. Stating the problem, he wrote: The Ditakana135 Camp [one of the three in Gabor one]between the South Ring Road and the Airfieldis a disgrace and has been cause d solely by Government Departments being allowed to erect temporary camps around whic h have sprung up camp followers[] shacks. These camps should be removed immediately as th is area will be the first sight that visitors to Gaberones by air will see. This authority is anxious to co-operate with al l Ministries in an effort to eradicate these sores before they spread over more skin of th e Capital and earnestly requests that this cooperation be reciprocated.136 Employing a body metaphor, describing a sick town covered by a contagious pox of lesions, the assistance Large calls for requires the local police and security appa ratus to serve as doctors. A cured Gaborone, a healthy town, re quired that the slums be el iminated. To this end, the Commissioner of Police, J. T. A. Bailey, identified the need for a police commitment to seek out all the foreign-born squa tters living in these areas.137 135 Ditakana is a Setswana word that can be loosely translated to mean informal house. Ive also seen it spelled elsewhere as Ditakhana. 136 Large, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Savingram from the Town Clerk, Gaberones to P. S. Ministry of Home Affairs, 10 January 1966. 137 J. T. A. Bailey, Republic of Botswana, Memo from J. T. A. Bailey, Commissioner of Police, 19 December 1966 (Collected Files, Squatters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1966).

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313 Going a step farther, the Town Clerk also suggests that the police began regular patrols in order to prevent, or when necessary demolish unauthorized huts and shacks.138 Vigilance must be constant, he said, because the structures take approximately one day to build. They could, in other words, be built at almost the same speed in which they could be knocked down. Commissioner Bailey met these Sisyphean proposal s with opposition. He argued that the police had no jurisdiction to engage in hut demolition, and that even if this were part of the departments mandate, there was no money available in the budget to pay for it.139 Failing to obtain police cooperation, it was inst ead resolved in a meeting of Permanent Secretaries from the Ministries of Local Government and Lands, Labour and Social Services, Home Affairs and other high-ranking officials to use prison labor under the management of Gaborone authorities to demolish Naledi and another Gaborone slum (Maaipaaphela).140 However it might be accomplished, worry circ ulated within the government about the possibility of slum-razing to sp ark public outcries and resistan ce. There was, for example, considerable concern about the racial implications of white government officers knocking down the homes of poor Batswana, even though much of these proposals were put forth following independence. For this reason, the use of prison labor seemed a good compromise, as the 138 W. T. W. Large, Republic of Botswana, Savingram to P. S. Ministry of Local Government and Lands, P. S. Ministry of Home Affairs, Commissioner of Police, Ministry of Commerce, Industry and Water Affairs, 6 January 1967 (Collected Files, Squatters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1967). 139 J. T. A. Bailey, Republic of Botswana, Savingram fro m Commissioner of Police to th e Permanent Secretaries of Home Affairs, Local Government and Lands, Labour and Social Services, and the Town Clerk, 10 January 1967 (Collected Files, Squatters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1967). 140 Republic of Botswana, Minutes of a Meeting held on Wednesday, 11 January 1967 at the Ministry of Home Affairs, Gaberones, to Discuss the Squatters at Naledi (Collected Files, Squatters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1967).

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314 individuals involved in the demolition would look like the people whose houses they were razing to the ground. A hand-written P. S. added to the bottom of a township memo posing some suggestions for how to deal with Naledi, an unidentified author notes in neat cursive, I would have thought that this highly political and sens itive work should on no account be given to volunteersnothing could be worse for race relations than to have European volunteers involved in any in the for ced repatriation of [the] unemployed.141 The racial implications of demolition enfor cement were not the only negative outcomes considered possible. Part of the calculus involved pure politics as well. The Botswana Democratic Party was overwhelmi ngly popular across much of the country in the days leading up to independence, and nobody wanted to take any action that might upset their dominant position. Any decision therefore, had to be taken carefully. Summarizing the points raised at a meeting on Shanty Towns, the minutes recorded that it was noted there might be political repercussions to the pulling down of shacks, particularly when the occuper (sic) was unemployed and unable to build himself a house.142 To ameliorate the potential for dissension amon g the squatters, township officials sought to offset any public relations damage by buildi ng low-cost houses to replace those informal dwellings that were knocked down. Government, fo r example, intended to build approximately 200 new houses to accommodate people li ving in the Ditakana settlement.143 The announcement 141 W. T. W. Large, Republic of Botswana, Savingram from Town Clerk, Gaberones to Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Local Government and Lands, Office of the President, Ministry of Home Affairs, 21 June 1967 (Collected Files, Squatters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1967). 142 Large, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Savingram from the Town Clerk, Gaberones to P. S. Ministry of Home Affairs, 10 January 1966. 143 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Meeting about Shanty Towns Naledi and Ditakana, 26 November 1965 (Collected Files, Squatters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 Augu st 1966-2 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1965).

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315 of the development was designed to send the messa ge that there was only a finite amount of time that people could continue to live in the s quatter areas. Public announcements and meetings were held, to describe the new plans, convey a deadline and inform people that in the end, there was no future in these areas and that all needed to make plans to move. Subsequently, by November 1966, shortly after the official comp letion of the Gaborone construction project everything was supposed to be finished by independence in September 1966the Gaborone Town Clerk sent a short message proclaiming that nearly all the Ditakana huts had been pulled to the ground.144 And in addition to knocking huts dow n, many new houses were finallythough hurriedlybuilt in the area that became known as White City.145 In its first incarnation, laborers working for Costains occupied the ground that be came White City. Of White Citys early days, Alberto Travaglini describes a bare scene in which laborers were larg ely left to fend for themselves.146 The people slept in the open, Travag lini says, and because formal structures not conforming to government hous ing standards were disallowed, the only shelter the workers had were makeshift canvas sheets hung on scrub tr ees to limit their exposure to the wind. By 1965, as sections of the capital were complete d, both Costains and town authorities pushed workers to the Naledi area as the land was needed for low-cost housing. Travaglini tells of a nofrills, hurried construction proj ect in White City, where his team built upwards of 40 housing units a day, far exceeding the governments expectations of 73 houses per week. Costing the 144 W. T. W. Large, Republic of Botswana, Savingram to the Permanent Secretary, Mini stry of Local Government, 2 November 1966 (Collected Files, Squatters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1968). 145 White City is the same neighborhood that was the subject of the street-corner ethnography in Chapter 5. 146 It is worth noting that the conditions for some of the c ontractors werent much better. Travaglini says that his first workshop was sited in an op en space, shaded by the leafy um brella of a large morula tree.

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316 square two-room houses consisted of thin br icks, no plaster or insulation, and a makeshift waterproofing mixed with corn-flo ur as the primary ingredient.147 And though Im not sure they were expected to last for four decades, some of these structures still stand today. Despite their durability, many occupants who have been unable to upgrade the original two-room house still lack indoor plumbing or electricity, and although connecting to th e power grid is possible, it remains out of economic reach for the le ss well-off who live in the neighborhood. While this was a success in terms of trying to find some accommodation for squatters or those government employees without a place to live, it didnt allevi ate the housing crisis completely. And indeed, for those that were una ble to be housed in White City, they simply relocated and rebuilt in Naledi, wh ich continued to thrive despite continued efforts to quell its growtha perhaps more accurate assessment mi ght be to say that while desire amongst authorities to eliminate Naledi was constant an d pervasive, policy implementation towards these ends was infrequent and ill-funded. In the end, although some were removed from the squatter cycle and placed in formal, government-approve d housing, the failure to provide for everyone else only served to compound the troubles in Naledi; squeezing the problem in one area only pushed it someplace else. This was not altogether unexpected: town a nd State authorities i nvolved recognized that the demand for housing far outstripped the supply. For those not granted Wh ite City plots, they were basically left to fend for themselves. The y should be allocated sites at whatever rental was decided upon and given three months in which to build houses according to the minimum specification, after which period their present shacks would be pulled down.148 The hope that 147 Interview with Alberto Travaglini, Gaborone, 19 February 2005. 148 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Meeting about Shanty Towns Naledi and Ditakana, 26 November 1965.

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317 just by mere fact of setting a deadline, poorly paidif they were employed at allsquatters would be compelled to both pay rent for a pl ot, along with building a house acceptable to the modern town planning standards imposed by town ship officials, seems, of course, wholly unrealistic. Indeed, it is not of line to characterize the whole approach to the squatter situation in Naledi and elsewhere as completely unrealisti c, an optimistic delusion. Responding in the Legislative Assembly to a questi on about what to do about Naledi and Ditakana squatters, Mr. Tsheko, who was later a Minister in the independent BDP govern ment, nonchalantly responded, I have been thinking of providing accommodation for thos e employed by government and regarding the rest [the unemploye d, self-employed, those looking for work, etc.] I am afraid they will have to go back to the places where they came from.149 Setting aside the laziness of the answer, it is at odds with earlier government predictions, which not ed that once people get a taste of urban life, it is exceedingly difficult to get them to return to the village. But for those who adhered to the notion that Gaborone was to be a modern town inhabited by modern, urban citizens, this send em back from whence th ey came attitude represented the only possible alternative. A few years after Tsheko made his comment in the Legislative Assembly, a government employed District Officer, E. B. Egner, quest ioned these perceptions, wondering about the strange decision to forbid traditional housing in low-cost housing areas, a decision that if reversed, would have likely precluded the emer gence of shanty settle ments across Gaborone. Egners explanation for the policy blames som e utopian dream of suburbia posited by the 149 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Legislative Assembly Official Report (Hansard 17) p. 17.

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318 founders of the new capital.150 Squatters, shanties or traditi onal rondavels constructed of mud and thatch contradicted this dream of verandahs cocktail parties and well-manicured lawns. And thus, they could not be permitted to remain in Gaborone. Perhaps one lesson to take away from this, is that in some larger unifying sens e, Gaborone as it was originally envisioned, was not all that different from contemporary gated or planned communities that one might encounter from Johannesburg to Celebration, Florida. In 1966, and today too, albeit in a different way, Gaborone was as much geographic location, as it was a state of mind, a way of presenting oneself to the world. To the slum-dwellers, job seekers, and the random assemblages of squatters therefore, the gates were closed: Gaborone was full. Thus far we have sketched the early days of Naledi, along with how government efforts to eradicate it, fit in with the broa der, global tradition of slum-talk. In the upcoming pages, I will briefly trace the government policies directed toward the neighborhood that became known as Old Naledi, as well as the everyday discourse surrounding Old Na ledi in the popular press and people on the street. A Village Becomes a Town? In a sim ilar vein to the White City housing project, the developmen t of the residential neighborhood known as Bontleng was beset by a si milar set of inspirations, problems and inadequacies. Situated adjacent to the White City area to the south of the Main Mallthe informal dividing line between the high-rent elite districts and everybody elseBontleng was also intended to resolve the hous ing crisis in Gaborone by prov iding government-owned plots for self-help housing. The 1966 brainc hild of the then District Co mmissioner, P. Cardross-Grant and the Community Development Officer, Bontle ng was yet another attempt to alleviate the 150 E. B. Egner, Report on a Preliminary Survey of the Bontleng Self-Help Housing Scheme, Gaborone, 28 July 1971 (Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 10,672, Gaborone, 1971), p. 8.

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319 squatter problem by providing a regulated area for casual labourers and people waiting for jobs i.e. for the poorer people who had migrat ed to the new capital in search of work.151 To dissuade land speculators and legitimate governme nt oversight of the properties in terms of health, aesthetics and building standards, the government woul d continue to own the plot, requiring only a 50 cent application fee and a sm all rent at the conclusion of a grace period during which time the renter was responsib le for building a minimum standard house152 or forfeit the plot back to the township authorities. While a workable plan on paper, the execution of it was handled incompetently: poor record keeping for example, meant Gaborone officials had no idea who was renting plots, the pr ecise boundaries of the plots allocated or what they were owed in back rent. Furthermore, no plots in Bontle ng were released after 1968, meaning that people continued to settle in Naledi rather than Bontle ng, thus defeating the w hole goal of the self-help project.153 As a mechanism to funnel residents of Na ledi elsewhere, Bontleng was a failure. No amount of convincing, cajoling or providi ng alternatives was able to dissolve the Naledi settlement. And even when some peopl e did voluntarily relocate others came and took their place. By the mid-1970s then, government began to realize that the land on which Naledi sat would never be used for the industrial purposes proposed in th e town plan. Naledi was going to be a permanent fixture on the cityscape. Softening its stance on Naledi, the government department Town and Regional Planning started ma king preparations to upgrade the settlement and legalize the occupancy of its residents. Though the announcement was made public on April 151 Ibid ., p. 2. 152 According to Egners report, some of the technical sp ecifications for an acceptabl e minimum standard dwelling in Bontleng included, a single room covering 80 sq. f eet, 8-foot high walls, 120 sq. inches of ventilation and a mandatory pit latrine. 153 For a fuller account of Bontlengs development, please see E. B. Egners report to the Ministry of Local Government and Lands.

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320 23, 1976 in a page 2 headline placed in the government paper, Daily News ,154 the groundwork leading up to the proclamation had been occurring behind the scene months earlier. Following a formal request in January 1975 by the Gaborone Town Council to rezone Naledi as a permanent settlement, Town and Re gional Planning engaged out side consultants to determine the best way to proceed. From the po int of view of the Town Council, if Naledi couldnt be removed, the only hope was to develop Naledi so that it might conform to the look and building regulations enforced elsewhere in the capital. The findings of the consultants suggested this would be difficult to achi eve: Naledi, in 1975, was home to 8,000 people occupying 2,300 homes and buildings; or, put anot her way, one-fourth of Gaborones population resided on one-tenth of its built space. Furthermor e, the conclusions bluntly state, Naledi lacks all facilities that are genera lly considered necessary in an urban area, including only 4 standpipes located at the nor thern edge of the neighborhood.155 Despite basically starting from scratch, the new development plan called for a la rge-scale holistic approa ch that would address physical infrastructure (e.g. reduction of population de nsity, street lighting), social considerations (e.g. the provision of shops, schools, a clinic), and economic development. Upgrading Naledi was made more problematic by the f act that it was expanding at an extremely rapid rate. Larsson suggests that the area was experiencing annual growth of approximately 15%, and that the population would surpass 10,000 by the beginning of 1976.156 To successfully achieve development and arrive at the optimum populati on for the available space (thought to be around 154 Daily News, Naledi now to be made a permanent settlement, 23 April 1976, p. 2. 155 Anita Larsson, Naledi Squatter Area in Gaborone: First Report to the Steering Committee, 18 November 1975 (Gaborone Town Council, Gaborone, 1975), p. 1. This report, along with two others also authored by Anita Larsson and relating to the initial Naledi upgrading project were made available to me by a planning officer of the Gaborone City Council. They were originally commissioned by the Department of Town and Regional Planning. 156 Anita Larsson, Survey and Interviews in Naledi Gaborone, December 1975 (Gaborone Town Council, Gaborone, 1975), p. 3. The findings of this research were submitted on 14 January 1976.

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321 4000), near 60% of the population ha ve to be relocated elsewhere in 800-1600 low-cost/self-help plots around Gaborone (some of which were to be accommodated in the Broadhurst urban expansion development on the opposite edge of town).157 In the preceding lines, I provide some of the details just to give a sense of some the difficulties confronting those involved in the development project, rather than provide a comprehensive narration of the upgrading policy.158 What is of interest instead, are some of the softer social facts that illuminate the makeup of daily lif e of the neighborhood. These are worth discussing because they contradict some of the simplifications a bout Naledi that were prevalent during the independenceand which c ontinue, to different effect in the present. As indicated earlier, the general, top-down consensus a bout Naledi was of a ne ighborhood consisting of a uniformly chaotic jumble of poorly constructed shacks made of whatever refuse was at hand. However, even in the early years of its history, the residents of Naledi, along with the spaces they occupied, had begun to differentiate themse lves, not just from th e whole of Gaborone, but from each other, as well. In Larssons initial survey for example, she writes of three distinct areas that composed Naledi. The northernmos t area closest to the town center was, not surprisingly, the oldest part of the settlement. Here, plots are very small and often not clearly demarcated. The blocks of houses are irregular in shape. Roads and lanes are very narrow.159 Befitting its age and population density, the area held a more active social and business community of informal ba rs, restaurants services and a church. The two areas to the 157 Anita Larsson, Naledi, Gaborone District Plan Proposal, 12 March 1976 (Gaborone Town Council, Gaborone, 1975), p. 1. 158 For a detailed descriptive account of the phases of the development project, please refer to: John van Nostrand, Old Naledi: The village becomes a town: an outline of the Old Naledi squatter upgrading project Gaborone, Botswana (James Lorimer and Company Publishers, Halifax, 1982). 159 Larsson, Survey and Interviews in Naledi, p. 2.

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322 south on the other hand, were less crowded, with mo re clearly outlined plots, and in one of the locations, the quality of houses [was] generally good, quite a few are [constructed] in permanent materials.160 John van Nostrand elaborates further on life, in what was by then known as Old Naledi, during the 1970s in his book on th e initial upgrading work. In particular, his book muddles the established State wisdom regardi ng Old Naledi, which emphasized th e belief that it was, in other words, a chaotic place, a mal-adjusted commun ity characterized by the loose morals of its inhabitants. Even the Setswana name N aledi connotes more than simply Star161 when it is applied to a community, adopting a more expans ive meaning along the lines of under the open sky, or a community that sta nds out from all the others.162 Van Nostrand, along with Larsson, for example, disputes the notion that housing in Old Na ledi was a randomly situated assortment of shacks. Instead, he suggests that the boundari es denoting individual pl ot lines were clearly known to members of the community. Replicati ng traditional village practices in Gaborone to avoid conflicts with neighbors, especially bewitc hing, plot outlines were defined by a variety of physical objects, including hedges, fences, trees posters or even rows of beer cartons.163 160 Ibid ., p. 3. 161 Another explanation of the origins of the name Naledi seems to suggest that the visibility of the night sky was significant in the naming of the settlement. I quote the full story from Tshireletso Motlogelwas excellent series of articles in Mmegi on Old Naledi: the name must have come from th e fact that stars were always visible when one was in the township; stars above the group of merrymakers sitting around a fire, stars above the man lying (sic) drunk in the backyard. But above all, stars would be visible even through the holes in the thatch and plastic roofing of the shack. The eyes could not help, but stare at the brightly sparkling little things against the dark sheet of the sky. . In the same story, another person claims that Naledi borrowed its name from a relative of the first president Seretse Khama. See: Tshireletso Motlogelwa, In the heart of the hood, pt. 1, Mmegi 15 June 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/June/Tuesday15/1009491627870.html > (2 June 2007). From my own experience too, there is certainly some truth to this expl anation. Even today, because of the l ack of electricity in Old Naledi, it gets much darker, the stars are far brighter, than elsewhere in Gaborone. Part of my first night in Old Naledi was spent pointing out constellations with the owner of the house where I was staying. On that clear night, about the only thing to obscure my vision was a swarm of low flying bats or nocturnal birds traveling in a massive V-formation. 162 van Nostrand, Old Naledi p. 13. 163 Ibid ., p. 27.

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323 Additionally rather than confirming Rantaos asse ssment mentioned earlier that the paths of Old Naledi meander like wild animals trails, van Nostrand writes that inha bitants knew quite well what they doing, where they were walking: again, because residents worried about the possibilities of witchcraft from traversing the same path again and again, people carved with their feet a variety of paths to arrive at the same destination.164 Elaborating on this topic in his ethnography, G. J. Hardie suggests that these de fense mechanisms to defuse the potential for bewitching were a necessary way to protect th emselves whilst living in a world of strangers.165 Because people from all different sorts of tribal backgrounds resided in Old Naledi, defensive behaviors that tapped into th e spirit-world and witchcraft, available also, through the handful of traditional doctors living in Old Naledi were common and acceptable. These practices, considered in the context of a town that wa s supposed to exemplify what was new and modern, caused problems because they were foreign, out of place. They were of the village geographically, of another time and e poch temporally. By adapting village ways for the city, ways that seemed informal, random and confusing to the township authorities, transformation and conflict were pe rhaps inevitable. In some sens e, city and state authorities operating from the vantage point of formal m echanisms of government couldnt grasp the informal, organically derived pract icesI dont think I want to go so far as to describe them in terms of structures, or any other adjective that might suggest some sort of centralized organizationthat seemed to organize what was actually occurring in Old Naledi. And therefore, what couldnt be understood, needed to be changed so as to conform to the look and feel and behaviors practiced elsewhere in Gaborone. 164 Ibid ., p. 28. 165 Graeme John Hardie, Tswana Design of House and Settlement: Continuity and change in expressive space (Boston University, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, 1981), p. 117.

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324 Referring to Old Naledis development, we can see precisely just how important things like aesthetics, everyday villagelike behaviors, appearances that clashed with the total vision of what the new capital city were supposed to re present were during this period of Gaborones development. The issues weren t just about the provision of ad equate infrastructure. Sure, drilling more standpipes or providing some street lighting or sc hools was important, and necessary, but formalizing the neighborhood certain ly had something with these more abstract, less tangible reasons. Because, as van Nostrand also points out, again at odds with the established wisdom that was slowly, though te mporarily, being punctured, Old Naledi wasnt nearly as ramshackle or filthy as officials liked to believe. Nearly 75% of the housing in Old Naledi during the 1970s was of medium or hi gh quality; and of the upper end housing, the predominant type were made of permanent ma terials that mimicked the government housing built in other places in Gaborone.166 These housing developments we re triggered, as Hardie and van Nostrand both make clear, by the governments decision to grant permanent tenure, since previous insecurity over whethe r a house would be left standing or not, made it not worth the investment to build a better, more durable dwelling. And furthermore, even though there were a sma ll number of pit latrines in Old Naledi (only around 100 plot owners had built them), meani ng that the vast majority used nearby fields, even these common areas possessed some sembla nce of order. Van Nostrand writes, these common fields were surprisingly we ll organized and virtually odor-free.167 Although perhaps the typical image held by those living outside Naledi was of Naledi residents relieving themselves wherever they stood, this just wasnt true. 166 van Nostrand, Old Naledi, pp. 28-29. 167 van Nostrand, Old Naledi p. 29.

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325 By the time the first upgrading project was comp leted in Old Naledi towards the end of the 1970s, the landscape of the area looked substant ially different. Most plots had their own individual pit latrines, roads were improved and the major arterial throughways were fitted with street lighting, a community building and shoppi ng complex were constructed, and there was now one standpipe for every 15 plots.168 The infrastructure improvements however, didnt necessary translate into drastic qua lity of life alterations or better integrate Old Naledi into the rest of Gaborone; though I suppose th e fact that authorities were no longer trying to bulldoze the neighborhood into oblivion does count for something. Larsson for example, indicates that shortly after the improvements and relocations in 1981, both the total population, as well as population density, had nearly reached their pre-inte rvention peaks. While these figures speak to the overall rapid growth of Gabor one, ironically, the development of services in Old Naledi attracted recent migrants to Gaborone, because of the cheap availability of rooms for rent.169 And indeed, as renting simple rooms became a vi able supplement to household incomes, more and more people were crammed into plots, furt her increasing the amount of people living in Old Naledi. It seems that once again, urban planning in Gaborone failed to prepare for a most likely outcome: people would continue to come to Old Na ledi from elsewhere as a place to start their life in town due to the relative inexpensiven ess of the neighborhood a nd now, because of the increased availability of civil and community services. These growth trends have continued into the pr esent, and have even gotten worse. Despite the now exploding population in Old Naledi, it looks much the same as it did following the late 1970s improvement projectexcept now, the im provements, the shops, community centers, 168 Anita Larsson, Old Naledi: the intergration (sic) of an upgraded area into the capital city of Botswana, African Urban Quarterly 2 3 (August 1987), p. 312. 169 Ibid ., p. 312.

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326 drainage systems are three decades over and well overtaxed. In an area planned for a maximum, but less than optimal, population of 10,000 individual, today Old Naledi is home to what some estimate to be a population of 46,000 people (though ev en these figures are in dispute, as I will discuss below).170 To give some perspective, the popul ation density of 403 people per hectare is more than double the second closest neighborho od in Gaborone (extension 32 in Broadhurst) at 193 persons per hectare.171 In light of the unemployment figures and poverty discussed in Chapter 1, many of the people who come to live in Old Naledi that arent part of the formal economy are instead absorbed into the informal economy, or, of course, are shut out completely of any form of employment. For the most destitute, and desperat e, a mid-90s survey of garbage dump scavengers in Gaborone, for example, fou nd that roughly three-quar ters called Old Naledi home.172 In stark socio-economic terms, as well as more qualitative indicato rs about the practice of everyday life in Old Naledi, the neighborhood remains far removed from the rest of the residents and urban experience in Gaborone. To some degree, Gaborone author ities are aware of the failures related to the alleviation of overcrowding or compelling the construction of up-to-code buildings. Indeed, according to a recent appraisal of the success late 1970s develo pment project, there has been a total lack of success on both counts. The cu rrent population of Old Naledi is well over what the state considers an acceptable population (8,500 people), a nd as for residential structures, 80% are considered illegal since they dont meet the minimum requirements established by SHHA 170 Gwebu, Environmental problems among low income urban residents, p. 417. 171 Ibid ., p. 417. 172 D. S. Tevera, Dump scavenging in Gaborone, Botswana: anachronism or refuge occupation of the poor?, Geografiska Annaler: Series B, Human Geography 76 1 (1994), p. 26.

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327 (Self-Help Housing Agency).173 In light of these persisti ng problems, in 2001, Gaborone City Council convened a task force to once again be gin the process of implementing a broad Old Naledi development project that would once again attempt to upgrade housing, roads, and service provision. Subsequently, Haas Consult, th e firm hired to plan and carry out the project, floated three possible scenarios in an initial feasibility study early in 2002. Their ambitious strategy called for anywhere from 30% to r oughly 80% of the populatio n of Naledi to be relocated to sites elsewhere in Gaborone, whic h would have required the allocation of 7,536 to 20,840 additional plots, respectively.174 In a city where land is already scarce, expensive, and increasingly in the hands of pr ivate land speculators, these sorts of mass allocations were on the order of impossible. Not surprisingly then, the plans were scaled back immensely. Instead, it was decided to relocate approximately 100 plot sstrategically located around Old Naledi to facilitate road and other community improvementsin a nearby open field situated across a busy road from Old Naledi.175 While necessary, I wonder if such proposals will only make things worse for the people who live in Old Naledi. As the statistics availa ble to the consultants and city officials make clear, only 15% of the residential plots in Old Naledi are occupied by a single family and only 43% of the plots have owners living on themm eaning that there is a quite large tenant population renting rooms across Old Naledi. What happens to them as upgrading moves forward 173 Haas Consult, Old Naledi: Infrastructure Planning and Engineering Study: Feasibility Report: Executive Summary and Recommendation (Haas Consult, Tlokweng, Botswana, 2002), p. 6. 174 Ibid ., p. 8. 175 A map drawn up for Gaborone City Council by Haas Co nsult, Village Infrastructure Old Naledi: Road Layout, sets aside land for 94 new residential plots. Other individuals I talked to placed the number of relocated plots between 50-70.

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328 and housing practices are more clos ely regulated? Without a satisfa ctory answer to this question, development will likely fail in Old Naledi. But, perhaps I am getting too far ahead of my self, assuming that this project will move forward at all. Detailed plans have been made, but nothing beyond planning and discussion in five years; a recent check of Google Earth confirms that no large-scale projects in Old Naledi are currently underway. One likely re ason for the delay is money. From the initial estimate in April 2001 of P47.69 million,176 the project ballooned in cost by April 2005, nearly doubling to an expected cost of approximately P87 million.177 An engineer working on the project puts the cost even higher at over P100 million.178 Still, he tells me, I cant believe they dont have the money, it is more a matter of whether they inte nd to allocate it. Speculating as to why funds might not be budgeted, he suggests the then r ecent devaluation of the Pula, the drain of HIV/AIDS on the treasury, but also on the civil service pay increas es and the large number of foreign automobiles imported into Botswana for use by government employees.179 So indeed, this isnt to say that the money isnt available,180 just that it might not be forthcoming. 176 Gaborone City Council, R ecord of the Proceedings of the Workshop Held with th e Gaborone City Council on Old Naledi Upgrading Project, 24 April 2001 (Gaborone City Council, Gaborone, 2001), p. 4. 177 Interview with Roy Mafunga (BNF Councilor for Old Naledi Central), Gaborone, 14 April 2005. 178 Interview with Haas Consult em ployee, Tlokweng, 28 April 2005. 179 And indeed, when taking the main ro ad into Johannesburg, you often come across numerous semi-trucks carrying loads of European cars headed towards the Tlokweng border. Rumors abound that tell of an incestuous relationship between the BDP government and the primary owners of Botswanas car dealers. The most important car magnate, Satar Dada, has served as the BDP treasurer, financed earlier elections on behalf of the BDP, and has close ties to Botswanas ruling class. Furthermore, the new BDP headquarters occupies a site in a new mall he owns, and before the last presidential election in 2004, the BDP anonym ously acquired 57 new carsone for each district in Botswanawhich all found their way back to Dadas lots following the conclusion of the election. For an early revelation of this story see: Gideon Nkala, BDP to dole out 57 campaign cars, Mmegi 19 April 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/April/Monday19/943789545805.html > (15 February 2008). 180 For example, there is the now infamous Daisy Loo sca ndal that broke in June 2005. Here, the Gaborone City Council contracted the firm Daisy Loo to de-bush a small ar ea in Gaborone at a cost of P24 million. As of this writing (Spring 2007), the case continues to wind through the courts, and still stands as an embarrassing episode of administrative incompetence, ma lfeasance, or outright corruption that launched a variety of investigations. My point in mentioning this is that there is at least some money available for Old Naledi improvements, should funding be

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329 Dr. Jeff Ramsay, an American historian by training, now serving as spokesman for President Mogae, flatly states that Old Naledi development is strictly a political issue.181 He directs the blame towards the opposition parties w ho govern Gaborone and to recent structural changes in the bureaucracy that have caused th e central government to cede power to local authorities. These changes result in increased inefficiency and a lack of accountability, telling me that while rural councilors empowered by governmental decentralization drive around in a Mercedes X5, here, referring to the Office of the Presiden t, we count the number of paperclips. The politics though, are probably a bit trickier than the easy partisan take offered by a senior member of President Mogaes staff. Because Old Naledi has, since the middle of the 1980s been a bastion of support for the oppositio n partiesthe Botswana National Front (BNF) especiallythere is the general feeling amongst residents that the government would never go out of its way to allocate mone y for neighborhood development in order to exact a punishment for their political disloyalty. At the same ti me though, many are equally skeptical of the BNF, who they see as capitali zing politically on their pove rty. Continued Old Naledi poverty, in other words, makes for good politics for the BNF, who mi ght lose their ample support in the area if the ruling party got around to enacting real reforms and improvements. The first-level realm of electoral politics and the control of voting blocs however is likely not the only political issue at play here. Below we will see how it not only makes for good politics and economics to keep Old Naledi poor and ostracized from the rest of Gaborone, but also is useful for cultivating a particular understanding of urban citizenship in contemporary Botswana. allocated for that purpose. A search of Daisy Loo on the Mmegi website will locate numerous articles from the past few years to further detail the story. 181 Interview with Dr. Jeff Ra msay (Advisor to and Spokesman for President Festus Mogae), Gaborone, 5 July 2005.

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330 For now though, one final word about why Old Naledi development will likely remain unfulfilled, or unsuccessful if tried. More basic than the underlying politics, is the mere fact that city officials and other consulti ng observers still have a tenuous grasp on the realities on the ground, which of course, continues a long-esta blished tradition dating back to the preIndependence period. Perhaps no example better i llustrates these failure s to get a handle on elusive facts than the persisting discrepancies on how many people actually re side in Old Naledi. The most recent (2001) census indicated that 21,693 people lived in Old Naledi;182 a local pastor and community aid worker, along with the Gaborone City Council engineer, put the figure at 35,000;183 the report of Haas Consult places the population at 46,000;184 a physical planning officer employed by the Gaborone City Council and a Professor at the University of Botswana say that the population of Old Naledi is around 33% of the total population of Gaborone (around 70,000 individuals).185 When considering the wide array, it seems more likely that the higher end of the spectrum is most accurate: from its inception, Old Naledi, in its various forms, has been home to between one-quarter and one-thi rd of the total populat ion of Gaborone. And indeed, as Professor Gwebu pointed out to me, the census conducted by the Central Statistics Office puts forth an especially low-ball figure, since having so many individuals residing on a single plot violates lo cal housing regulationsmost occupants disappear when official censustakers are around to avoid any ha ssle or sanctions. Probably the Haas Consult survey, conducted 182 The Central Statistics Office further breaks the figure down to show a roughly equal gender distribution in Old Naledi, with 11,574 men and 10,119 women. For further census data, please see: http://www.cso.gov.bw 183 Interview with Old Naledi Resident (Name Withheld), Gaborone, 14 April 2004; Interview with Mr. Jain (Gaborone City Engineer), Gaborone, 21 April 2005. 184 Haas Consult, Old Naledi p. 1. 185 Interview with Vincent Kenosi (Gaborone City Council Principal Physical Planner), Gaborone, 18 February 2005; Interview with Professor T.D. Gwebu (University of Botswana), Gaborone, 22 April 2005.

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331 under the auspices of city government, suffers fr om a similar popular suspicion or fear of the formal authorities. Even so, these inconsistencies and inaccuraci es in population totals perhaps take on a broader significance. These figures only reflect the wider perception of Ol d Naledi as a great unknown in Gaborone. To the Gaborone resi dents who dont live in Old Naledi, the neighborhood continues to be a source of fear, derision and suspicion th rough the circulation of everyday rumors and gossip. 70,000 individuals live within Old Na ledis borders, yet they are talked about and lumped togeth er as one homogenous mass. Much as was the case during the early years of Gaborone, to live in Old Naledi is to be a criminal, a drunk, or worse. These speculations are commonplace across Gaborone. These days though, they are not employed as a way to legitimate the locations destruction. In stead, they are used as a way to ignore or marginalize the neighborhood from the rest of th e city. Perhaps because as a poverty-stricken area it contradicts Gaborones image of prosperi ty; perhaps because Old Naledi remains known as a village it is anathema to the notion th at Gaborone is a place new and modern in conceptionon the frontiers between Old Naledi and Gaborone is the site of a clash between Botswanas rural, traditional past and Gaborones urban, modern forward-looking present. Or perhaps a willful ignorance of Ol d Naledi and its inhabitants is employed to further solidify entrenched economic and political interests in Gabor one. Probably its a l ittle bit of all three explanations. Whatever the cas e though, Old Naledijust like Riverwalk and its recent ilk might be in Gaborone, but it certainly isnt of Gaborone. Wandering Where the Streets Have No Name: Talking ab out, Living in, Old Naledi To properly understand why, how and in what form slum-talk persists, it is necessary to describe what Old Naledi looked like as of the middle months of 2005, before I left Gaborone at the conclusion of my fiel dwork. As a visitor to Botswanas capital, getting to Old Naledi isnt

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332 all that easy. A person passing through town who was unfamiliar with the layout of Gaborone not only might not be able to fi nd Old Naledi, but could very well drive past it without realizing it was roadside. Why the relativ e anonymity of the neighborhood? I might start with the layout of Gaborones roadways. The major intersections in Gaborone are British-style traffic circles, which in todays burgeoning car culture can be tough to navigate during peak hours on weekdays as they were designed for a slow er-paced, smaller city with far fewer vehicles than there are today. At each of these circles are large signs with major destinations around town painted on them, indicating to drivers to keep straight for the National Stadium, keep right to the Main Mall or the Botswana Telecommunications (BTC) hea dquarters. Main reside ntial areas are also notedGaborone West, Broadhurst, Tlokweng. Nowhere however, do any of the destination billboards provide directions for how to get to Old Naledi, home to approximately one-third of Gaborones population. Comm enting on this lack of signage, an exasperated interviewee asked how it could be that while no signs mark the way to Old Naledi, there are signs to aid potential visitors to the Central Busi ness District, even though that doesnt yet exist. Its unclear why this might be the case, and I can only offer a speculation or two as an explanation. Perhaps the department in charge of roads assumes that many residents of Old Naledi cant afford cars and therefore dont driv e, so traffic signs dont need to account for places that could be important to them; maybe it is ignored so visitors to Gaborone dont accidentally stumble into settings not fit for inclusion in a glossy tourist brochure; or possibly, inscribing Old Naledis name on Gaborone signposts would imply formal authorization of Old Naledi as a legitimate place in the city. It would mean that Old Naledi was connected in a concrete spatial sense to the rest of Gaborone, linked to th e same system of roads and flyovers that could take a person to the State House, ho me of the President, or to the newest shopping

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333 mall, home of the emergent bloc of urbanite s consuming espresso and American cinematic blockbusters. But this doesnt happen. Old Nale di is not to be found on the face of navigational billboards erected even at the main circles with a close proximity. Considering the spatial arrangements in Gaborone, Old Naledi exists in terms of some sort of bland, basic physicality that while occupied by tens of thousands of people, isnt granted a proper status or recognized as falling within the overall hierarchy of urban space in the city. Old Naledi is both there and not th ere; a real-live chu nk of urban geography, but a discursive or imaginative non-place. Maybe any-place is a more apt term. Meanings are readily affixed or detached from the idea of Old Naledi by Ga borone residents who liv e elsewhere. Old Naledi as an amorphous concept carries a special importance in Gaborone; just as tales of Orwells tramp-monster spooked English children at bedtime, stories told of Old Naledia slum located in the center of Gaboronesimilarl y monster-ize and differe ntiate the area and its residents from the rest of Gaborone. Lest th ere be any confusion, the discursive map of Gaborone articulates what is an acceptable part of the urban landscape and what is not. More on that however, will come shortly. In the interim, Ill continue with a general description of Old Naledi. Bordering Old Naledi to the north is a busy four-lane road, fronted on the opposite side of the street by a collection of office buildings, shops, banks and government offices stretching north towards the government enclave, the ad ministrative hub of the Botswana State bureaucracy. Directly to the west sits the railro ad track that bisects town in its trek to the southern and northern borders. Immediately to the west of the railway, is Gaborones industrial center. A bit further to the we st and east, within a short walk ing distance from Old Naledi, are two recently built shopping malls (Game City and what is informally known as the Dada Mall,

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334 named after the wealthy mogul and BDP financier who owns it, Satar Dada ), car dealers selling products from Lexus to Toyota to Peugeot, a nd the Gaborone Commerce Park where businesses ranging from boutique florists, internationally k nown realtors, and a Dell computer sales office occupy the same large compound. Surrounded by this diverse array of econom ic activityranging from manufacturing, commerce and financesits Old Naledi. You w ouldnt know it though, to drive past it. The houses forming the border to the outside world are solidly respectable, even, in a few instances, charmingly eccentric. One house for example, that first caught my eye during my first trip to Botswana back in 2002, perhaps owned by a panel-beater, is ringed by a multi-colored fence composed of discarded car hoods. Where privat e houses dont sit on the outskirts of Naledi, passersby might instead see a neat row of government built housing for local police or the backs of the stores that make-up the Old Naledi shopping complex. One individual dismissingly referred to these structural curtai ns that obscure the interior layout of Old Naledi from external scrutiny. While footpaths into and out of Old Naledi are numerous, trave ling in a variety of directions, there are only four pr imary road entrances into Old Naledi on the Old Lobatse Road that follows the outer (north/south) edge of the area. These roads linking Old Naledi to a main Gaborone thorough-fare are unmarked, making travel into Old Naledi difficult if you dont know exactly where you are goingor, at least that was my experience, since I and my taxi driver often got lost until I finally got used to following landmarks rath er than street names and plot numbers. Furthermore, the onl y indication pointing out that a person was passing by Old Naledi were two small, faded blue signs placed at th e northern and southern ends of the neighborhood. A few feet taller than the height of a full-grown man, signs with Old Naledi stenciled on them,

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335 seem to reinforce the impression that this ne ighborhood, seemingly labele d as an afterthought, is best left forgotten. But thats just the view from outside. If you were to hover above the area in a balloon or blimp to observe Old Naledi, a more complex picture of its interior emerges. From an aerial point of view, Old Naledi is shaped approximately like a rectangl e with a large bulge jutting out along one of its longer edges, wider in the middl e than at either of the ends. As has been observed in the pages above, the northern section of the location is the oldest part of the neighborhood. It is, then, a bit more congeste d, cramped, traversed by narrow paths that double as roads, houses and plots are arranged in way that might be unfamiliar to those used to the neatly demarcated property lines found elsewhere in the Gaborone suburbs. If we were to drift a bit farther south in our imaginary blimp, the set tlement pattern present in the north replicates itself. In this, the mid-section of Old Naledi a bit more space opens up, thus making room for a community hall, an informal market selling fruits and vegetables and perhaps a bit of meat for the nights dinner, the lo cal government offices and kgotla and Old Naledis primary sports groundlittle more than dusty field where political rallies might be held, concerts performed, or football played. These constructi ons are a product of the devel opment project undertaken in the late 1970s. Further on, as the shape of Old Naledi tape rs to its southern end, the neighborhood adopts a more legible appearance: the streets are wider and evenly graded, individual plots are clearly distinguishable from those adjacent, the roads run lin ear and parallel to one a nother. This part of Old Naledi looks planned, organized, the houses built to follow the predictable spacing of the street, rather than the other way around. Wher eas previously, meandering paths wove between already established dwellings acco rding to the use and re quirements of the oc cupants, this newer

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336 part of the settlement was designed to compel a particular method of engagement with the space of the neighborhood. The arrangement almost ca rries an educational tinge, serving as a demonstration of how a place in th e city is to be arranged, to drive out the practices of the village. It was a way to bring the order of th e city to the disordered, chaotic spaces of Old Naledi. To send the subtle messa ge that city-people wa lk along straight, n eatly kempt streets, village-people wander along curving alleyway s strewn with garbage and wastewater. Appropriately enough, this areaalso an inten tional product of earlier upgrading projectsis known to residents as Diline.186 As will be demonstrated below, the difference in the physical layout of the area carries important consequences for interactions and understandings of the people who live within Old Naledi. Apart from Diline, Old Naledi is divided up into 9 different administrative wards or locations (1-9). As of mid-2005, the smallest, Location 9, consisted of 50 plots, while the largest, the centrally s ited Location 7, was composed of 278 pl ots. Back during the time of the original upgrading project, van Nostrand noted that each of these locations adopted a name, chosen by residents, reflecting th e travails and optimism of the i nhabitants. These ranged from Boiteko (self-trial) for Locati on 1, Itereleng (do it yourself ) for Location 6, and Boitshoko (those who have suffered) for Location 8.187 Im not sure how operational these names are presently, since I never really h eard people refer to their specific home locations in such a way. Instead, I usually only heard residents speak in terms of the whole neighborhood, which they called, generically, a Village. Or, for some of the younger people, attuned to the wider world of rap, hip-hop and the gangsta lifestyle depi cted in Western and South African movies and 186 A Setswana-English hybrid meaning the lines. Ive also it seen it spelled as Dilaene and di-line. 187 van Nostrand, Old Naledi p. 24.

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337 music videos, Old Naledi was the Ghetto or Z olaappropriating the name of a large, wellknown Johannesburg slum. Close to Diline, sits the police barracks and jail, the Naledi (development) Brigade and the Old Naledi shopping complex. The shops deserve further mention. Designed to serve the full population of Old Naledi, except of course for the informal markets and the house-front tuck shops selling basic goods or front-yard shebeens that dot the landscape, the Old Naledi shops attract residents from across the urban Village. To transport items bought from the shops, people usually carry things on footif it is an extra la rge load, theyll use a wh eelbarrow. Indeed, as my research assistant told me when I asked how he would contrast Old Na ledi to the newer malls built around the city, he suggested that while the parking lot of a place like Riverwalk or Game City is full of cars, the complex here in Old Nale di is full of wheelbarrows Thats our cars, he half-jokingly says, as we counted 12 wheelbarrow s parked in front of shops as their owners browse inside. The few shops in the Old Naledi complex occu py mostly dilapidated buildings that seem not to have been refurbished since their constr uction almost three decades ago. The buildings form a semi-enclosed perimeter around an open space probably intended as a parking lot. Mostly though, few cars use it, a ppropriated instead by women selling produce, discarded plastic bags and aluminum cans, and locals hanging out, drinking beer or sharing some neighborhood gossip. Along with the Its a Knockout Butchery and Supermarke t and the Naledi Cash n Carry there are a few other food shops, where foodstuffs are available at rates no cheaper than what you find at Gaborones more upscale shopping malls. In addition to the food shops, are two liquor stores, a Chinese owne d clothing shop, and a bar, the Speak Easy Pub, outside of which are pictographic signs warning men against public urination. A rusted metal braai stand

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338 sits outside one of the bottle stores, to be used by people, men usually, whove bought meat from one of the grocery stores to go along with their C oke, Fanta, or the occasional late morning beer consumed while sitting on the storefront curb. Overlooking it all is a large billboard advocating condom use: accompanying a picture of a basketba ll, is the slogana quote attributed to a member of the Botswana national basketball team Even the best ballers take a safe dunk with it!188 Spread out underneath the shadow of the billboard and the shade of surrounding trees on the shopping complexs periphery, produce ve ndors, public phone operators and other independent merchants have set up an alternativ e to the formal commerce offered by the mall. Walking from the Old Naledi shops out into the rest of the neighborhood can be a bit disorienting the first time attempted. The central and northern sections of Old Naledi look more or less the similar: densely packed plots occupied by single room shacks to larger, more elaborate complexes that can support a large numbe r of tenants. With no observable signs or plot numbers and paths that seemed to ci rcle back on themselves, finding my way around became an acquired skill that was obtained onl y after I got comfortable using an oddly crooked tree, a fence that was falling apart, or the box of discarded chib uku cartons as markers; a random assortment of geographic breadcrumbs to get me from A to B and back again. (And of course, it didnt hurt that I almost always had a friend with me.) The streets and alleys are narrow, cramped, and uneven. A mixture of sand, packed dirt and rubble, the street s tend to be pot-holed in the center and slope steeply on the edges. Dodging rocks and holes and open drains was always an adventure requiring me to attempt wild maneuvers in my chair, resulting in precarious tilts and angles, and almost as frequently, a barely averted disaster. Travel in these parts then, 188 These sports-themed billboards sponsored by the Lovers Plus condom brand appear elsewhere in Gaborone, including one with a golf theme that juxtaposes a close-up of a driver and a similar play on words. This bit of signage always struck as inexplicably odd, since hardly an yone in Botswana participates in the sport. As an interesting side note that perhaps sheds some light on this, is the rumor that speculates some of the HIV/AIDS ad campaigns disseminated in Botswana are cooked up by advertising firms based in New York City.

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339 was generally slow going, particularly following the sporadic, but fierce, downpours that would sweep across the landscape. In contrast to this part of Old Naledi, walking the southern area, Dilines, was no problem at all. The roads were wide, at least as big as to allow two cars to comforta bly pass each other, and evenly graded. And because they traveled straig ht, laid out on a rough grid pattern, when you set out on one you could accurately predict where you were going to end up; telling someone, that is, to take the first left, second right was far simpler th an directing a person to pass the pile of bricks and look for the chain link fence with th e missing door. Similarly, the plots in Dilines tended to be bigger, adhere to the same basic s quare-ish shape, and the chances were far greater that in Diline, people had access to a standpipe on their property, rather than having to rely on one designated for community use. The differenc es in space and layout found in the north and south of Old Naledi hint at c onflicts and divisions in community attitudes and relations. These sources of tensions provide furt her evidence that Old Naledi is not the uniform, undifferentiated slum-blob that it is generally described to be by those who dont live th ere. The above account then, albeit brief, is meant to give a general impr ession of what Old Naledi is like, to give the reader something with which to compare the exte rnal slum-talk about Old Naledi. We will begin first with descriptions pub lished in the popular press. Perhaps not surprisingly, based on the establishments negative view of Naledi dating back to the colonial period, the percep tion of Old Naledi as a place of danger and disease, a location apart from the everyday goings-on of Gaborone was commonly held early in Gaborones history. By the mid-1970s, a front-page headline in the government newspaper announced that there was Deep Concern About Naledi Delinqu ency. Accompanied by a photo of barely standing dwellings virtually i ndistinguishable from the surro unding rubble, the story vaguely

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340 tells of Abhorrent crime in Naledi, and that if the situation is not soon improved, the area would soon turn into Sodom and Gomora(sic).189 Conjuring up the archetypal biblical image of immorality and all-around depravity, all occurr ing within the walls of the new capital, the alarm was sounded that something n eeded to be done, and urgently.190 The shrillness of the warning probably still reflects th e previous thinking about Naledi it needed to be gotten rid of. The prevalence of this attitude was slowly erod ing however, as town officials came to realize that Naledi was likely to be a permanent fixtur e on the landscape, thus leading to the upgrading projects described above. Once the possibility of demolishing Old Naledi had been removed, talk about Old Naledi began to shift in a subtle but significant way. Ra ther than mention the evils of Old Naledi in order to advocate for its destructi on, the evils of Old Naledi were presented in such a way as to ostracize the area from the rest of Gaborone, to create a discursive distance between it and Gaborone that would not otherwise exist in the compact spatial geography of the capital. If, in other words, the terrain of occupied by Old Na ledi couldnt be wiped clean, and its residents removed, they could at least, be ignored and kept at arms length. The general outcome of these rhetorical maneuvers being that the topography of the city was rear ranged to prioritize the spaces of discourse and imagination. Since location wa s no longer a trustworthy marker of status and urbanity, other modes of differentiation became important, as I have shown previously with regards to the shopping mall and the constructive performance of a Batswana identity through everyday encounters with Zimbabweans on Gaborones streets. 189 Daily News, Deep concern about Naledi delinquency, 29 September 1975, p. 1. 190 For the record, it is worth noting that in response to the problems in Naledi a committee composed of residents adopted a more practical solution: they asked for a telephon e to be installed in the village so the police could be more efficiently summoned when or if, trouble arose.

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341 This transition to active indi fference and marginalization occurred quickly, building on the already present stereotypes about slums in general and Old Naledi in particular. An example from the late 1970s or early 1980s (the date is uncertain) provides an especially useful illustration. As the headline of a piece orig inally written for the Botswana magazine, Kutlwano suggests, the notion that Old Nale di was proximate but also distant was alre ady well understood. My Trip to Old NalediSo Near and Yet So Far by the one-time mayor of Gaborone, and later, an MP for the opposition, Paul Rantao, read s like a travelogue, of someone visiting a place both faraway and exotic. And indeed, even the t itle phrase, My Trip, suggests a journey to a far-off destination. As a so-called village in th e town, the neighborhood is quite a ways off from the real activities of town living; a point Rantao emphasizes at least three different times in the just over two-page article. The reader is told that Old Naledi is so near and yet so far!, a village within a metropolis, a nd a micro-town within a town.191 What was going on out there, in that apparently distant urba n frontier, Rantao wonders? To answer that question, One beautiful afternoon I decided to go out and witness the goings on at (sic) and have a personal e xperience of this Gaborone town spot so much talked about the public at large: maligned by the socially successf ul people[,] causing so much concern to the vigilant police.192 Following the practice of any explorer Rantao goes on to describe some of the sights and experiences to be found. From the goodthe frie ndliness of the people and the high life to be located at the corner shabeento the ba dthe ugliest, messiest[,] and shoddiest compounds you could think of right in the heart of [a ] thriving fast developing modern town, the flesh peddlers, the many men walk ing around with the scarred over facial wounds 191 Paul Rantao, Independence: Pimples and pay-offs (Botswana Cooperative Union Ltd., Gaborone, 1984), pp. 2829. 192 Ibid ., p. 27.

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342 from a bar fight gone too far.193 Even with the superficial treatment of Old Naledi, a portrait of a complex place still manages to emerge; Old Naledi is just as much about the maintenance of a vibrant community under difficult circumstances, as it is about stabbings and ramshackle living quarters. It is the bad, the sensationa l though, that is most often dwelled on. And not just with respect to Old Naledi either. Practically any mention of slums or squatters in the Botswana press is accompanied by a generic comment that mentions the generic dangers associated with slums. Writing about a squatter camp located by the Gaborone dam, the Mmegi story hits on two usual targets: liquor and immigrants. Quoting one advo cates take on the scene, There are lots of shebeens here selling all sorts of hot stuff and people often fight there are a lot of rapes [shebeens] must be stopped. Furthermore, illegal immigrants are making themselves at home in the area, and thus, we believe that all shack s must be brought down so that the illegal immigrants do not have anywhere to stay.194 Another report on squatters being evicted from their homes in an area outside Gaborone, offha ndedly remarks that of the people whose homes were to be bulldozed, None was found drinking alcohol as it is usually assumed.195 The essentializing assumption that the poor, squatters, or slum-dwellers are immersed in a life of vice is so well-ingrained in the popular consciousness that the absence of a stumbling drunk or two is a newsy detail worthy to print. As if, perhaps, the fact that they are not incorrigible drunkards makes the fact that their homes were being de stroyed a bit more tragic. Usually though, the humanizations are short-lived. Mo re typically, writing of a tour taken of the Francistown slum, 193 Ibid ., pp. 28-29. 194 This quote, and the preceding one, are taken from: Monkagedi Gaothlobogwe, Brick association wants squatters out, Mmegi 9 March 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/March/Thursday9/26647110169 > (9 March 2006). 195 Shirley Nkepe, The human side of demolitions, Mmegi 30 March 2004, p. 6.

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343 Somerset East, the writer confidently gives his appraisal of th e landscape, As we toured the area, we could counte (sic) many drinking holes in the location. There are no shops here except tuck shops scattered throughout the township. Th e soul of this township is booze, crime and sex.196 There is not just something wrong with thei r behavior, but their so ul is degraded, slum inhabitants represent a dama ged form of humanity. Rough behaviors practiced by slum occupants are the most obvious layer of distinction between them and the more well-heeled, resp ectable urbanite who might transgress the boundaries of the slum frontierin this case, to demonstrate the ease of procuring pot. Writing in the same edition of Mmegi another journalist points out th at outward mannerisms are an easy method of differentiation. Describing how to ble nd in to the slum environs as an outsider, the author tells the reader: It is very easy for residents of the notorious Somerset East to dete ct that a stranger has arrived at the location. A visito r would either be be trayed by his or he r walk, dressing or language. Here there are no such things as Dumela Rra or Mma [formal Setswana greetings]. It is either Shapo or Eita [street slang greetings], ot herwise the residents will catch on that a visitor is around.197 The familiar etiquette of the refined city dwel ler has no place the space of the slum. Born in the citycustoms, language, even ones gaita ll these things that serve as anchors to the comforts of the city center, they have no use in the supposedly strange, foreign slum landscape. Other evidence is presented in the papers, de tailing Old Naledis oddity, its marginality. Tshireletso Motlogelwa, one of the more perceptive journa lists working in Botswana today, particularly with regards to the Old Naledi neighborhood in which he gr ew up and still lives (as of 2005), puts it this way: 196 Ryder Gabathuse, The ghetto that is Somerset East, Mmegi 9 July 2004, p. 6. 197 Alice Banda, Getti ng high with ease, Mmegi 9 July 2004, p. 8.

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344 Some say if Gaborone were a family, Old Naledi would be the old toot hless, tick-infested grandmother condemned to the dark backyard wh ile the rest of the youthful family laughs and feasts their way through th e night around the giant fire.198 Equating Old Naledi to a toothless elder best left neglected and fo rgotten is certainly applicable to some degree, when one considers, for exampl e, the fact that the ne ighborhood remains largely without access to el ectricity, indoor plumbing or sewage. Yet, besides being seen as a harmless, unsupported old woman, the imagery directed towards also adopts a darker tinge, as place to be feared and kept away from. Even while Motlogelwa writes with a sympathe tic eye toward because of its poverty, he vaguely asserts that Old Naledi is a dangerous place as he discusse s Old Naledis spiralling (sic) crime rate.199 He further goes on to write of the ominous air th at pervades Old Naledi at months endwhen everyone gets paid for the monthand workers ha ve money to buy chibuku and beer, along with the accompanying late-night troubles wrought by excessi ve inebriation. Of the last Friday night, as it gets darker, it gets calmer, but only calmer as it would just before a hurricane.200 In the typical formulation then, Old Naledi is a cauldro n, waiting for any excuse or reason to boil over into chaos. But is this really the case? Offi cial statistics suggest a contradiction with common perception. Published a few weeks before the arti cle citing the spiralling (sic) crime rate, the numbers of murders, rape and robbery dropped over the same six-month period from the previous year.201 Why do these discrepancies, between the facts on the ground and widely accepted reputation, persist? If the conventional wisdom about Old Naledi is false, or at least more complicated than is generally believed, what could be the reasons for its continued 198 Tshireletso Motlogelwa, In the heart of the hood, pt. 4, Mmegi 18 June 2004, p. 9. 199 Tshireletso Motlogelwa, Of football passions, Mmegi 23 June 2004, p. 6. 200 Ibid ., p. 6. 201 Bame Piet, Crime goes down in Naledi, Mmegi Monitor 7 June 2004, p. 12. The given figures from January to May are: Murders, Rapes and Robberies dropped from 4 to 1, 14 to 11, and 42 to 36, respectively.

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345 dissemination? The answer(s) to this question si t at the heart of contemporary slum-talk in Gaboroneby its continued circulation and presence, who wins, and who loses, if I might put it so crassly. We will explore this question more deeply below, but for the moment, outlining one aspect of it will suffice. Writing about Old Naledi suggests that there is a dual, Janus-faced quality to the space of the neighborhood. It is, for example, a different place during the day than it is at night, or its perceived danger or immorality is not just some thing to be shunned, but is to be exploited. Former mayor Paul Rantao capture s this two-facedness in his trave l writing about Old Naledi. Time was ticking by. It was getting pitch dark and I had to join my group again to say goodbye, he writes, continuing: They were at that time a bit soaked up but they at least whispered to me that it was too dangerous for me to stay any longer. Thi s spot looks like a heaven of peace during the day but at night it is hell, said one of them in a rather drunken voice. I was not so much blind folded into false security. I soon real ised that darkness was a major draw back to slum pleasure seekers. At night everyone ha ve to be content with a hurricane lamp for lighting their ill ventilated shelters.202 Although Rantao choose to depart Old Naledi as dusk approached and night followed, others from outside the area see opportunity in the darkness. Here the urban slum as some sort of uncharted territory, as a fr ontier where the norms and bounda ries of the c ity-proper are reversed, negated or inverted. U pon reflection, it seems, at least to some superficial extent, the moral environmentalists of the Victorian and colonial agealt hough maybe this divide is more arbitrary than factualwho fre tted over the damaging influence of slums on the respectable men and women of the city, might have had a point Describing the Sate llite location east of Francistown, a journalist reports, this is the pl ace where moneyed outsiders can get a generous fix of guilty pleasures from fresh juveniles ready to trade bodies for money, marijuana and a ride 202 Rantao, Independence p. 30.

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346 in the car.203 Further quoting a known madman about the nightly scene, it is mostly soldiers who come here to pick up these little girls und er the cover of darkness, who frequent this place with ill-defined moral boundaries.204 Again, the image of boundaries and borders. Not only is the physical space of the slum said to be a distinct pla ce where transgressing the border of the city and the slum represents an entrance in to a unique phase, zone, space of urban existence, but the moral limits arent fixed, but rather they re main elusive. Behavior that is repudiated in other parts of the urban environment is permissible under the cover of darkness, to the anonymity granted by the meandering unmarked pa thways of the densely packed slum. Old Naledi too, like Satellite location, as a wild space of disorder and danger to the outsider, represents a space of desire and uncheck ed deviance. While it is said that Old Naledi is where the rest of the city dumps its unkept (sic) promises,205 Old Naledi is also a receptacle for the longings and lurid fantasies of the be tter parts of Gaborone. What might be taboo elsewheregirls and liquor and gi rlsis seen as widely and cheap ly available, to excess even, in Old Naledi. Referring to what Motlogelwa suggested earlier, darkness on a weekend night doesnt just imbue the atmosphere with the tinge of dangerthe calm before the stormit harbors something else as well. Tonight, th e by now familiar story goes, like all the other nights, flashy cars from the glittering city will cr owd these dusty streets hunting for a piece of the action. It is in this ghetto th at unconventional Gaborone comes to fulfil (sic) its wildest dreams, quench its thirst, satisfy its want a nd live out its wildest fantasies.206 The place described in the 203 Tomeletso Sereetsi, Loca tion of frustrated dreams, Mmegi 22 October 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/Octob er/Friday22/365689781565.html > (28 May 2007). 204 Ibid 205 Tshireletso Motlogelwa, A life that could have been, Mmegi 6 July 2004, p. 4. 206 Ibid ., p. 4.

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347 preceding lines sounds more apt to be an advertis ement for a hotel in the freewheeling city of Las Vegas. But in this case, there is perh aps one parallel to th e neon-lit, air-conditioned decadence of Sin City: what happens in Vegas, the saying goes, stays in Vegas. This might also be an appropriate slogan to describe Old Naledi. As an alternative venue facilitating the evasive of restrictions imposed by the expectatio ns of a respectable, a virtuous, Gaborone, Old Naledi serves an apparently useful purpose as an outlet, a bubble whose one-sided permeability depends on how many Pula rest folded in your wallet, or the make of forei gn car that you drive. Old Naledi doesnt just sta nd isolated because of its image as a theatre where the performance of vice is permitted. Instead, its marginality is also experienced in a more banal form of neglect. Perhaps the most striking exampl e of the general indiffere nce to Old Naledi and its residents was the annual practice of then Pr esident Seretse Khama and his family giving out Christmas presents to Old Naledis children, be fore walking amongst the populace. This display, almost royal its imagery of the First Family de igning to interact with the commoner class, is described with more than a hint of sarcasm by an Old Naledi resident, [Seretse Khama] would come to a tent pitched in the northern part of the location and we would be enchanted at Lady Khama and the twins.207 Further describing the protocol of the scene, Everyone would gather around the immaculate looking family; scantly dresse d bulbous kneed childr en salivating at the toys the President would give away the toys and then, with his entourage, stroll through the settlement.208 Apart from the Christmas holiday, local historian Sandy Grant, says that Lady Khama would also periodically come to Old Na ledi to distribute cake and balloons, bluntly adding, They neglect them all year, and then go and do that ? Its insulting is what that is.209 207 Rogers Ngakane quoted in: Tshireletso Motlogelwa, In the heart of the hood, pt. 3, Mmegi 17 June 2004, p. 5. 208 Ibid ., p. 5. 209 Communication with Sandy Grant, Oodi Village, 16 July 2005.

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348 Whether an outgrowth of genuine ge nerosity or not, this sort of ceremonial gift giving is an easy opportunity to demonstrate benevolent concer n without actually doing a nything substantive. This form of ritualized patronage bestowed upon the most marginal population is not, it is worth noting, limited only to the era of Botswanas firs t president. A variant of this practice made headlines in the winter month of June 2004, wh en the current President Festus Mogae brought donated food and blankets to the resettled Bushmen populations in the Kalahari village of New Xade.210 Already under international pressure due to the circumstances of the Basarwa relocations, Mogaes gesture was criticized as a bit of bribery. Even so, nobody pointed out the odd fact that while the resettleme nt villages were presented as a vast improvement over their previous living conditions, the de velopment villages apparently l acked such basic necessities as an adequate number blankets. Whether in the re mote areas of the Kalahari, or the urban spaces of Old Naledi, a carefully choreographed photo-op seems more preferable than does a durable policy solution. If Old Naledi is only worth a passing glance to government l eaders, ignored until the next scheduled opportunity for charity, most other Gaborone residents likewise ignore it. When discussed at all, it is almost always about th e dangers posed by Old Naledi. A place, other words, I would be smart to avoid. And while the talk about Old Naledi is more interesting to me than what actually happens, I dont want to give the impression that nothing bad ever happens in Old Naledi. A friend of mine for example, driving in a taxi on the Old Lobatse Road that follows the eastern edge of the area, had somebody throw a brick through the car, steal her groceries out of the back seat and then run away into Old Naledis interior. All this occurred in a matter of few seconds as the taxi slowed so as not to grind the cars undercarriage over the 210 Chandapiwa Baputaki, OP [Office of the President] denies Mogae bribed Basarwa, Mmegi 17 June 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/June/Thursday17/10134044261.html > (15 June 2007).

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349 surface of a speed bump. And while certainly a surprising, even scary experience for my friend, the fact that only food was stolen, from a white foreigner no doubt assumed to be able to financially absorb the loss, doesnt necessarily provide evidence of the inherent criminality of Old Naledi residents. Yet this is precisely the sense I got whenever I talked to a non-resident whether expatriate or Batswana, wealthy or notabout Old Naledi. Statements about Old Naledi would typically be short, generic and to the point. A respected Motswana businesswoman explaining why she refuses to dr ive past Old Naledi after darkor the Old Lobatse Road at any timetells me, Naledi ha s always been rough, right from the onset. A former Gaborone mayor says, Old Naledi is reg arded as a lurking place for crime. A retired Gaborone City Council civil servi ce officer plainly says of Old Naledi residents, they are a rough people, before going on to add, pick-pocke ting is not an Old Naledi thing now, but a Gaborone thing. A University of Botswana prof essor tells me over dinner, after I explain my plan to temporarily move to Old Naledi as part of my fieldwork, looks sk eptically at me, before advising that I better leave th e credit cards at home. The Old Naledi kgosi makes a similar point. A politic al appointee of the BDPassigned by the Ministry of Local G overnmentthe Old Naledi kgosi is not from the area, originating instead from, while continuing to live in Mochudi, a village roughly 30 minutes north of Gaborone. Accordingly, even though he is suppos ed to represent the people of Old Naledi, he maintains the perspectives and at titudes usually associated with non-Naledi residents. Most inhabitants of the area, especi ally the unemployed, are rowdy and rascals and therefore, Kgosi Pilane tells me, I would be advised not to travel at night here. Pilane suggests two factors to account for the problems: rampant unemployment, which leaves people idle and

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350 isolated from the rest of Gaborone. At the sa me time, further exacerbating the notion that Old Naledi is not part of Gaborone, is the fact that people from all over Botswana settle there. Thus, while it retains the set-up and atmosphere of a traditional village, it remains, Pilane says, a bit of a cosmopolitan ar ea where there is a clash of interests between differing tribal factions. Pilanes conclusion though, needs to be considered with a bit of skepticism. He suggests that because of this te nsion, not only is Old Naledi set apart from the rest of Gaborone, but is also cloven internally because of a fractio us community identity. In the past however, even from the earliest days of the Naledi sq uatter encampment, elde rs and other community leaders were selected by residents to advise, settle disput es and informally govern the settlements population. For accuracys sake then, it is probably too easy, perhaps even outright wrong, for Kgosi Pilane to suggest that Old Naledi s diversity is to blame for what ever problems it experiences. Like other non-Naledi residents, Pilanes explanation suggests an overly generalized, substantial misreading of the Old Naledi scene. Indeed, as other people have told me, not to mention the fact that Pilane is viewed w ith suspicion as a BDP partisan spy by most of the neighborhoods opposition supporters, the local chief might have far more legitimacy, and authority, if he actually lived in the neighborhood. Because as it is now, one person complained, he fails to adhere to the expected chiefly protocols by, for example, failing to attend weddings or funerals.211 There are a couple points to be made regard ing the preceding discussion. First, let me address the emphasis on old Naledi as a rough and rowdy place. There are two ways to parse the meaning of rough as used in this context. On the one hand, it is no doubt a way to 211 Interview with Kgosi Pilane (Chief of Old Naledi), Old Naledi kgotla 23 April 2004.

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351 suggest that Old Naledi reside nts are a tough lot, potentially dangerous. At the same time though, rough might also imply that they are a coarser, less refined or ill-mannered people who arent quite ready for city living. They still ha ve a bush or village mentality that makes them deficient as citizens of Gaborone, or at least not yet integrated into the everyday pulse of urban living. The retired civil servant quoted in a preceding paragraph hints at this at multiple times in our conversation, telling me in his cramped office a few blocks away from the downtown Main Mall, Old Naledi is away from the other settlements [in Gaborone], it is far off, and that the people who live there didnt look at themselves as part of Gaborone. Or, as a Zimbabwean lecturer at the Old Naledi Brigade explained, fixing the distance from Gaborone on a cosmic scale, People from Old Naledi ar e like people from another planet. Secondly, the very form of these statements is imbued with significance. The everyday stories told about Old Naledi arent traditional narratives w ith a beginning, middle and end, or inhabited by distinguishable charact ers or a coherent plot. Instead, tales told of Old Naledi take the form a short declarative statement or sentence such as the ones described above that make an authoritative pronouncement or vague generalization about some fact about Old Naledi. These generic statements convey a minimal amount of detail along the lines of those people are dangerous, Old Naledi is the place where crimin als are, or that area is labeled as a lurking place for crime. During my fiel dwork, I thought it strange that I usually wasnt able to get people to elaborate on what they meant or why th ey thought that was true. At the time, probably mistakenly, I left it alone and didnt give it much further thought. It wasn t until much later after I returned from Botswana that I hit on a reason why this might be the case. These stories, shaped as they are, generically stated with little in the way of supporting evidence are essentially irrefutable. In the absence of any substantive de tails, they become nearly impossible to dismiss,

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352 deny, or prove wrong. The only possi ble way to contradict them is to take the complete opposite position: that Old Naledi people arent dangerous, which is a perspective that most people arent willing to adopt. And furthermore, these narra tive simplifications have th e added benefit of removing complexity or ambiguity from the urban landscape. If the point is to differentiate Old Naledi from the rest of Gaborone, it makes no sense to introduce details that might muddy the waters; that is, to suggest that while there might be some dangerous pe ople in Old Naledi that doesnt make everyone who lives in the neighborhood that way. For non-Naledi residents though, complicating the picture is not desirablepainting with a broad brush is. These simple stories are also more easily circulated in everyday discursi ve transactions. Rather than being laden with details and nuance, they are stripped bare, ma de more aerodynamic, so only the most basic information is transmitted. If the idea is to disseminate the idea that Old Naledi people are dangerous, there is no reason to muddle the message of this urban mythology with an assortment of disclaimers, details and caveat s. Moreover, in this, the era of the text message in Gaborone, these story forms seem especially appropriate. During the first night I spent in Old Naledi, a Batswana friend of mine sent me a text messa ge reminder to be careful flashing my phone around. More than a little ironic, since in orde r to read the message, I would indeed have to flash my phone around. As an easily swallowe d oral capsule, or as a typed warning fitting well under the 180-character maximum of a text me ssage, in the stories of Old Naledi, speaking about what happened is irrelevant Talk of Old Naledi is instead elevated to the level of urban legend, akin to stories exchanged among suburban children about supernatural apparitions that appear in a darkened mirror when summoned by a repetitive chant or menacing hitchhikers standing in wait for lost cars of t eenagers traveling along lonely count ry roads. Old Naledi is the

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353 tramp-monster under the bedor worselurking beneath the co mfortable middle-class veneer of contemporary Gaborone. Yet, these stories arent just circulated amongst Gaborone elites, as a product of established class divisions, but rather, they se em just as common amongst the low-paid, working class populations of the city as well. As I described at lengt h earlier, Old Naledi can be a difficult place to navigate when not familiar with the layoutthe lack of plot numbers, meandering streets, the seemingl y random organization of the houses. This goes not just for easily overwhelmed American graduate students lik e myself, but Batswana taxi drivers too. One morning in April 2005, I was in a taxi en route to a meeting in the southern part of Old Naledi, nearby the police station. By that time, havi ng spent a couple weeks traversing Old Naledis streets, I was beginning to feel comfortabl e finding my way around, assuming I traveled my usual path.212 On this morning however, the driver took a different way than I was used to and we quickly became lost. After about 10 minutes of back-tracking and dead-ends, I was late for my meeting and asked the driver if we couldnt just ask somebody for dire ctions, as there were numerous residents out walking or sitting in their yards. The driver however, shook his head and refused. Already annoyed, I pressed for a further e xplanation. He plainly said, I dont trust them. When I asked why, he again cryptical ly responded, These Old Naledi people are a problem. No more explanation was fort hcoming, but really, none was needed. I might also offer one other example. There was a street vendor in the Main Mall that I became friendly with following an interview I c onducted with him. He had set up a lopsided wooden tablehe sold belts and sunglasses and other accessoriesin a prime location in the 212 I should probably note that this isnt simply because Old Naledi is so incredibly difficult to navigate, but also because my sense of direction is atrocious, having once go tten lost driving to my own house. I think though, Ill leave the fuller version of that story for another time.

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354 Mall. So whenever I was there, we would chat for a bit about the cu rrent news and how my research was going. One of the last times we met, I told Simon that I wa s thinking about moving to Old Naledi. He immediately began laughing, asking how I woul d be able to survive without running water or electricity. What are you going to do there, he challenged me, just drink hot water? The conversation continue d like that for a few minutes unt il I convinced him that Id be just fine. Then he turned a bit serious, telling me that he worrie d that living in Old Naledi might have a negative influence or harm me in some way. He seemed to think that I would somehow become damaged or contaminated simply by comi ng into contact with th e place and people who lived there. Simon told me that the next ti me he saw me, Id probably be walking down the street smoking dagga. Simons view of Old Naledi hits on the two ar chetypes of Old Naledi talk. By mentioning the lack of electricity or running water, living so lely on a diet of hot water, Simon intersects with the talk about Old Naledi being backwards and less develope d than the rest of Gaborone. That Old Naledi exists in a time and space apar t from other sections of Gaborone, a vestigial relic of the past standing disj ointed from the modern space represented by Gaborone. This conception of contradictory, perhaps competing, presents, echoes a point made decades earlier: Not all people exist in the same Now. They do so only externally, by virtue of the fact that they may all be seen today. But that does not mean that they are living at the same time with others.213 Even though Old Naledi is in the town, Simon seemed to imply, just as Kgosi Pilane did nearly a year earlier, it remains a village. Subsequent ly, Simon also duplicates, almost verbatim, the earlier Victorian and colonial discourse about slums and thei r capacity for spreading moral degeneration. Indeed, Simons comment about dagga seems more than a little similar to what 213 Ernst Bloch, Nonsynchronism and the obligation to its dialectics, New German Critique 11 (Spring 1977), p. 22.

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355 the South African public health official, T. D uncan Greenless, said decades earlier about the contaminated native suffering from general paralysis stemming from excessive drinking and the smoking of dagga.214 For the present purp ose, it is probably just enough to note the durability of these words and images, as well as the fact that they remain operational in contemporary, post-colonial Botswa na, rather than determining the precise mechanisms as to how they trickled down from the memos of elite colonial officialdom to working people on Gaborones streets year s and years later. What is particularly interest ing too, is that this kind of slum-talk is also circulated within Old Naledi. As Ive previously indicated, the sec tion of Old Naledi known as Dilines looks quite a bit different than the older parts of the area to the north. In Dilines, the roads are wide, the plots are larger, and the area is la id out more or less on a grid patte rn that mirrors the planning of other suburbs in Gaborone. The older areas on the other hand, grew organi cally as people settled wherever there was spacethe roads are winding the plots cramped and not arranged with any discernible pattern or external order in mind. To residents who live in Dilines then, the northern part of Old Naledi represents a slum-within-a -slum. Living in a planned area, surrounded by better behaved individuals, the residents of Dilines are claim a link with other parts of Gaborone, differentiating themselves from the real slum. Just as space and fear informed attitudes and perceptions of those outside Old Naledi, so was the case fo r people within Old Naledi. While outsiders make no distinction when ta lking about Old Naledi, those who live there divide the neighborhood, separating out the good parts from the bad. Similar to the stories I heard that talked about Old Nale di, people in the southern region of Dilines spoke of the badly mannered, dirtier, less healthy, cr iminal elements who inhabit the northern sections. One police 214 See footnote 44, in this chapter.

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356 officer told me that section 4 is especially problematic since it is located far from the local police station and is the most densely packed part of Old Naledi. A gardener named Mac saying that the police station marks the boundary of the good a nd bad sections of Old Naledi. Adhering to this view, another resident of Dilines made the sweeping claim that all the northern sections (6-9) were dangerous, attracting criminals from all ove r Gaborone who go there to hide. Just like the outsider afraid to travel in or near Old Naledig as delivery companies wont deliver to internal residences out of fear of being robbed, for ex amplepeople from Dilines are fearful of their neighbors to the north after dark. And also, when walking around Dilines, for instance, my research assistant didnt mind me carrying my ow n bag, but would insist on carrying it himself when we traveled north, for fear of someone snatching it from me. Why might these stories disseminated a bout different sections, the totality of Old Naledi, or slums in general, pe rsist? Why are they latched on to by both the more well-off, as well as those occupying lower rungs of the soci o-economic ladder, including those residing in Old Naledi? I think in broad terms, as weve al ready suggested, talk about Old Naledi is a way to delineate the modern, urban spaces of Gaborone from those images that are at odds with the reputation of Gaborone as a cosmopolitan city connected with the world outside Botswana and southern Africa. Can Botswana and Gaborone, retain its label as the African exception if onethird of the capital city s population is poor, or (supposedly) i nherently backwards? An answer to that question is likely part of the puzzle, especially for the poor who dont live in Old Naledithe contemporary rich of Gaborone have their newly constructed gated communities and shopping malls to really differentiate them selves as real urban citizens of Gaborone and the world. For the rest though, stories about Ol d Naledi told by the poor my taxi driver, my friend Simon, for examplecarve out a space for ur ban citizenship that mi ght not otherwise be

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357 available to them. While they mi ght be poor, at least they are not lumped in and associated with the ostracized, disreputable resi dents of Old Naledi. Keeping th is story about degenerate slums and those who live there alive active, is a way to claim a place of the modern city for their own, since other, more visible ways driving a foreign car, meeting for an afternoon espresso at Riverwalkremain largely unattainable. Into Old Naledi go all im ages associated with the NotCity as understood by the typical Gaborone urbanite. Old Naledi represents Botswanas history, the perhaps embarrassing spectacles associated w ith traditional village living, wheelbarrows used in place of German sedans, cartons of chibuku in stead of cans of Red Bull, dented coins and crumpled paper currency in lieu of a Visa de bit card. The image of Gaborone as a gleaming monument to the future is something that all Ol d Naledi non-residents can unite behind, rich and poor alike. In a significant way, the idea of Gaborone, the manifestation of the imagination, fantasies and aspirations of its population couldnt exist with out Old Naledi as the contrasting backdrop. Yet, there is more to it than Old Naledi stor ies being told in order to prop up Old-Naledias-symbol, however useful it might be. Character izing Old Naledi as a place of vice, crime and immorality also effectively masks the structural socio-economic inequalities that pervade the politics and economics of Botswana. During a wide-ranging discussion with an elderly Old Naledi woman who moved there from her home v illage in the early 1970s and now owns a local bar, she complained that all the outsiders want to talk about in relation to Old Naledi is rape and murder, but they dont talk about our poverty. This is an important point, echoed in work conducted by Teresa Caldeira on Sao Paulo, w ho showed that the cr eation of the idea of natural criminals legitimates inequalities.215 So as is the case a Brazilian metropolis, in 215 Teresa P. R. Caldeira, City of Walls: Crime, segregation, and citizenship in Sao Paulo (University of California Press, Berkeley, CA, 2000), p. 31.

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358 Gaborone it is far easier to ignor e a place whose inhabitants have been essentialized as rough, or drunks, or sexually available under cover of da rkness, than it would be if talk about Old Naledi residents revolved around issues of e ducation, employment or poverty. The latter are problems for which possible solutions exist, while for the former, the only response is a shrug of the shoulders that says What can you do? Placing Old Naledi in the broa der context of the economy might be instructive here. Former Gaborone Mayor Paul Rantao wrote back in the early 1980s, lets face it, nobody likes being poor and few people like poor people. In fact many people are afraid of poor people.216 Unfortunately, in todays Botswana, Gaborone incl uded, there are more and more poor people. In recent years, Botswana has been tumbling backwards in the UNs Human Development Report, as the most recent figures available sugge st that one-half of Botswanas population lives on less than $2 per day (approximately P12), while 23.5% live on less than $1 per day (P6.21).217 Critics of Botswanas government have made much of these declining figures. Opposition MP Dumelang Saleshando (of the Botswana Congre ss Party) asks, What is the worth of our independence, when the wealth of our country eludes us, furthe r concluding that it is time to end policies that disproportionately usher a sma ll elite to heaven on earth, while the majority wallow in poverty.218 Newspaper columnist Comrade Moor e has proclaimed conditions at Old Naledi to be disguised homelessness, the prod uct of a dual economy that looks like a nut with one part fresh and appetizing and the othe r part of the same nut, rotten and stinking. Further comparing Old Naledi to the gated community of Phakalane, just outside Gaborone, 216 Rantao, Independence p. 41. 217 Gideon Nkala, Most Batswana live on P12 a day, Mmegi 24 November 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/November/Friday24/583611393977.html > (24 November 2006). 218 Dumelang Saleshando, What is the worth of our independence?, Mmegi 8 May 2006 < http://www.mmegi.b w/2006/May/Monday8 /2743713371 17.html> (8 May 2006).

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359 Comrade Moore writes, Slums like Old Naledi exis t side by side with super modern settlements like Phakalane, which are oases of opulence or pieces of Europe in a desert of want and poverty.219 Expelled political scientist Kenneth G ood goes even further in his criticism, accusing the government of actively pursuing pol icies that keep the poor underfoot of the minority of elites that dominate the politics and economics of Botswana. Good argues that the economy of Botswana is explicitly oriented to ensure that the bi ggest contributors to the growth of the economy should see the largest rewards, and the pooresthe is writing here of Basarwa and Remote Area Dweller populations, but the point is applicable in this case tooare to be kept in their structured u nderclass position, non-participants in Botswanas society.220 A report written in the same period commissioned by the Gaborone City Council however, suggests a more benign, less conspiracy theory-esque a pproach to the invisibi lity of the poor in Gaborone, stating that a large part of the problem with approaches to poverty alleviation in the city stem from adhering to the fictive notion that the urban poor have a rural safety net that ultimately limits their slide into total financial ruin.221 While there might be some truth to the above point, there seems little doubt that policies directed toward the poor, particul arly those classified as destitutes, serve to stigmatize them. For example, in the brief section on destitutes in a government report detailing the upcoming 25 years of development in Gaborone, the author s replicate long-wielded tropes about the correlative effects of slums, poverty, crime and innate human dysfunctionality. Adopting a now 219 Comrade Moore, Alternatives to the yellow monster, Mmegi 6 April 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/April/Tuesday6/238845590352.html> (15 June 2007). 220 Kenneth Good, The state and extreme poverty in Botswana: the San and destitutes, The Journal of Modern African Studies 37 2 (1999), pp. 199-200. 221 GHK International, Gaborone Urban Poverty and Housing Needs Assessment: Final Report for the Gaborone City Council (GHK International, Gaborone, 1999), p. 32.

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360 familiar judgmental, moralistic tone, the writers of the Gaborone City Development Plan (19972021) note, Destitutes and paupers are people on the fri nge of society who (sic ) have a propensity to cross over into the world of crime. They are usually very gullible pe ople who can easily be carried away by the rosy promises of demagogues and can therefore be lured into antisocial behaviour.222 And when not deeming the very poor as inherently deficient on a hierarchical scale of human progress, the Government of Botswana goes one step further: building welfare policy around the premise that destitutes and paupers are little more than living breathing bodies, and certainly not as full-fledged citizens or members of their community. Indeed, the original definition of destitute, first formulated in 1980 bluntly states that a destitute person is an individual who is without assets, either economic or familial.223 The destitute policies implemented by the Botswana government seem inte nt on keeping this stat e of barren liquidation as the status quo. Good, for example, quotes from the Botswana governments 1991 report A Poverty Datum Line for Botswana, that the program was intended to provide assistance of only a minimal nature and that theref ore, the food rations allotted we re the minimum necessary to maintain physical health.224 This report further elaborated in minute detail what a destitute person was permitted to purchase with his assist ance and what he was not: cosmetics, gifts, cooking utensils, or money for travel to funerals or weddings, were among the exclusions.225 And though there was to be no furniture in the houseno beds or mattresses eventhe 222 Ministry of Lands, Housing and Environment, Gaborone City Council, and Department of Town and Regional Planning, Republic of Botswana, Gaborone City Development Plan (1997-2021) (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 2001), p. 145. 223 Ministry of Local Government, Social Welfare Division, Republic of Botswana, Revised National Policy on Destitute Persons (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 2002), p. 2. 224 Republic of Botswana, A Poverty Datum Line for Botswana (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 1991). Quoted in: Good, The state and extreme poverty in Botswana, p. 196. 225 Good, The state and extreme p overty in Botswana, p. 196.

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361 government did allow for one exception: the purchase of a chair or bench was permissible so that the head of the household was able to discharge [his] social obligation to an important visitor.226 And while the government amended the destitute policy in 2002, it stil l managed to retain the stigmatizing, bare minimum approach to poverty alleviation that kept people alive, if only barely. The monthly allowance of food rations and cash given by government to destitute individuals was, for urban area s, an amount equivalent to P2 11.40, which is actually 50 thebe less than what was allotted to people living in rural areas.227 Included within this allowance was P55 for what the government described as persona l items. Worth noting is that the P55 given in cash for daily expenditures falls far below the money available even to those people living on less $1 or P6 per day; instead de stitutes are expected to make due on less than P2 per day. The list of allowed provisions and personal items looks strikingly similar, if somewhat expanded, to the list of weekly rations provided to African laborers work ing in the mines of colonial Bechuanaland.228 In addition to the 500 grams of sa lt, 250 grams of tea and 12.5 kilograms of maize meal granted to an adult on a monthly ba sis, amongst other consumables, the list of allowable personal hygiene items was limited to: Toilet Soap: 2 x 150 grams Toothbrush: 1 per 6 months Vaseline: 1 x 100 ml Powder Soap: 1 x 500 g Paraffin: 1 Liter229 226 Ibid ., p. 196. 227 Ministry of Local Government, Social Welfare Division, Republic of Botswana, Revised National Policy on Destitute Persons, p. 8. 228 See footnote 61. 229 Ibid ., p. 13.

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362 Much like the colonial instructions detailing the proper care and maintenance of the African laborer, the destitute policy employed by the government of Botswana follows a similar trajectory that treats the poor as something to be kept alive, to be tolerated, but are to be otherwise kept at arms length. Writing this, I m reminded of an old man I met in the Dilines section of Old Naledi. Formerly a cleaner at th e University of Botswana, he had gotten sick and was forced to retire. These days he live s on a pension of P130 per month, along with the occasional Pula he receives from neighbors for repair ing their shoes. With this bit of money he struggles to save for a tractor to bring to his familys cattle post, while also attempting to support the 14 othersa combination of daughters and gr andchildrenwho stay on the plot with him. Though this might be an extreme example, the po or, especially the worst off, are allowed to hover at the threshold of survival. An equally damaging consequence of poverty is the denial of access to the broader community. In the end, form al government action and informal street talk about slums and the poor intersect and complement one another. These circumstances might not be all that surp rising when considered in the context of the utility of urban poverty on behalf of the contin ued growth of the local Gaborone economy. The MP who represents Old Naledi in Botswanas Pa rliament observed that the national economy has been tilted to favor growth with uneven development. Akanyang Magama further told me that a direct product of this structural bias has been the permanent esta blishment of Old Naledi [as] a concentration of cheap labor.230 Magamas point is that because the nearby factories in the area of the city known as Gaborone West need work ers cheaply available with few, if any rights,231 230 Interview with Akanyang Magama (BNF MP for Old Naledi), Gaborone, 20 April 2005. 231 MP Magama went on to tell me that generally, workers ca n be fired without cause, while at the same time having no recourse to complain or appeal. And in my own experience, the powerlessness of manual laborers has been something that Ive experienced in a wide variety of settings. The old man mentioned in the preceding paragraph was fired only after he became sick, cut loose with no seve rance or insurance benefits. Nearly every Zimbabwean construction worker I encountered, had a story about working on a job for weeks only to be fired at months end

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363 Old Naledi is useful because it keeps people ma rginalized and undeveloped. Factory owners can pay their workers less, if, for ex ample as is the case in Old Nale di, laborers dont have to spend money for such things as running water and electricity, let alone other luxuries that people in other parts of the city enjoy. An individual involved in the current upgrading project explains that further development of Old Naledi will be difficult because of its present function as a labor pool. As a reserve of manual laborers who are unaware of the few rights that they do have, he tells me, it is common fo r employers to come to Old Nale di to look for workers at one end of the neighborhood, only to get new ones at the other edge of the neighborhood the next day, discarding the first group if they ask t oo many questions or demand too much money. The situation is hardly any better even for those with steady employ ment. A female Old Naledi resident in her early 20s, employed at the Game City Checkers grocery store as a shelf stocker, works a forty-hour week at P3.36 an hour (slightly more than $0.50, depending on the exchange rate). At P537.6 a month, this wage is a bit more than the guaranteed monthly minimum, set by government at P450. But as a young-ish (in his early 20s) guy who goes by the moniker Fresh and is employed part-time as a special constable complained, that amount cant help you improve your situation or properly budge t for savings, as all the money goes to food and rent. But, he goes on to bitterly tell me, Government doesnt give a fuck about that, as long as Mogae has his big house to live in. And i ndeed, in these, the last months of President Mogaes term in office, his new mansion, built w ith State funding for his retirement, awaits him in the Phakalane gated community just outside of Gaborone. when their wages were duethough they were an especi ally vulnerable population due to their usually difficult immigration circumstances. Or, lastly, the far more tragic example that occurred in mi d-2005 of the factory foreman who locked his workers inside the assembly area during their shift, only to have the building catch fire with no way for those inside to escape.

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364 The adjacent village of Tlokweng serves as one final illustration. Abutting the southeastern edge of Gaborone, th e tribal village of Tlokweng has retained to some extent its rustic village feel even as its population has grown in recent yearsindeed, the occasional donkey or goats still cross the shared borde r with Gaborone, passing through the Riverwalk shopping malls expanse of parking. Despite Tl okwengs proximity to Gaborone, it too, like Old Naledi, remains on the periphery of Gaborone s developmentalthough, unlike Old Naledi, Tlokweng falls outside the speci fic authority of the Gaborone city government. Quoted in Mmegi one unemployed male says, Tlokweng is far from developing. There is nothing that is really happening here all we have to do is to sit here the whole day and idle.232 The article also quotes the local chief, who a dds, It is pathetic. There is not even one robot [traffic light] in the village. Gaborone grew up on Tlokweng, don t you think they could have developed it so that people get here [and] should see that they are near the city.233 Rationalizing these discrepancies, the chief, Spokes Gaborone, iden tifies a similar reason to explain Tlokwengs marginality. They [the local land board] are forever allocating plots for residential and not making any effort of bringing companies here. Its [sic] like this place has turned into a sleeping area for the people who work in Gaborone.234 The presence of ostracized or isolated areas that act largely as reservoirs of workers employed in the centralized urban economic hub is not a phenomenon unique to Botswana. In his 1975-76 lectures compiled in the volume Society Must Be Defended Foucault describes the birth of biopolitics and the evolut ion of the States efforts to manage and organize its internal 232 Chandapiwa Baputaki, The underdevelopment of Tlokweng, Mmegi 25 November 2005 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2005/November/Friday25/9406363171363.html > (25 November 2005). 233 Ibid 234 Ibid

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365 population. Writing about the transformation of D eath from something that physically kills to something that is quieter, more subtle, but eter nally debilitating, he make s a point applicable to the situation under discussion here: in this new era of technologies of State power, Death was no longer something that suddenly swooped down on lifeas in an epidemic. Death was now something permanent, something that slips onto life, perpetually gnaws at it, diminishes it and weakens it.235 Or, in the words of James Scott, tool s of modern statecraft [are] largely a project of internal colonization employed to shape a people and landscape that will fit their techniques of observation.236 The circumstances of Tlokweng, and of course Old Naledi, speak to a similar set or processes. What couldnt be destroyed, erased from the spatial fabric of Gaborone, is now permitted to carry on into the future, banished to the periphery of urban wilderness. Indeed, Caldeiras work on Sao Paulo suggests that even when their wealth and position was not affected, elites remained uncomfortable with th e working classes incorporation into modern society.237 Elsewhere, both James Scott and James Holston write eloquently of the city centers need for its inverse (Scotts dark tw in) exemplified by slums on the periphery.238 Scott goes so far as to suggest that the urban co re and periphery are entw ined in a symbiotic relationship,239 since the urban core requires a periph ery in which the slums and poor can be 235 Michel Foucault, Society Must Be Defended: Lectures at the College de France, 1975-1976 (Allen Lane, London, 2003), p. 244. 236 James C. Scott, Seeing Like a State: How certain schemes to improve the human condition have failed (Yale University Press, New Haven, CT, 1998), p. 82. 237 Caldeira, City of Walls p. 44. 238 Scott, Seeing Like a State p. 63; James Holston, The Modernist City: An anthropological critique of Brasilia (University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1989), pp. 257-288. 239 Scott, Seeing Like a State p. 130.

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366 funneled, so as to preserve the sanctified, idealiz ed space(s) of the city (in this case, Brasilia).240 So it goes too, for Old Naledi, whose presence is these days now tolerated, perhaps even encouraged to some extent, only as long as it benef its the real city and its citizens. We should not be surprised to see this pattern replicated in Gaborone. Residing on the bad edge of postmodernity, the global duplication of the fortress city has produced not only upper-class enclaves, but also caged those not falling into the acceptable categories of race, nationality or income in the places they occupy through an increasing militarization of urban space.241 In Gaborone though, the fortress city has not been so bluntly constructed or enforced as it is in places rang ing from Los Angeles to Johannesburg. It has, instead, been a far quieter, more-subtle transforma tion in the capital city of Botswana. In a recent book on slums, Mike Davis gets a bit closer to the Gaborone ground-truth as he describes the global process that see the contemporary city undergoing a ma ssive spatial reorganization, as elites disembed themselves from the city, cr eating an ideal urban environment that doesnt have to be shared with the la rge population of undesira bles to be found in any large city space.242 In Gaborone though, this isnt a new occurrence. From the colonial to the present, the urban elites have long sought to claim the citygeog raphically, imaginatively, etcfor themselves, both by first creating their own economically segregated neighborhoods to todays shopping malls and gated communities, and also by discursi vely fencing in the more marginal populations through the circulation of durable slum-talk. In Gaborone the objective is more than a process of dis-embedding, but about de-linking from the city. The distinction is an important one, as the 240 Holston, The Modernist City pp. 273; 279. 241 Mike Davis, City of Quartz: Excavating the future in Los Angeles (Vintage Books, New York, NY, 1992), pp. 224; 248. 242 Mike Davis, Planet of Slums (Verso, New York, NY, 2006), p. 119.

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367 goal is not only to produce new, pure urban geogr aphy, but to also birth new spaces of fantasy and imagination perceived to be more befitting modern, globalized urban citizens. For Gaborone then, the rise of the enclave city is just as much about creating protected spaces for aspirations and ideas, as it about divi ding the city into separate fortified realms. Conclusion: The Village Talks Back? W riting generally of the management of pove rty, the social theorist Giovanna Procacci says, the task of governing poverty [is] to channel [paupers and the poor] so that they aspire to find their satisfaction through th e means permitted them by the social regime.243 Armed with a destitute policy that suggests a recipient buy a toothbrush once every six months, or furnish their home only with a chair in order to properly receive visitors, this State objective is difficult, if not impossible to achieve. One problem of course with the efforts to keep Old Naledi at the margins is that the people living inside th e area usually arent inc lined to cooperate with the roles and expectations set for them. In thes e final pages then, Id li ke to say a few things about some Old Naledi responses to external e fforts, both formal and informal, to marginalize them from the rest of Gaborone. Moreover, what they told me, along with what I saw, calls into question the idea that Old Naledi is totally cut-off from the wider Gaborone society. Not surprisingly, the internal pictur e is far more complicated, even contradictory, from that painted by the easy simplifications carried by st ories of crime, vice and slums. Filling in the details on behalf of the Old Naledi side of the storywhich in itself is difficult, if not impossible, to get at, since ther e is no single, uniform O ld Nalediis important for another reason. It exposes the potential for possi ble action against or subversion of the establishment. Holston writes of the possibili ty of insurgent citizen ship constructed and 243 Procacci, Social economy and the government of pove rty, p. 160.

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368 practiced outside the totalizing purview of the modernist state. These sites of insurgency embody possible alternative futures by struggl[ing] over what it means to be a member of the modern state,244 or in this case, the modern city. Just as gated communities and shopping malls make possible different citizenship claims, so too, do slums. Though in a place like Gaborone, where the expectations and goals of the State and the shopping mall are more or less the same, the possibilities of the slum carry extra weight Countersites, Holst on concludes, are more than just indicators of the norm. They are themse lves possible alternatives to it. They contain the germ of a related but different development.245 Hopefully, in these last few pages, well see how Old Naledi measures up as a space of subvers ion and insurgency, as an alternative to not only the future, but the now. However much Old Naledi exists on the ec onomic and political periphery of Gaboroneit is not completely severed, of course, because of the movement back and forth of people working in other parts of the citythe linkages to local and world culture and consumerism are far more pervasive and vibrant. By the la te 1980s, for example, there was at least one TV on every street in Old Naledi, meaning that most children of that era viewed kung-fu movies from Southeast Asia and music videos produced in Hollywood. A ccordingly, Old Naledi culture and aspirations changed, down even, to the nicknames people ga ve themselves and their friends: While the preceding generation of young people picked nickna mes like Killer, Jomo, Teenage and Kaizer (for it was a soccer loving generation), the ne w generation would call themselves names like Sexxy, Fresh, Flexxy, Zeco and Busta. The hip-hop er a had come. Infused with images of how the other half lived, there was consequently, a sense of optimism in Old Naledi. For the 244 James Holston, Spaces of insurgent citizenship, in James Holston (ed), Cities and Citizenship (Duke University Press, Durham, NC, 1999), pp. 158; 167. 245 Holston, Spaces of insurgent citizenship, p. 172.

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369 individuals who founded Old Nale di, there was the feeling that upward mobility for their children was possible, if anyone in the family w ould get out of the ghetto move to the suburbs, and drive a fancy car, it w ould be this generation.246 As for conditions these days, the valorization of ghetto life in music and movies continues, though now it has a homegrown influence from groups who have their origins in places like Old Naledi. Groups like the Eskimo s hope through their music to c reate a new meaning for life in the locations.247 Beyond the messages of empowerment offe red by Old Naledi artists, such is the broader popularity of slum iconography that sy mbols, dress and talk of the ghettostreet glamouris the foundation of a comm on fad among youth all around Botswana.248 So while on the one hand, people outside Old Naledi consume the glamorous bits of ghetto culture, a defanged product that harmlessly seeps into wide r Batswana society, what of the previous optimistic attitudes toward the potential for upward mobility? Two women who I interviewed in the central part of Old Naledi summed up the feelings well. Though they dreamed of the day when they might have large suburban house or a car of any year or model, they knew that these wishes would remain outside the realm of possibility. One tells me, We will walk until we die. Today, the longings for consumerism remain, but gone is the optimism. The female bar owner, Mma Makoba, I quoted ear lier who lamented the fact that outsiders dont talk about the poverty in Old Naledi, but only the crime, provides a representative perspective on the dwind ling optimism to be found in the neighborhood. First arriving in Old Naledi in 1970, today she runs a fairly successful shabeen in the Dilines section of Naledi. 246 The information and quotes in this paragraph are drawn from: Motlogelwa, In the heart of the hood, pt. 3, p. 4. 247 Morongwa Phala, Out of the shadows, Mmegi 14 September 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/September/Monday13/7462308801906.html > (2 June 2007). 248 Ibid

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370 While she wouldnt divulge many details of her bu sinessshe was suspicious of my motives for askingI could tell she did well for herself. Pack ed inside her small bar was a pool table, an electronic jukebox and two stand up video arcade gamesone of which, an original Ms. Pacman, renamed Zola Pac, was, speaking as someone who spent way too much time in arcades as a kid, one of my favorite Old Nale di findings. All this, despite th e fact that her prices were exceptionally low: P13 for three Hansas and a Coke, which would barely cover the cost of one drink in any of the fancier rest aurants elsewhere in Gaborone. Ov er the course of our talk, she told me that the government had come around 24 years earlier (anyway between 2001-2003) to discuss possible development and relocation plan s. Since then however, there had been no further word regarding progress or decisions made, and anyway, she didn t believe anything was likely to ever happen. She explained that all th e government needed were unfulfilled plans, since then the government could claim that there were efforts underway to help the poor. They could, in other words, look good without taking any concrete action. In a similar vein, another woman I talked with sarcastically noted that the pipeline is very long in Botswana. When I asked what needed to be done to improve the neighborhood, Mma Makoba, along with most of the other people I asked, listed fair ly simple, basic requests. Flush toilets, paved roads, perhaps street lightingthe same things that other suburbs of Gaborone, such as Phase 2, Broadhurst, or Gaborone West, possessed. For many, the question of flush toilets and indoor plumbing was particularly important, since the c ontinued use of outhouses in Old Naledi was a fact used to make fun of reside nts when they traveled to other areas of Gaborone, an easy way to label them as backwards and of the village. Ye t, while most people claimed they were happy in Old Naledi, and just wanted to know why the government couldnt civilize them where they already lived, many, especi ally the older people who had been there from the beginning, when I

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371 asked if they would leave Old Naledi if given the chance, wanted to move elsewhere. On further reflection, long after I left Gabor one, two things seemed clear a bout this ambivalence. One, older people who were the first Old Naledi settle rs perhaps still believed in the idea of upward mobility, which meant that there was to be a life style progression, that people should start in Old Naledi, but then move to better-off areas of town when they were able. This idea of progress being at the heart of Botswanas development policy, as well as sitti ng at the core of the idealized vision for the new capital of Gaborone For the younger generation though, Old Naledi is all they have knownthis is where they were born, grew up, and thus, they dont necessarily have the strong ties to their home village as their pare nts and grandparents might. Furthermore, there is, a certain am ount of street credibility for Old Naledi youth to be gained by living in Gaborones largest slum. Rather than turn away from labels affixed to them by the circulation of slum-talk, they have, at least to some degree, embraced them as part of their Old Naledi identity. Not to say, of course, that Ol d Naledi youth arent interested in fast cars and nice clothes and new model cell phonesthey ar ebut that their consumer longings are refracted through, added to, a more textured und erstanding of Old Nale di citizenship. But the accumulation of things, though desirable, remains largely unattainable for most of Old Naledis population: German cars, the old pens ioners tractor for the cattle post, even Mma Makobas longed for flush toilets will likely rema in unrealized aspirations for the foreseeable future. Though this doesnt mean that efforts ar ent made to create a modern, consumer space with the tools and resources at hand. My resear ch assistant for Old Naledi, for example, was extremely proud of the clear, plastic bubble-wrap coat and pants outfityes, rest assured, he wore his regular clothes under it he commissioned from an Old Naledi fashion designer. Not only was this a one of a kind item, but also bein g made of plastic and designed to resemble a

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372 typical business suit, it was perhaps, an individual attempt to participate in the realm of Gaborone consumerism and fashion, from which he would have been otherwise shut out. Others see the consumer behavior practiced and lifestyles enjoyed in Gaborone and recognize that it is outside thei r grasp. One interviewee said th at growing up in Old Naledi and seeing the riches possessed by others in Gaborone, it was like going to a foreign country. The people looked perfect, looked smarter [i.e. better dressed, groomed, take n care of] like God loved them more. Or in the words of a Mmegi journalist, Although some of the locations are just across the street from a suburb, to a lot of the township dwellers, it is like looking through a glass caseyou have your eye on a prize and it is right in fr ont of you, but you just cannot touch it.249 There is then, a rupture between aspi ring to this style of living, but at the same time it would unachievable. Consequently, many people I spoke to in Old Naledi valorize their community as being the last bastion of Tswa na culture in Gaborone; they are the keepers of the Tswana flame that has been extinguished else where in Gaborone, where people are so intent on being urban and modern, that they have for gotten how to be Batswana. Activating this criticism is a way to come to terms with thei r unequal structural posi tion in the political and social economy in Gaborone. Through an invers ion of their inequitable socio-economic position their relative inequality holds the hint of a transformative quality, moving from something that marginalizes to something that empowers. The people of Old Naledi, even through the simp le act of referring to their neighborhood as a Village, are making a distinct ion between where they live and the rest of the City. By living in a Village they are able to make the di scursive and imaginative linkage to Botswanas previous rural lifestyles and established cultural traditions. By making these claims, residents of 249 Ibid

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373 Old Naledi suggest that they are more Batsw ana than those who live in other parts of Gaborone, and therefore, are able to make a critique of life outside their home neighborhood. Even their politicians echo this difference betwee n the Village and the City. The founder of the BNF, Dr. Kenneth Koma, had enduring popularity in Old Naledi during his lifetime, as he was seen as the complete opposite of the polishe d, elite dominated officials who represented the BDP. The party founder Dr. Kenneth Koma, Motlogelwa writes, was viewed as a modern day Moses. In Koma, the peopl e of Old Naledi had found someone who was as much an outcast as they were in the social and economic sphere They found Koma to be a very common man. His appearance (crumbled (sic) pants, unlaced shoe s, and overcoats) and a rich Setswana all enamoured him to the residents.250 So while being of the Village is someth ing to denigrate while seeing a movie at Riverwalk or buying clothes at a Game City bouti que, for those in Old Naledi, who dont have access to these things, being from the Village is something to take pride in. Contrasting, for example, Old Naledi to the moneyed suburbs of Gaborone, Motlogelwa concludes that money breeds dishonesty, while in Old Naledi the poverty is honest.251 One friend of mine from Old Naledi for example, claimed that the luxury practiced and paraded around Gaborone made people self-centered. Conversel y, in Old Naledi, the idea of co mmunity was said to be alive and well. A married couple who had lived in Ol d Naledi for nearly four decades expressed the feeling that neighbors will help you with funerals and when you are sick, or when someone is behaving badly, people will teach him or her how to behave properly. Indeed, another person, reversing the slum-talk about Old Naledi, claimed that the reason there was any crime at all in 250 Motlogelwa, In the heart of the hood, pt. 3, p. 5. 251 Tshireletso Motlogelwa, Where the streets have no names, Mmegi 22 October 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/Octob er/Friday22/365689801957.html > (1 June 2007).

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374 Old Naledi was because rich guys from outside come into the area and entice kids to commit crimes for them. According to th e perspective put forth in this s cenario then, the style of living encouraged in Gaborone becomes the source of corrosive behavior in Old Naledi. According to the people who live there, the prim ary strength of Old Naledi is derived from the community bonds that resident s have with one another. I was repeatedly informed that people know their neighbors in the Village, as o pposed what they understood to be the typical practice elsewhere in Gaborone where residents hi d behind their security walls and didnt have any interaction with those around th em. Such neighborly indifferen ce or isolation could be very dangerous I was cautioned, since how would anyone know if I was sick or dying. Mma Makoba offers one final lament about what she sees as the death of Setswana values in Gaborone: You guys are so sad. You borrow only your lives and dont borrow from somebody elses. What she seemed to mean by this was to say that much is lo st by failing to share your life with your friends and those around you and that by turning thei r back on these values, the residents of Gaborone are neglecting what it mean s to be Batswana. Outside Old Naledi, people are criticized for being too backwards, too of-the-village, while for those inside Old Naledi, the feeling seems to be that there is such a thing as too much modernity. The potential for harnessing this alternativ e form of slum-talkwhich like its Gaborone equivalent, suffers from its own generalizations, romanticizations and l ack of specificityinto some sort of action or the establishment of a vi able alternate citizenship seem unclear. On one hand, the valorization of th e Village seems an avenue to em powering new forms of identity or creating space for new forms of imagination or as piration. At the same time, I wonder if overly nostalgic emphasis on the Village is an instrumental device, useful as a way to rationalize or lessen the pain of the widespread structural inequi ties that people in Old Naledi feel powerless to

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375 alter or short-circuit. Similarly, I wonder too about the potential for ch ange when confronted with the pervasive globalized consumer culture and identity powerfully embodied by Gaborone. Because the possibilities remain alluring to so many, mightnt people just as quickly turn their back on the village mentality when given the chance in favor of this new, modern, urban citizenship? Evidence from Chapter 4 on shopping and Riverwalk seems to suggest that this might indeed be the case. Or is a synthesis of the identities offered by Gaborone and Old Naledi possible? In the current climate characterized by a one-sided disseminatio n of rumors, stories, and the beneficial presence of poverty, I would th ink not. For the time being, Old Naledi will remain in Gaborone, but not of Gaborone.

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376 Photographs Figure 6-1. Early design for the new capit al by the Department of Public Works.

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377 Figure 6-2. A close-up shot of the plan shown in 61. Of particular intere st here is the African housing separated from the rest of the town.

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378 Figure 6-3. Old Naledi Gatheri ng and Informal Market, 1971 (Phot o courtesy of Sandy Grant). Figure 6-4. Old Naledi Street, 1971 (Photo Cour tesy of Sandy Grant).

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379 Figure 6-5. Old Naledi Stre et, 2005 (Photo: Steve Marr). Figure 6-6. Old Naledi Market 2005 (Photo: Steve Marr).

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380 Figure 6-7. Old Naledi Market. The billboard promoting condom usage in the distance reads, Even the best ballers take a safe dunk with it (Photo: Steve Marr). Figure 6-8. Old Naledi Market (Photo: Steve Marr).

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381 Figure 6-9. One of two signs posted at the nort h and south edges of Old Naledi along the Old Lobatse Road (Photo: Steve Marr). Figure 6-10. A shot of Old Nale di taken from the overpass that separates the northern edge of the area from the businesses and offices across the road (Photo: Steve Marr).

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382 Figure 6-11. Overlooking Old Naledi (Photo: Steve Marr). Figure 6-12. An early morning at an Ol d Naledi shabeen (Photo: Tshepo Makgasa).

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383 Figure 6-13. An original White City house built to house low-income workers in the last phase of Gaborones initial constr uction (Photo: Steve Marr). Figure 6-14. The still empty Central Business Di strict in the center of Gaborone, with newly constructed government offices in the distance (Photo: Steve Marr).

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384 Figure 6-15. An Old Naledi contractors advert isement articulating the dreams of the residents of Botswanas new capital, 1971 (Photo Courtesy of Sandy Grant).

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385 CHAPTER 7 BORDERS, BOUNDARIES AND PUTTING PEOPLE IN THEIR (RIGHT) PLACE: SHAPING URB AN FRONTIERS IN BOTSWANAS CAPITAL CITY In this final chapter, I would like to offe r some concluding remarks, along with a few theoretical speculations so as to better situat e the politics of urban space in Gaborone. What should hopefully be clear by now is that referenc es to urban space in Gaborone suggest more than concrete locations and phys ical geographyRiverwalk, Old Na ledi, White City, Phakalane. These urban geographiesthe Mall, the Slum the Streetexist al ongside more nebulous, ethereal spaces of discourse and imagination. Perhaps, too, alongside th e abstract, conceptual spaces periodically proffered by government bureau crats and urban planners over the course of Gaborones history in the attempt to create a totalizing utopian vi sion of the city. And while I might note the presence of multiple t ypes of spaces in Gaborone, this is not to imply that they are discrete or have little inte raction with one another. Instead, quite the opposite is true. Each of these various scap esto borrow Appadurais metaphorto varying extents, flows into, merges, supports, complement s, supplements, requires, precipitates, repels, erodes, subverts, the others. Such is their level of entanglement, that it is probably impossible to precisely determine their limiting edge distinguish ing one from the next. How to separate, for example, the space of Riverwalkits shops, corri dors, parking lotsfrom the desires of its consumer inhabitants who perceive themselves as connected to a site, a community, located in some global out there? Or, how to disaggregate the space of Riverwalk from the previous four decades of urban planning, which might consider the mall as the fullest realization, the purest expression, four decades in the making, of Gaborone s modernist aspirations? Or, finally, even isolating the actual locations in Gaborone into some semblance of constituent parts is no easy task. The mall and the slum, places both resp ectable and dangerous, dont make sense when considered apart, in decontextu alized isolation. Th e interaction occurri ng at the points of

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386 connection or intersection, the interplay at th e ambiguous edges and liminal spaces, is worth exploring further. In Gaborone, the mall remain s an incomprehensible space when disconnected from the slum, and vice versa. Because of the disparate nature of the cases and examples provided throughout the preceding text, it is worth attempting to tease out any unifying patterns and themes. Not only to better wrap the ideas and narratives into a more c oherent package, but to more explicitly address the So What? question. The remaining pages will therefore be devoted to addressing the construction of these thresholds, borders, and boundaries that have governed the making of Gaborones urban space in the past and into the present. Before getting too far ahead then, it is worth revisiting the manner in which we have arrived here. In Chapter One, I presented some of th e background particularities of Botswanas democracy and economy. Described by academics and journalists as the African Miracle or an exceptional case in Sub-Saharan Africa even from its earliest post-colonial moments, there has been, in recent years, a reappraisal of the accuracy of these ch aracterizations. Ranging from the structuralincluding the long-st anding and extreme economic disp arities between the wealthy few and the poor majority to the de facto establ ishment of one-party ru leto the episodicsuch as the expulsion of the expatriate University of Botswana political scientist following critical comments made about the current Vice-President, soon to be President sometime during 2008 there is an increasing dissonan ce between the now well-circulat ed conventional wisdom about the successes of Botswana and its durable failures These disjunctures are especially visible in Gaborone. And they are made all the more striking for the fact that they were not supposed to be present.

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387 As a planned city a few years past its fortie th birthday, Gaborone was intended to represent a new kind of urbanity in (Southern) Africa. The image of Gaborone as an engine of transformation seems most apt. On the one hand the new capital was suppos ed to represent, at the height of apartheid, the possibilities of harm onious race relations, to demonstrate that there was no need to construct parallel urban spaces se gregated by race. Instead, Gaborone was to be a model pointing a way forward in the making of cities, founded on principles of unity and mingling, rather than division and isolation. The extent to which this vision was realized is debatable, since while the elites of differing raci al background lived in cl ose quarters, the urban poor and laboring classes were kept at arms length, thereby repl icating urban spatial practices found elsewhere throughout the re gion. By segregating space by economic class, planners effectively segregated Gaborone by race. At the same time, the makers of Gaborone conc eived the capital city as fertile ground from which new, modern, Batswana citizens could be cultivated. As a r eceptacle forthe spatial embodiment ofmodern, Western values, the pe ople of Botswana could begin to unmoor themselves from their traditional, rural, and agricultural past. Gaborone was emblematic of Botswanas future, a city of tomorrow surr ounded by people grounded in yesterday. Actually constructing however, a durable re presentation of these utopian aspirations, proved difficult. Real life tended to outpace the blueprints and rhetoric of the colonial town planners and influential Tswana elites who composed the ne wly independent ruling establishment: migrants came to the city in ever-increasing numbers, money was scarce, there was no place to put the urban poor. These are some of the significant lessons related to the initial founding and planning of Gaborone I discuss in Chapter Two.

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388 Chapter Three outlines some of the foundationa l principles guiding post-colonial urban planning in Gaborone. The shortcom ings embedded in the original conceptualization of the city were evident early on. The soluti on to these problems could be summed up in the answer to the question, What do we do now? Basing their so lution on Botswanas national principles of unity and social harmony, to er adicate some of the most obvious signs of urban inequity and segregation inscribed in the space of Gaborone the now independent government of Botswana, beginning in the 1970s, embarked on a policy of mixed density housing. The basic effect of these new regulations would be to impose residential mandates on newly constructed neighborhoods in Gaborone, Francistown, and la ter, other urban centers in Botswana, by insisting that each new housing project incl ude accommodations for high and low income housing. By forcing geographical integration, the government hoped that social and economic integration would inevitably result. Of course, though, achieving the objectives of what was then su ch a radical proclamation is another matter entirely. Even at the time they were announcedas well as in their later iterationsit was never entirely clear what wa s meant by the term mixed density housing, nor how you could enforce in practice its social engi neering goals. The gove rnment could, in other words, make urban policy, but it couldnt legislate friendship. And indeed, one seemingly unintended consequence of these government ef forts to compress the geography of Gaborone was to propel residents to find alternative sites to differentiate themselves, to distinguish themselves from those they perceive to be soci ally, culturally and economi cally inferior. As I noted above, one of the foundational objectives of Gaborone was to create modern citizens. The achievement of this goal has been the source of much conflict over c itizenship and identity in post-colonial Gaborone, as there has been a c onstant struggle to determine who is a legitimate,

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389 urban resident of the city and who is not. Toda y, places like the mall, the street corner and the slum become the primary terr ains of this conflict. With this in mind, I divide the dissertation into two rough halves. The first half deals with the past, the ideological and physical constr uction of the urban space in Gaborone, and the various formal State interventions that come to frame and define Gaborone. Placed in the context of the history of the cit y, the latter chapters consider the lived experience of urban space in contemporary Gaborone. They juxtapose the in tentions of the plans for Gaborone with what has actually transpired; they point to the legacies of these initial State planning interventions by assessing how they have reverber ated into the present; and perh aps most significantly, the final three chapters demonstrate how the original urge to create a sanctifi ed, segregated urban landscape has endured over the years, modified to fit the needs of today. Whereas in the past, these intentions required official, formalized State action and policy, th ey are now dependent on mechanisms and processes both more informal and organic without any obvious source of external guidance. Following this trajectory, Chapter Four examines the prevalence of conspicuous consumerism in contemporary Gaborone. Thro ugh an ethnography of Gaborones most popular shopping mall, Riverwalk, I argue that consum ptionand its greatest exemplar, the shopping complexconstitutes one of the primary sites of struggle over the construction of urban citizenship in contemporary Gaborone. With so me worry about over-stating things, I suggest that consumption now seems to equate to bei ng modern, being a legitimate, respectable citydweller. In other words, in order to be considered to be properly of the city, or even beyond into the global consumer ether, people need to maintain some sort of dual residency: both in the city and in the shopping mall. Riverwalk, as the se lf proclaimed Shopping Capital of Gaborone, is

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390 a crucial site for the everyday pe rformance of modernity; a place to which elites can withdraw, removing themselves from the mixed density intermingling they might find themselves elsewhere in the city. It is, then, no surprise that the borders between the shopping mall and the reminder of the cityin this case, hawkers stal ls and a combi stopare starkly delineated by a metal fence whose ends taper off into sharpened points. Yet, at the same time, consumerism isnt simply the domain of the wealthy. The practice offers possibili ties for insurgency by disrupting the dominant narrative ab out who is, and is not, a legitimate member of the urban community. For residents of Old Naledi, for ex ample, conspicuous consumption can take the form of a weapon of the weak,1 making it possible to short-circ uit the discursive and symbolic topography of the city, thus providing unimped ed access to non-slum parts of Gaborone. A person equipped with a nice cell phone or automobile or adorned with appropriate fashion accessories, in other words, becomes hard to pl ace, an urban cyborg of uncertain origin. Chapter Five presents another aspect of the territorializing of urban space in Gaborone. But rather than depicting the struggle between elit e residents of the city who seek to limit the membership of the spaces of modernity agai nst those who aspire to enter them, the confrontations unfolding in the editorial pages of Botswanas newspapers, as well as on the streets of the White City neighborhood directly craft th e boundaries over who gets counted as a citizen and who is categorized as a stranger. Because of neighboring Zimbabwes economic collapse and accompanying descent into tyranny ove r the past decade, increasing numbers of fleeing Zimbabweans have entered the country. In Gaborone, the rise in the presence of Zimbabwean migrants is especially noticeable on a few street corners throughout the city where job seekers congregate to look for daily piecework. The heightened visibility of Zimbabweans in 1 James Scott, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday forms of peasant resistance (Yale University Press, New Haven, CT, 1985).

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391 recent years has created increased animosity betw een Batswana and Zimbabweans, hardened the boundaries distinguishing citizen from stranger, while highlighting the governments inability to acteither to create a more efficient and functio nal immigration system or protect Zimbabweans from employer exploitation. The ongoing cat and mouse game between the police and the individuals gathered on the street neither of which seem partic ularly enthusiastic about the performative aspects of the chase, only serves as an explicit daily reminder of the States inability to manage the space of the city or follow through on its quest to better deal with transgressors of urban space. Because of these failures, both Zimbabweans and Batswana have constructed their own guideline s governing the usage of urban spaceto answer the question, who can be where?. This informal boundary making represents an attempt to mark off the space of Gaborone with more distinct, less permeable borders. And finally, Chapter Six incorporates components from each of the preceding sections. It narrates the life of Gaborones ol dest and largest slum. Beginni ng in the colonial period while Gaborone was in the earliest phases of its constr uction, Old Naledi originated as a squatter camp for the laborers employed to build the city. Laying outside the formal city limitsboth in practice and in the original pl anning blueprints for Gaboronethe growth of Old Naledi was neither expected, nor desired. Indeed, it was hope d by many city officials at the time that the workers would leave the area following the constructions conclusion. Though lasting into the mid-1970s, these hopes eventually faded and Old Na ledi finally became an officially sanctioned settlement. Today, it is Gaborones largest, as well as its poorest, neighborhood. And no longer does it reside beyond the bounds of the citya growing Gaborone long ago engulfed the settlement.

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392 Surrounded on all sides by office buildings, a commerce park, i ndustrial sites and Gaborones major dam, the presence of Old Naledi remains a problem for the image of the citys residents. Throughout its existence, Old Naledi has been a blank slatea dumping site for the fears, anxieties, tensions, desire s and longings for residents who lived in other parts of the city. And not only does Old Naledi represent a site of danger and immorality, but it also represents the past. It is a site that exists bot h apart and before the rest of the c ity; Old Naledi is perceived to be a backwards spot emblematic of Botswanas tr aditions and history, whic h has no role, no place, in a modern, developed Gaborone that represents the after in this te mporal pairing. These feelings have been amplified in recent years as Old Naledi-as-slum sits centrally embedded in the urban space of Gaborone. As with the mixe d density housing policy of the government, the terrain of Gaborone is compressedthe supposed binaries of slum and city are confronted with one another every second of every day. At thes e leading edges of intera ction and confrontation, the construction of physical, geog raphic space, takes a backseat to the discursive, symbolic, imaginative realms. To maintain some semb lance of distantand t hus, differenceentire narratives are created about the slum and its inhabitants by outsid ers, and conversely, inside the confines of Old Naledi, counter-narratives are produced that talk abou t the places and people outside the slum. In other case though, both sides take the stark sl um-city, before-after binaries for granted, merely weighing them differently. Conceptualized this way, things like rumor and talk and imagination spatialize the city in ways geography cannot. What happens both behind and within this threshold space becomes cruciall y important for our understanding of the making of urban space in contemporary Gaborone, and, perhaps, urban environments elsewhere in the region and elsewhere on the globe.

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393 The story of urban space in Gaborone tells th e story of the construction of borders and boundaries. From the earliest debates about wher e to put the urban poor to more contemporary concerns about how to best differentiate from th em. In practice, then, Gaborone is a partitioned city. I must emphasize, though, that these borders and divisions arent permanent, durable or impermeable. Instead, they are potentially elas tic, fuzzy, and their contours can change over timeperhaps, for example, the shopping mall will no longer be the urban citadel of modernity and citizenship, but rather these aspirations might someday be exhibited or practiced elsewhere in attempted seclusion. Because of their mutabil ity, Im hesitant to characterize these sites of contact and interaction as borders or boundaries, since that sugges ts something not just hard, but readily verifiable. These spaces in Gaborone arent immediately iden tifiablenot lines on a map or stark distinctions that obviously separa te one place, person or time from another. To account for this ambiguity, I would suggest instead that we employ the concept of an urban frontier. A nebulous zone of exchange, transf ormation and creation that can be crossed, that serves as a conduit connecting different times and realms and spaces. Such an image might better account for older urban planning divisions be tween the high-cost, modern part of the city and its low-cost, slum counterpart the civilized and the savage, in typical frontier terminology. At the same time, the notion of frontier also provides a new way to examine the acts of insurgency, the blurring of spaces and placesreal and imaginedthat have been, and to continue, to shape the making of Gaborone. If the space of Gaborone is dominated by partitions, frontiers can perhaps help us understand what happens at the mome nts of contact, of confrontation, how an individual moves thr ough, and between, one realm and the next. Admittedly, this might seem like an odd asserti on to make. Especially considering that invocation of the frontier brings to mind some thing more along the lines of cattle drives across

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394 vast expanses of land, imperial encounters with the Other, or the imposition of a new hegemonic power over a newly defeated peop le. And of course, too, the fr ontier also suggests the dividing line between the wilderness and civilizationwhere the forces of man conque rs nature. In this sense, the frontier, isnt just a particular placealthough its geogr aphy is uncertain and is likely better grasped intuitivelybut it is also a moment, a period of transition. The frontier can never last long. It is an ephemeral thing: eroded and ev entually ended at one time and place, only to be resurrected or reborn as conf rontations get underway somewhere, some-when else. Further complicating things, is the fact that I am attempting to use the concept of frontier not just in Africa, but also in an urban setti ng. In its conventional us e the frontier seems better suited to applications involving pioneers in wagon caravans heading westward, across the Rockies, perhaps to Oregon, rather than discus sions of slums and shopping malls in a smallish African capital city. Still, at least occasionally, frontier imagery has been used to describe the cultural and social disjunctures present in Botswana. On one level, this comparison is understandable: the western edges of the Kalaha ri are home to cowboys and ranchers and open ranges and enormous herds of cattle. It seems the n, barely a stretch to appl y the term here. Even towns have been characterized as having a frontier feel. In a series of laudatory articles on Botswana in the December 1990 issue of National Geographic, an author describes the northern town of Maun, on the southern fringe of the Okavango delta in the following way: Much of Maun is really an extended village. Music blares from cinderblock speakeasies. Hunters, guides, pilots, and th e drifting human kaleidoscope of a frontier town gather on the terrace of Rileys Hotel, or under the fans of the Duck Inn. It is possible to bog a four-wheel-drive ve hicle in the soft sand of downtown Mauns shopping mall. Every item in its stores ha s traveled 600 miles fr om the South African border along a mostly unpaved road. Such casual chaos binds a startling array of unrepentant individua lists into a loose community of the bush. Theres more than a touch of the Wild West in Maun, where the

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395 Duck Inns proprietress, Be rnadette Lindstrom, can serv e a Swiss fondue with South African wine or punch a deserving hunter off his bar stool, when either occasion demands.2 The standard Western tropes are obvious: ramp ant, rugged individualism; a mish-mash of unsavory characters; a spunky fema le barkeep; a town far from civilization (South Africa), whose desolation is never far from sliding into desperation. Reading like a pulp novel description of any Western town, you could swap out Maun for Tombstone and not miss a beat. So while utilizing the frontier as an adjective might not be entirely foreign to Botswana, with reference to Gaborone, Id like to move beyond these easy conflations. Despite its difficulties, the frontier has much to offer in the story of urban space in Gaborone. Aware of these difficulties, and in spite of them, to bette r illustrate what I mean here, I begin with Tocquevilles 2-week trek into the Michigan wilderness. The Civilized and the Savage? Navigating American and African Frontiers Beginning with Tocqueville seem s a reasonab le place to start, since he provides an exceptionally vivid evocation of the frontier. Tocquevilles journey ta kes him and a companion on two-week trip on horseback across the state of Michigan, to the village of Saginaw, on the shores of what has now long been named Lake Mi chigan. Why Saginaw? At the time of the trip, Saginaw represented the furthest expansi on westward of the American pioneers, it was, Tocqueville wrote, to be considered an outpost, a sort of sentry box positioned by the whites in the heart of the Indian nations.3 Much like Conrads depiction of Marlowes search for Kurtz in the Congo, Tocqueville assumed he would be able to find his way back into the past to conduct a kind of reverse history of the worl d: traveling into the wilderness, he expected to trace a lengthy 2 Douglas B. Lee, Okavango Delta: old Africas last refuge, National Geographic 178, 6 (December 1990), p. 64. 3 Alexis de Tocqueville, translated by Gerald E. Bevan, Two weeks in the wilderness in Democracy in America and Two Essays on America (Penguin Classics, New York, NY 2003), p. 915.

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396 chain whose links stretched from the wealthy c ity patrician right down to the savage in the wilderness.4 After beginning his ride to Saginaw however, Tocqueville admits his assumption was faulty. Instead, he tries to discern, to understand, the sharp line between what he characterizes as the wilderness a nd its civilizational assailant. Contrasting, for example, the destruction and death wrought on the forest by the pioneers axe with the gentle, almost timeless process of decomposition and subsequent reproduction: Several generations of dead trees lie side by side. Some of them in the final throes of their decay appear to ones gaze as only a long tra il of red dust marked upon the grass. Others are already half wasted away by the weather yet still preserve th eir shape. In the midst of these various remains, the work of repr oduction continues without ceasing. Saplings, climbing plants, grasses of all kinds seek the light through all obstacles. Here life and death come face to face; they seem to have wished to mingle and meld together their works.5 Wild, savage nature, in Tocquevilles characteri zation seems eternal, outside history, completely severed from the works and creations of civili zation. Indeed, the only connection between those occupying the wilderness, the frontier outpost, se ems to be the occasional diffuse whisper or story or rumor, resembl[ing] the echo of sound of which the ear can no longer discern either the nature or the source.6 This isolation wont last for long, however. As he remarks during a final canoe journey down a river near Saginaw, a guns hot breaks the silence, inscribing the moment with the knowledge that he may be the last to see these wild places in their original splendor.7 Commentators have continued to lament this pa ssing, the rise of civiliza tion at the expense of wilderness. The trajectory of th is thinking, perhaps culminating in Paul Virilios point that not only has the space of civilization severed our connection to natu re, but that because of the 4 Ibid ., p. 880. 5 Ibid ., p. 907. 6 Ibid ., p. 915. 7 Ibid ., p. 923.

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397 vertical ascendancy of the city, we no longe r even have any connec tion to the ground. To paraphrase Virilio, the hill, t hose earthy mounds of dirt and grass have been supplanted by towers of steel and glass.8 Tocqueville makes two relevant points. On the one hand, he writes qu ite explicitly about the oppositional nature of wilderness and civ ilizationthere is boundary between the two that seems beyond transcending. You can have wilder ness, nature and eternity, or you can have civilization, artifice, and hist ory, but you cant have both. We should not be surprised Tocqueville invokes this pairi ng; an amorphous human artifice falling under the rubric of civilization, and an equally vagu e notion of wilderness, that is seemingly outside the direct grasp of human comprehension, knowable only through oblique, peripheral referenceslike Tocqueville describes, we can onl y know we are in the wilderness when we encounter the grains of red dust that were once living trees, which mark the presence of an uninterrupted nature. In an essay on the origins of the mythology of wilderness, Hayden White notes that these symbolisms have been carried through the variou s moral and intellectual histories of the West, from the Romans and Greeks to the Hebrews and Christians. Like Tocqueville, White emphasizes the ambiguity of concepts like civiliza tion and wilderness. Suggesting that while we might not be able to adequately define them, we occupants of civilization are able to state with certainty that we are not wild.9 Referring to the more recen t history of usage of the conceptualization of wild erness, White goes on to argue that it possesses a certain radical-ness or utopian implication, that it is used as a critique of the corruptions present in the societal status 8 Paul Virilio, translated by Julie Rose, City of Panic (Berg, New York, NY, 2004), pp. 16-17. 9 Hayden White, The forms of wild ness: archaeology of an idea, in Tropics of Discourse: Essays in cultural criticism (The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, MD, 1978), p. 151.

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398 quothere is more than a hint of this, too, in Tocquevilles writingrat her than invoked as a catch-all designation of the unknown.10 And while this might be true in some cases, I would suggest that perhaps something else is occurring in the dynamic interp lay between the Planned City and the SlumGaborone and Old NalediI presented in Chapters Two and Six. In this instance, both in the past and into the present, there remains a boundaryhowever im precisely drawn and permeablebetween the supposedly wild slum and the rest of Gaborone. White writes, The gradual demythologization of concepts like wildness, savagery, and barbarism has been due to the extensi on of knowledge into those parts of the world which, though known about (but not actually known) had originally served as the physical stages onto which the civilized imagination coul d project its fantas ies and anxieties.11 In the urban landscape of Gaborone however, th is frontier mythology is still very much spatialized. As frequently noted elsewhere, Old Naledi still represents an unknown place on the map of Botswanas capital where in some sense, the well-known phrasing of medieval mapmakers still holds true: in Ol d Naledi There be Monsters. Efforts to paint the poor as almost non-human are replicated el sewhere, as well. Writing of the Victorian city in England, urban boundaries not only separated the slum from the civilized, but crossing from one realm to the next blurred the boundaries which separated the human from the animal.12 In Old Naledis winding, unlit and unmar ked streets and pathsits in carnation of urban wilderness you have a manifestation of the fantastical Laby rinth, which White notes is the quintessential 10 Ibid ., p. 177. 11 Ibid ., p. 153. 12 Peter Stallybrass and Allon White, The Politics and Poetics of Transgression (Cornell University Press, Ithaca, NY, 1986), p. 132.

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399 representation of a savage or a wild city,13 the opposite of the knowable and planned space that Gaborone is considered to represent. The second point Id like to make about To cqueville is that he offers a somewhat conflicting view regarding the dichotomous relati onship between civilizati on and wilderness. In particular is his discussion a bout what actually transpires at the meeting point of these two realms. Tocqueville implies that people who re side in this inter-zone between civilization and wilderness become hybrids, mutants who are no longer distinctly of the wilderness (as the Indians, in Tocquevilles formula tion, might have been before cont act with Europeans) or firmly grounded in civilization (as the Eu ropean). Instead, they are somehow transformed by crossing these thresholds, moving from one place to anot her in expressly geographic or physical terms seems to shape mental and imaginative space. Variously, Tocqueville writes of tainted Indians contaminated by contact with Whitesstray offs hoot[s] of a wild tree which has grown from the mud of our towns,14 encounters with strange European men at the frontier borders who have adopted the lifestyle and behaviors of the Indians15 or with members of the population of an unusual race of half-castes whic h inhabit all Canadian boundaries as well as part of the United States.16 Elsewhere he reports on the dichotomous mi ndset of the half-caste occupant of the frontier: the half-caste constitutes a mi xture which is as inexplicable to others as it is to himself. When the images of the world come to be reflected upon his crude br ain, they appear to him as a chaotic muddle from which his mi nd cannot extricate itself. Proud of his European beginnings, he despises the wilder ness; yet he loves the wild freedom that prevails there. He admires civilization and cannot entirely submit to its power. He 13 White, The forms of wildness, p. 170. 14 Tocqueville, Two weeks in the wilderness, p. 877. 15 Ibid ., p. 900. 16 Ibid ., p. 911.

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400 adopts conflicting ways; he prays at two altars. He reaches the end of his career without being able to unravel the da rk problem of his existence.17 While Tocqueville seems to lament the intern al muddle, the ontologi cal dilemma produced by this mental hybridity, the image of straddling both worlds, of movement, of constant transitions within and between them, also offers insight into how we might consider the lines and networks of life in the city, in Gaborone. These conclu sions hint at what might be the real, lived experience of people in the cityas opposed to the more generalized civilization-wilderness spatial overlay described above. The resident of Old Naledi doesnt only inhabit, or even occupy, the space of slum, in spite of efforts to contain her there; similarly, for example, the shopper at the mall, oscillates between Gaborone and the world beyond. Fron tier city spaces act as zones of hybridity, as transformative portals o ffering connections to other places. But I get ahead of myself. In order to flesh out the concep t of frontier, it is worthwhile to explore some of its other occurrences and uses. Not the least of which, is perhaps its most famous iteration in the form of the Turner Thesis, where Frederick Jackson Turner enfolds the history of America into the history of the frontier. The basic gist of the story proposed by Turner towards the end of the 19th century is well known to even passing observers, a nd thus probably doesnt require an expansive summary. In his essay, The Significance of the Frontier in American History, Turner writes that both the particularities, and, perhaps even th e peculiarities, of the American experienceits democracy, the individuality and self-reliance of itscitizens was born out of the frontier. The interaction between the pioneer, the so-called rugged frontiersman, and the landscape had such profound effects, that, Turner in a later essay confidently asserts, American democracy was born of no theorists dream. It came out of the American forest, and it gained new strength 17 Ibid ., p. 919.

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401 each time it touched a new frontier.18 The frontier, as conceived by Turner, is not delineated by any sort of straight line or r eadily identifiable marker s, but rather, can be seen as an ambiguous zone of contact that advances more quickly in some spots, th an it does in other areasa fuzzy boundary of westward expansion that might be seen as a series of crests and crevices overlaid across the map of the United States. Just as Tocquevilles notion of the frontier s uggested the combustible contact of two moral and cultural extremes, Turners conceptualization also hinged on the established binary of civilization and savagery. Bluntly stating, for example, the fron tier is the outer edge of the wavethe meeting point between savagery and civilization19 and that American development has exhibited not merely advance along a single line, but a return to primitive conditions on a continually advancing frontier line. .20 What seems clear in Turne rs interpretation is that the frontier is specifically, and perh aps entirely, embodied in space, and thus carries little of the intellectual or imaginative or identity energies or power dynamics that might be found in other applications of the frontier in th e US and elsewhereindeed the fact that he fails to account for, or address at all, the violence or consequences of conquest that occu rred as a direct result of this expansion stands as one of the main vein s of criticism directed against Turner.21 And though he does suggest that out of the fron tier, America and her citizens emerge forever transformed, even 18 Frederick Jackson Turner, The West and American ideals, in The Frontier in American History (Henry Holt and Company, New York, NY, 1920), p. 293. 19 Frederick Jackson Turner, The significance of the frontier in American history, in The Frontier in American History p. 3. 20 Ibid ., p. 2. 21 For an in-depth survey and analysis of some critical approaches, see: Kerwin L ee Klein, Reclaiming the F word, or being and becoming postwestern, Pacific Historical Review 65 2 (May 1996), pp. 179-215.

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402 after its closure,22 his notion of frontier absent this inter action is completely territorialized. He speaks in terms of geographical barrie rs impeding the progress of expansion23 or how the scale of civilization is indelib ly inscribed on the landscape. That is, to know your physical location on the landscape is to know your leve l of developmentline by line as we read this continental page from West to East we find the record of so cial evolution.24 Klein thus notes that to Turner, The meeting point of savagery and ci vilization represented th e convergence of two chunks of history, the past and the future. Turn er did not empty Native America of people, but he placed it in the past.25 Therefore, the cities of the East ern seaboard representing the apex of civilization and human activity, th e frontier trader and farmer re presenting civilizations first halting steps. But I wonder if we can push these remarks further, since implicit in Turners is the suggestion that the wild, the primitive, the In dian, stand outside history, they are somehow beyond it, and only falling into history the moment th e first tree is felled, the first settler cabin built. Clarifying this bit of nuance is perhaps a minor point. Instead, what is more important, and certainly more relevant here is Turners dua l characterization of the frontier zone. His understanding seems to insist that we define the frontier both in terms of its spatial characteristics, as well as a marker of time. Considering the spatio-temporality of the frontier adds a further dimension to the study of urban space in Gaborone underway here. Thus, not only does the notion of the urban fron tier suggest a confrontation betw een civilization and savagery, 22 Frederick Jackson Turner, The significance of the section in American history, in History, Frontier, Section: Three essays by Frederick Jackson Turner (University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, NM, 1993), p. 94. 23 Turner, The significance of the frontier in American history, pp. 7; 18. 24 Ibid ., p. 11. 25 Klein, Reclaiming the F word, p. 186.

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403 but it also suggests a sometime barrier, sometime c onduit, between the past and the future. The perception that Gaborone exists in multiple fields of time should by now come as no surprise. In fact, much of the history of urban planning in Gaborone has been premised on this idea. The concept city drawn out on paper by Protectorate officials and afterwards has been positioned as existing after the present, at some indeterminat e not-now emblematic of a desirable future. Similarly, Gaborones slums and unplanned settlement s have been contrasted as embedded in the past, relics of a bygone age. Even today, these temporal narratives remain, as residents of Old Naledi describe themselves as living in an urban village and in possession of traditional Batswana values, which are forgotten and ignored elsewhere in Gaborone. It is equally possible to locate this disj unctive time continuum in Gaborones shopping malls, as well. Whereby Riverwalk and the other sites of aspiration are or iented outward in space and forward in time, serving as temporary renunciations of the supposed African-ness or Batswana-ness present everywhere else in the city. At this point, it is probably worth pointing out that the concept of the frontier is not the domain solely of European philosophers or historia ns of the American West in order to relocate the geographical focus of the discussion. Ind eed, the concept of frontier has been employed across a variety of circumstances and geographies within Africa. Some studies have sought direct comparisons between the transformation of the American expansion westward and what appear to similar historical trajectories in Af rica. One collection of essays, for example, juxtaposes the American frontier experience of pioneer conquest with the white trekker/settler movement across South Africa.26 Leonard Thompson and Howard Lamar note the parallel experiences of both frontier locati ons as they describe the ebb and flow, opening and closure of 26 Howard Lamar and Leonard Thompson (eds), The Frontier in History: North America and Southern Africa compared (Yale University Press, New Haven, CT, 1981).

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404 frontier zones across the landscape, along with a sh ared historical chronology of expansion, from the moment of discovery to the movement outward from an original beachhead settlement.27 Though, not without their contrast s, including, for example, the smaller level of European migration to the Southern African frontier, Thompson and Lamar suggest that we need to connect these frontier zones in to a broader, more global context propelled by the requirements of an increasingly worldwide capitalist syst emthough, again this was more true of the American experiencerather than conceiving of them simply as sites of transformation and conflict occurring on a local scale.28 Also bringing the metaphor of frontier to S outhern Africa, Jean and John Comaroff, too, adopt a global perspective in th eir sweeping discussion of cultur al change and interaction along the South African frontier. They argue that no t only was missionary engagement is Southern African critical to the importationthe attemp t, anywayof Victorian morals and quotidian behaviors into this new African terrain, but, at the same time, the encounter with NonEuropeans was central in the de velopment of Western modernity.29 Going so far as to conclude, the colony was not a mere extensi on of a modern society. It was one of the instruments by which that society was made modern in the first place.30 The dialecticto borrow the Comaroffs phraseof creation and blending occurring along the frontier took a variety of forms. Yet, they move beyond the tend ency to privilege the fr ontier as a specifically spatial form, focusing instead on the linkages be tween space and thinking, space and behavior. 27 Howard Lamar and Leonard Thompson, The North Amer ican and Southern African frontiers, in Lamar and Thompson, The Frontier in History pp. 14-15. 28 Lamar and Thompson, The North American and Southern African frontiers, p. 27. 29 Jean Comaroff and John L. Comaroff, Of Revelation and Revolution: Volume 2: the dialectics of modernity on a South African frontier (University of Chicago Press, Chicago, IL, 1991), p. 277. 30 Ibid ., p. 321.

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405 In their frontier zone of contact, it wasnt so much about a conquest of territory or space, but a conquest of minds. By altering the ways in wh ich the Tswana people li ved day to day, from modes of dress to the houses they built and th e furnishings they bought to fill them, British missionaries expected turn them into good Victor ian-era Christians, tran sforming local spaces into Christian scapes.31 Consequently, considered in this context, the closing of the frontier meant something different than the imposition of a hegemonic dominance of one group over another, but instead represented a passage across time, from an African past to a Christian present embodied by the adoption of Vi ctorian principles of domesticity.32 These distinctions however, be tween African and colonial or missionary realms was never so stark in practice. In this work on the dialectics of modernit y, the Comaroffs note the frequent mingling and merging of these two worlds. Pa ul Landau, too, in his history of missionary involvement in early colonial Botswana, dem onstrates that King Khama applied Victorian principles of temperance and prohibition to fu rther his own political and power interests.33 The hybridity and creative possibilitie s emanating from frontier cont act speaks powerfully of the effort to conceptualize this space as an indete rminate, permeable zone of interpenetration34 rather than a definitive line etched across the physical, mental and moral landscape. Other studies have moved beyond the region of Southern Africa to examine frontiers and boundary zones across the whole of Sub-Sahara n Africa. Two decades ago, Igor Kopytoff jumpstarted African frontier studies in his essay on the internal African frontier. In his analysis, 31 Ibid ., p. 293. 32 Ibid ., p. 282. 33 Paul Stuart Landau, The Realm of the Word: Language, gender and christianity in a Southern African kingdom (Heinemann, Portsmouth, NH, 1995). See Chapter Four, Women, beer and the making of a new community. 34 Howard Lamar and Leonard Thompson, Comparative frontier history, in Lamar and Thompson, The Frontier in History p. 7.

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406 Kopytoff doesnt see the frontier as a boundary moving across the African landscape, rather, he interprets the frontier as a encompassing the whole of sub-Saha ran Africa, suggesting that Africa is a frontier continent35 in which established societies were surrounded by large tracts of land that were open politically or physically, both. Together, these tracts made up a continent-wide interstitial network of thousands of potential local frontiers.36 What these frontiers represent is the possibilities of cultural and political repr oduction by providing a fram ework to explain the replication, as well as the con tinuities present across pre and post-colonial African polities. Through the metaphor of the frontier, Kopyto ff shows how new political societies were established, older ones were weakened, subor dinated or perhaps overrun, and the means by which people could make claims to a particular ar ea or territory. As such, the frontier is above all a political fact, a matter of a pol itical definition of geographical space.37 And further, a space that was in some sense constantly under constructionboundaries shifted through expansion or contraction, shriveled and disappear ed, or were eventually segmented and diverted into new frontiers. The map of frontier Africa was, therefore, always in flux. Beyond the movement of people from African metropoles into fron tier areas, the other critical component of the frontier was the en counters with difference, as a zone of interaction,38 that it produced. These interactions produced new hierarchies, new understandings of leadership, ownership (of la nd), loyalty and subjugation as one group attempted to assert authority over the other(s). It was easy to move to a new area, the difficulty 35 Igor Kopytoff, The internal African frontier: the making of African political culture, in Igor Kopytoff (ed), The African Frontier: The reproduction of traditional African societies (Indiana University Press, Bloomington, IN, 1987), p. 7. 36 Ibid ., p. 10. 37 Ibid ., p. 11. 38 David A. Chappell, The nation as frontier: ethnicity and clientelism in Ivorian history, The International Journal of African Historical Studies 22 4 (1989), p. 674.

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407 arose following the arrival of a new group. How to answer, that is, the What now? question. In the context of the African frontier described by Kopytoff, but similar to the justifications used by American settlers and pioneers, African fron tiersmen invoked the imagery of empty land so as to justify their presence.39 On the African frontier, in the pre-colonial period and later, the establishment of these border zones was as much a matter of social construction, of creating a privileged narrative of legitimacyof being firs t in the cases Kopytoff describesas it was anything else. So not only does th e frontier lend itself to the social construction of new societies born out of the fringes of existing polities as Kopytoff notes,40 but they also present opportunities for new hierarchies, as well as relations of inequality and dominance to be forged. Relations on an ever-changing frontier become ultimately ab out birthingand, possibly, the subverting ofa new circulation of power. Others working off of Kopytoff s model have elaborated on th e apparent links between the construction of identity, power and the frontier. Writing of post-colonial Benin, Pierre-Yves Le Meur argues that the imagery of the frontier provides insight into the trajectory of state formation in Benin as it tells us how previously indepe ndent village communities grapple with encounter and otherness that inevitably occurs along frontiers premised on the movement of people.41 Following contact, subsequent efforts to determ ine a scale of autochthonywho is a citizen, who is a strangerseek to embed people in thei r proper place so as to grant specific economic and civic rights as well as social obligations within a shared moral community.42 The frontier 39 Kopytoff, The internal African frontier, p. 25. 40 Ibid ., p. 78. 41 Pierre-Yves Le Meur, State making and the politics of the frontier in central Benin, Development and Change 37 4 (2006), p. 895. 42 Ibid ., p. 896.

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408 boundaries, as suggested here, im plies a certain level of tens ion between in tegration and distinction. In these spaces of confrontation, new hierarchies are crafted as some people assert their position as legitimate occupants of a partic ular location, while others need to struggle for space within a shared moral community. We can read a similar tale of frontier conflict between occupants of the Shangani Reserve and t hose who were forced to relocate there during the colonial occupation of Zimbabwe. Worth no ting in this case desc ribed by McGregor and Alexander, since it points to the specific aspe cts in which these frontier processes unfolded, is that the struggle hinged on a disc ursive and imaginative narra tive in which those who were resettling into the area saw themselves as carrier s of modernity and progress while those already established in the Reserve were deemed traditional and backwards.43 By asserting their higher level of development and civiliza tion, the new arrivals were ofte n able to supplant established customs and authority with their own. In this case, not only did frontier boundaries influence the making of political and cultural communities, but they also conditioned the way in which identity was structured to th e benefit of one group and to th e detriment of another. A more extreme example of the connection between identity and borders occurs along the Nigeria-Benin national boundary in which the frontie r does not exist as an external to a persons identity, but rather that the frontier and ident ity become inseparable from one another. The possibilities for hybridity and for the ability to transgressperhaps transcend?official spatial demarcations of territory, citizen ship and nationality means that individual identity merges with the border. By emphasizing their deep placement as borderlanders, local residents from both nations have forged a border identity that emerges primarily in contexts of exchange across the 43 Jocelyn Alexander and JoAnn McGregor, Modernity and ethnicity in a frontier society: understanding difference in northwestern Zimbabwe, Journal of Southern African Studies 23 2, Special Issue for Terry Ranger, (June 1997), pp. 187-201.

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409 border.44 This is, perhaps, the critical point, as it alludes to the difficulti es of containment along the frontier. While the state tends to move towards simplifications and easily determined understandings of bounded places and people,45 the ambiguities of the frontier provides opportunities for people to move back and forth, fr om where they ought to be, to where they would like to go. This is likely true when speaking of national boundaries such as the border between Benin and Nigeria, as well as the urban landscapes and imagination found in Gaborone. The stark divisions inscribed on the urban planners blueprint ar e never so clearly drawn in practice. At the same time however, it is important to point out that frontier zones arent simply synonymous with the subversion of aut hority or of the state, but rather, are also potentially useful in crafting new forms of state power and sovere ignty. Brenda Chalfins study of cross-border trading in Ghana agrees with th e conceptualization of frontiers and borders as fluid and evershifting, she also suggests that th is instability also provides oppor tunities to the authorities to establish new forms of relationships of power and official dominance.46 The frontier, then, seems to offer possibilities for both insurgency, as well as the furtheri ng of state power and governmentality. Recognizing the presence of these two potentialities means that we cant dismiss the moral, spatial, politi cal divisions inherent in the no tion of frontier and borders. These hierarchies arent meaningless social cons tructions that we can immediately dismiss or wish away, but rather, they do car ry some weight in real life. It does matter to some degree, 44 Donna K. Flynn, We are the border: identity, ex change, and the state along the Benin-Nigeria border, American Ethnologist, 24 2 (1997), p. 325. 45 James Scott, Seeing Like a State: How certain schemes to improve the human condition have failed (Yale University Press, New Haven, CT, 1998). 46 Brenda Chalfin, Border zone trade and the econo mic boundaries of the state in north-east Ghana, Africa: Journal of the International African Institute 71 2, Markets in a New Era, (2001), pp. 203; 219-220.

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410 then, on which side of the frontier you find your self, the civilized or the savage, the gated community or the slum. What is therefore wort h exploring, then, is what determines when one potentiality is activated instead of another. When does the frontier promote insurgency, and when it does it support the official divisions promoted by political a nd economic elites? Having provided a brief review of the frontier concept, what conclusions can we take away from this discussion and subsequently apply to a more specific analysis of the African urban frontiers found in Gaborone. We can identify a fe w trends in the frontier metaphor that seem to be operational in the urban spaces of Botswanas capital city. In the works of Tocqueville and Hayden White, the frontier repres ents a division between the r ealms of wilderness and human society, the chasm between savagery and civilizati on. Tocqueville further adds the caveat that though these divisions are in some sense intractabl e, when the two worlds meet on the fringes, there are opportunities for fusi on, creativity and hybridity. Sec ond, Frederick Jackson Turners notion of frontier in the American west also depends on a similar binary opposition. Though he seems to go one step further by adding a tempor al aspect to his definition, meaning that the frontier exists along two dimensions, as an elem ent of physical and temporal space. These conclusions seem to support Todorovs contention, for example, that the history of encounter occurs along axes of time and space.47 Todorov goes on to say that we have often focused on the spatial axis and its necessary distinctne ss,crossing an ocean by ship, moving across a Southern African plain by cart and horse, moving fr om the slum side of th e street into the proper city on the otherrather than emphasize the te mporal aspect, which is blurred by countless transitions.48 Perhaps, though, in the space of Gabor one, the temporal boundaries are more 47 Tzvetan Todorov, translated by Richard Howard, The Conquest of America: The question of the other (University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, OK, 1984), p. 247. 48 Ibid ., p. 247.

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411 clearly drawn as we move from the map of the concept city to the real city of the unplanned settlement, or, in the edificial form of Gaborone s brightest beacons of the future, its shopping malls. There may still be indiscernible gradations between the plan, the slum and the mall, but at the very least, they provide quite visible signpos ts with which to guide our narrative of lived space in Gaborone. In the African frontier examples two points are worth further elaboration. First, is the notion of dialectic that the Comaroffs employ to describe the sort of interacti on occurring on the Southern African frontier betw een the Tswana people and the European missionaries. Noting this relationship we can see an alternative form of frontier fu sion and hybridity emerging out of these encounters. Furthermore, the frontier im age suggests interdependence in which knowledge of self requires knowledgemisinf ormation?about an other. That is, for example, how is a resident dwelling in the respectab le places of Gaborone to interp ret their own place in the city without making reference to the so-called backward s, primitive, wild landscapes? Or, for that matter, how is a person to even know that they live in the respectable part of the city without a contrast to some less desirable state of affair s? These same tendencies apply in the citizenstranger dynamics occurring on Gaborones White C ity streets, as well as in the conspicuous consumption competition unfolding in the pursui t of the 3 Cs (cash, car, cell phone). And, secondly, the theorizing of Kopytof f and others points to the cr ucial role that frontiers and borders play in shaping identities, hierarchies a nd new dynamics and circulations of power. In the bounded, finite space of the city, drawing distinctions between a center and periphery becomes a matter of everyday practice. And, just as much as these categories exhibit some real quotidian force in support of the political, social and economic establishm ent, the ambiguity and fluidity of these zones makes room for play and disruption within them, as well as in the cracks,

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412 fissures and liminal spaces between them. Th e urban frontier, the n, can both reify the functioning of power, as well as subvert it. Spaces of Aspiration, Liberation and Exclus ion: Making Sense of Gaborones Urban Frontiers The establishment of zones of difference has been a concern of ur ban dwellers, not to mention the State, for probably as long as there ha ve been urban centers. Demonstrative of this tendency to boundary-making, Peter Marcuses survey of the partitioned city moves from the properly divided city conceived by Plato a nd the Greeks to the Fo rdist cityand beyond whose spatial organization is dictated by the requirements of capitalism.49 Elsewhere, writing of the colonial context, Frederick Cooper argues that while European governments attempted to install a neatly ordered, clearly marked social and economic order that set the bounds for both time and space of the African worker population, these efforts were never fully successful.50 Similarly, by the time Friedrich Engels embarked on his tour of urban Manchester, this Victorian city was already functionally divided between th e spaces of work and residence, wealth and poverty.51 More recently, though, others have pointed to a fuller, more successful, if not insidious, imposition of the divided city, such as in the work of Mi ke Davis in his critique of Los Angeles as a starkly drawn fortress city52 or in Loic Wacquants de scription of the American hyperghetto.53 49 Peter Marcuse, The partitioned city in history in Peter Marcuse and Ronald van Kempen (eds), Of States and Cities: The partitioning of urban space (Oxford University Press, New York, NY, 2002), pp. 11-34. 50 Frederick Cooper, Urban space, industrial time, and wage labor in A frica, in Frederick Cooper (ed), Struggle for the City: Migrant labor, capital, and the state in urban Africa (Sage Publications, Be verly Hills, CA, 1983). 51 Steven Marcus, Reading the illegible, in H.J. Dyos and Michael Wolff (eds), The Victorian City: Images and realities, volume 1 (Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1973), p. 260. 52 Mike Davis, City of Quartz: Excavating the future in Los Angeles (Vintage, New York NY, 1992). 53 Loic Wacquant, Deadly symbiosis: when ghetto and prison meet and mesh, Punishment and Society 3 1 (2001), pp. 95-134.

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413 Perhaps, though, the greatest exemplar of th e starkly divided city is today found in postwar Baghdad described in Rajiv Chandrasekaran s book on the site of the government of Iraq, the Green Zone, the Emerald City.54 Equal parts fortress, mini aturized and reconstituted America and perpetual pool party, the Green Zone la rgely stands disconnected and distinct from its surroundings; its walls providing a substantial barrier, insulati ng the (perception of) order and stability inside from the wilderness of chaos a nd violence outside. Even here, though, the spatial barriersnot too mention the realms of space and fantasy also present within those walls, represented for example, by th e prevalence of American fast food eateries and conveniences availablearent impenetrable, but rather, remain susceptible to aerial mortar assaults. The space of the citadel is defensible in two dimensions, not three.55 What this may show is that the construction of totally sanctified, protected space s remains an impossible task, even when the full resources of the world s largest economy and military are called to action. Of course though, the machinery of boundaries requires more than top-down, State interventions, and can just be as effectively created and maintained by more subtle means of informal talk and the performance of everyday li fe. Even so, perhaps th e erection of barriers, rather than stasis and separation, implies move ment and connection. Marcuse aptly notes, The building of walls to create or enforce divisions ma y be as much a reflection of the instability of underlying relationships as of the ha rdness of divisions within them.56 And, conversely, efforts to blur boundaries, as in Ga borones post-colonial move towards mixed density housing, can 54 Rajiv Chandrasekaran, Imperial Life in the Emerald City: Inside Iraqs Green Zone (Alfred A. Knopf, New York, NY, 2006). 55 Virilio makes a parallel point by noting that the locus of control in todays cities resides in the airport. See: Virilio, City of Panic p. 15. 56 Marcuse, The partitioned city in history, p. 15.

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414 organically reproduce borders elsewh ere in an attempt to decompre ss the space of the city that the State tried to force together via the techniques of urban planning. The notion of fluidity across and between spatial frontiers has been increasingly recognized in a wide variety of contexts. Er ic Worby describes the difficulty experienced by authorities in Zimbabwe as they attempted to anchor ethnic groups to a pa rticular location in the process of colonial mapmaking. Despite their inaccuracies, efforts to connect people to spaces continue into the post-colonial period. Worby concludes that t he name on the map still operates to imbue what is in fact an unruly frontier region with the illusory aura of ethnographic and political certainty.57 Speaking of globalization, James Ferguson suggests that modernity isnt simply about a temporal movement during which time Africa moves from developing to developed, but also includes a vertical component of reaching upward and outward.58 This suggests that modernity, along with the aspirati ons and imaginations it induces, are inevitably spatialized in a shifting, elusiv e frontier topography. Carrying th is imagery to its conclusion, Zygmunt Bauman makes the grand conclusion that our current exis tential circumstances are best described by a metaphor of fluidity, as we navigate the era of liquid modernity.59 On the one hand, this spatial liquidity is am enable to the production and maintenance of authority. Again, Bauman is instructive. In one book, he suggests, for example, that mass migration helps to cleanse the machinery of capitalism by labeling peopleimmigrants, strangers, refugeesas disposable humans who ha ve little use now that the world is full.60 57 Eric Worby, Maps, names, and ethnic games: the epistemology and iconography of colonial power in northwestern Zimbabwe, Journal of Southern African Studies 20 3 (September 1994), p. 392. 58 James Ferguson, Global Shadows: Africa in the neoliberal world order (Duke University Press, Durham, NC, 2006), p. 32. 59 Zygmunt Bauman, Liquid Modernity (Polity Press, Cambridge, 2000). 60 Zygmunt Bauman, Wasted Lives: Modernity and its outcasts (Polity Press, Cambridge, 2004), p. 5.

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415 Elsewhere, Bauman writes more directly of the new power engendered by mobility and the transcendence of borders: In th e post-space-war world, mobility has become the most powerful and most coveted stratifying factor ; the stuff of which the new, increasingly world-wide, social, political, economic and cultural hierarchies are daily built and rebuilt.61 In this new world, though perhaps too, in the old one as well, the abili ty to move connotes power as does the ability to consign people to a certain bounded space in an attempt to immobilize them where they are said to belong, on a map, on a blueprint. Based on the Gaborone experience of urban pract ice, it might seem that Bauman goes to far, that mobility across borders and partitions, into and through frontier space, entering one way and coming out transformed upon exit, isnt always employed in the service of hegemonic power. In Chapter Four I relayed the story of my research assistant and the cell phone. I described how upon giving him, this old, bulky, clunky-looking devicethe di gital equivalent of a rotary phonehe lightly chastised me for not just bringing it to him, but for expecting him to use it. He proceeded to explain all the reasons why he couldnt be seen using such a phone. Its by now outdated formbeing one of the first models introduced into Botswananot only implied poverty, the inability to afford someth ing better, it also put him on par with the Zimbabwean immigrant, who might well use such a phone because of its cheap availability. Moreover, by using this older cell phone, peopl e might infer that my friend was backwards, somehow disconnected from the broader univers e of Gaborone, even global, consumers, who had some knowledge of what was cool, who got it, and therefore comported themselves 61 Zygmunt Bauman, Globalization: The human consequences (Columbia University Press, New York, NY, 1998), p. 9.

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416 accordingly.62 Here, ownership of a phone wasnt the primary issue. Instead, it was the need to be seen using it, participating in the public performance of capita lism in the urban theatre of the everyday.63 Although my friend didnt own a cell phone the solution to this dilemma wasnt found in acquiring any old model, since people would witness him using it: the cell phone, the car, etc, becomes a cyborgian extension of th e body in which self and accessory become indistinguishable in some sort of ontological merger. Better not to ha ve one at all, so as to keep onlookers uncertain of your position, both in term s of your proper location in the cityare you a slum-dweller or an ostensible resident of Riverwalk?and your status. Beyond the visible performance of consumption th at was so important in this instance, I would like to suggest one further reason to emph asize the significance of visible consumption, particularly at the supposed periphery of urban space in Gaborone. Public acts of consumption create portals granting access to other parts of th e city. In Igor Kopyto ffs cultural biography of things he offers the possibility that commod itization is best looked upon as a process of becoming rather than as an all-or-none state of being.64 I would like to further this possibility by suggesting that commodities ai d a similar process of becoming in people. Conspicuous consumables function as conduits to elsewhere, short-circuiting the dominant narrative about who/what constitutes a resident of Old Naledi, a Zimbabwean stranger on the streets of White City. Equipped with a stylish phone or stati oned behind the wheel of an X5, a person on the 62 For a parallel account of these types of consumer aspira tions, but with reference to upper class youths in Sao Paulo, please see Teresa P. R. Caldeira s important work on boundaries, demo cracy and urban space: Teresa P. R. Caldeira, City of Walls: Crime, segregation, and citizenship in Sao Paulo (University of California Press, Berkeley, CA, 2000), p. 317. 63 Its appropriate here to mention, in further support of this contention, the girl who explained to me the reason behind this behavior, no one can see if your belly is empty, as well as the pervasive stories of guys in Gaborone owning luxury cars, but living in servants quarters off-stage, to borrow imagery from James Scott. 64 Igor Kopytoff, The cultural biography of things: commoditization as process, in Arjun Appadurai (ed), The Social Life of Things: Commodities in cultural perspective (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1988), p. 73.

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417 margins can cross-over from who or where they are to who or where they would like to be. Aspirations are realizable in a nd along the contours of the urba n frontier, which represents a space of becoming as much as it functions as a space of separation and division. These transitions are rarely permanent, but they do point to the subtle possibilities of insurgency, along with the mutability and adaptability of the boundaries of urban space. The potential for hybridity stored in the inte rstitial spaces of Gaborones frontiers is dangerous to authority, to the establishment of hard and permanent distinctions between people and places. Writing of hybrids straddling the bo unds of high and low culture, but making a point applicable here, Stallybrass and White, tell of th e threat posed by these cultural mutants, they transgress domains, moving between fair, theatre, town and court, threatening to sweep away the literary and social marks of difference at the very point where such differences are being widened.65 In Gaborone, the distinction between tr ansgression and transcendence is entirely relational and is dependent on th e perspective of the person or observer or authority making the judgment. The cell phone and the automobile ha rbor either possibility, as does immigration paperwork. Near the end of Chapter Five, I te ll of an episode in which the police accosted a Zimbabwean friend during one of their periodic sweeps of the White City streets. My friend confidently boasted of her ability to fool th e Batswana policeman by showing him documents obtained in Zimbabwe that author ized her to enter and stay in Botswanawhich is obviously vastly diiferent than carrying papers acquired in Botswana that might say the same thing. By showing the police officer this co llection of papers, she felt that she would be able to pass as a Motswana, if only for the duration of this encount er. And indeed, although the officer examined them, he eventually let us remain where we were and moved on. What this episode demonstrates 65 Stallybrass and White, The Politics and Poetics of Transgression p. 114.

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418 is that even the frontier between citizen and stranger is nego tiable, however ephemeral this transformation might turn out to be. So, while my friend might have transgressed the law by moving outside the discursive-legal space of the i llegal immigrant, she was able to transcend it, if only for as long as we remained stationar y, sitting on the curbside White City stoop. The fluid frontier topography of urban space in African cities has been the subject of previous comment, which provides a more dynami c understanding of the circulation of people and spaces than what might have been earlier available. When, for example, someone could write that working class occupants of a slum exis ted in some sort of absent space disconnected from the rest of the city. Speaking of Manche ster for instance, thus generations of human beings out of whose lives the wealth of Engl and was produced, were compelled to live in wealths symbolic, negative counterpart.66 Similarly, James Scott describes the dark underbelly of the modern city, in which the poorParis, in his exampleare expelled to a peripheral zone, the obverse of the rest of the city, whose insurr ectionary potential must be both isolated and controlled.67 While James Holston explores the presence of squatter shadow communities outside Brasilia,68 noting that the passage between cen ter and periphery is uncompromisingly stark.69 The experiences of other African citie s, including Gaborone, however, suggests a greater amount of dynamism in the ability of people to not only create, but also cross, urban frontiers.70 66 Marcus, Reading the illegible, p. 266. 67 Scott, Seeing Like a State p. 63. 68 James Holston, The Modernist City: An anthropological critique of Brasilia (University of Chicago Press, Chicago, IL, 1989), p. 296. 69 Ibid ., p. 293. 70 In opposition, for example, to the emphasis on emplacement and stability that characterized the urban planning of apartheid cities during the colonial era. See Chapte r Two on the making of Gaborone for further details.

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419 Set against the backdrop of the diamond fr ontier located along th e border contours of Angola and the Congo, Filip de Boeck explains that the frontier landscape provides a physical and [authors italics] mental landscape in wh ich local and global imaginaries meet and, eventually, merge.71 Thus it deconstructs and dissolves stark distinctions between the center and the periphery,72 producing instead a world of fluid margins rather than fixed boundaries. These realms of indistinction seem replicable ac ross the terrains of urban Africa: new spaces of transport carved out by South African taxis brings a transformation of the township from an order of fixity and familiarity to one of eros and unknowability [which] has produced major upheavals and anxieties,73 while the collapse of the state in the Congo has required people subsist, indeed survive, entirel y in and around the margins of a flexible, ad-hoc conglomeration of urban space in Kinshasa.74 And though the transformations may not be as dram atic as in Johannesburg, or as dire as in the Congo, movement, accompanied by urban anxiet ies, still reverberate along the edges of Gaborones frontiers. Who can clai m to be a legitimate resident of the city? Who is modern? Who is backwards? Who is a citizen? A strange r? Who is rich and who is poor? And by what criteria can that judgment be made? These ques tions represent the primary sites of contestation in contemporary Gaboronethough one can trace their trajectories from the citys 1966 founding and perhaps before. The tensions genera ted in pursuit of answ ers seems more intense in recent years, as the answers to them appear to be more ambiguous than in the past. When 71 Filip de Boeck, Borderland breccia: the mutant hero in the historical imagination of a central African diamond frontier, Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History 1 (2000), no page numbers. 72 Ibid 73 Thomas Blom Hansen, Sounds of freedom: music, taxis, and racial imagination in urban South Africa, Public Culture, 18 1 (2006), p. 186. 74 Theodore Trefon (ed), Reinventing Order in the Congo: How people respond to state failure in Kinshasa (Zed Books, New York, NY, 2004).

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420 boundaries are transgressed, trans cended daily, at the most mundane level of everyday behavior, what can difference mean, how can distinctions in status be maintained? Knowing ones place becomes difficult, if not impossible, when all spaces are permeable when cell phones and BMWs and Riverwalk lunches at Nandos and form s of Zimbabwean documentation all represent mechanisms of becoming. If only for a moment urban space and the bou ndaries that define them, are elastic. The city becomes synonymous with fields of insurgencya war zone75in which citizenship is produced, emphasized, elaborated, and defe nded in forms and forums far outside the typical purview of the official state bureaucracy.76 And just as much as those on the margins can struggle for access, for legitimacy, the dominant classes meet the advances of these new citizens with new strategies of segr egation, privatization, and fortification.77 The struggle for urban space in Gaborone amounts to a struggle for recognition aided by the dissolution of the hard and fast boundaries of the concept city in to the ambiguously lived urban frontiers of the quotidian city. In which the spectral city, the con cept city, the real city and all points in-between offer sites of creation and transformation, whereb y the city is the c onjunction of seemingly endless possibilities of remaking.78 The narrative of Gaborone, then, is a story of state planning interven tions, of crafting the urban spaces of geography, imagination a nd discourse. Running parallel toand often 75 James Holston, Spaces of insurgent citizenship, in James Holston (ed), Cities and Citizenship (Duke University Press, Durham, NC, 1999), p. 170. 76 For more on the performative aspect of citizenship in the city, in the context of post-apartheid Johannesburg, please see: Antoine Bouillon, Between euphemism and informalism: inventing the city, in Okwui Enwezor et al. (eds), Under Siege: four African cities: Freetown, Johannesburg, Kinshasa, Lagos (Hatje Cantz Publishers, Ostfildern-Ruit, 2002), pp. 81-98. 77 Holston, Spaces of insurgent citizenship, p. 170. 78 AbdouMaliq Simone, For the City Yet to Come: Changing African life in four cities (Duke University Press, Durham, NC, 2004), p. 9. See also: AbdouMaliq Simone, The visible and the invisible: remaking cities in Africa, in Enwezor et al., Under Siege pp. 23-43.

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421 bisectingthese currents is the informal city produced through practi ces of everyday (urban) life. One version of the city posits hard and impassable distinc tions, the other suggests fluidity, dynamism and change. From the perspective of the poor, urban frontiers present opportunities for insurgency, for inserting themselves more visi bly, and on their own terms, in the urban life of the city, while from the vantage point of elite po pulations, urban frontiers offer a chance to create the idealized, sanctified, defensible spaces in which access is limited and which, for the most part, the official arms of the state have been una ble to provide. The co llision between these two visions of the city, and the ci tizens who make them, demonstrates the possibilities for both liberation and exclusion in contemporary Gaboron e, as well as the anxieties and tensions produced by an urban space that is better charac terized by placelessness than by fixity. Marshall Berman suggests that modernity means to experience personal and social life as a maelstrom.79 Furthermore, he adds, To be modern ist is to make oneself somehow at ho me in the maelstrom, to make its rhythms ones own, to move within its currents in search of the forms of reality, of beauty, of freedom, of justice, that its fervid and perilous flow allows.80 And so it is, too, for the inhabitants of Gaborone who traverse its urban frontiers in these, the years just following the fortieth anni versary of the citys birth. 79 Marshall Berman, All that is Solid Melts into Air: The experience of modernity (Simon and Schuster, New York, NY, 1982), p. 345. 80 Ibid ., p. 346.

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422 REFERENCE LIST OF BOOKS AND ARTICLES Abani, Chris, Graceland (Picador P ress, New York, NY, 2004). Abu-Lughod, Janet L., Rabat: Urban apartheid in Morocco (Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ, 1980). Acemoglu, Daron, Simon Johnson, and James A. Robinson, An African success story: Botswana (CEPR Discussion Papers 3219, Centre for Economic Policy Research, London, 2002). Agamben, Giorgio, Homo Sacer: Sovereign power and bare life (Stanford University Press, Stanford, CA, 1998). Alexander, Jocelyn and JoAnn McGregor, Modern ity and ethnicity in a frontier society: understanding difference in northwestern Zimbabwe, Journal of Southern African Studies 23, 2, Special Issue for Terry Ranger, (June 1997), pp. 187-201. Anderson, Benedict, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism (Verso, New York, NY, 1991). Anderson, Warwick, Excremental colonialism: public health and the poetics of pollution, Critical Inquiry, 21, 3 (Spring 1995), pp. 640-669. Appadurai, Arjun, Modernity at Large: Cultural dimensions of globalization (University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, MN, 1996). Appadurai, Arjun (ed), The Social Life of Things: Commodities in cultural perspective (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1988). Appadurai, Arjun, Spectral hous ing and urban cleansing: note s on millennial Mumbai, Public Culture, 12, 3 (2000), pp. 627-651. Arnold, David, Public health and public power: medicine and hege mony in colonial India, in Dagmar Engels and Shula Marks (eds), Contesting Colonial He gemony: State and society in Africa and India pp. 131-151. Bachelard, Gaston, The Poetics of Space (Beacon Press, Boston, MA, 1994). Baudrillard, Jean, The Consumer Society: Myths and structures (Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks, CA, 1998). Bauman, Zygmunt, Globalization: The human consequences (Columbia University Press, New York, NY, 1998). Bauman, Zygmunt, Liquid Modernity (Polity Press, Cambridge, 2000). Bauman, Zygmunt, Wasted Lives: Modern ity and its outcasts (Polity Press, Cambridge, 2004).

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423 Beaulier, Scott A., Lessons from Botswana: Africas economic dynamo, (The Independent Institute, Washington DC, 2005) < http://www.independent.org/newsroom/article.asp?id=1628 > (27 July 2006). Berm an, Marshall, All that is Solid Melts into Air: The experience of modernity (Simon and Schuster, New York, NY, 1982). Best, Alan C. G., Gaberone: problem s and prospects of a new capital, TheGeographical Review LX, 1 (1970), p. 1-14. Bloch, Ernst, Nonsynchronism and the obligation to its dialectics, New German Critique 11 (Spring 1977), pp. 22-38. Bouillon, Antoine, Between euphemism and informalism: inventing the city, in Okwui Enwezor et al. (eds), Under Siege: four African cities: Freetown, Johannesburg, Kinshasa, Lagos pp. 81-98. Bozzolli, Brenda, Why were the 1980s millenarian ? style, repertoire, space and authority in South Africas black cities, Journal of Historical Sociology 13, 1 (March 2000), pp. 78110. Briggs, Charles L., Theorizing modernity conspi ratorially: science, scale and the political economy of public discourse in explan ations of a cholera epidemic, American Ethnologist 31, 2 (2004), pp. 164-187. Brooks, Lisa Allette, Music and HIV/AIDS in Botswana: Re articulating relationships through song (Yale University, unpublished MA thesis, 2006). Burchell, Graham Burchell, Colin Gordon and Peter Miller (eds), The Foucault Effect: Studies in governmentality with two lectures by and an interview with Michel Foucault (University of Chicago Press, Chicago, IL, 1991). Caldeira, Teresa P. R., City of Walls: Crime, segregation, and citizenship in Sao Paulo (University of California Press, Berkeley, CA, 2000). Carter, Gwendolen M. and Philip E. Morgan (eds), From the Frontline: Speeches of Sir Seretse Khama (Rex Collings, London, 1980). Cline, Louis-Ferdinand, Journey to the End of the Night (New Directions Books, New York, NY, 1983). Chalfin, Brenda, Border zone trade and the economic boundaries of th e state in north-east Ghana, Africa: Journal of the Inte rnational African Institute, 71, 2, Markets in a New Era, (2001), pp. 202-224. Chandrasekaran, Rajiv, Imperial Life in the Emerald City: Inside Ir aqs Green Zone (Alfred A. Knopf, New York, NY, 2006).

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424 Chappell, David A., The nation as frontier: ethnicit y and clientelism in Ivorian history, The International Journal of African Historical Studies 22, 4 (1989), pp. 671-696. Clover, Jenny, Botswana: future prospects and th e need for broad-based development (Institute for Security Studies Pretoria, 2003), p. 2 < http://www.iss.co.za/AF/current/botswanaasep03.pdf > (1 August 2006). Collins, Joh n, Lusaka: the my th of the Garden City, Zambian Urban Studies, 2 (1969), pp. 132. Colloredo-Mansfeld, Rudolf, Architectural cons picuous consumption and economic change in the Andes, American Anthropologist New Series, 96, 4 (December 1994), pp. 845-865. Comaroff, Jean and John L. Comaroff, Aliennation: zombies, immigrants, and millennial capitalism, The South Atlantic Quarterly 101, 4 (Fall 2002), pp. 779-805. Comaroff, Jean and John L. Comaroff, G oodly beasts, beastly goods: cattle and other commodities in a South African context, American Ethnologist 17, 2 (May 1990), pp. 195-216. Comaroff, Jean and John L. Comaroff, Of Revelation and Revolution: Vo lume 2: the dialectics of modernity on a South African frontier (University of Chicago Press, Chicago, IL, 1991). Comaroff, Jean and John L. Comaroff, Naturing the nation: aliens, apocalypse and the postcolonial state, Journal of Southern African Studies, 28, 3 (September 2001), pp. 627-651. Cooper, David, An overview of the Botswana urban class struggle and its articulation with the rural structure: insights from Selebi-Phikwe, in R. Renee Hitchcock and Mary R. Smith (eds), Proceedings of the Symposium on Settle ment in Botswana: The historical development of a human landscape pp. 245-255. Cooper, Frederick, Colonizing time: work rhythms and labor conflic t in colonial Mombasa, in Nicholas B. Dirks (ed), Colonialism and Culture pp. 209-245. Cooper, Frederick (ed), Struggle for the City: Migrant labor capital, and the state in urban Africa (Sage Publications, Beverly Hills, CA, 1983). Cooper, Frederick, Urban space, industrial time, and wage labor in Africa, in Frederick Cooper (ed), Struggle for the City: Migrant labor, c apital, and the state in urban Africa pp. 7-50. Coquery-Vidrovitch, Catherine, The History of African Cities South of the Sahara: From the origins to colonization (Markus Wiener Publishers, Princeton, NJ, 2005). Curtin, Philip D., Medical knowledge a nd urban planning in tropical Africa, The American Historical Review 90, 3 (June 1985), pp. 594-613.

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425 Czegledy, Andre P., Villas of the highveld: a cultural perspe ctive on Johannesburg and its northern suburbs, in Richar d Tomlinson et al. (eds), Emerging Johannesburg: Perspectives on the postapartheid city pp.21-42. Davis, Mike, City of Quartz: Excavating the future in Los Angeles (Vintage, New York NY, 1992). Davis, Mike, Ecology of Fear: Los Angeles and the imagination of disaster (Vintage Books, New York, NY, 1999). Davis, Mike, Planet of Slums (Verso, New York, NY, 2006). de Boeck, Filip, Borderland breccia : the mutant hero in the histor ical imaginati on of a central African diamond frontier, Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History 1, (2000), no page numbers. de Certeau, Michel, transl ated by Steven Rendall, The Practice of Everyday Life (University of California Press, Los Angeles, CA, 1984). de Tocqueville, Alexis, tran slated by Gerald E. Bevan, Democracy in America and Two Essays on America (Penguin Classics, New York, NY 2003). de Tocqueville, Alexis, translated by Gerald E. Bevan, Two weeks in the wilderness in Democracy in America and Two Essays on America pp. 875-927. Demissie, Fassil, Controlling and civilising native s through architecture and town planning in South Africa, Social Identities 10, 4 (2004), pp. 483-507. Denbow, James R., The Toutswe tradition: a st udy in socio-economic change, in R. Renee Hitchcock and Mary R. Smith (eds), Proceedings of the Symposium on Settlement in Botswana: The historical development of a human landscape pp. 73-86. Dirks, Nicholas B. (ed), Colonialism and Culture (The University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, MI, 1992). Dodson, Belinda, Are we having f un yet? leisure and consumption in the post-apartheid city, Tijdschrift voor Economis che en Sociale Geografie 91, 4 (2000), pp. 412-425. Douglas, Mary, Purity and Danger: An analysis of concepts of pollution and taboo (Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1966). Dyos, H.J. and Michael Wolff (eds), The Victorian City: Image s and realities, volume 1 (Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1973). Engels, Dagmar and Shula Marks (eds), Contesting Colonial Hege mony: State and society in Africa and India (British Academic Press, London, 1994).

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426 Engels, Friedrich, The Condition of the Working Class in England (Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1999). Enwezor, Okwui et al. (eds), Under Siege: four African cities: Freetown, Johannesburg, Kinshasa, Lagos (Hatje Cantz Publishers Ostfildern-Ruit, 2002). Fardon, Richard et al. (eds), Modernity on a Shoestring: Dimensions of globalization, consumption and development in Africa and beyond (EIDOS, Leiden, 1999). Ferguson, James, Expectations of Modernity: Myths and meanings of urban life on the Zambian copperbelt (University of California Press, Berkeley, CA, 1999). Ferguson, James, Global Shadows: Africa in th e neoliberal world order (Duke University Press, Durham, NC, 2006). Fincher, David, Fight Club (1999). Flynn, Donna K., We are the bord er: identity, exchange, and th e state along the Benin-Nigeria border, American Ethnologist 24 2 (1997), pp. 311-330. Frederiksen, Bodil Folke, Popular culture, gender relations and the demo cratization of everyday life in Kenya, Journal of Southern African Studies 26, 2 (June 2000), pp. 209-220. Foucault, Michel, Discipline and Punish: Th e birth of the prison (Vintage Books, New York, NY, 1977). Foucault, Michel, The History of Sexuality: Volume 1: an introduction (Vintage Books, New York, NY, 1990). Foucault, Michel, Of other spaces: utopias and heterotopias, in Neil Leach (ed), Rethinking Architecture: A reader in cultural theory pp. 350-356. Foucault, Michel, Society Must Be Defended: Lectures at the College de France, 1975-1976 (Allen Lane, London, 2003). Fugard, Athol, Tsotsi (Grove Press, New York, NY, 1980). Geschiere, Peter and Francis Nyamnjoh, Capitali sm and autochthony: the seesaw of mobility and belonging, Public Culture 12, 2 (2000), pp. 423-451. Geschiere, Peter and Stephen Jackson, A utochthony and the crisis of citizenship: democratization, decentralization, and the politics of belonging, African Studies Review, 49, 2 (September 2006), pp. 1-7. Gewald, Jan-Bart, El Negro, El Nio, witchcra ft and the absence of rain in Botswana, African Affairs 100 (2001), pp. 555-580.

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438 Daily News Gaborone bus ranks eyesore, 4 April 2006 < http://www.gov.bw/cgibin/news.cgi? d=20060404&I=Gaborone_bus_ranks_eyesore > (4 April 2006). Daily News Gaborone to expand into Kweneng, 15 August 2006 < http://www.gov.bw/cgibin/news.cgi? d=20060815 > (15 August 2006). Daily News Intelligence and security bill vital, 14 December 2006 < http://www.gov.bw/cgibin/news.cg i?d=20061214&I=Intelligence_and_Security_Bill_vital > (14 December 2006). Daily News Intelligence bill loose, vague Mabiletsa, 14 December 2006 < http://www.gov.bw/cgibin/news.cg i?d=20061214&I=Intelligence_bill_loose_vague_Mabiletsa > (14 December 2006). Daily News Naledi now to be made a perm anent settlement, 23 April 1976, p. 2. Daily News National unity, respect vital, 2 February 2007 (2 February 2007). Daily News Riverwalk complex to house Pick n Pay, 4 May 2001 < http://www.gov.bw/cgibin/news.cgi? d=20010504 > (2 November 2006). Daily News Squatters haunt Phakalane Estates, 16 November 2005 < http://www.gov.bw/cgibin/news.cgi? d=20051116&i=Squatt ers_haunt_Phakalane_Estates > (2 October 2006). Dingake, Michael, The bill smells more politics than security, Mmegi 14 November 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/November/Tuesday14/4255980721431.html > (14 Nove mber 2006). Dithato, Donny, Gaborone Cllrs condemn anti-immuni sation foreigners, Mmegi 26 May 2004. The Economist Diamond country, 346, 4 April 1998, pp. 53-54. Gabathuse, Ryder, The ghett o that is Somerset East, Mmegi 9 July 2004, p. 6. Gabathuse, Ryder, Illegal immigrants campaign launched, Mmegi 26 October 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/October/Thursday26/997635794793.html > (26 October 2006). Gabathuse, Ryder, The ne w m eaning of window-shopping, Mmegi 13 July 2004, p. 5. Gabathuse, Ryder, Zim cattle rust lers terrorise Bobirwa residents, Mmegi, 22 November 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/November/Wednesday22/2479209671554.html > (22 Nove mber 2006). Gabathuse, Ryder, Zim cattle spread FMD in Botswana, Mmegi 19 May 2004, p. 2.

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439 Gabathuse, Ryder, Zim crim inals give police tough time, Mmegi 7 April 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/April/Wednesday7/238845680850.html > (24 January 2007). Gabathuse, Ryder, Zim rustlers th reaten Botswana cattle ind ustry, Mmegi 13 April 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/April/Tuesday13/2090817271129.html > (27 January 2007). Gabathuse, Ryder, Zimbabw eans terrorise Babirwa?, Mmeg i 6 June 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/June/Tuesday6/746019155871.html > (6 June 2006). Gabotlale, Bester, Bus rank busin ess counts losses after war, Mmegi 6 May 2004, p. 9 Gaothlobogwe, Monkagedi, Brick a ssociation w ants squatters out, Mmegi 9 March 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/March/Thursday9/26647110169 > (9 March 2006). Grant, Sandy, Gaborone: sym bol of independence, Botswana Magazine 1, 2 (no date), pp. 6-15. Khama, Seretse and Arthur Douglas Two views on race relations, Kutlwano, 1, 9 (September 1962), pp. 16-17. Konopo, Joel, AG admits error in Good deportation, Mmegi 12 July 2005 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2005/July/Tuesday12/295147307293.html > (25 January 2007). Kutlwano From Mafeking to Gaberones, 4, 3 (March 1965), p. 2. Kutlwano Old Naledi: a Setswana villag e grappling with urban problems, 38, 3 (March 2000), pp. 12-13. Kutlwano, The word to remember is progress, 4, 3 (March 1965), p. 1. Leagajang, Batlhalefi, Botswanas Roots are Embedded in Land, Botswana Gazette 23 June 2004, p. 3. Lee, Douglas B., Okavango Delta : old Africas last refuge, National Geographic, 178 6 (December 1990), pp. 38-69. Legodimo, Chippa, Kanye residents warned against harbouring illegal immigrants, Mmegi Monitor 15 March 2004, p. 4. Legodimo, Chippa, KDC boss wants to change citizenship laws, Mmegi 10 March 2004, p. 4. Letsididi, Bashi, Corryw rong caste, right script, The Botswana Guardian 19 March 2004. Mabiletsa, Lesego, CKGR row pits uncle against nephew, The Botswana Guardian 19 March 2004.

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440 Maleke, Lerato, Merafhe con cerned about Zim allegations, Mmegi 31 March 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/March/Wednesday31/4493554961732.html > (1 February 2007). Mmegi 16 April 2004, Advertising Insert, p. 2. Mmegi 16 April 2004, Advertising Insert, p. 3. Mmegi 23 April 2004, Style Guide, p. 1. Mmegi Gaborone W est police statio na disgrace, 29 November 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/November/Wednesday29/5836117951446.html > (29 Nove mber 2006). Mmegi Government must ensure equality in land question, 27 September 2005 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2005/September/Tuesday27/122392864409.html > (27 Septem ber 2005). Mmegi Is this xenophobic behaviour?, 13 May 2004, p. 10. Mmegi Learn from the Lesetedi Commission, 29 June 2004, p. 9. Mmegi The neighbourly-burden that is Zimbabwe, 26 October 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/October/Thursday26/9976358061774.html > (26 October 2006). Mmegi Police ill-equipped to wi n war on crim e, 19 May 2004, p. 7. Mmegi This xenophobic behavior must stop, 5 May 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/May/Wednesday5/10680060701279.html> (24 January 2006). Mmegi UNDP crim e report shocking, 28 November 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/November/Tuesday28/5836116621297.html > (28 Nove mber 2006). Mmegi We should act now, 24 November 2006< http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/November/Friday24/58361142723 > (24 Nove mber 2006). Mmegi Whats good for them is also good for us, 6 February 2007 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2007/February/Tuesday6/157.php > (6 February 2007). Mmegi Mon itor There is so much intrigue, 11 July 2005, p. 16. Modikwa, Onalenna, Anti-ille gal immigrant operation starts, Mmegi 6 July 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/July/Thursday6/32695696961777.html > (6 July 2006).

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441 Mohr, Charles, Botswana offers a promising contrast in Africa, New York Times 7 June 1970, p. 2. Molabe, Dichaba, Government could brush communications 101 on CKGR, Mmegi 19 March 2004, p. 10. Mooketsi, Lekopanye, Police nab food vendors in G-West blitz, Mmegi 8 December 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/December/Friday8/733419847722.html > (8 December 2006). Moore, Comrade, Altern atives to the yellow monster, Mmegi 6 April 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/April/Tuesday6/238845590352.html > (15 June 2007). Motlogelwa, Tshirele tso, A life that could have been, Mmegi 6 July 2004, p. 4. Motlogelwa, Tshirele tso, In the heart of the hood, pt. 1, Mmegi 15 June 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/June/Tuesday15/1009491627870.html > (2 June 2007). Motlogelwa, Tshirele tso, In the heart of the hood, pt. 2, Mme gi 16 June 2004, p. 6. Motlogelwa, Tshirele tso, In the heart of the hood, pt. 3, Mmegi 17 June 2004, pp. 4-5. Motlogelwa, Tshirele tso, In the heart of the hood, pt. 4, Mmegi 18 June 2004, pp. 9-10. Motlogelwa, Tshireletso, Of football passions, Mmegi 23 June 2004, p. 6. Motlogelwa, Tshireletso, Old Naledi spawns first kraal of city breed, Mmegi 6 January 2006 < http://mmegi.bw/2006/January/Friday6/819492207632.html> (30 July 2006). Motloge lwa, Tshirelets o, Where the streets have no names, Mmegi 22 October 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/October/Friday22/365689801957.html > (1 June 2007). Nkepe, Shirley, Hum an rights campaigners support children in anti-Polio drive, Mmegi 27 May 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/ May/Thursday27/677378399130.htm l > (26 January 2007). Nkepe, Shirley, The human side of demolitions, Mmegi 30 March 2004, p. 6. New York Times A new life begins in Bechuanaland: Protectorate transforming hamlet into capital, 25 January 1965, p. 80. Nkala, Gideon, BDP to dole out 57 campaign cars, Mmegi 19 April 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/April/Monday19/943789545805.html > (15 February 2008). Nkala, Gideon, Corry finds no lions in the den, Mmegi 18 March 2004, p. 1.

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442 Nkala, Gideon, Intelligence Big Brother is coming, Mmegi 7 November 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/November/Tuesday7/437967177180.html> (7 Novem ber 2006). Nkala, Gideon, Most Batswana live on P12 a day, Mmegi 24 November 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/November/Friday24/583611393977.html > (24 November 2006). Nkala, Gideon and Tuduetso Sets iba, Mogae summons opposition leaders, Mmegi 4 August 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/August/Friday4/1005123522994.html > (4 August 2006). Phala, Morongwa, Out of the shadows, Mmegi 14 Septem ber 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/September/Monday13/7462308801906.html > (2 June 2007). Philips, Barnaby, Im beautiful and HIV-positive, BBC News Online, 3 March 2005 < http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4311807.stm > (27 July 2006). Piet, Bam e, Crime goes down in Naledi, Mmegi Monitor 7 June 2004, p. 12. Piet, Bame, I was forced to have sexwitness, Mmegi 13 November 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/November/Monday13/42559793521.html > (13 Novem ber 2006). Piet, Bame, Intelligence bill meant to avoid security pitfallsSkelemani, Mmegi 12 December 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/December/Tuesday12/7334201411167.html > (12 Decem ber 2006). Piet, Bame, Mogae wants modern chiefs, Mmegi, 2 February 2007 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2007/February/Friday2/83.php > (2 February 2007). Rantao, Paul, Blue print to upgr ade Naledi squalid status, K utlwano, 10, 1976, pp. 8-11. Saleshando, Dumelang, What is the worth of our independence?, Mmegi 8 May 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/May/Monday8/274371337117.html > (8 May 2006). Seboni, Barolong, Long road to independence, Mmegi 15 October 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/October/Friday15/953987629926.html > (1 August 2007). Seboni, Barolong, Motherless city fathers, Mm egi, 8 October 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/October/Friday8/761976391420.html > (1 August 2007). Sereetsi, Tom eletso, F/town police make appeal on rising crime, Mmegi 14 July 2004, p. 5. Sereetsi, Tomeletso, The filth of Francistown, Mmegi 7 July 2004, p. 5.

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443 Sereetsi, Tomeletso, Location of frustrated dreams, Mmegi 22 October 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/October/Friday22/365689781565.html > (28 May 2007). Setsida, Tuduetso, Consult us on landLedum adumane residents, Mmegi 14 August 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/August/Monday14/62510827634.html> (14 August 2006). Setsiba, Tuduetso, Good was terribleMogae, M megi 26 June 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/June/Monday26/10650409261.html > (26 June 2006). Setsiba, Tuduetso, Opposition parties claim ignorance on CKGR, Mmegi, 10 August 2006 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2006/August/Thursday10/4232063021144.html > (10 August 2006). Sipham bili, Meekaeel M., Alarm as Serowe crime wave soars, Mmegi 10 March 2004, p. 6. Siphambili, Meekaeel M., Zim prostitutes: blessing for hot-blooded men in Botswana, Mmegi 15 April 2004, p. 6. Sunday Standard, Botswana, South Africa deport 140,000 Zimbabweans in 2006, police, 29 January 2007 < http://sundaystandard.inf o/print.php? NewsID=929> (29 January 2007). Sunday Standard, Neighbours from Hell, 30 October 2006 < http://sundaystandard.inf o/print.php? =NewsID=593> (30 October 2006). Tutwane, Letshwiti, BNF supports Basarwa relocationMolefabangwe, Mmegi 16 April 2004 < http://www.mmegi.bw/2004/April/Friday16/9437894371144.html > (7 Nove mber 2006). Wish you were here?, BBC News Online 26 April 2005 < http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/magazine/4464293.stm > (27 July 2006).

PAGE 444

444 REFERENCE LIST OF GOVERNMENT DOCUMENTS, NON-GOVE RNMENTAL PUBLICATIONS AND ARCHIVAL MATERIALS Atkinson, G. S. L., Bechuanaland Protectorate, District Commissioners Notice, 7 July 1961 (Collected Files, Crown Lands, Townsh ip; from the Distri ct Commissioner of Gaberones, 1956-1963, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number DCG. 15/13, Gaborone, 1961). Bailey, J. T. A., Republic of Botswana, Memo from J. T. A. Bailey, Commissioner of Police, 19 December 1966 (Collected Files, Squatte rs: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 19662 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, Fi le Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27 Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1966). Bailey, J. T. A., Republic of Botswana, Sav ingram from Commissione r of Police to the Permanent Secretaries of Home Affairs, Local Government and Lands, Labour and Social Services, and the Town Clerk, 10 Ja nuary 1967 (Collected Files, Squatters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 Ma y 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27M inistry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1967). Bechuanaland Protectorate, (Collect ed Files, Alienation of Land: Question of Preventing Sale of Land to Natives in the Gaberones Block, 19361938, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.435/4, Gaborone, 1936-1938). Bechuanaland Protectorate, (Colle cted Files, Beer Halls: Produc tion and Distribution of Local Beer, December 1963-September 1964, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.399/16, Gaborone, 1963-1964). Bechuanaland Protectorate, (Collected F iles, Gaberones HeadquartersHeadquarters Development Sub-Committee Minutes, June 1962-April 1963, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Numb er S.592/10, Gaborone, 1962-1963). Bechuanaland Protectorate, (Collected Files, Gaberones Headquarters: High Density (or low cost) Housing, January-June 1963, Botswana Na tional Archives, File Reference Number S.592/11, Gaborone, 1963). Bechuanaland Protectorate, (Collected Files, Gaberones Headquarters: Town Plan, November 1962-April 1963, Botswana National Archiv es, File Reference Number S. 592/8, Gaborone, 1962-1963). Bechuanaland Protectorate, (Collected F iles Entitled, Gaberones New Town, General Correspondence, 12 August 1963-10 October 1964, Botswana National Archives, Archival Series, Secretariat, Box Number S2, Unit Number S2/7, Gaborone, 1963-1964). Bechuanaland Protectorate, (Colle cted Files, Gaberones Township Authority: Affairs, January 1965-February 1966, Botswana National Archives Archival Series Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department Unit Number MLGL 5, Box Number 24, Gaborone, 1965-1966).

PAGE 445

445 Bechuanaland Protectorate, (Col lected Files, Housing Afri can non-Government Employees: Gaberones New Township, 1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S. 589/9, Gaborone, 1962). Bechuanaland Protectorate, (Collect ed Files, Question of Applica tion of Sanitary Scheme to all Native Townships and Villages, 1934-1938, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.404/1, Gaborone, 1934-1938). Bechuanaland Protectorate, (Collected Files, Town Planning: Gaberones: New Township, 19611962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S .73/3/1-2, Gaborone, 19611962). Bechuanaland Protectorate, (Col lected Files, Town Planning Gaberones, 1947-1960, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.73/2/1 (Folder 1 of 2), Gaborone, 19471960). Bechuanaland Protectorate, (Col lected Files, Town Planning, Gaberones New Township, 1962, Botswana National Archives, File Re ference Number S.74/1, Gaborone, 1962). Bechuanaland Protectorate, (Collected Files, Town Planning Gaberones Village, December 1960-1963, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.73/2/2, Gaborone, 1960-1963). Bechuanaland Protectorate, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Statute Law, Vol. XLVIII (Mafeking Mail, Mafeking, 1964). Bechuanaland Protectorate, Gaberones Township Report (Collected Files, Town Planning: Gaberones: New Township, 1961-1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S. 73/3/1-2, Gaborone, 1961-1962). Bechuanaland Protectorate, High Commissioners Proclamations and more Important Government Notices, from 1st January to 31st December 1934 (Mafeking, 1935). Bechuanaland Protectorate, Housing for the Lo wer Paid Inhabitants of the New Town of Gaberones, (Collected Files, Housin g African non-Governmental Employees: Gaberones New Township, 1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S. 589/9, Gaborone, 1962). Bechuanaland Protectorate, Housing Low Income Group WorkersExtract from the Minutes of the Bechuanaland Protectorate Council Meet ing held in December 1961 (Collected Files, Housing African Non-Government Employees: Gaberones New Township, 1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S. 589/9, Gaborone, 1962). Bechuanaland Protectorate, Legislative Assembly: Official Report (Hansard 14): First Session, Second Meeting: Sittings from 5th to 14th July 1965 (Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 824, Gaborone, 1965).

PAGE 446

446 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Legislative Assembly Official Report (Hansard 15): First Session, Third Meeting, Sittings from 6th to 14th December 1965 (Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 826, Gaborone, 1965). Bechuanaland Protectorate, Legislative Assembly Official Report (Hansard 17): First Session, Fifth Meeting, Sittings from 14th to 21st March 1966 (Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 827, Gaborone, 1966), Bechuanaland Protectorate, Legislative Council Official Repo rt (Hansard 1): Debates of the First Meeting of the First Session of the First Legislative Council: Sittings from 20th and 21st June, and 26th June-3rd July1961 (Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 811, Gaborone, 1961). Bechuanaland Protectorate, Legislative Council Official Repo rt (Hansard 2): Debates of the Second Meeting of the First Session of the First Legislative Council: Sittings from 26th and 27th September, 1961 (Botswana National Archives File Reference Number 328.6883 NAT, Gaborone, 1961). Bechuanaland Protectorate, Legislative Council Official Report (Hansard 9): Third Session, First Meeting: Sittings from 18th to 26th November 1963 (Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 819, Gaborone, 1963). Bechuanaland Protectorate, Legislative Council Official Repo rt (Hansard 12): Fourth Session, Second Meeting: Sittings from 16th to 19th November, 1964 (Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 822, Gaborone, 1964). Bechuanaland Protectorate, Letter to Mrs. E. M. Norman of the Botswana Red Cross Society (Collected Files, Squatters: Gaboron e Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Refere nce Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land A udit Department, Gaborone, 1965). Bechuanaland Protectorate, Meet ing about Shanty Towns Naledi and Ditakana, 26 November 1965 (Collected Files, Squatters: Ga borone Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Re ference Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1965). Bechuanaland Protectorate, Memorandum for Discussion on 6 July: Low Cost Housing, Gaberones 1962 (Collected Files, H ousing African non-Government Employees: Gaberones New Township, 1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S. 589/9, Gaborone, 1962). Bechuanaland Protectorate, Minutes from a Mee ting with the G.S. [Government Secretary], 3 May 1956 (Collected Files, Town Planni ng Gaberones, 1947-1960, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.73/2/1 (Folder 1 of 2), Gaborone, 1947-1960).

PAGE 447

447 Bechuanaland Protectorate, Mi nutes of a Meeting Held in the Courtroom, Gaberones on 20th October 1958, on the subject of the proposed plan for Gaberones Township (Collected Files, Town Planning Gaberones, 19471960, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.73/2/1 (Fol der 1 of 2), Gaborone, 1947-1960). Bechuanaland Protectorate, R acial Discrimination Select Committee, 19 February 1963-23 December 1964 (Collected Files, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.591/1, Gaborone). Bechuanaland Protectorate, Repor t of the Commission Appointed by the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs to Advise on Medical Administration in [the] Bechuanaland Protectorate (Collected Files, Question of Application of Sanitary Scheme to all Native Townships and Villages, 1934-1938, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.404/1, Gaborone, no date). Bechuanaland Protectorate, Sav ingram from Acting Director of Public Works to the Government Secretary, 22 November 1962 (C ollected Files, Gaberones Headquarters Town Plan, November 1962-April 1963, Bots wana National Archives, File Reference Number S.592/8, Gaborone, 1962-1963). Bechuanaland Protectorate, Savi ngram from Acting Director of Public Works to Secretary for Townships, Works and Communications, 20 February 1963 (Collected Files, Gaberones Headquarters: Town Plan, Botswana Nati onal Archives, File Reference Number S. 592/8, Gaborone, 1962-1963). Bechuanaland Protectorate, Savi ngram from the D.C. at Gabe rones to the Administrative Secretary at Mafeking 17 December 1963 (Col lected Files, Beer Halls: Production and Distribution of Local Beer, December 1963-September 1964, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Numb er S.399/16, Gaborone, 1963-1964). Bechuanaland Protectorate, Savingr am from Director of Public Works to the Member for Local Government, Social Services and Commer ce, 24 November 1961 (Collected Files, Town Planning: Gaberones: New Townsh ip 1961-1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.73/3/1-2, Gaborone, 1961-1962). Bechuanaland Protectorate, Summary of Discussions in Government Secretarys Office, 15 May 1962 (Collected Files, Gaberones Headquart ers: Headquarters Development Committee Minutes, 1961-1963, Botswana National Arch ives, File Reference Number S.592/9, Gaborone, 1962). Bechuanaland Protectorate, Visit to JohannesburgMessr s. Matthews and Davies, 18th-21st June 1962 (Collected Files, Housing African Non-Government Employees: Gaberones New Township, 1962, Botswana National Ar chives, File Reference Number S.589/9, Gaborone, 1962).

PAGE 448

448 Bent, R.A.R., Bechuanaland Protectorate, A Mi nute from R.A.R. Bent, Member of Natural Resources and Industries Department to the Secretary for Townships, Works and Communications, Dated April 16, 1962 (C ollected Files, Housing African nonGovernment Employees: Gaberones New Township, 1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S. 589/9, Gaborone, 1962). Botswana Democratic Party, Raising a Nati on: Botswana Democra tic Party: 1962-2002: Commemorative Brochure (Front Pa ge Publications, Gaborone, 2002). Botswana-Harvard AIDS Institute, Ethics: the concept of Botho, Botswana-Harvard AIDS Institute Quarterly 1, 1 (2003), p. 3. Cardross-Grant, P., Bechuanaland Protectorate, Squatters in Gaberones, 11 March 1965 (Collected Files, Squatters: Gaboron e Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Refere nce Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land A udit Department, Gaborone, 1965). Commissioner of Police, Bechua naland Protectorate, Savingram from the Commissioner of Police to the P.S. Ministry of Home Af fairs, 26 August 1965 (Collected Files, Squatters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1965). Commissioner of Police, Republic of Botswana Savingram from Commissioner of Police, Gaberones to P. S. Ministry of Home Affa irs, P. S. Ministry of Labour and Social Services, P. S. Ministry of Local Governme nt, Immigration Contro l Officer, 6 December 1966 (Collected Files, Squatter Proble m, Naledi, 1967-1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number, Divisi on C, HA. 21/19, Volume 1, Gaborone, 1967). Department of Agriculture, Bechuanaland Prot ectorate, Report from the Department of Agriculture to be used for preparation of High Commissioners Speech at the Opening of the Legislative Assembly, 29 June 1962 (Collected Files, Legislative Council Meetings: General Correspondence, State of the Nation Speech, 1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Nu mber S.550/4, Gaborone, 1962). Department of Public Works, Bechuanala nd Protectorate, Gaberones, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Southern Africa, Proposed New Capital City: A Town Planning Architectural and Sociological Study of the Proposal for the Guidance of the Professional Development Team and the Architectural A ssociation School of Tr opical Architecture, Bedford Square, London (Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 1100, Mafikeng, South Africa, 1962). Department of Public Works, Bechuanaland Pr otectorate, Gaberones Ca pital Project: Draft Town Plan Report (Botswana National Ar chives, File Reference Number BNB 1098, Mafikeng, 1962).

PAGE 449

449 Department of Public Works, Bechuanaland Pr otectorate, Gaberones Landscaping (Collected Files, Town Planning: Gaberones: Ne w Township, 1961-1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.73/3/1-2, Gaborone, 1961-1962). Department of Public Works, Bechuanaland Pr otectorate, Low Cost HousingBechuanaland Protectorate, Paper No. 2, 5 April 1962 (Collected Files Entitled, Housing African NonGovernment Employees: Gaberones New Township, 1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S. 589/9, Gaborone, 1962). Department of Public Works, Bechuanaland Pr otectorate, Low Cost HousingBechuanaland Protectorate, Paper No. 2, 4 May 1962 (Coll ected Files, Town Planning: Gaberones: New Township 1961-1962, Botswana Nationa l Archives, File Reference Number S.73/3/1-2, Gaborone, 1961-1962). Department of Public Works, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Town Pl anning LayoutGaberones (Collected Files, Town Planning Gaberones Village, December 1960-1963, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Nu mber S.73/2/2, Gaborone, no date). Department of Town and Regional Planning, Sw edeplan, Republic of Botswana, Physical Planning Handbook for Botswana (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 1997). Director of Medical Services, Bechuanala nd Protectorate, Memo on Gastro-Enteritis Gaberones, 13 October 1964 (Collected Files Entitled, Gaberones New Town, General Correspondence, 12 August 1963-10 October 1964, Botswana National Archives, Archival Series, Secretariat, Box Numb er S2, Unit Number S2/7, Gaborone, 1963). Director of Medical Services, Bechuanaland Protect orate, Savingram to the Member for Tribal Affairs and Social Services, 21 October 1964 (Collected Files Entitled, Gaberones New Town, General Correspondence, 12 Augus t 1963-10 October 1964, Botswana National Archives, Archival Series, Secretariat, Box Number S2, Unit Nu mber S2/7, Gaborone, 1963). Director of Public Works, Bechuanaland Prot ectorate, Low Cost Housing: Bechuanaland Protectorate: An Appreciation by the Direct or of Public Works, Paper No. 1, 22 My 1962 (Collected Files, Town Planni ng: Gaberones: New Township, 1961-1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.73/3/1-2, Gaborone, 1962). District Commissioner of Gaber ones, Bechuanaland Protectorate (Collected Files, Crown Lands, Township: from the District Commissioner of Gaberones, 1956-1963, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number DCG. 15/13, Gaborone, 1956-1963). District Commissioner of Gaber ones, Bechuanaland Protectorate Dispatch to the Principal Health Officer in Mafeking, 22 August 1936 (Co llected Files, Ques tion of Application of Sanitary Scheme to all Native Townships and Villages, 1934-1938, Botswana National Archives, File Referen ce Number S.404/1, Gaborone, 1936).

PAGE 450

450 District Commissioner Gaberones, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Savingram from D.C. at Gaberones to Administrative Se cretary at Mafeking, 17 December 1963 (Collected Files, Beer Halls: Production and Distribution of Local Beer December 1963-September 1964, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.399/16, Gaborone, 1963). District Commissioner Gaberones, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Savingram from District Commissioner of Gaberones (D.A.T. Atkins) to Government Secretary at Mafeking, 9 May 1960 (Collected Files, Crown Lands, Township: from the Di strict Commissioner of Gaberones, 1956-1963, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number DCG. 15/13, Gaborone, 1960). Egner, E. B., Report on a Preliminary Survey of the Bontleng Self-Help Housing Scheme, Gaborone, 28 July 1971 (Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 10,672, Gaborone, 1971). European Advisory Council, Bechuanaland Protec torate, Extract from Minutes of [the] 21st Session of the European Advisory Council, 19-23 October 1936 (Collected Files, Alienation of Land: Question of Preventing Sale of Land to Natives in the Gaberones Block, 1936-1938, Botswana National Archiv es, File Reference Number S.435/4, Gaborone, 1936). European Advisory Council, Bechuanaland Protec torate, Extract of Minutes of the European Advisory Council, 22 August 1938 (Collected Files, Alienation of Land: Question of Preventing Sale of Land to Natives in the Gaberones Block, 1936-1938, Botswana National Archives, File Referen ce Number S.435/4, Gaborone, 1938). Fuller, Charles Edward, A Study of the Squatter Population in Gaberones: Undertaken for the Town Council of Gaberones July-August 1967 (Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 5316, Gaborone, 1967), Gaberones Town Council, Republic of Bots wana, A Housing Problem at Gaberones, Botswanaand a Remedy, 12 December 1967 (Collected Files, Squatters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 May 1968 Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1967). Gaberones Township Executive Officer, Bechuanala nd Protectorate, Savingram from Township Executive Officer, Gaberones to Permanent S ecretary, Ministry of Local Government, 11 March 1965 (Collected Files, Gaberones To wnship Authority: Affairs, January 1965February 1966, Botswana National Archives Archival Series Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department Unit Number MLGL 5, Box Number 24, Gaborone, 1965). Gaborone City Council, Record of the Proceedi ngs of the Workshop Held with the Gaborone City Council on Old Naledi Upgrading Projec t, 24 April 2001 (Gaborone City Council, Gaborone, 2001).

PAGE 451

451 Gaborone Town Council, Republic of Botswana, (C ollected Files, Squatters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1966-1968). GHK International, Gaborone Urban Poverty an d Housing Needs Assessment: Final Report for the Gaborone City Council (GHK International, Gaborone, 1999). Government Secretary, Bechuanala nd Protectorate, Savingram fr om the Government Secretary to: Director of Public Works, Director of Medical Services, Di visional Commissioners North and South, DCs of Gaberones, Fran cistown, Lobatsi, Ghanzi, 24 January 1952 (Collected Files, Town Planning Gaberone s, 1947-1960, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.73/2/1 (Folder 1 of 2), Gaborone, 1947-1960). Haas Consult, Old Naledi: Infrastructure Planning and Engineering Study: Feasibility Report: Executive Summary and Recommendation (Haas Consult, Tlokweng, Botswana, 2002). Hansford, P., Bechuanaland Protectorate, Savingram from the Medical Officer of Health (Dr. P. Hansford) to the Member for Townships, Works and Communications, 14 March 1963 (Collected Files, Gaberones Headquarters: High Density (or Low Cost) Housing, First Half of 1963, Botswana National Archives File Reference Numb er S.592/11, Gaborone, 1963). Headquarters Development Committee, Bechuanaland Protectorate, (Collect ed Files, Gaberones Headquarters: Headquarters Development Committee Minutes, 1961-1963, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.592/9, Gaborone, 1961-1963). Headquarters Development Committee, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Minutes of a Meeting of the Headquarters Development Committee held at Lobatsi, Tuesday 28 May 1963 at 9:30 am (Collected Files Enti tled, Gaberones New Town, General Correspondence, 12 August 1963-10 October 1964, Botswana Na tional Archives, Archival Series, Secretariat, Box Number S2, Unit Number S2/7, Gaborone, 1963). Headquarters Development Committee, Bechua naland Protectorate, Minutes of the Headquarters Development Committee at Gabe rones, 13 June 1962 (Collected Files, Gaberones Headquarters: Headquarters De velopment Committee Minutes, 1961-1963, Botswana National Archives, File Re ference Number S.592/9, Gaborone, 1961-1963). Headquarters Development Committee, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Minutes of the Meeting of the Headquarters Development Committee, Fr iday 14 December 1962 (Collected Files, Town Planning: Gaberones: New Townsh ip, 1961-1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.73/3/1-2, Gaborone, 1961-1962). Headquarters Development Committee, Bechuanaland Pr otectorate, Report of a meeting held at Lobatsi on Tuesday 10th April 1962 (Collected Files, Town Planning: Gaberones: New Township, 1961-1962, Botswana National Archiv es, File Reference Number S.73/3/1-2, Gaborone, 1961-1962).

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452 Headquarters Development Sub-Committee, Bec huanaland Protectorate, Minutes of the Headquarters Sub-Committee, 17 April 1963 (Collected Files, Gaberones HeadquartersHeadquarters Development Sub-Committee Minutes, June 1962-April 1963, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.592/10, Gaborone, 19621963). Headquarters Development Sub-Committee, Bec huanaland Protectorate, Minutes of the Meeting of the Sub-Committee of the Hea dquarters Development Committee, 9 July 1962 (Collected Files, Gaberones Hea dquartersHeadquarters Development SubCommittee Minutes, June 1962-April 1963, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.592/10, Gaborone, 1962-1963). Immigration Control Officer, Republic of Bots wana, Savingram from Immigration Control Officer to P. S. Ministry of Home Affairs, P. S. Ministry of Labour and Social Services, P. S. Ministry of Local Government, Commissioner of Police, 2 December 1966 (Collected Files, Squatter Problem, Nale di, 1967-1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number, Division C, HA. 21/19, Volume 1, Gaborone, 1966). Khama, Sir Seretse, Dr. Q. K. J. Masire, and A. M. Dambe, Development in Botswana: Speeches by Sir Seretse Khama, Dr. Q. K. J. Masire and Minister of Agriculture Mr. A. M. Dambe (The Government Printer, Bo tswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 2121, Gaborone, no date). Large, W. T. W., Republic of Botswana, Savingr am from the Town Clerk [at] Gaberones to All District Councils, Town Council [at] Franci stown, Town Council [at] Lobatsi, 16 April 1968 (Collected Files, Squatters: Ga borone Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Re ference Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1968). Large, W. T. W., Bechuanaland Protectorate, Savingram from the Town Clerk, Gaberones to P. S. Ministry of Home Affair s, 10 January 1966 (Collected Files, Squatters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 May 1968 Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1965). Large, W. T. W., Republic of Botswana, Savi ngram from Town Clerk, Gaberones to Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Local G overnment and Lands, Office of the President, Ministry of Home Affairs, 21 June 1967 (Collected Files, Squatters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1967). Large, W. T. W., Republic of Botswana, Savingram to P. S. Ministry of Local Government and Lands, P. S. Ministry of Home Affairs, Commissioner of Police, Ministry of Commerce, Industry and Water Affairs, 6 January 1967 (C ollected Files, Squa tters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1967).

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453 Large, W. T. W., Republic of Botswana, Savi ngram to the Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Local Government, 2 November 1966 (Coll ected Files, Squatters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1968). Larsson, Anita, Naledi, Gabor one District Plan Proposal, 12 March 1976 (Gaborone Town Council, Gaborone, 1976). Larsson, Anita, Naledi Squatter Area in Gaboron e: First Report to the Steering Committee, 18 November 1975 (Gaborone Town Council, Gaborone, 1975). Larsson, Anita, Survey and Interviews in Na ledi, Gaborone, December 1975 (Gaborone Town Council, Gaborone, 1975). Legislative Council, Bechuanaland Protectorate, (Collected Files, Legislative Council Meetings: General Correspondence, State of the Nation Speech, 1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Nu mber S.550/4, Gaborone, 1962). Masire, Quett Ketumile Joni, Speech by the Honorable Q.K.J. Masi re, Vice-President of Botswana, to Francistown Residents on the 17th May, 1971 (Botswana National Archives, File Reference Nu mber BNB 6785, Gaborone, 1971). Masire, Q. K. J., Bechuanaland Protectorate, SecurityDisturbances Gaberones Township, 9 November 1965 (Collected Files, Squatters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 19662 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, Fi le Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27 Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1965). Mannathoko, R., Republic of Botswana, Lette r from the Botswana High Commissioner in Lusaka, Zambia, R. Mannathoko to Archie Mo gwe, Secretary for External Affairs, 17 January 1967 (Collected Files, Squ atter Problem, Naledi, 1967-1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number Division C, HA. 21/19, Volume 1, Gaborone, 1967). Ministry of Finance and Deve lopment Planning, Republic of Bo tswana, National Development Plan 1973-1978: Part I: Policie s and Objectives (The Gove rnment Printer, Botswana National Archives, File Refere nce Number BNB 2085, Gaborone, 1973). Ministry of Finance and Deve lopment Planning, Republic of Bo tswana, National Development Plan 1976-1981 (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 1977). Ministry of Finance and Deve lopment Planning, Republic of Bo tswana, National Development Plan 7: 1991-1997 (The Govern ment Printer, Gaborone, 1991). Ministry of Lands, Housing and Environment, Ga borone City Council, Department of Town and Regional Planning, Republic of Botswana, Gaborone City Development Plan (19972021) (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 2001).

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454 Ministry of Local Government and Lands, De partment of Town a nd Regional Planning, Republic of Botswana, Broadhurst: Stage Two: Volume 1 (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 1975). Ministry of Local Government and Lands, Repub lic of Botswana, Francistown: First Stage Housing (The Government Printer, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 4501, Gaborone, 1971). Ministry of Local Government and Lands, Re public of Botswana, Francistown: Planning Proposals (The Government Printer, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 4500, Gaborone, 1970). Ministry of Local Government, Lands and H ousing, Department of Town and Regional Planning, Republic of Botswana, Development Control Code, 1995 (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 1995). Ministry of Local Government, Lands and H ousing, Republic of Botswana, Review of the National Policy on Housing (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 1997). Ministry of Local Government, Social Welf are Division, Republic of Botswana, Revised National Policy on Destitute Persons (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 2002). Murray-Hudson, Hugh, Bechuanaland Protectorate Slum ConditionsGaberones, 27 October 1962 (Collected Files Entitled, Gaberone s New Town, General Correspondence, 12 August 1963-10 October 1964, Botswana Na tional Archives, Archival Series, Secretariat, Box Number S2, Unit Number S2/7, Gaborone, 1962). Native Advisory Council, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Minutes of the 18th Session of the Native Advisory Council, 4-6 March 1937 (Collected Files, Que stion of Application of Sanitary Scheme to all Native Townships and Villages, 1934-1938, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Nu mber S.404/1, Gaborone, 1937). Norman, E. M., Letter to the Minister of Lo cal Government, 20 May 1965 (Collected Files, Squatters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1965). Oxfam, Global military spending set to top Cold War high as conflict causes record hunger, 22 September 2006 < http://www.oxfam.org.uk/press/releases/ un_g en_ass220906.htm?searchterm=botswana +military > (2 February 2007). Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Local G overnment and Lands, Republic of Botswana, Savingram to District Commissioners of Mochudi, Molepolole, and Gaberones, 13 January 1967 (Collected Files, Squ atter Problem, Naledi, 1967-1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number Division C, HA. 21/19, Volume 1, Gaborone, 1967).

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455 Racial Discrimination Select Committee, Bechuana land Protectorate, (Coll ected Files, Racial Discrimination Select Committee, 19 Febr uary 1963-23 December 1964, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.591/1, Gaborone, 1963-1964). Renew, Ray, Bechuanaland Protectorate, G aberones Township LayoutScheme B: Survey Branch Submission, 18 May 1962 (Collected Files, Town Planning, Gaberones New Township, 1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.74/1, Gaborone, 1962). Renew, Ray, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Savingr am from the Surveyor-General at Mafeking to the Town Clerk at Gaberones, Regarding Control of Peri-Urban Development at Gaberones, 6 October 1965 (Collected Files, Gaberones Township Authority: Affairs, January 1965-February 1966, Botswana National Archives, Archival Se ries Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Departme nt, Unit Number MLGL 5, Box Number 24, Gaborone, 1965). Republic of Botswana, (Collected Files, Squatter Problem, Naledi, 1967-1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number Division C, HA. 21/19, Volume 1, Gaborone, 1967-1968). Republic of Botswana, Annual Budget Speech 2006 (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 2006). Republic of Botswana, Community Relations in Botswana, with Special Reference to Francistown: Statement Delivered to the National Assembly by his Honour the VicePresident Dr. Masire on Monday 13th of September 1971 (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 1971). Republic of Botswana, Discussions Between Re presentatives of the Botswana and South African Governments on Matters Relating to the Documentation and Movement of Botswana Citizens Between South Africa and Bo tswana and Other Incidental Matters, 6 March 1967 (Collected Files, Squatter Problem, Naledi, 1967-1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number Division C, HA. 21/19, Volume 1, Gaborone, 1967). Republic of Botswana, Gaborone Planning Prop osals (The Government Printer,Botswana National Archives, File Refere nce Number BNB 5340, Gaborone, 1971). Republic of Botswana, Minutes of a Meet ing held on Wednesday, 11 January 1967 at the Ministry of Home Affairs, Gaberones, to Discuss the Squatters at Naledi (Collected Files, Squatters: Gaborone Town Co uncil, 10 August 1966-2 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Numb er MLGL 1 Box 27Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1967). Republic of Botswana, National Assembly Official Report (Hansard 38): Second Session (Second Parliament) Fourth Me eting: Sittings from 13th to 22nd September, 1971 (The Government Printer, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number BNB 1903, Gaborone, 1971).

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456 Republic of Botswana, National Assembly: Official Report (Hansard 54): First Meeting of the Second Session of the Third Parliament, Sittings from 24th November to 5th December, 1975 (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 1975). Republic of Botswana, National Development Plan, 1968-1973 (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 1968). Republic of Botswana, National Development Plan 9: Part IPolicies and Objectives (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 2002) < http://www.sarpn.org.za/documents/d0001172/index.php > (20 August 2007). Republic of Botswana, Report of the Judici al C ommission of Inquiry into State Land Allocations in Gaborone (The Gove rnment Printer, Gaborone, 2004). Republic of Botswana, Report of the Presiden tial Commission on Housing Policy in Botswana (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 1981). Republic of Botswana, Transitional Plan for Social and Economic Development (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 1966). Republic of Botswana, Vision 2016: A Framewor k for a Long-Term Vision for Botswana (The Government Printer, Gaborone, 1997) < http://www.vision2016.co.bw/html/publication s_publications.shtm > (10 April 2006). Republic of Botswana, Central Statistics Office, 2001 Population and Housing Census Table 1.6 Distribution of Population in Ur ban Settlements: 1971-2001 Censuses < http://www.cso.gov.bw > (1 August 2006). Secretary for Townships Works and Communica tions, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Low Cost Housing at Gaberones, 5 April 1963 (Collect ed Files, Gaberones Headquarters: High Density (or Low Cost) Housing, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.592/11, Gaborone, 1963). Secretary Townships, Works, and Communications, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Note by Secretary for Townships, Works and Communi cations on Housing in Gaberones and the Protectorate in General, 22 May 1962 (Collected Files, Housing African nonGovernment Employees: Gaberones New Township, 1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S. 589/9, Gaborone, 1962). Secretary for Townships, Works and Communi cations, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Note on Housing Loan Scheme (Collected File s, Housing African non-Governmental Employees: Gaberones New Township, 1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S. 589/9, Gaborone, 1962). Taylor, A. H., Aided Self-Help Housing, Decem ber 1961 (Collected Files, Town Planning: Gaberones: New Township, 1961-1962, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.73/3/1-2, Gaborone, 1961).

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457 UNESCO, Institute of Statistics, Botswana General Profile < http://www.uis.unesco.org/profiles/EN/GEN/countryProfile_en.aspx ?code=720 > (February 8, 2008). United Nations Development Program, Botswana Human Development Report 2005: Harnessing science and technology for human development (UNDP, Gaborone, 2005). United Nations Development Programme Botswa na, Summary of Anti-Poverty Projects in Botswana < http://www.unbotswana.org.bw/undp/poverty.html> (11 August 2006). Watts, Kenneth, Letter from Kenneth Watts to Ra y Renew of the Department of Public Works in Mafeking, 9 April 1963 (Collected File s, Gaberones Headquarters: High Density (or low cost) Housing, January-June 1963, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.592/11, Gaborone, 1963). Watts, Kenneth, The Planning of Gaberones, th e New Capital for Bechuanaland: Report of an Advisory Visit: January 1963 (C ollected Files, Gaberones Headquarters: Town Plan, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S. 592/8, Gaborone, 1963). Williams, M. R. B., Bechuanaland Protectorate, Memo from P.S. Local Government to P.S. Ministry of Labour and Social Services, 18 June 1965 (Collected Files, Squatters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 Ma y 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27M inistry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1965). Williams, M. R. B., Bechuanaland Protectorate, Squatters within the Gaberones Township, 12 March 1965(Collected Files, Squatters: Gaborone Town Council, 10 August 1966-2 May 1968, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number MLGL 1 Box 27 Ministry of Local Government and Land Audit Department, Gaborone, 1965). Windsor, K. J., Bechuanaland Protectorate, Note on High Density Housing, 26 March 1963 (Collected Files, Gaberones Headquarters: High Density (or low cost) Housing, JanuaryJune 1963, Botswana National Archives, File Reference Number S.592/11, Gaborone, 1963). World Bank Group, World Development Indicators < http://devdata.worldbank.org/wdi2006/contents/cover.htm > (11 August 2006).

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458 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Stephen D. Marr was born in Rochester, Mich igan in 1976. He graduated from Rochester High School in 1995 and the University of Notre Dame in 1999. He began his studies at the University of Florida beginning in August 1999 a nd finished in 2008 after earning his PhD. Stephen currently teaches political scien ce at Haverford College in Haverford, PA.