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A Tale of Two Stages

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0021481/00001

Material Information

Title: A Tale of Two Stages The Shift from Worldly Power to Mythical Origin in Classic Maya Rulers at Tikal
Physical Description: 1 online resource (335 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Crisman, Ulrike Anni M
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2007

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: bar, burials, calakmul, circle, classic, copan, crisman, death, god, green, headband, images, jade, jaguars, jester, journey, kawil, life, living, maize, maizefield, maya, mesoamerica, monuments, mythical, mythology, olmec, origin, palenque, pectoral, power, queen, rebirth, red, rulers, scepter, shell, sites, tikal, underworld, worldy, xibalba
Anthropology -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Anthropology thesis, M.A.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: This study examined Jade ornamentation, Jaguar imagery and the Maize origin to delineate differences observed between ?Living Images? of Tikal rulers and their interment. Following a survey of the cultural context and ancestors, it focuses on the Classic Maya and their consumption of jade. A brief sketch of Tikal then sets the stage for the data collected from excavations at the city. Those are then contrasted among both the monuments for the ?Living Images,? and the burials. Results among the living rulers confirm developments in the paraphernalia and the general absence of the K?awil scepter when the ?double-headed? serpent bar, and vise-versa, was present. Comparison between ?Living images? and burials demonstrated that the most important symbols of worldly power were consistently missing, and instead, the dead ruler was transmuted back to the maize origin of Maya mythology or religion.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Ulrike Anni M Crisman.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.)--University of Florida, 2007.
Local: Adviser: Sassaman, Kenneth E.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2007
System ID: UFE0021481:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0021481/00001

Material Information

Title: A Tale of Two Stages The Shift from Worldly Power to Mythical Origin in Classic Maya Rulers at Tikal
Physical Description: 1 online resource (335 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Crisman, Ulrike Anni M
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2007

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: bar, burials, calakmul, circle, classic, copan, crisman, death, god, green, headband, images, jade, jaguars, jester, journey, kawil, life, living, maize, maizefield, maya, mesoamerica, monuments, mythical, mythology, olmec, origin, palenque, pectoral, power, queen, rebirth, red, rulers, scepter, shell, sites, tikal, underworld, worldy, xibalba
Anthropology -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Anthropology thesis, M.A.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: This study examined Jade ornamentation, Jaguar imagery and the Maize origin to delineate differences observed between ?Living Images? of Tikal rulers and their interment. Following a survey of the cultural context and ancestors, it focuses on the Classic Maya and their consumption of jade. A brief sketch of Tikal then sets the stage for the data collected from excavations at the city. Those are then contrasted among both the monuments for the ?Living Images,? and the burials. Results among the living rulers confirm developments in the paraphernalia and the general absence of the K?awil scepter when the ?double-headed? serpent bar, and vise-versa, was present. Comparison between ?Living images? and burials demonstrated that the most important symbols of worldly power were consistently missing, and instead, the dead ruler was transmuted back to the maize origin of Maya mythology or religion.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Ulrike Anni M Crisman.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.)--University of Florida, 2007.
Local: Adviser: Sassaman, Kenneth E.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2007
System ID: UFE0021481:00001


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A TALE OF TWO STAGES:
THE SHIFT FROM WORLDLY POWER TO MYTHICAL ORIGIN
INT CLASSIC MAYA RULERS AT TIKAL





















By

UJLRIKE A-M. CRISMAN


A MASTER THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

2007










































02007 Ulrike A-M. Crisman





































To Andi Hartmut Esch









ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Foremost I wish to thank Tom and our "kids" for the unending tolerance and support they

gave me over the course of my pursuit of this goal. I wish to pay homage to all the archaeologists

that lived and worked under incredible conditions in their quest for knowledge and the

painstaking accumulation of data that they accomplished. It was their published work that made

it possible for me to undertake this study. Finally, my gratitude goes to both Drs. Murray and

Sassaman for coming to my rescue.












TABLE OF CONTENTS


page


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .............. ...............4.....


LIST OF TABLES ............. ......___ ...............7....


LIST OF FIGURES .............. ...............8.....


LIST OF OBJECT S .............. ...............15....


AB S TRAC T ............._. .......... ..............._ 16...


CHAPTER


1 INTRODUCTION ................. ...............17.......... ......


The Why of the Journey ................. ...............17.......... ....
Me soameri ca ................. ...............19................

Place and its People ................. ............. .. ...............19.....
Jade: General Background on Material............... ...............22


2 THE OLMEC................ ...............32.


3 THE MAYA .............. ...............47....


4 MAYA JADE .............. ...............92....


5 TIKAL .............. ...............124....


6 DATA COLLECTION ............. ....... ...............154...


"Living Images" .........._.._._ ...............154..............
Buri al s ........._ ....... ...............159...


7 RE SULT S AND DI SCU SSION ............... ............. 18


"Living Images" ................ ...............184......... .....
Stelae and Altars ................. ...............185........ .....
Lintel s .............. ...............189....
Monuments .............. ...............190....
Buri al s ................. ...............19_ 1......... ...

Significance .............. ...............197....
Conclusions............... ..............19













APPENDIX


A "LIVINTG IMAGE S" ................ ...............210................


B BURIALS .............. ...............263....


C LIST OF CODES FOR REFERENCES INT TABLES .............. ...............310....


LI ST OF REFERENCE S ................. ...............3.. 11......... ...


BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .............. ...............335....











LIST OF TABLES


Table page


5-1 Li st of Tikal Rulers according to Martin and Grub e ................ ............... 132..........


5-3 List of Tikal Rulers according to Michel ................. ...............140.............

5-4 Comparison of the three lists for rulers of Tikal: sorted by dates, names, and the
place in the 31-known ruler count. ............. ...............142.........__ ..

A-1 Tikal carved monuments: Stelae and Altars. ................ ...............211........... ..


A-2 Tikal carved monuments: Lintels and Stucco-frieze .............. ...............214....


A-3 Jones and Satterthwaite's Conversion Time Table: In Maya Long-Count,
corresponding Gregorian Year, and Ceramic Complexes .............. .....................1

A-1 Tikal carved monuments: Stelae and Altars. ............. ...............258....


A-2 Tikal carved monuments: Lintels and Stucco-frieze .............. ...............261....


A-3 Jones and Satterthwaite's Conversion Time Table: In Maya Long-Count,
corresponding Gregorian Year, and Ceramic Complexes .............. .....................6

B-1 Tikal Burial 125. ............. ...............264....


B-2 Tikal Burial 10 .............. ...............266...

B-3 Tikal Burial 48 .............. ...............271....


B-4 Tikal Burial 195 .............. ...............276....


B-5 Tikal Burial 23 .............. ...............279....


B-6 Tikal Burial 24. ............. ...............283....

B-7 Tikal Burial 116.............. ...............287..


B-8 Tikal Burial 196. ............. ...............296....


B-9 Tikal Burials 77, 8 and 6............... ...............300...

B-10 Similarities between Tikal Burials............... ...............301

B-11 Commonalities between monuments and burials. ............. ...............303....


B 12 Calakmul Burials. ............. ...............305....











LIST OF FIGURES


FiMr page

1-1 Jade funeral mask from Tikal Burial 160. ............. ...............26.....


1-2 Map of Mesoamerica. With some sites mentioned in the text ................. ............... ....27

1-4 Olmec Jades. ............. ...............28.....


1-5 Carved shell pendants. ............. ...............29.....

1-6 Offerings from Aztec Templo Mayor, Tenochititlan. ......___ ..... ... ........._......30O

1-7 Mask from Monte Iban. Oaxaca ................. ...............3.. 1............


2-1 The Olmec colossal heads. A "El Rey" San Lorenzo Monument 1 ................. ...............37

2-2 Mural I from Oxtotitlan Cave .............. ...............38....

2-3 Aztec W warriors. .............. ...............39....


2-4 Painting I-d from Oxtotitlan cave .............. ...............40....

2-5 Olmec gods and Maize. Select symbols identified as Maize and Olmec gods that
display those in their headdresses ................. ...............41........... ...

2-6 Jaguars and Maize ................. ...............42................

2-7 Olmec God I-B............... ...............43..

2-8 Olmec ruler and Maize Ruler ................. ...............44...............


2-9 Olmec-Maya connection. .............. ...............45....

2-10 Olmec jade as part of a European Jewel ................. ......... .......... .......4

3-1 The Maya realm; and the different regions within............... ...............63.

3-2 Maya timeline divided into periods (adapted from Demarest 2004: 12-17). ................... ..64

3-3 The Maya vigesimal system............... ...............65.

3-4 Hasaw/, the 26th Kalomate of Tikal in all his regalia .............. ...............66....

3-5 Cival Stela 2 ........._.___..... ._ __ ...............67....

3-6 Location and details of the San Bartolo frieze. .....__.___ ........_._ ......_._ .......6












3-7 San Bartolo frieze .............. ...............69....


3-8 San Bartolo glyphs. .............. ...............70....


3-9 Political Organization. ............. ...............71.....


3-10 The division of Space ................. ...............72...............


3-11 Maya Worldview. ............. ...............73.....


3-12 The Maya Worldtree. .............. ...............74....


3-13 Lid from Pacal's Sarcophagus .............._ ....... ...............75....

3-14 Modern crosses in ancient color traditions .............. ...............76....


3-15 "Resurrection" Plate............... ...............77.


3-16 Jaguars, Gods, and Rulers ................. ...............78........... ...


3-17 Jaguars and Rulers. ............. ...............79.....


3-18 The splendor and the sacrifice. ............. ...............80.....


3-19 Chichen Itza's seat of power ................ ............... .................. .............81


3-20 Ceremonial bar scepter. ............. ...............82.....


3-21 The primordial hearth and its three stones ................. ...............83..............


3 -22 K'aw/il or Manikin scepters. ............. ...............84.....


3-23 Dos Pilas ruler with K'aw/il scepters. ............. ...............85.....

3 -24 Mask from Tikal burial 85 .............. ...............86....


3-25 Jester God head pieces. .............. ...............87....

3-26 The Ik Pectoral. ................ ...............88.......... .....


3-27 The Bar" Pectoral.. ............. ...............89.....


3-28 Nicknames derived from the form of glyphs. ................ .......... ............ .......9

3-29 The end of an era ................. ...............91...............


4-1 The insignia of rulers at Palenque ................. ...............100........... ..


4-2 Example necklaces and earflare ................. ...............101........... ...











4-3 An eight-strand jade and shell collar from Calakmul ................. .......... ...............102

4-4 Belt masks with plaques............... ...............103

4-5 Head of K'inch Ajaw/ as Jester God. ........._..._.. ...............104..._.._._ ..

4-6 Ruler and Jade. ........._..._.._ ...............105...._._ .....

4-7 Jade, red, and God K. ........._..._.._ ...............106....... ....

4-8 Pectoral's position. ............. ...............107....

4-9 "Mural de las Cuatro Eras", or "Frieze of the Dream Lords" .. .............. ............... ....108

4-10 Mural details from Bonampak. .......... ......... ........ ............... ...............109

4-11 A netted j ade collar worn as either skirt or cape from Calakmul. ................ ................110

4-12 Jade pectoral covered with red pigment from Copan ................. .......... ...............111

4-13 Pacal's Jewels diagram ................. ...............112...............

4-14 Pacal's Jewels picture ................. ...............113...............

4-15 Jade, Tun, Bone, and Completion ................. ...............114..............

4-16 Leyden Plaque image and j ade j ewelry ................. ...............115........... .

4-17 Burial 1 from Structure III at Calakmul ................. ...............116.............

4-18 Jade Funerary and one belt masks from Calakmil. ................ ............................117

4-19 Drawings of the sides of Pacal's sacophagus. ................ ...............118.............

4-20 Vessels from Burial 116 and 196............... ...............119..

4-21 Altar 5 from Tikal; ........... ..120...... .............

4-22 Bone from Burial 116, Tikal, with reference to Calakmul ................ ........... ..........121

4-23 Palenque, Temple of the Inscriptions. .............. ...............122...___ ....

5-1 Stylized core of Tikal ............ ..... ._ ...............145..

5-2 Part of the Great Plaza; with Temple I's back facing. ......____ ........__ ..............146

5-3 Tikal's Central Acropolis, Great Plaza and North Acropolis............... ...............14

5-4 Schematic drawing of the Great Plaza and the surrounding buildings ..........................148




10











5-5 Temple II now and then ................ ...............149..............

5-6 Temple 33, Tikal ................. ...............150......... .....

5-7 List of Tikal Rulers by Ferguson and Royce ................ ...............151........... .

5-8 List of Tikal Rulers by Jones and Satterwaite .............. .....................152

5-9 Jade sculpture, possibly "Curl Nose"............. ...............153.

6-1 Name glyphs. ............. ...............164....

6-2 Stelae not used in this study ................. ...............165........... ..

6-3 Calakmul Stela 114, AD 431. .......................... ........167

6-4 Calakmul Stela 51, AD 471. ............. ...............168....

6-5 Calakmul Stelae 43 and 9. ............. ...............169....


6-6 Limestone tablet, panel, and God III from Palenque. ................... ................7

6-7 Schematic drawing of the multiple layers that support the final configuration of the
North Acropolis .............. ...............171....

6-8 The Red Queen of Palenque ................. ...............172..............

6-9 Jade pendant from Burial 77. ............. ...............173....

6-10 Three of the four "Paddler" bones.. ............ ...............174 ............ ...

6-11 Palace scenes and different dresscodes ................. ...............175..............

6-12 Vessels from Bu 116 ................. ...............176........... ..


6-13 The "Hummingbird" Vase from Bu 196............... ...............177..

6-14 Yax Nuun Ayiin II, 29th ruler of Tikal, .............. .....................178

6-15 The fusion between Teotihuacan and Maya elements. .................. ...............17

6-17 Late Classic Vessel. Imix-Complex, AD 692-889............... ...............181

6-18 Vessels from Tikal butial 196. ............. ...............182....


6-19 One of four wooden K 'aw/il, ................. ...............183.......... ..

7-1 Je ster God headb acks, details from stel ae ................. ...............202...........

7-2 Tikal Altar 19 and detail ............. ..............203.....












7-3 Details from Lintel 3, Temple IV .............. ...............204....


7-4 Jade: marker of Maize God and his field. ......___ ......._.... ...............205.


7-5 Copan Burial VIII-36................ ...............20


7-6 Sl ate K'aw/il.. ................ ...............207................


7.7 K'aw/il scepter made from white stone believed to be albite ................. .....................208


7-8 Artist's rendition of a jaguar sacrifice ................ ...............209.............


A-1 Tikal Stela 29. ............. ...............217....


A-2 The front of the Leyden Plaque. ................ ...............218........... ..


A-3 Tikal Stela 36 .............. ...............219....


A-4 Uolantun Stela 1............... ...............220...


A-5 Tikal Stela 1. ............. ...............221....


A-7 Tikal Stela 40. ............. ...............223....


A-8 Tikal Stela 2. ............. ...............224....


A-9 Tikal Stela 13. ............. ...............225....


A-10 Tikal Stela 9.. ............ ...............226.....


A-11 Tikal Stela 3................ ...................... .................. ..................227


A-12 Tikal Altar 3 ......._ ......... ___ ........._ ....__ ....__ ....__ .......228


A-13 Tikal Stela 7. ............. ...............229....


A-14 Tikal Stela 27. ............. ...............230....


A-15 Tikal Stela 8. ............._ ...............231____ .....


A-16 Tikal Stela 6. ............. ...............232....


A-17 Tikal Stela 25. ............. ...............233....


A-18 Tikal Stela 23 ........__......... ........._ ....__ ....__ ....__ .......234


A-19 Tikal Stela 12.. ............ ...............235.....


A-20 Tikal Stela 10.. ............ ...............236.....





12












A-21 Tikal Stela 17. ............. ...............237....


A-22 Tikal Stela 30. ............. ...............238....


A-23 Tikal Stela 16; and schematic drawing,originally by W.R. Coe............... ..................23


A-24 Tikal Temple I, Lintel 2............... ...............241...


A-25 Tikal Temple I, Lintel 3 .............. ...............242....


A-26 Tikal Structure 5D-57. Top, Ha~saw/ Chan K'aw/il, 26th Kalomate, in Tlaloc-Venus
battle dress presents the important captive, the ruler of Calakmul, as his prisoner .........243


A-28 Tikal Stela 21.. ............ ...............245.....


A-32 Tikal Stela 5. ............. ...............249....


A-33 Tikal Stela 20. ............. ...............250....


A-34 Tikal Stela 22. ................ ...............251...............


A-3 5 Tikal Stela 19. ............. ...............252....


A-36 Tikal Temple III, Lintel 2. ............. ...............253....


A-37 Ixlu Stela 1 .............. ...............254....


A-3 8 Tikal Stela 1 1.............. ...............255....


A-39 Jimbal Stela 1.............. ...............256...


A-40 Ixlu Stela 2. ............. ...............257....


B-2 Tikal Burial 10 .............. ...............265...


B-3 Incense burner of old god with belt-mask in his hands from Bu 10 ................ ...............268


B-4 Examples of eccentric flints, note the human faces ................. ................. ....___.269


B-5 Tikal Burial 48 .............. ...............270....


B-6 Example vessels from Bu 48............... ...............273..


B-7 North-wall of burial chamber 48. ............. ...... ___ ...............274.


B-8 Tikal Burial 195 .............. ...............275....


B-9 Tikal Burial 23. ................ ....__ ....._ ....__ ....___ ............. ...278


B-10 Vessel from Bu 23 ............ ..............28 1.....











B-11 Tikal Burial 24 .............. ...............282....

B-12 Tikal Burial 116.............. ...............285..


B-13 Jade figurine from Bu 116. ............. ...............290....

B-14 Various incised or carved bones from Bu 116............... ...............291..


B-15 Tikal Burial 196;.. ...293.................

B-16 Jade from Bu 196.. ............. ...............299....


B-17 The three jade plaques, each with a hieroglyphic couplet from Burial 1, Structure III
at Calakmul. ............. ...............308....


B-18 Vessel 8 with ruler's portrait from Burial 1, Structure III at Calakmul. ..........................309
















































14










LIST OF OBJECTS


obiet page

A-1 Table A-5 Listing all. Tikal "living image" Jade from Stelae, Altars, Lintels, and
Stucco-frieze .............. ...............216....









Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Master of Sciences and Liberal Arts

A TALE OF TWO STAGES:
THE SHIFT FROM WORLDLY POWER TO MYTHICAL ORIGIN
INT CLASSIC MAYA RULERS AT TIKAL

By

Ulrike A-M. Crisman

August 2007

Chair: Kenneth E. Sassaman
Cochair: Gerald F. Murray
Major: Anthropology

This study examined Jade ornamentation, Jaguar imagery and the Maize origin to delineate

differences observed between "Living Images" of Tikal rulers and their interment. Following a

survey of the cultural context and ancestors, it focuses on the Classic Maya and their

consumption of j ade. A brief sketch of Tikal then sets the stage for the data collected from

excavations at the city. Those are then contrasted among both the monuments for the "Living

Images," and the burials. Results among the living rulers confirm developments in the

paraphernalia and the general absence of the K 'aw/il scepter when the "double-headed" serpent

bar, and vise-versa, was present. Comparison between "Living images" and burials demonstrated

that the most important symbols of worldly power were consistently missing, and instead, the

dead ruler was transmuted back to the maize origin of Maya mythology or religion.









CHAPTER 1
INTTRODUCTION

The Why of the Journey

This study examines differences and similarities, using j ade ornamentation, j aguar

imagery, and the concept of maize origin between the living image of Maya Rulers, as depicted

on Stelae and other media, and how they were buried. As will be seen over time there were

changes in the representation of the rulers in the "Living Images." Paraphernalia will lose its

prominent place, and reappear in changed forms. That means that there was development of

thought and traditions over time. It also shows, because of occasional reappearance of older

symbols that, there are different interpretations of the underlying thought processes. In contrast,

much of the burial practices remain unchanged, however, in one case, necessity in the form of

turbulent times shows a pragmatism that was astonishing. It permits the tentative assertion that

ancient people understood the symbolic nature of their believe systems. If that can be

substantiated in further studies it would make the actors seem to be firmly cognizant of the

difference between the ideals of their world and the reality of what is possible. It would also

mean that ancient people created their world and were aware that they did so. In a broader

perspective, this study will also substantiate the thought that in order to understand the workings

of a society, it is necessary to combine t imagery and burial rituals (Arroyo 2006:xii; Tiesler and

Cucina 2006:4). They are two sides of the same coin, and as will be demonstrated, carry the

same underlying theme that permeated the Maya cosmos. In that sense, the j ourney of the ruler

through Xibalba, as explained below, started at birth and before. If we are to understand the

Maya thought-process, we shall have to take that voyage, as best as we can, with the rulers.

Key questions are:

*Research question 1: Were all of the paraphernalia shown in the living imagery
accompanying them in burials, or were essential pieces missing?










Research question 2: Did funeral goods include items that were not part of the living
imagery, or, perhaps, were used in a different manner?

Research question 3: What purpose, if any, other then being a part of the imagery of
rulers, did j aguars fulfill in the burial ritual?

Using both imagery and burial data from Tikal, Guatemala, I shall address the posed

inquiries. Jade, will be used as a social term here, and involves not only jadeite, but also other

greenstones that are part of the regalia displayed. Although the Maya were certainly aware of

difference in materials, they used them in a similar manner (Bishop et al. 1993: 32-33, 59). As

demonstrated by the mask recovered from Tikal Burial 160 that includes materials other than

pure jadeite (Figure 1-1; Coe 1975:793).

Only special tests can determine if an artifact is true jadeite, and because of difficulties in

analysis presented by most j ades (Bishop et al. 1993:37-58, Curtiss 1993:75), the cost and, for

some methods, the nature of the invasive procedure, whereby some material has to be scrapped

from the artifact (West, 1963:3, 5), only relatively few pieces have been tested.

Jade and j aguars had very special meaning for the Maya. Jade was used mainly to adorn

their rulers both in life and death, but it was also carried by and buried with common people

(Haviland 1985:Table 122; Marcus 1999:Figures 4, 5; Willey et al. 1994:252-255). Jaguar

imagery and pelts, on the other hand, seem to have been reserved for rulers alone.

The Maya did not develop in a vacuum they are part of the development of cultures in a

specific area, and a short survey of the larger region to set the stage will be given. In addition, a

short essay on the Olmec will led into a discussion of the Maya in general, but with greater

emphasis on the Classic period, and leads into a closer look at the use of jade during the Classic

Period. The spotlight will than turn to Tikal, the site from which the data used in this study come,

and will continue with an explanation and reasoning for the data collection. In the last section,










the results will be documented and discussed, and finally, a few ideas for further research are

highlighted.

Mesoamerica

Place and its People

In this chapter, the stage for the Maya will be set. As stated above, cultures develop within

a broader setting, so it is necessary first to discuss the larger region and some of the cultural

developments taking place within it.

Mesoamerica is a cultural term introduced by anthropologist Paul Kirchhoff (Coe et al.

1980:85) to distinguish the area from just south of the Tropic of Capricorn in Mexico to the

Nicoya Peninsula in Costa Rica from either North America or Central America (Figure 1-2).

Within this area, certain cultural trades are shared to, among them use of jade, greater or lesser

prevalence.

Three bodies of water, the Gulf of Mexico, the Caribbean Sea to the east and the Pacific

Ocean to the west, border this area. Within this area, vast arrays of landscapes are encountered,

from deserts to high mountains. However, the most "basic contrast is between highlands and

lowlands" (Coe et al. 1980:84). Since the area is south of the temperate zone, it has generally

only two seasons, wet and dry. It has huge valleys, such as the valleys of Mexico, Oaxaca, or

Tehuacan. Its regions, and for that matter its cultural areas, are dissected by large mountain

ranges, particularly the western edge that is sharply divided into the Pacific slopes and the

interior that is only broken by important rivers including Sinaloa, Balsas, and Verde, until it

temporarily flattens into the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, and resumes its march to the Maya

Highlands, and ultimately, with other breaks, to the Andes. Most of the important rivers,

however, start in the highlands and flow towards the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean. Naming

the most significant, starting from the north, they are the Panuco, Papaloapan, Coatzacoalcos,









Tonala, Gij alva, Usumacinta, and Motagua. However, a few more rivers that are in the heartland

of the Maya should be mentioned, and including the Chixoy and Pasion that j oin the Usumacinta,

Rio Hondo, Azul and Belize.

Although the northern part of the region is rather dry, at its heart was a huge shallow lake

system that supported the Aztec civilization at its capitol Tenochtitlan, modern Mexico City.

There were also many swamps, such as Pulltrouser in Belize, that were used by the ancient

people of each region for raised field agriculture, and, probably, the waterways supplied protein

in the form of fish. Mountains with volcanic peaks supplied the very important resource, used

throughout the region and by all ancient peoples, obsidian. The most important sources of this

are Ucareo, Pachuca, both in Central Mexico, and Rio Pixcaya, El Chayal, and Ixtepeque in the

Maya Highlands (McKillop 2005:42). Obsidian, volcanic glass, can be traced to this origin, and

it is now known that obsidian from all sources was widely traded, for example, from sources

close to Mexico City with the Peten, Guatemala (Hoopes 1985:149; McKillop 2005:43-44). As

mountainous and relatively dry as some areas are, especially the northern parts, others are as flat

and humid or dry. A band of tropical forest stretches the entire length of costal Veracruz, to the

Isthmus of Tehuantepec, where it broadens from the Maya Highlands to cover most of Yucatan,

except the almost arid tip. Tropical forest is also prevalent from Honduras to the southern border

in low areas, interspersed with grasslands and savannas (Coe et al. 1980:84).

Not surprisingly, the oldest evidence for human occupation in Mesoamerica comes from

the northern part, which may simply be a function of preservation, favored in drier areas.

Materials, considered stone tools, have been found in various areas, but dating is still debated

(Adams 1991:25-28). Although there are some problems, it seems that Tepex "man", really the

skeletal remains of a female, lived around 8000 BC in the Valley of Mexico (Porter Weaver









1972:19; Adams 1991:29). Solid evidence for hunting and gathering societies comes from the

earliest phases, ca. 7200 BC, in the Tehuacan Valley, Puebla, a sequence excavated by

MacNeish (Adams 1991:3 1-33). It is located between the Valley of Mexico and Oaxaca, and is

semiarid. Later phases show the gradual change to a settled existence and cultivation of maize

[Zea mays] (Adams 1991:33-37; Coe et al. 1980:89-90). Certainly, evidence for the Archaic

Period circa 8,000 to 2,000 BC (MacNeish 2001:30), particularly as life became settled, and

present from all regions, for example, the site of Santa Marta Cave in the highlands of Chiapas,

and the Southern Maritime tradition of Belize (MacNeish 2001:3 1); however, here it is only

mentioned fleetingly. Guila Naquitz Cave and Gheo Shih, an open-air site in the Valley of

Oaxaca, are slightly later, but show equal seasonal occupation (Flannery 1983:27; Flannery and

Spores 1983:21-25).

For the Formative Period from about 1600 BC to AD 250 (Clark 2001:278-282), a short

overview with the most important regional sites is be given, but excludes the Olmec and Maya

region, which is be documented in more detail later. It is important to realize that Period dates

given are fluid, and that not all regions developed at the same time and rate. Some stable

villages, such as San Jose Mogote, fluctuated in size through time (Flannery 1976), while other

places saw an intensity that resulted in flowering and decline of state-level cultures and all the

facets between. Many aspects of the interrelationships with the entire region are still debated and

not included in this discussion. During this period, and into the Early Classic Period,

Teotihuacan, Valley of Mexico, was immensely powerful, as at one time was Cholula, Puebla

Mexico, while the Valley of Oaxaca supported its own flourishing center in Monte Alban

(Adams 1991:202, 224-225, 23 5-253).









Ceremonial centers are part of the landscape all the way south, for example Santa Leticia

in El Salvador, to the border of Mesoamerica. One thing that is common to most of

Mesoamerica, no matter the different expressions in worldview and division of space, is that the

basic design for the ceremonial centers in particular, and most other as well, is square and

roughly rectangular in layout. Only one region in Mesoamerica does not adhere to this

arrangement of space. West Mexico is designed in a circular world image. Not just individual

platforms are circular, but they are also arranged concentrically (Weigand 2001:73 8).

The ebb and flow of cultural highpoints, and the shift from one region being more

prominent and then less, continued until the Aztec empire, at least in part the inheritor of more

than 9,000 -year- old tradition, to shatter abruptly un-mendable with the arrival of the Spanish

Conqui stadors.

Jade: General Background on Material

Jade and Mesoamerica go together the same way as China and Jade do, the skill in working

this hard and durable material was equal and possibly achieved at the same time (Foshag

1957:3). However, the two materials are not the same. Chinese Jade is almost exclusively

Nephrite, a member of the amphibole family, and is a different mineral from Jadeite, or j adeitite

that belongs to the pyroxene minerals (Harlow 1993:10). The former is unknown in

Mesoamerica. The name jade is a Portuguese or Spanish language creation. It seems that the

Chinese believed that the green stone had urinary healing powers, and so it was known, in

Europe, as "pedra de yjada, stone of the loins" (West 1963:3). When the conquistadors sent

artifacts of a similar green stone back to Spain, both materials became known by the shortened

form jade (Luzzatto-Bilitz 1984:21, Petar 1936:2).

Jadeite is a very hard and durable material. On a scale of hardness up to 10, diamonds,

jadeite scores 6.5 to 7, while obsidian ranges from 5 to 6.5, pearls from 2.5 to 4.5, and coral at










3.5 (Shipley 1948:104). Jadeite sources are very rare in the world; only seven locations are

known (Lange 1993:2) due to the very involved and rare process to create it. It forms only

"under geologic conditions of unusually high pressure and low temperature, regimes that are

rarely preserved in the geologic record" (Harlow 1993:13).

Efforts to find the source, or sources, of Mesoamerican j ade started to make headway when

mines where found in the Motagua River Valley in Guatemala, and different mines where

explored in further studies (Harlow 1991:6; Taube et al. 2004). However, the source for the

exquisite blue jade, mostly known from the Olmec culture (Figures 1-3, 1-4), eluded researchers

until it was found in the "wilds of Guatemala a mountainous region strewn with huge jade

boulders, other rocky treasures and signs of ancient mining" (Broad 2002: 1). The exact location

is kept secret to protect it from looting.

Considering the toughness of the stone and the available tools, sand, water, string saws and

string drills (Digby 1972:14-21; Kennedy-Easby 1968:16-26; Proskouriakoff 1974:8-10), the

quality of the artifacts document a very sophisticated and skilled tradition of artisans creating

these masterpieces.

The importance of jade to Mesoamerican people can not be overemphasized, and can be

traced back in space and time, starting with the Spanish chroniclers that mentioned that

chalchihuites, the Nahuatl word for j ade, had a special place in Montezuma' s esteem (Foshag

1957:5; Mason 1927:47-48; Rands 1965:561; Vaillant 1973:75-76). Today, the Aztec, or more

correctly the Mexica ruler M~otecuhzoma Xocoyotzin is referred to by his Nahuatl name (Smith

1996:51), rather than by the European version of it.

If ancient Mesoamerican artifacts are mentioned j ade occupies a prominent place among

the portable art (Miller 1996). We do know that other materials, such as shell, were equally









worked (Figure 1-5), but because of its durability, jade survived better through the ages. We look

at these pieces as art and artifacts. To the creators and their contemporaries, the meanings they

had are only partly understood. For instance, under the Templo Maj or in Tenochtitlanltlt~l~lt~t~lt today

Mexico City, a jaguar skeleton with a jade ball in its mouth was discovered (Figure 1-6A), as

were an Olmec mask, probably jade, and a Teotihuacan mask (Figure 1-6B). It is very possible

that they are treasured heirlooms, possibly signaling that the Aztec, are the inheritors of

Mesoamerica' s ancient tradition (Meskell 2003; see also Joyce 2003). That would imply that the

Aztec where aware of such an ancient culture as the Olmec. Since only fragments of history have

survived, it seems very possible that "historical" codices existed. The time elapsed between the

Olmec and Aztec, is no longer than the duration of Pharonic Egypt, or Imperial China.

From the Monte Alban II era, circa 200 BC 200 AD, comes a beautiful bat mask made

from pieces of jade and shell (Figure 1-7), and burials at Teotihucan had offerings made from

jade (Sugiyama 1989:91-103). Equally, burials at San Jose Mogote, Oaxaca, as early as 1200

BC, show male occupants with j ade bead necklaces, a bead in the mouth, and women with a bead

in the mouth (Marcus 1999:Figures 4, 5). As rank became more established, additional jade

artifacts were found in graves (Marcus 1999:83, 94). One other tradition has to be mentioned, the

Costa Rica j ades. In part, they are unique, but some have "Olmecoid" features (Kennedy-

Easby:Figure 4, 93), which ties them to the greater Mesoamerican tradition. As Kennedy-Easby

(1968:81-82) says:

Even in the earliest times, interrelationships were too wide-spread [sic] for the tradition of
jade working to have arisen in Costa Rica independently. Lacking Maya elements [the
jades], it can only have come from an earlier source: directly or indirectly from the Olmec.

She concludes by pointing to analogous traits between the two styles (Kennedy-Easby 1968:81-

82).










This short survey of both Mesoamerica and j ade is by no means inclusive; on the one hand,

it simply sets the stage for the subsequent discussion of the Olmec and Maya in general before

turning to the specifics of the case study, the subj ect of this thesis, that presents data pertaining to

the living and dead rulers of Tikal. On the other hand, it acts as reminders that the Maya are one

of many cultural highpoints that developed over time in the region, and sets the geographical

parameters that bound and define the region. The j ade discussion serves a similar purpose.

Besides several facts on j ade, it shows that the history of jade was tightly interwoven with that of

Mesoamerica.





B


Mosaic-Tile
Numbers


Minerals Locat~ion in Mask


8, 23, 24, 29
25, 77, 87, 93

1, 3, %

63, 74

7, 9, 88, 89


diopside, trace of jadeite

diopside, traces of jadeite

diopside, traces of jadeite
mixur of many mineas


surrounding face

nose, left check, ear
forehead

lower right dchck, and left


91, 92, 97, 98 jadeite earspools and plugs

99, 119 diopside, minor jadeite headdress

2, 71 diopside, minor jadeite right forehead anrd right
upper check

72 jadeiteand diops~ide forehead horn

1-1. Jade funeral mask from Tikal Burial 160. A) Actual Mask (Coe 1995;793). B) Tile,
with numbers, mask ws made from (Curtiss 1993;80). C) Mineral composition of
some of the tiles (adapted from Curtis 1993; Table 5.2).


(

Figure

















































Figure 1-2. Map of Mesoamerica. With some sites mentioned in the text.


I I


Ch chen Itza


G l
of
Mex~ciCO


20oN


ATeotihuacan

I eottta(Mexico City) La ~IBB


MEXICO Tres Zapotes
San Lorenzo A
San Jose Mogote A
Monte liban


A


Venta


CalakmulA


.ftItun Ha BELIZE
,l" d'-"


Palenque A El

Yaxchila;






GUA


HON;DCltR4S


1SON


950w


1000,


EL SALVADOR


]Pacific Oceian


NICARA~CU I4


Approximate Scale
300


10 N

RIC2A


Nico~a


500 km


90oW




































Bi













Figure 1-4. Olmec Jades. A) La Venta Offering 4 (Pina Chan 1989). B) Incised 16 cm long
Canoe from Cero de la Mesa (Pina Chan 1989). C) "Kunz" Axe, Possibly from
Oaxaca (SKIRA 1964;21)
































A-~- -
F~i~iB


















Figure 1-5. Carved shell pendants. A Seated personage (de la Fuente et al. 1998;Figure 131). B)
Bead neclace with shell disk (Schmidt et al. 1998). C) Animal with incised face
(Schmidt et al. 1998). D) Person and Glyphs (Clancy et al. 1985). E) Rabbit (Mingei
International Museum 1990)



















A U



















Figure 1-6. Offerings from Aztec Templo Mayor, Tenochititlan. A) Jaguar skeleton with
jadeball in mouth (Miller and Taube 1993:103). B) Masks, Olmec (left). Teotihuacan
(right)(Townsend 1992:154)
























































Figure 1-7. Mask from Monte Iban. Oaxaca (Bernal 1969:Figure 50)







31









CHAPTER 2
THE OLMEC

In almost all discussions of the Maya, at least one reference to the Olmec is included,

particularly when j ade is also a subj ect. As will be shown, there are reasons to believe that strong

affinities exist between select aspects of Olmec and Maya culture. Therefore, a short essay on the

Olmec was deemed necessary. It includes all types of data, ranging from a description of the

homeland, to a timeline of the development from small villages to centers containing

monumental architecture. It touches on the different views in which Mexican and US

archeologists hold the Olmec. A large part of this chapter is devoted to what is known or

believed about the Olmec Cosmos, their j ade use, and how it interrelates between their own

cosmos and that of the Maya.

The sequence of Olmec culture was long a matter of disagreement, but we know that it

preceded the Maya (Coe et al. 1980:94). What is agreed on is that its "heartland" lies in the

Mexican states of Veracruz and Tabasco, generously defined between the San Juan and Gij avlva

River, in the coastal plain (Coe 1966:5; Coe et al. 1980:94-95).

In Mexico, the Olmec are considered the Mother Culture of Mesoamerica (Pifia Chan

1989), meaning that all other cultural manifestations, including the Aztec, developed from them.

North American archaeologists are rather restrained following that line of thought, particularly as

it is not derived from excavations (Grove 1997:72, 87).

However, we do not know what the people called themselves (Pifia Chan 1989:9). All we

had are monuments, of different materials, and j ades they left behind; until recently, when a

stone slab believed to be 3,000 years old, with what the researchers called "to be that of a true

writing system [the symbols] and that it had characteristics strikingly similar to imagery of the

Olmec civilization," (Noble Wilford 2006) was discovered in Veracruz. If it is the first writing









of the Olmec found, and more will come to light, and if it can be deciphered, a new chapter in

Olmec archaeology would certainly have to be written.

The arguably most important centers are San Lorenzo, La Venta, Tres Zapotes, and

Laguna de los Cerros (Adams 1991:55). They are concentrated in what is called the "Olmec

heartland", located on the Gulf of Mexico coast and reaching about midway across the Isthmus

of Tehuantepec in parts of Veracruz and Tabasco (Coe et al. 1980:94).

There is evidence for villages as early as 1500 BC beneath San Lorenzo and La Venta

(Adams 1991:45), and as early as 1350 BC San Lorenz started to evolve into a power center,

reaching its apex between 1150 to 900 BC, when power shifted to La Venta and lasted until 400

BC (Adams 1991:49-50). Probably the most famous aspect of this culture is the huge stone

heads (Figure 2-1), thought to be sculptures of individual leaders (Grove 1997:77). Other

amazing aspects came to light during excavations, and at La Venta, an astonishing amount of

worked jade among them (Figures 1-3, -4; Drucker 1952). Considering the refined carvings, the

tradition must have started long before to create such masterpiece.

Offering 4 from La Venta needs special mentioning (Figure 1-4A). It is a circle formed

by celts, some of jade, surrounding j ade and serpentine "men" that are grouped in such a way

that four face one, while ten others stand at a right angle most facing the one, but some turned

more toward the group of four. It may be that the difference in stone signifies a difference in

status, but since not all of the celts, although most are green, are made from j adeite, it was the

color that was desired and important, and the material was secondary, hence the social term of

jade.

Many other sites of varying sizes have been added in the heartland, and outside it, for

example, Chalcatzingo, Morelos (Grove 1997:77), and Oxtotitlan Cave, Guerrero, both Mexico










(Grove 1970). The cave has several murals; here I shall mention only two, Mural I and Painting

I-d, because they are, possibly, antecedents to practices seen in the Maya, and are therefore

explained in greater detail (Grove 1970:Frontispiece, Figure 13). Mural I 's predominant colors,

reddish/orange and green/blue (Figure 2-2), display a personage "seated upon the head of a

jaguar monster" Grove (1970:9). Besides wearing an owl headdress, and, possibly partial or full

feather costume, he is also adorned with many pieces of jade j ewelry (Grove 1970:9-10;

Joralemon 1971:Figure 150). It is probable that also parts of the headdress and the costume are

made of jade. Wearing a costume, and becoming or symbolizing a particular animal, seem to be

a tradition that endured through the Maya, where it was called the uay, or alter ego (de la Garza

1999: 13 5; Houston and Stuart 1998:81; Miller and Taube 1993:103) and found its most elaborate

expression, in the sense that it was not only the ruler who transformed, in Aztec times, where

some warriors belonged to either the j aguar or eagle society (Townsend 1992:196), going into

battle dressed as such (Figure 2-3) and probably in the spirit of the two most powerful animal of

the realm.

Painting I-d (Figure 2-4) shows a man and jaguar standing in what may be considered an

interrelated composition (Grove 1969:Figure 3, 1970: 17-18). Here all that needs to be noted is

that the association of men with j aguars has a very long tradition in Mesoamerica. Possibly there

is another tie. From the vicinity of San Lorenzo comes monument Potrero Nuevo 1 that may

show the union of a jaguar with a human female, leading to a basic tenant of Olmec ideology the

were-j aguars (Coe and Diehl 1980:369-370; Davis 1978; but see Miller and Taube 1993:158-159

for a different view).

Only a few of the aspects of Olmec Culture are mentioned here, and even of those traits

that conceivably can be traced to the Maya, only the three most important are discussed. There is









the main theme of maize, being of such importance that it is part of the features of Gods (Figure

2-5; Mathews and Garber 2004:50). On the Chalcatzingo Relief IV, jaguar and maize are related

(Figure 2-6; Grove 1968:Figure 5; Joralemon 1971:Figure 261). One other item of Olmec

iconography, most likely, survived and became part of Maya iconography. Joralemon

(1971:Motif 85, Figures 141, 142, 258, 266; Grove 1968:Figure 7) identifies it as "Vegetation

Sprouting from the Corners of the Mouth" (Figure 2-7). As Schele (1995:1 18-1 19, citing Fields,

Joralemon, and Reilly) explains, the Olmec equated the ruler, as the Worldtree, symbolized by

sprouting maze, and in what she calls "Reilly's cast shadows" shows how the ruler is the center

with four maize plants marking the corner of the mouth, or world (Figure 2-8). It takes on even

more importance in Maya worldview (Miller and Taube 1993:108 -110; Schele 1995:125).

One thing seems certain, Olmec associations and, perhaps, symbolism retained some of

its meaning in the succeeding cultures (Coe 1966:16; Rice 2004:72; Sabloff 1998:60). As

mentioned above, an Olmec jade mask was found in the most sacred place in the Aztec world,

the Templo Maj or. Olmec j ade masks were also found in Maya contexts. For example, there is

the Olmec pectoral, made from quartzite, which on the reverse side is incised with what seems to

be an early Maya king (Figure 2-9; Coe 1966). To the left side of the head are glyphs thought to

spell his name, and to the right of the seated king are two blocks of six lines of two glyphs,

making it a text of twenty-four glyphs (Coe 1966: 15). Interestingly, the text combines features

that are Maya, Monte Alban and some that are unknown (Coe 1966: 16). It would be very

important to see if they are similar to the newly discovered writing mentioned above. We know

that the king' s portrait is very early in the sequence of Maya history because he wears a

headband similar to the one on the mask found in Burial 85 from Tikal that is dated to the Cauac

Preclassic phase, AD 1-150, at Tikal (Harrison 1999:62; Martin and Grube 2000:26-27).









According to Fields (cited in Schele 1995:118), this headband has its roots in Olmec

iconography and can be traced via Cerros, a Late Preclassic Maya site in Belize, into the Classic

Maya jade "Jester God" headband (Freidel and Schele 1988).

An Olmec "were-j aguar" figurine was found by Teobald Maler in 1887 in the Yucatan

peninsula, possibly Campeche, and examined by Metcalf and Flannery (1967). Another cache of

Olmec jades came from Chacsinkin, Yucatan, Mexico, and the author suggested that the contact

between Maya and Olmec was much more intense than previously believed (Andrews 1986:11).

However, in a later publication, the author revised this proposal (Andrews 1987). Instead, he

agreed with Grove (1993 [1986]:84), who argues that there are two meanings to the word Olmec

itself; one is an archaeological culture confined to the "heartland"; the other is an "art style," a

part of a rather widespread early Formative style (Andrews 1987:79). Still, he states: "The j ades

must have been brought into the northern Lowlands in the Formative Period." (Andrews

1987:80). It seems clear, no matter the controversy about being an archaeological culture, and/or

art style, that the beliefs or symbols of those early times in some form endured and had meaning

to the Maya and other Mesoamerican people.

In an almost surreal twist, the artistic value of Olmec j ades found its admirers in Europe,

as documented by the "bib pendant, apparently recarved by an Aztec lapidary ... It was made

the centerpiece of an elaborate concoction" (Figure 2-10; Benson 1996: 133). Here, aspects of the

Olmec culture were discussed, with heavy emphasis how these may relate to the Maya and the

"flowering" of their cultural achievements later in time.































































1 2 3 4


2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9


1


Figure 2-1. The Olmec colossal heads. A "El Rey" San Lorenzo Monument 1 (Coe and Diel;22);
B) Comparison of heads from different sites (Stuart 1993).


1 2

































Figure 2-2. Mural I from Oxtotitlan Cave (Grove 1970:Frontipiece).








































Figure 2-3. Aztec Warriors. A) Jaguar society member (Townsend 1992:93). B) Eagle society member (Townsend 1992: 199).







































Figure 2-4. Painting I-d from Oxtotitlan cave (Grove 1970:17, Drawings by Felipe Davalos).










03~$


a


~4~~


Figure 2-5. Olmec gods and Maize. Select symbols identified as Maize and Olmec gods that
display those in their headdresses (Joralemon 1971:motifs 82-84, 91-93, figures 170-
197)










O

































Figure 2-6. Jaguars and Maize. Symbols identified as Maize, and two j aguars that show those on
their heads (Joralemon 1971:Motifs 82-84, 88-89, 91-93, Figures 170-197).






































Figure 2-7. Olmec God I-B. A) Mouth with vegetation in corners (joralemon 1971:Motif 85). B) Frontal view from Chalcatzingo
Relief IX (Joralemon 1971:Figure 141). C) Personage inside of mouth from Calcarzingo Relief I (Joralemon 1971: Figure
142).









































Figure 2-8. Olmec ruler and Maize Ruler as the center maize plant of the world maked by maize
plants at the four corners (Schele 1995: Figure 62).

























































Figure 2-9. Olmec-Maya connection. Olmec pectoral with Maya ruler incised on its back
(Chase Coggins 1998:250-251i), and drawing of the early Maya king (Schele and
Miller 1986:119).
































Figure 2-10. Olmec jade as part of a European Jewel (Benson 1996: 134).


~-~ii~as~









CHAPTER 3
THE MAYA

A view of the Maya is the concern of this chapter. It explains the natural setting, divisions

in the cultural sequence, and gives a narrative of what distinctions characterizes the Maya. The

focus is on the Classic Maya, however, and it is their world that is explained more thoroughly.

Aspects of their worldview are discussed, ranging from territorial and internal organization to

some of the maj or gods in various forms and their influence on political and other decisions.

Most importantly, it will be shown how spirituality infused all areas of their world. Some

comments are included on problems regarding the reading and interpreting of glyphs, and finally,

as in the Olmec chapter, some references are made to the possibility of a connection between the

Olmec and the Maya.

The Maya are a civilization that developed in part of Mesoamerica that is today southern

Mexico, Guatemala, Belize, and northern Honduras, and their descendants are still part of the

people living there today (Demarest 2004; Sharer 1994). Researchers further subdivided this area

according to differences in Maya languages, ecological, geographical and cultural traits

(Demarest 2004; Sharer 1994). These are the Coastal Plains and Piedmont adj acent to the Pacific

Ocean, the Southern Highlands, the Northern Highlands, and the Southern, Central, and Northern

Lowlands surrounded by both the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean Sea (Figure 3-1; Demarest

2004:Figure 1.2; Sharer 1994:Figure 1.1).

Maya archaeology has its own terminology to mark stages of development after the

Archaic closed at 2000 BC (Figure 3-2); it was divided into the Early Preclassic lasting until

1000 BC, the Middle until 400 BC, the Late until AD 300, the Classic Period until AD 900, and

the Postclassic terminating in AD 1542 (Demarest 2004:Figure 2.3). The cultural sequence and

timeline is today also referred to as Pre-Columbian. Between the Late Preclassic and the Classic,









sometimes a Proto Classic Period is inserted lasting from about AD 150 to 350 (Demarest

2004:17). The Classic Period is additionally partitioned into the Early Classic AD 300 550 and

the Late Classic AD 600 900; and finally, there is a subdivision that takes part of the Late

Classic and the early Postclassic into the Terminal Classic from AD 800 to 1,000 (Demarest

2004:16). It is also understood that these dates vary with different authors, but that it does not

change the general course of Maya history, particularly as more specific dates became available

and are used to place events at moments in time (Demarest 2004: 17). However, this study

focuses primarily on the Classic Period, in addition, most of the stelae and many of the burials

are dated with precision, and the difference in the beginning of the Classic Period is most often

50 years, with the Classic starting in AD 250 (Culbert 1991; Willey and Mathews 1985).

The Late Preclassic Period is thought to be a time when the aspects denoting the Classic

are coming together and gathering momentum, although new discoveries challenge this division,

as will be shown below, to move toward the cultural climax called the Classic Period in Maya

civilization.

The Maya sequence traces its beginnings to the Swasey phase, starting at circa 1200 BC

(Hammond 1991:Figure 1.2). However, the onset of the complexity that later flowered into the

Classic Period throughout the entire Maya region starts during the last five hundred years BC

(Martin and Grube 2000: 8; Sharer 1994:Table 2.1). The Maya cultural sequence, after almost

3000 years, ended abruptly with the arrival of the Spaniards and the conquest after AD 1500

(Martin and Grube 2000:8-9; Sharer 1994:Table 2.1).

Among the traits that marked the Maya Classic civilization was hieroglyphic writing

system, the development of the vigesimal mathematical system, and the place-notation and the

concept of zero, as in ending a cycle or completion (Coggins 1980; Sharer 1994:557-558). A










very important distinction, both, place and zero, have only been invented twice in the course of

human history as far as I are aware. Figure 3-3 shows the interlocking cycles of the two main

calendars and the numerical system, including how the Long count date was written. Maya time

was counted differently than ours, it was the elapsed time from the beginning of the present

creation or "zero date" set at 3113 BC that was noted, and scholars developed a system of

writing dates, "the notation 9.16.3.0.0 means 9 baktuns, 16 katuns, 3 tuns, O uinals, O kins"

(Adams 1991:179).

Traits associated with the Maya included monumental architecture, the use of Long

Count dates in inscriptions, the carving of stelae, tall stone slabs, into portraits of their rulers, and

so-called altars that may have been stone seats or thrones in front of the stela, for the ruler either

to sit or stand (Figure 3-4). It would have made a very impressive picture for his people to see,

and to be reassured that he is the living image of the Maize God (Fields and Reents-Budet

2005:24; Miller and Samayoa 1998:59; Miller and Taube 1993:98-99, 108-109; Schele and

Mathews 1998:127).

Some of the latest discoveries in the Maya region challenge the boundary between

Preclassic and Classic Period. It may be that the achievements we associate with the Classic were

well in place at a much earlier point than previously thought, and it was the lack of evidence,

rather than the absence of it, that suggested the break at AD 250/3 00.

The site of Cival, Peten, Guatemala, not far from Tikal, has been excavated and dated to

about 150 BC. It yielded what is, to date in the Maya Lowlands, the earliest carved stela at 300

BC (Figure 3-5). The pectoral seems to be either an early form of a K 'aw/il or K 'aw/iil, also called

a "manikin" scepter in the hands of rulers, or a "long-nosed" pectoral, as depicted on Classic

stelae; note also the celts on the belt (Miller and Taube 1993:110; Skidmore 2004). It also seems









to have some affinity with the Olmec art style mentioned above. Two masks were discovered,

one that has a "were-j aguar" mouth and other features encountered in that style, while the other

mask seems to be associated with the Maize-god encountered at the site of San Bartolo

(Skidmore 2004). It evidently links the Olmec and the Maya in some way.

At the small site of San Bartolo, Peten, a little farther from Tikal than Cival, excavator

Saturno literally stumbled into what Taube, the excavation's iconographer, called the "Sistine

Chapel of the Early Maya" (Kaufmann 2003:72, 77). What was uncovered was a painted frieze,

above the height of the doorway, covering all the walls of a room located in a small pyramid

(Figures 3-6, -7). Therefore, it seems possible that the Classic Period may have been much early

in place than previously. Taube goes on to say, "The Maya were probably trying to portray the

origin of maize and people... [It is] the most elaborate creation scene before the Classic

period"(Kaufmann 2003; see also Miller and Taube 1993:68-70, and Reilly III 2005:34); and

Saturno adds "If San Bartolo had murals this early, everybody had them"(Kaufman 2003:77).

Further excavation added more weight to this point, by revealing a glyph-block of 10 individual

signs. Associated wood was dated between to 300 to 200 BC, making Maya writing as old as

other Mesoamerican scripts (Figure 3-8; Saturno et al. 2006:1). The text related to the murals is

partially readable. Signs are of an earlier form of Mayan script, but the glyph-block contains

"archaic forms" (Saturno et al. 2006:2). Because the AJAW- glyph, pA7, can be read, the

inscription seems to be the title of a god, king, or elite personage (Saturno et al. 2006:2, see also

Saturno 2002).

Preclassic sites are reported from all areas of the Maya territory. The Pacific Coast seems

to have the densest early settlements, with the highlands, and the Central Lowlands following

close behind (Sharerl994:71). However, new evidence points to the fact that development was,









perhaps, parallel so that it was not a matter of diffusion, but rather of shared growth (Demarest

2004:83-86; Sharer 1994:73). The largest center of its time, El Mirador, Guatemala, was situated

on the maj or trade and communications cross routes (Demarest 2004:83; Sharer 1994: 117); and

presumably the same products, as later in the Classic, moved through, among them jadeite

(Olmedo Vera 1999:89). It should not surprise that Tikal; one of the primary power seats of the

Classic was founded close by.

Territorial organization of the Classic Maya has been subj ect to many debates (Flannery

1995:946; Marcus 1973; 1976). Today, two proposed organizations are most often cited,

Mathew' s (1985:Figures 10-14) based on emblem-glyphs, as an ever-changing patchwork of

small principalities through time, and Adams' of Late Classic large states (Figure 3-9). As said,

there is still debate which model is better suited (Mathews 1991:26-29; Rice 2004:31-36). There

was the title of Kalomate, loosely translated as emperor, or overlord, which suggests that some

sites were dependent to others (Harrison 1999:79; Houston 1993:108; Martin and Grube

2000:20; Rice 2004:36-3 8). There are also a number of scenes preserved on monuments, and

glyphic evidence that attest to the fact that certain ceremonies were conducted under the auspice

of a ruler from another site, particularly the establishment of the successor to a city (Houston

1993:108; Schele and Mathews 1991:226-252). Those overlords may also have married members

of their house, the naj, or na, to consolidate relationships with dependant cities, or allies

(Harrison 2003:178; Houston 1993:108; Rice 2004:7, 40, 281). Finally, there is the suggestion

from David Stuart (2003) that K 'inich K'an Joy Chitamtttttttt~~~~~~~~~ of Palenque, long believed to have meet

a sacrificial death at Tonina after his capture, instead became a dependent and with him his

kingdom fell into bondage to Tonina.









Here I will discuss only the second model, the regional states because it seems to fit

better as more and more data are gathered. The northern states Puuc and Coba, are somewhat

enigmas as a consequence of the "limited number and often poor preservation of inscriptions"

(Martin and Grube 2000:227). Starting with Calakmul, and followed by Palenque, Yaxchilan,

Tikal, and Copan regional states, monuments and texts are relatively abundant, and the history of

the cities and the rulers, at least, is much better documented (Fash 1991; Harrison 1999; Jones

and Satterthwaite 1982; Marcus 1976; Marcus 1987; Martin and Grube 2000; Robertson 1983-

1991; Tate 1992). According to Olmedo Vera (1999:36), these five seem to be the most

important centers. More evidence for the possibility of larger states is provided by the fact that

we know that Calakmul, its ancient name, possibly, Ox-te 'tun, "Three Stones", or Natunich,

"Stone Aguada" (Stuart and Houston 1994:28, 93-95), was the capital of the Snake state (Martin

2005) and that Palenque was called Lakam Ha, Big Water, and was the capital of the BakBBBBB~~~~~~~BBBBBB Bone,

state (Miller and Martin 2004:201; Schele and Mathews 1998:95; Stuart and Houston

1994:Figure 32). Yaxchilan's name is proposed as Pa 'Chan, with the tentative translation of

split/broken Sky (Martin 2004:4). Tikal's original name has either survived, and was translated

as the ""Place of the Count of the K'atun" or Ti 'kal ... or it may have been mutal", flower

(Harrison 1999:30; see also Rice 2004:98-99); Schele and Mathew (1998:64) call it Metul, and

go on to say that because Dos Pilas used the same name, it was also called Yax Meutul, meaning

First Meutul. Simon Martin advocates that yax has additional meanings such as "beautiful" and

"green-blue" (Martin: 2003:4). Copan's name is still debated, with "Oxwitik, "the Three

Witiks"?" a possibility (Stuart and Houston 1994:23, emphasis in original). Sometimes a city and

the region under its influence used the same name (Stuart and Houston 1994, cited in Martin









2004: 1). Yet, as Stuart and Houston (1994) point out, there are still many uncertainties both in

reading the glyphs and in their correct interpretations.

Internally, Marcus (1973:Figures 2, 4-6) suggested that the organization of space follows

the quadripartite relationship of the Maya worldview (Figure 3-10). The indissoluble connection

between time and space comes into sharp focus here, considering that all the completion glyphs

have four parts and a center (Figure 3-11; Rice 2005:71); and very much resemble a flower with

four-petals and a center. Iconography bears amble testimony to the most basic concept in Maya

cosmology. Their world, as mentioned above, was divided into five parts, the four directional

quarters and the center (Mathews and Garber 2004). In essence, it is a maize field, but it only

exists after the maize is planted; and "this means that the creator deities may have made the

physical form of the quadrilateral word, and the sun may have defined its borders," (Bassie-

Sweet 2000: 13). The field is prepared by the Maize God planting five kernels in each corner, one

for each finger, thereby closing the cycle by linking the counting system, vigesimal, with the

twenty day names of the ritual calendar (Bassie-Sweet 2000: 14-15). As the division follows the

passage of the sun, k 'in, each quarter was coupled with a specific color (Price 2004:29). East,

lak 'in, were the sun is born and reborn each day in shades of chak, red; chik 'in, ochk 'in, its

opposite, west, where the sun died each day was ek' or black (Bassie-Sweet 2000: 14; Price

2004:20). North, xama~n, marked the sun at zenith, up and to the right of the sun; white or saksssss~~~~~~~ssssss

down, to the sun's left at nadir marked south, nojol and the color k'an or yellow; while the most

precious color, ya'ax or blue/green/turquoise, was reserved for the living center (Bassie-Sweet

2000: 14; Price 2004:20). Thereby, in effect, not just incontrovertibly linking space and time

together, but interlocking it.









It was also vertically separated in three layers, the underworld, Xibalba with nine layers,

the level of the people, or manifested world, and the thirteen-layered realm of gods, and

connecting all the divisions was the worldtree in the center (Figure 3-12; Sharer 1994:523). One

of the most vivid depictions of the relationship and the continuum among life, death and the

promise of rebirth is rendered on the sarcophagus lid (Figure 3-13) found in the burial chamber

beneath the Temple of the Inscription, Palenque, Chiapas, Mexico (Robertson 1983:Figures 98-

99; Schele 1981: 98). At the moment of death, the king, Pacal or K 'inich Janaab~~~JJJJ~~~~JJJJ~~ Pakall~~~~PPPPP~~~~PP~ was

transferred into the eternally young maize god, symbolizing the renewal of maize and j ade

(Martin and Grube 2000: 162; Miller and Samayoa: 1998:56-58). Again, in the dualistic view of

the Maya, although the maize god falls down the worldtree into the maw of the netherworld,

Xibalba (Schele and Mathews 1998:1 13), he is also the personification of the worldtree (Freidel

et al. 1993:53-55).

Although much of the Maya world changed in the wake of the Conquistadores, as

mentioned earlier, the above-mentioned fundamental concept of the Maya cosmos transformed

or endured. The Maya worldtree, in essence the maize god, and the Christian cross have obvious

affinities, and it seems the Maya embraced this resemblance, and by adding the color of jade and

red kept their ancient worldview intact (Figure 3-14; Freidel et al. 1993:53, 245; Pennak

1964:5 19). Jade represents the center and the connection between all levels of the universe and

red, east and the birth, as well as the rebirth of the sun after its j ourney through Xibalba (de la

Garza 1999: 13 5; Freidel et al. 1993:244). As Freidel at al. (1993:244) said, it was part of "the

holy soul-force" of the universe".









The most basic concept underlying all other aspects of how the Maya understood their

world was that all aspects of life, be it political, territorial, or the planting of maize were

saturated, nourished, and empowered by religion (Rice 2004:19, 283).

Another fundamental concept of the Maya worldview is the dualistic nature of life, and

the inherent opposition, particularly, when it comes to the role that the j aguar was given. Day

and night are dualistic but also opposites. One can not be without the other, so, Kinich Ahau, the

Sun god, was also the Jaguar god, or Sun of the night (Schele and Miller 1986:50; Miller and

Taube 1993:104). He is also the Hero Twins, the Sun god associated with Hunapu and

Xbalanque, associated with the night sun, the jaguar (Miller and Taube 1993:175-176; Schele

and Miller 1986:51; 521-522). While the maize god has been identified with their father, Hun

Hunahpu, who lost his battle when he and his twin entered Xibalba, both his and his twin's body

were buried in the ballcourt, but his head was stuck in a tree in Xibalba, where he miraculously

with his spittle impregnated the Hero Twin's mother (Miller and Samayoa 1998:57, citing Taube

1983). Incarnated as maize god, he triumphs by rising from the earth, attended and nourished

with water by his sons, in an unending cycle (Figure 3-15; Miller and Samayoa 1998:57). There

are three sets of twins in the creation myth of the Maya the two mentioned above, and a third set

turned into monkeys that become "the patrons of artists, dancers, and musicians" (Taube

1993:58).

The sun, kin also the word for day, as the premier God, Kinich Ahau, linked space and

time, and was patron saint of the number 4, glyphically expressed by a flower with four petals

(Figure 3-11A; de la Garza 1999: 107, 120; Miller and Taube 1993:106). It was, therefore, not

surprising that rulers would want to be associated with all the implications of the sun and used it

as an expression of their own power. They linked themselves even closer by choosing names that










displayed their divinity, and moved into their realm in death when they became gods (Houston

and Stuart 1996:295).

Kings and gods are shown seated on jaguar thrones, with j aguar protectors, as j aguars

themselves, and with genitalia of jaguars (Figures 3-16-3-18; Miller 1988; Reents-Budet: 1994).

The aspect of jaguar seats of power survived into the Postclassic, as documented by the jaguar

throne in the temple buried beneath El Castillo at Chichen Itza, Yucatan, Mexico (Figure 3-19).

Three more items, most often made from j ade, are primary expressions of power among

the rulers of the Maya. One was the double-headed serpent scepter (Figure 3-20), with possibly

several symbolic associations. It includes the sky serpent, or celestial monster, the Cauac

monster, stone or earth monster, and the Water-lily monster, or a combination of all three (Schele

and Mathews 1998:115; Schele and Miller 1986:45-46) and/or a representation of the primordial

hearth and its three throne stones (Figure 3-21); and/or the center in the horizontal bar from the

worldtree (Figures 3-12, -13; for a very ancient association see Reilly III 1991). It is possible that

the bar represents all of the above-mentioned concepts and incorporates the two mentioned

below, with two gods emerging from each mouth (Miller and Taube 1993:58-59; Schele and

Mathews 1998:115; Schele and Miller 1986: 121). Finally, it may even include the concept of

the center as being a representation of the horizontal arms of the world tree (Schele and Mathews

1998:114). Considering the interwoven tenants of the Maya cosmos, it should not be surprising if

that turns out to be the case (for yet another association see Taube 2005).

Another was God K, or GII of the Palenque Triad, in several manifestations (Miller and

Taube 1993:110; Schele and Miller 1986:49, Schellhas 1904:32-34; Taube 1992:69-79). Here I

am only concerned with two of them. One was a scepter; it was refereed to as manikin or K 'aw/il,

and by some referred to as Ka 'wiil, a "full figure but diminutive representation of this god









designed to be held in the hand of a ruler as a symbol of rulership itself." (Figures 3 -22-23;

Harrison 1999: 102; Martin and Grube 2000: 14; Miller and Taube 1993:110; see also Schele and

Miller 1986:49). The name manikin scepter is an older term, established by Spinden (1975:50-

53) in his description of various elements of Maya art.

In another form, God K was worn as diadem or Jester God headband (Martin and Grube

2000:14; Schele and Miller 1986:53) and possibly connected the ancient Olmec worldtree theme,

symbolized as sprouting maize, mentioned above, with Classic Maya rulership and the Maize

God (Fields 1991; Miller and Taube 1993:104 -105; Schele 1995:118-119, 125; Taube 2005).

We do know that the Jester God headband has ancient roots; it was worn by the Preclassic mask

found in Burial 85 at Tikal (Figure 3-24), by the Early Classic ruler etched onto the Olmec mask

(Figure 2-9), and was found in an offering at the late Preclassic site of Cerros, Belize, (Freidel

and Schele 1988:Figure 7). There are as many variations concerning the headband, as there are

associations to the god (Figure 3-25).

The third item was the Long-nosed God, often associated with God D, who was Itzamnna,

possibly the high god, similar to Zeus perhaps, of the Maya Parthenon (Miller and Taube

1993:99-100; Schele and Mathews 1998:46; Schellhas 1904:22-23; Taube 1992:31-41). He has,

as all gods seem to have, many facets, but most often he was shown as old (Schele and Miller

1986:54-55); and identified as sky god, Itzamnaaj, by Martin and Grube (2000:8). Aside from

other representations, he is often the "pectoral god". There are several pectoral designs. One, as

mentioned above, the long-nosed god, another is "T" or ik, the glyph for wind, spirit, breath, life

(Figure 3-26; Marcus 1992:87-88, 219). When viewed frontally, Kinich Ahau' s "upper incisors

are filed into the form of a "T"." (Miller and Taube 1993:106). Finally, there is the "bar" pectoral

that may represent the double-headed serpent, and/or the original hearth with the three throne









stones, and/or a combination of God K and D (Figure 27). It could simply represent the bar-

scepter, with all the meanings it carries implicitly. Again, the dualistic and multilayer worldview

of the Maya comes into acute focus. In essence, when the ruler was dressed for ceremonial

occasions, he personified the maize god, the center and therefore, the universe, and in accordance

with the dualistic way, the creator of it.

Viewing stela 2 from Cival (Figure 3-5), the Preclassic site mentioned above, the

personage did indeed wear a long-nosed god pectoral, again emphasizing that much of the

worldview that in the Classic Period was so vividly displayed had been in place much longer

than was previously believed. I made several references to the maize god, the Hero Twins and in

general, to the Maya worldview. Knowledge of the chronicle of the conception of the World and

the saga of the trials and tribulations of the Hero Twins are recorded in the Popul Vuh, the Maya

creation account (Taube 1993; Tedlock 1996; seed also Taube 1985). It has been compared to

The Iliad and The Odyssey of Classic Greece, to the Rama~yana of Hindu religion, and to the

stories of the Bible (Freidel et al. 1993:348, footnote 25 citing Michael Coe 1989).

Quintessentially, the Popul Vuh tells how the world came to be, how to live, and how to die with

the promise of an afterlife. It tells that time is cyclical, punctuated by rituals in linear procession

to ensure that order and civilization continued uninterrupted (Freidel et al. 1993). Maya cities are

metaphors for the creation and continuity of life, and it is understandable to all members of their

society (de la Garza 1999:136; Schele and Mathews 1998:40-48). For the Maya, the ceremonial

centers were "the meeting points of men and gods" and the expression of order and, therefore,

the reinforcement of creation and the promise of rebirth (de la Garza 1999: 13 8). Cyclical time

and the "endless repetitive rituals" fused the Maya cosmos in its entire splendor together, and it









was the king deriving his right and responsibility to rule from being the center or lynchpin, that

bound it together (Rice 2004:283, 288-289).

A few comments regarding certain aspects of Maya study are necessary before turning to

a discussion ofj ade use by the Maya. When the Maya ruins were first discovered, and

archaeological studies began, most of the text on monuments and in the few surviving Codices,

the bark books of the Maya, was an enigma. It led to the custom of giving nicknames to

identified subjects. For example, Schellhas (1904:Platel) created an alphabetical list, A to P, of

deities he identified. Some of them are now identified, as mentioned above. One of them is

Itzamna, the creator god. Equally, when individual rulers were noticed initially, their nicknames

related to individual aspects of what was recognized as, possibly, their names. Examples include

the name of the captive of Jeweled Skull, and the name of the captor, Bird Jaguar of Yaxchilan,

Lintel 8, Yaxchilan, Mexico, (Coe 1993:196). Both names are what the glyphs actually represent

(Figure 3-28). Today, Bird Jaguar's name has changed. First, he is recognized as the fourth with

this name, and second, his glyphic name spells: ya-?-B 'ALAM, Ya-xun Balamn IV, also known as

Bird Jaguar the Great, Bird Jaguar III, which was actually the name of a predecessor that reigned

even before BJII (Martin and Grube 2000: 122, 128). The name of Jeweled Skull has not been

modified, probably, in part, because he comes from an unknown site (Martin and Grube

2000: 130). For now, it is the better-known sites, with a copious amount of inscriptions, that have

been partially deciphered and nicknames changed to the Maya term (Martin and Grube 2000).

Many have contributed to interpretation of Maya glyphs, and a detailed summary can be

found in Michael Coe's Breaking the Maya Code (1992). Grube and Martin (2000) began such

work later, but as their book Chronicle of the Maya Kings and Queens shows, are now well

established. For anyone not primarily involved with the decipherment of glyphs, changes in









names and spelling can be very confusing; therefore, as Grube (2000:466, my translation) says,

particularly if speaking of site names, the old name is used, and the true name is mentioned.

There are additional problems. One is that there are often more than one symbol, or

glyph, for a particular letter, syllable and word (Houston et al. 2001; Kurbjuhn 1989; Stuart

2005; Thompson 1962; see also Marcus 1992; and Mathews 1996). Take for instance the most

famous king from Palenque. Joyce Marcus records six ways that it was spelled, all meaning

Lord Shield, Pacal, originally identified by her as "Propeller Shield" (Marcus 1976:Figure 4.25;

1992:Figure 7. 17, 2001:Figure 14).

There are also the different interpretations by individual epigraphers for names and

spellings (Schele 1992:*footnote by editors). An example is the difference in the term for the

manikin scepter, or Kaw/il, spelled Ka 'wiil by Martin and Grube (2000:41) and K' awil by Stuart

(2001:196). In addition, individuals change the reading of glyphs in light of new insights (Stuart

2005:15). Again, using the Palenque king Pacal, shield as an example, he is called Hanab-Pakal

by Schele and Mathews (1998:115), while Simon Martin and Nikolai Grube identify him as

K 'inich Janaab~~~~JJJJJ~~~~JJ~~ Pakall, with the glyphic spelling as follows: "K'INICH-JAANA:B' -PAKAL-la

('Great-Sun ? Shield') also known as Pacal, Pacal the Great, 8 Ahau, Sun Shield" (Martin and

Grube 2000: 162, punctuation in original). As decipherment progresses, it will be even more

complex.

As stated above, much of what we know about the Maya world view and creation comes

via the Popul Vuh, an early post-conquest Quiche Maya attempt to save some of the history of

their world (de la Garza 1999: 106; Taube 1993:53). Ample evidence allows us to be reasonably

sure that it was an account that had its roots in Preclassic times and was the basis of the Classic

Maya world view and understanding (Rice 2004: 14, 49, 194), Rice (2004:253) suggests that the









Olmec possibly provided the prototype for it. She also makes the point that, although for the

books of Chilam Balam, an account of calendrical rituals over time, the myth would be adapted

to suit special circumstances (Rice 2004:290). It is, therefore, reasonable to suggest that different

regions, and in particular different cities, individualized the myth, and more importantly their

particular worldview, to accommodate not only their conditions, but also to ensure and claim

their individuality. In short, each city desired to differentiate itself from its neighbors, and to

make its world uniquely its own; but all of this was within the greater framework of a single

creation myth and worldview. Robert Sharer (1991:185-1 87) makes this point, although he does

so concerning the "organizational structure".

Several authors have suggested that there are similarities and also that a continuum may

exist between the Olmec, either or both the archaeological culture and the broader art tradition,

and the Maya. Taube (2005:25) argues that Olmec celts and Maya world-trees are the same but

in different disguise. It seems reasonable to suggest that, as the celts changed into the elaborate

world-tree (Figures 2-5, 1-4A, -4C, and 3-12), so the beliefs changed too. Fundamentally they

are the same, but they are also different. In addition, considering veneration of the ancient, and

the fact that Olmec jades temporally survived to appear a millennium later in the most sacred

place in the Aztec universe, suggests that the fundamental ways of the worldview conceivably

also survived. It seemed to be a stretch of the imagination to think that the Aztec remembered

the Olmec, but if the Olmec had writing, it seems much less so, even if it was only as the

ancients. While the Maya are much closer in time and proximity, particularly as more and more

early monuments are discovered, it does not take a leap of faith to suppose that Olmec ideology

was in part responsible for the Maya Cosmos. The leap would even be less if one assumes that

the Maya had written some of what they knew about the Olmec, and even less so if it turns out









that it was Olmec writing on the block mentioned above. Even if it turns out that they did not

write, people retained what was important to them in other ways: for a long time Homer' s Iliad

was preserved and transfigured by word of mouth before it was finally written (Griffiths Pedley

1993:105).

The beginnings of the Classic period vary among sites and are most often marked by an

increased intensity of activities visible in the archaeological record, but as Sharer (1994:48) says,

are "in every case arbitrary. They simply define conveniently segregated blocks in the flow of

time." However, Demarest (2004:89) sees it as a "much more extensive use of information and

symbolic systems." The end of "literacy as part of the public performance of their kings" the

Classic Period ended as well (Schele and Freidel 1990:381), and again each site has its own

terminal date (Figure 3-29). However, there is no doubt that each site in its intrinsically unique

way developed great splendor during the Classic Period, and that the entire population of each

city participated.

In summary, the Maya and their world were examined with an emphasis on the Classic

Period. Comments regarding deciphering their writing and the sometimes-difficult role it has in

the interpretation of said world. Again, some notes are included regarding the Olmec Maya

link. Some references are made concerning j ades, which will be discussed more thoroughly in

the next chapter.



















' Cg/















GULFOF MEAICO


CARRIBBEAN SEA


~R4n

~ apn


itahragn gmn

wItuen


OL~QI
1~1


~DI


E~ple
NORTHERN AREA


Caaid e~u ecu .
H sEens slamn
r7~a menu 1

in~e~ .~h GtFFRNDRA


ITB










p4Cm CoCEANr


UTHE
Ylt ah.


Larnals of Maya area

mamm I Ir l0 eoaphic ones

.............. InternahDcvlal130UrKlanOS

O 150km N
rm ase


Figure 3-1. The Maya realm; and the different regions within (Martin and Grube 2000:10).






















63










AD 1542







AD 900


Post Classic






---------------- -- ---- AD 1000
Classic Terminal Classic
.... .... .... AD 800


Late Classic


Early Classic


AD 350


AD 300


Late Preclassic


Proto Classic


---- -------- ------ -- AD 150







-400 BC Middle Preclassic


- 1000 BC








- 2000 BC


Early Preclassic








End of Archaic


Figure 3-2. Maya timeline divided into periods (adapted from Demarest 2004: 12-17).

























the Hmb date shal wIll be
in vic an four days







PtuCu trch*
twglnninguftllhixnra
andrverylnyv-hways


The Maya's vigesimal system was expressed
in units which started with the largest and
ended wvith the smallest:


lbaktun 146,00daysrabout400years
1katen -7,20d ayslabot20years
lanr -350dyay
]ulnd -2Ddays
3kin Iday


ThF HJub, th.
365day Vaue Yea


The number 1,212 written
in the Maya mathematical
system:


ru00


Date recorded in
the Dresden Codex:
9.9.9.16.0 1 Aban 18 Llo


Date from Quirigua Stela C:
13.0a.0.. 4Ahan 8Cumku


InitialSeries
Introductory
Clyph(~ISIG,


13Bakrun


0 Luns


0) kins


8 Cumku


9 ~



9



16


a katum


0 uinals


4 Ahau








E


ga


C ~212


13.0.0.0.0 4 Ahau 8Cumku
as seenon Quirigua Sela C


Figure 3-3. The Maya vigesimal system. A) Visualisation of the two systems syncronized

moves (Schele and Freidel 1990:80). B) The units of time (Adamas 1991:178). C)

The basic units of numbers (Sabloff 1990:34). D) Variant from a Maya book. E)

Variant from a stela (Schele and Freidel 1990:83).


1 Ahau O



9 9.9 16 0 1Ahau 18 o
as recorded in tae
Daden Codpx D












































~B~b~,7
''U
5'
~) ;~~~;li~L~b~hS~Ec~?lj:


Figure 3-4. Ha~saw/, the 26th Kalomate of Tikal in all his regalia; image based on his stela, in
front of his first building proj ect Temple 5D-33-1st, in the Great Plaza, superimposed
on stela 16 and altar 5 (adapted from Terry Rutledge's reconstruction in Harrison
1999:118)..




























































































Figure 3-5. Cival Stela 2 (Skidmore 2004, drawing by Nikolai Grube).











67


I


L Ifc/i

3: ii
L


'I,


x
t


~1 c~


i

J























































Figure 3-6. Location and details of the San Bartolo frieze. A) cutout in temple to show room
with frieze; B) Kneeling woman with dish in raised hands; C) Seated personage; D)
Standing personage (Kaufman 2003:75-77).




























Figure 3-7. San Bartolo frieze (Kaufman 2003:74-75).












2





5


IS~r i~gtl


I I 'I6


7

8







A 1 3 scm B
Figure 3-8. San Bartolo glyphs. A) Possible name and title of personage seen seated in figure 4-
Sc, last glyph, at bottom, reads "Lord" (Kaufman 2003:77). B) Glyphs from block of
ten (Saturno et al.2006:Figure 4).


















































Figure 3-9. Political Organization. A) The Emblem-glyph patchwork of states as defined by
Mathews, circa AD 790; B) Late Classic Maya states as suggested by Adams (Sharer
1994:Figure 10.8). C) The four capitals recognized by identified Emblem glyphs in
AD 731, left and in AD 849, right (Price 2004:48).











EAST
r-------------- Likin --------------
Red







Ndrth Cen~ter Solth
Xaman Yaxkin Nohol
White Green-Blue Yellow



I Is


--Chikin -------------~
Black


L-----------


Uurldrl
r
r
r
1
C 5
~, ,;i
c

rJul

I1IIIP

Urllr ~n~ma


Figure 3-10. The division of Space. A) The world divided into four quarters and the center, note
that the names of the most important axis all include the glyph for Sun/Day/Time:
Kin (redrawn from Marcus 1973:Figure 2). B) Regional centers and their dependants
that mirror the worldview (redrawn from Marcus 1973:Figure 4 and 6). C) Temple
outline in worldview pattern (Rice 2004:Figure 4.4).





A Kisr:SunDay, Time Kan Crose PreiousCee Green Lama:Venus


Zer or 'Compko~ton' Z~'rs or "couP1klei14r"


samartric of a


BI I


Figure 3-11. Maya Worldview. A) Quadripartite completion glyphs, and diagram of B (Coggins
1980:728-729; Marcus 1992: Figure 3.34; Mathews and Garber 2004:49-50; Rice
2004:70-71). B) The quadripartite world according to Codex Fej ervary Mayer page 1
(redrawn from Aveni Hartung 1986:Figure la).





























A. ~~u B
















.. D


Figure 3-12. The MayaWorldtree. A) Classi Poreriodnauraitciae(edle l 935)
B)~~~~~~~~~~~N Cocpina rwngo h ay nvrsbsd ndsrptosfomPlnu
and te Dreden Cdex Grube2000:286,myk tra~n~~Znslatorn).C eti ro h tbe
of th Temle ofthe ross Paleque Grbe2000288,my translation). D)eti
form~~~~~~~~~~~~ th alto h eml fteFlaedCos(ceead Mlcnhler18:9)








































Figure 3-13. Lid from Pacal's Sarcophagus (Robertson 1983:Figures 98-99).




















































Figure 3-14. Modern crosses in ancient color traditions (Becom and Aberg 1997:7, 105, 127).












76






































Figure 3-15. "Resurrection" Plate (Grube 2000:286).





Y-UlCKfAS

RTA 7

TEWL
C4IGI0


UD ANNAIBE UWAGY
E YAHAuTE


XAMENEK CALAKARIL
AH CNCUM EK( 84 K(u


Figure 3-16. Jaguars, Gods, and Rulers. A) Jaguar god of the underworld in some of his
manifestations (Schele and Miller 1986:51). B) Royal symbol (Ruddell 1995:28). C)

Royal belt (Robertson 1991:Figures 37-3 8). D) Royal throne (Marcus 1992: Figure
7. 12a). E) Ruler of Calakmul enters the Underworld (Brennan 1998:Figure 7.3).


jaguar paws & tail
























































Figure 3-17. Jaguars and Rulers. A) Transforming into the Day (Miller and Taube 1993:103). B)
Clawed feet show the true nature of this king (Schele and Miller 1986:Figure V.4).
Young Lords on the seat of power (Benson and Griffin 1988:Figure 9.8).
















































_~_C ~~C~_
-------- ~- -------~'~-. I'_i
,-~cl s~3~9~ a


B


Figure 3-18. The splendor and the sacrifice. A) Detail of a palace scene (Schele and Miller
1986:Plate71A). B) The end of a lord (Benson and Griffin 1988:Figure 11.12).

















































Figure 3-19. Chichen Itza's seat of power (Carnegie 1937).









God K


C J B



Figure 3-20. Ceremonial bar scepter. A) Detail from Leyden Plague (Schele and Miller
1986:121). B) Queen with huge serpent released from bar on San Francisco Stela
(Miller and Martin 2004:Figure 35). C) Details from Copan, Honduras (de la Garza
1999: Figure 74, 102).
















Shark Throne Stone


Jaguar Throne Stone


Snake Throne Stone

Figure 3-21. The primordial hearth and its three stones (Schele and Mathews 1998: Figure 1.17).

















Micmro


Yaarhila~ 1Lintel 2, Dtail


Palenque. Temple o Uf heStoi, 1ketal


Quirigua Altar, I~iatil


2. K'aw/il or Manikin scepters (Miller and Taube 1993:111; Robertson 1991:41; de la
Garza 1998;242; Spinden 1975:52; Robertson 1991:50 detail).
















































Figure 3-23. Dos Pilas ruler with K'aw/il scepters. A) Stela 17; B) Stela 1 (Schele and Miller
1986:77).













85


































O





Figure 3-24. Mask from Tikal burial 85. Preclassic geenstone-pendant-mask and drawing of
Jester-god headband (Fields and Reents-Budet 2005:113; redrawn from Freidel
1993:155)














tlor~cr-l~slgn


A Ct~9b~u


Jntcr Cod


E


mPolntcdC~p


Ynchlhan Linklc21
II


from Dumbarlon
oJnkcrl
III


Anitropom~rhi
Pefrsondscaleon


from the Oval Palace Tablet

G IV

Figure 3-25. Jester God head pieces. A) Leyden Plaque (Schele and Miller 1986:121). B)
Preclassic shark variant, Lotun Cave, Tucatan; C) Shark variant, Ruler Stromy Sky,
Tikal stela 31, detail. D) Shark variant, Ruler Pacal, Oval Palace Tablet, detail (Miller
and Taube 1993:105). E) Animal lords with headbands (Freidel 1993:155). F) Variant
from a "Drummaj or"headdress (Schele and Miller 1986:53). G) Different types of
headbands (Frdidel 1996:155; Schele and Miller 1986:53).


Irst~ Gcd




hnlnwl r\llr~


Q 1!
Canw C~wn












































Figure 3-26. The Ik Pectoral. A) Jade example (Schmidt et al. 1998:Figure 145). B) Accesion
Plaque of Pacal, Oval Palace Tablet, not the double-headed throne with, possibly, the
long-nosed pectorals, the Jestergod headband on Lady Zac Kuk, the "Drummaj or"
headdress (Robertson 1985:Figure 90). C) Lady Zac Kuk (Ruddell 1995:27).





























O, o




.-~-~t's~~c~=~ 6~=vc 0~
















Figure 3-27. The "Bar" Pectoral. A) Detail from Tikal Stela 16 (Harrison 1999: 118). B) Detail
from Dos Pilas Stela 1 (Schele and Miller 1986:77; color UC). C) Royal couple in full
regalia from Yaxchilan Lintel 13 (Stuart 1988:209, after I. Graham and van Euw
1977, vol.3:35; color UC).




























A 2nd captive "Jeweled Skull"



0




00




B


Figure 3-28. Nicknames derived from the form of glyphs. A) Yaxchilan Lintel 8 showing both
the victorious "Bird Jaguar" and the defeated "Jeweled Skill"; B) Another example of
the "Bird Jaguar" glyph (Coe 1993:Figures 151, 150d).
















Calakmul, 9.19.0.0.0 (810) .

Yaxchild 9.18.17.13.14 (808)
Piedras Neg~ras 9.19.00.0.010 (810)~

Palenque
9.18.9.4.4 (799) J::
Tonind,
10.4.0.0.0 (909)., .: Uaatin,1..000 89

:.Jimbal, 10..3.0.0.0 (889)
'llikal, 102.0.0.0 (879)









Q~ uiriguad
Bonampak,9.19.0.0.0 (810)
9.18.5.0.0 (795) : .:
Copin,
O ~9.19.10.0.0 (820)









Figure 3-29. The end of an era. Last known dates for some of the sites mentioned in the text
(adapted from Schele and Freidel 1990:Figure 10.1).









CHAPTER 4
MAYA JADE

First, I shall discuss what research has been done concerning j ade. Second, will be the

different possible meanings that j ade items carried, and the sheer quantities found in various

locations. Third, the j ade rulers wore and aspects of some of these items are discussed.

It would be fair to say that j ade was like a red thread running through the history of

Mesoamerica, and that was particularly true for the Maya of the Classic Period. That made j ade a

prime subj ect of research (Figures 4-1 4-7; Fields and Reents-Budet 2005; Miller and Martin

2004; Rands 1965:561; Schele and Miller 1986). Early studies focused almost exclusively on

iconography, as art obj ects, and as the signifier for the special status ruler possessed (Fields and

Reents-Budet 2005; Freidel and Schele 1988; Grube 2000; Miller 1999:73-77; Miller and Martin

2004; Spinden 1975; Taube 2005; Taylor 1941; Viel 1999). Some research focuses on specific

jade items, such as the Jester-God diadem, worn in some form, and at some occasions by many

of the rulers (Freidel and Schele 1988:552-558; Schele and Mathews 1998:412, 415). The

ceremonial bar and the bar pendant, or pectoral, was the focus of a study by Taylor (1941), and

the pectorals displayed on Altar Q and Structure 11 were examined to understand the political

organization of Copan, Honduras in the Late Classic Period (Viel 1999). It seems also possible

that when the pectoral was worn upside down, it denoted the aftermath of battle as shown in

Room 2 of the Bonampak murals, and on Lintel 9 and 12 at Yaxchilan, both Mexico (Figure 4-8;

Spinden 1975:Figure 10). This point is reinforced by what is called "Mural de las Cuatro Eras," a

page from a codex rendered in stucco and devoted to war and death at Tonina, Mexico. Part of it

is eroded, but one head, similar to a suspended pectoral in the center, is upside down (Yadeun

1992: 108). The same scene called "Frieze of the Dream Lords" by Martin and Grube (2000: 185),

giving the location as the wall on the fifth level in the eastern section, and has two upside down









heads visible (Figure 4-9). On Dos Pilas Stela 16, the ruler wears a pectoral with a skull, but it is

sideways, as it is on Naranjo Stela 19 (Figure 3-17B; Graham 1967:Figure 7; Reents-Budet

1994:Figure 2.34). It is possible that the upside down and side-ways denote individualities

between cities, or different scenarios.

Over time, sacred things added layer on layer of power, it follows that the older the

obj ect, the more powerful it was, and that this applied to buildings as well as jade pectorals,

scepters, and diadems (Schele and Mathews 1998:50).

Many more studies have been conducted. Those mentioned above are a select sample. As

Maya archaeology moves on, so does research into various aspects of meaning imbued in Jade

artifacts.

Kiddder (1985:108) suggested that the amount of jade added to grave goods changed

drastically from the Late Preclassic to the Classic Period. It is certainly true that the amount of

Jade discovered in the "Sun God's" burial, Altun Ha, Belize is staggering (Pendergast 1969).

The same applies to the jades from Pacal's burial, Palenque, Mexico, (Ruz Lhuillier 1973); the

masks discovered in Calakmul, Campeche, Mexico (Carrasco Vargas et al. 1999:Figure 7; Folan

and Morales LC~pez 1996:Figure 2; Hayward Gallery 1992:Figure 98; Pincemin 1994); the

diversity of jade from Copan, Honduras, (Bell et al. 1999; Cates 1999; Fash 1991; Grant 1999);

and the sheer wealth of Burial 116 and 196 at Tikal, Guatemala (Chase Coggins 1975:457, 552;

Coe 1963, 1967, 1975, 1990). However, it is the jades harvested from the Cenote of Sacrifice, in

Postclassic Chichen Itza, Mexico that gave testimony to the true wealth that was circulated

(Proskouriakoff 1974). Some of the styles the carved j ades display are recognized as coming

from areas that are far to the south of Chichen Itza, and are distant in time, Olmec, Preclassic,

and Early Classic, that first suggested the idea that heirlooms were part of the Maya traditions










(Proskouriakoff 1974). Only with the ensuing great steps in decipherment did this point become

more certain (Joyce 2003:117-121). Some of the accumulated knowledge about j ade, its sources,

properties, art and use has been collected into a book (Lange 1993). However, the overarching

concept of jade symbolizing the center per se, was documented, using the "humble hearth" to

show that all power essentially arose from it (Taube 1998). The cosmic hearth (Figure 3-21),

Yax Oc- Twral, or "First" or "Green Stone Place" consisted of the Jaguar, Snake, and Shark or

Crocodile Throne Stones according to Schele and Mathews (1998:44, emphasis in original).

Again, this links three of the most important concepts together, k 'in, K 'aw/il and Itzamnna.

The murals at Bonampak (Figure 4-10) confirm that many of the items in the regalia seen

on the stelae were actually made from j ade, and that the j ade found in burials were not just grave

goods, but part of the paraphernalia worn during life (Ruppert et al. 1955:Figures 27-29); as did

the jade skirt from Calakmul, Mexico (Figure 4-1 1). Although, most often seen on women, men

wore it as well, most famously by Pacal, properly Hanab Pakal or K 'inich Janaab~~~~JJJJJ~~~~JJ~~ Pakal (Schele

and Mathews 1998:127; Taube 2005:25), when he fell down the worldtree into the mouth of

Xibalba on his Sarcophagus lid (Figure 3-13). The skirt denoted the wearer as the Maize deity,

who was both, male and female, in the Maya dualistic worldview, they are a unit (Bassie-Sweet:

2000: 15; Miller and Martin 2004: 104; Quenon and de Fort 19:884-885). As Miller and Samayoa

(1998:57) write:

The Maize God drips with j ade, the precious material identified as a permanent
manifestation of maize itself, configured into adornments: diadem and headband (with
quetzal feathers), necklace and face pendant, ballgame yoke with spondylus shell, beaded
overskirt, bands for wrists and cuffs, and j ade earflares and counterweights.

In burials, jade is often covered in cinnabar, as mentioned above, the symbol for sunrise

analogous to birth and rebirth (Figure 4-12). It was also placed in spaces that seem to have

specific meaning. For example, Pacal's skeleton and the interior of the sarcophagus were









covered with red paint, Cinnabar, and he was literally buried beneath jade, among it a "huge

color composed of hundreds of jade cylinders and beads" (Schele and Mathews 1998:125-126,

128). He wore jade bracelets, and a jade ring adorned each Einger. His mouth was surrounded by

a rectangular piece made of pyrite, or hematite, which is identified as the maize gods, and his

face was covered with a j ade mosaic mask (Figures 4-13, -14). The SalkHunalj ewel was placed

at his head, at his groin was a jade Eigurine, possibly the maize god, and at his feet was the

carved Eigurine of the Pax God, a "personified tree" (Schele and Mathews 1998:126-127; see

also Taube 2005:25). The Pax God is an aspect of Kinich Ahau, the Sun God (Taube 2005:27).

Two other pieces of jade were added to the content of the grave that have researchers

confounded, a cube in his right hand and a sphere in his left (Schele and Mathews 1998:126-

128). Karl Taube points to the fact that Pacal had also at each hand and foot a large jade bead as

well as the above mentioned jade at the groin area, and he calls it "a pattern strikingly similar

[to] the Olmec bar- and-four-dots motif' (Taube 2005:Figure 4a). I shall come back to this point

later in the results section of this study.

Jade adorned not only their royalty, but small pieces and beads, have been found in much

humbler surroundings (Haviland 1985: Table 122; Willey et al. 1994:252-255).

According to Thompson (1960: 144-145), the glyph for j ade, tun, denoted also the solar

year of 360 days. In a later publication, T 548, tun and T 580, jade, are different (Figure 4-15A;

Thompson 1962: 161, 205), and Robertson (1985:237) identified an altogether different glyph for

j ade. Considering the multi- facet-ness of the Maya Cosmos, it is probable that the different

glyphs are different aspects of the same entity. If that is so, the identification by Robertson

(1985:237) would show j ade and bone and j ade and completion signs decorating pier F on Palace

House D at Palenque, Mexico, and yet again demonstrates the pervasive importance of jade. This









is especially seen in connection with the bone, as it would denote yet another way of linking

centrality and the Bone kingdom, greater Palenque. Another explanation possibly links jade here

with water, since water makes things green, and Palenque's ancient name was Lakamha', or Big

Water. It would also mean that in addition to the actual j ade, the glyph was part of the royal dress

code (Figure 4-15B-15E).

If Jade and tun are the same, it unites j ade with the yearly j ourney of the sun, another

reminder that time and space, as in the material world, are interlocked, and one can not exist

without the other. It seems that the Maya understood this basic reality very well and incorporated

it into their worldview. Their world, the cities and ball-courts and temples all are material

witnesses to this basic tenant (Schele and Mathews 1998:42). Finally, the abundance of jade and

the personification as the maize god in the person of the living ruler reassured his people of his

power to ensure plentiful harvests for all times (Fields and Reents-Budet 2005:99).

The j ade j ewelry worn by rulers has been deconstructed into its elements both in imagery

(Figure 4-16) and archaeological context (Figure 4-13). Costume ornaments and their place on

the body of a possible early ruler have been recreated for Tomb 1 in Structure III ("The Lundell

Palace") at Calakmul in situ (Figure 4-17). Heads or masks in many forms are an essential part of

the royal paraphernalia (Figure 4-18). Houston and Stuart (1998:85, 90-91) argue that it is a

reflection of the whole person and that the images in stone are part of the personhood of

individual rulers who gain eternal life as long as the stone image is present. As stated above, the

promise of birth/ rebirth was perpetuated by the king by becoming the maize god in death, and

was kept visible by his depictions as a part of him that never died. Like maize that even when

harvested, the people retained kernels for planting the next crop, thus holding the promise and

representation of new life within.









In different depictions, the same king, but also different rulers in the same situation

(Figure 4-19), are shown with a variety of pectorals. It follows that each had a specific meaning

and possibly signified different stages or situations in the official life of the person depicted. As

mentioned above, some have been identified, as in the pectoral god or the T, and may have some

meaning, such as the upside down pectorals and the sideways skull (Figure 3-17B, 4-8).

However, many meanings still elude us, and the situations, at least to some extent, also. As will

be presented later from stelae and other monuments, the long-nosed god is the primary choice of

pectoral. Therefore, it seems likely that this pectoral, at least in Tikal, was during the Classic

Period among the most important items signifying royalty.

Inscribed jade heirlooms often have texts that proclaim them as property of a specific

person, or house, and are found sometimes in locations far removed from their origin. For

example, a belt-mask or head taken from Indians at Comayagua, Honduras supposedly was

looted from a tomb at Copan or nearby, and contains text that links it to Palenque (Joyce

2003:116; Schele and Miller 1986:81-82). Schele and Miller (1986:82) suggest that it came to

Copan with the mother, one Lady Chak Nik Ye Xook of Palenque, of Yax-Pa, or Yax Pa~saj Chan

Yoaat, the 16th ruler after K 'inich Ya-x K 'uk 'Mo~' the originator of Classic Copan (Martin and

Grube 2000:192, 209). Like heraldry, these items may have actually served as markers, as

proclamations of genealogies and thus represented royal and noble houses. As such, they were

passed to succeeding generations and on special occasions may have been included in what

accompanied the dead ruler to the grave (Joyce 2003:116-117). Perhaps, as Harrison (1999: 162)

suggests, the female version of the couple of magnificent j ade mosaic vessels (Figure 4-20)

possibly representing his mother and was given to the occupant of burial 196, while the one

clearly labeled as his father, and, perhaps portraying him, was added to his parent's tomb.









Heirlooms are prime examples of what Weiner calls "inalienable wealth" in all its

implications (Weiner 1985). Conceivably the Olmec jade pectoral (Figure 2-9) mentioned in

chapter II was such an heirloom, and it was made even more meaningful when the early king was

carved in it (Joyce 2000:203-210). Such obj ects create stability in social relations, even if given

away, because part of the history of the obj ect is the original ownership; they create an obligation

to give in return, thereby creating a social relation (Weiner 1985:212; see also Gosden and

Marshall 1999:170).

Although the relationship between Tikal and Calakmul was volatile, with ample

references to antagonism (Demarest 2004: 108-110, 223-228; Harrison 1999: 130-133; Schele and

Mathews 1998:86), it is possible that even between those two archenemies there were social ties

and civil interactions. On Tikal Altar 5, the 16th ruler, Hasaw/ Chan K'aw/il, who defeated

Calakmul, is shown with a lord from Calakmul, kneeling on either side of the bones thought to

be Hasaw' s wife' s, a blood relative of said lord (Figure 4-21). If the assertions about Altar 5 are

correct, one of the carved bones in Hasaw' s crypt proclaiming it as "his bone, a relation of the

king of Calakmul" (Figure 4-22) may be just the same lord's bone, an offering to the dead king

in honor of his relation in marriage. Yet, there is also the possibility that it was a bone from the

defeated king of Calakmul, as seems to have been a practice among the Maya to take such

"potent souvenir" (Miller 1999:219-220), in essence, making the defeated accompany the victor

on his journey through Xibalba.

According to Weiner (1985:21 1), in the final analysis, such obj ects often return to the

place from which they started. However, some pieces are too important because they are an

inextricable part of the constructed persona; and are visible links to the past represented in the

present, proclaiming the right to rule and defining the relationships to all (Weiner 1985:211).









As Weiner (1985:212; 1992: 37) points out, such objects can be lost and thereby diminish

both the right to rule and the link with the past. An example is the capture of the palanquins from

enemy cities, two of which, Calakmul and Yax Ha La 'in Wakah, either El Peru or an unidentified

western city, and were then displayed by the victors on Lintel 3 of Temple I and Lintel 3 of

Temple IV (Harrison 1999: 133, 153-157, Figures 77, 94). One way of ensuring that such objects

stay within the realm is to remove them permanently or semi-permanently from circulation by

placing them in the tomb of an ancestor. As the reconstructed burial at Calakmul shows (Figure

4-17), the person buried was wrapped in a cloth covering not only the physical body, but also the

jade objects placed on the body (Folan 1995:322; see also Table 16). Cloth bundles, as

containers for precious jewels, have a long Maya tradition (Miller and Taube 1993:46; Schele

and Miller 1986:71). Considering the staircase that clearly allowed access to the funeral

chamber in the Temple of the Inscription at Palenque (Figure 4-23), it is possible that the Maya

may have viewed tombs as "bundles," and in the widest sense, also the city. Certainly, the main

glyph in the emblem of Tikal looks like a wrapped and tied bundle of cloth (Figure 4-24; Martin

and Grube 2000:25).

Jade and its uses and meaning as displayed on the royal personage have been the focal

point here, before turning to the site, Tikal, from which the data examined in this study come



















JIOE 8E~D6


i*RUEHr


~nOAr ~LIRT


Figure 4-1. The insignia of rulers at Palenque. A) left, Chan-Bahlum dressed in the royal
splendor of the Temple of the Foliated Cross Tablet; right, dressed before his acession
on the Cross Tablet (Robertson 1991:50). B) Left, Kan-Xul dressed for his acession
(Robertson Vol. VI 1985:57): center, Pacal's dress as he hands the crown to his son
Kan-Xul (Schele and Miller 1986:114, detail); right, cariation with belt-heads
(Robertson Vol. II 1985:55, detail).
























C D





















Figure 4-2. Example necklaces and earflare. A) Simple necklace, colors are either made from
this, or graduated beads (ASchmidt et al. 1998:Figure 129). B) and C) are more
elaborate (Grube 2000:58-59). D) Earflare with rod (Schmidt et al. 1998:Figure 159).
E) ornamental figurine necklace (Stuart and Stuart 1993:204).





~i~-- -- ------- -c~- UY~_ III


lFa~Ei~64C~,~


r-


JY


rl


ly


~YnWww~ap;;l
~fP~a~a~, 49


Figure 4-3. An eight-strand j ade and shell collar from Calakmul (Miller and Martin 2004-71).
























A ,





























Figure 4-4. Belt masks with plaques. A) The three j ade-masks from Pacal's burial (Ruz Lhullier
1958:114). B) Although there were three masks only two could be reconstructed and
are part of "the finest royal belt ever excavated at a Maya's site" (left and quote:
Miller and Martin 2004:236; right: Lothrop 1964:114).















































Figure 4-5. Head of K'inch Ajaw/ as Jester God. This is the largest (h: 14.9 cm) solitary piece of
carved jade (Jadeite) known from the entire Maya region, and it is, not surprisingly,
carved in the image that embodied sacred rulership for the Classic Maya; when found
the buried ruler of Altun ha held the sculpturer in his right arml residue textiles imply
that the carving was wrapped, a bundle, as has been done with sacred obj ects into
modern times; this burial is amonh the richest found, when catalogued, the jade
jewelry's weight came to over 60 pounds (Fields and Reents-Budeet 2005:256).









104







































A B


Figure 4-6. Ruler and Jade. A) Jade-inlayed shell pectoral from the Early Classic; it demonstrates the pervasive importance of shell
(reddish) and jade; B) Jade figurine of an Early Classic ruler (Fields and Reents-Budet 2005:168-169).














































C D)

Figure 4-7. Jade, red, and God K. A) Cache offering of carved j ades and various shells all
treated with red pigment (fields and Reents-Budet 2005:116). B) Various "jewely
boxes" made from shell and j ade beads (Clancy et al. 1985:136; Miller and Martin
2004: 119). C) Offering of carved figurine in shell (Stuart and Stuart 1993:frontpage).
D) God K pendant that "is a splended example of Maya lapidary art" (Schmidt et al.
1998:Figure 399).










































C Ie~P~






Figre -8.Pecoa' poi tin A) Mua eai rmBoapk(upete a.15:Fgr 8







Figre -8.pecaintin byAntionioA Teja dea).Bintl9;adCLitl1 from Yoapk(upr taxhlan (TatFgue 8
1992:152, 194).

































Figure 4-9. "Mural de las Cuatro Eras", or "Frieze of the Dream Lords". It shows the same position of the heads as are some of the
pectorals associated with war, or the aftermath of it (Tadeun 1992: 108; Martin and Gube 2000: 185).





















A I






















Figure 4-10. Mural details from Bonampak. A) A row of dignitary; B) The dressing of the king?
(Ruppert et al. 1955:Figure 27, painting by Antonio Tejada).




































Figure 4-11. A netted jade collar worn as either skirt or cape from Calakmul. They are well
known from carvings, but this is one of the few found in excavations. Probably like
other royal items they became heirlooms and were part of the regalia belonging to the
royal house (Miller and Martin 2004: 104).










































Figure 4-12. Jade pectoral covered with red pigment from Copan (Fields and Teents-Budet 2005:251).










~Sak Hdunal jewel


mosaic: face mask


~jade statue of
jade Maize God? a personified tree

Figure 4-13. Pacal's Jewels diagram (Schele and Mathews 1998:126).





































A B

Figure 4-14. Pacal's Jewels picture. A) His jade-mosaic-face mask (Lothrop 1964: 115). B) K'inich Ajaw/ jade figurine from beside
his left foot (Bernal 1969:85).















Gilyph 580 Jade


Olyph 548 lan


Figure 4-15. Jade, Tun, Bone, and Completion. A) Glyphs for jade, Tun, and variations on jade
(Thompson 1962: 118, 161, 205). B) Bone and jade glyphs, and C) Jade and
completion glyphs alternating (Digsby 1952:42). D) Found on the cest of a warrior
this pendant shows the sign of what it was made from (de la Fuente et al. 1999:Figure
130). E) Chan Bahlum dressed in the royal finery, detail (Robertson 1991:50).


Glyph 516 Jade variants



















- Jester God

Personification
Head
Royal Mal
Symlbol
Earflare



Sun God (
etnering from (
Serpenlt-Mouth



Ahan Nen Symnbol
of Ruler ship



' Cllts

Personification Head
on Beht Chain


'Tubular and
Bead Bangles'


Double-Hesaded
Serpent Bar


R~baritANKE.n
BRACELET


6eArnessurern


Figure 4-16. Leyden Plaque image and jade jewelry (Ferguson and Royce 1984: 116; Schele and Miller 1986: 121).


Rm Afllan A
emalls el...
T*,n1c-wr













jade noddace whhb
ladele mas8k
3)adele plalques
Iqnpml Incised wahcult a ldete ma~k wth
.- + herl and pyrite
9g alone pendarls


Figure 4-17. Burial 1 from Structure III at Calakmul. Reconstructed drawing of grave at time of
burial (Folan et al. 1995:322, original drawing by Sophia Pincemin, redrawn by Kay
Clahassey).















A







C"B















Figure 4-18. Jade Funerary and one belt masks from Calakmil. A) Top, Tomb 1, Str.II-D
(Schmidt et al. 1998:554); center, Tomb 1, Str.XV (Carrasco 1996:48). B) Tomb 1,
Str. III; and belt mask (Pincemin 1994:bookcover, Figure 38).
















North End


lady Zarc-Kulk Kan-Bahlum-Mo'


~F~ ISouth End






Kan-Bahlutm-Mo' Lady Zac-Kutlk














Choacal I Chan-Bahlutm I Lady Kan-lki







j,., Ii~ % ;4~ 1~~J[West Side







Pacal I Lady Kan-Ik Kan-X d



Figure 4-19. Drawings of the sides of Pacal's sacophagus (Robertson 1983:65).

























































Figure 4-20. Vessels from Burial 116 and 196 (Miller 1986:61, photograph by William R. Coe).






119
































,~ ^r973;7:
~ r~;~:.~i~~:=~-~I.s-~c


Cloth-bound staff

Bloodletting cape


Wristlet of
Trilobed flint T 7UP ~ c- .~..~~ diagnostc


Il~d
ri spotted
Bloodletting /IC;~~~ Y v N CI-FMI ribbon
knots
~c IY~s~l~Jt~n- Bloodlettin
disk and bow










Figure 4-21. Altar 5 from Tikal; top left, drawing of actual image (Jones and Satterthwaite
1982:Figure 23); top right, interpretation drawing by Terry Rutledge (harrison
1999: 139); bottom, schematic drawing by M. Remmert, after W.R.Coe (Ferguson and
Royce 1984:160, iconography interpreted by Linda Schele)





























































Figure 4-22. Bone from Burial 116, Tikal, with reference to Calakmul (Miller 1999:219)



121














































Figure 4-23. Palenque, Temple of the Inscriptions. The temple with cutout showing staircase
and crypt (Kubler 1962:222)
















122




































Figure 4-24. Tikal Emblem glyph (Harrison 1999:30)









CHAPTER 5
TIKAL

A short description of the site and its history will be given including physical and

ecological aspects. Although some of the history of Tikal, spanning more than a thousand years,

has been discovered and pieced together, there are still many gaps in our knowledge. Here, only

points that pertain to the study are mentioned. A select number of the vast amount of

publications concerning Tikal is mentioned below, as are the reasons for choosing this site in

favor of others, and finally, the images and burials from which the data used in this study come

are introduced.

Tikal or M~utul, (researchers have not yet come to a decision which name the city and area

carried in ancient times) was at its absolute height circa AD 700. One of the largest cities in the

Classic Period, it spread over more than 65 square km of the Maya realm (Harrison 1999: 16). It

achieved this scale after almost a millennium of settlement. As early as about 800 BC, people

settled in the region, made so attractive and volatile both by being at a pivotal point connecting

some of the most important trade and communication routes, and by its swampy surroundings

(Harrison 1999:14-16), ideal for raised field agriculture (Adams 1991:147, see also Map 5-2;

Sabloff 1990:82). This method of agriculture allows farmers to reuse the same plot year after

year without depleting the soil, because the fields are elevated and replenished with the soil from

the canals surrounding them (Sabloff 1990:81). In addition, the channels are excellent sources

for protein, including fish, snails, and mussels. Another attraction to early settlers was the "ridges

that characterize the center of the site" (Harrison 1999:15). Hilltops are favored by all people, it

not only allows them to survey the surrounding land with ease, but it also makes it easier to

protect the site and to communicate between settlements using mirror signals (Harrison

1999: 15). Although it is conj ecture to suggest that the Maya used heliography, the fact that









mirrors were part of the Classic dress code lends support to this assertion (Harrison 1999: 15).

Even today mirrors are part of the dress that catholic saints wear in Maya communities and may

imply ancient roots and importance (personal observation).

The core of the city, an astonishing 16 km2 (Figure 5-1), supported over 4,000 structures

and an estimated 90,000 residents at the height of its Classic flowering (de la Fuente et al.

1999: 144; Harrison 1999: 16). It seems as if the people of Tikal tried to reach, at least, the first

level of heaven with the tallest of the Hyve great temples, Temple IV. It rises approximately 70

meters (Proskouriakoff 1963:8), and it is clearly visible above the thirty-meter high treetops, as

are the other four (Figure 5-2; Coe 1988[1967]:7). A stylized map of the heart of Tikal gives an

impression of its layout (Figure 5-3; Martin and Grube 2000:24) and an artistic rendition shows

its buildings (Figure 5-4; Coe 1988[1967]:26). Proskouriakoff shows both, the present state of

the smallest of Hyve great temples, Temple II, and a rendition of its former glory. The addition of

people offers a concept of how overwhelming and impressive even the smallest of the Hyve

temples was (Figure 5-5). This greatness was achieved in stages, shown on the building phases

of Temple 33 (Figure 5-6). The first building stage, it was a low and massive platform funerary

shrine over the tomb of the early ruler Stormy Sky, or Siya~h Chan K 'aw/il (Harrison 1999:87-88),

or Siyaj Chan K 'aw/iilllI(Martin and Grube 2000:34). In the next stage, a much smaller temple

(A) with two rows of masks was set in the center of the platform to house stela 3 1, and in its final

manifestation achieved over 200 years later, it is a massive structure (B) rising 30 m into the sky

(Martin and Grube 2000:36).

The course of the history of Tikal, as can be imaged, is complex and involved. There are

times of splendor and times of decline, particularly concerning the Classic Period, recorded in

numerous scholarly publications, and almost every account of Maya civilization includes at least









a chapter on Tikal (Adams 1991), Culbert (1991), Demarest (2004), Ferguson and Royce (1984),

Hammond (1988), Harrison (1999), Inomata and Houston (2001), Martin and Grube (2000),

Miller (1986), Rice (2004), Sabloff (2003), Schele and Freidel (1990), Schele and Mathews

(1998), Sharer (1994), and Toby Evans and Pillsbury (2004)).

It is beyond the scope of this study to give even a brief account of the entire history of

Tikal, but a few aspects need to be mentioned. As discussed earlier, written texts seem to have

been in the repertoire of the Maya ever since Pre-Classic times. What changed was the multitude

of recording the history of Tikal both "inscribed in stone on royal monuments and painted on

ceramic vessels" (Harrison 1999:65). As common in all literate cultures, it was the recording of

the powerful, the fortunes and exploits of kings and queens that were documented (Betanzos

[1576] 1996; Carter and Mace 1977; Chang 1983; Griffe 2001; Harrison 1999; Martin and Grube

2000; Munro-Hay 1991; Smith 1996; as is also true of the history of Europe, at least until World

War I).

As Peter Harrison asserts, Tikal's narrative starts relatively late, the earliest inscription to

date was found on Stela 29, and dates to AD 292 written in the Maya Long Count notation

mentioned above as 8.12.14.13.15 (Harrison 1999:65; Martin and Grube 2000:27). Recordings

of later kings, asserting their place in the line of rulers from a specific founder, Yax Ch'actel Xox,

facilitates filling in some of the missing history (Harrison 1999:65). As I mentioned, many of the

names are still subj ect to discussion, and he is also known as Yax Ehb 'Xook, possibly translated

as "First Step Shark"?, or as Ya-x Moch Xok, Ya-x Chakte 'lXox (Martin and Grube 2000:26).

Several researchers have created a chronology of the rulers, three of the most recent are shown in

Tables 1-3, and compared to each other in Table 4. As can be seen, some overlap occurs, but

still, accounts are a long way from any final conclusion. As Peter Harrison states, "positive









identification depends upon the existing level of confidence in the translation of known texts",

and since most of them are still uncertain, much more work will be needed until these questions

are wholly answered (Harrison 1999:69). The list of kings by Ferguson and Royce (1984:74) and

by Jones and Satterthwaite (1982:127) are shown in Figures 5-7 and 5-8 to illustrate the

difficulty and to demonstrate breakthroughs accomplished with the help from epigraphers. It was

made even more difficult because later kings would choose the name of a famous ancestor

(Harrison 1999:67; Martin and Grube 2000:25--53).

Another aspect of the history of this city has been and is subj ect to scholarly debate, and

centers on the influence that Teotihuacan, the great city of Central Mexico, had on Tikal. That

there was influence is not the issue, it is very much accepted (Demarest 2004: 103-106, 218-222;

Harrison 1999:68, Figures 31-32, 47-49; Millon 1973; Pendergast 1971; Stuart 2000; see also

White et al. 2001). It is the nature of the relationship between the two cities, or states, that is the

problem (Demarest 2004:103-106; Fash and Fash 2000:434-442). Some think that Teotihuacan

dominated the relationship and that one of their own became king at Tikal (Martin and Grube

2000:29-31; see also Fash and Fash 2000:446, 450). Others mention that there was also a Classic

Maya presence at Teotihuacan (Adams 1999:223; Demarest 2004: 103-106) and that at

Teotihuacan, recently excavated burials contained rulers in Classic Maya paraphernalia

(Demarest 2004: 104-105). A balanced relationship between the two regions seems most likely

considering that both had desired resources, Teotihuacan the green obsidian (Demarest

2004: 105), and the Maya had j ade, j aguars, and blue/green Quetzal feathers, and although

speculative, marriage partners for the rulers. It would make for good politics if marriages were

arranged between far-flung houses. The chance of interference was relatively small, considering

the distances, and it was also a much safer option regarding inheritances and loyalties. However,









in times of need, the might of Teotihuacan may have saved the throne, for example when only a

female descendant was available and factions tried to take over. Finally, it made the divide

between elite and royalty poignant, without resorting to the marriage pattern that the Egyptian

Pharaohs employed. Most of the stelae and all of the burials discussed in this study are from the

very core of the city, the North Acropolis, Great Plaza, and Central Acropolis (Figure 5-4).

Tikal Data: The reason for using the Tikal data is that they are among the most detailed

that, for a particular Classic city, are available. There was an era in Maya archaeology when

funding permitted multidiscipline investigations over a long period of time; for example, at

Uaxactun, Guatemala (Smith 1934; Smith 1937; Kidder 1947); at Altun Ha, Belize (Pendergast

1969; 1979, 1982; Mathews and Pendergast 1979), at Qurigua, Honduras (Sharer 1990). Today

the tradition is carried on at Copan (Andrews and Fash 2005; Baudez 1994; Bell et al. 2004;

Coates 1999; Fash 1991; Hendonl991; Newsome 2001; Schele 1992; Sharer 1996-2000, Sharer

et al. 1992: 1999; Webster 1986; Webster et al. 2000; Willey et al. 1994); and at Calakmul

(Carrasco 1996; Carrasco Vargas et al. 1999; Folan 1992; Folan and Morales LC~pez 1996; Folan

et al. 1995; Garcia-Moreno R. and Granados G 2000; INTAH 2003; Marcus 1987; Martin 2000;

Pincemin 1994; Pincemin et al. 1998).

Palenque's monuments were intensely investigated, which resulted in several volumes

(Robertson 1983-1991), and the burial of Pacal was established as one of the great discoveries of

the last century (Ruz Lhuillier 1973). Pacal is rivaled only, as far as Palenque is concerned, by

the discovery and excavation of the tomb of the "Red Queen" (Gonzalez Cruz 2000). Certainly,

other sites have been excavated and studied, and much has been learned over the years, but not

with the same continued and concerted effort. Finally, there is Tikal, Guatemala, which was

excavated over a period of eleven years, 1955 to 1966 (Harrison 1999:3 5), and for three more









years of consolidation and preservation by the University of Pennsylvania proj ect (Coe 1965:5;

Harrison: 1999:37; Kidder II 1965:3), and work, although with a shifted focus, continued with

the "Proyecto Nacional Tikal" (Harrison 1999:37). A huge number of publications resulted from

this and later efforts (Adams and Trik (1961), Becker (1973), Chase Coggins (1975), Coe (1990),

Coe and McGinn 1963, Culbert (1993), Harrison (1963), Haviland (1985), Jones (1996) Jones

and Satterthwaite (1982), Michel (1989), Miller (1985), Miller (1986), Moholy-Nagy (2003),

Montgomery 2001), Shook et al. (1958), and Trik (1963)). However, the report, Tikal 27a, that

discusses and illustrates the artifacts found in the burials, among them the jades, has not yet been

published. According to Christopher Jones (personal communication 2006), it will be 2007.

However, individual pieces have been the subj ect of publications (Coe 1988 [1967]:5 1, 64-65, 68,

Harrison 1999:Figure 87, 113; Miller 1986:Figure 31; Trik 1963:10). One rather important

carved piece of jade found in Tikal Burial 10, as it maybe a clue to the inhabitant is an enigma

(Figure 5-9; Chase Coggins 1975:147-148, Martin and Grube 2000:33). It could be at Locus 29,

for which there seems not to be a comment in the description of the burial content (Coe

1990:479-487).

Since the artifacts for the pertinent burials at Tikal have not been published, it was

necessary to use illustrations from a variety of sources. Therefore, it is probable that there are

some minor variations between the jades used as examples and what was actually found at Tikal.

For the purpose of this study, the differences are of little to no consequence, as it is more the

arrangements of them and presence or absence that is crucial.

For the "Living Images," all stelae that have identifiable personage are included in the

study, although sometimes simply with the comment that they are eroded. So are Lintels and the

Stucco walls from two structures and the Leyden Plaque, although provenance is not certain, and









a ceramic figure. Most images come from detailed drawings in Tikal Report 33 (Jones and

Satterthwaite 1982), the newly discovered stela 40; the Leyden Plaque and the ceramic figure are

from various publications. All jade ornamentation, as far as possible, is listed, but there is

certainly room for debate. I tried to identify only those that have been found or otherwise

identified as j ade.

The following burials are included in this study, and they are Preclassic Burial 125, and

Classic burials 10, 48, 195, 23, 24, 116, 196, 8 and 6. The identification of the jade items was

made by the descriptions published in Tikal Report 14 (Coe 1990). Burial 125 was included

because it is thought to be the founder of the royal lineage (Harrison 1999:68). It only contained

the skeleton, but a contemporaneous deposit "that lies about 6 m to the east" held all the artifacts

usually associated with a burial and may have established an extension of the grid under-laying

the sacred nucleus of Tikal, and during the entire Classic Period, all new buildings adhered to the

established lattice (Harrison 1999:68-69). For that reason, Peter Harrison (1999:69) suggested

that

It is an acceptable interpretation that the new axis was established by the dynastic founder
himself and that his burial was divided in this fashion, with his bones marking the old axis
and his grave goods marking the new.

Some of burials and their occupants are securely identified, while others are still tentative

(Harrison 1999).

Obviously the preceding is just an outline of the setting and history of this grand city.

Considering that publication of data from excavations almost fifty years ago are still ongoing,

and as said before, archaeology is an ongoing process as new insights or discoveries change and

challenge established perceptions. It is to be expected that some of the identifications both of

images and burials discussed above may not be final. However, the interrelationship between










"living images" and burials, and what it may tell us about the tangible and intangible beliefs of

the Maya in its essence, will still be very true.

The following chapter relates how and why the data were collected. Following the course

of the j ourney of the rulers, first the "living images", then the burials are treated. In addition, a

small set data from Calakmul is included to argue the point of differences between practices in

different cities.











Table 5-1. List of Tikal Rulers according to Martin and Grube (2000).

No Personage Name Date(s) Depiction Comments page #
Founder Tax Ehb'Xook c. AD 90 ?? Burial 85? 26


Dynastic
title


(First Step
Shark?) aka:1

Foliated Jaguar?
(?-Jaguar) aka:11

Animal Head-
dress

Siyaj Chan
K'awiil I (Sky-
born K'awiil,
Great Claw)
Ladv Une'
B'alam (Lady
Baby Jaguar)


f Tak loch Xox, Tak Chakte'1Xok


6th
or
7th?


Ruler ?



Ruler
4jaw

Ruler
D-title



Ruler
Queen

King


?St 29


26-27



26-27



26-27,
41



26-27


]])aka: ScrolL~hau Jaguar


?292


? 305-308




?? >317>



accession:
320


name on early Jade plaque found in Costa
Rica: father of 11Ith Ruler; wife: Lady Skull


El Encanto listing of 11th, 13th & 14th on a vessel:
St 1 son of Animal H&wife



8.14.0.0.0 K'atun-ending celebrated by
Queen her reign is recorded on St 31


Leiden
Plaque


Leiden P linked but not sure


Ruler
D-title




Ruler
D-title



??
?general?
of Teo


K'inich Afuwaan
Jol (Great-Sun
Hawk Skull /
Head) aka:1

Chak Toklch'
4ak I (Great
Burning? Claw)
aka: Great Pawl
Sivaj K'4k'
(Fire-born) aka:
Smoking Frog,


?-359
death at 359?




360-378
a:7 Aug.360?
death:
15 Jan. 378
arrival
15 Jan 378
power 379


St 39





Incense
Burner
St 26?, St. 39
Corozal St 1
blackware
vessel
Tikal Teo


named as father of 14th Ruler
St. 28 (ofa later date) records him as an-
cestral ruler on St at Corozal, outlying center,
description of death
fAlahk'ina Bird Skull, Feather Skull
see pic; Hombre de Tikal?: son of 13th Ruler,
mother: Lady B'alam War
] Great Jaguar Paw, Jaguar Paw III,
Toh Chaklch'ak
input of Teotihuacan influence at Tikal


26-27





26-28




29-31


acces- Spearthrower


4 May 374 stucco-


rulership where? fathered next Tikal Ruler 29-31

























































_~V~V


Table 5-1. Continued.


No Personage
sion not
Tikal
throne



Ruler


Name
Owl
aka: Atlatl-
Cauac, Spear-
thrower Shield

Tax Nuun 4viin I
(First? Caiman)
aka: Curl Snout,



Sivaj Chan
K'awiil II (Sky-
born K'awiil) aka:
Stormy SM,
Manikin Cleft Sky
K'an Chitain
(Precious/Yellow
Peccary)
aka: Kan Boar,
K'an4k




Chak Tok
Ich 'aak II (Great
Burning? Claw)
aka: Jaguar
Claw) 1
Lady of Tikal
aka: Woman
of Tikal
Kaloointe
B'alain


Date(s)
d: 10 June
439




379-4(,47
a: 12 Sept.
379



411-456
a: 26 Nov 411
d: 3 Feb 456



458-486?
b: 26 Nov
415?
a: 8 Aug 458





c. 486-508
d: 24 July 508




504-527>
a: 19 April 511

c. 511-527>


Depiction Comments
coated possibly marriage to Tikal lady, found in
tripod vessel compound solely built of talud-tablero poss
Marcador a special compd just for the intruder from Teo
Marcador same as one recovered in Teo
except that it has a long Maya text on it.
St 4, St. 18 shown in Mex costum & seated (unusual) on
Cerem. his St: Son of Spearth.Owl: Wife: Lady
Censer K'inich, mentioned on Son's (16thR) St 31i-side
Bu a small-curl snout Jade caiman, but not de-
scribed as such by Coe 1990: 483, & fig 160)
St 1, 28, 31 bur: Temple 33, Bu 48, w/date March 457
Wife: Lady Aviin: Son of above, dress on
St 31 "consciously archaic in style & largely
a copy of St 29 from 150 years earlier"


page #


32-33





32-36


Ruler
D-title


Ruler









Ruler





Ruler
Queen

Ruler
D-title


St 2, 9, 13, 40









St 3, 7, 15, 27


Son of above: Wife: Ladv Tzutz Nik:
St 40 found in 1996 follows St 29, 31, but
shows on side-panels father & mother
[pic only shows front]: St 2 mirrows father's
St 1 its symbolism focuses on the matrilinial
descent; created "staff' St, starting w/St 9 on
it king im-personates a fire deity, carrying a
"fire-drill" & cap covered in jaguar-masks.
son of above: daughter: Lady of Tikal?
staff-St, staff or fire-drill more decorated,
son: Wak Chan K'awiil


32, 37


32, 37





38



38-39


] Jaguar Paw Skull
St 6, 12, 23 born 09-11, prob. daughter of above, R at 6
years old, poss ruled w/male co-R, linked to
19th R, & Bird Claw
St 10, 12, 25 poss general before husband? Or guardian of
abovepossibly consort/guardian of young











Table 5-1. Continued.

No Personage Name Date(s) Depiction Comments page #


aka: Curl Head
Bird Claw aka:
Animal Skull I,
Ete I
Wak Chan
K'awiill aka:
Double Bird
Animal Skull
(Great Sun?)
Lizard Head,
A-Skull II, Ete II

Tikal Hiatus 562-692
Atitn Ujol
Chaak

(?-headed Chaak)
aka: Shield Skull,
Atin Bak Chak
Jasawt Chan
K'awrill (K' that
Clears? the Skv)
aka: Ruler A,
4h Cacao,
Sky Rain






Tik'in Chan
K'awrill (K'
that Darkens the


Queen
name of Ladv of Tikal on his St


20
th?

21th

22th


Ruler?



Ruler
D-title
Ruler
Dyn-title


527-537?



508?-562
a: 29 Dec
537?
>593-628<
a: after 562


St 8



St 17


painted plate
from burial


38-39



38-39

40-41


son of Chak ToklIch 'aak II; Mother Ladv
Hand, emphasis on high ranking mother:
Lady Hand SW of B'alam: father: Fire Cross,
Bu 195 under T-32, mostly stucco-wood
objects, but richly painted, among them 4
painted K'awrills,

possibly named at Dos Pilas, a rival estab-
lished by Calakmul
wife: Lady Jaguar Seat: Bu: poss Bu 23 under
T-33, or unexplored T-35; exile at Palenque?


23 & 24th ruler

Ruler


c. 640


no pics


>657-679


& after battle in 639 goes w/Pakal (K'inich
Janaab 'Pakal) to Palenque: back in Tikal,
ultimalty defeated by Dos Pilas & Calakmul
St 16, 30 son of above: wife: Lady Kalajurin Une'Mo'
Alt 5, 14 (12 Macan'-tails): buried T I, Bu 116:
revitalized Tikal
more depictions: Temple 1: Lintel 2, 3:
stucco fassade from Structure 5D-57
holding an important captive posss R of
Calakmul); Lintel from Structure. 5d-52;
Alt 5, L 2, L from Str.: show him as Teo-
warrior, Jade vase from Bu; Tikal Rock sculp-
ture: Small drinking Vessel from Temple 73,
Burial 116
St 5, 20?, 21 son of above & wife: sons: 28th R Abrin Tak
Alt 2, 8?, 9 4ylin II burial: debated not? T 73; Bu 196:
T-IV-L 2, 3 better in T IV (his T)


42-43



44-47













48-50


Ruler


682-734
a: 3 May 682












734-746>
a: 8 Dec 734


27th


Ruler
D- title











Table 5-1. Continued.

No Personage Name Date(s) Depiction Comments page #


ijl I


Sky) aka:
Ruler B, ]


] Yaxkin Chan Chac, Sun Sky Rain
son of above: poss Bu 196 instead of father?
St 19, 22 also son of 27 th Ruler; brother: 28th ruler
Altar 6, 10 palace scene w/him on vessel



? son: Dark Sun? poss missing 28th ruler,
otherwise rule very brief: ~794-810.


28th
29th


Ruler
Ruler
D-title



Ruler



Ruler

Ruler
Ruler


>766-768
768-794>
a: 25 Dec 768



c. 800?



>810>


48, 50
48, 51




52



52-53

52-53
52-53


Tax Nuun 4viin II
(First? Caiman)
aka: Ruler C,
Chitam
Nuun Ujol
K'ininch
(?-headed Sun)
Dark Sun

Jewel K'awiil
Jasaw Chan
K'awiil II(K' that
Clears? the Skv)]


St 24,
T-III-L 2?


T III, possibly Bu is underneath


>849>
>869>


Seibal visit only reference to him
last monument known, Jimbal (outlayer)
later, St date 889
)aka: Stela 11 Ruler


Stela 11
Altar 11





Date(s)
ruling~200


Table 5-2. List of Tikal Rulers according to Harrison (1999).


No Personage
Kalointe
(emperor)
Founder


Name
Tax Ch 'actel
Xok*
aka: First
Scaffold
Shark


Depiction Comments
only text aka: First Scaffold Jaguar, ChaacXok,
Xok- Shark, Jones (1996) suggests Burial
125 North Acrop- buried on orig. NS
sacred axis-body only, but 6 m to the east is
deposit w goods expected in important Bu-
marks orig & new axis of N Acrop-created
due to extension- new central axis remained
unchanged for duration of Classic Period


page#
65-69,
79, 81


31 Rulers after Founder-not all identified- After Founder always 2 Ruler Kalomte (region)
and Ahau literally Lord (of a city or a part of it).
6-7th Ruler Hunal Balain ruling 292 St 29? Refer


ence on St 3 1


70. 8 1


aka:
Foliated Jaguar
Zero Moon Bird



Chak Toh
Ich ak Jaguar
Claw I* aka:
Great Jaguar
Claw
K'ak'Sih
aka: Fire-born,
Smoking Frog,




Tax 4in I aka:
First Crocodile,
Curl Snout,
Curl Nose
Sivaj Chan
K'awil aka:


Ruler


ruling 300? Leiden Pa-
que, Alt 13
fragment
ruling 317
death: 378


poss. twin rulers or diff level, or in between
2 Rulers w/ same name- regent for infant
14th Ruler
Ref in history text on St 31; poss 2 R w/same
name: dates 61-y apart one was 9th R
C-Acrop Str 5D-46 sacred Jag-Clan-house
polish-black-carv-cyl-ves-w/1id (cache
below W-stair) text transl. by Schele (1985)
warrior from west-Teo-Kalointe of region
incl Tikal. arrived at Tikal w/First Caiman-
great warrior. Father Spear-thrower Owl-
poss ruler of Teo, send son (First Crocodile)
to Tikal. Marcador (in Teo-style) discovered
in Group 6C-XVI. Kalointe & death on St 31
Burial 10 beneath Temple 5D-34-his T-
in Bu a stylized Jade head of a crocodile
(his name) & may explains headless
crocodile skeleton that was included
Burial 48 -N-Acrop in front of T-Str.5D-26
interim 9 Aug 458; poss long funeral rites


70-71,
81

71-78,
81




73, 79-
81





80, 82-7,
105



87-92,
105


9th Ruler





??
not Kalointe
of
Tikal



10th Kalointe




(11th) 4hau
Kalointe


arrival
378
power 379
d: 402



402?
*d: 420



411
426


Tikal- Teo.
Marcador
(Ballcourt-
marker)



St 31
St 5 El Za-
pote

St 31
St 40











Table 5-2. Continued.


page#


No Personage Name Date(s) Depiction


Stormy Sky,
Sky-born K'


K'an Ak,
Precious/Yel-
low Peccary
??
Chak Toklch'
A ak II aka: }
E Te I aka:
Lizard Head
no name

K'uk'Ahau?
aka: Lord
Quetzal
poss. not of
Tikal,
married Lady
Tikal?

Kalomte
Balam aka:}
Chak Toh
Ich'akIII aka:}
Yax K'uk'Mo?
aka: Double Bird
E Te II
aka: Lizard
Head II


d: 19 Feb
456



24 Aug 458
d: 488?


Comments
between death date & and final internment
in tomb w/painted walls, associated Bu 177
(Court 1-N-Acrop on sacred N-S axis)
female, poss. daughter or sister-
458 accession, 475 ruling, 20 June 468
dedicated St 40; son of above

poss. oldest son of above
son of above
} Jaguar Paw II
poss 14th & 15th are brothers and sons
of 12th


Ahau



Ruler
Ruler

Riiler


St 40, 9, 13, 3


92-94,
105


94, 105
94, 105

94-95,
105
95, 105
95, 105
95-98,
105








98- 99,
105
99-101,
105
101-102
& 105
102, 105


? 488 St 3
ruling 495 St 3, 7, 15, 27


ruling 497

no dates
514
511?


St 8?


16th ?
17th Ruler
18th accession
as Ahau?


unprov. bl.pot "black pot ruler"
St 6 strange time for Tikal
St 23, 25, 14 assoc w/ "Woman" or Lady Tikal; St 23
hers, gives date of her birth 504, & access.
511 as Ahau, prob not R, side of St two figs
?her parents; Bu 162 poss hers, both St (23
&25) assoc. her w/tomb of important male
Bu 160 beneath pyramidal str; skeleton of
quetzal bird (between legs) & funerary
mask w/quetzal beak sugg name
St 10, 12 possibly not of Jaguar Claw lineage
}Curl Head
none parental statement St 17 assoc w/ 21Ith R
}Jaguar Claw III
St l7 sonof 20th


19th

20th

21th

22th


Ruler

Ruler

Ahau?

Ruler


access .
527
??death
537
access 537

access 562 ?


named on Caracol Altar 21
Bu 195 beneath Str 5D-32 on N-Terrace


none


23- 24th R no names


no data lost-- part of the "Hiatus


125, 146





Date(s)
battle
Aug 659


No
25th


Table 5-2. Continued.


Personage Name
Ruler Nu Bak Chak I
"Oracle Bone

Chak"? aka:
Shield Skull



Kalomte Hasaw Chan
K'awil
aka: Heavenly
Standard
Bearer the
Great,
Ruler A




chacte Tik'in Chan
(same as K'awil
Kalomte) aka: Darkness
of the Night
Sky? Ruler B






Ruler Dark Sun?



Ruler Tax 4in II
aka: Chitam,
Ak, Ruler C,


Depiction
poss panel
at Palenque


Comments
Victory over Yaxchilan (659) recorded at
Piedras Negras within 6 days visit Palenque
Aug 659, & recorded in T of Inscr at Pal,
Battle at Dos Pilas Dec 672, defeated
Dec 677, def & ?killed at Dos P 679, Bu 23
beneath Str 5D-33-1st or T33? N Terr-
fronting N Acrop: wife Lady Jaguar Throne
Build-M Group (3D-1), N-group (5C-1),
Str. 5D-33/-covers Father's Bu, T I &
II, Group 4D-1 F91 (Complex O), defeated
Calakmul 5 Aug 695, in battle armor on
Stucco-wall in Str 5D-57; Alt 5 fig on left is
Hasaw, poss. Wife: Na Tunte Kaywak, or
different tiltle for Ladv Twelve Macaw,
T-II poss in her honor; Lintels show Jag &
plumed Serpent protector standing behind &
over him, Bu 116 beneath T-I, son of above
build: T- IV T- VI, Group 3D-2 (Compl. P),
Palace-Str 5D-52-1st, Mendez Causeway?
Group G-palace poss home, Maler Causew.
w/ giant rock sculpture? Str-L carries shield
in image of night sun
T-IV-Lin 3: possibly shown in battle gear,
St 20 battle gear? as in father's lintels his
show same protector: Bu 196 beneath
Str 5D-57, rich as Bu 116: but poss buried
beneath T-VI not investigated: son of above
poss 1st son of above--poss personage
Bu 196: construction of T-VI roofcomb?

build: Group E, incl twin pyr-groups 4E-4
(Complex Q) & 4E-3 (Complex R): poss
associated are T-V, "Maler's Palace"


page#
125-126,
146






126-146












140,
147-165










164-165
*J&
S:103
145, 161
& 164,
166-


d: Apr 679?


26th


a: 3 May
682
d: 732-734









a: 8 Dec
734
d: before
12-Feb
766?






<766-768?
(9.16.15.
0.0)*
a: 25 Dec
768
d: 800


St 16, Alt 5
St 30, Alt 14
T-I-Lint 2&3,
T-II-roof-
comb?
Str 5D-57-
Palace, Jade
mosaic ves-
sel from
Bull6
St 5, St 20,
Alt 8, St 21,
Alt 9,
Str 5D-52-L2
T-IV-L 2 & 3
T-IV?roof-
comb
Column Alt 1







St 22, Alt 10
St 19, Alt 6


27th












28th



29th











Table 5-2. Continued

No Personage Name Date(s) Depiction Comments page#
Curl Nose, (5D-65), Palace Group F; son of Yik'in, 173,
First Crocodile II grandson of Hasaw 179
30th Ruler Nu Bak ruling 810 St 24, Alt 7 build: T-III, jaguar clad, not protector- like 172-179
Chak II aka: T-III- L 2 Hasaw, & holds trident flint object similar
Shield Skull II to his grandfather -not pregnant female-
male, corpulance common
31Ith? Ruler Hasaw Chan ruling: St 11, Alt 11 Bu 77 ben. str. 5D-11 in W-Plaza contains a 178-179
K'awillI aka: 13 Aug 869 young individual; very late in the sequence
Heavenly Stan- of Tikal, & poss a member of the royal
dard Bearer house, but identity is unknown; beautiful
jade pendant on his neck
*J&S= Jones and Satterthwaite 1982













Table 5-3. List of Tikal Rulers according to Michel (1989).

No Personage Date(s) Depiction Comments page #


? ScrolL~hau
Jaguar
? Jaguar Paw I
? Moon Zero Bird


? Jaguar Paw II





9? Curl Nose
or Curl Snout



10? Frog Sky
Mah K'ina

11? Stormy Sky aka:
God K-Cleft Sky
12? Kan Boar
aka: Kan Chitam

13? Mah K'ina Bird
Skull
14? Jaguar Paw
Skull I



15- unknown
18
19 Curl Head
20? Jaguar Paw Skull II


25-26

27
28

29-31





31-35




35-36



36-38

39-40



38,
40-41
41-43




44-45


292? -?


St 29 & 31


earlier account than M&G. Just started the count of
rulers.
text on St 31 gives list of earlier rulers by St Sky (11R)
Mathews 1985 p. 41& 44-he calls him the earliest R.
He unequivocal states that the Leyden P is Tikal
59 years in between- two 30 y reigns- author calls it
unlikely--but no other R identified at that time. It makes
the revised account by S&G the more detailed info to
date. S&G caution in regard to the LeydenP. Smoking
Frog, Teo, called R in Uaxactun
If count is correct he is 9th ruler. 6x his name is
mentioned on St 31, while Stormy Sky is 3x.
"Most discussed R, but also most mysterious." Teo
connection; father of Stormy Sky
Mah K'ina= title of honor/respect for lineage heads &
R, identified by Loundsbury (1974) in Mi, poss older/
younger brother of 11Ith R
Sharer "most important early Classic ruler"
Stela 31 on both sites attendants in Teo attire
Father of Jaguar Paw I??-- very unsure about his
parentage etc both st are of a markedly different style
than 20 v before
for bowl and its discussion see Robicsek & Hales The
Mava Book of the Dead 1981:234 & 159
St 8 and 6 frags -- Yaxchilan L 37 mentions him, & it
is assumed that signals his demise-- others do not agree,
rather see it as an indication of his importance to the
entire region
unclear, W of Tikal among poss, but at this point, 1989,
obscure
first named ruler as 19th


317 -~-320 St 31
320 ? Leyden Pla-
que & St 31
376 St 31 & 39
~379 poss
Bu 22 looted


379 ?




406 ?



?426
?457
475 ?



after 475-
~ 488
488 -
514?



514 -
~ 527
527 ?


St 4, 18, 31 &
32



St 31



St 1, 2, 28, 31
31 in regalia
St 9, 13



unprovenan-
ced bowl
St 3, 7, 15, 27,
8 & 6



St 23, 25 14

St 10, 12


?- ~ 537 St 26, 17 father of Double Bird 21 ruler ( reasonably secure)











Table 5-3. Continued.

No Personage Date(s) Depiction Comments page #


48-49


21 Double Bird 537 567+ St 17


after 567: date- last for 125 y. hiatus-poss Tikal lost its
dominance over the region during this time, or stelae
had been destroyed
found beneath upper level of N Acrop Str 5D-32
called Animal H. by Jones (1982) and Lizard H by
Hales (1984) MT 217 illustrated in W. Coe Tikal: 4
Handbook of the ancient Adava Ruins ( 1967: 104) -
but burial can not be assumed to be his tomb
Hales 1982; at 1984 unpublished papers

wife: Lady Jaguar Seat, father of 4h Cacao, poss
Bu 23, named on carved bones found in son's (4h
Cacao) Bu (MT 43 & 44)
Buried ben T-I, Bu 116, Body decorated w/some 180
pieces of Jade. Reference to Copan & Palenque &
two other centers; wife Ladv Twelve Macaw, Father
of Taxkin
] 4h Cacaw, 4h Cacazi or 4h Cacao
his T IV- largest structure at Tikal, St 20 in Complex P
of Group H dedicated in 751- poss his, or his suc-
cessor's; poss Bu 196 under Str 5D-73

poss son of 27th R: poss father of the St 24 R
Tikal has also a Temple of the Inscriptions (T-VI):
Son of Taxkin Caan Chac: build? twin pyr Q & R.
last & largest of their kind: last named with succession
number; poss Bu 8
T-III-L2, Clancy (1980) suggests R is a pregnant
woman, & wears collar of miniature 4hau-heads &
wide belt wtAhart head, & is flanked by blood-letting
figs carrying 3-pronged sacr knifes- only similar scene
on 4h Cacao Caan Chac's Altar 5
S 11 last dated monument: Bu 77 ben W-Plaza Str 5D-11


22 Animal Skull
aka: Lizard Head




23 -24 Black Jaguar &
Bird Head
25 Shield Skull



26? 4h Cacao Caan
Chac aka:
Ruler A
Double Comb,
Moon-D-Comb,]
27 Taxkin Caan
Chac aka:
Ruler B, Night
Sun Sky God
28 Dark Sun?

29 Chitam
aka: Ruler C

?? Stela 24 Ruler


567+ ?


Polychrome
plates MT 216 &
MT 217 from
Bu 195


49-50





50-51

52-53



53- 56





57-58




59-60

61-62



62-64


unknown unpublished
pottery vessels
?- ~682 TI-L 3



682 St 39 Alt 14
~734 St 16 Alt 5
T-I-L 3



734- ? St 21 Alt 9
St 5 Alt 2
St 29 Alt 8
T-IV-L 2, 3
? -768 St 24, 20
T VI
768- ? St 22 Alt 10
St 19 Alt 6

810 ? St 25- Alt 7
T III-L 2


?? Stela 11 Ruler 869 ?


St 11- Alt 11


64-65











Table 5-4. Comparison of the three lists for rulers of Tikal: sorted by dates, names, and the place in the 31i-known ruler count.

Martin & Grube (2000) Harrison (1999) Michel (1989)

No Personage Date(s) No Personage Date(s) No Personage Date(s)
Tax Ehb' Xook c. AD 90 Tax Ch 'actel Xok* ruling~200


aka: First Scaffold
Shark
6-7? Hunal Balam
aka: Foliated Jaguar
7-8? Zero Moon Bird

9 Chak Toh Ich' ak
Jaguar Claw I
aka: Great Jaguar Claw

?? K'ak'Sih aka:
Fire-born, Sm Frog


(First Step Shark?)
6-7th Foliated Jaguar?
7th? aka: Scroll 4hau Jag

? Animal Headdress


ruling 292

ruling 300?

ruling 317


? Scroll 4hau Jaguar


292?- ?


?292


? Jaguar Paw I


? Moon Zero Bird



? Jaguar Paw II

9? Curl Nose
or Curl Snout


317- ~320



320- ?



376- ~379


arrival
378, d: 402


379- ?


10 Tax 4in I
aka: First Crocodile
aka: Curl Snout,
Curl Nose

11? Sivaj Chan K'awil
aka: Stormy Sky,
12 K'an 4k


402? D: 420 10? Frog Sky,
Alah K'ina


406- ?





426?- 457?




475- ?

~475 -
~488


? 305-
308


11th Sivaj Chan K'awtiil I



Ladv Une' B'alam ??


411- 456

458, d: 488?


11? Stormy Sky aka:
God K-Cleft Sky



12? Kan Boar aka:
Kan Chitam~lah

13? K'ina Bird Skull


?? >3 17>


13th K'inich Almsaan Jol ?-359


13 ?? ? 488











Table 5-4. Continued

Martin & Grube (2000) Harrison (1999) Michel (1989)

No Personage Date(s) No Personage Date(s) No Personage Date(s)
14th Chak Toklch'Aak I, 360-378 14 Chak ToklIch 'A akII ruling 495 14? Jaguar Paw Skull I 488 514?


aka: Great Paw,
Jag Paw III


aka: Jaguar Paw II


514 -
527


15 E Te I, aka: Lizard H





16 no name


ruling 497


unknown


Siyaj K'Ak', (Fire-
born)
Spearthrower Owl
Yax Nuun Ayiin I
16th Siyaj Chan K'awiil II
K'an Chitam aka:
Kan Boar, K'an Ak

Chak Tok Ich 'aak II



Lady of Tikal

19th Kaloomte B'alam
aka: Curl Head
20th? Bird Claw aka:
Animal Sk I, Ete I
21th Wak Chan K'awiil
aka: Double Bird
22th Animal Skull, aka:
Animal Sk II, Ete II

23 & 24th ruler
Tikal Hiatus 562-692

Nuun Ujol Chaak
aka: Shield Skull,
Nun Bak Chak


378/379

374-439
379-4(,47
411-456
458-486?


no dates


486-


511-
527>

~ 511-
527>
527-537?

537-562

>593-
628<


18 K'uk'Ahau?
aka: Lord Quetzal
19 Kalomte Balam
aka: Curl Head
20 Chak Toh Ich'ak III
aka: Jaguar Claw III
21 Yax K'uk'Mo?
aka: Double Bird
22 E Te II
aka: Lizard Head II


511?


access. 527 ? 19 Curl Head

??death 537 20? Jaguar Paw Skull II


527- ?

? -~- 537

537 -567+

567+ to ?


unknown


? -~682


access 537

access 562 ?


21 Double Bird

22 Animal Skull
aka: Lizard Head


no data


Black Jaguar &
Bird Head


no names


>657-
679


25 Nu Bak Chak I
aka: Shield Skull


d: Apr 679? 25 Shield Skull











Table 5-4. Continued.

Martin & Grube (2000) Harrison (1999) Michel (1989)

No Personage Date(s) No Personage Date(s) No Personage Date(s)
Jasaw Chan K'awill I 682-734 26 Hasaw Chan K'awil 682-732-4 26? 4h Cacao Caan 682-~734


aka: Ruler A,


aka: Ruler A

27 Tik'in Chan K'awil
aka: Ruler B

28 Dark Sun?

29 Tax 4in II, aka: Chitam,
4k, Ruler C,



30th Mr Bak Chak II
aka: Shield Skull II


Chac aka: Ruler A


a: 8 Dec
734
d: <766?


27 Taxkin Caan Chac
aka Ruler B


734 -?



? -768

768- ?




810- ?



869- ?


>766-
768
768-
794>

c. 800?

>810>

>849>
>869>


28th

29th Tax Auun 4viin II
aka: Ruler C
ANtun Ujol K'ininch
(?-headed Sun)
Dark Sun

Jewel K'awiill
Jasaw Chan K'awill II
aka: Stela 11 Ruler


<766 768? 28 Dark Sun?


a: 25 D 768
d: 800



ruling 810



ruling:
13 Aug 869


29 Chitam
aka: Ruler C



?? Stela 24 Ruler



?? Stela 11 Ruler


31th
?


Hasaw Chan K'awil II
















i 2I00 r

] 500 ft


Holel Zone


Museum e


Omuaslway RAsservar
Nonh


Temple IV


atmpion N


PLAZA OF THE
LIDST WORLD


PLAZA DF THE
SEVEN TEMPLES


Girop B


I ( Temp~e ofhe
Near Exoeatiles MnscrpansResem ar Inscriplims


Figure 5-1. Stylized core of Tikal. According to Harrison (1999: 16) "It is expected than
thousands more structures lie beneath the surface"



















































Figure 5-2. Part of the Great Plaza; with Temple I's back facing. Temple II facing, and Temple
IV in the distance (Harrison 1999:Plate I)











146















































Figure 5-3. Tikal's Central Acropolis, Great Plaza and North Acropolis (Harrison 1999: 17)
















147












Northem Platform


Temote 34

Temple 3j5

TemnpleZ 2 j


Temple 33


Temple 1


Temple 32


Temple 29


15 11


Gra Plaza


Great Plaza


Figure 5-4. Schematic drawing of the Great Plaza and the surrounding buildings (Martin and Grube 2000:42-43)















































Figure 5-5. Temple II now and then (Proskouriakoff 1963:8-9)



































A


Figure 5-6. Temple 33, Tikal; originally a squat platform with masks on both sides of the steps,
A denotes the superstructure on top of the platform, and B shows the final stage rising
33m into the sky (Martin and Grube 2000:36)













Ruler Where Portrayed Ruled


Jaguar Paw

Curl Nose
Stormy Sky

Kan Chitam (Kan Boar)
Jaguar Paw Skull
Bird Claw
Curl Head
Double Bird
Shield Skull (Father of Ah
Cacaw)
Ah Cacaw (Ruler A)

Ruler B (Half-darkened Sun)

Chitam (Ruler C)

Stela 24 Ruler
Stela 11 Ruler


Leiden Plaque? Stelae
29?, 31
Stelae 4, 18
Stela 31, possibly stelae
1, 2, 28
Stelae 9, 13
Stelae 3, 7, 15, 27
Stela 8
Stelae 10, 12
Stela 17
Temple I, Lintel 3

Stelae 16, 30, Lintel 3,
Temple I
Stelae 5, 20, 21, Lintels
2 & 3, Temple IV
Stelae 19, 22


Stela 24
Stela 11


Ca. A.D. 320

ca. A.D. 379-426
ca. A.D. 426-457

Ca A.D. 457-488
ca A.D. 488
Ca. A.D. 497
ca. A.D. 528
ca. A.D. 538
Before A.D. 682

From A.D. 682

From A.D. 734

From A.D. 768
to 790
ca. A.D. 810
ca. A.D. 869


Figure 5-7. List of Tikal Rulers by Ferguson and Royce (1984:74)













I JAGUAR PAW




SUL NOSE

=STORMY SKY


Ruling at 8. 14.0.0.07 (A.D. 317)
portrayed on St. 29?* named on St. 31;
entombed in Bu. 22?

.Ruled 8.17.2.16.17 to ca. 8.19.10.0.0
(A.D. 379-426); portrayed on St. 4, 18;
entombed in Bu, 107

Ruled ca. 8.19.10.0.0 to 9.LL110.10 (A.D.
426-457); portrayed on St. 31, 17, 2?, 28?;
entombed in B1. 48?

Ruled ca. 9. l.1.10.10 to ca. 9.2.13.0.0
(A.D. 457488); portrayed on St. 9, 13

*Ruled ca. 9.2.13.0.0 to ca.
S9.5.3.9.157 (A.D. 488-537); portrayed on
St. 3, 7, 15, 27, 10?, 12?, 25?, 26?


? KAN BOAR



S WOMAN OF -JAGUAR PAW
TIKAL? SKULL


DOUBLE BIRD


p


Ruled 9.53.9.15S to 9.6.13.110 (A.D. 537-
567) or later; portrayed on St. 17;
21st ruler

Named on MT. 216, 217; entombed in
Bu. 195?; 22nd ruler

Ruled to ca. 9.12.9.17.16 (A.D. 682);
named on MT. 25, 44, Li. 3 of Temple 1;
entombed in Bu. 23?

IRuled 9.12.9.17.16 (A.D. 682) to ?'
portrayed on St. 30, 16, Li. 2, 3 of
Temple I; entombed in Bu, 116

Ruled 9. 15.3.6.8 (A.D. 734) to ?"


JAGU
SEAT


TWEL
MAC


portrayed on St. 21, 5, 20, Li. 2, 3 of
Temple IV; entombed in Bu. 1967;
27th ruler

25th1 nrler


Ruled 9.16 17.16.4 to 9. 18.0.0.0 (A.D).
768-790) or later; portrayed on St. 22,
19; entombed in Bu. 8?; 29th ruler


TEMPLE VI
RULER

--RULER C


Named on St. 24 (possibly Ruler B)

Ruling at 9.19.0.0.0 (A.D. 810);
portrayed on St. 24?; named on Li. 2 of
Temple Ill? (possibly Ruler C or
brother)

Ruling at 10.2.0.0.0 (A.D. 869); por-
trayed on St. I1; entombed in Bu. 779


(Glyphs by Carl P. Beetz)


Figure 5-8. List of Tikal Rulers by Jones and Satterwaite (1982: 127)


BIRD CLAW?


9 ~ANIMAL SUL







AW


? T RULER B d


? DARK SUN '

LSTELA 24 RULER 819




STELA 11 RULER


























Figure 5-9. Jade sculpture, possibly "Curl Nose" (Coggins 1975:Figure 45b color UC)









CHAPTER 6
DATA COLLECTION

"Living Images"

For this study I needed to create two sets of data, one for the "Living Images" and second

for burials. The database, tables and figures, pertaining to the "Living Images" are provided in

Appendix A, and the one for the burials is presented in Appendix B. Appendix C contains the list

of codes as applied to both sets.

In preparation for the data relevant to this study I first created Tables 5-1-4 with the

information gained from various publications about the "Living Images," of the documented 3 1

rulers of Tikal using three of the most recent accounts. Individual rulers placed themselves

numerically in a position relative to the founder (Harrison 1999:65-66). The question as to

whether there are more rulers, either before the founder or subsequently, is still unanswered, and

not all of the 3 1 have been identified (Harrison 1999:66).

Tables 5-1-3 are arranged in the same fashion:

No Personage Name Date(s) Depiction Comments page #

# title all used AD Monument relevant info in publication

Some of the categories in the created lists are self-explanatory; for example, which position

in the count of 31 a particular king occupied and the scholar assigning that position. Which raises

the question did subsequent rulers counted him as the base or as the first ruler in line. Since the

next ruler, we know about, was placed as the 6th or 7th in line (Harrisonl999:70), for the time

being, the question remains unanswered. All names used for each ruler, in various publications,

are listed for easy cross-reference. Dates are also not certain and vary in each account, at least to

some degree. The monuments and other pieces that are identified or crucial for identifying a

particular ruler are listed under depictions. The comments-category is subj ective, it contains









information I thought important for each individual ruler, and if known the number of the burial

assigned to this ruler is also listed. Finally, the index for references contains the pages where it

can be found. All data are merely a summary of each individual publication.

I then compared and sorted the three lists (Table 5-4). Agreement was closest between the

two latest, Martin and Grube (2000) and Harrison (1999), although, the latter felt confident to

add several more positions in the early count and placed the first Chak Toh Ich 'ak as the 9th

ruler, while Martin and Grube (2000) recognize him as the 14th. Some placements are made

using only dates, as with the last rulers in the lists.

Making the lists, then combining these data in Table 5-4 was necessary in order to

comprehend and sort all names and other pertinent information that are, or have been used, in the

publications about Tikal. I included two earlier ruler lists (Tables 5-7, -8) to show the

continuation and change happening in a relatively short time and the difficulty encountered that

made lists a necessity. To simplify analysis, I then created a record in chronological sequence of

all the monuments, (Table A-1, A-2). Arranged as follows:

Monument Dates Personage Reference Comments

Stela, Altar, Lintel # 8.1.0.0.0 ruler name J& S: # relevant information

The dates are in Maya Long-Count notation, and the conversion is provided in Table A-3.

Because of all the information needed in the recordings, I decided to put references into a simple

code (Appendix C) to make the data easier to read. Most of the data in Tables A-1 and A-2 come

from one source (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982), but in subsequent work, I used, when

appropriate and available, more recent interpretations since much has changed, as mentioned

above. The comments are important, because they are the base records and are still cited by

researchers working with Tikal monuments (Culbert 1991; Harrison 1999; Martin and Grube









2000; Rice 2004; Sabloff 2003; Schele and Freidel 1990; Stuart and Houston 1994). However,

they are very abbreviated, and only meant to explain why the monument has been associated

with a particular ruler.

The numbering of the Stelae [St] initiated with Maler in 1895 when he discovered St 1 "all

but completely buried under debris" and excavated it in 1904 (Morley 1938:295). Later

discoveries were simply added, and the Altars [Alt] were handled in a similar manner (Shook

and Coe 1961:10). The carved wooden Lintels [L] first described by Maudsley (1889-1902) are

coordinated and described in detail by Coe and Shook (1961). There are many more than the

seven used in this study (Table A-2), but they are too fragmented, plain, or show only text (Coe

and Shook 1961:Figures 1-37).

Some stelae and altars are grouped together (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982) and presented

as such if necessary (Figure 5-4). Stelae and others are grouped primarily by date, but also by

style, in particular the so-called staff stelae that are subdivided into two types, two early ones, St

9 and 13 showing a more spear-like pole, while the rest, St 3, 6, 7, 8, 15, and 27, are straight rods

(Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:12). Table A-4 shows all monuments in chronological order,

combined with their dates and the ruler they are associated with by several scholars. These are

arranged so the first ruler name goes with first author, second with second, etc., or if they all

agree, it just says "same". If they are not, it is so noted. For each individual monument, all

ornamentation that I thought was j ade is listed in Table A-5. Obviously, this category is

somewhat subj ective; there is always the possibility that some of the pieces, such as the plaques

or platelets on the fringes of wraps and some pectorals or masks in headdresses are made from

shell or other materials. However, all the ornamentation has also been found in jade. This table is

arranged in the following manner: First category names the monument, followed by comments









that list pertinent information, next the number of the figure that shows the depiction in

Appendix A. Then starting with the headdress all jewelry thought to be jade is listed down to

ankle bracelets. The second to last column lists the view, meaning is the personage shown in

frontal view or in profile, for example, if facing left, the right arm and side is visible. Finally, the

last entry gives the reference where the information comes from.

The rubric "comments" lists other significant information. In addition, at the end and not in

sequence of date, circa AD 360-378 (Martin and Grube 2000:7), is the ceramic figure of Chak

ToklIch a''a''a''a''aa~'aklI(Figure 6-1A). He was mentioned by his descendent on St 3 1 (Harrison 1999:70-

73, Table 2). He built one of the palaces in the Central Acropolis, Structure (Str) 5D-46, as the

"clan house of the Jaguar Claw family" (Harrison 1999: 76-78, Plate IX; see also Schele and

Mathews 1998:75-78). Martin and Grube (2000:28) tentatively suggest St 26, and assigned St 39

and Corozal St 1 to him. Both St 26 and 39 survived only in fragments. Corozal St 1 proves to be

very elusive and probably does not include a depiction of the king.

Three stelae are not directly from Tikal but from what could be considered "suburbs. They

are Uolanton (U-St 1), found at that site about 5.5 km southeast of Tikal, Jimbal (J-St 1 and 2)

circa 12.5 km to the north, St 1 found standing at a large plaza' s eastern edge, and "on axis to a

tall pyramidal mound" (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982: 109-110). St 2 was discovered in the

northern part of the same plaza resting on the ground with the carved site toward it (Jones and

Satterthwaite 1982: 1 11). Distances are always measured from the center of Tikal (Jones and

Satterthwaite 1982:106).

The following stelae (Figure 6-2), in chronological order, are not included in this study: St

4, 18, 32, 28, 15, 14, 26 and 24 from Tikal. One other stela, also not included in the roster, needs

to be mentioned. Chronologically it belongs between St 26 and 24, El Encanto St 1(EL-1) comes










from "a small group of mounds about 1 1.5 km NE of central Tikal" (Jones and Satterthwaite

1982: 108). Two more are included in the roster of stelae from Tikal, although they came from

the site of Ixlu (St 1 and 2) that is 30 km south of Tikal and on the farthest side of Lake Peten

toward the east (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982: 113). However, the style and carving are similar to

several stelae from Tikal, and the dates are close to St 11 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:113-

116). Absence of, or damage to, relevant glyphs makes it impossible to assign them to a specific

ruler.

The "Living Image" j ade is recorded in Table A-5 for easier reading. The categories of the

table should be self-explanatory; however, a comment is warranted regarding necklaces and

collars. Most pectorals are suspended from a necklace of one or two rows of beads (Figures 3-15,

3-26, 4-1, 4-2A, -2B), while collars are usually composed of three and more rows of larger

beads. Sometimes a pectoral was suspended from it, but more often masks were worked into the

collar (Figures 3-27, 4-2C, -3). It was not always possible to determine if a particular item was

present due to a variety of reasons. The foremost was the state of the monument itself. Very few,

such as St 16 (Figure A-23), are what can be called close to the original whole. In addition, there

was also the practice among the Maya to "sacrifice" monuments for a variety of reasons (Fash

1991:106). Equally, the position of the carved figure and its posture obscured some aspects of

dress. I marked these instances with a question mark, and if it was clear that there was no item, I

marked that with a "no. I erred on the side of caution, so the question mark covers several

scenarios. There may have not been an item to begin with, or it was obscured by the above-

mentioned possibilities. I tried to be consistent with the way words are shortened, and it should

be fairly clear what they mean. The figure numbers are provided in the third column to make it

easy to check what may not be as clearly described as I thought.









Table A-4 exemplifies the grouped monuments both in time and similarities to each other.

When applicable, also the name of the ruler thought to be portrait is given. Here I used the old

nicknames, as they lend themselves better for acronyms. Another reason for doing so results

from the fact that the spelling, as mentioned, is still a matter of vigorous debate. Finally, most of

the data on the stelae came from two sources (Ferguson and Royce 1984; Jones and Satterthwaite

1982). The nicknames helped start the count of kings using "a subj ective interpretation of certain

glyphs' outward appearances" (Harrison 1999:69). It is an interesting aspect that many of those

names turned out to be actually part of the Maya name. This can be seen with the name of the 6th

or 7th ruler: nicknamed Scroll Ahau Jaguar (Michel 1989), changed to either Hunal Bala~n

(Harrison 1999: 69), or ? B'ala~n (Martin and Grube 2000:26), and both translated as Foliated

Jaguar. Foliated (Figure 6-1B) looks like a scroll, and bala~n, in either spelling translates as

jaguar. Because this is about the similarities in regalia, I added four stelae 114, 51, 43 and 9

from Calakmul (Cal), two panels, and God III from Palenque (Figures 6-3-6). This was because

it gives in a very small way a sense that regalia had similarities among the Maya of a particular

period. In the case of Calakmul, this was true even with all the animosity among rival polities.

As shown above, the Sun God, or God III of the Palenque Triad, in all his incarnations and

opposition, was pervasive in the Maya cultural realm through all times. In addition, Palenque

and Tikal had a special bond. When Calakmul forced the 25th ruler of Tikal, Nuun U Hol Chajk,

or Nun Bak Chak, into exile, he went to Palenque, where together with Pacal he fought against

other allies of Calakmul, or as some spell it, now Kalak 'nul (Zender 1999:2).

Burials

Before discussing the collection of burial data in detail, a few comments are necessary. As

said above, there are 31 rulers starting with the founder that comprise the known dynastic history

of Tikal, of which several are not yet identified. The record for burials of the Classic Period is









even less complete for several reasons. As can be seen in Figure 6-7, most burials are found very

deep beneath temples and not always in predictable places, so Einding the resources to allow

long-term and multi-disciplinary excavations are hard to accomplish. Another factor revolves

around the possibility that the Maya themselves may have, intentionally or not, dismantled some

tombs when changing the configuration in the acropolis, or burials were looted over the

centuries. One burial was looted at least twice, once in Caban times, about AD 950 to 1200, and

once by "Bernoulli's hatchet men" (Coe 1990:604; Harrison 1999:21). It constitutes a great-lost

opportunity; it was a tomb that had a female occupant. If encountered undisturbed, it could have

answered a lot of questions regarding royal women. One fact seems clear, the "Red Queen" of

Palenque (Figure 6-8; Gonzalez Cruz 2000) and the female found in the Margarita tomb at

Copan (Sharer 1995-2000) are not isolated incidents; instead, they appear to point to a burial

tradition of important females.

An amazing number of burials have been discovered. Here I am concerned only with those

that are undisturbed and belong to the Classic Period. There are eleven that are relevant for this

study, and they are, in chronological order: burials [Bu] 125, 10, 48, 195, 23, 24, 116, 196, 77, 8,

and 6. Burial 125 was included only because it is thought to be the founders; sequentially, it

belongs to Preclassic times.

The burial data are arranged in the following way in Appendix B: first the plan of the

burial, Figures B-1, B-2, B-5, B-8, B9, B-11, B-12, and B-15, and then the table, Tables B-1 to

B-9, that catalogs the applicable information. For the last three burials, 77, 8 and 6 (Table B-9),

there is only text and no picture of the plans. Bu 77 was only included because it contained a

very Eine example of Late Classic j ade workmanship (Figure 6-9), the individual it contained is

not yet identified (Harrison 1963:13; 1999: 178-179). Both burials 8 and 6 have been looted and










are included for the following reasons. Burial 8's content was, in some aspects, reconstructed,

and the possibility that the occupant was surrounded by jaguar-paw-bones has bearing on the

argument I shall make in the chapter that details the results and conclusions. Burial 6 was

actually looted twice, as mentioned above, but was the only female grave found in the Classic

Period. Tables B-1 to 9 are arranged in the following method:

Date(s)Name/Description Jade Source

Interment occupants/age all identified items information reference

Through this arrangement, it will be less complicated to reference individual pieces and

cross reference them easily if the description of a particular artifact, its position or the

arrangement of a cluster of pieces were not as clear as I thought. The first column gives the dates

of each particular burial. Only in some instances can the grave be dated with precision. When

that is not the case the dates given are the period dates. Since there is still disagreement about the

occupants of many burials, and some have more than one, some comments regarding the

skeletons are included. Always, the one named SK.A was the main occupant. In the rubric

"Jade", the first lines are reserved for information about the skeletons, and the last lines give

some data from outside the actual burial chamber. Most of this information comes from the

excavation report (Coe 1990), but in the last column, the source category, all relevant reference

particulars are given using codes (Appendix C) introduced earlier.

In some instances, through damage by water, fallen ceiling plaster, and other

circumstances, exact provenance was difficult to establish, and I made note of it. In the section

on jade, some vessels found in graves are cataloged, and the eighty-nine carved bones, one of

which was mentioned above from burial 116, Hasaw/ Chan K 'aw/il, Ja~saw/ Chan K 'aw/iillI, or

Ruler A, who brought about a Renaissance to Tikal, are added. In particular, the so-called









"Paddler-bones" have significance for this study (Figure 6-10). Two of the four bones depict the

dead king being paddled by the Paddler Twins, the Old Jaguar and Old Stingray Spine God

through the watery underworld (Schele and Miller 1986:270-271) on his journey towards sunrise

and therefore, the promise of rebirth. On the second pair, the vessel has started its decent into

Xibalba and some of his companions are submerged.

Some pottery displays palace scenes (Figure 6-11-14); others bear witness to the fusion

between Teotihuacan and Maya elements (Figure 6-15), or show animals (Figure 6-16), and the

spiritual link to humans (Figure 6-17). From Burial 195 came plates similar to the one showing

Animal Skull, or Lizard Head, in full regalia, including a K'aw/il-topped wand in his right hand)

and a vase that exhibits the royal mat design on the body and a king list on the rim (Figure 6-18).

His was also the grave that contained the four wooden K 'aw/il statues (Figure 6-19; Harrison

1999: 102).

In order to make the data as effortlessly accessible as possible, the Eigures of artifacts

coming from each tomb, except those mentioned in the text, are added after the table listing the

j ade for each grave. Again, first comes the Eigure of the plan of the burial, then the table listing

pertinent information including the jade, followed by figures showing select pieces from said

burial. If that is not possible, examples other than from Tikal will be added and where necessary,

followed by some comments.

Next I compared burial data, and in Table B-10 the similarities are recorded. What could

be called the core of burials 10, 23, 24, 116, 196, and to a lesser degree 195, have an amazing

number of similarities, even without considering the fact that most have many similar j ade

obj ects or artifacts with specific meaning, such as those that seem to symbolize the name of the

occupant, that are a constant in many of the tombs. It was the number of features that are similar










that drew attention, and will be discussed in the next section. the commonalities between Burials

and Monuments, noted in Table B-11, are rather absent, and in contrast to those among burials,

or those among the monuments.

Finally, I included data for two burials from Calakmul (Table B-12). As with the stelae,

they show that some aspects of the burial ritual transcended animosity and power plays, while on

the other hand, each polity also had individualized it. One burial corresponds, in time, to burial

10 of Tikal, and the other may hold the occupant defeated by the 26th ruler, Hasaw/ Chan K 'aw/il,

Ja~saw Chan K 'aw/iillI, or Ruler A, of Tikal. The data also add additional credence to the

conclusions I shall draw from all the accumulated data.

This chapter in essence justifies and explains the two different data sets, one for the "living

images" and the other for the burials. Data from Tikal's longtime foe mark similarities and

dissimilarities in the treatment of dead kings true for all cities.

























































Figure 6-1. Name glyphs. A) Portrait of Chak Tox Ich 'a'ak'~a'~a'a'~a'~a I, on a two-part incense burner,
identified by his name glyph in the headdress (Martin and Grube 2000:7, 28). B)
Glyph nicknamed Foliated Jaguar ( Harrison 1999: 70).



164
























i I I




























Tikal St. 32



Tikal St. 28







Figre6-. teaeno uedinths tuy JoesandSatethaie 98:Fgues5,26 5, 8,21
20,~~~o 44 7,an 3)










































































Figure 6-2. Continued.


i
I :. ~I::


























































Figure 6-3. Calakmul Stela 1 14, AD 43 1; it may have been a monument of the ruler in Tomb 1,
Structure III; it would make him a contemporary of Stormy Sky from Tikal (Carrasco
1996:50, Folan et al. 1995:325-236).



167








































..lis


Figure 6-4. Calakmul Stela 51, AD 471 (Bernal 1969:116).



























































Figure 6-5. Calakmul Stelae 43 and 9. A) St 43, Ad 514, the carved god masks appear more
human than at Tikal (Folan et al. 1995:326). B) Schematic drawing of St 9, AD 662,
of ruler in battle gear (Ruppert and Denison JR. 1943:Plate 48).


169





















































~i"Cr~t~~~ ~ ,~~ h ~Ja~~l\NJ1 1Sungod Pectoral
GiI is Sunged








and as Jaguar Giod of dic
B Ito lla s..wan Underewvorld (JOUr) JGUT as War Shield~ C


Figure 6-6. Limestone tablet, panel, and God III from Palenque. A) From Temple 14; B)
Dumbarton Oaks panel; C) God III, in his day and night incarnation (SChele and
Miller 1986: 272, 275, and 50.)















I


-- 290 M,


arrest NORTH ACROPOLIS
iN


~II. ~11


- 28 M.






- 20 a.






- 260 M.






- 250 M.


HODATH T~IAAC


QlrAT 11AEA


Figure 6-7. Schematic drawing of the multiple layers that support the final configuration of the North Acropolis (Harrison 1999:57).





























































Figure 6-8. The Red Queen of Palenque (Gonzalez Cruz 2000:7).





Figure 6-9. Jade pendant from Burial 77. Not only is it a beautiful example of Kinich Ahau, the
Sun God, it is also the only example of the Late Classic style (Harrison 1963:13,
coloration UC).,




























Stingray iguana spider dead
Paddler monkey king


Kankin
dog


parrot


to his passing


Jaguar
Paddler


Stingray Paddler


water stack


Jaguar Paddler


can1oe


te "wood"


Figure 6-10. Three of the four "Paddler" bones. Top, shows the king with animal companions and the two paddlers in the canoe,
center and bottom show the boat submerging into the water (Schele and Miller 1986:270).


Stingray Paddler Jaguar Paddler





















A U


































Figure 6-11. Palace scenes and different dresscodes. A) Froom Bum 10, vessel-knob is head of
seated figure. B) The Kalomte receives gifts or tribute from nobles called Salhals; from
Bu 116; C) Ruler and attendants, from Bu 196 (Culbert 1993:Figures 19, 68, 85).
























i~Yia~a~


Figure 6-12. Vessels from Bu 116. More palace scenes, showing different attire (Culbert
1993:Figures 69, 70, 72).


176
























































Figure 6-13. The "Hummingbird" Vase from Bu 196; possibly a picture of the elusive 28th rlr
and a drawing of the panel (Coe 1988:5 1; Culbert 1993:Figure 83, Ferguson and
Royce 1984:18).



177












k.
L'*l~..
z.





~sis6i ;;-~- ,


;II c~i~'
%fl: .1 .. ~;~. -
r: II
d L


uyiC i'
S:


i-

~t~ -
I~t
1%!1 Q

I t

I'~Li
oo ~
.

~~t~ re nrzrr L


II
i'ii



Figure 6-14. Y~-x Nuun Ayiin II, 29th ruler of Tikal, shown with, possibly, his wife and members of his court,, "note the curl-snouted
caiman in his headdress", on a vessel excavated in the Central Acropolis (Martin and Grtbe 2000.51).


























































Figure 6-15. The fusion between Teotihuacan and Maya elements. Stuccoed vessel from Bu 10,
and drawing of the heads (Martin and Grube 2000:33, Coe 1969[1967]:104).



179
























































Figure 6-16. Early Classic Vessel, Burial 22, Manik Complex, AD 250-592. Top, Vessel-lid
shows a crouching jaguar (Escobedo and Valdes 1998:370); bottom, Drawing of lid
(Culbert 1993:22).




180


























































Figure 6-17. Late Classic Vessel. Imix-Complex, AD 692-889, plate shows king? In his jaguar
"uay" from BU 190 (Culbert 1993:Figure 81, Miller and Taube 1993:103).


























































Figure 6-18. Vessels from Tikal butial 196. A) Plate shows Animal Skull in regalia, B) Cup with
mat-pattern and kingliest (Martin and Grube 2000:40-41).


























































Figure 6-19. One of four wooden K 'aw/il, only the stucco outside survived, the wooden core
eroded (Martin and Grube 2000:41).




183









CHAPTER 7
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

This section of the study is devoted to the findings and what they tell about the living and

dead treatment of rulers. Consistent with how the data are represented, first the "living images",

and then the burials are presented. After a few opening remarks about the monuments, each

category is discussed, with special emphasis on certain items, most often made from jade.

Burials are related in the order of temporality with the oldest first and so on. Some features other

than jade grave goods are mentioned in order to establish the similarity in treatment. Although all

jade is recorded, only a few select items are given prominence. As stated above, all the data are

in two appendices for easier access. Finally, the point or points that are the reason for this

journey with the dead ruler are highlighted. With closing comments about future research the

study's voyage ends.

"Living Images"

Even at a glance only (Figures A-1- 40), it can be seen that there are basic similarities in

the imagery, particularly on stelae, of rulers. For example, if visible most rulers wear

headdresses, earplugs, either/and necklaces/collars, pectorals, belts, and so on. There seems to be

a certain protocol for the presentation, both on stelae and lintels. However, there are differences,

but customs and traditions do tend to change over the course of more than a half millennium.

Therefore, it was not surprising that the early rulers wore, to some extent, different

paraphernalia. When it comes to jewelry such as earplugs, collars, belts, etc., almost the entire

group of rulers wore them in one form or another, I believe that they all had special meaning, but

that it is very difficult to discern. In addition, on some depiction of a ruler, bracelets and anklets

correspond to the design on the belt.









Before discussing the monuments in detail, a few comments about them are needed. All

stelae and monuments not mentioned below could not be included because of the state of them.

Some had only text on them, or a particular artifact was not visible on them. That does not

necessarily mean that it was not part of the original paraphernalia. In most cases, it means only

that either that part of the monument did not survive or that it was eroded. A few examples treat

unusual circumstances, and are mentioned out of sequence.

Structure 5D-57's depiction should be considered a special case showing Hasaw/ Chan

K 'aw/il in battle armor (Figure A-26). There are plenty of examples that show rulers in situations

that seem to be the aftermath of battles, in full regalia, but with weapon and shield. In those

instances, the king usually wears the customary j ade j ewelry. Equally different are the images on

Altar 5, thought to portray him in mourning (Harrison 1999:139). It seems that all paraphernalia

were made from cloth except the staff he holds in his right hand and the weapon in the left

(Figure 4-21)

Stelae and Altars

Although the appearance of them changed with time, some key elements of the attire

were always present. I shall focus on four pieces that, in my opinion are the most important and

telling of the worldly power of the king. They are the Jester God headband (Figures 3-24-5), the

K 'aw/il scepter (Figures 3-22, -3), the double-headed bar, or serpent, from which the K 'aw/il, God

K, and God D, the long-nosed god of the pectorals emerge (Figure 3-20), and the long-nosed

pectoral itself (Figure 3-27A, 4-1A). In one form or another, one or all of the four items are

present in all depictions. Probably the most beautiful rendition of the king in all his authority is

the reconstruction of stela 16 showing Hasaw/ Chan K 'aw/il in all his glory and worldly power

(Figure 3-4). He wears the long-nosed pectoral in addition to the bar pectoral, and he holds the









double-headed bar in his arms. His headdress displays, besides other elements and an impressive

amount of feathers, another of the long-nosed gods (Figure A-23, schematic drawing).

The Jester God headband presents a problem whereby many of the stelae are eroded at

the critical part, and it is impossible to account for it on most. It also changed appearance from

the form seen on the mask from Preclassic burial 85 (Figure 3-24). It seems to have become a

part of the headdress in different forms, mask or head, but still identifiable by the 3-pronged hat.

It was part of the royal paraphernalia on some of the early monuments. It may be present on stela

29 but was reduced to the curling leaves (Figure 7-1A). The ruler depicted on the Leyden plaque

(Figure 7-1B) illustrates the full head variant, while on St 36 only the 3-pronges are identifiable

(Figure 7-1C). According to Schele and Miller (1986: 110), Stormy Sky on his monument St 31

holds the flangedd headdress" above his head (Figure 7-1D). St 2 again shows the full head

variant in a prominent location on the headdress (Figure 7-1E). It may also have been present on

Uolantun St 1, and if so, it was in a very unusual form (Figure 7-1F). A similar case was Alt 3,

were it may was worn as a pectoral upside (Figure 7-1G). On three later stelae, it may also be

seen, on St 20 in the "abbreviated" version, on St 11 possibly as a pectoral with the curls up, and

J-1 again curled in the headdress (Figure 7-1H-J).

The Jester God headband imagery was difficult to document as stated above. The best

evidence for it, at Tikal, was the mask from burial 85 (Figure 3-24), the Leyden plaque (Figure

4-16, 7-1B, A-2), which is still debated actually to belong to Tikal, stela 2 (Figure 7-1E, A-8),

and on altar 19 (Figure 7-2) not included in the roster. The altar seems to be of early Classic date

and was not really associated with a stela, but a possibility was stela 31 (Jones and Satterthwaite

1982:81-82). However, the headdress of altar 19 needs to be mentioned here, as it seems to have

a double Jester god configuration. Altar 19 was included for the sole purpose to show that such a









distinct design, the human face with the 3-pronged hat, would have made a distinct impression

on the excavators and that the concept of the Jester god was well established prior to publication

of the report documenting the burials in detail (Coe 1990). Therefore, I concluded that if a mask

or head among the funerary goods with such a design had been found, it would have been noted.

Other details are recorded. Since the masks, or heads, are mostly not yet published, I included

from other sites a selection to demonstrate the variety found (Figures 4-4, 4-14A, and 4-18).

Regarding the headband, tradition to include it in monuments appears to have waxed and

weaned. It was included in the early once, may not have been part of the middle, and resumed its

place in the late depictions. Again, that was what the evidence suggests, but due to the state of

the monuments much of the critical data are missing, so perhaps the Jester god headband was

present during the middle years also.

On Animal Skull's plate, mentioned above, Animal Skull carries a staff that is toped by

the K'mv/il (Figure 6-10A). I suggest, that the staff stela, stelae 13, 9, 3, 15, 7, 27, 8, and 6, may

have been symbolically the same, even if not actually showing the K 'mvil (Figures A- 9-1 1, 6-2,

A-13-16). Interestingly, the very late stelae from Ixlu and Jimbal all show the ruler with the

K 'mvil scepter in hand (Figures A- 37, 39, and 40). It is possible that Yik 'in Chan K 'mvil, the

27th ruler, on St 5 holds a scepter (Figure A-32). However, that part of the stela is present only in

outline and therefore impossible to determine.

Stela 1 was relatively early in the sequence of monuments (see Table A-4) and shows the

double-headed bar with the entire god in miniature emerging from the open mouth (Figure A-5).

On St 2, it is the upper body and head variant of the K 'mvil and human body with a head variant

of god D that were present (Figure A-8). On St 29, the earliest yet found, the bar ends in at least

one head variant. The other end is eroded, but I think that the head was there too (Figure A-1).









The Leyden plaque' s bar, or serpent, ends in god K and the Sun God (Figure 4-16), as identified

by Schele and Miller (1986: 121). Stela 40's bar ends in a design that is reminiscent of the 3-

pronged ends of the Jester God hat (Figure A-7), as does stela 30 (Figure A-22) and stelae 16,

21, 22, 19, and Ix-1, (Figures A-23, -28, -34, -35, and -37). On stela 11 the trimmings may even

be more stylized and end in appendices that are perhaps the curving mouth from which the gods

on the early stelae appear (Figure A-3 8). In one other stela was God K clearly identified, but as a

completely different element. Stela 4 has "this floating image" above the ruler (Figure 6-2;

Schele and Miller 1986:84).

As with all the other symbols, there are variations to how the long-nosed god

materialized on stelae. Most often it was as pectorals, as seen on St 16 (Figure 3-4), but he also

was sometimes, in addition, part of the headdress. The pectoral's design can be assumed only for

some monuments, as on, the Leyden plaque, and stelae 36, 2, 13, 9, 3, 7, 27, 6, 23-left side, 12,

and Ix-1 (Figures A-2, -3, -9 -11, -13, -14, -16, -18, -19, and -37). Here it was the long-nosed

god, in slightly changed form. This assumption seems reasonable, considering the time span the

monuments cover. For the following monuments, it seems clear that it was the same god. Stela

16 was already mentioned, and the others are stelae 21, 22, and a variant on 20 (Figures A-28, -

33, and -34. These last four stelae are close in time (Table A-4). Because of erosion, it can only

be said with certainty that Stela 16 also shows the god in the headdress, and 20 shows again a

slight variant, or combination with the Jester God. Having said that, it certainly is intriguing that

the much earlier St 7 also featured a long-nosed god in the headdress (Figure A-13). Stela 20

depicts one other item that needs to be mentioned because it was unique on stelae. In this

depiction, the ruler stood in front of a throne in the form of a jaguar (Figure A-33, see also 3-

16D).









Lintels

All lintels are from a relatively short period, lasting about a hundred years. Therefore, they

can be closely compared, with the exceptions of two, L 2 of Temple II, which shows a woman in

formal dress thought to be Hasaw/ Chan K 'awil 's wife (Figure A-27), and Temple III's L 2

showing a ruler wearing a close fitting j aguar suit complete with a helmet like a j aguar head

(Figure A-36). He holds a staff in his right hand, but it seems to be a simple rod, the same as his

two attendants, except that his has a length of cloth knotted in the center. In his left hand he

carries a "trident flint" weapon that is very similar, or perhaps the same, to the one held by his

ancestor on Alt 5 (Figure 4-21; Harrison 1999:176; Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:101). Also

displayed in this composition was the palanquin his ancestor captured from Calakmul that will be

mentioned below.

Lintel 2 of Temple I displays the victorious Hasaw/ Chan K 'aw/il with shield and weapon

surrounded by the Waxaklahun-Ubah Snake, or war serpent, captured from a rival city "centuries

ago" (Figure: A-24; Schele and Mathews 1998:86). On L 3 of Temple I, he was seated on the

palanquin he captured from Calakmul, and a huge j aguar protector rears up over him (Figure A-

25; Harrison 1999: 133). In this depiction, he wears the long-nosed pectoral, probably the same as

on St 16, and he holds a K 'aw/il scepter in his right hand. Eroded to some degree, enough of the

body and outline survived to be reasonably sure. Possibly, an elaborate staff, complete with a

j aguar head, was also part of the composition. It may have been an ensign heralding his

victorious homecoming and celebration. His son, Yik 'in Chan K 'aw/il, choose, in part, another

imagery on L 2 of Temple IV (Figure A-29). He is protected by a giant human figure with

"j aguar identifiers" and is seated on what is believed to be a different, from his father' s captured

palanquin (Harrison 1999: 155). He holds in his right hand a scepter, which is badly eroded but

seems to resemble closely the one he carries on L 2 from structure 5D-52 discussed below. On









his left arm he carries a shield. Sadly, it cannot be compared to his fathers, because on both

images, Figures A-24, -25, only the reverse was visible. He also was attired with a long-nosed

pectoral that closely resembles the one on St 21 (Figure A-28).

The next Lintel, Temple IV, L 3, again shows Yik 'in Chan K 'mvil seated on a palanquin

captured from a different city than the one on L 2, T-IV (Figure A-30; Harrison 1999: 155). He

wears a different shield on his left arm and holds a staff in his right, perhaps his personal

standard. On his four-row collar, he wears a slightly different version, to distinguish what I

called the "creature", of the long-nosed pectorals (Figure 7-3A). Instead of a headdress, he wears

an elaborate "helmet", and a Jester god headband was worn by what may be the Tikal version of

the sacred M~uan bird on the top of the lintel (Figure 7-3B). The K 'mvil makes his appearance by

emerging halfway out of the serpent' s mouth on the right lower side of the king (Figure 7-3C). It

seems like the body of the serpent frames him. It ends not with God D, but perhaps some

symbolic variety of him (Figure 7-3D). Finally, on structure 5D-52's lintel, again he wears a

different shield on his left arm and holds a K 'mvil scepter in his right (Figure A-31). He wears

the same pectoral depicted on his stela 22, and possibly on stela 21 (Figures A-34, A-28), and as

his father wore on stela 16, and on lintel 3, of temple I (Figures A- 23, -25).

As stated earlier, I suggest that the staff may symbolically represent the K 'mvil scepter.

Interestingly enough, in only one case are the scepter and bar displayed together (Figure A-37).

In the case of lintel 3 from temple IV, if the staff does representatively stand for the scepter, then

the bar, in its gestalt as serpent, was also displayed (Figure A-30).

Monuments

The monuments, stelae, altars and lintels, seem to be divided almost equally between

showing either the staff, as possible representation of the K 'mvil scepter, eleven, and bar, twelve,

and comprise the maj ority of "Living Images", which agrees well with the assertion made by










Schele and Miller (1986:72) that "two types dominate--The Double-headed Serpent Bar...and

the Serpent-footed God K scepter."

Seven monuments, all late in the sequence, except for St 5, carry a K 'mvil, and one as

mentioned above, Ixlu St 1, carries both, a bar and a scepter in his left arm and hand. There are a

number of stela, nine to be precise, which are either too fragmented or eroded for a

determination. Finally, there are a few that carry something different. On St 10 the person carries

a "bannerlike obj ect" in his right hand (Figure A-20). On St 3 1, Stormy Sky holds his headdress

in his right hand (Figure A-6), and the protagonist on Uolantun St 1 perhaps does the same,

except he holds it up in his left (Figure A-4). In the last two images, not accounted for yet, lintel

2 of temples I and II, Ha~smv Chan K 'mvil and his son both carry shields, and while his son

seems to hold aK'mv/il, he displays his weapon (Figure A-24, -29). As described above, the

ceremonial bar may have gotten more stylized over time and cycled back in the very late

monument, T IV/L3, to its ancient beginnings (Figure A-30; compare to 3-20A).

There seem to be two or three versions to the long-nosed pectoral, but they do match

among the stelae and lintels for individual rulers. The one on stela 16 seems to go with the

special design of beads, while the "creature" one seems to be worn with a collar, and the "old-

man-like", from most of the stelae that are mentioned above as possibly including a long-nosed

pectoral, with a necklace, in most cases of 1-2 beads rows, in one instance with 3 rows, and

another with 4 rows.

Burials

Surprisingly, as can be seen in Table B-10, and despite the fact that burial 125 only

contained a skeleton, there was one commonality with the "core" of burials (Figures B-1, -2, -5, -

8, -9, -11, -12, and -15), which comprise all the burials except 8 and 6 for the obvious reason that

they had been looted. The treatment above the closure of the tombs was, notably similar to all the










other burials with the exception of burial 195. It seems that burial 195 was an exception in many

ways, possibly brought on by the difficult time that Tikal experienced at that period. Yet,

symbolically one might say it was the same, and sherds of pottery substituted for the flint and

obsidian that may have not been available, or because of said hard times, needed for the living.

The lithics are not in the same 7 layers as for burial 125, but all other burials had flint and

obsidian above the closure of the tomb. Even if it was not in layers, more, in the case of burial

1 16, than 1.5 tons of lithics and a corridor of 9 m full of flint marking the passageway the dead

king must have taken on his way, make a very impressive statement. Here it also needs to be

remembered, that the burials under consideration span almost 800 years, and it seems reasonable

to assume that customs changed, at least, slightly. Between burial 125 and the next one that was

found in the sequence, burial 10 is between, at the most 500 years, and at the least 250. Burial

48 seems to have no lithics in the fill above (Coe 1990: 119). However, there was also the

possibility that because of later alterations, it may have been removed, or because it was below

bedrock (Coe 1990: 118), it was impossible to create a fill of lithic material above. All of the

other "core" burials did have, as mentioned above and documented in Table B-10, some form of

flint and obsidian tiers above the closer of the tomb.

Another feature common to all, is that all burials shared the characteristic of a "circle" of

shell and in most cases also j ade around the body. Circle is not really correct; shells and j ade

mark the outline of the occupant, which is more rectangular, or if one wants to be fanciful, cross-

like in shape, and as mentioned below, in the later burials reinforced by jaguar claw bones.

All burials shared the attribute of the "shell-skull-cap". This suggests that all burials in this

study were secondary, a practice that seems to have been equally present at Palenque as

mentioned above.









The next aspect for comparison may have been ancient and a widespread custom. In some

form, all burials had j ade in the vicinity of the head. Either a bead in the mouth, or in the case of

burials 116 and 196 a jade crown or diadem (Figures B-12. -15). As mentioned above, Pacal's

face was covered by a jade mask, and as early as 1200 BC a bead was found in the mouth of

burial occupants at San Jose Mogote.

All burials shared the fact that something was close or under the hands. Most often it was a

j ade bead under the left, and either j ade, shell or stingray spine under the right. Two had stingray

spines at the groin area, and one had an assortment of eight along the lower body. It seems that

the kings went on the j ourney through Xibalba equipped for self-sacrifice.

In all burials, except 195, the number nine had great significance. However, the water

damage in burial 195 could easily have obscured the clustering observed in the other burials.

The importance of jaguars to the rulers has been commented on often and it seems that

even, or particularly, in death that continued to be a factor. At least two rulers were laid to rest on

a bed of j aguar pelts, and in the late Classic burials, additionally clusters of jaguar claw bones

surrounded the dead king as if to fortify the "circle".

The reason I did not compare individual jade artifacts in detail here was simple, as Miller

and Samayoa (1998:57) assert, every king literally "drips with j ade". Individual pieces certainly

had meaning, but, as far as I am aware, the detailed analysis of the items in a grave has only

begun, as documented for Pacal (Figure 4-13). However, there was an aspect of the j ade goods

that I shall reiterate. It seems that some burials contained a personal item, such as signifier of the

occupant' s name. For example, burial 10 actually presented three such items. One is from jade, a

small carved curl-snouted piece (Figure 5-9; Martin and Grube 2000:33). The two others are a

ceramic vessel that shows a seated Yax Ain I, or Curl Snout, wearing a Jaguar headdress and









holding a head in his upraised hands (Figure B-3). It also included a headless crocodile skeleton

from which the ruler got his name (Figure B-2; Harrison 1999:85). Burial 116 carried Hasaw/'s

name on the jade-mosaic vessel, and Burial 196 reviled two items that were possibly of personal

importance, one the j ade-mosaic vessel portraying a woman considered to have once been in

Hasaw' s personal possession and representing him and his wife (Figure 4-20; Harrison 1999;

162-163). It seems his son added his father' s vessel to his father' s grave-goods, but kept his

mother' s portrait to be buried with him. The other item was an exquisitely carved crouching

jaguar (Figure B-16).

Three similarities that most, and possibly all, "core" burials share, are the "circle"

surrounding the king, the shell-skull-cap, and that the number nine was significant. I propose that

all three are interrelated.

Taube (2005:28; see also Miller and Samayoa 1998:56-60) suggested that j ade deposited at

the hands, groin and feet of Pacal mark him as being at the center of the world tree, and also the

Maize God (Figure 7-4), and Schele and Mathews (1998:127) assert also the worldtree. Again,

the duality and multiplicity mentioned above of the Maya world-view come to the foreground.

As discussed above, east, that was the place of birth/rebirth, and the color red, or reddish, that

resembles the morning sky where the sun was just rising above the horizon. Spiny oyster

(Spondylus amnericanus) has this color, and seems to have been used as a symbol for just that

promise, namely that after the j ourney through Xibalba of birth/rebirth. Covering the skull with

such a shell may have been an extra protection for the dead king on his journey through the nine

layers of Xibalba. It seems not very surprising that the number nine was emphasized in burials.

Before he could rise, and take his place among the ancestor gods, he had to complete the journey

through the underworld, and considering the trials and tribulations that the Hero Twins suffered









there, to cover the head with the reassurance of birth/rebirth, of life seems only prudent.

Interestingly, one burial at Copan contained a "String of Shell Beads" that ran the entire western

length of the skeleton as if to provide special protection to the side that first enters Xibalba

(Figure 7-5; Fash 1991).

The king combines the aspects of maize god, worldtree and center within his person. It

seems that in death he is "planted" in a maize field surrounded by maize, in the form of jade, and

the promise of rebirth, in the shape of shells. Just as people today plant their maize: "the farmer

plants the first corn in the center of the field and then plants corn in each of the four directions"

(Bassie-Sweet 2000: 13). In later burials the night sun, in the gestalt of the j aguar claw bones,

also guarded the "maize field". Interestingly enough, the claws were absent (see Table B-10). In

that way, the maize god went back to his origins to be "planted," like the corn kernel in the earth

he, the dead ruler, in the center, and at the four corners, making a maize field: "The Maya believe

that a cornfield does not exist until the com is planted in it." (Bassie-Sweet 2000: 13). To the

Maya that was the perfect metaphor, as all people were created from maize (Bassie-Sweet

2000:3), and death was the dormant time, when the maize ears are harvested and kernels are

stored for the next season. After planting until the first green shots break the earth as did the

maize god to be tended by his sons (Figure 3-15), as his people the maize plants. Further, this

concept has its roots in very ancient times. The discussion on the Olmec cave opening, or center,

with the four plants in the comers needs to be recalled (Figure 2-7; Miller and Taube 1993:56-

57), the Maya later would see it as the black hole," (Miller and Samayoa 1998:58). On Pacal's

sarcophagus lid, the transformed king, falls down the worldtree (Figure 3-13) into the open

mouth of the earth monster into Xibalba (Schele and Miller 1998:116). Caves are considered










openings to the underworld by the Maya (Brady and Prufer 2005; see also Schele and Mathews

1998:43), and are an opening to the center as well.

I am suggesting that this ancient rite survived in some form and that the concept of the

center and the four directions marked by maize, in fact the creation of the maize field that only

came into existence after the kernels were planted, never lost its importance to the Maya. I think

that the evolution from the field surrounding the dead king, being manifested by shell and jade to

the addition of jaguar claw bones, was actually very pragmatic. Who better to protect the maize

god on this dangerous j ourney than the supreme predator/Sun god of the night?

Above I mentioned the possibility that the origin myth may have slightly different versions

to various polities and to ensure the uniqueness of each. I think that the burial practices hint at

that individualization. At Tikal, it was the "circle", while at Palenque, it may have been the

sarcophagus. The inside of Pacal's was covered in red (Schele and Mathews 1998:128), and so

was the inside of the sarcophagus of the "Red Queen" (Figure 6-8). In yet another possible

tradition, the early ruler in Calakmul's Structure III, Tomb 1, was "bedded" on five simple

orange dishes, (Figure 4-17, Table B- 12). He had all the other items, seen in Tikal burials and

elsewhere, too in his grave: shell, pearl, stingray spine, pectoral and belt mask. Reminiscent of

traditions at Palenque, he also had a jadeite facemask (Figure 4-18B), just as Pacal (Figure 4-

14A) did, and both his and Pacal's crypt had a "psycho-duct" (Folan et al. 1995:321). In

Palenque, it runs from the burial chamber alongside the staircase all the way to the top (Figure 4-

23); while at Calakmul, the nine meter long duct terminates in an opening on the north side of

the structure (see Figure 4-17 for opening behind vessel 9; Folan et al. 1995:321). More in tune

with Tikal customs, he did have a personalized vessel with, possibly, his portrait (Figure B-18);

Folan at al. 1995:322-323). Intriguingly, in the later burial of Yukom Yich'ak 'K'ak, a similar










pattern of paw claws as in Tikal was observed, but, Spondylus covered his pelvis area, not his

head; and he rests not on orange dishes but a wooden litter (Table B-12). If Yukom Yich'ak 'K'ak

was the ruler defeated by Ha~saw/ Chan K 'aw/il, his burial at Calakmul would add credence to

Stuart' s (2003) assertion, mentioned above, that defeated rulers were not literally sacrificed, but

became dependants of the victorious polity.

As said, small, but perhaps significant, differences in the burial customs may indicate

differences in the interpretations of the origin myth and consequently interpretation of the

cosmos and worldview. Yet, with all the slight differences, kings may also have "borrowed"

ideas from each other. Harrison (1999: 142) suggests that Hasaw/ Chan K 'aw/il, the 26th ruler of

Tikal, and occupant of burial 1 16, may have used ideas he gained when attending Pacal's funeral

in preparing his own tomb.

Significance

As initially stated, my argument can be considered twofold, one that looked at the "Living

Images" and what they displayed on their monuments and one regarding the treatment of dead

kings. The first and very important point is that, although interconnected, there are also

significant differences to be observed.

K 'aw/ils are an important part of the obj ects of worldly rulers, and at Tikal was part of

many rulers' names, but curiously, they were absent from all but one grave, and in fact, as far as

I know, only two examples of it have ever been found. One made of slate and one of a white

stone, believed to be albite (Figures 7-6, -7). Schele and Miller (1986:72) assert, "The paucity of

surviving scepter suggests that they were made from wood or other perishable materials." In

light of the fact that the four wooden K 'aw/ils survived the water damage reported for burial 195

(Coe 1990:565), and, as far as I know, the total absence of any surviving double-headed bars and

staffs, I suggest a different explanation. Before I do that, I would also like to point out that, again









as far as I can ascertain, none of the long-nosed pectorals are part of the burial goods showered

on the dead kings. Even the truly amassing amount of jades dredged out of the Cenote of

Sacrifice has not yielded even one (Proskouriakoff 1974).

Considering all these facts, I suggest that those emblems of worldly power were handed

down from one king to the next, and only if lost, perhaps by defeat like the palanquins, or if

troubled times led to the belief that those instruments of power needed to be replaced, new ones

were created. They either were then sacrificed and the pieces placed in caches or special

deposits, and are simply not yet found. However, the fact remains that even a king as powerful

and richly endowed as Ha~smv Chan K 'mvil did not enter Xibalba with his K 'mvil scepter,

double-headed bar, staff, or pectoral. In fact, at least the pectoral can be seen worn by his son. I

suggest that as much as Maya life was imbued and intertwined with its worldview, e.g. religion,

some aspects of worldly power stayed with the living and another set of power, that of

rebirth/birth and life, e.g. religion, replaced it. That was why the "circle" surrounded the king, or

as I suggest he became the center of the maize-field, to nurture him and give him power for his

journey through the underworld. I suggest that the shell-skull-cap served the same purpose and

that the number nine anticipated and added guidance.

If one agrees that burial 195 may reflect the onset of difficult times, it also reflects an

amazing pragmatism. If the kingdom was secure and resources were plenty, much was offered to

accompany the dead king on his journey to resurrection and his place among the gods. However,

if times were troubled and the living needed all assets to survive, the dead king got all the finery,

but made from wood and painted. Maybe to add an extra element of power, and to dispel danger

because of the missing "circle" of life, the four K 'mvils, not seen in any of the other tombs,










guarded and guided the king and de facto created a maize-field of power for the dangerous

voyage.

How did the j aguar imagery possibly shift from that of worldly power to become the king' s

guardian? I suggest that it was the easiest transformation. The threads that connect the living

with the dead are manifold. One of them, as said, was the j aguar. In life, he protected the king

and was emulated by him. The ruler sat on his pelt, wore him, and sacrificed him (Figures 3-17, -

18, A-36, 7-8), perhaps in place of the defeated rival, who instead becomes a dependent of the

victor as Stuart (2003) suggested. In death, the j aguar still protected, and lends his pelt for the

king to rest on, but more importantly, since he was the night sun, he helped nourish the maize-

field and thereby the king, and added his power and guidance to fulfilling the promise implicit in

the transformation of the dead king into the Maize god.

Conclusions

* The goal of this study was to address three questions. One was if all paraphernalia depicted
with the living king accompanied him to the grave, and if not, what was missing. Some of the
most important items of worldly power, the Jester God Headband, the K'aw/il scepter, the
double-headed bar or serpent, and the long-nosed pectorals, are missing consistently from
burials. Although, I suggest that these emblems of power were passed on to the next ruler,
definitive proof cannot be gotten from the data.

* My second question probed the possibility that funeral goods may have items not seen in the
living imagery or that its purpose changed.

* Shell was used in living imagery, but evidentially in different ways. The data strongly
support my hypothesis that j ade and shell, and in the later burials the claw bones from
jaguars created a maize-field with the king at the center.

Finally, my last question explored the possibility that the role of the j aguar shifted to some

extent from the emblematic status of power and protector of rulers in life, to guardian, guide, and

source of strength to undertake the journey through Xibalba, in other words, to guarantee the

promise of rebirth and life.









In future research, would similar patterns be seen at other sites? I would like to explore the

possibility that the maize-field concept in burials had wider implications than Karl Taube' s

proposal for Palenque (Taube 2005) and the case for Tikal that I demonstrated.

I think that there is validity to the concept that shields might have incorporated the ancient

Olmec idea about the maize-field (Figures 2-7, 6-3C, A-29, -30) as an opening to the

underworld. Thus, the shield could be bringer of the impending j ourney to the defeated, and the

promise of eternal life to the victor.

Another research avenue that could unravel the intricacies of the dress code would survey

how they changed and what precipitated the observed modifications. It might be considered

wishful thinking, but I do think that large-scale excavations that generate the kind of data I used

to suggest the above hypothesis are immensely important to allow the more intricate questions

about the way the Maya organized and perceived their world. As Culbert (1991:344-345)

suggests, and the reading of more texts makes possible, the interaction between sites are a huge

field to be explored.

As shown in a small way in this study, the relationship between Calakmul and Tikal was

much more complex and multilayered than the straightforward deadly enemy scenario allowed.

With the exciting new discoveries of early texts mentioned in this study, more research into the

origins and development of writing is very desirable and probably will commence.

Finally, research into the role and place of royal women needs to go forward. More and

more, it becomes apparent that those women fulfilled other roles than just that of consorts

(Hewitt 1999), and in some cases may have been the cement that created alliances and stability.

Here the presented passage, at least as far as this study is concerned, into the life and deaths of

the rulers of Tikal ends, as does the j oumney of the ruler once he has passed through Xibalba. As










seen, there are differences in how the ruler is represented in life, in all his worldly power, and in

death, with the return to his mystical origins.
































ui


ilo






i ,
c




E


Figure 7-1. Jester God headbacks, details from stelae. A) St 29 (Fig. A-1). B) Leyden Plaque
(Fig. A-2). C) St 36 (Figure A-3). D) St 31 (Fig. A-6). E) St 2 (Fig. A-8). F) St U-1
(Fig. A-4). G) Alt 3 (Fig. A-12). H) St 20 (Figure A-33). I) ST 11 (Fig. A-38). J) St J-
1 (Fig. A-39)



























I \~












CC


Fiue -. ialAtr 1 n eal(oe n atetwie18:Fgr 1



































c ..1 D




Figure 7-3. Details from Lintel 3, Temple IV (Figure A-30). A) Pectoral. B) Jester God
headband. C) K'aw/il. D) Elaborate variant of God D?



























C















Figure 7-4. Jade: marker of Maize God and his field. A)Drawing of Pacal with the five jades;
B)Jade from groin; C) Left, pectoral worn by Maize God on Resurrection Plate
(Figure 3-14); right, the "groin" jade (Taube 2005:28)




















































0cm


.': -


ed


Shedl LamI~\ ~ -:- ': 'Cnnate
#2 ~ ~ :~.\ Stucco

Turtle 3 :
:.ShellSrrgo
















'1t 1hl 1ed


Figure'/ 7-5 Copa BuilVI-6(ah19:Fgr6


-- NN




























































Figure 7-6. Slate K'aw/il. One of the very few ever found. From a cache found in the Rosalia
Temple at Copan (Fields and Reents-Budet 2005:177).


207



























































Figure 7.7 K'aw/il scepter made from white stone believed to be albite (Miller and Martin
2004:32).


208
















































Figure 7-8. Artist's rendition of a jaguar sacrifice on the ancestral altar Q in the Late Classic
(Fash 1991:128, painting by Thomas Hall, courtesy of the National Geographic
Society).












209









APPENDIX A
LIVINGG IMAGES"













Table A-1. Tikal carved monuments: Stelae and Altars.

Stela Dates Personage Reference Comments
29 8.12.14.8.15 13 Men 3 Zip? earliest St found yet


8.14.3.1.12

"very early"8+


J& S: 62 Leyden Plaque


J&S: 76 altar-like appearaence- but cons St now.
inaugural date; St-fragment shows Head dressed in Mexican
J&S: 11-3 style:
a Jaguar-Helmet and a shell necklace
J&S: 43-4 or any position from 8.17.0.0.0 to 8.19.0.0.0, very similar to St 4;
ST-fragment w/ arm & part of cest
J&S: 74 poss not St frag-- still red paint in deeper relief, only Head/in
Mexican dress
J&S: 62,106-


8.17.2.16.17?

8.18.0.0.0 12 Ahau 8 Zotz?





8.18.13.5.11? 6 Chun 14 Xul?





8.19.0.0.0?
9.1.0.0.0?,
poss. betw.9.0.10.0.0 & 9.2.0.0.0
9.0.10.0.0 7 Ahau 3 Yax





AD 468
9.3.10.0.0?


Curl Nose or
Snout/Peccary
Curl Nose?
Snout/Peccary?


8 Bird Claw named= wife: Stormy Sky, mother :Kan Boer; u-shap
neck medallion, plaque wristlet, head in arm, upraised, & head-
dress hand; all cycle 8 style; stylistic similarities to St 29 & 31,
fig "perhaps the most typical of the Cycle 8 style"
Proskouriakofffl (950:104, cited by J&S: 106)
? J&S: 60-2 similar to St 1,2, but only bottom part
Stormy Sky? J&S: 10 a year & a half before death; thought to be Bu 48 date 9.1.1.10.1;
has reference to 9th R, makes Stormy S 10th R?
Stormy Sky J&S: 64-74 paired w/ Alt 19?; number of rulers mentioned: JPS, Curl N;
Bu. 48 Stormy Sky, Bu. 10 Curl Nose, Bu 22 Jaguar Paw;
notation of 9th R not Stormy Sky or Curl N, but a previous R
Jag Paw Skull; mother's name same as on Wall in Bu 48; poss
Cauac Shield father not JPS; poss both side figs are Curl Nose
K'an Ak Hb:92-4 aka: Yellow Peccary; 12th R; son of Stormy Sky, 10th R;
J&S: 10-1 very similar to St. 1;
Fat glyph: poss Stormy Sky? Mother: Bird Claw; early style Staff
Kan Boar J&S: 33-4 St


13 9.2.10.0.0?













Table A-1. Continued

Stela Dates Personage Reference Comments


, ,


9.2.0.0.0 4 Ahau 13 Uo

9.2.13.0.0 4 Ahau 13 Kayab

9.3.0.0.0 2 Ahau 18 Muan

9.3.0.0.0 2 Ahau 18 Muan
9.3.0.0.0 2 Ahau 18 Muan


9.3.2.0.0 7 Ahau 8 Muan?
9.4.0.0.0 13 Ahau 18 Yax
9.5.0.0.0?

9.4.3.0.0 1 Ahau 3 Yax



9.4.3.0.0? (after 9.3.16.8.4)


9.4.13.0.0 13 Ahau 13 Yaxkin

9.4.13.0.0 13 Ahau 13 Yax?
9.7.10.0.0?


9.7.0.0.0?


Kan boar?

Jag Paw Skull

Jag Paw Skull?

Jag Paw Skull
Jag Paw Skull


Curl Head?
Jag Paw Skull?


poss husband
of W of T, or
Jag Paw Skull?
Woman of T?


J&S: 23-5 poss 8th R, see above St 1 & 2 comments; poss incumbent;
early style Staff St
J&S: 11-3 poss 9th R; names Father: Kan Boar; poss Son: Stormy Sky
of St 31; Staff St
J&S: 35-7,57 names F: Kan B (paired w/St 7&27?); Staff St, only outline


J&S: 20-1,57
J&S: 59-60


J&S: 21-3
J&S: 18-20
J&S: 34-5

J&S: 51,55-7



J&S: 41,50-1,
57


Names Father: Kan Boar (paired w/St 15&27?); Staff St
poss paired w/ St 7&15); contemporary pics on St 3,7,15, Staff St

mother: Bird Claw? father: not recognizable (in list of R); Staff

eroded text; Staff St
St 14 & 25 strikingly similar, poss one? St-fragment w/glyphs

poss other part of St 14??; poss twin to St 23; poss father glyph-
right figure Kan Boer? poss husband to fig in 23; ? monuments to
a branch of the ruling family; left figure Woman of T from St 23
W of Tikal's birth stated as: 9.3.9.13.3; poss son on St's side;
poss twin (paired) to St 25; com a couple; poss Kan Boer father?


J&S: 38-42


Curl Head?

Jag Paw Skull?
Kan Boar
Jag Paw Skull?
Jag Paw Skull?
Bird Claw?
Double Bird


J&S: 31-3, 51 woman's name, male parent glyph; frag of upper part,
?twin to St 10?
J&S: 25-9, 51 birth date? St 10 & 12 twins? posss names grandf C H? UC)
J&S: 41,57-8 (called the "red St") has name's of Jag Paw Skull, Stormy Sky,
Kan Boer, & W of T in text, St-fragment only shows feet
J&S: 108-9, Bird Claw, poss. part of a woman's name


17 ~9.7.0.0.0 (after 9.6.3.9.15)


21st R; F: Jag Paw Skull but poss not the same R as on St 37 15


















































Note: Dates with ? Are style dates or uncertain dedicatory dates


Table A-1. Continued

Stela Dates Personage


Reference Comments
& 27, St 30 & Alt 14 found in enclosure together-belong
J&S: 62-4 together,
St no glyphs, Alt only glyphs: (erected 10 y after inauguration
recorded on T-I- L 3
J&S: 37-8 (w/Alt 5) age 40-60y? See assoc Alt 5
J&S: 46-8 inaugural St: Alt 9 paired w/St has emblem glyph of poss either
Calakmul's or Piedras Negras' R as as bound captive (like ball)


9.13.0.0.0 8 Ahau 8 Uo



9.14.0.0.0 6 Ahau 13 Muan
9.15.5.0.0 10 Ahau 8 Chen
(5 tuns?)

9.15.13.0.0 4 Ahau 8 Yaxkin

9.16.0.0.0 2 Ahau 13 Zec


Ruler A



Ruler A
Ruler B


Ruler B

Ruler B?


J& S: 16-
8,129


27th R: names Father: Ruler A: M: named ? (Twelve Macaw)
pair w/Alt 8: jag throne: 27th= R B, R C= 29th: ? missing 28th
R,
standing fig carries shield w/ bent-leg motif as does Ruler B &


J&S: 45-6


later Ixlu St 1(not R-B?)
29th R: inaugural Stela of R B's successor; F: named R B & his
age: 60y F: named Ruler B: poss that Ruler C not yet R, part of
St missing
poss his, or his son's stela
not likely to be R B:, poss name?
poss offering or sacrifice
w/Alt 1 bound captive; father glyph?:


9.17.0.0.0 13 Ahau 18 Cumku
9.18.0.0.0 11 Ahau 18 Mac

9.19.0.0.0 9 Ahau 18 Mol
10.1.10.0.0 4 Ahau 13 Kankin
10.2.0.0.0 3 Ahau 3 Ceh
10.2.10.0.0 2 Ahau 13 Chen
10.2.10.0.0?


Early Classic

9.12.19.12.9 1 Muluc 2 Muan


Ruler C J&S: 48-50
Ruler C? J&S: 43-5-42

?Dark Sun? J&S: 52-55
J&S: 113-4
? J&S: 29-31
Ten Monkey? J&S: 109-11
J&S: 114-116


Altars


?Ruler?

Ruler A


J&S: 78-9 moved may have been assoc w/St 3 or 7 style Early Classic,
Baktun 8 or 9: Altars seem to be seats or thrones in stone
J&S: 129, w/St 16 Consort? (death of female?) birth of heir?, poss Twelve
337-8 Macaw, but name different R B's parental state on St 5 & L 3













Table A-2. Tikal


carved monuments: Lintels and Stucco-frieze


Lintels
T-I, L 2
(Str 5D-1-
1st)
T-1, L 3
(Str 5D-1-
1st)


Dates
9.13.3.0.0 9 Ahau 13 Pop
(or 9.14.0.0.0)


Personage
Ruler A & female

figure (dress similar
to Clevel St woman)
Ruler A


Reference


Comments


J&S: 97-100 missing glyphs R A?, but on L3 &Bu 116: reference to
*M&G 204 important Copan Ruler 18 Kan Dog/ 18 Jog or 18
Rabbit* same as on some of the carved bones in Bu 1 16

inauguration date at 9.12.9.17.16: M: Jaguar Seat, F: Shield
Skull, both names are also recorded in Bu 116: jag-military
alliance betw. T & Calakmul Jag-protector motiv (see also
Marcus 1976:51-2): Lintels- theme similar to L-s in T-IV in
both the main figure is "protected" by jag or reptile images.
construction of T after 9.14.0.0.0 Lintels-older
S&Ma: 86-7 Ruler A's Palace; date of battle (8 Aug 695)


J&S: 100 poss wife of R A, T-II dedicated to her? burial beneath T-II?,
but despite extensive tunneling nothing found: T-2 earlier
than T-I,
J&S: 101-3 M: 12 Macaw, F: Ruler A: seated figure?


seated figure not buried below T as R A: but Bu 196 dated
to 9.16.4.9.8
J&S: 103-5 Palace; similarities in date, shield & staff suggest R B.


J&S: 100-1 3-figure-scene revival St-style (14,23,25,31); poss Dark
Sun's father, or R B's brother?


T-Str 5D-57 9.13.3.8.18 Ruler A
stucco frieze
T-II, L 2 9.15.0.0.0? (9.14.0.0.0?) woman
(Str 5D-2-
1st)
T-IV, L 2 9.15.10.0.0 3 Ahau 3 Mol Ruler B
(Str 5C-4) (or 9.16.0.0.0)
T-IV, L 3 Ruler B
(Str 5C-4)
T-Str 5D-52 9.15.10.0.0 3 Ahau 3 Mol Ruler B?
(Str 10)
T-III, L 2 9.19.0.0.0? Ruler C or a
(Str 5D-3) brother?
Note: Dates with ? Are style dates or uncertain dedicatory dates





























































(Jones & Satterthwaite 1982:6)


Table A-3. Jones and Satterthwaite' s Conversion Time Table: In Maya Long-Count,
corresponding Gregorian Year, and Ceramic Complexes
Long Count A.D. Tikal Ceramic Complexes


10.4.0.0.0
10.3.0.0.0
10.2.0.0.0
10.1.0.0.0
10.0.0.0.0
9.19.0.0.0
9.18.0.0.0
9.17.0.0.0
9.16.0.0.0
9.15.0.0.0
9.14.0.0.0
9.13.0.0.0
9.12.0.0.0
9.11.0.0.0
9.10.0.0.0
9.9.0.0.0
9.8.0.0.0
9.7.0.0.0
9.6.0.0.0
9.5.0.0.0
9.4.0.0.0
9.3.0.0.0
9.2.0.0.0
9.1.0.0.0
9.0.0.0.0
8.19.0.0.0
8.18.0.0.0
8.17.0.0.0
8.16.0.0.0
8.15.0.0.0
8.14.0.0.0
8.13.0.0.0
8.12.0.0.0


909
889
869
849
830
810
790
771
751
731
711
692
672
652
633
613
593
573
554
534
514
495
475
455
436
416
396
376
357
337
317
297
278
250


Eznab








Imix






Ik


Manik


Cimi










Table A-5 can be accessed through the link below.

It contains the collected data from each of the monuments listed in table A-4 and shown

in figures A-1 to A-40.

As stated in the text, chapter 6, the jade recorded has been reported, not necessarily from

Tikal, to be present.

Table A-5 is organized in the following manner. At least a row is devoted to each

monument, organized in chronological order, so that the oldest monument is the first, and

the latest monument in the series is the last. Second, comments are made about the

monument, followed by the corresponding figure number. After that, the jade is listed,

starting with the Headdress, and ending with anklets if present. Next, the position of the

figure is given and finally, the sources for the information are given.

Object A-1. Table A-5 Listing all. Tikal "living image" Jade from Stelae, Altars, Lintels,
and Stucco-frieze
































Ii













I -l -- -

I,
FIgr Tk Se 2 Jn a Stetwi 18:iu 4)


I1



























































Figure A-2. The front of the Leyden Plaque (Schele and Miller 1986: Plate 33).




218




















































\\
\\


Figure A-3. Tikal Stela 36 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 56).




























































Figure A-4. Uolantun Stela 1 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 76).



220
















III




or












e.1 I I


1.1









I
















2211









































right side


Ileitsid


Figure A-6. Tikal Stela 31 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 51,52).
















































Figure A-7. Tikal Stela 40. This recently, 1996, discovered monument shows K'an
Chitamttt~~~~~ttttt~~~~ aka Precious/Yellow Peccary in AD 468. The side-panels, in marked
difference to other known stelae with three figures, show his mother and
father (Martin and Grube 2000:37).The drawing shows the wealth of details
that mark the ruler's status (Harrison 1999:93).











223



























































Figure A-8. Tikal Stela 2 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 2).



224














































Figure A-9. Tikal Stela 13. Left, drawing of image (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure
19). Right, schematic drawing by Lisa Ferguson (Ferguson and Royce
1984: 113, iconography interpreted by L. Schele).















225















around


Figure A-10. Tikal Stela 9. Left, drawing of image (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure
13). Right, schematic drawing by Lisa Ferguson (Ferguson and Royce
1984:103, iconography interpreted by L. Schele).


















































Figure A-11. Tikal Stela 3. Left, drawing of image (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure
4). Right, schematic drawing by Lisa Ferguson (Ferguson and Royce 1984:89,
iconography interpreted by L. Schele).





Figure A-12. Tikal Altar 3 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 57).



























































Figure A-13. Tikal Stela 7 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 11).



229




























































Figure A-14. Tikal Stela 27 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 46).



230



























































Figure A-15. Tikal Stela 8 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 12).



231





















III ~~f/J !i-








:r;
i- ,I



,


I \

r
: I r
I
,-1 I'
,,.,


I
I I!I- ,
L, I





17
'1 I
--;.II: 1






































Figure A-16. Tikal Stela 6 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 9).





































";- rj I I-






I
,I; ~
~. .~E~
c-a~.
i. ?~:''
r"r.~a

I



I : I I r
t I I \
\ f I I I I r
\r ( I
1 I I


I



I i' I

-~- -1 I I I ;~ -. J ~

LdlSMr I ; I I Rlihl side
---~~_~____L,1 __r,,___,,,,_______ L__


Figure A-17. Tikal Stela 25 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figures 42-43).

































II




Le RP Sidp Right Side



Figure A-18. Tikal Stela 23 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 35).

































Pectoral


I Cape




-- Dangle











I









Figure A-9 ia tl 2 et rwn fiae(oe n atrhat
192Fgr 17.Rgt ceai rwn b iaFruo Fruo n

Roc 19411 cngah ntrrtdb .Shl)











23






























Pectoral


', Ceremonial
13anner
Eroded
Ileaid



<:o.~ 'f c~CX ~ Celt
L~oincloth
Decoration
Copal
(Incense)







Belly-down
Captive








Figure A-20. Tikal Stela 10. Left, drawing of image (Jones and Satterthwaite
1982:Figure 14). Right, schematic drawing by Lisa Ferguson (Ferguson and
Royce 1984:107, iconography interpreted by L. Schele).




























I









i r

: ~'( :


.. r'-~i



-*- .. I
~-:~ I
3' ~
: -
.~
I
.r
1-:
..:,..-i
: r
........ .:
;
1. : ~
r-~ 'I /
.*. i "'
'i i ..,. i ''
-- '
i -..
: : '"'
i '-I: -~~, ~~


~' -.-:-'*':' ~
''-


Figure A-21. Tikal Stela 17 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 24).




















237


.i.-~


























































Figure A-22. Tikal Stela 30 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 50).



























































Figure A-23. Tikal Stela 16; and schematic drawing,originally by W.R. Coe (Ferguson
and Royce 1984:157, 156, iconography interpreted by L. Schele).



239


















Cropped and Tied
Feathers


M6hal G Iyph (Side View) on Shell


Skull


Venus-Star Sign


Scerpenil


Mat


Kneelet


Tialoc Motif


Personification Heads
for Anklets

Sandals (with Mart Symbol)


Figure A-23. Continued.




























































Figure A-24. Tikal Temple I, Lintel 2 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 69).



241



















I C

I \ ~~_ c
Ir,:
I ,
~




.
9i


;
2:
~b~ 'Y ~CJIP4

rl
--



i'~-.;
.
v

I '. ~i


'.. rl .I

i lI ..L
b-







I
1 la'c~M;i~C~.Cd~r#~nLc' ~\rl


Z
r6-:e rrl 1

r-T I:1
L-1TI_ rl::
,,
--II-ICC t:l
-
~25 T~'~C~,
7,- - _ _ _ _? ~1 Lrl~L~
J/


Figure A-25. Tikal Temple I, Lintel 3 (Harrison 1999.132).






242




















































Figure A-26. Tikal Structure 5D-57. Top, Ha~saw/ Chan K'aw/il, 26th Kalomate, in Tlaloc-
Venus battle dress presents the important captive, the ruler of Calakmul, as his
prisoner (Schele and Mathews 1998:87). Bottom, drawing of Hassaw/ in
slightly different battle armor (Harrison 1999:132).








243



























































Figure A-27. Tikal Temple II, Lintel 2 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 71).



244





































saerpemr trret BaIo ~: ck
"'* rack
Tikal ~


6 Pax. iIl~e~S C
Seating~ l~-i ~ r~~l
As Bacab (Ruler)/ "
he scatteed
Perforator




II




Figure A-28. Tikal Stela 21. Schematic drawing, originally by W.R. Coe (Ferguson and
Royce 1984: 184, iconography interpreted by L. Schele).



















I
I
I
I


~II


Figure A-29. Tikal Temple IV, Lintel 2 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 73).









































Figure A-30. Tikal Temple IV, Lintel 3 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 74).











_________tl


Figure A-31. Tikal Structure 5D-52, Lintel 2 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 75).





248




























































Figure A-32. Tikal Stela 5. Schematic drawing, originally by W.R. Coe Ferguson and
Royce 1984:97, iconography interpreted by L. Schele).



249













Giod K


Snaggle-tooth~
Dragon

Hair-mlotiv -:
ofGYi/GHI Ribbonls
Thlree
See left Figure K t )~tnotiCloth
on Altar 5) Motif'



Symbol on
Serpent Mask Human
Ase Head skk

Pet ral Bcrc


Knots to tic 1 --
on WVristclts

Ahau Pop
Face
Shield r



\! Square-n~osed
OlivelW ~ n Serpent


License U PnI ~~r~-~" Cnderskiirt




Water ~ily
Jaguar Throne




"Pineapple"
Dercorations









Figure A-33. Tikal Stela 20. Schematic drawing, originally by W.R. Coe (Ferguson and
Royce 1984:176, iconography interpreted by L. Schele).
















~F~---- I~cuddFesrIathered~rpn

Squan:?-nosed





Helmet Base .oe~e
of Heuddrerss

|Symbol
Serpent
Half'-mask ~ ~ L
Ear
Oruamenut


Pcetoral Bkrc

Scaretring ---- Skeletal
Gesture 1 1 Head
Crossed-bands
~~~~~~~~' ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ o _Y~~_~~iIl~~jlJ6 ~ 7 ~~ 1Waistband
Bloodletting
Symbol o
Tlaloc
Blroodletting rInccuse
Wristlet Bag r

.4haou Pop -eSquare-nosed
Serpent Frcts

Jaguar-skin
over kilt

Bell, Cylinder.
Ribbon

Ornate loin U(~ i~~r-PT PJ~I -Inderskirt
Oruament

L~oincloth .. .* Grtrs

Pe~rforator
(Bloodletting)
..- .1,. od













Figure A-34. Tikal Stela 22. Schematic drawing, originally by W.R. Coe (Ferguson and
Royce 1984:145, iconography interpreted by L. Schele).

























Ceremnonial Bar with
Three-knot Bloodletting


Figure A-35. Tikal Stela 19. Schematic drawing, originally by W.R. Coe (Ferguson and
Royce 1984:149, iconography interpreted by L. Schele).

















Jaguar Pelt


Square-nosed Serpents.
part of Backrack





Supe~matural
Attenant


Trilobed
(three-pointed)
Flint


B~ackrack (Rear H-ead of
Temple IV. Lintel 3
Serpent)







Hassock w~ith M~at
Symbol of Authlorityi


Trilobed
(thre~e-pointed)









see Altar 5


Figure A-36. Tikal Temple III, Lintel 2. Schematic drawing, originally by W.R. Coe (Ferguson and Royce 1984:152, iconography
interpreted by L. Schele).


Water ~ily
Jaguar HeIad











































.. 1.





o o

0:




















Figure~~~~~~~~~~~~ A-7 Ixlu Stl JnsadStetwie18:iue8)


























































Figure A-38. Tikal Stela 11 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 16).




255




























































































I I
I I

I I
I
I I
r



I
r
r



r
r
r
I

I









Figure A-39. Jimbal Stela 1 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 78).












..i *,
--22~


:n
,,,

1~/4~3~)~ I; r
I I


b'-


I
I
~ x
:I ;~
I
r,
;-~;,t
i;
i
I:' ::
I


i:r!;I
rC\ '-C
O -r\
~c+
r
~iE:i I
r- ---i:l___i r,-71

'$ I I I
I ,
I I
,_ '~- - -/


















Figure A-40. Ixlu Stela 2 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 81).





257













Table A-1. Tikal carved monuments: Stelae and Altars.

Stela Dates Personage Reference Comments
29 8.12.14.8.15 13 Men 3 Zip? earliest St found yet


8.14.3.1.12

"very early"8+


J& S: 62 Leyden Plaque


J&S: 76 altar-like appearaence- but cons St now.
inaugural date; St-fragment shows Head dressed in Mexican
J&S: 11-3 style:
a Jaguar-Helmet and a shell necklace
J&S: 43-4 or any position from 8.17.0.0.0 to 8.19.0.0.0, very similar to St 4;
ST-fragment w/ arm & part of cest
J&S: 74 poss not St frag-- still red paint in deeper relief, only Head/in
Mexican dress
J&S: 62,106-


8.17.2.16.17?

8.18.0.0.0 12 Ahau 8 Zotz?





8.18.13.5.11? 6 Chun 14 Xul?





8.19.0.0.0?
9.1.0.0.0?,
poss. betw.9.0.10.0.0 & 9.2.0.0.0
9.0.10.0.0 7 Ahau 3 Yax





AD 468
9.3.10.0.0?


Curl Nose or
Snout/Peccary
Curl Nose?
Snout/Peccary?


8 Bird Claw named= wife: Stormy Sky, mother :Kan Boer; u-shap
neck medallion, plaque wristlet, head in arm, upraised, & head-
dress hand; all cycle 8 style; stylistic similarities to St 29 & 31,
fig "perhaps the most typical of the Cycle 8 style"
Proskouriakofffl (950:104, cited by J&S: 106)
? J&S: 60-2 similar to St 1,2, but only bottom part
Stormy Sky? J&S: 10 a year & a half before death; thought to be Bu 48 date 9.1.1.10.1;
has reference to 9th R, makes Stormy S 10th R?
Stormy Sky J&S: 64-74 paired w/ Alt 19?; number of rulers mentioned: JPS, Curl N;
Bu. 48 Stormy Sky, Bu. 10 Curl Nose, Bu 22 Jaguar Paw;
notation of 9th R not Stormy Sky or Curl N, but a previous R
Jag Paw Skull; mother's name same as on Wall in Bu 48; poss
Cauac Shield father not JPS; poss both side figs are Curl Nose
K'an Ak Hb:92-4 aka: Yellow Peccary; 12th R; son of Stormy Sky, 10th R;
J&S: 10-1 very similar to St. 1;
Fat glyph: poss Stormy Sky? Mother: Bird Claw; early style Staff
Kan Boar J&S: 33-4 St


13 9.2.10.0.0?













Table A-1. Continued

Stela Dates Personage Reference Comments


, ,


9.2.0.0.0 4 Ahau 13 Uo

9.2.13.0.0 4 Ahau 13 Kayab

9.3.0.0.0 2 Ahau 18 Muan

9.3.0.0.0 2 Ahau 18 Muan
9.3.0.0.0 2 Ahau 18 Muan


9.3.2.0.0 7 Ahau 8 Muan?
9.4.0.0.0 13 Ahau 18 Yax
9.5.0.0.0?

9.4.3.0.0 1 Ahau 3 Yax



9.4.3.0.0? (after 9.3.16.8.4)


9.4.13.0.0 13 Ahau 13 Yaxkin

9.4.13.0.0 13 Ahau 13 Yax?
9.7.10.0.0?


9.7.0.0.0?


Kan boar?

Jag Paw Skull

Jag Paw Skull?

Jag Paw Skull
Jag Paw Skull


Curl Head?
Jag Paw Skull?


poss husband
of W of T, or
Jag Paw Skull?
Woman of T?


J&S: 23-5 poss 8th R, see above St 1 & 2 comments; poss incumbent;
early style Staff St
J&S: 11-3 poss 9th R; names Father: Kan Boar; poss Son: Stormy Sky
of St 31; Staff St
J&S: 35-7,57 names F: Kan B (paired w/St 7&27?); Staff St, only outline


J&S: 20-1,57
J&S: 59-60


J&S: 21-3
J&S: 18-20
J&S: 34-5

J&S: 51,55-7



J&S: 41,50-1,
57


Names Father: Kan Boar (paired w/St 15&27?); Staff St
poss paired w/ St 7&15); contemporary pics on St 3,7,15, Staff St

mother: Bird Claw? father: not recognizable (in list of R); Staff

eroded text; Staff St
St 14 & 25 strikingly similar, poss one? St-fragment w/glyphs

poss other part of St 14??; poss twin to St 23; poss father glyph-
right figure Kan Boer? poss husband to fig in 23; ? monuments to
a branch of the ruling family; left figure Woman of T from St 23
W of Tikal's birth stated as: 9.3.9.13.3; poss son on St's side;
poss twin (paired) to St 25; com a couple; poss Kan Boer father?


J&S: 38-42


Curl Head?

Jag Paw Skull?
Kan Boar
Jag Paw Skull?
Jag Paw Skull?
Bird Claw?
Double Bird


J&S: 31-3, 51 woman's name, male parent glyph; frag of upper part,
?twin to St 10?
J&S: 25-9, 51 birth date? St 10 & 12 twins? posss names grandf C H? UC)
J&S: 41,57-8 (called the "red St") has name's of Jag Paw Skull, Stormy Sky,
Kan Boer, & W of T in text, St-fragment only shows feet
J&S: 108-9, Bird Claw, poss. part of a woman's name


17 ~9.7.0.0.0 (after 9.6.3.9.15)


21st R; F: Jag Paw Skull but poss not the same R as on St 37 15


















































Note: Dates with ? Are style dates or uncertain dedicatory dates


Table A-1. Continued

Stela Dates Personage


Reference Comments
& 27, St 30 & Alt 14 found in enclosure together-belong
J&S: 62-4 together,
St no glyphs, Alt only glyphs: (erected 10 y after inauguration
recorded on T-I- L 3
J&S: 37-8 (w/Alt 5) age 40-60y? See assoc Alt 5
J&S: 46-8 inaugural St: Alt 9 paired w/St has emblem glyph of poss either
Calakmul's or Piedras Negras' R as as bound captive (like ball)


9.13.0.0.0 8 Ahau 8 Uo



9.14.0.0.0 6 Ahau 13 Muan
9.15.5.0.0 10 Ahau 8 Chen
(5 tuns?)

9.15.13.0.0 4 Ahau 8 Yaxkin

9.16.0.0.0 2 Ahau 13 Zec


Ruler A



Ruler A
Ruler B


Ruler B

Ruler B?


J& S: 16-
8,129


27th R: names Father: Ruler A: M: named ? (Twelve Macaw)
pair w/Alt 8: jag throne: 27th= R B, R C= 29th: ? missing 28th
R,
standing fig carries shield w/ bent-leg motif as does Ruler B &


J&S: 45-6


later Ixlu St 1(not R-B?)
29th R: inaugural Stela of R B's successor; F: named R B & his
age: 60y F: named Ruler B: poss that Ruler C not yet R, part of
St missing
poss his, or his son's stela
not likely to be R B:, poss name?
poss offering or sacrifice
w/Alt 1 bound captive; father glyph?:


9.17.0.0.0 13 Ahau 18 Cumku
9.18.0.0.0 11 Ahau 18 Mac

9.19.0.0.0 9 Ahau 18 Mol
10.1.10.0.0 4 Ahau 13 Kankin
10.2.0.0.0 3 Ahau 3 Ceh
10.2.10.0.0 2 Ahau 13 Chen
10.2.10.0.0?


Early Classic

9.12.19.12.9 1 Muluc 2 Muan


Ruler C J&S: 48-50
Ruler C? J&S: 43-5-42

?Dark Sun? J&S: 52-55
J&S: 113-4
? J&S: 29-31
Ten Monkey? J&S: 109-11
J&S: 114-116


Altars


?Ruler?

Ruler A


J&S: 78-9 moved may have been assoc w/St 3 or 7 style Early Classic,
Baktun 8 or 9: Altars seem to be seats or thrones in stone
J&S: 129, w/St 16 Consort? (death of female?) birth of heir?, poss Twelve
337-8 Macaw, but name different R B's parental state on St 5 & L 3













Table A-2. Tikal


carved monuments: Lintels and Stucco-frieze


Lintels
T-I, L 2
(Str 5D-1-
1st)
T-1, L 3
(Str 5D-1-
1st)


Dates
9.13.3.0.0 9 Ahau 13 Pop
(or 9.14.0.0.0)


Personage
Ruler A & female

figure (dress similar
to Clevel St woman)
Ruler A


Reference


Comments


J&S: 97-100 missing glyphs R A?, but on L3 &Bu 116: reference to
*M&G 204 important Copan Ruler 18 Kan Dog/ 18 Jog or 18
Rabbit* same as on some of the carved bones in Bu 1 16

inauguration date at 9.12.9.17.16: M: Jaguar Seat, F: Shield
Skull, both names are also recorded in Bu 116: jag-military
alliance betw. T & Calakmul Jag-protector motiv (see also
Marcus 1976:51-2): Lintels- theme similar to L-s in T-IV in
both the main figure is "protected" by jag or reptile images.
construction of T after 9.14.0.0.0 Lintels-older
S&Ma: 86-7 Ruler A's Palace; date of battle (8 Aug 695)


J&S: 100 poss wife of R A, T-II dedicated to her? burial beneath T-II?,
but despite extensive tunneling nothing found: T-2 earlier
than T-I,
J&S: 101-3 M: 12 Macaw, F: Ruler A: seated figure?


seated figure not buried below T as R A: but Bu 196 dated
to 9.16.4.9.8
J&S: 103-5 Palace; similarities in date, shield & staff suggest R B.


J&S: 100-1 3-figure-scene revival St-style (14,23,25,31); poss Dark
Sun' father, or R B's brother?


T-Str 5D-57 9.13.3.8.18 Ruler A
stucco frieze
T-II, L 2 9.15.0.0.0? (9.14.0.0.0?) woman
(Str 5D-2-
1st)
T-IV, L 2 9.15.10.0.0 3 Ahau 3 Mol Ruler B
(Str 5C-4) (or 9.16.0.0.0)
T-IV, L 3 Ruler B
(Str 5C-4)
T-Str 5D-52 9.15.10.0.0 3 Ahau 3 Mol Ruler B?
(Str 10)
T-III, L 2 9.19.0.0.0? Ruler C or a
(Str 5D-3) brother?
Note: Dates with ? Are style dates or uncertain dedicatory dates





























































(Jones & Satterthwaite 1982:6)


Table A-3. Jones and Satterthwaite' s Conversion Time Table: In Maya Long-Count,
corresponding Gregorian Year, and Ceramic Complexes
Long Count A.D. Tikal Ceramic Complexes


10.4.0.0.0
10.3.0.0.0
10.2.0.0.0
10.1.0.0.0
10.0.0.0.0
9.19.0.0.0
9.18.0.0.0
9.17.0.0.0
9.16.0.0.0
9.15.0.0.0
9.14.0.0.0
9.13.0.0.0
9.12.0.0.0
9.11.0.0.0
9.10.0.0.0
9.9.0.0.0
9.8.0.0.0
9.7.0.0.0
9.6.0.0.0
9.5.0.0.0
9.4.0.0.0
9.3.0.0.0
9.2.0.0.0
9.1.0.0.0
9.0.0.0.0
8.19.0.0.0
8.18.0.0.0
8.17.0.0.0
8.16.0.0.0
8.15.0.0.0
8.14.0.0.0
8.13.0.0.0
8.12.0.0.0


909
889
869
849
830
810
790
771
751
731
711
692
672
652
633
613
593
573
554
534
514
495
475
455
436
416
396
376
357
337
317
297
278
250


Eznab








Imix






Ik


Manik


Cimi






















































111_I


APPENDIX B
BURIAL S


CY
Z

c3
4
~LI


1 M.


Figure B-1. Tikal Burial 125 (Coe 1990:Figure 62).












Table B-1. Tikal Burial 125.

Date(s) Name/Description Jade Source
2 males SkA & Sk.A head to E, extended palms down- naked interred-- no organig materials Cc: 336-7, Fig
100BC- SkB found 62
SkA= giant 70-80
AD150 y in Grave, but nearby cache, see Harrison for details. Hb: 68-69
?Dynastic Shaft above Bu contained 6 posss 7) layers of flint flakes divided by marl, &
Founder above J&S: 6
last stratum fill ~ 100 pieces of obsidian, core & blades, & flint intermixed poss orig
SkB= adult no age not mixed the flint blades from all layers amounted to 210 lbs
Sk.A: Haviland in lab tests estimates height 180-190 cm, w/ a right limp;




































F
44e44S

B



t~Er 2

: 60 59 1


I :


N
mag


I 0 M,









Figure B-2. Tikal Burial 10 (Coe 1990:Figure 160).













Source
Cc: 479-487,
fig.160
*Hb: 105












Figure 5-9



















Figure 6-15


sacrificed(?)
10th Ruler?


Date(s)
*< 402-
d: 420


Table B-2. Tikal Burial 10


Name/Description
Sk.A >35 y
height 160
9 accomp, none
older than~- 16


Jade
difficulties w/ exact provenience of grave goods.
Sk.A center of chamb extended w/ head N, and face up, arms not crossed ?parallel?
8 Sk underneath & to W&S 1 head missing, & 1 SK above ceiling accomp by 2 jade
beads head W, disarticulated bones w/pinkish hue poss bundle cloth
55 jade pebble beads all close prox to Sk.A except 1-dimentional grading sugg
necklace,
poss intentionally broken over the body
8 four-lobed jade beads w/ Sk.A seem random
6 specialized jade beads w/
5 cylinder jade pieces streched arclike from Sk.A's right temporal to front of mandible,
poss a rearward necklace tie
1 boot-shaped jade bead NE- of skull
4 carved jade pendants, 2 repres. jaguar heads, 2 human's (? 1 a snarl-snout cayman)
1 pair of large jade ear flares
2 pair of small jade ear flares
1 unmatched incised jade ear flare
1 unmatched and poss unfinished jade ear flare
117 minute pieces of jade poss from human face incorp in headdress (N of Sk.A's Skull
& restricted to limited area),
1 carved jade bead beneath left palm-- 1 stingray spine under left wrist
1 largely disintegrated pyrite encrusted shale plaque (mirror) on upper left thigh
1 pair of ear flares of slate, crystal, shell, jade, & amazonite -?belong in headdress
5 turtle carapaces NE of SkA head posss mounted on 2 poles & leaned against wall),
(31arge & 2 small, all missing heads, dicapitation?)
1 crocodile minus head to SE (starts ~ height of pelvic bone of SkA)
~90 small bones from different birds, most are from among the pottery NE & NW
of SkA some are from next to the crocodile poss its last meal
1 painted-stucco bird effigy jar
8 figurines from shell
1 damaged earl Dendant











Table B-2. Continued.

Date(s) Name/Description


Jade
78 Spondylus sp. "spangles" poss basal part of headdress
1 large Spondylus sp. valve outside smooth, inside scraped, &
1 whole Spondylus sp. to east of it lower & on both sides slightly above head
8 perforated Lyropecten subnodosus valves, and
1 at throat of SkA, and 1 snail shell, 12 more NE of head
9 small Spondylus sp. valves modified as above, distributed along legs inside & out SkA
12 snails NE of head, 1 poss from
10 imitation stingray spines, whole & frags
1 two-part human effigy vessel -poss use as censor- poss on NE corner of litter I
1 planar object wood, upper surface stuccoed & painted green w/ yellow border &
fine black feathers (?tray or plaque, shield?) next to croc -E
content of grave beyond center clearly segregated, table/ bench w. stucco (red) top
NW probably held 7 large lidded pottery cylinders, together w/ 2N-center forming 9
lots of pottery (both plain & elaborate) stacked in front of turtles,
while fine pottery was grouped E & S in front of them (30, plus 1 lid)
# 9 significant ( 9 attendants, -steps, -cylindr Black jars, lids -cyldr tripods, shells)
also, body is encicled by green and yellow-orange-red, w/ loosely distrub. jades &
spondylus shells achieved
Cinnabar in different forms among Sk.A., & forehead brightly reddened
Sk.A on large wooden litter or bier (~- 1x3 m) on 4 posts
most jade pieces seem distributed about the body- and not as normally worn
7 layers of mostly flint blades w/ some obsidian, & even eccentrics I


Source


Figure B-3


Figure B-4



























































Figure B-3. Incense burner of old god with belt-mask in his hands from Bu 10 (Martin
and Grube 2000:33).



268



























































Figure B-4. Examples of eccentric flints, note the human faces (Schele and Miller
1986:Plate 26; Miller and Martin 2004:148-149).



269








































































4 I I I 5


I \


f

.I
-r

~ ~llB/I
58
r
8





d f
P.t
~b~T~'O ~R~m\~l~2H t~ i

IrB~P~L\ \
*\
PC-
9'\ 1



Sk. A




N
mag


I M.

I


, I


Figure B-5. Tikal Burial 48 (Coe 1990:Figure 174).













Jade
bundle burial head (obsidian blade instead), and hands missing- center, slightly W
body painted red w/cinnabar
Coe sugg head modeled & crested w/TTikal emblem, bundle, appears in left arm of
ruler on St 31 -if it is son of 10th R-Bul0- problem: today Bu48 considered earlier


Source
Cc: 118-123,
Fig 174
(>)Hb: 88
*J&S: 6


than Bul0, but could it be a custom?-- Hero-twin-story= father lost head)
walls have glyphs & symbols- N-Wall w/ date 457 (9.1.1.10.10 4 Oc) (>)*

380 jade beads and 2 of shell (flanking pendant?) poss. multistrand necklace w/
1 large cylindrical carved jadebead, posss rested on bundle).
32 add. subspherical jade (some?) beads, 22 are at Sk.A, 6 to NE of it, 3 to SW
1 jade object (well used celt ?) on NE-side of Sk.A
1 jade spherical object at center S of Sk.A
1 jade facial piece w/ throat disk
1 pair of jade ear flares ( 4 pieces) 1 w/ residue of cinnabar & textile on upper surface
mass of Jade bits (~700)(?scattered??) circular arrang- & various spec. pieces sugg. a
profiled personage, and shell mosaic pieces w/
1 pair jade matched composite ear flares in center, and
1 set of compound (6 pieces) ear ornaments. made of jade, shell, alabaster, & stucco.
All?? part of complex mosaic w/ 2 human eyes- mask, or part o a headdress.
W-Wall pottery (9) contain among other, jade(no descip.)&specular hematite powder
1 rectangular stuccoed (green& red-on-cream w/ fine-line painting) object 20x32x5 cm
poss a tray or shield
3 effigy faces (maskettes?) of clay
10 inmature Spondylus sp. valves, all w/scraped exterior & paired perforations together
w/ jade beads highly symbolic, ome aspect poss related to color, here orange & green
1 w/ single perforation & filled w/other shells & a metate in 1 small vessel center S
lots of different shells- many but not all frags
7 whole & incompl modified stingray spines, bones of animals in vessels: 10 phalanges
from whitetail deer, 5 quails, and turkey
poss many things are within bundle, but some of the shells and jade beads are


Table B-3. Tikal Burial 48


Date(s) Name/Description
457 3 males
Skeleton A= Sk.A
large adult male
head severed-
missing atlas &
axis
Sk B < 17 y
Sk C betw 12-14

11Ith Ruler?







































Figure B-7


Table B-3. Continued.

Date(s) Name/Description


Jade
"scattered" around the bundle to create a circle of green& yellow/orange/red powdered
1 intact gray obsidian lancet flake-blade & spec hemat in alabaster vessel ( NE corner)
2 green obsidian flake-b w/slight edge wear & distal ends missing in & under a bowl
4 water-wornwhite quarzite pebbles (prob unmodefied) 3 textile imprinted, 1 not
1 metate-and-mano pair carefully positioned against bundle's E side
27 pottery vessels (incl lids) deposited in 2 groups, 9 at along W-Wall (See above), 1 at
center S, 2 small at center S (1 a typical cache vessel of time), 1 olla in arms
of SkB, 12 from center E to N along wall & towards center of grave, ending in Fi
above 1~
mentioned alabaster bowl, incl a stuccoed cylinder tripod w/lid just below it & on


Source


wall
Cinnabar most dense around bundle, also some in a vessel, on shell, & a jade ear flare-
distributed throughout thefloor area of chamber
poss either poles ( central clearly outlined) to carry bundle or ?sand painting? over
most of floor
likely entire floor covered by mats, heavy cloth, skins, or combo
smaller (in size), but similar to Bul0 sacrifced (?) youth, quality of goods
no flint- & obsidian blade layers in fill
N-Wall of chamber painted with glyphs


B


figures 6-11A, -


-6





Figure B-6. Example vessels from Bu 48 (Coe 1969[1967]:47; Culbert 1993:Figures 30-
3 1).


7


Q















































Figure B-7. North-wall of burial chamber 48 (Coe 1990:Figure 329).
















274





















.< 17 I ma

22 5" 23 I.

225 26
21B 2
21C
30

I4 -2I 30


.: 2 44




a I I

Figure$ B-.TklBuil15(Ce19:igr 9)













Name/Description
1 male,~ 168 cm tall
old w/ arthritic foot
bones
poss 22nd Ruler (>)



Very important:
water in grave,
position of artifacts
not certain


Source
Cc: 565-568,
Fig 198
(>)Hb: 102-103































*J&S: 6


extended on back, head N w/arms, left over right, crossed on chest, teeth -inc, can, prem-
show central deprecion for jade or other disks, not present
body wrapped in 3 layer "bundle" (more like a cigar w/ tapered ends tightly constricted)
~ 260 cm long & a diameter of 85 cm, tied w/ rope, all reddish, deposited on S 3 of 4
carved wooden panels covering the floor tightly beneath it
objects in bundle
1 pair jade ear assemblages w/flares as if worn, also belonging to assemblage are
2 cylindrical jade beads, 1 at left little finger (E) & 1 on pubic symphysis w/ 1 small un-
modified stingray spine, point down ( as if accord w/a well known practice)
18 jade beads thought to be from a necklace broken in transport various locations from
neck to feet or are "token" jewlery placed deliberately among body
2 spherical Spondvlus beads, cross-perforated, poss necklace ends
1 pearl-drop pendant w/ both a jade & shell bead, center part of necklace (?)
5 Ig Spondvlus sp. valves, interior scraped, hinge drilled, 3 in -shape (1 E
betw neck &
shoulder blade, 1~ height of heart, & 1 just SE below right wrist bones), poss part of a
necklace, or sewn onto a garment, or just spec placement at burial, 1 broken at top of
top of crushed skull-probably at burial cradling the head (local custom), & 1 at feet-
poss set underneath
outside of bundle
1 pair of alabaster sculptures grouped upright, larger N, both facing E- alone in NW part
they appear to represent a large rodent, cotusa (Peten, serequi), rather than rabbit
6 pottery vessels, 3 graduated stuccoed tripod plates in arc on W w/smallest height of
skull, poss wrapped inside & out, 1 bowl & 1 cylindrical vessel E at height of knee &
hip bone, 1 (water) jar NE on wall
for the following only the thin stuccoed & painted surfaces are present:
4 cary wood panel (see above), w/ head-variant date of 9.8.0.0.0. (593*) on N board--
big question: if it coincide w/ death, rather panels available at time and used
1 Ig & narrow glyph-decorated bench or table: SW from~ knee to below feet of Sk
more or less in a cluster reaching edge of N wood panel to iar (N to E), 1 rim of bowl,


Table B-4. Tikal Burial 195


Date(s)
after
593



before
Bu23

















(>)Hb: 123
Figure 6-19















* J&S: 6


Table B-4. Continued


Source


Date(s) Name/Description


Jade
1 tetrapod bowl w/match lid, 1 plate w/ flaring walls, & 1 inexplicable midsection
(23cm) of a long bone
4 matched wooden sculptures of deity K'awil(>) at the following locations, but thought
to be displaced from orig position ( 1 NC, 1 NC below yoke adjacent to top vessel
of W 'arc, 2 on top of cluster (see above), 1 base NW facing Sk, 1 base SE facing wall
1 basket (beans) below k'awil facing wall, & close to jar
1 headdress beneath the 2 k'awils & close to basket, frame of parallel embossed, and
elongate members painted blue/green raising from them are bunched 30cm Ig feathers
& in another tier ~ 5 more feathers <80 cm Ig, more imprints Sw of frame, but no id
1 (wooden) yoke NC of W-pottery, on its ends textile, padding(?): & poss 1 rubber ball
(C & W of W-arc of pottery, relative prox to yoke
problems: aged male, mostly w/ plaster-clad wooden grave goods, single interment
position of jade beads & shells different Food & water, elaborate headdress &
& ball-player paraphernalia add to ?'s. Also ? why buried there & not in a less deep
& less destruction needing place
layers of lithic material absent from fill, but has "Preclassic" & Manik (0 511-436*) sherds
instead






















28 17 16I
'1 9 21 L-, o
15 20 22 3o
~a35 25- a
36 / 2

2930 ,$35
29 31



37~
32~~ 33


,g35

mag








'24 I0 1 M.
\, I I I I




Figure B-9. Tikal Burial 23 (Coe 1990:Figure 176).










Table B-5. Tikal Burial 23


Date(s) Name/Description
593-692? 1 adult >30 y
~ 150 cm tall
poss some fron-

9.11. tal deformation
9.12.0.0.0> later than Bul95
earlier & poss
AD 652-672>> father of man in
Bu 116


Jade Source
extended, head (w/frontal deformation) N, w/ arms crossed over chest, left wrist Cc: 536-540,
over right Fig 176
1 jade bead -as if orig in mouth >(Cc-568)
1 pair jade & shell ear orn-s, 1 by right ear, 1 closer to chest height, but away
from it >> (J&S- 6)
1 pair jade & shell & pearl ear ornaments, close to each ear
1 necklace of jade, pearl pendants, a front center carved jade pendant & 2 Shell beads
1 large jade bead on top of right hand
1 jade pendant (stylistically heirloom) carved side up- prob not part of necklace
1 necklace or plastron (collar) of jade beads & carved pendants over lower chest &
almost surely overlain by crossed arms --762 pieces in all--
8 jade disc inlays upper teeth to 1.premolar, premolars had fillings of specular hematite
no bracletts or anklets
1 jade bead broken into 5 pieces at the chamber's S-end
1 nacreous shell pendant
5 fish vertebrae about the neck below mandible
1 perforated Spondvlus sp. valve -like a cap on skull, w/ 2 worm colonies below
(described in text as being there, but drawing does not match it)
9 other such valves alongside body, all interior up, except 2: powdered cinnabar inside
close to the right shoulder) common custom & symbolic: see Bu 10
2 fairly small jaguar skins transversly arranged below body (evidenced by clusters of
paws) & on top textiles (imprints) that covered a cinnabar-painted tabular ?litter?
S-end of chamber abounded impressions of both coarse & fine cloths (latter w/ raised
work & crisscross stitching
12 pottery vessels -upright- on plaster covered N-bench (? 1 a trade item) 3 tripod
plates w/ repetitions of 4hau glyphs w/ different pre- & post-coeffients Figure B-10
Cinnabar on throaght area of Sk only not common custom
poss that Sk was shrouded, and some of the jewlery (carved pendant & ear omn) fell
away from body at decay of cloth-- poss mats covered body
not sure if it is whole iag-skins- could be just claws as in Bu 116 & 196









Table B-5. Continued

Date(s) Name/Description Jade Source
unusual finds (workmen?chance?):
1 flint- biface-elongated & 2 biface-ovate, 1 stone pick
1 centrally perforated limestone object- Conceivably a plumb bob.
1 unmodified stingray spine beside right upper arm (accord to Coe stingray spine
should be closer to pelvic
3 layers of lithics in the marl above capstones ( author suggests that only 1/4 of entire
layers exposed) Top layer exposed yielded 788 pieces of obsidian, (flake-blades &
bits of core) 1 whole, & 1 incomplete eccentric obsidian & 7 flint flakes
2 lower layers contained posss some from top 1) 168 unmodified flint flakes & 390
obsidian flakes (1/2 of which debitage?)
























































Figure B-10. Vessel from Bu 23 (Culbert 1993:Figure 40).







281





























mag \29 02
27 28








0 I M.
Ill i

Figure B-11. Tikal Burial 24 (Coe 1990:Figure 177).












Table B-6. Tikal Burial 24.


Date(s)
Bu 24
shortly
after Bu 23
poss.
Jester (24)
& Lord (23)


Name/Description
1 diminutive adult
>30 y
~115 cm tall
w/legs almost twice
length of trunk
vertebral column w/
enough curvature to
suggest hunchback
moderate forehead
flattening


Jade
face up, head N, extended, arms parallel over chest, large shell fell over head (smashed)
by fallen rubble in grave
no ear ornaments or anklets
1 central bird head jade pendant and
2 adjacent globular jade beads, the only objective clue to a necklace actually womn on
internment, poss. 1 irregular shaped pearl (length 2.5 cm) also part of it
2 jade pendants, both face up (one of the a heirloom?)
1 flared jade bead resting in crook of right elbow
2 globular jade beads, lower thorax area
1 cylindrical jade bead under right hand
1 globular jade bead, on displaced left elbow
1 jade bead under left wrist 1 Spondvlus bead under right (mate?)
1 globular jade bead
1 flared jade bead, among skull fragments conjecturallyy either once in the mouth, or
dubiously figuring in a rear tie of a necklace)
1 unexplained jade bead fragment ( reminiscent of Bu 23 pieces), w/chunk of plaster .
300 bits of raw jade (largest 8 mm) among the skeleton principally in one location, amid
a black powdery decar shot through w/ flecks of cinnabar & specular hematite
(above head reaching to the large shell (w/2 holes) over the skull frags). The same was
evident between femora & over pelvis, & another concentration of bits appeared over
if not under left wrist bone. Assumed to be the remnants of a headress, a loincloth &
wrist band.
6 jade disc inlays in upper teeth distributed: 2 large & 2 tiny in central incisors, 2 single
in lateral incisors-- canines w/single amazonite disks
10 large Spondvlus sp. valves spines missing and smoothed to flatnesss, w/ interior
most w/ large central holes (exc. Shell covering skull frags, that also contained hair &
remains of sponge) distributed among & around the body. Again same pattern for 9
of the shells as in Bu 23
("Identically treated shells are shown on Lin.2 of T I, as so though affixed to the
upright") shell over right foot contained a small amount of purple-red pigment w/
comn kernels, some more are going up to knee area. In shell farthest to West lay


Source
Cc: 541-543,
Fig 177

































Cc-542











Table B-6. Continued.

Date(s) Name/Description Jade Source
unidentified bird bone
poss litter beneath body, no textiles on floor, but five of the surrounding shells show
imprints of plain weave cloth, sugg that litter was cloth-covered & body too, and
found impressions of red-impregnated plain-weave cloth & ?palm stems & leaves?
6 upright pottery vessels, 4 NE, 2 NW,
20 unmodefied, mostly incomplete obsidian flake-blades in 2 clusters S of left foot
2 stingray spines
poss layer of flint blades >100 above closure of Bu, disturbed

































Y12 31 32


15 R30

23 16 e


2 4 5d l 87 2 iY


2 1 M




Figure B-12. Tikal Burial 116 (Coe 1990:Figure 260).








































S123 108;p
mag a0~7:,v0
7 eil
7~1 06

12 6v78~
77 7r

123






0 I M.
SI I I

Figure B-12. Continued.













Table B-7. Tikal Burial 116


Date(s)
inter-
ment
~731*


Name/Description
1 male, >65 y
~ 167-8 cm tall
skull extreme
pseudo-circular
deformation
overall heavyness
of Sk is noted &
arthritic lipping
of vertebrae & v
womn dentition-- if
modification-
womn away
26th Ruler (R A)


Source
Cc: 604-609,
Fig 260
*J&S: 6
**Ca: 41

^'Figure 4-20






















Figure B-13



^^/Figure 6-10
Figure 4-22, B-
14


flat on back, head N, arms parallel, very rich burial, according to Christopher Jones
(pers. communication, see**) the jade collected weighed 16 1/2 pounds
1 jade mosaic cylinder w/lid (^`) "handle" head of Hasaw & his name incised (hence
assumed to be his grave (Hb-145), incidentally, an identical vessel, but with what is
assumed to be his wife (Hb-134, 162-4) was found in the poss burial of his son,
Bu 196,(^`): inside cylinder 1 imitation composite pearl pendant
1 assemblage (52 pieces) made of differently shaped conch-shell elements (some w/
pyrite inlay), jade bosses & platelets, w/
1 obsidian disk, & 1 oval thin shell piece laying on plasterlike
material, poss its backing (?) between the 2 pyrite mosaic plaques at W pottery
actually womn at burial are the following pieces:
56 elongated jade beads of a multistand necklace
2 matching three-piece jade earplugs w/projecting jade rod poss womn
9 square jade plaques that form a fillet ( reminicend of a diadem on skull)
2 jade bracelets of > 7 (each) slender tubular beads
2 jade anklets of at least 6 (each) rectangular bar beads
1 tubular jade bead & terminal pearl at groin
additional jewelry
120 graduated spherical jade beads w/
1 tubular jade tie-piece forming a multistrand & heavy collar starting at left shoulder
blade, across abdomen & ending at the pottery vessel W of body at shoulder height
1 jade earflare w/ 1 throat disc N of W terminal of collar, its mate
1 jade earflare w/ 1 throat disc lays on top of smaller earflare womn on left side of skull
1 jade figurine 4 inches tall at SW corner of chamber beneath it
1 pair of bone & shell tweezers, 20 narrow awl-like bone specimens, 13 halves &
craped long bones, 22 tubular, spatulate & rod- shaped bones, 5 more tweezers
many are incised or carved, among them "Paddler" god scenes(^^/): poss all rested

on a board or tray
1 poss necklace of many singly & multiply perforated spherical & blister pearls, &
composite nacreous shell imitations, & poss belonging to it 1 large complete
nacreous shell pendant












Table B-7. Continued.

Date(s) Name/Description Jade Source


V I I V


3 pyrite mosaic plaques w/slate backs: 2 S of the Wpottery, 1 N of S tripod plate w/
emerald-green under-border & cinnabar dots
75 jaguar terminal phalanx bones, without claws, surrounding Sk in 14 groups of 5,
except for 10 at right hipbone,
8 stingray spines (3 are imitations) are distributed as follows: 3 unmodified & 1
modified against or under left knee, the 3 imitaton & 1 unmodified arranged under
lower back to plevis bone w/ lump of Bryozoa, & 43 unarticulated fish vertebrae
1 pair of unmodified Spondylus efprinceps over Arca zebra valve (undersite traces
of cinnabar) & against left temple
1 piece of Byozoa & 1 gorgonian attachment on coquina together below left ear
1 large piece of Byozoa at right temple
2 matching Spondylus cf princeps valves beneath right knee
1 heavily altered Spondylus sp against & under back of head, hinge up toward W
1 Spondylus bead on left index finger
1 pair of Spondylus efprinceps, 1 large piece of Byozoa, &~ 1 large piece of Vrmetidae
under right wrist,
1 Vermicularia spirata in repot w rgt wrist, but in plan (of Bu) it is at the left wrist
1 Arca zebra shell betw lower thighs
27 modified Spondylus sp valves (all scraped interiorly, & majority feature 1 or 2
drilled) positioned upright ( except 2-prox rgt foo) from right knee, in close
proximity to Sk, to left hip in a semi circle; on right and S site of Sk they are
arranged in groups of 2 or 3, while on left side they are in two rows, 1
touching the bones, & ~22 cm to E, & some from left foot to hip are aligned
"coverlet of jaguar skin lay beneath the ruler, under which had been a straw mat. "
1 articulated Spondylus cf princeps w/ unusually small plate
19 pottery vessels, almost all are arranged to the W, & on a bench, of SK, a set of 3
tripod plates, 10 cylindrical vessels of different designs, 9 are a set, 1 unusually
small; 2 almost identical tripod plates are at N & S end of chamber, & S the N plate
a 1 shell-shaped tripod plate w/a "kill" hole drilled through its center glyph
1 alabaster bowl, plastered & polych painted, at shoulder height W of SK
1 green-stuccoed, red-painted bowl, either wood or gourd


Hb: 143

Figs 6-11B, -12














Table B-7. Continued.

Date(s) Name/Description Jade Source
7 unmodified obsidian flakes among the W pottery, & 5 unmodified Fl-blades on the
edge of petate (woven mat)
The bench's originally damp plaster surface was imprinted by a large petate w/
splayed fringes, on which body was laid out, poss under body jaguar pelts, & poss
everything was covered by a fine thread trextile
Cinnabar was present beneath head & on numerous skeletal parts, but excavators
doubt that the Bu qualifies as a "red-paint" interment.
An estimated ton of esoterically distributed flint-flakes & 1/2 ton
of obsidian flakes excavated from above the Bu's capstone
(under Temple I excavation tunnel >9 m of flint blades lead to Bull6)

























































~e~;. T'' '~.~v

''
'''
r '~;CC:sil,


Figure B-13. Jade figurine from Bu 116. Side, and front view with beads (Trik 1963:10;
Coe 1965:41, coloration UC).









i,
I

i, Pr~

I-a,
-9, ~D
i~i,3


I I ~ ~a F
~3


~
~3
iii I II ~1


I' C~j
c~3~~



Figure B-14. Various incised or carved bones from Bu 116 (Coe 1964:41; Trik 1963. 11,
14, 16-17).






















e* V





FiueB1. Cotnud




292



































co


1 M.


Figure B-15. Tikal Burial 196; and detailed drawing in situ of collar at locus 59, and
cluster of bone artifacts at locus 42 (Coe 1990:Figure 283).



















152) *

780 2
106= o


al52


*150

149
145


0137

0133


Ili I


Figure B-15. Continued.


















48

A4


12









19

14 /










r1
19














Figure B-15. Continued.


1
I~I
I
~,_,,






















































Figure B-16


extended, skull W, face up, right leg bended, on a platform or bench along W-wall,
leaving a smaller part as aisle
PROBLEM: in report: right arm parallel, left on lower pelvis; in plan reverse
1 jade fillet (diadem) of 12 rounded, centrally perforated pieces, encircling head w/
still embedded in plaster painted green were exposed betw discs
2 jade composite ear-plugs each 4 pieces w/central projecting rod, close to each ear
1 jade 5-strand necklace (>50 pieces) varied parts generally tubular;
3 jade beads: 2 on N side of necklace, 1 on S, poss closure?? or extras
1 necklace of 137 semispherical & baroque pearls, poss 6th strand, generally in
w/contact w/upper beads of jade necklace
2 jade bracelets, each 10 parallel long beads, on rgt & left wrist; as reconstr each bead
surmounted by cross-sectionally pentagonal shell ornament composed of fitted small
elements perhaps simulating pearls (UC: or the combo shell-jade meaning)
1 jade pectoral (?) abdomen left (N) of spine, consisting of: 1 jade human head
pendant,
flanked by 2 small jade ear ornaments, just below (E) 1 cresentic silhouetted
nacreous
shell bird image on a perforated ovoid backing, w/ adjacent small mosaic-like pieces
of similar shell, below that (E) 93 Spondvlus beads & 3 of jade, poss the necklace for
pectoral
2 jade 3-element ear ornaments large (pair), flares & throat elements N of skull, rods N,
but at throat level: underneath flares remains of 1 teardrop pearl ( other under
smallest pyrite mirror) simulated by pieces of blister pearls supplemented by
nacreous shell elements
1 jade bar bead w/poss attached perforated pearl, flanked by 2 stingray spines w/
incised text (& dates 9.16.3.0.0 & 9.16.4.9.8 poss 1 katun [20y] later than Bu 116)
at pubis poss sewn to loincloth or (on genitals as in bloodletting)
1 jade bar bead at left hand (probably under)
1 jade bead, 1 Spondvlus bead, & 1 baroque pearl at right hand (probably under)
1 jade bead & 1 Spondvlus bead just below jaw, poss at mouth
1 scraped, polished, doubly perforated unusually large Spondvlus sp. valve set hinge
down against crown (top of head) w/
1 iade bar bead,fiaurally carved, set against it


Table B-8. Tikal Burial 196.


Date(s) Name/Description
692-889 1 old male

~ 167 cm tall
~720-> 27th Ruler son of
751(>) 26th (>)


Source
Cc: 641-6,
Fig 282-3
(>)HB: 162, 165










Table B-8. Continued.


Date(s) Name/Description Jade Source
59 jade graduated spherical beads distributed over & directly about body posss another
necklace, UC: or (cave-in) been displaced. & originally formed a pattern around SK

27 Spondvlus sp. hinge-perforated valves w/ exteriors down ( 3 are placed across
stomach & 1 at each wrist) that (shells) are around the Sk as seen in other Bu's (no
evidence of cloth anywhere that both shells & beads could have been attached to
1 jade mosaic cylinder w/lid top face thought to be wife of Hasaw, & in son's Bu, Figure 4-20
containing 11 small largely spherical pearl pendants
1 jade sculpture of jaguar upright facing E, & located just below jade-mosaic-cylinder Figure B-16
4 pyrite mosaic plaques w/ slate backing, faceup W of Sk: largest at knee hgt close to
wall, 3 each descending in size form a triangle, w/ sm at skull top hgt, 1 slightly
above & below, betw Sk & (slightly closer) wall
16 clusters of 5 Jag-ungual bones around Sk except 10 betw lower legs, no claws
1 isolated perforated pearl (Problem: report says: adjacent to earplug- not clear
which-, but locus (57) in plan is above shell that covers crown of head)
12 clustered rectangular pieces of nacreous shell, & in close proximity a small
concentration of painted plaster flakes, black line & blue detailing on rose: N of Sk
in aisle at hight of elbow
2 nested modified Elliptio sp valves, against largest pyrite plaque, N, at knee-hgt
1 artifactual cluster consisting of: 1 bone & nacreous shell tweezers; 9 pairs of extra
shell pincer elements: 6 modified slender curved objects, perhaps penis bones:
1 bone perforator; 2 carved & glyphically incised bone perforators; 2 end-worked
bone objects: 6 unmodified large teeth of rodent (paca & pocket gopher, & poss
4 indiv represented): 1 sli-ghtly altered Unioid mussel valve: 2 minute cup-like shell
objects:~-150 tiny Olivella sp shells (spires removed, app not concentrated)
2 identical shell pincer pieces & 1 slender curved bone obj posss spilled in transport)
W of pyrite plaque-triangle
Figures 6-11C -
48 pottery vessels, 3 on bench(w/Sk), 1 W of head close to S-wall~- knee-hgt, & 13,
1 SW of rght foot & close to wall others in aisle: there are several sets of cylinders and 6-18
( 13, 7) & tripod plates ( 10) among them; 1 nestet (6)
1 alabaster ring- based bowl close to wall at height of elbow (SE)
1 wooden bowl (remains) filled w/ granulated specular hematite N of artifactual
cluster











Table B-8. Continued.

Date(s) Name/Description Jade Source
1 larger wooden bowl w/ green-stuccoed rim & traces of probable cinnabar painting
poss Sk laying on jaguar skins, but badely decomposed very questionable
delinated area around head suggests the poss of a head dress
poss textile over Sk & proximate materials
Cinnabar: objects were laying on it & exposed surfaces coated in it: bracelets, necklace
parts, jade jaguar, stingray spines, & adjacent items; select Sk-part too: shell on
head,
lower rght leg, entire pelvis, area below feet w/ specular hematite particles
roof of grave above closure ( no capstones) mud intermixed w/ flint & obsidian; & not
layers, but pockets above
Bu 116 & 196 many similarities:
arrangements of beads & shells, almost identical in size & floorplan: division of
Bu-bench (or platform); sets of pottery vessels of graduated deco quality: use of aisle
for most pottery, 2 stone vessels, 1 of alabaster, 1 of jade mosaic (& associated
w/pearls): jade diadem; pearl-necklace & pendant mostly of nacreous shell: pyrite
encrusted plaques (or mirrows); severed jaguar paws: UC: poss jacuar pelts as resting
place; arouved bone obiects, & of iade, Soonddlus & auvear positioned \ lands sol











































Figure B-16. Jade from Bu 196. Left, example of carved bar bead, 8.8 cm long (Coe 1988:51). Right, jaguar, height ca. 16 cm,
between ca. 2 and 10 cm wide, and it is 3 1/2 pounds heavy (Coe 1969[1967]:65).











Table B-9. Tikal Burials 77, 8 and 6.

No Date(s) Name/Description Jade Source


C: 12-13, C1-
418,
& Cb: 74-75
Hb: 178-179
Figure 6-9


77 Late
Classic
>750


single adult Bu found under structure 5D-11, an unfinished temple in the West Plaza
1 jade pendant w/cinnabar, considered one of the finest carvings from Tikal, poss a
heirloom, because the smooth back shows traces of a vertical inscription of four
glyphs (has been called one of the most beautiful pieces of carved jade, it was stolen
from Tikal Museum in 1981 (Coe 1969[1967]:74; Harrison 1999:178).
2 jade earplugs
? Jade buttton-like flares encirceling the head of sk.
? Jade wrist bands of beads
roof over tomb made of logs that was overlaid by a woven mat over which had been
sprinkled thousands of pieces of obsidian and flint. "(>>)


(>>)Cb: 75


692-
8 889


quite aged male
(??Jones's Ruler
C)


LOOTED-- but pieced some of it together


Cc: 487-490


ONLY IMPORTANT POINT ABOUT IT:
has architectural components similar to Burial 196;
poss also had several jag-paws around the corpse as in Bu 196
frag of alabaster (or calcite) ringstand bowl- as was found Bu 196
but no shell or jade frags found
slightly later than Bu 196

twice looted first by what author calls "Caban people", & by "Bernoulli's hatchet men" Cc: 603-604
*J&S: 6


a heavily
6 889-?* shrouded
adult female









Table B-10. Similarities between Tikal Burials
Burial with Similarities
125 10 7 layers of lithics above
not lithics, but has "Preclassic" & "Classic" (Manik)
195 sherds
23 3 layers of lithics
24 poss layer of lithics-disturbed
116 < 1.5 tons of lithics above, 9m of flint leading to Bu.
196 not layers, but "pockets"of lithics
77 ?1 layer of lithics (thousands)
10 48 circle of jade and red/ yellow around body
195 inside bundle J-beads & shell circle, poss. also 4 k'awi 'ls
23 circle of 9 shells around body
24 circle of 9 shells around body J-shroud over body
116 circle of shells and j ade unusual pattern ( 27 shells)
196 circle of shells and j ade unusual pattern (59 J & 27 shell)
48 poss "shell-skull cap"
195 "shell-skull-cap"
23 "shell-skull-cap"
24 "shell-skull-cap"
116 "shell-skull-cap"
196 "shell-skull-cap"
48 top of bundle -?head w/j ade
23 J-bead /mouth-head region
24 J-bead head
196 J-bead & shell at mouth area
116 9 J-square-plaques-like crown- around head
196 9 J-square-plaques-like crown- around head
J-bead under lft palm, stingray spine rgt palm- in Bu 10
195 J-bead at lft hand E, stingray-spine at groin
23 J-bead rgt hand
24 J-bead Ift wrist, shell rght
116 shell bd Ift hd, 4 diff.shells rght wrist
196 J-bead Ift hand, & 1 J-bd, shell & pearl rgt hand

48 poss. 9 significant
23 9 significant
24 9 significant
116 9 significant
196 poss. 9 significant











Burial with Similarities
23 2-j aguar skins beneath body
116 coverlet of jaguar skin beneath body
116 14 clusters of 5 jag-phalanx b-no claws, 10 at rght hip
16 clusters of 5 jag-phalanx b-no claws, 10 betw low
196 legs
8 poss clusters of jag- bones around body as 116 & 196
J-bead & pearl at groin, 8 st-ray spines among lower
116 body
196 J-bead & pearl w/ 2 st-ray sp- at groin,


Table B-10. Continued.











Table B-11. Commonalities between monuments and burials.

Ruler assoc Mons Burials Associated Features Burial Associated Features Stela
Tax 4in I ?4? 10 if St 4 is his, wearing Teo- costume found none, since it is not sure if St even is his


items in Bu also strong Teo-influence- headless
croc-
assoc w/name? also stylized Jade croc head- same

name glyph, instead of animals head?
jade -jaguar? mask in headdress,
Pendants of Jags & human-- later Jag protector
old tradition and enduring, body surrounded by Jade
shells, creating a green-red/pink circle # 9 important

St 1, 28, 31 48 missing head, bundle burial, instead of head-
Obsidian blade, hands missing too,
2 companions, as on St. to young images on lft & rgt?
mask from headdress/
throat piece similar to St? 380 Jade-bead-neck1
also circle of green & red/pink around bundle


First Crocodile


has Jag-God in arm/hand

& Jag-headdress, shell-necklace
& atlatl (spearthrower) in arm





fig on left wears same shell necklace as
St4
battle gear


Stormy Sky


Curl /Lizard Head
Animal Skull


St 8, 10, 12
14 fragment


195 burial rich, but things are made of wood, stuccoed &
painted, also Jade & shell circle bundle but like roll
headdress may same as worn on St 10& 12

23 carved Jade pectoral, second heirloom
Jade collar 762 pieces in all, Spondvlus like cap on
head
poss whole jaguar pelt, but could als be only claws
Jade shell-circle, stingray spine close to groin?
9 shells & Jade circle
24 no earornaments or anklets
bird-head Jade pendant
1 Jade bead underleft wrist, 1 Spondvlus under right
Jade headdress


St 10 &12 headdress may part of burial


Shield Skull







poss Jester to
Shield Skull











Table B-11. Continued.

Ruler assoc Mons Burials Associated Features Burial Associated Features Stela
9 shell & jade circle


30, 16-A5, 116 161/2 pounds of Jade, see Fig B-12, he wears enough

TI/L1,2 to account for it, jade vase w/image w/pendant
Str5D-57 inside, poss shield made of 52 pieces jade, shell
capture of Jade jewlery seems to match St & Lintels, except
Calakmul L does not wear the pectoral seen in St 16, and Jade
diadem instead of the elaborate headdress?
has pearl &Jade bead in groin area
75 jaguar claw bones without claws surround body
in clusters, Jade- shell circle with extras around
head
21, 5-A8,
20 196 Jade diadem, similar earspools to Stelae & Lintels

TIV/L 1,2 5 strand Jade necklace, tubular beads >50 pieces
Str 5D-52 with a 6th strand of baroque pears

Jade pectoral human face with earspools, bird effigy
and 93 Spondylus beads & 2 Jade necklac
has Jade bar flanked by stingray at groin
Jade bar bead left hand, Jade-, Spondvlus bead, &
baroque pearl right hand
Spondvlus skull cap"
Jade & shell circle and cluster of Jag claw bones, no
claws, 1 Jade Jaguar figurine, pelt underneath? Sk
1 Jade mosaic vessel other half of pair mother
possible buried w/ shield


Ruler A


no mask and celts, but buried with great
riches stelae and lintel riches are
matched
by burial










in Stelae & Lintels bead collars
longnosed pectoral not present, but
neck-
lace & pectoral could be from St 20
but other jade jewelry very similar,
except
no masks


Ruler B











Table B 12. Calakmul Burials.

Pers/Place Date(s) Name/Description Jade & other Source (of Info)


fully extended on back, head N, on a woven mat, right arm
across Folan et al, 1995 &
chest: Sk was on a "bed" of 5 dishes (see Fig4-17) Pincemin D., 1994
*Pincemin et al,
3 jade mosaic masks: 1998
1 face (170 pieces) w/shell eyes, lips & teeth; w/holes to tie to see Figure 4-18
head, & has plaster backing (similar masks at Palenque & Tikal)
1 chest (125 pieces) poss a long-fanged jaguar w/inscribed disk
?Ik in in mouth, w/earplugs & hanging from it see Figure 3-26
3 jade inscribed plaques^`, each whole on top for suspension Figure B-17
(similar shown on Stela 43), &1 for his belt (92 pieces) w/shell
& pyrite, & 3 plain stone pendants posss made a tinkeling
sound when walking)
3 jade pairs of earplugs: 1 large pair w/pyrite mosaics over shell at
r&1 of skull, 1 small pair w/ cest mask, 1w/ belt mask
1 jade ring
32 jade beads, plain & carved (18 form a necklace or collar for the
chest mask), 8 tubular
2 pearls: 1 W of body & E of stingray spine at pelvis hght, & 1
on other side (E)


poss.Ruler


~ 400 or
earlier*


1 male > 30 y
^'on jade plaque 3 an

individual is named
poss occupant, but
name is not men-
tioned by later
Rulers name is as
follows :
Glyph5: Lord's
name is given
as "superfix" &
long snout & jaw-
bone & postfix"
Glyph 6: title

NW corner
a "psychoduct"
9m long, to outside
on N-side of
structure
(comparable to duct
in T of Inscription,
Palenque)


Str III,
Tomb 1


8,252 shell beads: a cloth adorned w/ hundreds of shells arranged
in designs near Sk & other shells carved to represent human
skulls
1 stingray spine W of body at pelvis height
3 Spondvlus shells altered
several other shells among them Olivias


fit in w/color
arrangm??




See Folan 1995:323


1 block of red pigment at left side of skull (E)
10 ceramics: 5 simple flat-bottemed orange dishes make "bed"
1 (E of skull) a tripod w/ handle in form of 3 -dimensional
human head w/prominend noseplug, elaborate bird headdress,
necklace of large beads & a large shell or ?jade pendant &
hands are raised & body show markings of death, lower half











Table B 12. Continued.

Pers/Place Date(s) Name/Description Jade & other Source (of Info)


of vessel 2 stylized serpents assoc w/apotheosis & similar to
EC Stela w/ bust of ancestor in mouth
2 vessels are staked, 1 circular dish inside a lack cup similar to
those known from Tikal, 1 vessel, directly in front of duct,
a bowl w/ lid that is divided into red & gray quadrants
surrounded by a ring of 4 jaguar prints & again those serpents
mentioned above,
1 vessel shattered- brilliantly painted stucco w/ 4 peccary
heads as legs
Cinnabar on Sk, mat & various textile frags
extended on back, head E, body wrapped (bundle): 1.textile Carrasco Vargas et
shroud made from local plant & trenched in resin & covered al. 1999
*Martin & Grube
n\ ILa1 & sealed w/resin, 2.animal skin, 3.fabric plants, resin- 2000
latex-resin sealed, resting from on wood litter, head elevated ** Martin & Grube
to body) in CV 1999: 49
headdress: palm material polycromed & appliqued w/jade mosaic


Ruler









Str.II, Tomb4

St 9, Panel 6


b: 9 Oct
649






(9.10.16.16.19
3 Cauac,
2 Ceh)
a: 6 Apr
686 (9.12.
13.17.7
6 Manik,
5 Zip)
sacrificed**:
at Tikal (26R)
8 Aug 695
(9.13.3.7.18
11 Etznab


Tukom Tich'ak'K'ak'
"Fiery Claw"*

aka: Great Jaguar
Paw, GJP Smoke
robust adult male
45-60 y old
~ 164 cm tall
shows pathological
changes in spinal
cord


3 jade-teeth-inlays in upper front (2 present, one missing)
1 jade pair of earplugs w/glyphs of an earlier style, poss heirloom
2 jade bracelets, tubular bead w/ false pearls (mother of p) & shell
1 jade funerary mask (unique in style & execution) of precisely
fitting mosaic pieces, nose 1 piece, w/ inscribed plaster band on
lower margin, & 2 j-earplugs, & 4 tiny teeth j-inlays, mask was
covered w/ 2 layers of mortar ( 1.white, 2.brownish) & painted
in polychr, surrounded by clusters of jadeite & Spondylus
beads, beads orig. sewn onto cloth-mask positioned above right
side of cest jade mosaic fragments, & beads of bone, jadeite,
Strombus sp, & Spondvlus
2 Spondvlus shells covered pelvic area










Table B 12. Continued.

Pers/Place Date(s) Name/Description Jade & other Source (of Info)
11 Ch'en) 8 sets of paws, poss feline arranged in similar fashion as
Bu 196 Tikal
14 pottery vessels: all ar of an especially fine variety w/icons incl.
Jester deity,1 polychrome Codex-style cyl for drinking cacao,
1 polychr dish w/Jester God head in interior (sign of royalty), &
1 round-sided orange polych dish, interior walls glyph bands ar-
round Jester-G-head (center) that incl. the name Yukom 'akK'ak
& that it is his (u'lak)
Cinnabar covered the body partially

























IIII III




























Figure B-17. The three jade plaques, each with a hieroglyphic couplet from Burial 1,
Structure III at Calakmul (Fields and Reents-Budet 2005:181; original
schematic drawing by Sophia Pincemin, redrawn by John Klausmeyer in
Folan et al. 1995:325).
























































Figure B-18. Vessel 8 with ruler's portrait from Burial 1, Structure III at Calakmul
(Fields and Reents-Budet 2005:253; drawing by Sophia Pincemin in Folan et
al. 1995:323).





309










APPENDIX C
LIST OF CODES FOR REFERENCES INT TABLES


C : page numbers
Cl:

Ca:

Cb:

Cc:

C&M :

C& S:

F&R:

Ha:

Hb:


J& S:

Marc :

M&G:

Mi :

M&M :

S&Ma:

S&Mi:


Ta:

Tau:

Tr:


Coe 1963:

Coel1963a:

Coel1965:

Coel1967:

Coel1990:

Coe and McGinn 1963

Coe and Shook, Satterthwaite 1961:

Ferguson and Royce 1984:
Harrison 1963:

Harrison 1999:

Jones 1977:

Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:

Marcus 1976:

Martin and Grube 2000:

Michel 1989:

Miller and Martin 2004:

Schele and Mathews 1998:

Schele and Miller 1986:

Shookl1960:

Taube 1999:

Taube 2005:

Tnikl963:










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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Ulrike Anni-Maria Crisman grew up in former West Germany, or Bundesrepublik

Deutschland. After marriage to a United States citizen, she immigrated in 1983 to the US and

took up residence in Gainesville, Florida. She worked for about 10 years with her husband in his

laboratory. Having always had a very deep interest in history and archaeology, she decided to

follow an academic path to learn more. In particular, study of Classic Maya culture captured her

interest. She entered Santa Fe Community College in the fall of 1992, and after receiving her AA

degree in 1996, entered the University of Florida to complete her BA in the Department of

Anthropology, which she accomplished in May 1999. Since then, she has worked on her

master' s degree. To achieve this, she studied for five month at the Centro INAH Chiapas,

Mexico, and returned to Mexico in 2003 to go into the field and participate in excavations and

restoration at the Maya site of Lacanha. After finishing her master's, she would like to continue to

study for her Ph.D.





PAGE 1

1 A TALE OF TWO STAGES: THE SHIFT FROM WORLDLY POWER TO MYTHICAL ORIGIN IN CLASSIC MAYA RULERS AT TIKAL By ULRIKE A-M. CRISMAN A MASTER THESIS PRESENTE D TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2007

PAGE 2

2 Ulrike A-M. Crisman

PAGE 3

3 To Andi Hartmut Esch

PAGE 4

4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Foremost I wish to thank Tom and our kids for the unending tolerance and support they gave me over the course of my pursuit of this goa l. I wish to pay homage to all the archaeologists that lived and worked under incredible condi tions in their quest for knowledge and the painstaking accumulation of data that they acco mplished. It was their published work that made it possible for me to undertake this study. Finally, my gratitude goes to both Drs. Murray and Sassaman for coming to my rescue.

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5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...............................................................................................................4 LIST OF TABLES................................................................................................................. ..........7 LIST OF FIGURES................................................................................................................ .........8 LIST OF OBJECTS................................................................................................................ .......15 ABSTRACT....................................................................................................................... ............16 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION..................................................................................................................17 The Why of the Journey.........................................................................................................17 Mesoamerica.................................................................................................................... .......19 Place and its People.........................................................................................................19 Jade: General Background on Material.........................................................................22 2 THE OLMEC...................................................................................................................... ....32 3 THE MAYA....................................................................................................................... ....47 4 MAYA JADE...................................................................................................................... ...92 5 TIKAL.......................................................................................................................... ........124 6 DATA COLLECTION.........................................................................................................154 Living Images................................................................................................................ ....154 Burials........................................................................................................................ ...........159 7 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION...........................................................................................184 Living Images................................................................................................................ ....184 Stelae and Altars.............................................................................................................. .....185 Lintels........................................................................................................................ ...........189 Monuments...................................................................................................................... .....190 Burials........................................................................................................................ ...........191 Significance................................................................................................................... .......197 Conclusions.................................................................................................................... .......199

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6 APPENDIX A LIVING IMAGES.............................................................................................................210 B BURIALS........................................................................................................................ .....263 C LIST OF CODES FOR REFERENCES IN TABLES.........................................................310 LIST OF REFERENCES.............................................................................................................311 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.......................................................................................................335

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7 LIST OF TABLES Table page 5-1 List of Tikal Rulers acco rding to Martin and Grube........................................................132 5-3 List of Tikal Rulers according to Michel.........................................................................140 5-4 Comparison of the three lists for rulers of Tikal: sorted by dates, names, and the place in the 31-known ruler count...................................................................................142 A-1 Tikal carved monument s: Stelae and Altars....................................................................211 A-2 Tikal carved monuments: Lintels and Stucco-frieze.......................................................214 A-3 Jones and Satterthwaites Conversio n Time Table: In Maya Long-Count, corresponding Gregorian Year and Ceramic Complexes...............................................215 A-1 Tikal carved monument s: Stelae and Altars....................................................................258 A-2 Tikal carved monuments: Lintels and Stucco-frieze.......................................................261 A-3 Jones and Satterthwaites Conversio n Time Table: In Maya Long-Count, corresponding Gregorian Year and Ceramic Complexes...............................................262 B-1 Tikal Burial 125........................................................................................................... ....264 B-2 Tikal Burial 10............................................................................................................ .....266 B-3 Tikal Burial 48............................................................................................................ .....271 B-4 Tikal Burial 195........................................................................................................... ....276 B-5 Tikal Burial 23............................................................................................................ .....279 B-6 Tikal Burial 24............................................................................................................ .....283 B-7 Tikal Burial 116........................................................................................................... ....287 B-8 Tikal Burial 196........................................................................................................... ....296 B-9 Tikal Burials 77, 8 and 6..................................................................................................300 B-10 Similarities between Tikal Burials...................................................................................301 B-11 Commonalities between monuments and burials............................................................303 B 12 Calakmul Burials.......................................................................................................... ...305

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8 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 1-1 Jade funeral mask from Tikal Burial 160..........................................................................26 1-2 Map of Mesoamerica. With some sites mentioned in the text...........................................27 1-4 Olmec Jades................................................................................................................ .......28 1-5 Carved shell pendants...................................................................................................... ..29 1-6 Offerings from Aztec Templo Mayor, Tenochititlan.........................................................30 1-7 Mask from Monte Iban. Oaxaca........................................................................................31 2-1 The Olmec colossal heads. A El Rey San Lorenzo Monument 1..................................37 2-2 Mural I from Oxtotitlan Cave............................................................................................38 2-3 Aztec Warriors............................................................................................................. ......39 2-4 Painting I-d from Oxtotitlan cave......................................................................................40 2-5 Olmec gods and Maize. Select symbols identified as Maize and Olmec gods that display those in their headdresses......................................................................................41 2-6 Jaguars and Maize.......................................................................................................... ....42 2-7 Olmec God I-B.............................................................................................................. .....43 2-8 Olmec ruler and Maize Ruler.............................................................................................44 2-9 Olmec-Maya connection....................................................................................................45 2-10 Olmec jade as part of a European Jewel............................................................................46 3-1 The Maya realm; and the different regions within.............................................................63 3-2 Maya timeline divided into periods (adapted from Demarest 2004: 12-17)......................64 3-3 The Maya vigesimal system...............................................................................................65 3-4 Hasaw the 26th Kalomate of Tikal in all his regalia........................................................66 3-5 Cival Stela 2.............................................................................................................. .........67 3-6 Location and details of the San Bartolo frieze...................................................................68

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9 3-7 San Bartolo frieze......................................................................................................... .....69 3-8 San Bartolo glyphs......................................................................................................... ....70 3-9 Political Organization..................................................................................................... ...71 3-10 The division of Space..................................................................................................... ....72 3-11 Maya Worldview............................................................................................................ ...73 3-12 The Maya Worldtree........................................................................................................ ..74 3-13 Lid from Pacal's Sarcophagus............................................................................................75 3-14 Modern crosses in an cient color traditions........................................................................76 3-15 Resurrection Plate...................................................................................................... .....77 3-16 Jaguars, Gods, and Rulers................................................................................................. .78 3-17 Jaguars and Rulers........................................................................................................ .....79 3-18 The splendor and the sacrifice...........................................................................................80 3-19 Chichen Itza's seat of power..............................................................................................81 3-20 Ceremonial bar scepter.................................................................................................... ..82 3-21 The primordial hearth and its three stones.........................................................................83 3-22 K'awil or Manikin scepters................................................................................................84 3-23 Dos Pilas ruler with K'awil scepters..................................................................................85 3-24 Mask from Tikal burial 85.................................................................................................86 3-25 Jester God head pieces.................................................................................................... ...87 3-26 The Ik Pectoral...................................................................................................................88 3-27 The Bar Pectoral........................................................................................................ .....89 3-28 Nicknames derived from the form of glyphs.....................................................................90 3-29 The end of an era......................................................................................................... .......91 4-1 The insignia of rulers at Palenque....................................................................................100 4-2 Example necklaces and earflare.......................................................................................101

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10 4-3 An eight-strand jade and shell collar from Calakmul......................................................102 4-4 Belt masks with plaques...................................................................................................103 4-5 Head of K'inch Ajaw as Jester God..................................................................................104 4-6 Ruler and Jade............................................................................................................. .....105 4-7 Jade, red, and God K....................................................................................................... .106 4-8 Pectoral's position........................................................................................................ ....107 4-9 "Mural de las Cuatro Eras", or "Frieze of the Dream Lords"..........................................108 4-10 Mural details from Bonampak.........................................................................................109 4-11 A netted jade collar worn as ei ther skirt or cape from Calakmul....................................110 4-12 Jade pectoral covered wi th red pigment from Copan......................................................111 4-13 Pacal's Jewels diagram.................................................................................................... .112 4-14 Pacal's Jewels picture.................................................................................................... ...113 4-15 Jade, Tun, Bone, and Completion....................................................................................114 4-16 Leyden Plaque image and jade jewelry...........................................................................115 4-17 Burial 1 from Stru cture III at Calakmul...........................................................................116 4-18 Jade Funerary and one belt masks from Calakmil..........................................................117 4-19 Drawings of the sides of Pacal's sacophagus...................................................................118 4-20 Vessels from Burial 116 and 196.....................................................................................119 4-21 Altar 5 from Tikal;....................................................................................................... ....120 4-22 Bone from Burial 116, Tikal, with reference to Calakmul..............................................121 4-23 Palenque, Temple of the Inscriptions...............................................................................122 5-1 Stylized core of Tikal..................................................................................................... ..145 5-2 Part of the Great Plaza; with Temple I's back facing.......................................................146 5-3 Tikal's Central Acropolis, Great Plaza and North Acropolis..........................................147 5-4 Schematic drawing of the Great Plaza and the sorrounding buildings............................148

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11 5-5 Temple II now and then...................................................................................................149 5-6 Temple 33, Tikal........................................................................................................... ...150 5-7 List of Tikal Rulers by Ferguson and Royce...................................................................151 5-8 List of Tikal Rulers by Jones and Satterwaite.................................................................152 5-9 Jade sculpture, possibly Curl Nose...............................................................................153 6-1 Name glyphs................................................................................................................ ....164 6-2 Stelae not used in this study.............................................................................................165 6-3 Calakmul Stela 114, AD 431...........................................................................................167 6-4 Calakmul Stela 51, AD 471.............................................................................................168 6-5 Calakmul Stelae 43 and 9................................................................................................169 6-6 Limestone tablet, panel, and God III from Palenque.......................................................170 6-7 Schematic drawing of the multiple layers that support the final configuration of the North Acropolis...............................................................................................................171 6-8 The Red Queen of Palenque............................................................................................172 6-9 Jade pendant from Burial 77............................................................................................173 6-10 Three of the four Paddler bones...................................................................................174 6-11 Palace scenes and different dresscodes............................................................................175 6-12 Vessels from Bu 116....................................................................................................... .176 6-13 The Hummingbird Vase from Bu 196..........................................................................177 6-14 Yax Nuun Ayiin II, 29th ruler of Tikal,............................................................................178 6-15 The fusion between Teotihuacan and Maya elements.....................................................179 6-17 Late Classic Vessel. Imix-Complex, AD 692-889...........................................................181 6-18 Vessels from Tikal butial 196..........................................................................................182 6-19 One of four wooden Kawil ,............................................................................................183 7-1 Jester God headbacks, details from stelae........................................................................202 7-2 Tikal Altar 19 and detail..................................................................................................203

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12 7-3 Details from Lintel 3, Temple IV....................................................................................204 7-4 Jade: marker of Maize God and his field.........................................................................205 7-5 Copan Burial VIII-36.......................................................................................................206 7-6 Slate K'awil ......................................................................................................................207 7.7 K'awil scepter made from white stone believed to be albite............................................208 7-8 Artist's rendition of a jaguar sacrifice..............................................................................209 A-1 Tikal Stela 29............................................................................................................. ......217 A-2 The front of the Leyden Plaque.......................................................................................218 A-3 Tikal Stela 36............................................................................................................. ......219 A-4 Uolantun Stela 1........................................................................................................... ....220 A-5 Tikal Stela 1.............................................................................................................. .......221 A-7 Tikal Stela 40............................................................................................................. ......223 A-8 Tikal Stela 2.............................................................................................................. .......224 A-9 Tikal Stela 13............................................................................................................. ......225 A-10 Tikal Stela 9............................................................................................................. ........226 A-11 Tikal Stela 3............................................................................................................. ........227 A-12 Tikal Altar 3............................................................................................................. ........228 A-13 Tikal Stela 7............................................................................................................. ........229 A-14 Tikal Stela 27............................................................................................................ .......230 A-15 Tikal Stela 8............................................................................................................. ........231 A-16 Tikal Stela 6............................................................................................................. ........232 A-17 Tikal Stela 25............................................................................................................ .......233 A-18 Tikal Stela 23............................................................................................................ .......234 A-19 Tikal Stela 12............................................................................................................ .......235 A-20 Tikal Stela 10............................................................................................................ .......236

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13 A-21 Tikal Stela 17............................................................................................................ .......237 A-22 Tikal Stela 30............................................................................................................ .......238 A-23 Tikal Stela 16; and schematic drawing,originally by W.R. Coe......................................239 A-24 Tikal Temple I, Lintel 2.................................................................................................. .241 A-25 Tikal Temple I, Lintel 3.................................................................................................. .242 A-26 Tikal Structure 5D-57. Top, Hasaw Chan K'awil 26th Kalomate, in Tlaloc-Venus battle dress presents the im portant captive, the ruler of Calakmul, as his prisoner.........243 A-28 Tikal Stela 21............................................................................................................ .......245 A-32 Tikal Stela 5............................................................................................................. ........249 A-33 Tikal Stela 20............................................................................................................ .......250 A-34 Tikal Stela 22............................................................................................................ .......251 A-35 Tikal Stela 19............................................................................................................ .......252 A-36 Tikal Temple III, Lintel 2................................................................................................253 A-37 Ixlu Stela 1.............................................................................................................. .........254 A-38 Tikal Stela 11............................................................................................................ .......255 A-39 Jimbal Stela 1............................................................................................................ .......256 A-40 Ixlu Stela 2.............................................................................................................. .........257 B-2 Tikal Burial 10............................................................................................................ .....265 B-3 Incense burner of old god with be lt-mask in his hands from Bu 10................................268 B-4 Examples of eccentric f lints, note the human faces.........................................................269 B-5 Tikal Burial 48............................................................................................................ .....270 B-6 Example vessels from Bu 48............................................................................................273 B-7 North-wall of burial chamber 48......................................................................................274 B-8 Tikal Burial 195........................................................................................................... ....275 B-9 Tikal Burial 23............................................................................................................ .....278 B-10 Vessel from Bu 23......................................................................................................... ..281

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14 B-11 Tikal Burial 24........................................................................................................... ......282 B-12 Tikal Burial 116.......................................................................................................... .....285 B-13 Jade figurine from Bu 116...............................................................................................290 B-14 Various incised or carved bones from Bu 116.................................................................291 B-15 Tikal Burial 196;......................................................................................................... .....293 B-16 Jade from Bu 196.......................................................................................................... ...299 B-17 The three jade plaques, each with a hier oglyphic couplet from Bu rial 1, Structure III at Calakmul.................................................................................................................... ..308 B-18 Vessel 8 with ruler's portrait from Burial 1, Structure III at Calakmul...........................309

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15 LIST OF OBJECTS Object page A-1 Table A-5 Listing all. Tikal living imag e Jade from Stelae, Altars, Lintels, and Stucco-frieze.................................................................................................................. ..216

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16 Abstract of Thesis Presen ted to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Sciences and Liberal Arts A TALE OF TWO STAGES: THE SHIFT FROM WORLDLY POWER TO MYTHICAL ORIGIN IN CLASSIC MAYA RULERS AT TIKAL By Ulrike A-M. Crisman August 2007 Chair: Kenneth E. Sassaman Cochair: Gerald F. Murray Major: Anthropology This study examined Jade ornamentation Jaguar imagery and the Maize origin to delineate differences observed between Living Images of Tikal rulers and their interment. Following a survey of the cultural context and ancestors it focuses on the Classic Maya and their consumption of jade. A brief sketch of Tikal th en sets the stage for the data collected from excavations at the city. Those are then cont rasted among both the monuments for the Living Images, and the burials. Results among the living rulers confirm developments in the paraphernalia and the ge neral absence of the Kawil scepter when the d ouble-headed serpent bar, and vise-versa, was present. Comparison be tween Living images and burials demonstrated that the most important symbols of worldly pow er were consistently missing, and instead, the dead ruler was transmuted back to the ma ize origin of Maya mythology or religion.

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17 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION The Why of the Journey This study examines differences and simila rities, using jade ornamentation, jaguar imagery, and the concept of maize origin between the living image of Maya Rulers, as depicted on Stelae and other media, and how th ey were buried. As will be seen over time there were changes in the representation of the rulers in th e Living Images. Paraphernalia will lose its prominent place, and reappear in changed forms. That means that there was development of thought and traditions over time. It also shows, because of occasional reappearance of older symbols that, there are different interpretations of the underlying thought pr ocesses. In contrast, much of the burial practices remain unchanged, howe ver, in one case, necessity in the form of turbulent times shows a pragmatism that was astoni shing. It permits the te ntative assertion that ancient people understood the sy mbolic nature of their believ e systems. If that can be substantiated in further studies it would make the actors seem to be firmly cognizant of the difference between the ideals of their world and th e reality of what is pos sible. It would also mean that ancient people created their wo rld and were aware that they did so. In a broader perspective, this study will also substantiate the thought that in order to understand the workings of a society, it is necessary to combine t imager y and burial rituals (Arro yo 2006:xii; Tiesler and Cucina 2006:4). They are two sides of the same coin, and as will be demonstrated, carry the same underlying theme that permeated the Maya cosm os. In that sense, th e journey of the ruler through Xibalba, as explained below, started at birth and before. If we are to understand the Maya thought-process, we shall have to take th at voyage, as best as we can, with the rulers. Key questions are: Research question 1: Were all of the paraphernalia shown in the living imagery accompanying them in burials, or were essential pieces missing?

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18 Research question 2: Did funeral goods include items th at were not part of the living imagery, or, perhaps, were used in a different manner? Research question 3: What purpose, if any, other then being a part of the imagery of rulers, did jaguars fulfill in the burial ritual? Using both imagery and burial data from Tikal, Guatemala, I shall address the posed inquiries. Jade, will be used as a social term here, and involves not only jadeite, but also other greenstones that are part of the regalia displayed. Although the Maya were certainly aware of difference in materials, they used them in a similar manner (Bishop et al. 1993: 32-33, 59). As demonstrated by the mask recovered from Tikal Burial 160 that includes materials other than pure jadeite (Figur e 1-1; Coe 1975:793). Only special tests can determine if an artifact is true jadeite, and because of difficulties in analysis presented by most jades (Bishop et al 1993:37-58, Curtiss 1993:75), the cost and, for some methods, the nature of th e invasive procedure, whereby so me material has to be scrapped from the artifact (West, 1963:3, 5), only relatively few pieces have been tested. Jade and jaguars had very special meaning for the Maya. Jade was used mainly to adorn their rulers both in life and death, but it wa s also carried by and buried with common people (Haviland 1985:Table 122; Marcus 1999:Figures 4, 5; Willey et al. 1994:252-255). Jaguar imagery and pelts, on the other hand, seem to have been reserved for rulers alone. The Maya did not develop in a vacuum they ar e part of the developm ent of cultures in a specific area, and a short survey of the larger re gion to set the stage will be given. In addition, a short essay on the Olmec will led into a discussion of the Maya in general, but with greater emphasis on the Classic period, and leads into a clos er look at the use of jade during the Classic Period. The spotlight will than turn to Tikal, the site from which the data used in this study come, and will continue with an explanation and reason ing for the data collection. In the last section,

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19 the results will be documented and discussed, and finally, a few ideas for further research are highlighted. Mesoamerica Place and its People In this chapter, the stage for the Maya will be set. As stated above, cultures develop within a broader setting, so it is necessary first to di scuss the larger region a nd some of the cultural developments taking place within it. Mesoamerica is a cultu ral term introduced by anthropologist Paul Kirchhoff (Coe et al. 1980:85) to distinguish the area fr om just south of the Tropic of Capricorn in Mexico to the Nicoya Peninsula in Costa Rica from either No rth America or Central America (Figure 1-2). Within this area, certain cultural trades are shared to, among them use of jade, greater or lesser prevalence. Three bodies of water, the Gulf of Mexico, the Caribbean Sea to th e east and the Pacific Ocean to the west, border this area. Within this area, vast arrays of landscapes are encountered, from deserts to high mountains. However, the mo st basic contrast is between highlands and lowlands (Coe et al. 1980:84). Since the area is south of the temperat e zone, it has generally only two seasons, wet and dry. It has huge valleys, such as the valleys of Mexico, Oaxaca, or Tehuacn. Its regions, and for that matter its cultural areas, are dissected by large mountain ranges, particularly the western edge that is sharply divided in to the Pacific slopes and the interior that is only broken by important rive rs including Sinaloa, Balsas, and Verde, until it temporarily flattens into the Isthmus of Te huantepec, and resumes its march to the Maya Highlands, and ultimately, with other breaks, to the Andes. Most of the important rivers, however, start in the highlands and flow toward s the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean. Naming the most significant, starting from the north, th ey are the Panuco, Papaloapan, Coatzacoalcos,

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20 Tonala, Gijalva, Usumacinta, and Motagua. However, a few more rivers that are in the heartland of the Maya should be mentione d, and including the Chixoy and Pa sion that join the Usumacinta, Rio Hondo, Azul and Belize. Although the northern part of the region is rather dry, at its heart was a huge shallow lake system that supported the Aztec civilization at its capitol Teno chtitlan, modern Mexico City. There were also many swamps, such as Pulltrous er in Belize, that were used by the ancient people of each region for raised field agricultu re, and, probably, the waterways supplied protein in the form of fish. Mountains with volcanic pe aks supplied the very important resource, used throughout the region and by all an cient peoples, obsidian. The most important sources of this are Ucareo, Pachuca, both in Cent ral Mexico, and Rio Pixcaya, El Chayal, and Ixtepeque in the Maya Highlands (McKillop 2005:42). Obsidian, volcanic glass, can be traced to this origin, and it is now known that obsidian from all sources was widely traded, for example, from sources close to Mexico City with the Peten, Guatemala (Hoopes 1985:149; McKillop 2005:43-44). As mountainous and relatively dry as so me areas are, especially the north ern parts, others are as flat and humid or dry. A band of tropical forest stretc hes the entire length of costal Veracruz, to the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, where it broadens from the Maya Highlands to cover most of Yucatan, except the almost arid tip. Tropica l forest is also prevalent from Honduras to the southern border in low areas, interspersed with grassl ands and savannas (Coe et al. 1980:84). Not surprisingly, the oldest evidence for hu man occupation in Mesoamerica comes from the northern part, which may simply be a func tion of preservation, favored in drier areas. Materials, considered stone tool s, have been found in various ar eas, but dating is still debated (Adams 1991:25-28). Although there are some problems, it seems that Tepex man, really the skeletal remains of a female, lived around 8000 BC in the Valley of Mexico (Porter Weaver

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21 1972:19; Adams 1991:29). Solid evidence for hun ting and gathering societies comes from the earliest phases, ca. 7200 BC, in the Tehuacan Valley, Puebla, a sequence excavated by MacNeish (Adams 1991:31-33). It is located between the Valley of Mexico and Oaxaca, and is semiarid. Later phases show the gradual change to a settled existence and cultivation of maize [ Zea mays ] (Adams 1991:33-37; Coe et al. 1980:89-90). Certainly, evidence for the Archaic Period circa 8,000 to 2,000 BC (MacNeish 2001:30), particularly as life became settled, and present from all regions, for example, the site of Santa Marta Cave in the highlands of Chiapas, and the Southern Maritime tradition of Belize (MacNeish 2001:31); however, here it is only mentioned fleetingly. Guila Naquitz Cave and Gheo Shih, an open-air site in the Valley of Oaxaca, are slightly later, but show equal seas onal occupation (Flannery 1983:27; Flannery and Spores 1983:21-25). For the Formative Period from about 1600 BC to AD 250 (Clark 2001:278-282), a short overview with the most important regi onal sites is be given, but excludes the Olmec and Maya region, which is be documented in more detail later. It is important to r ealize that Period dates given are fluid, and that not al l regions developed at the same time and rate. Some stable villages, such as San Jose Mogote, fluctuated in size through time (Flannery 1976), while other places saw an intensity that resulted in flowerin g and decline of state-le vel cultures and all the facets between. Many aspects of the interrelationships with the enti re region are still debated and not included in this discussion. During this period, and into th e Early Classic Period, Teotihuacn, Valley of Mexico, was immensely powerful, as at one time was Cholula, Puebla Mexico, while the Valley of Oaxaca supported its own flourishing center in Monte Alban (Adams 1991:202, 224-225, 235-253).

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22 Ceremonial centers are part of the landscape all the way south, for example Santa Leticia in El Salvador, to the border of Mesoamer ica. One thing that is common to most of Mesoamerica, no matter the different expressions in worldview and division of space, is that the basic design for the ceremonial centers in partic ular, and most other as well, is square and roughly rectangular in layout. Only one region in Mesoamerica does not adhere to this arrangement of space. West Mexico is designed in a circular world image. Not just individual platforms are circular, but they are also arranged concentrically (Weigand 2001:738). The ebb and flow of cultural highpoints, a nd the shift from one region being more prominent and then less, continued until the Aztec em pire, at least in part the inheritor of more than 9,000 -yearold tradition, to shatter abruptly un-mendable with the arrival of the Spanish Conquistadors. Jade: General Background on Material Jade and Mesoamerica go together the same wa y as China and Jade do, the skill in working this hard and durable material was equal and possibly achieved at th e same time (Foshag 1957:3). However, the two materials are not the same. Chinese Jade is almost exclusively Nephrite, a member of the amphibole family, and is a different mineral from Jadeite, or jadeitite that belongs to the pyroxene minerals (Harlow 1993:10). The former is unknown in Mesoamerica. The name jade is a Portuguese or Spanish language creation. It seems that the Chinese believed that the green stone had urin ary healing powers, and so it was known, in Europe, as pedra de yjada, stone of the loins (West 1963:3). When the conquistadors sent artifacts of a similar green stone back to Sp ain, both materials became known by the shortened form jade (Luzzatto-Bilitz 1984:21, Petar 1936:2). Jadeite is a very hard and durable material On a scale of hardness up to 10, diamonds, jadeite scores 6.5 to 7, while obsidian ranges from 5 to 6.5, pearls from 2.5 to 4.5, and coral at

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23 3.5 (Shipley 1948:104). Jadeite sour ces are very rare in the worl d; only seven locations are known (Lange 1993:2) due to the very involved and rare process to create it. It forms only under geologic conditions of unusually high pressu re and low temperature, regimes that are rarely preserved in the geologic record (Harlow 1993:13). Efforts to find the source, or sources, of Meso american jade started to make headway when mines where found in the Motagua River Valley in Guatemala, and different mines where explored in further studies (Har low 1991:6; Taube et al. 2004). However, the source for the exquisite blue jade, mostly known from the Olmec culture (Figures 1-3, 14), eluded researchers until it was found in the wilds of Guatemala a mountainous region strewn with huge jade boulders, other rocky treasures and signs of an cient mining (Broad 2002:1). The exact location is kept secret to protect it from looting. Considering the toughness of the stone and the available tools, sand, water, string saws and string drills (Digby 1972:14-21; Kennedy-Easby 1968:16-26; Proskouriakoff 1974:8-10), the quality of the artifacts document a very sophist icated and skilled tradi tion of artisans creating these masterpieces. The importance of jade to Mesoamerican pe ople can not be overemphasized, and can be traced back in space and time, starting with the Spanish chroniclers that mentioned that chalchihuites the Nahuatl word for jade, had a special place in Montezumas esteem (Foshag 1957:5; Mason 1927:47-48; Rands 1965:561; Vaillant 1973:75-76). Today, the Aztec, or more correctly the Mexica ruler Motecuhzoma Xocoyotzin is referred to by his Nahuatl name (Smith 1996:51), rather than by the Eu ropean version of it. If ancient Mesoamerican artifacts are menti oned jade occupies a prominent place among the portable art (Miller 1 996). We do know that other materials, such as shell, were equally

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24 worked (Figure 1-5), but because of its durability jade survived better through the ages. We look at these pieces as art and artifacts. To the creat ors and their contemporaries, the meanings they had are only partly understood. For in stance, under the Templo Major in Tenochtitlan today Mexico City, a jaguar skeleton wi th a jade ball in its mouth wa s discovered (Figure 1-6A), as were an Olmec mask, probably jade, and a Teotihu acan mask (Figure 1-6B). It is very possible that they are treasured heirlooms, possibly si gnaling that the Aztec, are the inheritors of Mesoamericas ancient tradition (Meskell 2003; s ee also Joyce 2003). That would imply that the Aztec where aware of such an ancient culture as the Olmec. Since only fragments of history have survived, it seems very possible that historical codices existed. The time elapsed between the Olmec and Aztec, is no longer than the durati on of Pharonic Egypt, or Imperial China. From the Monte Alban II era, circa 200 BC 200 AD, comes a beautiful bat mask made from pieces of jade and shell (Figure 1-7), and burials at Teotihucan had offerings made from jade (Sugiyama 1989:91-103). Equally, burials at San Jose Mogote, Oaxaca, as early as 1200 BC, show male occupants with jade bead necklace s, a bead in the mouth, and women with a bead in the mouth (Marcus 1999:Figures 4, 5). As rank became more established, additional jade artifacts were found in graves (Marcus 1999:83, 94). One other tradi tion has to be mentioned, the Costa Rica jades. In part, they are unique, but some have Olmecoid features (KennedyEasby:Figure 4, 93), which ties them to the great er Mesoamerican tradition. As Kennedy-Easby (1968:81-82) says: Even in the earliest times, interrelati onships were too wide-spread [sic] for the tradition of jade working to have arisen in Costa Rica independently. Lacking Maya elements [the jades], it can only have come from an earlier source: directly or indirectly from the Olmec. She concludes by pointing to analogous traits between the two styles (Kennedy-Easby 1968:8182).

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25 This short survey of both Mesoamerica and ja de is by no means inclusive; on the one hand, it simply sets the stage for the subsequent disc ussion of the Olmec and Maya in general before turning to the specifics of the case study, the subject of this thesis, that pres ents data pertaining to the living and dead rulers of Tikal. On the othe r hand, it acts as reminders that the Maya are one of many cultural highpoints that developed over ti me in the region, and sets the geographical parameters that bound and define the region. Th e jade discussion serves a similar purpose. Besides several facts on jade, it shows that the hi story of jade was tightly interwoven with that of Mesoamerica.

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26 Figure 1-1. Jade funeral mask from Tikal Buri al 160. A) Actual Mask (Coe 1995;793). B) Tile, with numbers, mask ws made from (Cur tiss 1993;80). C) Mineral composition of some of the tiles (adapted from Curtis 1993; Table 5.2).

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27 Figure 1-2. Map of Mesoamerica. With some sites mentioned in the text.

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28 Figure 1-4. Olmec Jades. A) La Venta Offering 4 (Pina Chan 1989). B) Incised 16 cm long Canoe from Cero de la Mesa (Pina Ch an 1989). C) Kunz Axe, Possibly from Oaxaca (SKIRA 1964;21)

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29 Figure 1-5. Carved shell pendants. A Seated pe rsonage (de la Fuente et al. 1998;Figure 131). B) Bead neclace with shell disk (Schmidt et al. 1998). C) Animal with incised face (Schmidt et al. 1998). D) Person and Glyphs (Clancy et al. 1985). E) Rabbit (Mingei International Museum 1990)

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30 Figure 1-6. Offerings from Aztec Templo Ma yor, Tenochititlan. A) Ja guar skeleton with jadeball in mouth (Miller and Taube 1993:103) B) Masks, Olmec (left). Teotihuacan (right)(Townsend 1992:154)

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31 Figure 1-7. Mask from Monte Iban. Oaxaca (Bernal 1969:Figure 50)

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32 CHAPTER 2 THE OLMEC In almost all discussions of the Maya, at least one reference to the Olmec is included, particularly when jade is also a subject. As w ill be shown, there are reasons to believe that strong affinities exist between select aspects of Olmec and Maya culture. Therefore, a short essay on the Olmec was deemed necessary. It includes all type s of data, ranging from a description of the homeland, to a timeline of the development fr om small villages to centers containing monumental architecture. It touches on the different views in which Mexican and US archeologists hold the Olmec. A large part of this chapter is devoted to what is known or believed about the Olmec Cosmos, their jade us e, and how it interrelates between their own cosmos and that of the Maya. The sequence of Olmec culture was long a ma tter of disagreement, but we know that it preceded the Maya (Coe et al. 1980:94). What is agreed on is that its h eartland lies in the Mexican states of Veracruz and Tabasco, generously defined betw een the San Juan and Gijavlva River, in the coastal plain (C oe 1966:5; Coe et al. 1980:94-95). In Mexico, the Olmec are considered the Mo ther Culture of Mesoamerica (Pia Chan 1989), meaning that all other cultu ral manifestations, including th e Aztec, developed from them. North American archaeologists are rather restrained following that line of thought, particularly as it is not derived from excav ations (Grove 1997:72, 87). However, we do not know what the people ca lled themselves (Pia Chan 1989:9). All we had are monuments, of different materials, and jades they left behind; until recently, when a stone slab believed to be 3,000 years old, with what the researchers called t o be that of a true writing system [the symbols] and that it had characteristics strikingly similar to imagery of the Olmec civilization, (Noble Wilford 2006) was disc overed in Veracruz. If it is the first writing

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33 of the Olmec found, and more will come to light, and if it can be deciphered, a new chapter in Olmec archaeology would certainly have to be written. The arguably most important centers are Sa n Lorenzo, La Venta, Tres Zapotes, and Laguna de los Cerros (Adams 1991:55). They are concentrated in what is called the Olmec heartland, located on the Gulf of Mexico coas t and reaching about midway across the Isthmus of Tehuantepec in parts of Veracruz and Tabasco (Coe et al. 1980:94). There is evidence for villages as early as 1500 BC beneath San Lorenzo and La Venta (Adams 1991:45), and as early as 1350 BC San Lorenz started to evolve into a power center, reaching its apex between 1150 to 900 BC, when pow er shifted to La Venta and lasted until 400 BC (Adams 1991:49-50). Probably the most famous aspect of this culture is the huge stone heads (Figure 2-1), thought to be sculptures of individual leader s (Grove 1997:77). Other amazing aspects came to light during excavations and at La Venta, an astonishing amount of worked jade among them (Figures 1-3, -4; Druc ker 1952). Considering the refined carvings, the tradition must have started long befo re to create such masterpiece. Offering 4 from La Venta needs special menti oning (Figure 1-4A). It is a circle formed by celts, some of jade, surrounding jade and serp entine men that are grouped in such a way that four face one, while ten others stand at a right angle most facing the one, but some turned more toward the group of four. It may be that the difference in stone signifies a difference in status, but since not all of the celts, although mo st are green, are made from jadeite, it was the color that was desired and important, and the mate rial was secondary, hen ce the social term of jade. Many other sites of varying sizes have been added in the heartland, and outside it, for example, Chalcatzingo, Morelos (Grove 1997:77), and Oxtotitlan Cave, Guerrero, both Mexico

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34 (Grove 1970). The cave has severa l murals; here I shall mention only two, Mural I and Painting I-d, because they are, possibly, antecedents to practices seen in the Maya, and are therefore explained in greater detail (Grove 1970:Frontispi ece, Figure 13). Mural I s predominant colors, reddish/orange and green/blue (F igure 2-2), display a personag e seated upon the head of a jaguar monster Grove (1970:9). Besides wearing an owl headdre ss, and, possibly partial or full feather costume, he is also adorned with many pieces of jade jewelry (Grove 1970:9-10; Joralemon 1971:Figure 150). It is pr obable that also parts of the headdress and the costume are made of jade. Wearing a costume, and becoming or symbolizing a particular animal, seem to be a tradition that endured through th e Maya, where it was called the uay, or alter ego (de la Garza 1999:135; Houston and Stuart 1998: 81; Miller and Taube 1993:103) and found its most elaborate expression, in the sense that it was not only th e ruler who transformed, in Aztec times, where some warriors belonged to either the jaguar or eagle society (Townsend 1992:196), going into battle dressed as such (Figure 23) and probably in the spirit of the two most powerful animal of the realm. Painting I-d (Figure 2-4) show s a man and jaguar standing in what may be considered an interrelated composition (Grove 1969:Figure 3, 1970:17-18). Here all that needs to be noted is that the association of men with jaguars has a very long traditi on in Mesoamerica. Possibly there is another tie. From the vicinity of San Lore nzo comes monument Potrero Nuevo 1 that may show the union of a jaguar with a human female, leading to a basi c tenant of Olmec ideology the were-jaguars (Coe and Diehl 1980:369-370; Davi s 1978; but see Miller and Taube 1993:158-159 for a different view). Only a few of the aspects of Olmec Culture ar e mentioned here, and even of those traits that conceivably can be traced to the Maya, only the three most important are discussed. There is

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35 the main theme of maize, being of such importance that it is part of the features of Gods (Figure 2-5; Mathews and Garber 2004:50). On the Chalcat zingo Relief IV, jaguar and maize are related (Figure 2-6; Grove 1968:Figure 5; Joralemon 1971:Figure 261). One other item of Olmec iconography, most likely, survived and became part of Maya iconography. Joralemon (1971:Motif 85, Figures 141, 142, 258, 266; Grove 1968:Figure 7) iden tifies it as Vegetation Sprouting from the Corners of the Mouth (Fig ure 2-7). As Schele (1995:118-119, citing Fields, Joralemon, and Reilly) explains, the Olmec equated the ruler, as the Worldtree, symbolized by sprouting maze, and in what she calls Reillys cast shadows shows how the ruler is the center with four maize plants marking the corner of th e mouth, or world (Figure 2-8). It takes on even more importance in Maya worldview (Mille r and Taube 1993:108 -110; Schele 1995:125). One thing seems certain, Olmec associations and, perhaps, symbolism retained some of its meaning in the succeeding cultures (C oe 1966:16; Rice 2004:72; Sabloff 1998:60). As mentioned above, an Olmec jade mask was found in the most sacred place in the Aztec world, the Templo Major. Olmec jade masks were also found in Maya contexts. For example, there is the Olmec pectoral, made from quartzite, which on th e reverse side is incised with what seems to be an early Maya king (Figure 2-9; Coe 1966). To the left side of the head are glyphs thought to spell his name, and to the right of the seated king are two blocks of six lines of two glyphs, making it a text of twenty-four glyphs (Coe 1966:15) Interestingly, the text combines features that are Maya, Monte Alban and some that are unknown (Coe 1966:16). It would be very important to see if they are similar to the newly discovered writing mentioned above. We know that the kings portrait is ve ry early in the sequence of Ma ya history because he wears a headband similar to the one on th e mask found in Burial 85 from Tikal that is dated to the Cauac Preclassic phase, AD 1-150, at Tikal (Harri son 1999:62; Martin and Grube 2000:26-27).

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36 According to Fields (cited in Schele 1995:118) this headband has its roots in Olmec iconography and can be traced via Cerros, a Late Pr eclassic Maya site in Belize, into the Classic Maya jade Jester God headband (Freidel and Schele 1988). An Olmec were-jaguar figurine was found by Teobald Maler in 1887 in the Yucatan peninsula, possibly Campeche, and examined by Metcalf and Flannery (1967). Another cache of Olmec jades came from Chacsinkin, Yucatan, Mexic o, and the author suggest ed that the contact between Maya and Olmec was much more intens e than previously believed (Andrews 1986:11). However, in a later publication, the author re vised this proposal (Andrews 1987). Instead, he agreed with Grove (1993 [1986]: 84), who argues that there are two meanings to the word Olmec itself; one is an archaeological cu lture confined to the heartland ; the other is an art style, a part of a rather widespread early Formative st yle (Andrews 1987:79). Still, he states: The jades must have been brought into the northern Lo wlands in the Formative Period. (Andrews 1987:80). It seems clear, no matter th e controversy about being an ar chaeological culture, and/or art style, that the beliefs or sy mbols of those early times in so me form endured and had meaning to the Maya and other Mesoamerican people. In an almost surreal twist, the artistic valu e of Olmec jades found its admirers in Europe, as documented by the bib pendant, apparently recarved by an Aztec lapidary It was made the centerpiece of an elaborate concoction (Figure 2-10; Benson 1996:133). Here, aspects of the Olmec culture were discussed, with heavy emphas is how these may relate to the Maya and the flowering of their cultural achievements later in time.

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37 Figure 2-1. The Olmec colossal heads. A El Re y San Lorenzo Monument 1 (Coe and Diel;22); B) Comparison of heads from different sites (Stuart 1993).

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38 Figure 2-2. Mural I from Oxtotitla n Cave (Grove 1970:Frontipiece).

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39 Figure 2-3. Aztec Warriors. A) Jaguar society member (Townsend 1992:93). B) Ea gle society member (Townsend 1992:199).

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40 Figure 2-4. Painting I-d from Oxtotitlan cave (Grove 1970:17, Drawings by Felipe Davalos).

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41 Figure 2-5. Olmec gods and Maiz e. Select symbols identified as Maize and Olmec gods that display those in their headdresses (J oralemon 1971:motifs 82-84, 91-93, figures 170197)

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42 Figure 2-6. Jaguars and Maize. Sy mbols identified as Maize, and two jaguars that show those on their heads (Joralemon 1971:Motifs 82-84, 88-89, 91-93, Figures 170-197).

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43 Figure 2-7. Olmec God I-B. A) Mouth with vegetation in corners (joralemon 1971:Motif 85). B) Frontal view from Chalcatzingo Relief IX (Joralemon 1971:Figure 141). C) Personage inside of mouth from Ca lcarzingo Relief I (Joralemon 1971: Figure 142).

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44 Figure 2-8. Olmec ruler and Maize Ruler as the center maize plant of the world maked by maize plants at the four corner s (Schele 1995: Figure 62).

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45 Figure 2-9. Olmec-Maya connection. Olmec p ectoral with Maya ruler incised on its back (Chase Coggins 1998:250-251), and drawing of the early Maya king (Schele and Miller 1986:119).

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46 Figure 2-10. Olmec jade as part of a European Jewel (Benson 1996:134).

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47 CHAPTER 3 THE MAYA A view of the Maya is the con cern of this chapter. It explai ns the natural setting, divisions in the cultural sequence, and gives a narrative of what distin ctions characterizes the Maya. The focus is on the Classic Maya, however, and it is their world that is explained more thoroughly. Aspects of their worldview are di scussed, ranging from territorial and internal organization to some of the major gods in various forms and their influence on political and other decisions. Most importantly, it will be shown how spiritu ality infused all areas of their world. Some comments are included on problems regarding the r eading and interp reting of glyphs, and finally, as in the Olmec chapter, some references are ma de to the possibility of a connection between the Olmec and the Maya. The Maya are a civilization that developed in part of Mesoamerica th at is today southern Mexico, Guatemala, Belize, and northern Honduras and their descendants are still part of the people living there today (Demarest 2004; Sharer 1994). Researchers further subdivided this area according to differences in Maya languages, ecological, geographical and cultural traits (Demarest 2004; Sharer 1994). These are the Coastal Plains and Pied mont adjacent to the Pacific Ocean, the Southern Highlands, the Northern Highl ands, and the Southern, Central, and Northern Lowlands surrounded by both the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean Sea (Figure 3-1; Demarest 2004:Figure 1.2; Shar er 1994:Figure 1.1). Maya archaeology has its own terminology to mark stages of development after the Archaic closed at 2000 BC (Figure 3-2); it was divided into the Early Preclassic lasting until 1000 BC, the Middle until 400 BC, the Late until AD 300, the Classic Period until AD 900, and the Postclassic terminating in AD 1542 (Demar est 2004:Figure 2.3). The cultural sequence and timeline is today also referred to as Pre-Columb ian. Between the Late Preclassic and the Classic,

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48 sometimes a Proto Classic Period is inserted lasting from about AD 150 to 350 (Demarest 2004:17). The Classic Period is additionally part itioned into the Early Classic AD 300 550 and the Late Classic AD 600 900; and finally, there is a subdivision that takes part of the Late Classic and the early Postclassic into the Terminal Classic from AD 800 to 1,000 (Demarest 2004:16). It is also understood that these dates vary with different authors, but that it does not change the general course of Maya history, partic ularly as more specific dates became available and are used to place events at moments in time (Demarest 2004:17). However, this study focuses primarily on the Classic Period, in additi on, most of the stelae and many of the burials are dated with precision, and th e difference in the beginning of th e Classic Period is most often 50 years, with the Classic starting in AD 250 (Culbert 1991; Willey and Mathews 1985). The Late Preclassic Period is thought to be a time when the aspects denoting the Classic are coming together and gather ing momentum, although new discove ries challenge this division, as will be shown below, to move toward the cu ltural climax called the Classic Period in Maya civilization. The Maya sequence traces its beginnings to the Swasey phase, starting at circa 1200 BC (Hammond 1991:Figure 1.2). However, the onset of th e complexity that later flowered into the Classic Period throughout the enti re Maya region starts during the last five hundred years BC (Martin and Grube 2000: 8; Sharer 1994:Table 2.1). The Maya cu ltural sequence, after almost 3000 years, ended abruptly with the arrival of the Spaniards and th e conquest after AD 1500 (Martin and Grube 2000:8-9; Sharer 1994:Table 2.1). Among the traits that marked the Maya Cla ssic civilization was hieroglyphic writing system, the development of the vigesimal mathem atical system, and the place-notation and the concept of zero, as in ending a cycle or completion (Coggins 1980; Sharer 1994:557-558). A

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49 very important distinction, both, pl ace and zero, have only been inve nted twice in the course of human history as far as I are aw are. Figure 3-3 shows the interl ocking cycles of the two main calendars and the numerical system, including ho w the Long count date was written. Maya time was counted differently than ours, it was the elapsed time from the beginning of the present creation or zero date set at 3113 BC that wa s noted, and scholars developed a system of writing dates, the notation 9.16.3.0.0 means 9 bakt uns, 16 katuns, 3 tuns, 0 uinals, 0 kins (Adams 1991:179). Traits associated with th e Maya included monumental ar chitecture, the use of Long Count dates in inscrip tions, the carving of stelae, tall stone slabs, into portraits of their rulers, and so-called altars that may have been stone seats or thrones in front of the stela, for the ruler either to sit or stand (Figure 3-4). It would have made a very impressive picture for his people to see, and to be reassured that he is the living image of the Maize God (Fields and Reents-Budet 2005:24; Miller and Samayoa 1998:59; Miller and Taube 1993:98-99, 108-109; Schele and Mathews 1998:127). Some of the latest discov eries in the Maya region challenge the boundary between Preclassic and Classic Period. It ma y be that the achievements we a ssociate with the Classic were well in place at a much earlier point than prev iously thought, and it was the lack of evidence, rather than the absence of it, th at suggested the break at AD 250/300. The site of Cival, Peten, Guatemala, not far from Tikal, has been excavated and dated to about 150 BC. It yielded what is, to date in the Maya Lowlands, the earliest carved stela at 300 BC (Figure 3-5). The pectoral seems to be either an early form of a Kawil or Kawiil, also called a manikin scepter in the hands of rulers, or a long-nosed pectoral, as depicted on Classic stelae; note also the celts on the belt (Miller and Ta ube 1993:110; Skidmore 2004). It also seems

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50 to have some affinity with the Olmec art st yle mentioned above. Two masks were discovered, one that has a were-jaguar mouth and other featur es encountered in that style, while the other mask seems to be associated with the Maiz e-god encountered at the site of San Bartolo (Skidmore 2004). It evidently links th e Olmec and the Maya in some way. At the small site of San Bartolo, Peten, a litt le farther from Tikal than Cival, excavator Saturno literally stumbled into what Taube, the excavations iconographe r, called the Sistine Chapel of the Early Maya (Kaufmann 2003:72, 77) What was uncovered was a painted frieze, above the height of the doorwa y, covering all the walls of a ro om located in a small pyramid (Figures 3-6, -7). Therefore, it seems possible that the Classic Period may have been much early in place than previously. Taube goes on to say, The Maya were probably trying to portray the origin of maize and people [It is] the most elaborate creation scene before the Classic period(Kaufmann 2003; see also Miller a nd Taube 1993:68-70, and Reilly III 2005:34); and Saturno adds If San Bartolo had murals th is early, everybody had them(Kaufman 2003:77). Further excavation added more we ight to this point, by reveali ng a glyph-block of 10 individual signs. Associated wood was dated between to 30 0 to 200 BC, making Maya writing as old as other Mesoamerican scripts (Figure 3-8; Saturno et al. 2006:1). The text related to the murals is partially readable. Signs are of an earlier form of Mayan script, but the glyph-block contains archaic forms (Saturno et al. 2006:2). B ecause the AJAWglyph, pA7, can be read, the inscription seems to be the title of a god, king, or elite personage (Saturno et al. 2006:2, see also Saturno 2002). Preclassic sites are reported from all areas of the Maya territory. The Pacific Coast seems to have the densest early settlements, with the highlands, and the Central Lowlands following close behind (Sharer1994:71). However, new evid ence points to the fact that development was,

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51 perhaps, parallel so that it was not a matter of diffusion, but rath er of shared growth (Demarest 2004:83-86; Sharer 1994:73). The largest center of its time, El Mirador, Guatemala, was situated on the major trade and communications cross ro utes (Demarest 2004:83; Sharer 1994:117); and presumably the same products, as later in the Classic, moved through, among them jadeite (Olmedo Vera 1999:89). It should not surprise that Tikal; one of the prim ary power seats of the Classic was founded close by. Territorial organization of the Classic Maya has been subject to many debates (Flannery 1995:946; Marcus 1973; 1976). Toda y, two proposed organizati ons are most often cited, Mathews (1985:Figures 10-14) based on emblem-glyphs, as an ever-changing patchwork of small principalities through time, and Adams of La te Classic large states (Figure 3-9). As said, there is still debate which m odel is better suited (Mathews 1991:26-29; Rice 2004:31-36). There was the title of Kalomate loosely translated as emperor, or overlord, which suggests that some sites were dependent to ot hers (Harrison 1999:79; Houst on 1993:108; Martin and Grube 2000:20; Rice 2004:36-38). There are also a number of scenes preserved on monuments, and glyphic evidence that attest to the fact that certain ceremonies were conducted under the auspice of a ruler from another site, particularly the establishment of the successor to a city (Houston 1993:108; Schele and Mathews 1991:226-252). Those overlords may also have married members of their house, the naj or na to consolidate relationships w ith dependant cities, or allies (Harrison 2003:178; Houston 1993: 108; Rice 2004:7, 40, 281). Finall y, there is the suggestion from David Stuart (2003) that Kinich Kan Joy Chitam of Palenque, long believed to have meet a sacrificial death at Tonina after his capture, instead became a dependent and with him his kingdom fell into bondage to Tonina.

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52 Here I will discuss only the second model, the regional states b ecause it seems to fit better as more and more data are gathered. Th e northern states Puuc and Coba, are somewhat enigmas as a consequence of the limited numbe r and often poor preservation of inscriptions (Martin and Grube 2000:227). Starting with Ca lakmul, and followed by Palenque, Yaxchilan, Tikal, and Copan regional states, monuments and texts are relatively abunda nt, and the history of the cities and the rulers, at least, is much better docume nted (Fash 1991; Harrison 1999; Jones and Satterthwaite 1982; Marcus 1976; Marcus 1987; Martin and Grube 2000; Robertson 19831991; Tate 1992). According to Olmedo Vera (1 999:36), these five seem to be the most important centers. More evidence for the possibility of larger states is provided by the fact that we know that Calakmul, its ancient name, possibly, Ox-tetun Three Stones, or Natunich Stone Aguada (Stuart and Houston 1994:28, 93-95), was the capital of the Snake state (Martin 2005) and that Palenque was called Lakam Ha Big Water, and was the capital of the Bak Bone, state (Miller and Martin 2004: 201; Schele and Mathews 1998 :95; Stuart and Houston 1994:Figure 32). Yaxchilans name is proposed as PaChan with the tentative translation of split/broken Sky (Martin 2004:4). Ti kals original name has either survived, and was translated as the Place of the Count of the Katun or Tikal or it may have been mutal flower (Harrison 1999:30; see also Rice 2004:98-99); Schele a nd Mathew (1998:64) call it Mutul and go on to say that because Dos Pilas used the same name, it was also called Yax Mutul meaning First Mutul Simon Martin advocates that yax has additional meanings such as beautiful and green-blue (Martin: 2003: 4). Copans name is still debated, with Oxwitik the Three Witiks? a possibility (Stuart and Houston 1994:23, emphasis in or iginal). Sometimes a city and the region under its influence used the same name (Stuart and Houston 1994, cited in Martin

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53 2004:1). Yet, as Stuart and Hous ton (1994) point out, there are still many uncertainties both in reading the glyphs and in thei r correct interpretations. Internally, Marcus (1973:Figures 2, 4-6) sugge sted that the organization of space follows the quadripartite relationship of the Maya worl dview (Figure 3-10). The indissoluble connection between time and space comes into sharp focus he re, considering that all the completion glyphs have four parts and a center (Figure 3-11; Rice 20 05:71); and very much resemble a flower with four-petals and a center. Iconogra phy bears amble testimony to the most basic concept in Maya cosmology. Their world, as mentioned above, was di vided into five parts, the four directional quarters and the center (Mathews and Garber 2004). In essence, it is a maize field, but it only exists after the maize is planted; and this m eans that the creator deities may have made the physical form of the quadrilateral word, and th e sun may have defined its borders, (BassieSweet 2000:13). The field is prepared by the Maize God planting five kernels in each corner, one for each finger, thereby closing the cycle by linking the counting system, vigesimal, with the twenty day names of the ritual calendar (Bassie-Sweet 2000:14-15). As the division follows the passage of the sun, kin each quarter was coupled with a specific color (Price 2004:29). East, lakin were the sun is born and reborn each day in shades of chak, red; chikin, ochkin its opposite, west, where the sun died each day was ek or black (BassieSweet 2000:14; Price 2004:20). North, xaman marked the sun at zenith, up and to the right of the sun; white or sak down, to the suns left at nadir marked south, nojol and the color kan or yellow; while the most precious color, yaax or blue/green/turquoise, was reserved for the living center (Bassie-Sweet 2000:14; Price 2004:20). Thereby, in effect, not just incontrovertibly linking space and time together, but interlocking it.

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54 It was also vertically separate d in three layers the underworld, Xibalba with nine layers, the level of the people, or manifested worl d, and the thirteen-layered realm of gods, and connecting all the divisions was the worldtree in the center (Figure 3-12; Sharer 1994:523). One of the most vivid depictions of the relations hip and the continuum among life, death and the promise of rebirth is rendered on the sarcophagu s lid (Figure 3-13) found in the burial chamber beneath the Temple of the Inscription, Palenque Chiapas, Mexico (Robertson 1983:Figures 9899; Schele 1981: 98). At the mome nt of death, the king, Pacal or Kinich Janaab Pakal I was transferred into the eternally young maize god, sy mbolizing the renewal of maize and jade (Martin and Grube 2000:162; Miller and Samayoa: 1998:56-58). Agai n, in the dualistic view of the Maya, although the maize god falls down the wo rldtree into the maw of the netherworld, Xibalba (Schele and Mathews 1998:113), he is also the personification of the worldtree (Freidel et al. 1993:53-55). Although much of the Maya world changed in the wake of the Conquistadores, as mentioned earlier, the above-mentioned fundamental concept of the Maya cosmos transformed or endured. The Maya worldtree, in essence th e maize god, and the Christian cross have obvious affinities, and it seems the Maya embraced this re semblance, and by adding the color of jade and red kept their ancient worldvi ew intact (Figure 3-14; Freidel et al. 1993:53, 245; Pennak 1964:519). Jade represents the cen ter and the connection between a ll levels of the universe and red, east and the birth, as well as the rebi rth of the sun after its journey through Xibalba (de la Garza 1999:135; Freidel et al. 1993:2 44). As Freidel at al. (1993:244) said, it was part of the holy soul-force of the universe.

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55 The most basic concept underlying all other aspects of how the Maya understood their world was that all aspects of lif e, be it political, territorial, or the planting of maize were saturated, nourished, and empowe red by religion (Rice 2004:19, 283). Another fundamental concept of the Maya worl dview is the dualistic nature of life, and the inherent opposition, particularly, when it come s to the role that the jaguar was given. Day and night are dualistic but also opposites. One can not be without the other, so, Kinich Ahau the Sun god, was also the Jaguar god, or Sun of the ni ght (Schele and Miller 1986:50; Miller and Taube 1993:104). He is also the Hero Twins, the Sun god associated with Hunapu and Xbalanque associated with the night sun, the ja guar (Miller and Ta ube 1993:175-176; Schele and Miller 1986:51; 521-522). While the maize god has been identified with their father, Hun Hunahpu, who lost his battle when he and his twin entered Xibalba, both his and his twins body were buried in the ballcourt, but his head was stuck in a tree in Xibalba, where he miraculously with his spittle impregnated th e Hero Twins mother (Mille r and Samayoa 1998:57, citing Taube 1983). Incarnated as maize god, he triumphs by rising from the earth, attended and nourished with water by his sons, in an unending cycle (F igure 3-15; Miller and Samayoa 1998:57). There are three sets of twins in the creation myth of the Maya the tw o mentioned above, and a third set turned into monkeys that become the patrons of artists, dancers, and musicians (Taube 1993:58). The sun, kin also the word for day, as the premier God, Kinich Ahau, linked space and time, and was patron saint of the number 4, glyphically expressed by a flower with four petals (Figure 3-11A; de la Garza 1999:107, 120; Miller and Taube 1993: 106). It was, therefore, not surprising that rulers would want to be associated with all the imp lications of the sun and used it as an expression of their own pow er. They linked themselves even closer by choosing names that

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56 displayed their divinity, and moved into their realm in death when they became gods (Houston and Stuart 1996:295). Kings and gods are shown seated on jaguar thro nes, with jaguar protectors, as jaguars themselves, and with genitalia of jaguars (Fig ures 3-16-3-18; Miller 1988; Reents-Budet: 1994). The aspect of jaguar seats of power survived in to the Postclassic, as documented by the jaguar throne in the temple buried ben eath El Castillo at Chichen Itza, Yucatan, Mexico (Figure 3-19). Three more items, most often made from jade are primary expressions of power among the rulers of the Maya. One wa s the double-headed serpent scep ter (Figure 3-20), with possibly several symbolic associations It includes the sky serpent, or celestial monster, the Cauac monster, stone or earth monster, and the Water-lily monster, or a combination of all three (Schele and Mathews 1998:115; Schele and Miller 1986:45-46) and/or a representation of the primordial hearth and its three throne stones (Figure 3-21); and/or th e center in the horizontal bar from the worldtree (Figures 3-12, -13; for a very ancient as sociation see Reilly III 1991) It is possible that the bar represents all of the above-mentioned concepts and incorporates the two mentioned below, with two gods emerging from each m outh (Miller and Taube 1993:58-59; Schele and Mathews 1998:115; Schele and Miller 1986:121). Finally, it may even include the concept of the center as being a representati on of the horizontal arms of the world tree (Schele and Mathews 1998:114). Considering the interwoven tenants of th e Maya cosmos, it should not be surprising if that turns out to be the case (for yet another as sociation see Taube 2005). Another was God K, or GII of the Palenque Triad, in several manifestations (Miller and Taube 1993:110; Schele and Mill er 1986:49, Schellhas 1904:32-34; Taube 1992:69-79). Here I am only concerned with two of them. One was a scepter; it was refereed to as manikin or Kawil, and by some referred to as Kawiil a full figure but diminutiv e representation of this god

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57 designed to be held in the hand of a ruler as a symbol of rule rship itself. (Figures 3-22-23; Harrison 1999:102; Martin and Gr ube 2000:14; Miller and Taube 1993: 110; see also Schele and Miller 1986:49). The name mani kin scepter is an older term established by Spinden (1975:5053) in his description of vari ous elements of Maya art. In another form, God K was worn as diadem or Jester God headband (Martin and Grube 2000:14; Schele and Miller 1986:53) and possibly connected the ancient Olmec worldtree theme, symbolized as sprouting maize, mentioned above with Classic Maya rulership and the Maize God (Fields 1991; Miller and Taube 1993:104 -105; Schele 1995:118-119, 125; Taube 2005). We do know that the Jester God headband has anci ent roots; it was worn by the Preclassic mask found in Burial 85 at Tikal (Figure 3-24), by the Early Classic ruler etch ed onto the Olmec mask (Figure 2-9), and was found in an offering at the la te Preclassic site of Cerros, Belize, (Freidel and Schele 1988:Figure 7). There are as many va riations concerning the headband, as there are associations to the god (Figure 3-25). The third item was the Long-nosed God, of ten associated with God D, who was Itzamna possibly the high god, similar to Zeus perhaps, of the Maya Parthenon (Miller and Taube 1993:99-100; Schele and Mathews 1998:46; Schellhas 1904:22-23; Taube 1992:31-41). He has, as all gods seem to have, many facets, but most often he was shown as old (Schele and Miller 1986:54-55); and identified as sky god, Itzamnaaj by Martin and Grube (2000:8). Aside from other representations, he is often the pectoral god. There are seve ral pectoral designs. One, as mentioned above, the long-nosed god, another is T or ik the glyph for wind, spirit, breath, life (Figure 3-26; Marcus 1992:87-88, 21 9). When viewed frontally, Kinich Ahau s upper incisors are filed into the form of a T. (Miller and Ta ube 1993:106). Finally, there is the bar pectoral that may represent the double-headed serpent, and/ or the original hearth with the three throne

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58 stones, and/or a combination of God K and D (F igure 27). It could simply represent the barscepter, with all the meanings it carries imp licitly. Again, the dualistic and multilayer worldview of the Maya comes into acute focus. In essence, when the ruler was dressed for ceremonial occasions, he personified the maize god, the center and therefore, the unive rse, and in accordance with the dualistic way, the creator of it. Viewing stela 2 from Cival (Figure 3-5), the Preclassic site mentioned above, the personage did indeed wear a long-nosed god p ectoral, again emphasizing that much of the worldview that in the Classic Period was so vi vidly displayed had been in place much longer than was previously believed. I made several references to the maize god, the Hero Twins and in general, to the Maya worldview. Knowledge of th e chronicle of the conception of the World and the saga of the trials and tribulations of the Hero Twins are recorded in the Popul Vuh the Maya creation account (Taube 1993; Tedl ock 1996; seed also Taube 1985). It has been compared to The Iliad and The Odyssey of Classic Greece, to the Ramayana of Hindu religion, and to the stories of the Bible (Freidel et al. 1993:348, footnote 25 citin g Michael Coe 1989). Quintessentially, the Popul Vuh tells how the world came to be, how to live, and how to die with the promise of an afterlife. It tells that time is cyclical, punctuated by r ituals in linear procession to ensure that order and civiliza tion continued uninterrupted (Freid el et al. 1993). Maya cities are metaphors for the creation and conti nuity of life, and it is understandable to all members of their society (de la Garza 1999:136; Schele and Math ews 1998:40-48). For the Maya, the ceremonial centers were the meeting points of men and go ds and the expression of order and, therefore, the reinforcement of creation and the promise of rebirth (de la Garza 1999:138). Cyclical time and the endless repetitive rituals fused the Maya cosmos in its entire splendor together, and it

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59 was the king deriving his right and responsibility to rule from being the center or lynchpin, that bound it together (Rice 2004:283, 288-289). A few comments regarding certain aspects of Maya study are necessary before turning to a discussion of jade use by the Maya. When the Maya ruins were first discovered, and archaeological studies began, most of the text on monuments and in the few surviving Codices, the bark books of the Maya, was an enigma. It led to the custom of giving nicknames to identified subjects. For example, Schellhas (1904:P late1) created an alphabe tical list, A to P, of deities he identified. Some of them are now id entified, as mentioned above. One of them is Itzamna, the creator god. Equally, when individual rule rs were noticed initially, their nicknames related to individual asp ects of what was recognized as, possi bly, their names. Examples include the name of the captive of Jewele d Skull, and the name of the cap tor, Bird Jaguar of Yaxchilan, Lintel 8, Yaxchilan, Mexico, (Coe 1993:196). Both names are what the glyphs actually represent (Figure 3-28). Today, Bird Jaguars name has change d. First, he is recogni zed as the fourth with this name, and second, his glyphic name spells: ya-?-BALAM Yaxun Balam IV, also known as Bird Jaguar the Great, Bird Jaguar III, which was actually the name of a pr edecessor that reigned even before BJII (Martin and Grube 2000:122, 128). The name of Jeweled Skull has not been modified, probably, in part, because he co mes from an unknown site (Martin and Grube 2000:130). For now, it is the betterknown sites, with a copious amount of inscriptio ns, that have been partially deciphered and ni cknames changed to the Maya term (Martin and Grube 2000). Many have contributed to inte rpretation of Maya glyphs, a nd a detailed summary can be found in Michael Coes Breaking the Maya Code (1992). Grube and Martin (2000) began such work later, but as their book Chronicle of the Maya Kings and Queens shows, are now well established. For anyone not primarily involved with the decipherment of glyphs, changes in

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60 names and spelling can be very confusing; theref ore, as Grube (2000:466, my translation) says, particularly if speaking of site names, the old name is used, and the true name is mentioned. There are additional problems. One is that there are often more than one symbol, or glyph, for a particular letter, syllable and wo rd (Houston et al. 2001; Kurbjuhn 1989; Stuart 2005; Thompson 1962; see also Marcus 1992; and Mathews 1996). Take for instance the most famous king from Palenque. Joyce Marcus reco rds six ways that it was spelled, all meaning Lord Shield, Pacal, originally identified by he r as Propeller Shield (Marcus 1976:Figure 4.25; 1992:Figure 7.17, 2001:Figure 14). There are also the different interpretati ons by individual epigraphers for names and spellings (Schele 1992:*footnote by editors). An example is the difference in the term for the manikin scepter, or Kawil spelled Kawiil by Martin and Grube (2000:41) and Kawil by Stuart (2001:196). In addition, individuals change the reading of glyphs in light of new insights (Stuart 2005:15). Again, using the Palenque king Pacal, shield as an example, he is called Hanab-Pakal by Schele and Mathews (1998:115), while Simon Ma rtin and Nikolai Grube identify him as Kinich Janaab Pakal I with the glyphic spelling as fo llows: KINICH-JAANA:B-PAKAL-la (Great-Sun ? Shield) also known as Pacal, Pacal the Great, 8 Ahau, Sun Shield (Martin and Grube 2000:162, punctuation in original). As deci pherment progresses, it will be even more complex. As stated above, much of what we know a bout the Maya world view and creation comes via the Popul Vuh an early post-conquest Quiche Maya at tempt to save some of the history of their world (de la Garza 1999:106; Taube 1993:53). Ample evidence allows us to be reasonably sure that it was an account that had its roots in Preclassic times and was the basis of the Classic Maya world view and understanding (Rice 2004: 14, 49, 194), Rice (2004:253) suggests that the

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61 Olmec possibly provided the prototype for it. Sh e also makes the point that, although for the books of Chilam Balam, an account of calendrical rituals over time, the myth would be adapted to suit special circumstances (Ric e 2004:290). It is, therefore, reas onable to suggest that different regions, and in particular differe nt cities, individualized the myth, and more importantly their particular worldview, to accommodate not only thei r conditions, but also to ensure and claim their individuality. In short, each city desired to differentiate itself from its neighbors, and to make its world uniquely its own; but all of this was within th e greater framework of a single creation myth and worldview. Robert Sharer (1991:185-187) makes this point, although he does so concerning the organizational structure. Several authors have suggested that there are similarities and also that a continuum may exist between the Olmec, either or both the ar chaeological culture and th e broader art tradition, and the Maya. Taube (2005:25) argues that Olm ec celts and Maya world-trees are the same but in different disguise. It seems r easonable to suggest that, as the celts changed into the elaborate world-tree (Figures 2-5, 1-4A, -4 C, and 3-12), so the beliefs ch anged too. Fundamentally they are the same, but they are also different. In ad dition, considering venerati on of the ancient, and the fact that Olmec jades temporally survived to appear a millennium later in the most sacred place in the Aztec universe, sugge sts that the fundamental ways of the worldview conceivably also survived. It seemed to be a stretch of th e imagination to think that the Aztec remembered the Olmec, but if the Olmec had writing, it seem s much less so, even if it was only as the ancients. While the Maya are much closer in ti me and proximity, particularly as more and more early monuments are discovered, it does not take a leap of faith to supp ose that Olmec ideology was in part responsible for the Maya Cosmos. The leap would even be less if one assumes that the Maya had written some of what they knew a bout the Olmec, and even less so if it turns out

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62 that it was Olmec writing on the block mentioned a bove. Even if it turns out that they did not write, people retained what was important to th em in other ways: for a long time Homers Iliad was preserved and transfigured by word of mouth before it was finally written (Griffiths Pedley 1993:105). The beginnings of the Classic period vary am ong sites and are most often marked by an increased intensity of activities visible in the archaeological recor d, but as Sharer (1994:48) says, are in every case arbitrary. They simply define conveniently segregated bl ocks in the flow of time. However, Demarest (2004:89) sees it as a much more extensive use of information and symbolic systems. The end of literacy as part of the public performance of their kings the Classic Period ended as well (Schele and Frei del 1990:381), and again each site has its own terminal date (Figure 3-29). However, there is no doubt that each site in its intrinsically unique way developed great splendor during the Classic Period, and that the entire population of each city participated. In summary, the Maya and their world were examined with an emphasis on the Classic Period. Comments regarding deciphering their writ ing and the sometimes-difficult role it has in the interpretation of said worl d. Again, some notes are included regarding the Olmec Maya link. Some references are made concerning jades, which will be discussed more thoroughly in the next chapter.

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63 Figure 3-1. The Maya realm; and the differe nt regions within (Martin and Grube 2000:10).

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64 Figure 3-2. Maya timeline divi ded into periods (adapted from Demarest 2004: 12-17).

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65 Figure 3-3. The Maya vigesimal system. A) Visualisation of the two systems syncronized moves (Schele and Freidel 1990:80). B) The units of time (Adamas 1991:178). C) The basic units of numbers (Sabloff 1990: 34). D) Variant from a Maya book. E) Variant from a stela (Sch ele and Freidel 1990:83).

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66 Figure 3-4. Hasaw the 26th Kalomate of Tikal in all hi s regalia; image based on his stela, in front of his first building proj ect Temple 5D-33-1st, in the Great Plaza, superimposed on stela 16 and altar 5 (adapt ed from Terry Rutledge's reconstruction in Harrison 1999:118).

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67 Figure 3-5. Cival Stela 2 (Skidm ore 2004, drawing by Nikolai Grube).

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68 Figure 3-6. Location and details of the San Bartolo frieze. A) cutout in temple to show room with frieze; B) Kneeling woman with dish in raised hands; C) Seated personage; D) Standing personage (Kaufman 2003:75-77).

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69 Figure 3-7. San Bartolo fr ieze (Kaufman 2003:74-75).

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70 Figure 3-8. San Bartolo gl yphs. A) Possible name and title of personage seen seated in figure 45c, last glyph, at bottom, reads Lord (Kaufman 2003:77). B) Glyphs from block of ten (Saturno et al.2006:Figure 4).

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71 Figure 3-9. Political Organizati on. A) The Emblem-glyph patchwork of states as defined by Mathews, circa AD 790; B) Late Classic Ma ya states as suggested by Adams (Sharer 1994:Figure 10.8). C) The four capitals rec ognized by identified Emblem glyphs in AD 731, left and in AD 849, right (Price 2004:48).

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72 Figure 3-10. The division of Space. A) The worl d divided into four quarters and the center, note that the names of the most important axis all include the glyph for Sun/Day/Time: Kin (redrawn from Marcus 1973:Figure 2). B) Regional centers and their dependants that mirror the worldview (redrawn from Marcus 1973:Figure 4 and 6). C) Temple outline in worldview pattern (Rice 2004:Figure 4.4).

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73 Figure 3-11. Maya Worldview. A) Quadripartite completion glyphs, and diagram of B (Coggins 1980:728-729; Marcus 1992: Figure 3.34; Mathews and Garber 2004:49-50; Rice 2004:70-71). B) The quadripartite world acco rding to Codex Fejervary Mayer page 1 (redrawn from Aveni Hartung 1986:Figure 1a).

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74 Figure 3-12. The Maya Worldtr ee. A) Classic Period naturalist ic image (Feidel et al. 1993:55). B) Conceptional drawing of the Maya unive rse, based on descrip tions from Palenque and the Dresden Codex (Grube 2000: 286, my tr anslation). C) Detail from the tablet of the Temple of the Cross, Palenque (G rube 2000:288, my translation). D) Detail form the tablet of the Temple of the Foliated Cross (Schele and Miller 1986:195).

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75 Figure 3-13. Lid from Pacal's Sarco phagus (Robertson 1983:Figures 98-99).

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76 Figure 3-14. Modern crosses in ancient co lor traditions (Becom and Aberg 1997:7, 105, 127).

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77 Figure 3-15. Resurrecti on Plate (Grube 2000:286).

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78 Figure 3-16. Jaguars, Gods, and Rulers. A) Ja guar god of the underworld in some of his manifestations (Schele and Miller 1986: 51). B) Royal symbol (Ruddell 1995:28). C) Royal belt (Robertson 1991:Figures 37-38). D) Royal throne (Marcus 1992: Figure 7.12a). E) Ruler of Calakmul enters th e Underworld (Brennan 1998:Figure 7.3).

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79 Figure 3-17. Jaguars and Rule rs. A) Transforming into the Uay (Miller and Taube 1993:103). B) Clawed feet show the true nature of th is king (Schele and Miller 1986:Figure V.4). Young Lords on the seat of power (Benson and Griffin 1988:Figure 9.8).

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80 Figure 3-18. The splendor and the sacrifice. A) Detail of a palace scene (Schele and Miller 1986:Plate71A). B) The end of a lord (Benson and Griffin 1988:Figure 11.12).

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81 Figure 3-19. Chichen Itza's s eat of power (Carnegie 1937).

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82 Figure 3-20. Ceremonial bar scepter. A) Detail from Leyden Plague (Schele and Miller 1986:121). B) Queen with huge serpent rel eased from bar on San Francisco Stela (Miller and Martin 2004 :Figure 35). C) Details from Copan, Honduras (de la Garza 1999: Figure 74, 102).

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83 Figure 3-21. The primordial hearth and its three stones (Schele and Mathews 1998: Figure 1.17).

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84 Figure 3-22. K'awil or Manikin scepters (Miller and Ta ube 1993:111; Robertson 1991:41; de la Garza 1998;242; Spinden 1975:52; Robertson 1991:50 detail).

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85 Figure 3-23. Dos Pilas ruler with K'awil scepters. A) Stela 17; B) Stela 1 (Schele and Miller 1986:77).

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86 Figure 3-24. Mask from Tikal burial 85. Precl assic geenstone-pendant-mask and drawing of Jester-god headband (Fields and Reents -Budet 2005:113; redrawn from Freidel 1993:155)

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87 Figure 3-25. Jester God head pieces. A) Leyden Plaque (Schele and Miller 1986:121). B) Preclassic shark variant, Lotun Cave, Tucatan; C) Shark variant, Ruler Stromy Sky, Tikal stela 31, detail. D) Shark variant, Rule r Pacal, Oval Palace Tablet, detail (Miller and Taube 1993:105). E) Animal lords with headbands (Freidel 1993:155). F) Variant from a Drummajorheaddress (Schele and Miller 1986:53). G) Di fferent types of headbands (Frdidel 1996:155; Schele and Miller 1986:53).

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88 Figure 3-26. The Ik Pectoral. A) Jade example (Schmidt et al. 1998:Figure 145). B) Accesion Plaque of Pacal, Oval Palace Tablet, not the double-headed throne with, possibly, the long-nosed pectorals, the Jestergod hea dband on Lady Zac Kuk, the Drummajor headdress (Robertson 1985:Figure 90) C) Lady Zac Kuk (Ruddell 1995:27).

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89 Figure 3-27. The Bar Pectoral A) Detail from Tikal Stela 16 (Harrison 1999:118). B) Detail from Dos Pilas Stela 1 (Schele and Miller 1986:77; color UC). C) Royal couple in full regalia from Yaxchilan Lintel 13 (Stuar t 1988:209, after I. Graham and van Euw 1977, vol.3:35; color UC).

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90 Figure 3-28. Nicknames derived from the form of glyphs. A) Yaxchilan Lintel 8 showing both the victorious Bird Jaguar and the defeated Jeweled Skill; B) Another example of the Bird Jaguar glyph (Coe 1993:Figures 151, 150d).

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91 Figure 3-29. The end of an era. Last known date s for some of the sites mentioned in the text (adapted from Schele an d Freidel 1990:Figure 10.1).

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92 CHAPTER 4 MAYA JADE First, I shall discuss what research has been done concerning jade. Second, will be the different possible meanings that jade items carried, and the sh eer quantities found in various locations. Third, the jade rulers wore and as pects of some of these items are discussed. It would be fair to say that jade was like a red thread running through the history of Mesoamerica, and that was particularly true for the Maya of the Classic Period. That made jade a prime subject of research (Figures 4-1 4-7; Fields and Reents-Budet 2 005; Miller and Martin 2004; Rands 1965:561; Schele and Miller 1986). Early studies fo cused almost exclusively on iconography, as art objects, and as the signifier for the special st atus ruler possessed (Fields and Reents-Budet 2005; Freidel and Schele 1988; Gr ube 2000; Miller 1999:73-77; Miller and Martin 2004; Spinden 1975; Taube 2005; Taylor 1941; Viel 1999). Some research focuses on specific jade items, such as the Jester-God diadem, worn in some form, and at some occasions by many of the rulers (Freidel a nd Schele 1988:552-558; Schele and Mathews 1998:412, 415). The ceremonial bar and the bar pendant or pectoral, was the focus of a study by Taylor (1941), and the pectorals displayed on Alta r Q and Structure 11 were examin ed to understand the political organization of Copan, Honduras in the Late Cl assic Period (Viel 1999). It seems also possible that when the pectoral was worn upside down, it denoted the aftermath of battle as shown in Room 2 of the Bonampak murals, and on Lintel 9 and 12 at Yaxchilan, both Mexico (Figure 4-8; Spinden 1975:Figure 10). This point is reinforced by what is called Mural de las Cuatro Eras, a page from a codex rendered in stucco and devoted to war and death at Tonina, Mexico. Part of it is eroded, but one head, similar to a suspended p ectoral in the center, is upside down (Yadeun 1992:108). The same scene called Frieze of the Dream Lords by Martin and Grube (2000:185), giving the location as the wall on the fifth level in the eastern section, and has two upside down

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93 heads visible (Figure 4-9). On Dos Pilas Stela 16, th e ruler wears a pectoral with a skull, but it is sideways, as it is on Naranjo Stela 19 (Fi gure 3-17B; Graham 1967:Figure 7; Reents-Budet 1994:Figure 2.34). It is possible th at the upside down and side -ways denote individualities between cities, or different scenarios. Over time, sacred things added layer on la yer of power, it follows that the older the object, the more powerful it was, a nd that this applied to buildings as well as jade pectorals, scepters, and diadems (Schel e and Mathews 1998:50). Many more studies have been conducted. Thos e mentioned above are a select sample. As Maya archaeology moves on, so does research into various aspects of meaning imbued in Jade artifacts. Kiddder (1985:108) suggested that the amount of jade added to grave goods changed drastically from the Late Preclassi c to the Classic Period. It is cer tainly true that the amount of Jade discovered in the Sun Gods burial, Altun Ha, Belize is sta ggering (Pendergast 1969). The same applies to the jades from Pacals bur ial, Palenque, Mexico, (Ruz Lhuillier 1973); the masks discovered in Calakmul, Campeche, Mexico (Carrasco Vargas et al. 1999:Figure 7; Folan and Morales Lpez 1996:Figure 2; Hayward Gallery 1992:Figure 98; Pincemin 1994); the diversity of jade from Copan, Honduras, (Bell et al. 1999; Cates 1999; Fash 1991; Grant 1999); and the sheer wealth of Burial 116 and 196 at Tikal, Guatemala (Chase Coggins 1975:457, 552; Coe 1963, 1967, 1975, 1990). However, it is the jades ha rvested from the Cenote of Sacrifice, in Postclassic Chichen Itza, Mexico that gave testimony to the true wealth that was circulated (Proskouriakoff 1974). Some of the styles the carved jades display ar e recognized as coming from areas that are far to the south of Chichen Itza, and are distant in time, Olmec, Preclassic, and Early Classic, that first suggested the idea th at heirlooms were part of the Maya traditions

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94 (Proskouriakoff 1974). Only with th e ensuing great steps in deciphe rment did this point become more certain (Joyce 2003:117-121). Some of the accumulated knowledge about jade, its sources, properties, art and use has been collected into a book (Lange 1993). Ho wever, the overarching concept of jade symbolizing the center per se was documented, using the humble hearth to show that all power essentially arose from it (Taube 1998). The cosmic hearth (Figure 3-21), Yax OcTunal or First or Green Stone Place consis ted of the Jaguar, Snake, and Shark or Crocodile Throne Stones according to Schele and Mathews (1998:44, emphasis in original). Again, this links three of the mo st important concepts together, kin Kawil and Itzamna The murals at Bonampak (Figure 4-10) confirm that many of the items in the regalia seen on the stelae were actually made from jade, and th at the jade found in burials were not just grave goods, but part of the paraphernalia worn during life (Ruppert et al. 1955:Figures 27-29); as did the jade skirt from Calakmul, Mexico (Figure 4-11). Although, most often seen on women, men wore it as well, most famously by Pacal, properly Hanab Pakal or Kinich Janaab Pakal (Schele and Mathews 1998:127; Taube 2005:25), when he fe ll down the worldtree into the mouth of Xibalba on his Sarcophagus lid (Figure 3-13). The sk irt denoted the wearer as the Maize deity, who was both, male and female, in the Maya duali stic worldview, they are a unit (Bassie-Sweet: 2000:15; Miller and Martin 2004:104; Quenon and de Fort 19:884-885). As Miller and Samayoa (1998:57) write: The Maize God drips with jade, the precious material identified as a permanent manifestation of maize itself, configured into adornments: diadem and headband (with quetzal feathers), necklace a nd face pendant, ballgame yoke w ith spondylus shell, beaded overskirt, bands for wrists and cuffs, a nd jade earflares and counterweights. In burials, jade is often cove red in cinnabar, as mentioned above, the symbol for sunrise analogous to birth and rebirth (F igure 4-12). It was also placed in spaces that seem to have specific meaning. For example, Pacals skeleton and the interior of the sarcophagus were

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95 covered with red paint, Cinnabar, and he wa s literally buried beneath jade, among it a huge color composed of hundreds of jade cylinders and beads (Schele and Mathews 1998:125-126, 128). He wore jade bracelets, and a jade ri ng adorned each finger. His mouth was surrounded by a rectangular piece made of pyrite, or hematite, which is identified as the maize gods, and his face was covered with a jade mosaic mask (Figures 4-13, -14). The Sak Hunal jewel was placed at his head, at his groin was a jade figurine, possibly the maize god, and at his feet was the carved figurine of the Pax God, a personified tree (Sch ele and Mathews 1998:126-127; see also Taube 2005:25). The Pax God is an aspect of Kinich Ahau, the Sun God (Taube 2005:27). Two other pieces of jade were added to the content of the grave that have researchers confounded, a cube in his right hand and a sphe re in his left (Schele and Mathews 1998:126128). Karl Taube points to the fact that Pacal had also at each hand and foot a large jade bead as well as the above mentioned jade at the groin ar ea, and he calls it a patte rn strikingly similar [to] the Olmec barand-four-dots motif (Taube 2005:Figure 4a). I shall come back to this point later in the results se ction of this study. Jade adorned not only their royalty, but small pieces and beads, have been found in much humbler surroundings (Haviland 1985: Tabl e 122; Willey et al. 1994:252-255). According to Thompson (1960:144-145), the glyph for jade, tun denoted also the solar year of 360 days. In a later publication, T 548, tun and T 580, jade, are different (Figure 4-15A; Thompson 1962:161, 205), and Robertson (1985:237) id entified an altogether different glyph for jade. Considering the multifacet -ness of the Maya Cosmos, it is probable that the different glyphs are different aspects of the same entity. If that is so, the identification by Robertson (1985:237) would show jade and bone and jade and completion si gns decorating pier F on Palace House D at Palenque, Mexico, and yet again demons trates the pervasive importance of jade. This

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96 is especially seen in connection with the bone as it would denote yet another way of linking centrality and the Bone kingdom, greater Palenque. Another explanation possi bly links jade here with water, since water makes things green, a nd Palenques ancient name was Lakamha, or Big Water. It would also mean that in addition to the actual jade, th e glyph was part of the royal dress code (Figure 4-15B-15E). If Jade and tun are the same, it unites jade with the yearly jour ney of the sun, another reminder that time and space, as in the material world, are interlocked, and one can not exist without the other. It seems that the Maya underst ood this basic reality very well and incorporated it into their worldview. Their world, the cities and ball-courts and temples all are material witnesses to this basic tenant (Schele and Ma thews 1998:42). Finally, the abundance of jade and the personification as the maize god in the person of the living ru ler reassured his people of his power to ensure plentiful harvests for a ll times (Fields and Reents-Budet 2005:99). The jade jewelry worn by rulers has been d econstructed into its elements both in imagery (Figure 4-16) and archaeologica l context (Figure 4-13). Costum e ornaments and their place on the body of a possible early ruler have been recreated for Tomb 1 in Structure III (The Lundell Palace) at Calakmul in situ (Figure 4-17). Heads or masks in ma ny forms are an essential part of the royal paraphernalia (Figure 4-18). Houston and Stuart (19 98:85, 90-91) argue that it is a reflection of the whole person and that the im ages in stone are pa rt of the personhood of individual rulers who gain eternal life as long as the stone image is presen t. As stated above, the promise of birth/ rebirth wa s perpetuated by the king by beco ming the maize god in death, and was kept visible by his depictions as a part of him that never di ed. Like maize that even when harvested, the people retained ke rnels for planting the next cro p, thus holding the promise and representation of new life within.

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97 In different depictions, the same king, but al so different rulers in the same situation (Figure 4-19), are shown with a variety of pector als. It follows that each had a specific meaning and possibly signified different stag es or situations in the official life of the person depicted. As mentioned above, some have been identified, as in the pectoral god or the T, and may have some meaning, such as the upside down pectorals and the sideways skull (Figure 3-17B, 4-8). However, many meanings still elude us, and the situ ations, at least to some extent, also. As will be presented later from stelae and other monume nts, the long-nosed god is the primary choice of pectoral. Therefore, it seems likely that this pe ctoral, at least in Tika l, was during the Classic Period among the most important items signifying royalty. Inscribed jade heirlooms often have texts that proclaim th em as property of a specific person, or house, and are found sometimes in lo cations far removed from their origin. For example, a belt-mask or head taken from Indians at Comayagua, Honduras supposedly was looted from a tomb at Copan or nearby, and c ontains text that links it to Palenque (Joyce 2003:116; Schele and Miller 1986:81 -82). Schele and Miller (1986:82) suggest that it came to Copan with the mother, one Lady Chak Nik Ye Xook of Palenque, of Yax-Pa or Yax Pasaj Chan Yoaat, the 16th ruler after Kinich Yax Kuk Mo the originator of Classic Copan (Martin and Grube 2000:192, 209). Like heraldry, these items may have actually serv ed as markers, as proclamations of genealogies a nd thus represented royal and nobl e houses. As such, they were passed to succeeding generations and on special occasions may have been included in what accompanied the dead ruler to the grave (Joy ce 2003:116-117). Perhaps, as Harrison (1999:162) suggests, the female version of the couple of magnificent jade mosaic vessels (Figure 4-20) possibly representing his mother and was given to the occupant of burial 196, while the one clearly labeled as his father, and, perhaps portr aying him, was added to his parents tomb.

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98 Heirlooms are prime examples of what Wein er calls inalienable wealth in all its implications (Weiner 1985). Conceivably the Olm ec jade pectoral (Figure 2-9) mentioned in chapter II was such an heirloom, and it was made even more meaningful when the early king was carved in it (Joyce 2000:203-210). Such objects create stability in so cial relations, even if given away, because part of the history of the object is the original ownership; th ey create an obligation to give in return, thereby cr eating a social relation (Weine r 1985:212; see also Gosden and Marshall 1999:170). Although the relationship between Tikal a nd Calakmul was volatile, with ample references to antagonism (Demarest 2004:108110, 223-228; Harrison 1999:130133; Schele and Mathews 1998:86), it is possible th at even between those two archen emies there were social ties and civil interactions. On Ti kal Altar 5, the 16th ruler, Hasaw Chan Kawil who defeated Calakmul, is shown with a lord from Calakmul kneeling on either side of the bones thought to be Hasaws wifes, a blood relative of said lord (F igure 4-21). If the asse rtions about Altar 5 are correct, one of the carved bones in Hasaws crypt proclaiming it as his bone, a relation of the king of Calakmul (Figure 4-22) may be just the same lords bone, an offering to the dead king in honor of his relation in marriage. Yet, there is also the possibility that it was a bone from the defeated king of Calakmul, as seems to have been a practice among the Maya to take such potent souvenir (Miller 1999:219-220), in essen ce, making the defeated accompany the victor on his journey through Xibalba According to Weiner (1985:211) in the final analysis, such objects often return to the place from which they started. However, some pieces are too important because they are an inextricable part of the constructed persona; and are visible links to th e past represented in the present, proclaiming the right to rule and defining the relati onships to all (Weiner 1985:211).

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99 As Weiner (1985:212; 1992: 37) points out, such objects can be lost and thereby diminish both the right to rule and the link with the past. An example is the capture of the palanquins from enemy cities, two of which, Calakmul and Yax Ha Lain Wakah either El Peru or an unidentified western city, and were then displayed by the vict ors on Lintel 3 of Temple I and Lintel 3 of Temple IV (Harrison 1999:133, 153-157, Figures 77, 94) One way of ensuring that such objects stay within the realm is to remove them permanently or semi-permanently from circulation by placing them in the tomb of an ancestor. As th e reconstructed burial at Calakmul shows (Figure 4-17), the person buried was wrapped in a cloth covering not only the phys ical body, but also the jade objects placed on the body (Folan 1995:322; see also Table 16). Cloth bundles, as containers for precious jewels, have a long Maya tradition (Miller and Taube 1993:46; Schele and Miller 1986:71). Considering the staircas e that clearly allowed access to the funeral chamber in the Temple of the Inscription at Pale nque (Figure 4-23), it is possible that the Maya may have viewed tombs as bundles, and in the wi dest sense, also the city. Certainly, the main glyph in the emblem of Tikal look s like a wrapped and tied bundle of cloth (Figure 4-24; Martin and Grube 2000:25). Jade and its uses and meaning as displayed on the royal personage have been the focal point here, before turning to the site, Tikal, fr om which the data examined in this study come

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100 Figure 4-1. The insignia of rulers at Palenque. A) left Chan-Bahlum dressed in the royal splendor of the Temple of the Foliated Cro ss Tablet; right, dressed before his acession on the Cross Tablet (Robe rtson 1991:50). B) Left, Kan-Xul dressed for his acession (Robertson Vol. VI 1985:57): center, Pacal's dress as he hands the crown to his son Kan-Xul (Schele and Miller 1986:114, detail); right, cariation with belt-heads (Robertson Vol. II 1985:55, detail).

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101 Figure 4-2. Example necklaces and earflare. A) Simple necklace, collors are either made from this, or gradated beads (ASchmidt et al. 1998:Figure 129). B) and C) are more elaborate (Grube 2000:58-59). D) Earflare with rod (Schmidt et al. 1998:Figure 159). E) ornamental figurine neckla ce (Stuart and Stuart 1993:204).

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102 Figure 4-3. An eight-strand jade and shell coll ar from Calakmul (Miller and Martin 2004-71).

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103 Figure 4-4. Belt masks with plaques. A) The thr ee jade-masks from Pacal's burial (Ruz Lhullier 1958:114). B) Although there were three mask s only two could be reconstructed and are part of "the finest royal belt ever excavated at a Maya's site" (left and quote: Miller and Martin 2004:236; right: Lothrop 1964:114).

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104 Figure 4-5. Head of K'inch Ajaw as Jester God. This is the largest (h: 14.9 cm) solitary piece of carved jade (Jadeite) known from the entire Maya regi on, and it is, not surprisingly, carved in the image that embodied sacred ru lership for the Classic Maya; when found the buried ruler of Altun ha he ld the sculpturer in his righ t arml residue textiles imply that the carving was wrapped, a bundle, as has been done with sacred objects into modern times; this burial is amonh the richest found, when catalogued, the jade jewelry's weight came to over 60 pounds (Fields and Reents-Budeet 2005:256).

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105 Figure 4-6. Ruler and Jade. A) Jade-inlayed shell pectoral from the Ea rly Classic; it demonstrates the pervasive importance of shell (reddish) and jade; B) Jade figurin e of an Early Classic ruler (F ields and Reents-Budet 2005:168-169).

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106 Figure 4-7. Jade, red, and God K. A) Cache offe ring of carved jades and various shells all treated with red pigment (fields and R eents-Budet 2005:116). B) Various jewely boxes made from shell and jade beads (C lancy et al. 1985:136; Miller and Martin 2004:119). C) Offering of carved figurine in shell (Stuart an d Stuart 1993:frontpage). D) God K pendant that "is a splended example of Maya lapidary art" (Schmidt et al. 1998:Figure 399).

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107 Figure 4-8. Pectoral's position. A) Mural detail from Bonampak (Ruppert et al. 1955:Figure 28, painting by Antonio Tejada). B) Lintel 9; and C) Lint el 12 from Yaxchilan (Tate 1992:152, 194).

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108 Figure 4-9. "Mural de las Cuatro Eras", or "Frieze of the Drea m Lords". It shows the same position of the heads as are some of the pectorals associated with war, or the aftermath of it (Tadeun 1992: 108; Martin and Gube 2000:185).

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109 Figure 4-10. Mural details from Bonampak. A) A row of dignitary; B) The dressing of the king? (Ruppert et al. 1955:Figure 27, painting by Antonio Tejada).

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110 Figure 4-11. A netted jade collar worn as either skirt or cape from Calakmul. They are well known from carvings, but this is one of the few found in excavations. Probably like other royal items they became heirlooms and were part of the regalia belonging to the royal house (Miller a nd Martin 2004:104).

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111 Figure 4-12. Jade pectoral covered with red pi gment from Copan (Field s and Teents-Budet 2005:251).

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112 Figure 4-13. Pacal's Jewels diag ram (Schele and Mathews 1998:126).

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113 Figure 4-14. Pacal's Jewels picture. A) His jade-mosaic-face mask (Lothrop 1964:115). B) K'inich Ajaw jade figurine from beside his left foot (Bernal 1969:85).

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114 Figure 4-15. Jade, Tun, Bone, a nd Completion. A) Glyphs for jade, Tun, and variations on jade (Thompson 1962:118, 161, 205). B) Bone and jade glyphs, and C) Jade and completion glyphs alternating (Digsby 1952: 42). D) Found on the cest of a warrior this pendant shows the sign of what it was made from (de la Fuente et al. 1999:Figure 130). E) Chan Bahlum dressed in the royal finery detail (Robertson 1991:50).

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115 Figure 4-16. Leyden Plaque image and jade jewelry (F erguson and Royce 1984:116; Sche le and Miller 1986: 121).

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116 Figure 4-17. Burial 1 from Struct ure III at Calakmul. Reconstructed drawing of grave at time of burial (Folan et al. 1995:322, original dr awing by Sophia Pincemin, redrawn by Kay Clahassey).

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117 Figure 4-18. Jade Funerary and one belt ma sks from Calakmil. A) Top, Tomb 1, Str.II-D (Schmidt et al. 1998:554); center, Tomb 1, Str.XV (Carrasco 1996:48). B) Tomb 1, Str. III; and belt mask (Pincemin 1994:bookcover, Figure 38).

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118 Figure 4-19. Drawings of the sides of Pacal's sacophagus (Robertson 1983:65).

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119 Figure 4-20. Vessels from Burial 116 and 196 (Miller 1986:61, photograph by William R. Coe).

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120 Figure 4-21. Altar 5 from Tikal; top left, dr awing of actual image (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 23); top right, interpretati on drawing by Terry Rutledge (harrison 1999:139); bottom, schematic drawing by M. Remmert, after W.R.Coe (Ferguson and Royce 1984:160, iconography interp reted by Linda Schele)

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121 Figure 4-22. Bone from Burial 116, Tikal, w ith reference to Calakmul (Miller 1999:219)

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122 Figure 4-23. Palenque, Temple of the Inscriptio ns. The temple with cutout showing staircase and crypt (Kubler 1962:222)

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123 Figure 4-24. Tikal Emblem glyph (Harrison 1999:30)

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124 CHAPTER 5 TIKAL A short description of the site and its history will be given including physical and ecological aspects. Although some of the history of Tikal, spanning more than a thousand years, has been discovered and pieced together, there are still many gaps in our knowledge. Here, only points that pertain to the st udy are mentioned. A select number of the vast amount of publications concerning Tikal is me ntioned below, as are the reas ons for choosing this site in favor of others, and finally, the images and burials from which the data used in this study come are introduced. Tikal or Mutul (researchers have not yet come to a decision which name the city and area carried in ancient times) was at its absolute height circa AD 700. On e of the largest cities in the Classic Period, it spread over more than 65 square km of the Maya real m (Harrison 1999:16). It achieved this scale after almost a millennium of settlement. As early as about 800 BC, people settled in the region, made so attractive and vol atile both by being at a pivotal point connecting some of the most important trade and comm unication routes, and by its swampy surroundings (Harrison 1999:14-16), ideal for raised field agriculture (Ada ms 1991:147, see also Map 5-2; Sabloff 1990:82). This method of ag riculture allows farmers to re use the same plot year after year without depleting the soil, because the fields are elevated and replenished with the soil from the canals surrounding them (Sablo ff 1990:81). In addition, the cha nnels are excellent sources for protein, including fish, snails, and mussels. Another attraction to early settlers was the ridges that characterize the center of th e site (Harrison 1999:15). Hilltops are favored by all people, it not only allows them to survey the surrounding land with ease, but it also makes it easier to protect the site and to communicate between settlements using mirror signals (Harrison 1999:15). Although it is conjecture to suggest that the Maya us ed heliography, the fact that

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125 mirrors were part of the Classic dress code le nds support to this asse rtion (Harrison 1999:15). Even today mirrors are part of the dress that ca tholic saints wear in Maya communities and may imply ancient roots and importance (personal observation). The core of the city, an astonishing 16 km2 (Figure 5-1), supported over 4,000 structures and an estimated 90,000 residents at the height of its Classic fl owering (de la Fuente et al. 1999:144; Harrison 1999:16). It seems as if the people of Tikal tried to reach, at least, the first level of heaven with the tallest of the five gr eat temples, Temple IV. It rises approximately 70 meters (Proskouriakoff 1963:8), and it is clearly visible above the thirty-meter high treetops, as are the other four (Figure 5-2; Coe 1988[1967]:7). A stylized map of the heart of Tikal gives an impression of its layout (Figure 5-3; Martin and Grube 2000:24) a nd an artistic rendition shows its buildings (Figure 5-4; Coe 1988[1967]:26). Proskouriakoff shows both, the present state of the smallest of five great temples, Temple II, and a rendition of its form er glory. The addition of people offers a concept of how overwhelming and impressive even the smallest of the five temples was (Figure 5-5). This greatness was achieved in stages, shown on the building phases of Temple 33 (Figure 5-6). The first building stag e, it was a low and massive platform funerary shrine over the tomb of the early ruler Stormy Sky, or Siyah Chan Kawil (Harrison 1999:87-88), or Siyaj Chan Kawiil II (Martin and Grube 2000:34). In the ne xt stage, a much smaller temple (A) with two rows of masks was set in the center of the platform to house stela 31, and in its final manifestation achieved over 200 years later, it is a massive structure (B) rising 30 m into the sky (Martin and Grube 2000:36). The course of the history of Tikal, as can be imaged, is complex and involved. There are times of splendor and times of decline, particul arly concerning the Clas sic Period, recorded in numerous scholarly publications, and almost every account of Maya civilization includes at least

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126 a chapter on Tikal (Adams 1991) Culbert (1991), Demarest (2004), Ferguson and Royce (1984), Hammond (1988), Harrison (1999), Inomata and Houston (2001), Martin and Grube (2000), Miller (1986), Rice (2004), Sa bloff (2003), Schele and Freide l (1990), Schele and Mathews (1998), Sharer (1994), and Toby Evans and Pillsbury (2004)). It is beyond the scope of this study to give ev en a brief account of the entire history of Tikal, but a few aspects need to be mentioned. As discussed earli er, written texts seem to have been in the repertoire of the Maya ever sinc e Pre-Classic times. What changed was the multitude of recording the history of Tikal both inscrib ed in stone on royal m onuments and painted on ceramic vessels (Harris on 1999:65). As common in all literate cultures, it was the recording of the powerful, the fortunes and exploits of ki ngs and queens that were documented (Betanzos [1576] 1996; Carter and Mace 1977; Chang 1983; Griffe 2001; Harri son 1999; Martin and Grube 2000; Munro-Hay 1991; Smith 1996; as is also true of the history of Europe, at least until World War I). As Peter Harrison asserts, Tikals narrative starts relatively late, the earliest inscription to date was found on Stela 29, and dates to AD 292 written in the Maya Long Count notation mentioned above as 8.12.14.13.15 (Harrison 1999:65; Martin and Grube 2000:27). Recordings of later kings, asserting their place in the line of rulers from a specific founder, Yax Chactel Xox facilitates filling in some of the missing histor y (Harrison 1999:65). As I mentioned, many of the names are still subject to discussion, and he is also known as Yax Ehb Xook possibly translated as First Step Shark?, or as Yax Moch Xok Yax Chaktel Xox (Martin and Grube 2000:26). Several researchers have created a chronology of the rulers three of the most recent are shown in Tables 1-3, and compared to each other in Tabl e 4. As can be seen, some overlap occurs, but still, accounts are a long way from any final conclusion. As Peter Harrison states, positive

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127 identification depends upon the existing level of confidence in the translation of known texts, and since most of them are still uncertain, much more work will be needed until these questions are wholly answered (Harrison 1999:69). The list of kings by Ferguson and Royce (1984:74) and by Jones and Satterthwaite (1982: 127) are shown in Figures 57 and 5-8 to illustrate the difficulty and to demonstrate breakthroughs accomplished with the help from epigraphers. It was made even more difficult because later kings would choose the name of a famous ancestor (Harrison 1999:67; Martin and Grube 2000:25--53). Another aspect of the history of this city has been and is s ubject to scholarly debate, and centers on the influence that Teot ihuacn, the great city of Cent ral Mexico, had on Tikal. That there was influence is not the issue, it is very much accepted (Demarest 2004:103-106, 218-222; Harrison 1999:68, Figures 31-32, 47-49; Millon 1973; Pendergast 1971; Stuart 2000; see also White et al. 2001). It is the nature of the relationship between the tw o cities, or states, that is the problem (Demarest 2004:103-106; Fash and Fash 2000:434-442). Some think that Teotihuacn dominated the relationship and that one of th eir own became king at Tikal (Martin and Grube 2000:29-31; see also Fash and Fash 2000:446, 450). Othe rs mention that there was also a Classic Maya presence at Teotihuacn (Adams 1999: 223; Demarest 2004:103-106) and that at Teotihuacn, recently excavated burials contai ned rulers in Classic Maya paraphernalia (Demarest 2004:104-105). A balanced relationship between the two region s seems most likely considering that both had desired resources Teotihuacn the green obsidian (Demarest 2004:105), and the Maya had jade, jaguars, and blue/green Quetzal f eathers, and although speculative, marriage partners fo r the rulers. It would make fo r good politics if marriages were arranged between far-flung houses. The chance of in terference was relativel y small, considering the distances, and it was also a much safer option regarding inheritances a nd loyalties. However,

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128 in times of need, the might of Teotihuacan may have saved the throne, for example when only a female descendant was available and factions tried to take ov er. Finally, it made the divide between elite and royalty poignant without resorting to the marri age pattern that the Egyptian Pharaohs employed. Most of the stelae and all of the burials discussed in this study are from the very core of the city, the North Acropolis, Gr eat Plaza, and Central Acropolis (Figure 5-4). Tikal Data: The reason for using the Tikal data is that they are among the most detailed that, for a particular Classic c ity, are available. There was an era in Maya archaeology when funding permitted multidiscipline investigations over a long period of time; for example, at Uaxactun, Guatemala (Smith 1934; Smith 1937; Ki dder 1947); at Altun Ha, Belize (Pendergast 1969; 1979, 1982; Mathews and Pendergast 1979), at Qurigua, Honduras (Sharer 1990). Today the tradition is carried on at Copan (Andrews and Fash 2005; Baudez 1994; Bell et al. 2004; Coates 1999; Fash 1991; Hendon1991; Newsome 2001; Schele 1992; Sharer 1996-2000, Sharer et al. 1992: 1999; Webster 1986; Webster et al. 2000; Willey et al. 1994); and at Calakmul (Carrasco 1996; Carrasco Vargas et al. 1999; Folan 1992; Folan and Morales Lpez 1996; Folan et al. 1995; Garca-Moreno R. and Grana dos G 2000; INAH 2003; Marcus 1987; Martin 2000; Pincemin 1994; Pincemin et al. 1998). Palenques monuments were in tensely investigated, which resulted in several volumes (Robertson 1983-1991), and the burial of Pacal was esta blished as one of the great discoveries of the last century (Ruz Lhuillier 1973). Pacal is rivaled only, as far as Palenque is concerned, by the discovery and excavation of the tomb of the Red Queen (Gonzlez Cruz 2000). Certainly, other sites have been excavated and studied, and much has been le arned over the years, but not with the same continued and concerted effort. Finally, there is Tikal, Guatemala, which was excavated over a period of eleven years, 1955 to 1966 (Harrison 1999:35), and for three more

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129 years of consolidation and preservation by the Un iversity of Pennsylvania project (Coe 1965:5; Harrison: 1999:37; Kidder II 1965:3), and work, although with a shifted focus, continued with the Proyecto Nacional Tikal (H arrison 1999:37). A huge number of publications resulted from this and later efforts (Adams and Trik (1961), Becker (1973), Chase C oggins (1975), Coe (1990), Coe and McGinn 1963, Culbert (1993), Harrison (1963), Haviland (1985), Jones (1996) Jones and Satterthwaite (1982), Michel (1989), Mi ller (1985), Miller ( 1986), Moholy-Nagy (2003), Montgomery 2001), Shook et al. (1958), and Trik (1963) ). However, the report, Tikal 27a, that discusses and illustrates the artifact s found in the burials, among them the jades, has not yet been published. According to Christopher Jones (p ersonal communicati on 2006), it will be 2007. However, individual pieces have been the s ubject of publications (Coe 1988[1967]:51, 64-65, 68, Harrison 1999:Figure 87, 113; Miller 1986:Figure 31; Trik 1963:10). One rather important carved piece of jade found in Tikal Burial 10, as it maybe a clue to the inhabitant is an enigma (Figure 5-9; Chase Coggins 1975: 147-148, Martin and Grube 2000:33) It could be at Locus 29, for which there seems not to be a comment in the description of the burial content (Coe 1990:479-487). Since the artifacts for the pertinent burial s at Tikal have not been published, it was necessary to use illustrations fr om a variety of sources. Therefor e, it is probable that there are some minor variations between the jades used as examples and what was actually found at Tikal. For the purpose of this study, the differences are of little to no consequence, as it is more the arrangements of them and presence or absence that is crucial. For the Living Images, all stelae that have identifiable personage are included in the study, although sometimes simply w ith the comment that they are eroded. So are Lintels and the Stucco walls from two structures and the Leyde n Plaque, although provenanc e is not certain, and

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130 a ceramic figure. Most images come from deta iled drawings in Tikal Report 33 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982), the newly disc overed stela 40; the Leyden Pla que and the ceramic figure are from various publications. All jade ornamentation, as far as possi ble, is listed, but there is certainly room for debate. I tr ied to identify only those that have been found or otherwise identified as jade. The following burials are included in this study, and they are Precl assic Burial 125, and Classic burials 10, 48, 195, 23, 24, 116, 196, 8 and 6. Th e identification of the jade items was made by the descriptions published in Tikal Report 14 (Coe 1990). Burial 125 was included because it is thought to be the founder of the royal lineage (Harri son 1999:68). It only contained the skeleton, but a contemporaneous deposit that lies about 6 m to the east held all the artifacts usually associated with a burial and may have established an exte nsion of the grid under-laying the sacred nucleus of Tikal, and during the entire Classic Period, all new bu ildings adhered to the established lattice (Ha rrison 1999:68-69). For that reason, Peter Harrison (1999:69) suggested that It is an acceptable interpreta tion that the new axis was esta blished by the dynastic founder himself and that his burial was divided in this fashion, with his bones marking the old axis and his grave goods marking the new. Some of burials and their occupa nts are securely identified, wh ile others are still tentative (Harrison 1999). Obviously the preceding is just an outline of the setting and history of this grand city. Considering that publication of data from excavations almost fifty years ago are still ongoing, and as said before, archaeology is an ongoing pro cess as new insights or discoveries change and challenge established perceptions. It is to be expected that some of the identifications both of images and burials discussed above may not be final. However, the in terrelationship between

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131 living images and burials, and what it may tell us about the tangible and intangible beliefs of the Maya in its essence, will still be very true. The following chapter relates how and why th e data were collected. Following the course of the journey of the rulers, firs t the living images, then the burials are treate d. In addition, a small set data from Calakmul is included to argu e the point of differences between practices in different cities.

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132Table 5-1. List of Tikal Rulers ac cording to Martin and Grube (2000). No Personage Name Date(s) Depiction Comments page # Founder Yax Ehb' Xook c. AD 90 ?? Burial 85? 26 Dynastic (First Step title Shark?) aka:} } Yak Moch Xox Yak Chakte'l Xok 6th Ruler ? Foliated Jaguar? ? ?St 29 26-27 or (?-Jaguar) aka:}} }}aka:Scroll Ahau Jaguar 7th? Ruler Animal Head?292 ? name on early Jade plaque found in Costa 26-27 Ajaw dress Rica; father of 11th Ruler; wife: Lady Skull 11th Ruler Siyaj Chan ? 305-308 El Encanto listing of 11th, 13th & 14th on a vessel; 26-27, D-title K'awiil I (SkySt 1 son of Animal H&wife 41 born K'awiil Great Claw) Ruler Lady Une' ?? >317> 8.14.0.0.0 K'atun-ending celebrated by 26-27 Queen B'alam (Lady Queen her reign is recorded on St 31 Baby Jaguar) King accession: Leiden Le iden P linked but not sure 27 320 Plaque 13th Ruler K'inich Muwaan ?-359 St 39 named as father of 14th Ruler 26-27 D-title Jol (Great-Sun death at 359? St. 28 (ofa later date) records him as anHawk Skull / cestral ruler on St at Corozal, outlying center, Head) aka:} description of death } Mahk'ina Bird Skull, Feather Skull 14th Ruler Chak Tok Ich' 360-378 Incense see pic; Hombre de Tikal?; son of 13th Ruler, 26-28 D-title Aak I (Great a:7 Aug.360? Burner mother: Lady B'alam Way Burning? Claw) death: St 26?, St. 39 } Great Jaguar Paw, Jaguar Paw III, aka: Great Paw} 15 Jan. 378 Corozal St 1 Toh Chak Ich'ak ?? Siyaj K'Ak' arrival blackware input of Teo tihuacan influence at Tikal 29-31 ?general? (Fire-born) aka: 15 Jan 378 vessel of Teo Smoking Frog, power 379 Tikal Teo accesSpearthrower 4 May 374 stuccorulership where? fathered next Tikal Ruler 29-31

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133Table 5-1. Continued. No Personage Name Date(s) Depiction Comments page # sion not Owl d: 10 June coated possibly marriage to Tikal lady, found in Tikal aka: Atlatl439 tripod vessel compound solely built of talud-tablero poss throne Cauac, SpearMarcador a special compd just for the intruder from Teo thrower Shield Marcador same as one recovered in Teo except that it has a long Maya text on it. Ruler Yax Nuun Ayiin I 379-404? St 4, St. 18 shown in Mex costum & seated (unusual) on 32-33 (First? Caiman) a: 12 Sept. Cerem. his St; Son of Spearth.Owl; Wife: Lady aka: Curl Snout, 379 Censer K'inich mentioned on Son's (16thR) St 31-side Bu a small-curl snout Jade caiman, but not described as such by Coe 1990: 483, & fig 160) 16th Ruler Siyaj Chan 411-456 St 1, 28, 31 bur: Temple 33, Bu 48, w/date March 457 32-36 D-title K'awi il II (Skya: 26 Nov 411 Wife: Lady Ayiin; Son of above, dress on born K'awiil ) aka: d: 3 Feb 456 St 31 "cons ciously archaic in style & largely Stormy Sky, a copy of St 29 from 150 years earlier" Manikin Cleft Sky Ruler K'an Chitam 458-486? St 2, 9, 13, 40 Son of above; Wife: Lady Tzutz Nik ; 32, 37 (Precious/Yellow b: 26 Nov St 40 found in 1996 follows St 29, 31, but Peccary) 415? shows on si de-panels father & mother aka: Kan Boar, a: 8 Aug 458 [pic only shows front]; St 2 mirrows father's K'an Ak St 1 its symbolism focuses on the matrilinial descent; created staff St, starting w/St 9 on it king im-personates a fire deity, carrying a fire-drill & cap covered in jaguar-masks. Ruler Chak Tok c. 486-508 St 3, 7, 15, 27 son of above; daughter: Lady of Tikal? 32, 37 Ich'aak II (Great d: 24 July 508 staff-St, staff or fire-drill more decorated, Burning? Claw) son: Wak Chan K'awiil aka: Jaguar Claw) } }Jaguar Paw Skull Ruler Lady of Tikal 504-527> St 6, 12, 23 born 09-11, prob. daughter of above, R at 6 38 Queen aka: Woman a: 19 April 511 years old, poss ruled w/male co-R, linked to of Tikal 19th R, & Bird Claw 19th Ruler Kaloomte c. 511-527> St 10, 12, 25 poss general before husband? Or guardian of 38-39 D-title B'alam abovepossibly consort/guardian of young

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134Table 5-1. Continued. No Personage Name Date(s) Depiction Comments page # aka: Curl Head Queen 20 Ruler? Bird Claw aka: 527-537? St 8 name of Lady of Tikal on his St 38-39 th? Animal Skull I, Ete I 21th Ruler Wak Chan 508?-562 St 17 son of Chak Tok Ich'aak II; Mother Lady 38-39 D-title K'awiil aka: a: 29 Dec Hand, emphasis on high ranking mother: 22th Ruler Double Bird 537? painted plate Lady Hand Sky of B'alam ; father: Fire Cross, 40-41 Dyn-title Animal Skull >593-628< from burial Bu 195 under T-32, mostly stucco-wood (Great Sun?) a: after 562 objects, but richly painted, among them 4 Lizard Head, painted K'awiils, A-Skull II, Ete II 23 & 24th ruler c. 640 possibly named at Dos Pilas, a rival estab42 Tikal Hiatus 562-692 lished by Calakmul Ruler Nuun Ujol >657-679 no pics wife: Lady Jaguar Seat; Bu: poss Bu 23 under 40, Chaak T-33, or unexplored T-35; exile at Palenque? (?-headed Chaak) & after battle in 639 goes w/Pakal ( K'inich 42-43 aka: Shield Skull, Janaab'Pakal ) to Palenque; back in Tikal, Nun Bak Chak ultimalty defeated by Dos Pilas & Calakmul Ruler Jasaw Chan 682-734 St 16, 30 son of above; wife: Lady Kalajuun Une' Mo' 44-47 K'awiil (K' that a: 3 May 682 Alt 5, 14 (12 Macaw -tails); buried T I, Bu 116; Clears? the Sky) revitalized Tikal aka: Ruler A, more depictions: Temple 1: Lintel 2, 3; Ah Cacao stucco fassade from Structure 5D-57 Sky Rain holding an important captive (poss R of Calakmul); Lintel from Structure. 5d-52; Alt 5, L 2, L from Str.: show him as Teowarrior, Jade vase from Bu; Tikal Rock sculpture; Small drinking Vessel from Temple 73, Burial 116 27th Ruler Yik'in Chan 734-746> St 5, 20?, 21 son of above & wife; sons: 28th R Nuun Yak 48-50 Dtitle K'awiil ( K' a: 8 Dec 734 Alt 2, 8?, 9 Ayiin II burial: debated not? T 73; Bu 196: that Darkens the T-IV-L 2, 3 better in T IV (his T)

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135Table 5-1. Continued. No Personage Name Date(s) Depiction Comments page # Sky) aka: Ruler B, } }Yaxkin Chan Chac, Sun Sky Rain 28th Ruler >766-768 son of above; poss Bu 196 instead of father? 48, 50 29th Ruler Yax Nuun Ayiin II 768-794> St 19, 22 also son of 27 th Ruler; brother: 28th ruler 48, 51 D-title (First? Caiman) a: 25 Dec 768 Altar 6, 10 palace scene w/him on vessel aka: Ruler C, Chitam Ruler Nuun Ujol c. 800? ? son: Dark Sun? poss missing 28th ruler, 52 K'ininch otherwise rule very brief: ~794-810. (?-headed Sun) Ruler Dark Sun >810> St 24, T III, possibly Bu is underneath 52-53 T-III-L 2? Ruler Jewel K'awiil >849> Seibal visit only reference to him 52-53 Ruler Jasaw Chan >869> Stela 11 last monument known, Jimbal (outlayer) 52-53 K'awiil II( K' that Altar 11 later, St date 889 Clears? the Sky)} }aka: Stela 11 Ruler

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136Table 5-2. List of Tikal Rulers according to Harrison (1999). No Personage Name Date(s) Depiction Comments page# Kalomte Yax Ch'actel ruling~200 only text aka: First Scaffold Jaguar, Chaac Xok 65-69, (emperor) Xok* Xok = Shark, Jones (1996) suggests Burial 79, 81 Founder aka: First 125 North Acropburied on orig. NS Scaffold sacred axis-body only, but 6 m to the east is Shark deposit w goods expected in important Bumarks orig & new axis of N Acrop-created due to extensionnew central axis remained unchanged for duration of Classic Period 31 Rulers after Founder-not all identifiedAf ter Founder always 2 Ruler Kalomte (region) and Ahau literally Lord (of a city or a part of it). 6-7th Ruler Hunal Balam ruling 292 St 29? Reference on St 31 70, 81 aka: Foliated Jaguar 7Ruler Zero Moon Bird ruling 300? Leiden Paposs. twin rulers or diff level, or in between 70-71, 8th? que, Alt 13 2 Rulers w/ same nameregent for infant 81 fragment 14th Ruler 9th Ruler Chak Toh ruling 317 Ref in histor text on St 31; poss 2 R w/same 71-78, Ich' ak Jaguar death: 378 name; dates 61-y apart one was 9th R 81 Claw I* aka: C-Acrop St r 5D-46 sacred Jag-Clan-house Great Jaguar polish-black -carv-cyl-ves-w/lid (cache Claw below W-stair) text transl. by Schele (1985) ?? K'ak'Sih arrival TikalTeo. warrior from west-TeoKalomte of region 73, 79not Kalomte aka: Fire-born, 378 Marcador incl Tikal. arrived at Tikal w/First Caiman81 of Smoking Frog, power 379 (Ballcourtgreat warrior. Father Spear-thrower OwlTikal d: 402 marker) poss ruler of Teo, send son (First Crocodile) to Tikal. Marcador (in Teo-style) discovered in Group 6C-XVI. Kalomte & death on St 31 10th Kalomte Yax Ain I aka: 402? St 31 Burial 10 beneath Temple 5D-34-his T80, 82-7, First Crocodile, *d: 420 St 5 El Zain Bu a stylized Jade head of a crocodile 105 Curl Snout, pote (his name) & may explains headless Curl Nose crocodile skeleton that was included (11th) Ahau Siyaj Chan 411 St 31 Burial 48 -N-Acrop in front of T-Str.5D-26 87-92, Kalomte K'awil aka: 426 St 40 interm 9 Aug 458; poss long funeral rites 105

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137Table 5-2. Continued. No Personage Name Date(s) Depiction Comments page# Stormy Sky, d: 19 Feb between death date & and final internment Sky-born K' 456 in tomb w/painted walls, associated Bu 177 (Court 1-N-Acrop on sacred N-S axis) female, poss. daughter or sister12th Ahau K'an Ak, 24 Aug 458 St 40, 9, 13, 3 458 accession, 475 ruling, 20 June 468 92-94, Precious/Yeld: 488? dedicated St 40; son of above 105 low Peccary 13th Ruler ?? ? 488 St 3 poss. oldest son of above 94, 105 14th Ruler Chak Tok Ich' ruling 495 St 3, 7, 15, 27 son of above 94, 105 Aak II aka:} }Jaguar Paw II 15th Ruler E Te I aka: ruling 497 St 8? poss 14th & 15th are brothers and sons 94-95, Lizard Head of 12th 105 16th ? no name no dates unprov. bl.pot "black pot ruler" 95, 105 17th Ruler 514 St 6 strange time for Tikal 95, 105 18th accession K'uk'Ahau ? 511? St 23, 25, 14 assoc w/ "Woman" or Lady Tikal; St 23 95-98, as Ahau ? aka: Lord hers, gives date of her birth 504, & acces. 105 Quetzal 511 as Ahau prob not R, side of St two figs poss. not of ?her parents; Bu 162 poss hers, both St (23 Tikal, &25) assoc. her w/tomb of important male maried Lady Bu 160 beneath pyramidal str; skeleton of Tikal? quetzal bird (between legs) & funerary mask w/quetzal beak sugg name 19th Ruler Kalomte ?acces. St 10, 12 possibly not of Jaguar Claw lineage 9899, Balam aka:} 527 }Curl Head 105 20th Ruler Chak Toh ??death none parental statement St 17 assoc w/ 21th R 99-101, Ich'ak III aka:} 537 }Jaguar Claw III 105 21th Ahau ? Yax K'uk' Mo ? acces 537 St 17 son of 20th 101-102 aka: Double Bird & 105 22th Ruler E Te II acces 562 ? none named on Caracol Altar 21 102, 105 aka: Lizard Bu 195 beneath Str 5D-32 on N-Terrace Head II 2324th R no names no data lost-part of the "Hiatus 125, 146

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138Table 5-2. Continued. No Personage Name Date(s) Depiction Comments page# 25th Ruler Nu Bak Chak I battle poss panel Victory over Yaxchilan (659) recorded at 125-126, "Oracle Bone Aug 659 at Palenque Piedras Negras within 6 days visit Palenque 146 Aug 659, & recorded in T of Inscr at Pal, Chak "? aka: d: Apr 679? Battle at Dos Pilas Dec 672, defeated Shield Skull Dec 677, def & ?killed at Dos P 679, Bu 23 beneath Str 5D-33-1st or T33? N Terrfronting N Acrop; wife Lady Jaguar Throne 26th Kalomte Hasaw Chan a: 3 May St 16, Alt 5 Build-M Group (3D-1), N-group (5C-1), 126-146 K'awil 682 St 30, Alt 14 Str. 5D-33/-covers Father's Bu, T I & aka: Heavenly d: 732-734 T-I-Lint 2&3, II, Group 4D-1 F91 (Complex O), defeated Standard T-II-roofCalakmul 5 Aug 695, in battle armor on Bearer the comb? Stucco-wall in Str 5D-57; Alt 5 fig on left is Great, Str 5D-57Hasaw poss. Wife: Na Tunte Kaywak or Ruler A Palace, Jade different tiltle for Lady Twelve Macaw, mosaic vesT-II poss in her honor; Lintels show Jag & sel from plumed Serpent protector standing behind & Bu116 over him, Bu 116 beneath T-I, son of above 27th chacte Yik'in Chan a: 8 Dec St 5, St 20, build: TIV TVI, Group 3D-2 (Compl. P), 140, (same as K'awil 734 Alt 8, St 21, Palace-Str 5D-5 2-1st, Mendez Causeway? 147-165 Kalomte ) aka: Darkness d: before Alt 9, Group G-palace poss home, Maler Causew. of the Night 12-Feb Str 5D-52-L2 w/ giant rock sculpture? Str-L carries shield Sky? Ruler B 766? T-IV-L 2 & 3 in image of night sun T-IV?roofT-IV-Lin 3: possibly shown in battle gear, comb St 20 battle gear? as in father's lintels his Column Alt 1 show same protector; Bu 196 beneath Str 5D-57, rich as Bu 116; but poss buried beneath T-VI not investigated; son of above 28th Ruler Dark Sun? <766-768? poss 1st son of above--poss personage 164-165 (9.16.15. Bu 196; construction of T-VI roofcomb? *J& 0.0)* S:103 29th Ruler Yax Ain II a: 25 Dec St 22, Alt 10 build: Group E, incl twin pyr-groups 4E-4 145, 161 aka: Chitam 768 St 19, Alt 6 (Complex Q) & 4E-3 (Complex R); poss & 164, Ak, Ruler C, d: 800 associat ed are T-V, "Maler's Palace" 166

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139Table 5-2. Continued No Personage Name Date(s) Depiction Comments page# Curl Nose, (5D-65), Palace Group F; son of Yik'in 173, First Crocodile II grandson of Hasaw 179 30th Ruler Nu Bak ruling 810 St 24, Alt 7 build: T-III, jaguar clad, not protectorlike 172-179 Chak II aka: T-IIIL 2 Hasaw & holds trident flint object similar Shield Skull II to his grandfather -not pregnant femalemale, corpulance common 31th? Ruler Hasaw Chan ruling: St 11, Alt 11 Bu 77 ben. str. 5D-11 in W-Plaza contains a 178-179 K'awil II aka: 13 Aug 869 young individual; very late in the sequence Heavenly Stanof Tikal, & poss a member of the royal dard Bearer house, but identity is unknown; beautiful jade pendant on his neck *J&S= Jones and Satterthwaite 1982

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140 Table 5-3. List of Tikal Rulers according to Michel (1989). No Personage Date(s) Depiction Comments page # ? Scroll Ahau 292? -? St 29 & 31 earlier account than M&G. Just started the count of 25-26 Jaguar rulers. ? Jaguar Paw I 317 ~320 St 31 text on St 31 gives list of earlier rulers by St Sky (11R) 27 ? Moon Zero Bird 320 ? Leyden PlaMathews 1985 p. 41& 44-he calls him the earliest R. 28 que & St 31 He unequivocal states that the Leyden P is Tikal ? Jaguar Paw II 376 St 31 & 39 59 years in betweentwo 30 y reignsauthor calls it 29-31 ~379 poss unlikely--but no other R identified at that time. It makes Bu 22 looted the revised account by S&G the more detailed info to date. S&G caution in regard to the LeydenP. Smoking Frog, Teo, called R in Uaxactun 9? Curl Nose 379 ? St 4, 18, 31 & If count is correct he is 9th ruler. 6x his name is 31-35 or Curl Snout 32 mentioned on St 31, while Stormy Sky is 3x. "Most discussed R, but also most mysterious." Teo connection; father of Stormy Sky 10? Frog Sky 406 ? St 31 Mah K'ina= title of honor/respect for lineage heads & 35-36 Mah K'ina R, identified by Loundsbury (1974) in Mi, poss older/ younger brother of 11th R 11? Stormy Sky aka: ?426 St 1, 2, 28, 31 Sharer "most important early Classic ruler" 36-38 God K-Cleft Sky ?457 31 in regalia Stela 31 on both sites attendants in Teo attire 12? Kan Boar 475 ? St 9, 13 Father of Jaguar Paw I??-very unsure about his 39-40 aka: Kan Chitam parentage etc both st are of a markedly different style than 20 y before 13? Mah K'ina Bird after 475unprovenanfor bowl and its discussion see Robicsek & Hales The 38, Skull ~ 488 ced bowl Maya Book of the Dead 1981:234 & 159 40-41 14? Jaguar Paw 488 St 3, 7, 15, 27, St 8 and 6 frags -Yaxchilan L 37 mentions him, & it 41-43 Skull I 514? 8 & 6 is assumed that signals his demise-others do not agree, rather see it as an indication of his importance to the entire region 15unknown 514 St 23, 25 14 unclear, W of Tikal among poss, but at this point, 1989, 44-45 18 ~ 527 obscure 19 Curl Head 527 ? St 10, 12 first named ruler as 19th 46 20? Jaguar Paw Skull II ?~ 537 St 26, 17 father of Double Bird 21 ruler ( reasonably secure) 47

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141Table 5-3. Continued. No Personage Date(s) Depiction Comments page # 21 Double Bird 537 567+ St 17 after 567: datelast for 125 y. hiatus-poss Tikal lost its 48-49 dominance over the region during this time, or stelae had been destroyed 22 Animal Skull 567+ ? Polychrome found beneath upper level of N Acrop Str 5D-32 49-50 aka: Lizard Head plates MT 216 & called An imal H. by Jones (1982) and Lizard H by MT 217 from Hales (1984) MT 217 illustrated in W. Coe Tikal: A Bu 195 Handbook of the An cient Maya Ruins (1967:104) but burial can not be assumed to be his tomb 23 -24 Black Jaguar & unknown unpublished Hales 1982; at 1984 unpublished papers 50-51 Bird Head pottery vessels 25 Shield Skull ?~682 TI-L 3 wi fe: Lady Jaguar Seat, father of Ah Cacao poss 52-53 Bu 23, named on carved bones found in son's ( Ah Cacao ) Bu (MT 43 & 44) 26? Ah Cacao Caan 682 St 39 Alt 14 Buried ben T-I, Bu 116, Body decorated w/some 180 5356 Chac aka: ~734 St 16 Alt 5 pieces of Jade. Reference to Copan & Palenque & Ruler A T-I-L 3 two other centers; wife Lady Twelve Macaw, Father Double Comb, of Yaxkin Moon-D-Comb,} } Ah Cacaw Ah Cacau or Ah Cacao 27 Yaxkin Caan 734? St 21 Alt 9 his T IVlargest structure at Tikal, St 20 in Complex P 57-58 Chac aka: St 5 Alt 2 of Group H dedicated in 751poss his, or his sucRuler B, Night St 29 Alt 8 cessor's; poss Bu 196 under Str 5D-73 Sun Sky God T-IV-L 2, 3 28 Dark Sun? ? 768 St 24, 20 poss son of 27th R; poss father of the St 24 R 59-60 T VI Tikal has also a Temple of the Inscriptions (T-VI); 29 Chitam 768? St 22 Alt 10 Son of Yaxkin Caan Chac; build? twin pyr Q & R, 61-62 aka: Ruler C St 19 Alt 6 last & largest of their kind; last named with succession number; poss Bu 8 ?? Stela 24 Ruler 810 ? St 25Alt 7 T-III-L2, Clancy (1980) suggests R is a pregnant 62-64 T III-L 2 woman, & wears collar of miniature Ahauheads & wide belt w/ Ahau head, & is flanked by blood-letting figs carrying 3-pronged s acr knifesonly similar scene on Ah Cacao Caan Chac's Altar 5 ?? Stela 11 Ruler 869 ? St 11Alt 11 S 11 last dated monument; Bu 77 ben W-Plaza Str 5D-11 64-65

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142Table 5-4. Comparison of the three lists fo r rulers of Tikal: sorted by dates, name s, and the place in the 31-known ruler count Martin & Grube (2000) Harrison (1999) Michel (1989) No Personage Date(s) No Personage Date(s ) No Personage Date(s) Yax Ehb' Xook c. AD 90 Yax Ch'actel Xok ruling~200 (First Step Shark?) aka: First Scaffold Shark 6-7th Foliated Jaguar? ? 6-7? Hunal Balam ruling 292 ? Scroll Ahau Jaguar 292? ? 7th? aka: Scroll Ahau Jag aka: Foliated Jaguar 7-8? Zero Moon Bird ruling 300? ? Animal Headdress ?292 9 Chak Toh Ich' ak ruling 317 ? Jaguar Paw I 317 ~320 Jaguar Claw I aka: Great Jaguar Claw ? Moon Zero Bird 320 ? ?? K'ak'Sih aka: arrival Fire-born, Sm Frog 378, d: 402 ? Jaguar Paw II 376 ~379 9? Curl Nose 379 ? or Curl Snout 10 Yax Ain I 402? D: 420 10? Frog Sky, 406 ? aka: First Crocodile Mah K'ina aka: Curl Snout, Curl Nose 11th Siyaj Chan K'awiil I ? 305308 11? Siyaj Chan K'awil 411456 11? Stormy Sky aka: 426?457? aka: Stormy Sky, God K-Cleft Sky 12 K'an Ak 458, d: 488? Lady Une' B'alam ?? ?? >317> 12? Kan Boar aka: 475 ? Kan Chitam Mah 13th K'inich Muwaan Jol ?-359 13 ?? ? 488 13? K'ina Bird Skull ~475 ~488

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143Table 5-4. Continued Martin & Grube (2000) Harrison (1999) Michel (1989) No Personage Date(s) No Personage Date(s ) No Personage Date(s) 14th Chak Tok Ich' Aak I, 360-378 14 Chak Tok Ich'Aak II ruling 495 14? Jaguar Paw Skull I 488 514? aka: Great Paw, aka: Jaguar Paw II Jag Paw III 15 E Te I, aka: Lizard H ruling 497 158 unknown 514 ~ 527 Siyaj K'Ak', (Fire378/379 born) Spearthrower Owl 374-439 Yax Nuun Ayiin I 379-404? 16th Siyaj Chan K'awiil II 411-456 16 no name no dates K'an Chitam aka: 458-486? Kan Boar, K'an Ak Chak Tok Ich'aak II ~ 486508 17 514 Lady of Tikal 511527> 18 K'uk'Ahau ? 511? aka: Lord Quetzal 19th Kaloomte B'alam ~ 51119 Kalomte Balam acces. 527 ? 19 Curl Head 527 ? aka: Curl Head 527> aka:Curl Head 20th? Bird Claw aka: 527-537? 20 Chak Toh Ich'ak III ??death 537 20? Jaguar Paw Skull II ? ~ 537 Animal Sk I, Ete I aka: Jaguar Claw III 21th Wak Chan K'awiil 537-562 21 Yax K'uk' Mo ? acces 537 21 Double Bird 537 567+ aka: Double Bird aka: Double Bird 22th Animal Skull, aka: >59322 E Te II acces 562 ? 22 Animal Skull 567+ to ? Animal Sk II, Ete II 628< aka: Lizard Head II aka: Lizard Head 23 & 24th ruler ~ 640 234 no names no data 23 24 Black Jaguar & unknown Tikal Hiatus 562-692 Bird Head Nuun Ujol Chaak >657679 25 Nu Bak Chak I d: Apr 679? 25 Shield Skull ? ~682 aka: Shield Skull, aka: Shield Skull Nun Bak Chak

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144Table 5-4. Continued. Martin & Grube (2000) Harrison (1999) Michel (1989) No Personage Date(s) No Personage Date(s ) No Personage Date(s) Jasaw Chan K'awiil I 682-734 26 Hasaw Chan K'awil 682-732-4 26? Ah Cacao Caan 682-~734 aka: Ruler A, aka: Ruler A Chac aka: Ruler A 27 Yik'in Chan K'awil a: 8 Dec 734 27 Yaxkin Caan Chac 734 ? aka: Ruler B d: <766? aka Ruler B 28th >766768 28 Dark Sun? <766 768? 28 Dark Sun? ? 768 29th Yax Nuun Ayiin II 768794> 29 Yax Ain II, aka: Chitam a: 25 D 768 29 Chitam 768 ? aka: Ruler C Ak Ruler C, d: 800 aka: Ruler C Nuun Ujol K'ininch c. 800? (?-headed Sun) Dark Sun >810> 30th Nu Bak Chak II ruling 810 ?? Stela 24 Ruler 810 ? aka: Shield Skull II Jewel K'awiil >849> Jasaw Chan K'awiil II >869> 31th Hasaw Chan K'awil II ruling: ?? Stela 11 Ruler 869 ? aka: Stela 11 Ruler ? 13 Aug 869

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145 Figure 5-1. Stylized core of Tikal. Accordi ng to Harrison (1999:16) "It is expected than thousands more structures lie beneath the surface"

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146 Figure 5-2. Part of the Great Pl aza; with Temple I's back f acing. Temple II facing, and Temple IV in the distance (Harrison 1999:Plate I)

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147 Figure 5-3. Tikal's Central Acropolis, Great Plaza and North Acropo lis (Harrison 1999:17)

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148 Figure 5-4. Schematic drawing of the Great Plaza a nd the sorrounding buildings (M artin and Grube 2000:42-43)

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149 Figure 5-5. Temple II now and then (Proskouriakoff 1963:8-9)

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150 Figure 5-6. Temple 33, Tikal; origin ally a squat platform with ma sks on both sides of the steps, A denotes the superstructure on top of the pl atform, and B shows the final stage rising 33m into the sky (Martin and Grube 2000:36)

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151 Figure 5-7. List of Tikal Rule rs by Ferguson and Royce (1984:74)

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152 Figure 5-8. List of Tikal Rulers by Jones and Satterwaite (1982:127)

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153 Figure 5-9. Jade sculpture, possibly Curl Nose (Coggi ns 1975:Figure 45b color UC)

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154 CHAPTER 6 DATA COLLECTION Living Images For this study I needed to create two sets of data, one for the Living Images and second for burials. The database, tables and figures, pe rtaining to the Living Images are provided in Appendix A, and the one for the burials is presen ted in Appendix B. Appendix C contains the list of codes as applied to both sets. In preparation for the data relevant to this study I first created Ta bles 5-1-4 with the information gained from various publications ab out the Living Images, of the documented 31 rulers of Tikal using three of the most recent accounts. Individual rulers placed themselves numerically in a position relative to the f ounder (Harrison 1999:65-66). The question as to whether there are more rulers, e ither before the founder or subse quently, is still unanswered, and not all of the 31 have been id entified (Harrison 1999:66). Tables 5-1-3 are arranged in the same fashion: No Personage Name Date(s) Depiction Comments page # # title all used AD Monument relevant info in publication Some of the categories in the created lists ar e self-explanatory; for example, which position in the count of 31 a particular king occupied a nd the scholar assigning th at position. Which raises the question did subsequent rulers counted him as the base or as the first ruler in line. Since the next ruler, we know about, was placed as the 6t h or 7th in line (Harri son1999:70), for the time being, the question remains unanswered. All names us ed for each ruler, in various publications, are listed for easy cross-reference. Dates are also not certain and vary in each account, at least to some degree. The monuments and other pieces th at are identified or crucial for identifying a particular ruler are listed under depictions. The comments-categor y is subjective, it contains

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155 information I thought important for each individual ruler, and if known the number of the burial assigned to this ruler is also listed. Finally, th e index for references contains the pages where it can be found. All data are merely a su mmary of each individual publication. I then compared and sorted the three lists (Table 5-4). Agreement was closest between the two latest, Martin and Grube ( 2000) and Harrison (1999), although, th e latter felt confident to add several more positions in th e early count and placed the first Chak Toh Ichak as the 9th ruler, while Martin and Grube (2000) recogni ze him as the 14th. Some placements are made using only dates, as with the last rulers in the lists. Making the lists, then combining these data in Table 5-4 was n ecessary in order to comprehend and sort all names and ot her pertinent information that ar e, or have been used, in the publications about Tikal. I in cluded two earlier ruler lists (Tables 5-7, -8) to show the continuation and change happening in a relatively short time and the difficulty encountered that made lists a necessity. To simplify analysis, I th en created a record in chronological sequence of all the monuments, (Table A-1, A-2). Arranged as follows: Monument Dates Personage Reference Comments Stela, Altar, Lintel # 8.1.0.0.0 ruler na me J&S: # relevant information The dates are in Maya Long-Count notation, a nd the conversion is provided in Table A-3. Because of all the information need ed in the recordings, I decided to put references into a simple code (Appendix C) to make the data easier to read. Most of the da ta in Tables A-1 and A-2 come from one source (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982) but in subsequent work, I used, when appropriate and available, more recent interpre tations since much has changed, as mentioned above. The comments are important, because they are the base records and are still cited by researchers working with Tikal monuments (C ulbert 1991; Harrison 1999; Martin and Grube

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156 2000; Rice 2004; Sabloff 2003; Schele and Frei del 1990; Stuart and Houston 1994). However, they are very abbreviated, and only meant to e xplain why the monument has been associated with a particular ruler. The numbering of the Stelae [St] initiated with Maler in 1895 when he discovered St 1 all but completely buried under debris and ex cavated it in 1904 (Morley 1938:295). Later discoveries were simply added, and the Altars [Alt] were handled in a similar manner (Shook and Coe 1961:10). The carved wooden Lintels [L ] first described by Maudsley (1889-1902) are coordinated and described in detail by Coe and Shook (1961). There are many more than the seven used in this study (Table A-2), but they ar e too fragmented, plain, or show only text (Coe and Shook 1961:Figures 1-37). Some stelae and altars are grouped together (Jones and Satterthwa ite 1982) and presented as such if necessary (Figure 5-4). Stelae and ot hers are grouped primarily by date, but also by style, in particular the so-calle d staff stelae that are subdivided in to two types, two early ones, St 9 and 13 showing a more spear-like pole, while th e rest, St 3, 6, 7, 8, 15, and 27, are straight rods (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:12). Table A-4 sh ows all monuments in chronological order, combined with their dates and the ruler they ar e associated with by several scholars. These are arranged so the first ruler name goes with first author, second with second, etc., or if they all agree, it just says same. If they are not, it is so noted. For each i ndividual monument, all ornamentation that I thought was jade is list ed in Table A-5. Obvious ly, this category is somewhat subjective; there is always the possibility that some of the pieces, such as the plaques or platelets on the fringes of wr aps and some pectorals or masks in headdresses are made from shell or other materials. However, all the ornament ation has also been found in jade. This table is arranged in the following manner: First ca tegory names the monument, followed by comments

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157 that list pertinent information, next the numbe r of the figure that shows the depiction in Appendix A. Then starting with th e headdress all jewelry thought to be jade is listed down to ankle bracelets. The second to last column lists the view, meaning is the personage shown in frontal view or in profile, for example, if facing left, the right arm and side is visible. Finally, the last entry gives the reference where the information comes from. The rubric comments lists ot her significant information. In addition, at the end and not in sequence of date, circa AD 360-378 (Martin a nd Grube 2000:7), is the ceramic figure of Chak Tok Ichaak I (Figure 6-1A). He was mentioned by hi s descendent on St 31 (Harrison 1999:7073, Table 2). He built one of the palaces in the Central Acropolis, Structure (Str) 5D-46, as the clan house of the Jaguar Claw family (Harrison 1999: 76-78, Pl ate IX; see also Schele and Mathews 1998:75-78). Martin and Gr ube (2000:28) tentatively sugge st St 26, and assigned St 39 and Corozal St 1 to him. Both St 26 and 39 survived only in fragments. Corozal St 1 proves to be very elusive and probably does not include a depiction of the king. Three stelae are not directly fr om Tikal but from what could be considered suburbs. They are Uolanton (U-St 1), found at that site about 5.5 km southeast of Tikal, Jimbal (J-St 1 and 2) circa 12.5 km to the north, St 1 f ound standing at a large plazas eas tern edge, and on axis to a tall pyramidal mound (Jones and Satterthwai te 1982:109-110). St 2 wa s discovered in the northern part of the same plaza resting on the gr ound with the carved site toward it (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:111). Distances are always measured from the center of Tikal (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:106). The following stelae (Figure 6-2), in chronological orde r, are not included in this study: St 4, 18, 32, 28, 15, 14, 26 and 24 from Tikal. One other stel a, also not included in the roster, needs to be mentioned. Chronologically it belongs betw een St 26 and 24, El Encanto St 1(EL-1) comes

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158 from a small group of mounds about 11.5 km NE of central Tikal (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:108). Two more are included in the roster of stelae from Ti kal, although they came from the site of Ixlu (St 1 and 2) that is 30 km south of Tikal and on the farthest side of Lake Peten toward the east (Jones and Satte rthwaite 1982:113). However, the style and carving are similar to several stelae from Tikal, and the dates are close to St 11 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:113116). Absence of, or damage to, relevant glyphs makes it impossible to assign them to a specific ruler. The Living Image jade is recorded in Table A-5 for easier reading. The categories of the table should be self-explanatory ; however, a comment is warra nted regarding necklaces and collars. Most pectorals are suspended from a n ecklace of one or two rows of beads (Figures 3-15, 3-26, 4-1, 4-2A, -2B), while collars are usually co mposed of three and more rows of larger beads. Sometimes a pectoral was suspended from it, but more often masks were worked into the collar (Figures 3-27, 4-2C, -3). It was not always possible to determine if a particular item was present due to a variety of reasons. The foremost was the state of the monument itself. Very few, such as St 16 (Figure A-23), are what can be call ed close to the original whole. In addition, there was also the practice among the Maya to sacrifi ce monuments for a variety of reasons (Fash 1991:106). Equally, the position of the carved figure and its posture obscured some aspects of dress. I marked these instances with a question ma rk, and if it was clear that there was no item, I marked that with a no. I erred on the side of caution, so the question mark covers several scenarios. There may have not been an item to begin with, or it was obscured by the abovementioned possibilities. I tried to be consistent with the way words are shortened, and it should be fairly clear what they mean. The figure numbe rs are provided in the third column to make it easy to check what may not be as clearly described as I thought.

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159 Table A-4 exemplifies the grouped monuments both in time and similarities to each other. When applicable, also the name of the ruler thought to be portrait is given. Here I used the old nicknames, as they lend themselves better for acronyms. Another reason for doing so results from the fact that the spelling, as mentioned, is still a matter of vigorous debate. Finally, most of the data on the stelae came from two sources (Ferguson and Royce 1984; J ones and Satterthwaite 1982). The nicknames helped start the count of ki ngs using a subjective in terpretation of certain glyphs outward appearances (Harrison 1999:69). It is an interesting asp ect that many of those names turned out to be actually part of the Maya name. This can be seen with the name of the 6th or 7th ruler: nicknamed Scroll Ahau Jaguar (Michel 1989), changed to either Hunal Balam (Harrison 1999: 69), or ? Balam (Martin and Grube 2000:26), and both translated as Foliated Jaguar. Foliated (Figure 6-1B ) looks like a scroll, and balam, in either spelling translates as jaguar. Because this is about the similariti es in regalia, I added four stelae 114, 51, 43 and 9 from Calakmul (Cal), two panels, and God III fr om Palenque (Figures 6-3-6). This was because it gives in a very small way a sense that regalia had similarities among the Maya of a particular period. In the case of Calakmul, this was true ev en with all the animosity among rival polities. As shown above, the Sun God, or God III of the Palenque Triad, in all his incarnations and oppositions, was pervasive in the Maya cultural realm through all times. In addition, Palenque and Tikal had a special bond. When Calakmul forced the 25th rule r of Tikal, Nuun U Hol Chajk, or Nun Bak Chak, into exile, he went to Palenque, where together with Pacal he fought against other allies of Calakmul, or as some spell it, now Kalakmul (Zender 1999:2). Burials Before discussing the collection of burial data in detail, a fe w comments are necessary. As said above, there are 31 rulers starting with th e founder that comprise the known dynastic history of Tikal, of which several are not yet identified. The record for burials of the Classic Period is

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160 even less complete for several reasons. As can be seen in Figure 6-7, most burials are found very deep beneath temples and not always in predic table places, so finding the resources to allow long-term and multi-disciplinary excavations ar e hard to accomplish. A nother factor revolves around the possibility that the Ma ya themselves may have, intent ionally or not, dismantled some tombs when changing the configuration in the acropolis, or burials were looted over the centuries. One burial was looted at least twice, once in Caban times, about AD 950 to 1200, and once by Bernoullis hatchet men (Coe 1990:604; Harrison 1999:21). It cons titutes a great-lost opportunity; it was a tomb that had a female occ upant. If encountered und isturbed, it could have answered a lot of questions re garding royal women. One fact seems clear, the Red Queen of Palenque (Figure 6-8; Gonzlez Cruz 2000) and the female found in the Margarita tomb at Copan (Sharer 1995-2000) are not is olated incidents; instead, they appear to point to a burial tradition of important females. An amazing number of burials have been disc overed. Here I am concerned only with those that are undisturbed and belong to the Classic Period. There are eleven that are relevant for this study, and they are, in chronological orde r: burials [Bu] 125, 10, 48, 195, 23, 24, 116, 196, 77, 8, and 6. Burial 125 was included only because it is thought to be the founders; sequentially, it belongs to Preclassic times. The burial data are arranged in the following way in Appendix B: first the plan of the burial, Figures B-1, B-2, B-5, B-8, B9, B-11, B-12, a nd B-15, and then the table, Tables B-1 to B-9, that catalogs the applicable information. For the last three burials, 77, 8 and 6 (Table B-9), there is only text and no pictur e of the plans. Bu 77 was only included because it contained a very fine example of Late Classic jade workma nship (Figure 6-9), the in dividual it contained is not yet identified (Harrison 1963: 13; 1999:178-179). Both burials 8 and 6 have been looted and

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161 are included for the following reasons. Burial 8s content was, in some aspects, reconstructed, and the possibility that the occupant was surrounded by jagua r-paw-bones has bearing on the argument I shall make in the chapter that deta ils the results and conclusions. Burial 6 was actually looted twice, as mentioned above, but was the only female grave found in the Classic Period. Tables B-1 to 9 are arra nged in the following method: Date(s) Name/Description Jade Source Interment occupants/age all identified items information reference Through this arrangement, it will be less complic ated to reference individual pieces and cross reference them easily if the description of a particular artif act, its position or the arrangement of a cluster of pieces were not as clear as I thought. The first column gives the dates of each particular burial. Only in some instan ces can the grave be dated with precision. When that is not the case the dates given are the period dates. Since there is still disagreement about the occupants of many burials, and some have mo re than one, some comments regarding the skeletons are included. Always, the one named SK.A was the main occupant. In the rubric Jade, the first lines are reserved fo r information about the skeleton s, and the last lines give some data from outside the actual burial chambe r. Most of this information comes from the excavation report (Coe 1990), but in the last column, the source category, all relevant reference particulars are given using codes (Appendix C) introduced earlier. In some instances, through damage by wa ter, fallen ceiling plaster, and other circumstances, exact provenance was difficult to es tablish, and I made note of it. In the section on jade, some vessels found in graves are catalo ged, and the eighty-nine carved bones, one of which was mentioned above from burial 116, Hasaw Chan Kawil Jasaw Chan Kawiil I or Ruler A, who brought about a Renaissance to Tika l, are added. In particular, the so-called

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162 Paddler-bones have significance for this study (F igure 6-10). Two of the four bones depict the dead king being paddled by the Paddler Twins, the Old Jaguar and Old Stingray Spine God through the watery underworld (S chele and Miller 1986:270-271) on his journey towards sunrise and therefore, the promise of rebirth. On the s econd pair, the vessel has st arted its decent into Xibalba and some of his companions are submerged. Some pottery displays palace scenes (Figure 6-11-14); others bear witness to the fusion between Teotihuacan and Maya elements (Figure 6-15), or show animals (Figure 6-16), and the spiritual link to humans (Figure 6-17). From Bu rial 195 came plates similar to the one showing Animal Skull, or Lizard Head, in full regalia, including a Kawil -topped wand in his right hand) and a vase that exhibits the royal mat design on the body and a king list on the rim (Figure 6-18). His was also the grave that contained the four wooden Kawil statues (Figure 6-19; Harrison 1999:102). In order to make the data as effortlessly accessible as possible, the figures of artifacts coming from each tomb, except those mentioned in the text, are added afte r the table listing the jade for each grave. Again, first comes the figure of the plan of the burial, then the table listing pertinent information including the jade, followed by figures showing select pieces from said burial. If that is not possible, examples other than from Tikal will be added and where necessary, followed by some comments. Next I compared burial data, and in Table B10 the similarities are recorded. What could be called the core of burials 10, 23, 24, 116, 196, and to a lesser degree 195, have an amazing number of similarities, even w ithout considering the fact that most have many similar jade objects or artifacts with specific meaning, such as those that seem to sym bolize the name of the occupant, that are a consta nt in many of the tombs. It was the number of features that are similar

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163 that drew attention, and will be discussed in th e next section. the commonalities between Burials and Monuments, noted in Table B-11, are rather absent, and in contrast to those among burials, or those among the monuments. Finally, I included data for two burials from Calakmul (Table B-12). As with the stelae, they show that some aspects of the burial ritual transcended an imosity and power plays, while on the other hand, each polity also had individualized it. One burial corresponds, in time, to burial 10 of Tikal, and the other may hold the occupant defeated by the 26th ruler, Hasaw Chan Kawil Jasaw Chan Kawiil I or Ruler A, of Tikal. The data also add additional credence to the conclusions I shall draw from all the accumulated data. This chapter in essence justifies and explains the two different data sets, one for the living images and the other for the burials. Data from Tikals longtime foe mark similarities and dissimilarities in the treatment of dead kings true for all cities.

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164 Figure 6-1. Name glyphs. A) Portrait of Chak Tox Ichaak I, on a two-part incense burner, identified by his name glyph in the h eaddress (Martin and Grube 2000:7, 28). B) Glyph nicknamed Foliated Jaguar ( Harrison 1999: 70).

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165 Figure 6-2. Stelae not used in this study (J ones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figures 5, 26, 55, 48, 21, 20, 44, 77, and 38).

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166 Figure 6-2. Continued.

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167 Figure 6-3. Calakmul Stela 114, AD 431; it may have been a monume nt of the ruler in Tomb 1, Structure III; it would make him a contempor ary of Stormy Sky from Tikal (Carrasco 1996:50, Folan et al. 1995:325-236).

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168 Figure 6-4. Calakmul Stel a 51, AD 471 (Bernal 1969:116).

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169 Figure 6-5. Calakmul Stelae 43 and 9. A) St 43, Ad 514, the carved god masks appear more human than at Tikal (Folan et al. 1995: 326). B) Schematic drawing of St 9, AD 662, of ruler in battle gear (Ruppert and Denison JR. 1943:Plate 48).

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170 Figure 6-6. Limestone tablet, panel, and G od III from Palenque. A) From Temple 14; B) Dumbarton Oaks panel; C) God III, in hi s day and night incarnation (SChele and Miller 1986: 272, 275, and 50.)

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171 Figure 6-7. Schematic drawing of the multiple layers that sup port the final configuration of the North Acropolis (Harrison 199 9:57).

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172 Figure 6-8. The Red Queen of Pa lenque (Gonzalez Cruz 2000:7).

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173 Figure 6-9. Jade pendant fr om Burial 77. Not only is it a beautiful example of Kinich Ahau the Sun God, it is also the only example of the Late Classic style (Harrison 1963:13, coloration UC).,

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174 Figure 6-10. Three of the four Paddler bones. Top, shows the king with animal comp anions and the two paddlers in the canoe, center and bottom show the boat submerging in to the water (Schele and Miller 1986:270).

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175 Figure 6-11. Palace scenes and different dressc odes. A) Froom Bum 10, vessel-knob is head of seated figure. B) The Kalomte recives gifts or tribute fr om nobles called Sahals; from Bu 116; C) Ruler and attendants, from Bu 196 (Culbert 1993:Figures 19, 68, 85).

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176 Figure 6-12. Vessels from Bu 116. More palace scenes, showing different attire (Culbert 1993:Figures 69, 70, 72).

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177 Figure 6-13. The Hummingbird Vase from Bu 196; possibly a picture of the elusive 28th ruler, and a drawing of the panel (Coe 1988: 51; Culbert 1993:Fig ure 83, Ferguson and Royce 1984:18).

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178 Figure 6-14. Yax Nuun Ayiin II, 29th ruler of Tikal, shown with, possibly, his wi fe and members of his cour t,, note the curl-snouted caiman in his headdress, on a vessel excavated in the Central Acropolis (Martin and Grube 2000:51).

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179 Figure 6-15. The fusion between Teotihuacan an d Maya elements. Stuccoed vessel from Bu 10, and drawing of the heads (Martin and Grube 2000:33, Coe 1969[1967]:104).

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180 Figure 6-16. Early Classic Vessel, Buri al 22, Manik Complex, AD 250-592. Top, Vessel-lid shows a crouching jaguar (Escobedo and Valdes 1998:370); bottom, Drawing of lid (Culbert 1993:22).

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181 Figure 6-17. Late Classic Vessel. Imix-Compl ex, AD 692-889, plate shows king? In his jaguar uay from BU 190 (Culbert 1993:Fi gure 81, Miller and Taube 1993:103).

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182 Figure 6-18. Vessels from Tikal butial 196. A) Plat e shows Animal Skull in regalia, B) Cup with mat-pattern and kingliest (Martin and Grube 2000:40-41).

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183 Figure 6-19. One of four wooden Kawil only the stucco outside survived, the wooden core eroded (Martin and Grube 2000:41).

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184 CHAPTER 7 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION This section of the study is de voted to the findings and what they tell about the living and dead treatment of rulers. Consiste nt with how the data are represented, first the living images, and then the burials are presented. After a fe w opening remarks about the monuments, each category is discussed, with special emphasis on certain items, most often made from jade. Burials are related in the order of temporality with the oldest firs t and so on. Some features other than jade grave goods are mentioned in order to es tablish the similarity in treatment. Although all jade is recorded, only a few select items are give n prominence. As stated above, all the data are in two appendices for easier acces s. Finally, the point or points that are the reason for this journey with the dead ruler are highlighted. With closing comments about future research the studys voyage ends. Living Images Even at a glance only (Figures A-140), it can be seen that there are basic similarities in the imagery, particularly on stelae, of rulers. For example, if visible most rulers wear headdresses, earplugs, either/and necklaces/collars, pectorals, belts, and so on. There seems to be a certain protocol for the presentation, both on st elae and lintels. However, there are differences, but customs and traditions do tend to change over the course of more than a half millennium. Therefore, it was not surprising that the early rulers wore, to some extent, different paraphernalia. When it comes to jewelry such as earplugs, collars, belts, etc., almost the entire group of rulers wore them in one form or another, I believe that they all had special meaning, but that it is very difficult to discer n. In addition, on some depiction of a ruler, bracelets and anklets correspond to the design on the belt.

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185 Before discussing the monuments in detail a few comments about them are needed. All stelae and monuments not mentioned below could not be included because of the state of them. Some had only text on them, or a particular ar tifact was not visible on them. That does not necessarily mean that it was not part of the original parapherna lia. In most cases, it means only that either that part of the m onument did not survive or that it was eroded. A few examples treat unusual circumstances, and are mentioned out of sequence. Structure 5D-57s depiction should be considered a special case showing Hasaw Chan Kawil in battle armor (Figure A-26). There are plenty of examples that show rulers in situations that seem to be the aftermath of battles, in full regalia, but with wea pon and shield. In those instances, the king usually wears the customary jade jewelry. Equally different are the images on Altar 5, thought to portray him in mourning (Harrison 1999:139). It seems that all paraphernalia were made from cloth except the staff he holds in his right hand and th e weapon in the left (Figure 4-21) Stelae and Altars Although the appearance of them changed with time, some key elements of the attire were always present. I shall focus on four pieces that, in my opinion are the most important and telling of the worldly power of the king. They are the Jester God headba nd (Figures 3-24-5), the Kawil scepter (Figures 3-22, -3), the double-head ed bar, or serpent, from which the Kawil God K, and God D, the long-nosed god of the pectoral s emerge (Figure 3-20), and the long-nosed pectoral itself (Figure 3-27A, 4-1A ). In one form or another, on e or all of the four items are present in all depictions. Probably the most beautif ul rendition of the king in all his authority is the reconstruction of stela 16 showing Hasaw Chan Kawil in all his glory and worldly power (Figure 3-4). He wears the long-nosed pectoral in addition to the bar pectoral, and he holds the

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186 double-headed bar in his arms. His headdress displays, besides othe r elements and an impressive amount of feathers, another of the long-nos ed gods (Figure A-23, schematic drawing). The Jester God headband presents a probl em whereby many of the stelae are eroded at the critical part, and it is impo ssible to account for it on most. It also changed appearance from the form seen on the mask from Preclassic burial 85 (Figure 3-24). It seems to have become a part of the headdress in different forms, mask or head, but sti ll identifiable by the 3-pronged hat. It was part of the royal paraphernalia on some of the early monuments. It may be present on stela 29 but was reduced to the curling leaves (Figure 7-1A). The ruler depicted on the Leyden plaque (Figure 7-1B) illustrates the full head variant, while on St 36 only the 3pronges are identifiable (Figure 7-1C). According to Schele and Mill er (1986:110), Stormy Sky on his monument St 31 holds the flanged headdress above his head (Figure 7-1D). St 2 again shows the full head variant in a prominent location on the headdress (Figure 7-1E). It may also have been present on Uolantun St 1, and if so, it was in a very unusual form (Figure 7-1F). A similar case was Alt 3, were it may was worn as a pectoral upside (Figur e 7-1G). On three later stelae, it may also be seen, on St 20 in the abbreviated version, on St 11 possibly as a pectoral with the curls up, and J-1 again curled in the h eaddress (Figure 7-1H-J). The Jester God headband imagery was difficult to document as stated above. The best evidence for it, at Tikal, was the mask from burial 85 (Figure 3-24), the Leyden plaque (Figure 4-16, 7-1B, A-2), which is still de bated actually to belong to Tika l, stela 2 (Figure 7-1E, A-8), and on altar 19 (Figure 7-2) not incl uded in the roster. The altar seem s to be of early Classic date and was not really associated with a stela, but a possibility was stela 31 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:81-82). However, the headdress of altar 19 need s to be mentioned here, as it seems to have a double Jester god configuration. Altar 19 was include d for the sole purpose to show that such a

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187 distinct design, the human face with the 3-pronged hat, would have made a distinct impression on the excavators and that the con cept of the Jester god was well es tablished prior to publication of the report documenting the burials in detail (Coe 1990). Therefore, I concluded that if a mask or head among the funerary goods with such a design had been found, it would have been noted. Other details are recorded. Since the masks, or heads, are mostly not yet published, I included from other sites a selection to demonstrate th e variety found (Figures 4-4, 4-14A, and 4-18). Regarding the headband, traditi on to include it in monuments appears to have waxed and weaned. It was included in the early once, may not have been part of the middle, and resumed its place in the late depictions. Again, that was what the evidence suggests, but due to the state of the monuments much of the critical data ar e missing, so perhaps the Jester god headband was present during the middle years also. On Animal Skulls plate, mentioned above, An imal Skull carries a staff that is toped by the Kawil (Figure 6-10A). I suggest, that the staff stela, stel ae 13, 9, 3, 15, 7, 27, 8, and 6, may have been symbolically the same, even if not actually showing the Kawil (Figures A9-11, 6-2, A-13-16). Interestingly, the very la te stelae from Ixlu and Jimbal all show the ruler with the Kawil scepter in hand (Figures A37, 39, and 40). It is possible that Yikin Chan Kawil, the 27th ruler, on St 5 holds a scepter (Figure A-32). However, that part of the stela is present only in outline and therefore impossible to determine. Stela 1 was relatively early in the sequence of monuments (see Table A-4) and shows the double-headed bar with the entire god in miniature emerging from the open mouth (Figure A-5). On St 2, it is the upper body and head variant of the Kawil and human body with a head variant of god D that were present (Figure A-8). On St 2 9, the earliest yet found, the bar ends in at least one head variant. The other end is eroded, but I think that the head was there too (Figure A-1).

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188 The Leyden plaques bar, or serpent, ends in god K and the Sun God (Figur e 4-16), as identified by Schele and Miller (1986:121). Stela 40s bar ends in a design that is reminiscent of the 3pronged ends of the Jester God hat (Figure A-7) as does stela 30 (Figure A-22) and stelae 16, 21, 22, 19, and Ix-1, (Figures A-23, -28, -34, -35, a nd -37). On stela 11 th e trimmings may even be more stylized and end in appendices that are perhaps the curving mouth from which the gods on the early stelae appear (Figure A-38). In one ot her stela was God K clearly identified, but as a completely different element. Stela 4 has thi s floating image above th e ruler (Figure 6-2; Schele and Miller 1986:84). As with all the other symbols, there are variations to how the long-nosed god materialized on stelae. Most often it was as pectorals, as seen on St 16 (Figure 3-4), but he also was sometimes, in addition, part of the headdress. The pectorals design can be assumed only for some monuments, as on, the Leyden plaque, and stelae 36, 2, 13, 9, 3, 7, 27, 6, 23-left side, 12, and Ix-1 (Figures A-2, -3, -9 -11, -13, -14, -16, -18, -19, and -37). Here it was the long-nosed god, in slightly changed form. This assumption s eems reasonable, considering the time span the monuments cover. For the following monuments, it seems clear that it was the same god. Stela 16 was already mentioned, and the others are st elae 21, 22, and a variant on 20 (Figures A-28, 33, and -34. These last four stel ae are close in time (Table A-4) Because of erosion, it can only be said with certainty that Stela 16 also show s the god in the headdress, and 20 shows again a slight variant, or combination with the Jester G od. Having said that, it cert ainly is intriguing that the much earlier St 7 also featured a long-nos ed god in the headdress (Figure A-13). Stela 20 depicts one other item that needs to be men tioned because it was unique on stelae. In this depiction, the ruler stood in front of a throne in th e form of a jaguar (Figure A-33, see also 316D).

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189 Lintels All lintels are from a relativel y short period, lasting about a h undred years. Therefore, they can be closely compared, with the exceptions of two, L 2 of Temple II, which shows a woman in formal dress thought to be Hasaw Chan Kawils wife (Figure A-27), and Temple IIIs L 2 showing a ruler wearing a close fitting jaguar suit complete with a helmet like a jaguar head (Figure A-36). He holds a staff in his right hand, but it seems to be a simple rod, the same as his two attendants, except that his has a length of cl oth knotted in the center. In his left hand he carries a trident flint weapon that is very sim ilar, or perhaps the same, to the one held by his ancestor on Alt 5 (Figure 4-21; Harrison 1999:176; Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:101). Also displayed in this composition was the palanquin his ancestor captured from Calakmul that will be mentioned below. Lintel 2 of Temple I displays the victorious Hasaw Chan Kawil with shield and weapon surrounded by the Waxaklahun-Ubah Snake, or war serpent, captured from a rival city centuries ago (Figure: A-24; Schele and Mathews 1998:86). On L 3 of Temple I, he was seated on the palanquin he captured from Calakmul, and a huge jaguar protector rears up over him (Figure A25; Harrison 1999:133). In this depi ction, he wears the long-nosed p ectoral, probably the same as on St 16, and he holds a Kawil scepter in his right hand. Eroded to some degree, enough of the body and outline survived to be reasonably sure. Possibly, an elaborate st aff, complete with a jaguar head, was also part of the composition. It may have b een an ensign heralding his victorious homecoming a nd celebration. His son, Yikin Chan Kawil choose, in part, another imagery on L 2 of Temple IV (Figure A-29). He is protected by a giant human figure with jaguar identifiers and is seated on what is belie ved to be a different, from his fathers captured palanquin (Harrison 1999:155). He hol ds in his right hand a scepte r, which is badly eroded but seems to resemble closely the one he carries on L 2 from structure 5D-52 discussed below. On

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190 his left arm he carries a shie ld. Sadly, it cannot be compared to his fathers, because on both images, Figures A-24, -25, only the reverse was visi ble. He also was attired with a long-nosed pectoral that closely resembles the one on St 21 (Figure A-28). The next Lintel, Temple IV, L 3, again shows Yikin Chan Kawil seated on a palanquin captured from a different city than the one on L 2, T-IV (Figure A-30; Harrison 1999:155). He wears a different shield on his left arm and holds a staff in his right, perhaps his personal standard. On his four-row collar, he wears a slig htly different version, to distinguish what I called the creature, of the long-nos ed pectorals (Figure 7-3A). Inst ead of a headdress, he wears an elaborate helmet, and a Jester god headband was worn by what may be the Tikal version of the sacred Muan bird on the top of the lintel (Figure 7-3B). The Kawil makes his appearance by emerging halfway out of the serpents mouth on the right lower side of the king (Figure 7-3C). It seems like the body of the serpent frames him. It ends not with God D, but perhaps some symbolic variety of him (Figure 7-3D). Finall y, on structure 5D-52s lin tel, again he wears a different shield on his left arm and holds a Kawil scepter in his right (Figure A-31). He wears the same pectoral depicted on his stela 22, and possibly on stela 21 (Figures A-34, A-28), and as his father wore on stela 16, and on lintel 3, of temple I (Figures A23, -25). As stated earlier, I suggest that the staff may symbolically represent the Kawil scepter. Interestingly enough, in only one cas e are the scepter and bar disp layed together (Figure A-37). In the case of lintel 3 from temple IV, if the staff does representatively stand for the scepter, then the bar, in its gestalt as serpent, was also displayed (Figure A-30). Monuments The monuments, stelae, altars and lintels, seem to be divided almost equally between showing either the staff, as possible representation of the Kawil scepter, eleven, and bar, twelve, and comprise the majority of Living Images, which agrees well with the assertion made by

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191 Schele and Miller (1986:72) that two types dominateThe Double-headed Serpent Barand the Serpent-footed God K scepter. Seven monuments, all late in the sequence, except for St 5, carry a Kawil and one as mentioned above, Ixlu St 1, carries both, a bar an d a scepter in his left arm and hand. There are a number of stela, nine to be precise, which are either t oo fragmented or eroded for a determination. Finally, there are a few that carry something different. On St 10 the person carries a bannerlike object in his righ t hand (Figure A-20). On St 31, Stormy Sky holds his headdress in his right hand (Figure A-6), and the protagonist on Uolantun St 1 perhaps does the same, except he holds it up in his left (F igure A-4). In the last two imag es, not accounted for yet, lintel 2 of temples I and II, Hasaw Chan Kawil and his son both carry shields, and while his son seems to hold a Kawil he displays his weapon (Figure A24, -29). As described above, the ceremonial bar may have gotten more stylized ov er time and cycled back in the very late monument, T IV/L3, to its ancient beginni ngs (Figure A-30; compare to 3-20A). There seem to be two or three versions to the long-nosed pectoral, but they do match among the stelae and lintels for individual rulers. The one on st ela 16 seems to go with the special design of beads, while the creature one seems to be worn with a collar, and the oldman-like, from most of the stelae that are me ntioned above as possibl y including a long-nosed pectoral, with a necklace, in most cases of 12 beads rows, in one instance with 3 rows, and another with 4 rows. Burials Surprisingly, as can be seen in Table B10, and despite the fact that burial 125 only contained a skeleton, there was one commonality with the core of burials (Figures B-1, -2, -5, 8, -9, -11, -12, and -15), which comprise all the burials except 8 and 6 for the obvious reason that they had been looted. The treatment above the clos ure of the tombs was, not ably similar to all the

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192 other burials with the exception of burial 195. It seems that burial 195 was an exception in many ways, possibly brought on by the difficult time th at Tikal experienced at that period. Yet, symbolically one might say it was the same, and sh erds of pottery substituted for the flint and obsidian that may have not been available, or becau se of said hard times, needed for the living. The lithics are not in the same 7 layers as fo r burial 125, but all other burials had flint and obsidian above the closure of the tomb. Even if it was not in layers, more in the case of burial 116, than 1.5 tons of lithics and a corridor of 9 m full of flint marking the passageway the dead king must have taken on his way, make a very im pressive statement. Here it also needs to be remembered, that the burials und er consideration span almost 800 years, and it seems reasonable to assume that customs changed, at least, sli ghtly. Between burial 125 and the next one that was found in the sequence, burial 10 is between, at th e most 500 years, and at the least 250. Burial 48 seems to have no lithics in the fill above (Coe 1990:119). However, there was also the possibility that because of late r alterations, it may have been removed, or because it was below bedrock (Coe 1990:118), it was impossi ble to create a fill of lith ic material above. All of the other core burials did have, as mentioned ab ove and documented in Table B-10, some form of flint and obsidian tie rs above the closer of the tomb. Another feature common to all, is that all buria ls shared the characteri stic of a circle of shell and in most cases also jade around the body. Circle is not really co rrect; shells and jade mark the outline of the occupant, which is more rectangular, or if one wants to be fanciful, crosslike in shape, and as mentioned below, in th e later burials reinforced by jaguar claw bones. All burials shared the attribute of the shell-sku ll-cap. This suggests th at all burials in this study were secondary, a practice that seems to have been equally present at Palenque as mentioned above.

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193 The next aspect for comparison may have been ancient and a widespread custom. In some form, all burials had jade in the vicinity of the he ad. Either a bead in the mouth, or in the case of burials 116 and 196 a jade crown or diadem (Figures B-12. ). As mentioned above, Pacals face was covered by a jade mask, and as early as 1200 BC a bead was found in the mouth of burial occupants at San Jose Mogote. All burials shared the fact that something wa s close or under the hands Most often it was a jade bead under the left, and eith er jade, shell or stingray spin e under the right. Two had stingray spines at the groin area, and one had an assort ment of eight along the lower body. It seems that the kings went on the journey through Xibalba equipped for self-sacrifice. In all burials, except 195, the number nine ha d great significance. However, the water damage in burial 195 could easily have obscured the clustering observed in the other burials. The importance of jaguars to the rulers has been commented on often and it seems that even, or particularly, in d eath that continued to be a factor. At least two rule rs were laid to rest on a bed of jaguar pelts, and in the late Classic burials, additionally clusters of jaguar claw bones surrounded the dead king as if to fortify the circle. The reason I did not compare individual jade ar tifacts in detail here was simple, as Miller and Samayoa (1998:57) assert, ever y king literally drips with ja de. Individual pieces certainly had meaning, but, as far as I am aware, the deta iled analysis of the ite ms in a grave has only begun, as documented for Pacal (Figure 4-13). However, there was an aspect of the jade goods that I shall reiterate. It seems that some burials contained a personal item, su ch as signifier of the occupants name. For example, burial 10 actually presented three such items. One is from jade, a small carved curl-snouted piece (Figure 5-9; Ma rtin and Grube 2000:33). The two others are a ceramic vessel that shows a seated Yax Ain I or Curl Snout, wearing a Jaguar headdress and

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194 holding a head in his upraised ha nds (Figure B-3). It also incl uded a headless crocodile skeleton from which the ruler got his name (Figur e B-2; Harrison 1999:85). Burial 116 carried Hasaw s name on the jade-mosaic vessel, and Burial 196 re viled two items that were possibly of personal importance, one the jade-mosaic vessel portrayin g a woman considered to have once been in Hasaws personal possession and representing h im and his wife (Figure 4-20; Harrison 1999; 162-163). It seems his son added hi s fathers vessel to his fath ers grave-goods, but kept his mothers portrait to be buried with him. The other item was an exquisitely carved crouching jaguar (Figure B-16). Three similarities that most, and possibly all, core burials share, are the circle surrounding the king, the shell-skull-cap, and that th e number nine was significant. I propose that all three are interrelated. Taube (2005:28; see also Mill er and Samayoa 1998:56-60) suggest ed that jade deposited at the hands, groin and feet of Pacal mark him as bei ng at the center of the world tree, and also the Maize God (Figure 7-4), and Schele and Mathew s (1998:127) assert also the worldtree. Again, the duality and multiplicity men tioned above of the Maya world-view come to the foreground. As discussed above, east, that was the place of bi rth/rebirth, and the color red, or reddish, that resembles the morning sky where the sun wa s just rising above the horizon. Spiny oyster ( Spondylus americanus) has this color, and seems to have been used as a symbol for just that promise, namely that after the journey through Xibalba of birth/rebirth. Co vering the skull with such a shell may have been an extra protection for the dead king on his journey through the nine layers of Xibalba It seems not very surprising that th e number nine was emphasized in burials. Before he could rise, and take his place among th e ancestor gods, he had to complete the journey through the underworld, and consider ing the trials and tribulations that the Hero Twins suffered

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195 there, to cover the head with the reassurance of birth/rebi rth, of life seems only prudent. Interestingly, one burial at Copan contained a String of Shell Bead s that ran the entire western length of the skeleton as if to provide special protection to the side that first enters Xibalba (Figure 7-5; Fash 1991). The king combines the aspects of maize god, wo rldtree and center within his person. It seems that in death he is planted in a maize field surrounded by maize, in the form of jade, and the promise of rebirth, in the shap e of shells. Just as people today plant their maize: the farmer plants the first corn in the center of the field and then plants corn in each of the four directions (Bassie-Sweet 2000:13). In later burials the night sun, in the gestalt of th e jaguar claw bones, also guarded the maize field. In terestingly enough, the claws were absent (see Table B-10). In that way, the maize god went back to his origins to be planted, lik e the corn kernel in the earth he, the dead ruler, in the center, and at the four corners, making a maize field: The Maya believe that a cornfield does not exist until the corn is planted in it. (Bassie-Sweet 2000:13). To the Maya that was the perfect metaphor, as all pe ople were created from maize (Bassie-Sweet 2000:3), and death was the dormant time, when the maize ears are harvested and kernels are stored for the next season. Afte r planting until the first green s hots break the earth as did the maize god to be tended by his sons (Figure 3-15), as his people the maize plants. Further, this concept has its roots in very ancient times. Th e discussion on the Olmec cave opening, or center, with the four plants in the corners needs to be recalled (Figure 2-7; Miller and Taube 1993:5657), the Maya later would see it as the black hole, (Miller and Samayoa 1998:58). On Pacals sarcophagus lid, the tran sformed king, falls down the worldt ree (Figure 3-13) into the open mouth of the earth monster into Xibalba (Schele and Miller 1998: 116). Caves are considered

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196 openings to the underworld by the Maya (Brady a nd Prufer 2005; see also Schele and Mathews 1998:43), and are an opening to the center as well. I am suggesting that this ancient rite survived in some form and that the concept of the center and the four directions marked by maize, in fact the creation of th e maize field that only came into existence after the kernels were planted, never lost its importance to the Maya. I think that the evolution from the field surrounding the d ead king, being manifested by shell and jade to the addition of jaguar claw bones, was actually very pragmatic. W ho better to protect the maize god on this dangerous journey than the s upreme predator/Sun god of the night? Above I mentioned the possibility that the origin myth may have slightly different versions to various polities and to ensure the uniqueness of each. I think that the buria l practices hint at that individualization. At Tikal, it was the circle, while at Palenque, it may have been the sarcophagus. The inside of Pacals was covere d in red (Schele and Mathews 1998:128), and so was the inside of the sarcophagus of the Red Queen (Figure 6-8). In yet another possible tradition, the early ruler in Cala kmuls Structure III, Tomb 1, was bedded on five simple orange dishes, (Figure 4-17, Table B12). He had all the other items, seen in Tikal burials and elsewhere, too in his grave: shell, pearl, stingray spine, pect oral and belt mas k. Reminiscent of traditions at Palenque, he also had a jadeite f acemask (Figure 4-18B), ju st as Pacal (Figure 414A) did, and both his and Pacals crypt had a psycho-duct (Folan et al. 1995:321). In Palenque, it runs from the burial chamber alongside the staircase al l the way to the top (Figure 423); while at Calakmul, the nine meter long duct terminates in an openi ng on the north side of the structure (see Figure 4-17 for opening behind vessel 9; Fola n et al. 1995:321). More in tune with Tikal customs, he did have a personali zed vessel with, possibl y, his portrait (Figure B-18); Folan at al. 1995:322-323). Intrig uingly, in the later burial of Yukom YichakKak a similar

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197 pattern of paw claws as in Tikal was observed, but, Spondylus covered his pelvis area, not his head; and he rests not on orange dishes but a wooden litter (Table B-12). If Yukom YichakKak was the ruler defeated by Hasaw Chan Kawil, his burial at Calakmul would add credence to Stuarts (2003) assertion, mentioned above, that defeated rulers were no t literally sacrificed, but became dependants of the victorious polity. As said, small, but perhaps significant, diffe rences in the burial customs may indicate differences in the interpretations of the origin myth and consequently interpretation of the cosmos and worldview. Yet, with all the slight differences, kings may also have borrowed ideas from each other. Harrison (1999:142) suggests that Hasaw Chan Kawil the 26th ruler of Tikal, and occupant of burial 116, may have used ideas he gained when attending Pacals funeral in preparing his own tomb. Significance As initially stated, my argument can be consid ered twofold, one that looked at the Living Images and what they displayed on their monume nts and one regarding the treatment of dead kings. The first and very important point is that, although interconne cted, there are also significant differences to be observed. Kawils are an important part of the objects of worldly rulers and at Tikal was part of many rulers names, but curiously, they were absent from all but one grave, and in fact, as far as I know, only two examples of it have ever been found. One made of slate and one of a white stone, believed to be albite (Figures 7-6, -7). Sc hele and Miller (1986:72) assert, The paucity of surviving scepter suggests that they were made from wood or other perishable materials. In light of the fact that the four wooden Kawils survived the water dama ge reported for burial 195 (Coe 1990:565), and, as far as I know, the total absence of any surviving double-headed bars and staffs, I suggest a different explan ation. Before I do that, I would al so like to point out that, again

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198 as far as I can ascertain, none of the long-nosed pectorals are part of th e burial goods showered on the dead kings. Even the truly amassing am ount of jades dredged out of the Cenote of Sacrifice has not yielded even one (Proskouriakoff 1974). Considering all these facts, I suggest that those emblems of worldly power were handed down from one king to the next, and only if lost perhaps by defeat like the palanquins, or if troubled times led to the belief that those instru ments of power needed to be replaced, new ones were created. They either were then sacrific ed and the pieces placed in caches or special deposits, and are simply not yet found. However, th e fact remains that even a king as powerful and richly endowed as Hasaw Chan Kawil did not enter Xibalba with his Kawil scepter, double-headed bar, staff, or pector al. In fact, at least the pectoral can be seen worn by his son. I suggest that as much as Maya life was imbued and intertwined with its worldview, e.g. religion, some aspects of worldly power stayed with the living and another se t of power, that of rebirth/birth and life, e.g. re ligion, replaced it. That was why the circle surrounded the king, or as I suggest he became the center of the maize-fi eld, to nurture him and give him power for his journey through the underworld. I su ggest that the shell-skull-cap served the same purpose and that the number nine antici pated and added guidance. If one agrees that burial 195 may reflect th e onset of difficult times, it also reflects an amazing pragmatism. If the kingdom was secure and resources were plenty, much was offered to accompany the dead king on his journey to resurrection and his place among the gods. However, if times were troubled and the livi ng needed all assets to survive, the dead king got all the finery, but made from wood and painted. Maybe to add an extra element of power and to dispel danger because of the missing circle of life, the four Kawils not seen in any of the other tombs,

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199 guarded and guided the king and de facto create d a maize-field of power for the dangerous voyage. How did the jaguar imagery possibl y shift from that of worldl y power to become the kings guardian? I suggest that it was the easiest transforma tion. The threads that connect the living with the dead are manifold. One of them, as sai d, was the jaguar. In life, he protected the king and was emulated by him. The ruler sat on his pelt, wore him, and sacrifi ced him (Figures 3-17, 18, A-36, 7-8), perhaps in place of the defeated ri val, who instead becomes a dependent of the victor as Stuart (2003) suggeste d. In death, the jaguar still protected, and lends his pelt for the king to rest on, but more importantly, since he was the night sun, he helped nourish the maizefield and thereby the king, and added his power and guidance to fulfilling the promise implicit in the transformation of the d ead king into the Maize god. Conclusions The goal of this study was to adress three ques tions. One was if all paraphernalia depicted with the living king accompanied him to the grav e, and if not, what was missing. Some of the most important items of worldly power, the Jester God Headband, the Kawil scepter, the double-headed bar or serpent, and the long-nosed pectorals, are missing consistently from burials. Although, I suggest that these emblems of power were passed on to the next ruler, definitive proof cannot be gotten from the data. My second question probed the possibility that funeral goods may have items not seen in the living imagery or that its purpose changed. Shell was used in living imagery, but evidenti ally in different wa ys. The data strongly support my hypothesis that jade and shell, a nd in the later burial s the claw bones from jaguars created a maize-field wi th the king at the center. Finally, my last question explor ed the possibility that the role of the jaguar shifted to some extent from the emblematic status of power and pr otector of rulers in life, to guardian, guide, and source of strength to under take the journey through Xibalba in other words, to guarantee the promise of rebirth and life.

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200 In future research, would similar patterns be se en at other sites? I would like to explore the possibility that the maize-field concept in buri als had wider implications than Karl Taube s proposal for Palenque (Taube 2005) and the case for Tikal that I demonstrated. I think that there is validity to the concept th at shields might have in corporated the ancient Olmec idea about the maize-field (Figures 27, 6-3C, A-29, -30) as an opening to the underworld. Thus, the shield could be bringer of the impending journey to the defeated, and the promise of eternal life to the victor. Another research avenue that could unravel th e intricacies of the dress code would survey how they changed and what precipitated the ob served modifications. It might be considered wishful thinking, but I do think that large-scale ex cavations that generate the kind of data I used to suggest the above hypothesis are immensely important to allow the more intricate questions about the way the Maya organized and perc eived their world. As Culbert (1991:344-345) suggests, and the reading of more texts makes possible, the interaction between sites are a huge field to be explored. As shown in a small way in this study, the relationship between Calakmul and Tikal was much more complex and multilayered than the st raightforward deadly enemy scenario allowed. With the exciting new discoveries of early texts mentioned in this study, more research into the origins and development of writing is very desirable and probably will commence. Finally, research into the role and place of royal women needs to go forward. More and more, it becomes apparent that those women fulfill ed other roles than just that of consorts (Hewitt 1999), and in some cases may have been the cement that created alliances and stability. Here the presented passage, at least as far as th is study is concerned, into the life and deaths of the rulers of Tikal ends, as does the journey of the ru ler once he has passed through Xibalba As

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201 seen, there are differences in how the ruler is repr esented in life, in all his worldly power, and in death, with the return to his mystical origins.

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202 Figure 7-1. Jester God headbacks, details from stelae. A) St 29 (Fig. A-1). B) Leyden Plaque (Fig. A-2). C) St 36 (Figure A3). D) St 31 (Fig. A-6). E) St 2 (Fig. A-8). F) St U-1 (Fig. A-4). G) Alt 3 (Fig. A-12). H) St 20 (Figure A-33). I) ST 11 (Fig. A-38). J) St J1 (Fig. A-39)

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203 Figure 7-2. Tikal Altar 19 and detail (Jones and Satte rthwaite 1982: Figure 61)

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204 Figure 7-3. Details from Lintel 3, Temple IV (Figure A-30). A) Pectoral. B) Jester God headband. C) K'awil D) Elaborate variant of God D?

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205 Figure 7-4. Jade: marker of Mai ze God and his field. A)Drawing of Pacal with the five jades; B)Jade from groin; C) Left, pectoral worn by Maize God on Resurrection Plate (Figure 3-14); right, the g roin jade (Taube 2005:28)

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206 Figure 7-5. Copan Burial V III-36 (Fash 1991: Figure 46)

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207 Figure 7-6. Slate K'awil One of the very few ever found. From a cache found in the Rosalia Temple at Copan (Fields and Reents-Budet 2005:177).

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208 Figure 7.7 K'awil scepter made from white stone believ ed to be albite (Miller and Martin 2004:32).

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209 Figure 7-8. Artist's rendition of a jaguar sacrific e on the ancestral altar Q in the Late Classic (Fash 1991:128, painting by Thomas Hall, courtesy of the National Geographic Society).

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210 APPENDIX A LIVING IMAGES

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211Table A-1. Tikal carved monu ments: Stelae and Altars. Stela Dates Personage Reference Comments 29 8.12.14.8.15 13 Men 3 Zip? earliest St found yet LP 8.14.3.1.12 J&S: 62 Leyden Plaque 36 "very early"8+ J&S: 76 altar-like appearaencebut cons St now. 4 8.17.2.16.17? Curl Nose or J&S: 11-3 inaugural date; St-fragment shows Head dressed in Mexican style: Snout/Peccary a Jaguar-H elmet and a shell necklace 18 8.18.0.0.0 12 Ahau 8 Zotz? Curl Nose? J&S: 43-4 or any position from 8.17.0.0.0 to 8.19.0.0.0, very similar to St 4; Snout/Peccary? ST-fragment w/ arm & part of cest 32 J&S: 74 poss not St frag-still red paint in deeper relief, only Head/in Mexican dress U-1 8.18.13.5.11? 6 Chun 14 Xul? J&S: 62,1068 Bird Claw named= wife: Stormy Sky, mother :Kan Boer; u-shap neck medallion, plaque wristlet, head in arm, upraised, & headdress hand; all cycle 8 style; stylistic similiarities to St 29 & 31, fig "perhaps the most ty pical of the Cycle 8 style" Proskouriakofff (1950:104, cited by J&S: 106) 28 8.19.0.0.0? ? J&S: 60-2 similar to St 1,2, but only bottom part 1 9.1.0.0.0?, Stormy Sky? J&S: 10 a year & a half before death; thought to be Bu 48 date 9.1.1.10.1; poss. betw.9.0.10.0.0 & 9.2.0.0.0 has reference to 9th R, makes Stormy S 10th R? 31 9.0.10.0.0 7 Ahau 3 Yax Stormy Sky J&S: 64-74 paired w/ Alt 19?; number of rulers mentioned: JPS, Curl N; Bu. 48 Stormy Sky, Bu. 10 Curl Nose, Bu 22 Jaguar Paw; notation of 9th R not Stormy Sky or Curl N, but a previous R Jag Paw Skull; mother's name same as on Wall in Bu 48; poss Cauac Shield father not JPS; poss both side figs are Curl Nose 40 AD 468 K'an Ak Hb:92-4 aka: Yellow Peccary; 12th R; son of Stormy Sky, 10th R; 2 9.3.10.0.0? J&S: 10-1 very similar to St.1; 13 9.2.10.0.0? Kan Boar J&S: 33-4 Fat glyph: poss Stormy Sky? Mother: Bird Claw; early style Staff St

PAGE 212

212Table A-1. Continued Stela Dates Personage Reference Comments 9 9.2.0.0.0 4 Ahau 13 Uo Kan boar? J&S: 23-5 poss 8th R, see above St 1 & 2 comments; poss incumbent; early style Staff St 3 9.2.13.0.0 4 Ahau 13 Kayab Jag Paw Skull J&S: 11-3 poss 9th R; names Father: Kan Boar; poss Son: Stormy Sky of St 31; Staff St 15 9.3.0.0.0 2 Ahau 18 Muan Jag Paw Skull? J&S: 35-7,57 names F: Kan B (paired w/St 7&27?); Staff St, only outline 7 9.3.0.0.0 2 Ahau 18 Muan Jag Paw Skull J&S: 20-1,57 Names Father: Kan Boar (paired w/St 15&27?); Staff St 27 9.3.0.0.0 2 Ahau 18 Muan Jag Paw Skull J&S: 59-60 poss paired w/ St 7&15); contemporay pics on St 3,7,15, Staff St 8 9.3.2.0.0 7 Ahau 8 Muan? Curl Head? J&S: 21-3 mother: Bird Claw? father: not recognizable (in list of R); Staff St 6 9.4.0.0.0 13 Ahau 18 Yax Jag Paw Skull? J&S: 18-20 eroded text; Staff St 14 9.5.0.0.0? J&S: 34-5 St 14 & 25 strikingly similar, poss one? St-fragment w/glyphs 25 9.4.3.0.0 1 Ahau 3 Yax poss husband J&S: 51,55-7 poss other part of St 14??; poss twin to St 23; poss father glyphof W of T, or right figure Kan Boer? poss husband to fig in 23; ? monuments to Jag Paw Skull? a branch of the ruling family; left figure Woman of T from St 23 23 9.4.3.0.0? (after 9.3.16.8.4) Woman of T? J&S: 41,50-1, W of Tikal's birth stated as: 9.3.9.13.3; poss son on St's side; 57 poss twin (paired) to St 25; com a couple; poss Kan Boer father? 12 9.4.13.0.0 13 Ahau 13 Yaxkin Curl Head? J&S: 31-3, 51 woman's name, male parent glyph; frag of upper part, ?twin to St 10? 10 9.4.13.0.0 13 Ahau 13 Yax? Jag Paw Skull? J&S: 25-9, 51 birth date? St 10 & 12 twins? (poss names grandf C H? UC) 26 9.7.10.0.0? Kan Boar J&S: 41,57-8 (called the "red St") has name's of Jag Paw Skull, Stormy Sky, Jag Paw Skull? Kan Boer, & W of T in text, St-fragment only shows feet El-1 9.7.0.0.0? Jag Paw Skull? J&S: 108-9, Bird Claw, poss. part of a woman's name Bird Claw? 17 ~9.7.0.0.0 (after 9.6.3.9.15) Double Bird J&S: 38-42 21st R; F: Jag Paw Skull, but poss not the same R as on St 3,7,15

PAGE 213

213Table A-1. Continued Stela Dates Personage Reference Comments 30 9.13.0.0.0 8 Ahau 8 Uo Ruler A J&S: 62-4 & 27, St 30 & Alt 14 found in enclosure together-belong together, St no glyphs, Alt only glyphs; (erected 10 y after inauguration recorded on T-IL 3 16 9.14.0.0.0 6 Ahau 13 Muan Ruler A J&S: 37-8 (w/Alt 5) age 40-60y? See assoc Alt 5 21 9.15.5.0.0 10 Ahau 8 Chen Ruler B J&S: 46-8 inaugural St; Alt 9 paired w/St has emblem glyph of poss either (5 tuns?) Calakmul's or Piedras Negras' R as as bou nd captive (like ball) 5 9.15.13.0.0 4 Ahau 8 Yaxkin Ruler B J&S: 168,129 27th R; names Father: Ruler A; M: named ? (Twelve Macaw) 20 9.16.0.0.0 2 Ahau 13 Zec Ruler B? J&S: 45-6 pair w/Alt 8; jag throne; 27th= R B, R C= 29th; ? missing 28th R, standing fig carries shield w/ bent-leg motif as does Ruler B & on later Ixlu St 1(not R-B?) 22 9.17.0.0.0 13 Ahau 18 Cumku Ruler C J&S: 48-50 29th R; inaugural Stela of R B's successor; F: named R B & his 19 9.18.0.0.0 11 Ahau 18 Mac Ruler C? J&S: 43-5-42 age: 60y F: named Ruler B; poss that Ruler C not yet R, part of St missing 24 9.19.0.0.0 9 Ahau 18 Mol ?Dark Sun? J&S: 52-55 poss his, or his son's stela Ix-1 10.1.10.0.0 4 Ahau 13 Kankin J&S: 113-4 not likely to be R B;, poss name? 11 10.2.0.0.0 3 Ahau 3 Ceh ? J&S: 29-31 poss offering or sacrifice J-1 10.2.10.0.0 2 Ahau 13 Chen Ten Monkey? J&S: 109-11 w/Alt 1 bound captive; father glyph?; Ix-2 10.2.10.0.0? J&S: 114-116 Altars 3 Early Classic ?Ruler? J&S: 78-9 moved may have been assoc w/St 3 or 7 style Early Classic, Baktun 8 or 9; Altars seem to be seats or thrones in stone 5 9.12.19.12.9 1 Muluc 2 Muan Ruler A J&S: 129, w/St 16 Consort? (death of female?) birth of heir?, poss Twelve 337-8 Macaw, but name different R B's parental statem on St 5 & L 3 Note: Dates with ? Are style dates or uncertain dedicatory dates

PAGE 214

214Table A-2. Tikal carved monument s: Lintels and Stucco-frieze Lintels Dates Personage Reference Comments T-I, L 2 9.13.3.0.0 9 Ahau 13 Pop Ruler A & female J&S: 97-100 missing glyphs R A?, but on L3 &Bu 116; reference to (Str 5D-1(or 9.14.0.0.0) figure (dress similar *M&G 204 important Copan Ruler 18 Kan Dog/ 18 Jog or 18 1st) to Clevel St woman) Rabbit* same as on some of the carved bones in Bu 116 T-1, L 3 Ruler A inauguration date at 9.12.9.17.16; M: Jaguar Seat, F: Shield (Str 5D-1Skull, both names are also recorded in Bu 116; jag-military 1st) alliance betw. T & Calakmul Jag-protector motiv (see also Marcus 1976:51-2); Lintelstheme similar to L-s in T-IV in both the main figure is protected by jag or reptile images. construction of T after 9.14.0.0.0 Lintels-older T-Str 5D-57 9.13.3.8.18 Ruler A S&Ma: 86-7 Ruler A's Pal ace; date of battle (8 Aug 695) stucco frieze T-II, L 2 9.15.0.0.0? (9.14.0.0.0?) woman J&S: 100 poss wife of R A, T-II dedicated to her? burial beneath T-II?, (Str 5D-2but despite extensive tunneling nothing found; T-2 earlier 1st) than T-I, T-IV, L 2 9.15.10.0.0 3 Ahau 3 Mol Ruler B J&S: 101-3 M: 12 Macaw, F: Ruler A; seated figure? (Str 5C-4) (or 9.16.0.0.0) T-IV, L 3 Ruler B seated figur?, not buried below T as R A; but Bu 196 dated (Str 5C-4) to 9.16.4.9.8 T-Str 5D-52 9.15.10. 0.0 3 Ahau 3 Mol Ruler B? J&S: 103-5 Palace; similiarities in date, shield & staff suggest R B. (Str 10) T-III, L 2 9.19.0.0.0? Ruler C or a J&S: 100-1 3-figure-scene revival St-style (14,23,25,31); poss Dark (Str 5D-3) brother? Sun's father, or R B's brother? Note: Dates with ? Are style dates or uncertain dedicatory dates

PAGE 215

215 Table A-3. Jones and Satterthwaites Conve rsion Time Table: In Maya Long-Count, corresponding Gregorian Year and Ceramic Complexes Long Count A.D. Tikal Ceramic Complexes 10.4.0.0.0 909 Eznab 10.3.0.0.0 889 10.2.0.0.0 869 10.1.0.0.0 849 10.0.0.0.0 830 9.19.0.0.0 810 9.18.0.0.0 790 9.17.0.0.0 771 Imix 9.16.0.0.0 751 9.15.0.0.0 731 9.14.0.0.0 711 9.13.0.0.0 692 9.12.0.0.0 672 9.11.0.0.0 652 Ik 9.10.0.0.0 633 9.9.0.0.0 613 9.8.0.0.0 593 9.7.0.0.0 573 9.6.0.0.0 554 9.5.0.0.0 534 9.4.0.0.0 514 9.3.0.0.0 495 9.2.0.0.0 475 9.1.0.0.0 455 9.0.0.0.0 436 Manik 8.19.0.0.0 416 8.18.0.0.0 396 8.17.0.0.0 376 8.16.0.0.0 357 8.15.0.0.0 337 8.14.0.0.0 317 8.13.0.0.0 297 8.12.0.0.0 278 250 Cimi 150 (Jones & Satterthwaite 1982:6)

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216 Table A-5 can be accessed through the link below. It contains the collected data from each of the monuments listed in table A-4 and shown in figures A-1 to A-40. As stated in the text, chapter 6, the jade reco rded has been reported, not necessarily from Tikal, to be present. Table A-5 is organized in the following manner. At least a row is devoted to each monument, organized in chronologic al order, so that the oldest monument is the first, and the latest monument in the series is th e last. Second, comments are made about the monument, followed by the corresponding figure number. After that, the jade is listed, starting with the Headdress, a nd ending with anklets if presen t. Next, the position of the figure is given and finally, the sour ces for the information are given. Object A-1. Table A-5 Listing all. Tikal living image Jade from Stelae, Altars, Lintels, and Stucco-frieze

PAGE 217

217 Figure A-1. Tikal Stela 29 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 49).

PAGE 218

218 Figure A-2. The front of the Leyden Pl aque (Schele and Miller 1986: Plate 33).

PAGE 219

219 Figure A-3. Tikal Stela 36 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 56).

PAGE 220

220 Figure A-4. Uolantun Stela 1 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 76).

PAGE 221

221 Figure A-5. Tikal Stela 1 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 1).

PAGE 222

222 Figure A-6. Tikal Stela 31 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 51,52).

PAGE 223

223 Figure A-7. Tikal Stela 40. This recently, 1996, disc overed monument shows K'an Chitam aka Precious/Yellow Peccary in AD 468. The side-panels, in marked difference to other known stelae with th ree figures, show his mother and father (Martin and Grube 2000:37).The dr awing shows the wealth of details that mark the ruler's status (Harrison 1999:93).

PAGE 224

224 Figure A-8. Tikal Stela 2 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 2).

PAGE 225

225 Figure A-9. Tikal Stela 13. Le ft, drawing of image (Jones and Satterthwa ite 1982:Figure 19). Right, schematic drawing by Li sa Ferguson (Ferguson and Royce 1984:113, iconography interpreted by L. Schele).

PAGE 226

226 Figure A-10. Tikal Stela 9. Le ft, drawing of image (Jones and Satterthwa ite 1982:Figure 13). Right, schematic drawing by Li sa Ferguson (Ferguson and Royce 1984:103, iconography interpreted by L. Schele).

PAGE 227

227 Figure A-11. Tikal Stela 3. Le ft, drawing of image (Jones and Satterthwa ite 1982:Figure 4). Right, schematic drawing by Lisa Ferguson (Ferguson and Royce 1984:89, iconography interprete d by L. Schele).

PAGE 228

228 Figure A-12. Tikal Altar 3 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 57).

PAGE 229

229 Figure A-13. Tikal Stela 7 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 11).

PAGE 230

230 Figure A-14. Tikal Stela 27 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 46).

PAGE 231

231 Figure A-15. Tikal Stela 8 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 12).

PAGE 232

232 Figure A-16. Tikal Stela 6 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 9).

PAGE 233

233 Figure A-17. Tikal Stela 25 (Jones a nd Satterthwaite 1982:Figures 42-43).

PAGE 234

234 Figure A-18. Tikal Stela 23 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 35).

PAGE 235

235 Figure A-19. Tikal Stela 12. Left, draw ing of image (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 17). Right, schematic draw ing by Lisa Ferguson (Ferguson and Royce 1984:111, iconography interpreted by L. Schele).

PAGE 236

236 Figure A-20. Tikal Stela 10. Left, draw ing of image (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 14). Right, schematic draw ing by Lisa Ferguson (Ferguson and Royce 1984:107, iconography interpreted by L. Schele).

PAGE 237

237 Figure A-21. Tikal Stela 17 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 24).

PAGE 238

238 Figure A-22. Tikal Stela 30 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 50).

PAGE 239

239 Figure A-23. Tikal Stela 16; and schematic drawing,originally by W.R. Coe (Ferguson and Royce 1984:157, 156, iconography in terpreted by L. Schele).

PAGE 240

240 Figure A-23. Continued.

PAGE 241

241 Figure A-24. Tikal Temple I, Lintel 2 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 69).

PAGE 242

242 Figure A-25. Tikal Temple I, Lintel 3 (Harrison 1999:132).

PAGE 243

243 Figure A-26. Tikal St ructure 5D-57. Top, Hasaw Chan K'awil 26th Kalomate, in TlalocVenus battle dress presents the importan t captive, the ruler of Calakmul, as his prisoner (Schele and Mathews 1998:87). Bottom, drawing of Hassaw in slightly different battle armor (Harrison 1999:132).

PAGE 244

244 Figure A-27. Tikal Temple II, Lintel 2 (Jones and Satterthw aite 1982:Figure 71).

PAGE 245

245 Figure A-28. Tikal Stela 21. Schematic draw ing, originally by W. R. Coe (Ferguson and Royce 1984:184, iconography interpreted by L. Schele).

PAGE 246

246 Figure A-29. Tikal Temple IV, Lintel 2 (Jones and Satterthw aite 1982:Figure 73).

PAGE 247

247 Figure A-30. Tikal Temple IV, Lintel 3 (Jones and Satterthw aite 1982:Figure 74).

PAGE 248

248 Figure A-31. Tikal Structure 5D-52, Lintel 2 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 75).

PAGE 249

249 Figure A-32. Tikal Stela 5. Schematic draw ing, originally by W. R. Coe Ferguson and Royce 1984:97, iconography interp reted by L. Schele).

PAGE 250

250 Figure A-33. Tikal Stela 20. Schematic draw ing, originally by W. R. Coe (Ferguson and Royce 1984:176, iconography interpreted by L. Schele).

PAGE 251

251 Figure A-34. Tikal Stela 22. Schematic draw ing, originally by W. R. Coe (Ferguson and Royce 1984:145, iconography interpreted by L. Schele).

PAGE 252

252 Figure A-35. Tikal Stela 19. Schematic draw ing, originally by W. R. Coe (Ferguson and Royce 1984:149, iconography interpreted by L. Schele).

PAGE 253

253 Figure A-36. Tikal Temple III, Lintel 2. Schematic drawi ng, originally by W.R. Coe (F erguson and Royce 1984:152, iconography interpreted by L. Schele).

PAGE 254

254 Figure A-37. Ixlu Stela 1 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 80).

PAGE 255

255 Figure A-38. Tikal Stela 11 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 16).

PAGE 256

256 Figure A-39. Jimbal Stela 1 (Jone s and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 78).

PAGE 257

257 Figure A-40. Ixlu Stela 2 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:Figure 81).

PAGE 258

258Table A-1. Tikal carved monu ments: Stelae and Altars. Stela Dates Personage Reference Comments 29 8.12.14.8.15 13 Men 3 Zip? earliest St found yet LP 8.14.3.1.12 J&S: 62 Leyden Plaque 36 "very early"8+ J&S: 76 altar-like appearaencebut cons St now. 4 8.17.2.16.17? Curl Nose or J&S: 11-3 inaugural date; St-fragment shows Head dressed in Mexican style: Snout/Peccary a Jaguar-H elmet and a shell necklace 18 8.18.0.0.0 12 Ahau 8 Zotz? Curl Nose? J&S: 43-4 or any position from 8.17.0.0.0 to 8.19.0.0.0, very similar to St 4; Snout/Peccary? ST-fragment w/ arm & part of cest 32 J&S: 74 poss not St frag-still red paint in deeper relief, only Head/in Mexican dress U-1 8.18.13.5.11? 6 Chun 14 Xul? J&S: 62,1068 Bird Claw named= wife: Stormy Sky, mother :Kan Boer; u-shap neck medallion, plaque wristlet, head in arm, upraised, & headdress hand; all cycle 8 style; stylistic similiarities to St 29 & 31, fig "perhaps the most ty pical of the Cycle 8 style" Proskouriakofff (1950:104, cited by J&S: 106) 28 8.19.0.0.0? ? J&S: 60-2 similar to St 1,2, but only bottom part 1 9.1.0.0.0?, Stormy Sky? J&S: 10 a year & a half before death; thought to be Bu 48 date 9.1.1.10.1; poss. betw.9.0.10.0.0 & 9.2.0.0.0 has reference to 9th R, makes Stormy S 10th R? 31 9.0.10.0.0 7 Ahau 3 Yax Stormy Sky J&S: 64-74 paired w/ Alt 19?; number of rulers mentioned: JPS, Curl N; Bu. 48 Stormy Sky, Bu. 10 Curl Nose, Bu 22 Jaguar Paw; notation of 9th R not Stormy Sky or Curl N, but a previous R Jag Paw Skull; mother's name same as on Wall in Bu 48; poss Cauac Shield father not JPS; poss both side figs are Curl Nose 40 AD 468 K'an Ak Hb:92-4 aka: Yellow Peccary; 12th R; son of Stormy Sky, 10th R; 2 9.3.10.0.0? J&S: 10-1 very similar to St.1; 13 9.2.10.0.0? Kan Boar J&S: 33-4 Fat glyph: poss Stormy Sky? Mother: Bird Claw; early style Staff St

PAGE 259

259Table A-1. Continued Stela Dates Personage Reference Comments 9 9.2.0.0.0 4 Ahau 13 Uo Kan boar? J&S: 23-5 poss 8th R, see above St 1 & 2 comments; poss incumbent; early style Staff St 3 9.2.13.0.0 4 Ahau 13 Kayab Jag Paw Skull J&S: 11-3 poss 9th R; names Father: Kan Boar; poss Son: Stormy Sky of St 31; Staff St 15 9.3.0.0.0 2 Ahau 18 Muan Jag Paw Skull? J&S: 35-7,57 names F: Kan B (paired w/St 7&27?); Staff St, only outline 7 9.3.0.0.0 2 Ahau 18 Muan Jag Paw Skull J&S: 20-1,57 Names Father: Kan Boar (paired w/St 15&27?); Staff St 27 9.3.0.0.0 2 Ahau 18 Muan Jag Paw Skull J&S: 59-60 poss paired w/ St 7&15); contemporay pics on St 3,7,15, Staff St 8 9.3.2.0.0 7 Ahau 8 Muan? Curl Head? J&S: 21-3 mother: Bird Claw? father: not recognizable (in list of R); Staff St 6 9.4.0.0.0 13 Ahau 18 Yax Jag Paw Skull? J&S: 18-20 eroded text; Staff St 14 9.5.0.0.0? J&S: 34-5 St 14 & 25 strikingly similar, poss one? St-fragment w/glyphs 25 9.4.3.0.0 1 Ahau 3 Yax poss husband J&S: 51,55-7 poss other part of St 14??; poss twin to St 23; poss father glyphof W of T, or right figure Kan Boer? poss husband to fig in 23; ? monuments to Jag Paw Skull? a branch of the ruling family; left figure Woman of T from St 23 23 9.4.3.0.0? (after 9.3.16.8.4) Woman of T? J&S: 41,50-1, W of Tikal's birth stated as: 9.3.9.13.3; poss son on St's side; 57 poss twin (paired) to St 25; com a couple; poss Kan Boer father? 12 9.4.13.0.0 13 Ahau 13 Yaxkin Curl Head? J&S: 31-3, 51 woman's name, male parent glyph; frag of upper part, ?twin to St 10? 10 9.4.13.0.0 13 Ahau 13 Yax? Jag Paw Skull? J&S: 25-9, 51 birth date? St 10 & 12 twins? (poss names grandf C H? UC) 26 9.7.10.0.0? Kan Boar J&S: 41,57-8 (called the "red St") has name's of Jag Paw Skull, Stormy Sky, Jag Paw Skull? Kan Boer, & W of T in text, St-fragment only shows feet El-1 9.7.0.0.0? Jag Paw Skull? J&S: 108-9, Bird Claw, poss. part of a woman's name Bird Claw? 17 ~9.7.0.0.0 (after 9.6.3.9.15) Double Bird J&S: 38-42 21st R; F: Jag Paw Skull, but poss not the same R as on St 3,7,15

PAGE 260

260Table A-1. Continued Stela Dates Personage Reference Comments 30 9.13.0.0.0 8 Ahau 8 Uo Ruler A J&S: 62-4 & 27, St 30 & Alt 14 found in enclosure together-belong together, St no glyphs, Alt only glyphs; (erected 10 y after inauguration recorded on T-IL 3 16 9.14.0.0.0 6 Ahau 13 Muan Ruler A J&S: 37-8 (w/Alt 5) age 40-60y? See assoc Alt 5 21 9.15.5.0.0 10 Ahau 8 Chen Ruler B J&S: 46-8 inaugural St; Alt 9 paired w/St has emblem glyph of poss either (5 tuns?) Calakmul's or Piedras Negras' R as as bou nd captive (like ball) 5 9.15.13.0.0 4 Ahau 8 Yaxkin Ruler B J&S: 168,129 27th R; names Father: Ruler A; M: named ? (Twelve Macaw) 20 9.16.0.0.0 2 Ahau 13 Zec Ruler B? J&S: 45-6 pair w/Alt 8; jag throne; 27th= R B, R C= 29th; ? missing 28th R, standing fig carries shield w/ bent-leg motif as does Ruler B & on later Ixlu St 1(not R-B?) 22 9.17.0.0.0 13 Ahau 18 Cumku Ruler C J&S: 48-50 29th R; inaugural Stela of R B's successor; F: named R B & his 19 9.18.0.0.0 11 Ahau 18 Mac Ruler C? J&S: 43-5-42 age: 60y F: named Ruler B; poss that Ruler C not yet R, part of St missing 24 9.19.0.0.0 9 Ahau 18 Mol ?Dark Sun? J&S: 52-55 poss his, or his son's stela Ix-1 10.1.10.0.0 4 Ahau 13 Kankin J&S: 113-4 not likely to be R B;, poss name? 11 10.2.0.0.0 3 Ahau 3 Ceh ? J&S: 29-31 poss offering or sacrifice J-1 10.2.10.0.0 2 Ahau 13 Chen Ten Monkey? J&S: 109-11 w/Alt 1 bound captive; father glyph?; Ix-2 10.2.10.0.0? J&S: 114-116 Altars 3 Early Classic ?Ruler? J&S: 78-9 moved may have been assoc w/St 3 or 7 style Early Classic, Baktun 8 or 9; Altars seem to be seats or thrones in stone 5 9.12.19.12.9 1 Muluc 2 Muan Ruler A J&S: 129, w/St 16 Consort? (death of female?) birth of heir?, poss Twelve 337-8 Macaw, but name different R B's parental statem on St 5 & L 3 Note: Dates with ? Are style dates or uncertain dedicatory dates

PAGE 261

261Table A-2. Tikal carved monument s: Lintels and Stucco-frieze Lintels Dates Personage Reference Comments T-I, L 2 9.13.3.0.0 9 Ahau 13 Pop Ruler A & female J&S: 97-100 missing glyphs R A?, but on L3 &Bu 116; reference to (Str 5D-1(or 9.14.0.0.0) figure (dress similar *M&G 204 important Copan Ruler 18 Kan Dog/ 18 Jog or 18 1st) to Clevel St woman) Rabbit* same as on some of the carved bones in Bu 116 T-1, L 3 Ruler A inauguration date at 9.12.9.17.16; M: Jaguar Seat, F: Shield (Str 5D-1Skull, both names are also recorded in Bu 116; jag-military 1st) alliance betw. T & Calakmul Jag-protector motiv (see also Marcus 1976:51-2); Lintelstheme similar to L-s in T-IV in both the main figure is protected by jag or reptile images. construction of T after 9.14.0.0.0 Lintels-older T-Str 5D-57 9.13.3.8.18 Ruler A S&Ma: 86-7 Ruler A's Pal ace; date of battle (8 Aug 695) stucco frieze T-II, L 2 9.15.0.0.0? (9.14.0.0.0?) woman J&S: 100 poss wife of R A, T-II dedicated to her? burial beneath T-II?, (Str 5D-2but despite extensive tunneling nothing found; T-2 earlier 1st) than T-I, T-IV, L 2 9.15.10.0.0 3 Ahau 3 Mol Ruler B J&S: 101-3 M: 12 Macaw, F: Ruler A; seated figure? (Str 5C-4) (or 9.16.0.0.0) T-IV, L 3 Ruler B seated figur?, not buried below T as R A; but Bu 196 dated (Str 5C-4) to 9.16.4.9.8 T-Str 5D-52 9.15.10. 0.0 3 Ahau 3 Mol Ruler B? J&S: 103-5 Palace; similiarities in date, shield & staff suggest R B. (Str 10) T-III, L 2 9.19.0.0.0? Ruler C or a J&S: 100-1 3-figure-scene revival St-style (14,23,25,31); poss Dark (Str 5D-3) brother? Sun' father, or R B's brother? Note: Dates with ? Are style dates or uncertain dedicatory dates

PAGE 262

262 Table A-3. Jones and Satterthwaites Conve rsion Time Table: In Maya Long-Count, corresponding Gregorian Year and Ceramic Complexes Long Count A.D. Tikal Ceramic Complexes 10.4.0.0.0 909 Eznab 10.3.0.0.0 889 10.2.0.0.0 869 10.1.0.0.0 849 10.0.0.0.0 830 9.19.0.0.0 810 9.18.0.0.0 790 9.17.0.0.0 771 Imix 9.16.0.0.0 751 9.15.0.0.0 731 9.14.0.0.0 711 9.13.0.0.0 692 9.12.0.0.0 672 9.11.0.0.0 652 Ik 9.10.0.0.0 633 9.9.0.0.0 613 9.8.0.0.0 593 9.7.0.0.0 573 9.6.0.0.0 554 9.5.0.0.0 534 9.4.0.0.0 514 9.3.0.0.0 495 9.2.0.0.0 475 9.1.0.0.0 455 9.0.0.0.0 436 Manik 8.19.0.0.0 416 8.18.0.0.0 396 8.17.0.0.0 376 8.16.0.0.0 357 8.15.0.0.0 337 8.14.0.0.0 317 8.13.0.0.0 297 8.12.0.0.0 278 250 Cimi 150 (Jones & Satterthwaite 1982:6)

PAGE 263

263 APPENDIX B BURIALS Figure B-1. Tikal Burial 125 (Coe 1990:Figure 62).

PAGE 264

264Table B-1. Tikal Burial 125. Date(s) Name/Description Jade Source 100BC2 males SkA & SkB Sk.A head to E, extended palms downnaked interred-no organig materials found Cc: 336-7, Fig 62 AD150 SkA= giant 70-80 y in Grave, but nearby cache, see Harrison for details. Hb: 68-69 ?Dynastic Founder Shaft above Bu contained 6 (poss 7) layers of flint flakes divided by marl, & above J&S: 6 last stratum fill ~ 100 pieces of obsidian, core & blades, & flint intermixed poss orig SkB= adult no age not mixed the flint blades from all layers amounted to 210 lbs Sk.A: Haviland in lab tests estimates height 180-190 cm, w/ a right limp;

PAGE 265

265 Figure B-2. Tikal Burial 10 (Coe 1990:Figure 160).

PAGE 266

266Table B-2. Tikal Burial 10 Date(s) Name/Description Jade Source *< 402Sk.A >35 y difficulties w/ exact provenience of grave goods. Cc: 479-487, d: 420 height 160 Sk.A center of chamb extended w/ head N, and face up, arms not crossed ?parallel? fig.160 9 accomp, none 8 Sk underneath & to W& S 1 head missing, & 1 SK above ceiling accomp by 2 jade *Hb: 105 older than ~ 16 beads head W, disarticulated bones w/pinkish hue poss bundle cloth sacrificed(?) 55 jade pebble beads all close prox to Sk.A except 1-dimentional grading sugg necklace, 10th Ruler? poss intentionally broken over the body 8 four-lobed jade beads w/ Sk.A seem random 6 specialized jade beads w/ 5 cylindr jade pieces streched arclike from Sk.A's right temporal to front of mandible, poss a rearward necklace tie 1 boot-shaped jade bead NEof skull 4 carved jade pendants, 2 repres. jaguar heads, 2 human's (? 1 a snarl-snout cayman) Figure 5-9 1 pair of large jade ear flares 2 pair of small jade ear flares 1 unmatched incised jade ear flare 1 unmatched and poss unfinished jade ear flare 117 minute pieces of jade poss from human face incorp in headdress (N of Sk.A's Skull & restricted to limited area), 1 carved jade bead beneath left palm-1 stingray spine under left wrist 1 largely disintegrated pyrite encrusted shale plaque (mirror) on upper left thigh 1 pair of ear flares of slate, crystal, shell, jade & amazonite -?belong in headdress 5 turtle carapaces NE of SkA head (po ss mounted on 2 poles & leaned against wall), (3large & 2 small, all missing heads, dicapitation?) 1 crocodile minus head to SE (starts ~ height of pelvic bone of SkA) ~90 small bones from different birds, most are from among the pottery NE & NW of SkA some are from next to the crocodile poss its last meal 1 painted-stucco bird effigy jar Figure 6-15 8 figurines from shell 1 damaged pearl pendant

PAGE 267

267Table B-2. Continued Date(s) Name/Description Jade Source 78 Spondylus sp. "spangles" poss basal part of headdress 1 large Spondylus sp. valve outside smooth, inside scraped, & 1 whole Spondylus sp. to east of it lower & on both sides slightly above head 8 perforated Lyropecten subnodosus valves, and 1 at throat of SkA, and 1 snail shell, 12 more NE of head 9 small Spondylus sp. valves modified as above, distributed along legs inside & out SkA 12 snails NE of head, 1 poss from 10 imitation stingray spines, whole & frags 1 two-part human effigy vessel -poss use as censorposs on NE corner of litter Figure B-3 1 planar object wood, upper surface stuccoed & painted green w/ yellow border & fine black feathers (?tray or plaque, shield?) next to croc -E content of grave beyond center clearl y segregated, table/ bench w. stucco (red) top NW probably held 7 large lidded pottery cylinders, together w/ 2N-center forming 9 lots of pottery (both plain & elaborate) stacked in front of turtles, while fine pottery was grouped E & S in front of them (30, plus 1 lid) # 9 significant ( 9 attendents, -steps, -cylindr Black jars, lids -cyldr tripods, shells) also, body is encicled by green and yellow-orange-red, w/ loosely distrub. jades & spondylus shells achieved Cinnabar in different forms among Sk.A., & forehead brightly reddened Sk.A on large wooden litter or bier ( ~ 1x3 m) on 4 posts most jade pieces seem distributed about the bodyand not as normally worn 7 layers of mostly flint blades w/ some obsidian, & even eccentrics Figure B-4

PAGE 268

268 Figure B-3. Incense burner of old god with belt-mask in his hands from Bu 10 (Martin and Grube 2000:33).

PAGE 269

269 Figure B-4. Examples of eccentric flints, note the human faces (Schele and Miller 1986:Plate 26; Miller and Martin 2004:148-149).

PAGE 270

270 Figure B-5. Tikal Burial 48 (Coe 1990:Figure 174).

PAGE 271

271Table B-3. Tikal Burial 48 Date(s) Name/Description Jade Source 457 3 males bundle burial head (obsidian blade instead), and hands missingcenter, slightly W Cc: 118-123, Skeleton A= Sk.A body painted red w/cinnabar Fig 174 large adult male Coe sugg head modeled & crested w/Tikal emblem, bundle, appears in left arm of (>)Hb: 88 head severedruler on St 31 -if it is son of 10th R-Bu10problem: today Bu48 considered earlier *J&S: 6 missing atlas & axis than Bu10, but could it be a custom?-Hero-twin-story= father lost head) Sk B < 17 y walls have glyphs & symbolsN-Wall w/ date 457 (9.1.1.10.10 4 Oc) (>)* Sk C betw 12-14 y 380 jade beads and 2 of shell (flanking pendant?) poss. multistrand necklace w/ 11th Ruler? 1 large cylindrical car ved jadebead, (poss rested on bundle). 32 add. subspherical jade (some?) beads, 22 are at Sk.A, 6 to NE of it, 3 to SW 1 jade object (well used celt ?) on NE-side of Sk.A 1 jade spherical object at center S of Sk.A 1 jade facial piece w/ throat disk 1 pair of jade ear flares ( 4 pieces) 1 w/ re sidue of cinnabar & tex tile on upper surface mass of Jade bits (~700)(?scattered??) circular arrang& various spec. pieces sugg. a profiled personage, and shell mosaic pieces w/ 1 pair jade matched composite ear flares in center, and 1 set of compound (6 pieces) ear ornaments. made of jade, shell, alabaster, & stucco. All?? part of complex mosaic w/ 2 human eyesmask, or part o a headdress. W-Wall pottery (9) contain among other, jade(no descip.)&specular hematite powder 1 rectangular stuccoed (green& red-on-cream w/ fine-line painting) object 20x32x5 cm poss a tray or shield 3 effigy faces (maskettes?) of clay 10 inmature Spondylus sp. valves, all w/scraped exterior & paired perforations together w/ jade beads highly symbolic, ome aspect poss related to color, here orange & green 1 w/ single perforation & filled w/other shells & a metate in 1 small vessel center S lots of different shellsmany but not all frags 7 whole & incompl modified stingray spines, bones of animals in vessels: 10 phalanges from whitetail deer, 5 quails, and turkey poss many things are within bundle, but some of the shells and jade beads are

PAGE 272

272Table B-3. Continued. Date(s) Name/Description Jade Source "scattered" around the bundle to create a circle of gree n& yellow/orange/red powdered 1 intact gray obsidian lancet flake-blad e & spec hemat in alabaster vessel ( NE corner) 2 green obsidian flake-b w/slight edge wear & distal ends missing in & under a bowl 4 water-wornwhite quarzite pebbles (prob unmodefied) 3 textile imprinted, 1 not 1 metate-and-mano pair carefully positioned against bundle's E side 27 pottery vessels (incl lids) deposited in 2 groups, 9 at along W-Wall (See above), 1 at center S, 2 small at center S (1 a typical cache vessel of time), 1 olla in arms of SkB, 12 from center E to N along wall & towards center of grave, ending in above Figures 6-11A, 15, mentioned alabaster bowl, incl a stuccoed cylindr tripod w/lid just below it & on wall B-6 Cinnabar most dense around bundle, also some in a vessel, on shell, & a jade ear flaredistributed throughout thefloor area of chamber poss either poles ( central clearly outlined) to carry bundle or ?sand painting? over most of floor likely entire floor covered by mats, heavy cloth, skins, or combo smaller (in size), but similar to Bu10 sacrifced (?) youth, quality of goods no flint& obsidian blade layers in fill N-Wall of chamber painted with glyphs Figure B-7

PAGE 273

273 Figure B-6. Example vessels from Bu 48 (Coe 1969[1967]:47; Culb ert 1993:Figures 3031).

PAGE 274

274 Figure B-7. North-wall of burial chamber 48 (Coe 1990:Figure 329).

PAGE 275

275 Figure B-8. Tikal Burial 195 (Coe 1990:Figure 198).

PAGE 276

276Table B-4. Tikal Burial 195 Date(s) Name/Description Jade Source after 1 male,~ 168 cm tall extended on back, head N w/arms, left over right, crossed on chest, teeth -inc, can, premCc: 565-5 68, 593 old w/ arthritic foot show central depreci on for jade or other disks, not present Fig 198 bones body wrapped in 3 layer "bundle" (more like a cigar w/ tapered ends tightly constricted) (>)Hb: 102-103 poss 22nd Ruler (>) ~ 260 cm long & a diameter of 85 cm, tied w/ rope, all reddish, deposited on S 3 of 4 before carved wooden panels covering the floor tightly beneath it Bu23 objects in bundle Very important: 1 pair jade ear assemblages w/flares as if worn, also belonging to assemblage are water in grave, 2 cylindrical jade beads, 1 at left little finger (E) & 1 on pubic symphysis w/ 1 small unposition of artifacts modified stingray spine, point down ( as if accord w/a well known practice) not certain 18 jade bead s thought to be from a necklace broken in transport various locations from neck to feet or are "token" jewlery placed deliberately among body 2 spherical Spondylus beads, cross-perforated, poss necklace ends 1 pearl-drop pendant w/ both a jade & shell bead, center part of necklace (?) 5 lg Spondylus sp. valves, interior scraped, hinge drilled, 3 in -shape (1 E betw neck & shoulder blade, 1~ height of heart, & 1 just SE below right wrist bones), poss part of a necklace, or sewn onto a garment, or just spec placement at buri al, 1 broken at top of top of crushed skull-probably at buri al cradling the head (local custom), & 1 at feetposs set underneath outside of bundle 1 pair of alabaster sculptures grouped upright, larger N, both facing Ealone in NW part they appear to represent a large rodent, cotusa (Peten, serequi ), rather than rabbit 6 pottery vessels, 3 graduated stuccoed tripod plates in arc on W w/smallest height of skull, poss wrapped inside & out, 1 bowl & 1 cylindrical vessel E at height of knee & hip bone, 1 (water) jar NE on wall for the following only the thin stucco ed & painted surfaces are present: 4 carv wood panel (see above), w/ head-variant date of 9.8.0.0.0. (593*) on N board-*J&S: 6 big question: if it coincide w/ death, rather panels available at time and used 1 lg & narrow glyph-decorated bench or table; SW from~ knee to below feet of Sk more or less in a cluster reaching edge of N wood panel to jar (N to E), 1 rim of bowl,

PAGE 277

277Table B-4. Continued Date(s) Name/Description Jade Source 1 tetrapod bowl w/match lid, 1 plate w/ flaring walls, & 1 inexplicable midsection (23cm) of a long bone 4 matched wooden skulptures of deity K'awil (>) at the following locations, but thought (>)Hb: 123 to be displaced from orig position ( 1 NC 1 NC below yoke adjacent to top vessel Figure 6-19 of W 'arc, 2 on top of cluster (see above), 1 base NW facing Sk, 1 base SE facing wall 1 basket (beans) below k'awil facing wall, & close to jar 1 headdress beneath the 2 k'awils & close to basket, frame of parallel embossed, and elongate members painted blue/green raising from them are bunched 30cm lg feathers & in another tier ~ 5 more feathers <80 cm lg, more imprints Sw of frame, but no id 1 (wooden) yoke NC of W-pottery, on its ends textile, padding(?); & poss 1 rubber ball (C & W of W-arc of pottery, relative prox to yoke problems: aged male, mostly w/ plaster-clad wooden grave goods, single interment position of jade beads & shells different Food & water, elaborate headdress & & ball-player paraphernalia add to ?'s. Also ? why buried there & not in a less deep & less distruction needing place layers of lithic material absent from fill, but has "Preclassic" & Manik (250-436*) sherds J&S: 6 instead

PAGE 278

278 Figure B-9. Tikal Burial 23 (Coe 1990:Figure 176).

PAGE 279

279Table B-5. Tikal Burial 23 Date(s) Name/Description Jade Source 593-692? 1 adult >30 y extended, head (w/frontal deformation) N, w/ arms crossed over chest, left wrist Cc: 536-540, ~ 150 cm tall over right Fig 176 poss some fron1 jade bead -as if orig in mouth >(Cc-568) 9.11. tal deformation 1 pair jade & shell ear orn-s, 1 by right ear, 1 closer to chest height, but away from it >> (J&S6) 9.12.0.0.0> later than Bu195 1 pair jade & shell & pearl ear ornaments, close to each ear earlier & poss 1 necklace of jade, pearl pendants, a front center carved jade pendant & 2 Shell beads AD 652-672>> father of man in 1 large jade bead on top of right hand Bu 116 1 jade pendant (stylistically heirloom ) carved side upprob not part of necklace 1 necklace or plastron (collar) of jade beads & carved pendants over lower chest & almost surely overlain by cr ossed arms --762 pieces in all-8 jade disc inlays upper teeth to 1.premolar, premolars had fillings of specular hematite no bracletts or anklets 1 jade bead broken into 5 pieces at the chamber's S-end 1 nacreous shell pendant 5 fish vertebrae about the neck below mandible 1 perforated Spondylus sp. valve -like a cap on skull, w/ 2 worm colonies below (described in text as bein g there, but drawing does not match it) 9 other such valves alongside body, all interior up, except 2; powdered cinnabar inside close to the right shoulder) common custom & symbolic; see Bu 10 2 fairly small jaguar skins transversly arranged below body (evidenced by clusters of paws) & on top textiles (imprints) that coverd a cinnabar-painted tabular ?litter? S-end of chamber abounded impressions of both coarse & fine cloths (latter w/ raised work & crisscross stitching 12 pottery vessels -uprighton plaster covered N-bench (? 1 a trade item) 3 tripod plates w/ repetitions of Ahau glyphs w/ different pre& post-coeffients Figure B-10 Cinnabar on throaght area of Sk only not common custom poss that Sk was shrouded, and some of the jewlery (carved pendant & ear orn) fell away from body at decay of cloth-poss mats covered body not sure if it is whole jag-skinscould be just claws as in Bu 116 & 196

PAGE 280

280Table B-5. Continued Date(s) Name/Description Jade Source unusual finds (workmen?chance?): 1 flintbiface-elongated & 2 biface-ovate, 1 stone pick 1 centrally perforated limestone objectConceivably a plumb bob. 1 unmodified stingray spine beside ri ght upper arm (accord to Coe stingray spine should be closer to pelvic 3 layers of lithics in the marl above capstones ( author suggests that only 1/4 of entire layers exposed) Top layer exposed yi elded 788 pieces of obsidian, (flake-blades & bits of core) 1 whole, & 1 inco mplete eccentric obsidian & 7 flint flakes 2 lower layers contained (poss some from top l) 168 unmodified flint flakes & 390 obsidian flakes (1/2 of which debitage?)

PAGE 281

281 Figure B-10. Vessel from Bu 23 (Culbert 1993:Figure 40).

PAGE 282

282 Figure B-11. Tikal Burial 24 (Coe 1990:Figure 177).

PAGE 283

283Table B-6. Tikal Burial 24. Date(s) Name/Description Jade Source Bu 24 1 diminutive adult face up, head N, extended, arms parallel over chest, large shell fell over head (smashed) Cc: 541 -543, shortly >30 y by fallen rubble in grave Fig 177 after Bu 23 ~115 cm tall no ear ornaments or anklets poss. w/legs almost twice 1 central bird head jade pendant and Jester (24) length of trunk 2 adjacent globular jade beads, the only objective clue to a necklace actually worn on & Lord (23) vertebral column w/ internment, poss. 1 irregular shaped pearl (length 2.5 cm) also part of it enough curvature to 2 jade pendants, both face up (one of the a heirloom?) suggest hunchback 1 flared jade bead resting in crook of right elbow moderate forehead 2 globular jade beads, lower thorax area flattening 1 cylindrical jade bead under right hand 1 globular jade bead, on displaced left elbow 1 jade bead under left wrist 1 Spondylus bead under right (mate?) 1 globular jade bead 1 flared jade bead, among skull fragments (conjecturally either once in the mouth, or dubiously figuring in a rear tie of a necklace) 1 unexplained jade bead fragment ( reminis cent of Bu 23 pieces), w/chunk of plaster 300 bits of raw jade (largest 8 mm) among the skeleton principally in one location, amid a black powdery decay shot through w/ flecks of cinnabar & specular hematite (above head reaching to the large shell (w/2 holes) over the skull frags). The same was evident between femora & over pelvis, & another concentration of bits appeared over if not under left wrist bone. Assumed to be the remnants of a headress, a loincloth & wrist band. 6 jade disc inlays in upper teeth distributed: 2 large & 2 tiny in central incisors, 2 single in lateral incisors-canines w/single amazonite disks 10 large Spondylus sp valves spines missing and smoothed to flatnesss, w/ interior most w/ large central holes (exc. Shell covering skull frags, that also contained hair & remains of sponge) distributed among & around the body. Again same pattern for 9 of the shells as in Bu 23 ("Identically treated shells are shown on Lin.2 of T I, as so though affixed to the Cc-542 upright") shell over right foot contained a small amount of purple-red pigment w/ corn kernels, some more are going up to knee area. In shell farthest to West lay

PAGE 284

284Table B-6. Continued. Date(s) Name/Description Jade Source unidentified bird bone poss litter beneath body, no textiles on floor, but five of the surrounding shells show imprints of plain weave cloth, sugg that litter was cloth-covered & body too, and found impressions of red-impregnated plain-weave cloth & ?palm stems & leaves? 6 upright pottery vessels, 4 NE, 2 NW, 20 unmodefied, mostly incomplete obsidian flake-blades in 2 clusters S of left foot 2 stingray spines poss layer of flint blades >100 above closure of Bu, disturbed

PAGE 285

285 Figure B-12. Tikal Burial 116 (Coe 1990:Figure 260).

PAGE 286

286 Figure B-12. Continued.

PAGE 287

287Table B-7. Tikal Burial 116 Date(s) Name/Description Jade Source inter1 male, >65 y flat on back, head N, arms parallel, very rich burial, according to Christopher Jones Cc: 604-609, ment ~ 167-8 cm tall (pers. communication, see**) the jade collected weighed 16 1/2 pounds Fig 260 ~731* skull extreme 1 jade mosaic cylinder w/lid (^) "handle" head of Hasaw & his name incised (hence *J&S: 6 pseudo-circular assumed to be his grave (Hb-145), incidentally, an identical vessel, but with what is **Ca: 41 deformation assumed to be his wife (Hb-134, 162-4) was found in the poss burial of his son, overall heavyness Bu 196,(^); inside cylinder 1 imitation composite pearl pendant ^Figure 4-20 of Sk is noted & 1 assemblage (52 pieces) made of differently shaped conch-shell elements (some w/ arthritic lipping pyrite inlay), jade bosses & platelets, w/ of vertebrae & v 1 obsidian disk, & 1 ova l thin shell piece laying on plasterlike worn dentition-if material, poss its backing (?) between the 2 pyrite mosaic plaques at W pottery modificationactually worn at burial are the following pieces: worn away 56 elonga ted jade beads of a multistand necklace 26th Ruler (R A) 2 matching three-piece jade earplugs w/projecting jade rod poss worn 9 square jade plaques that form a f illet ( reminicend of a diadem on skull) 2 jade bracelets of > 7 (each) slender tubular beads 2 jade anklets of at least 6 (each) rectangular bar beads 1 tubular jade bead & terminal pearl at groin additional jewelry 120 graduated spherical jade beads w/ 1 tubular jade tie-piece forming a multistran d & heavy collar starting at left shoulder blade, across abdomen & ending at the pottery vessel W of body at shoulder height 1 jade earflare w/ 1 throat disc N of W terminal of collar, its mate 1 jade earflare w/ 1 throat di sc lays on top of smaller earflar e worn on left side of skull 1 jade figurine 4 inches tall at SW corner of chamber beneath it Figure B-13 1 pair of bone & shell tweezers, 20 na rrow awl-like bone speci mens, 13 halves & craped long bones, 22 tubular, sp atulate & rodshaped bones, 5 more tweezers many are incised or carved, among them Paddler god scenes(^^); po ss all rested ^^Figure 6-10 on a board or tray Figure 4-22, B14 1 poss necklace of many singly & multiply perforated spherical & blister pearls, & composite nacreous shell imitations, & poss belonging to it 1 large complete nacreous shell pendant

PAGE 288

288Table B-7. Continued. Date(s) Name/Description Jade Source 3 pyrite mosaic plaques w/slate backs: 2 S of the Wpottery, 1 N of S tripod plate w/ emerald-green under-border & cinnabar dots 75 jaguar terminal phalanx bones, without claws, surrounding Sk in 14 groups of 5, except for 10 at right hipbone, 8 stingray spines (3 are imitations) are distributed as follows: 3 unmodified & 1 modified against or under left knee, the 3 imitaton & 1 unmodified arranged under lower back to plevis bone w/ lump of Bryozoa & 43 unarticulated fish vertebrae 1 pair of unmodified Spondylus cf princeps over Arca zebra valve (undersite traces of cinnabar) & against left temple 1 piece of Byozoa & 1 gorgonian attachment on coquina together below left ear 1 large piece of Byozoa at right temple 2 matching Spondylus cf princeps valves beneath right knee 1 heavily altered Spondylus sp against & under back of head, hinge up toward W 1 Spondylus bead on left index finger 1 pair of Spondylus cf princeps 1 large piece of Byozoa, & 1 large piece of Vrmetidae under right wrist, 1 Vermicularia spirata in repot w rgt wrist, but in plan (of Bu) it is at the left wrist 1 Arca zebra shell betw lower thighs 27 modified Spondylus sp valves (all scraped interiorly, & majority feature 1 or 2 drilled) positioned upright ( except 2prox rgt foo) from right knee, in close proximity to Sk, to left hip in a semi circle; on right and S site of Sk they are arranged in groups of 2 or 3, while on left side they are in two rows, 1 touching the bones, & ~22 cm to E, & some from left foot to hip are aligned "coverlet of jaguar skin lay beneath the ruler, under which had been a straw mat." Hb: 143 1 articulated Spondylus cf princeps w/ unusually small plate 19 pottery vessels, almost all are arranged to the W, & on a bench, of SK, a set of 3 Figs 6-11B, -12 tripod plates, 10 cylindrical vessels of different designs, 9 are a set, 1 unusually small; 2 almost identical tripod plat es are at N & S end of chamber, & S the N plate a 1 shell-shaped tripod plate w/a "kill" hole drilled through its center glyph 1 alabaster bowl, plaste red & polych painted, at shoulder height W of SK 1 green-stuccoed, red-painted bowl, either wood or gourd

PAGE 289

289 Table B-7. Continued. Date(s) Name/Description Jade Source 7 unmodified obsidian flakes among the W pottery, & 5 unmodified Fl-blades on the edge of petate (woven mat) The bench's originally damp plaster surface was imprinted by a large petate w/ splayed fringes, on which body was laid out, poss under body jaguar pelts, & poss everything was covered by a fine thread trextile Cinnabar was present beneath head & on nu merous skeletal parts, but excavators doubt that the Bu qualifies as a "red-paint" interment. An estimated ton of esoterically distributed flint-flakes & 1/2 ton of obsidian flakes excava ted from above the Bu's capstone (under Temple I excavation tunnel >9 m of flint blades lead to Bu116)

PAGE 290

290 Figure B-13. Jade figurine from Bu 116. Side and front view with beads (Trik 1963:10; Coe 1965:41, coloration UC).

PAGE 291

291 Figure B-14. Various incise d or carved bones from Bu 116 (Coe 1964:41; Trik 1963: 11, 14, 16-17).

PAGE 292

292 Figure B-14. Continued.

PAGE 293

293 Figure B-15. Tikal Burial 196; and detailed drawing in situ of collar at locus 59, and cluster of bone artifacts at locus 42 (Coe 1990:Figure 283).

PAGE 294

294 Figure B-15. Continued.

PAGE 295

295 Figure B-15. Continued.

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296Table B-8. Tikal Burial 196. Date(s) Name/Description Jade Source 692-889 1 old male extended, skull W, face up, right leg bended, on a platform or bench along W-wall, Cc: 641-6, leaving a smaller part as aisle Fig 282-3 ~ 167 cm tall PROBLEM: in report: right arm parallel, left on lower pelvis; in plan reverse (>)HB: 162, 165 ~720-> 27th Ruler son of 1 jade fillet (diadem) of 12 ro unded, centrally perforated pi eces, encircling head w/ 751(>) 26th (>) still embedded in plaster painted green were exposed betw discs 2 jade composite ear-plugs each 4 pieces w/central projecting rod, close to each ear 1 jade 5-strand necklace (>50 pieces) varied parts generally tubular; 3 jade beads; 2 on N side of neckl ace, 1 on S, poss closure?? or extras 1 necklace of 137 semispherical & ba roque pearls, poss 6th strand, generally in w/contact w/upper beads of jade necklace 2 jade bracelets, each 10 parallel long beads, on rgt & left wrist; as reconstr each bead surmounted by cross-sectionally pentagonal shell ornament composed of fitted small elements perhaps simulating pearls (UC: or the combo shell-jade meaning ) 1 jade pectoral (?) abdomen left (N) of spine, consisting of: 1 jade human head pendant, flanked by 2 small jade ear ornaments, just below (E) 1 cresentic silhouetted nacreous shell bird image on a perforated ovoid ba cking, w/ adjacent small mosaic-like pieces of similar shell, below that (E) 93 Spondylus beads & 3 of jade, poss the necklace for pectoral 2 jade 3-element ear ornaments large (pair), fl ares & throat elements N of skull, rods N, but at throat level; underneath flares remains of 1 teardrop pearl ( other under smallest pyrite mirror) simulated by pieces of blister pearls supplemented by nacreous shell elements 1 jade bar bead w/poss attached perforated pearl, flanked by 2 stingray spines w/ incised text (& dates 9.16.3.0.0 & 9.16.4.9.8 poss 1 katun [20y] later than Bu 116) at pubis poss sewn to loincloth or (on genitals as in bloodletting) 1 jade bar bead at left hand (probably under) 1 jade bead, 1 Spondylus bead, & 1 baroque pearl at right hand (probably under) 1 jade bead & 1 Spondylus bead just below jaw, poss at mouth 1 scraped, polished, doubly perforated unusually large Spondylus sp. valve set hinge down against crown (top of head) w/ 1 jade bar bead,figurally carved, set against it Figure B-16

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297Table B-8. Continued. Date(s) Name/Description Jade Source 59 jade graduated spherical beads distributed over & directly about body (poss another necklace, UC: or (cave-in) been displace d, & originally formed a pattern around SK w/ 27 Spondylus sp. hinge-perforated valves w/ exteriors down ( 3 are placed across stomach & 1 at each wrist) that (shells) are around the Sk as seen in other Bu's (no evidence of cloth anywhere that both shells & beads could have been attached to 1 jade mosaic cylinder w/lid top face thought to be wife of Hasaw, & in son's Bu, Figure 4-20 containing 11 small largely spherical pearl pendants 1 jade sculpture of jaguar upright facing E, & located just below jade-mosaic-cylinder Figure B-16 4 pyrite mosaic plaques w/ slate backing, faceup W of Sk; largest at knee hgt close to wall, 3 each descending in size form a triangle, w/ sm at skull top hgt, 1 slightly above & below, betw Sk & (slightly closer) wall 16 clusters of 5 Jag-ungual bones around Sk except 10 betw lower legs, no claws 1 isolated perforated pearl (Problem: re port says: adjacent to earplugnot clear which-, but locus (57) in plan is above shell that covers crown of head) 12 clustered rectangular pieces of nacr eous shell, & in close proximity a small concentration of painted plaster flakes, black line & blue detailing on rose; N of Sk in aisle at hight of elbow 2 nested modified Elliptio sp valves, against largest pyrite plaque, N, at knee-hgt 1 artifactual cluster consisting of: 1 bone & nacreous shell tweezers; 9 pairs of extra shell pincer elements; 6 modified slender curved objects, perhaps penis bones; 1 bone perforator; 2 carved & glyphically incised bone perforators; 2 end-worked bone objects; 6 unm odified large teeth of rodent ( paca & pocket gopher, & poss 4 indiv represented); 1 sli-ghtly altered Unioid mussel valve; 2 minute cup-like shell objects; ~150 tiny Olivella sp shells (spires removed, app not concentrated) 2 identical shell pincer pieces & 1 slender curved bone obj (poss spilled in transport) W of pyrite plaque-triangle 48 pottery vessels, 3 on bench(w/Sk), 1 W of head close to S-wall ~ knee-hgt, & Figures 6-11C, 13, 1 SW of rght foot & close to wall others in aisle; there are several sets of cylinders and 6-18 ( 13, 7) & tripod plates ( 10) among them; 1 nestet (6) 1 alabaster ringbased bowl close to wall at height of elbow (SE) 1 wooden bowl (remains) filled w/ granul ated specular hematite N of artifactual cluster

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298Table B-8. Continued. Date(s) Name/Description Jade Source 1 larger wooden bowl w/ green-stuccoed rim & traces of probable cinnabar painting poss Sk laying on jaguar skins, but badely decomposed very questionable delinated area around head suggests the poss of a head dress poss textile over Sk & proximate materials Cinnabar: objects were laying on it & expo sed surfaces coated in it: bracelets, necklace parts, jade jaguar, stingray spines, & adjacent items; select Sk-part too: shell on head, lower rght leg, entire pelvis, area below feet w/ specular hematite particles roof of grave above closure ( no capstones) mud intermixed w/ flint & obsidian; & not layers, but pockets above Bu 116 & 196 many similarities: arrangements of beads & shells, almost iden tical in size & floorplan; division of Bu-bench (or platform); sets of pottery vessels of graduated deco quality; use of aisle for most pottery, 2 stone vessels, 1 of alab aster, 1 of jade mosaic (& associated w/pearls); jade diadem; pearl-necklace & pendant mostly of nacreous shell; pyrite encrusted plaques (or mirrows); severed jaguar paws; UC: poss jaguar pelts as resting place ; grouped bone objects, & of jade, Spondylus & appear positioned w/hand(s)

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299 Figure B-16. Jade from Bu 196. Left, exam ple of carved bar bead, 8.8 cm long (Coe 1 988:51). Right, jaguar, height ca. 16 cm, between ca. 2 and 10 cm wide, and it is 3 1/2 pounds heavy (Coe 1969[1967]:65).

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300Table B-9. Tikal Burials 77, 8 and 6. No Date(s) Name/Description Jade Source 77 Late single adult Bu found u nder structure 5D-11, an unfini shed temple in the West Plaza C: 12-13, C1418, Classic 1 jade pendant w/cinnabar, considered one of the finest carvings from Tikal, poss a & Cb: 74-75 >750 heirloom, because the smooth back shows traces of a ve rtical inscription of four Hb: 178-179 glyphs (has been called one of the most be autiful pieces of carved jade, it was stolen Figure 6-9 from Tikal Museum in 1981 (Coe 1969[1967]:74; Harrison 1999:178). 2 jade earplugs ? Jade buttton-like flares encirceling the head of sk. ? Jade wrist bands of beads roof over tomb made of logs that was overlaid by a woven mat over which had been sprinkled thousands of pieces of obsidian and flint."(>>) (>>)Cb: 75 8 692889 quite aged male LOOTED-but pi eced some of it together Cc: 487-490 (??Jones's Ruler C) ONLY IMPORTANT POINT ABOUT IT: has architectual components similar to Burial 196; poss also had several jag-paws around the corpse as in Bu 196 frag of alabaster (or calcite) ringstand bowlas was found Bu 196 but no shell or jade frags found slightly later than Bu 196 6 889-?* a heavily shrouded twice looted first by what author calls "Caban people", & by "Bernoulli's hatchet men" Cc: 603-604 adult female *J&S: 6

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301 Table B-10. Similarities between Tikal Burials Burial with Similarities 125 10 7 layers of lithics above 195 not lithics, but has "Preclassic" & "Classic" (Manik) sherds 23 3 layers of lithics 24 poss layer of lithics-disturbed 116 < 1.5 tons of lithics above, 9m of flint leading to Bu. 196 not layers, but "pockets"of lithics 77 ?1 layer of lithics (thousands) 10 48 circle of jade and red/ yellow around body 195 inside bundle J-beads & shell circle, poss. also 4 k'awils 23 circle of 9 shells around body 24 circle of 9 shells around body J-shroud over body 116 circle of shells and ja de unusual pattern ( 27 shells) 196 circle of shells and jade unusual pattern (59 J & 27 shell) 48 poss "shell-skull cap" 195 "shell-skull-cap" 23 "shell-skull-cap" 24 "shell-skull-cap" 116 "shell-skull-cap" 196 "shell-skull-cap" 48 top of bundle -?head w/jade 23 J-bead /mouth-head region 24 J-bead head 196 J-bead & shell at mouth area 116 9 J-square-plaques-lik e crownaround head 196 9 J-square-plaques-lik e crownaround head J-bead under lft palm, stingray spine rgt palmin Bu 10 195 J-bead at lft hand E, stingray-spine at groin 23 J-bead rgt hand 24 J-bead lft wrist, shell rght 116 shell bd lft hd, 4 diff.shells rght wrist 196 J-bead lft hand, & 1 J-bd 1shell & 1pearl rgt hand 48 poss. 9 significant 23 9 significant 24 9 significant 116 9 significant 196 poss. 9 significant

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302 Table B-10. Continued. Burial with Similarities 23 2-jaguar skins beneath body 116 coverlet of jaguar skin beneath body 116 14 clusters of 5 jag-phalanx b-no claws, 10 at rght hip 196 16 clusters of 5 jag-phalanx b-no claws, 10 betw low legs 8 poss clusters of jagbones around body as 116 & 196 116 J-bead & pearl at groin, 8 st-ray spines among lower body 196 J-bead & pearl w/ 2 st-ray spat groin,

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303Table B-11. Commonalities betw een monuments and burials. Ruler assoc Mons Burials Associated Features Burial Associated Features Stela Yax Ain I ?4? 10 if St 4 is his, wearing Teocostume found none, since it is not sure if St even is his First Crocodile items in Bu also strong Teo-influenceheadless crochas Jag-God in arm/hand assoc w/name? also stylized Jade croc headsame as & Jag-headdress, shell-necklace name glyph, instead of animals head? & atlatl (spearthrower) in arm jade -jaguar? mask in headdress, Pendants of Jags & human-later Jag protector old tradition and enduring body surrounded byJade shells, creating a green-red/pink circle # 9 important Stormy Sky St 1, 28, 31 48 missing head, bundle burial, instead of headfig on left wears same shell necklace as St4 Obsidian blade, hands missing too, battle gear 2 companions, as on St. to young images on lft & rgt? mask from headdress/ throat piece similar to St? 380 Jade-bead-neckl also circle of green & red/pink around bundle Curl /Lizard Head St 8, 10, 12 195 burial rich, but things are made of wood, stuccoed & St 10 &12 headdress may part of burial Animal Skull 14 fragment painted, also Jade & shell circle bundle but like roll headdress may same as worn on St 10& 12 Shield Skull ? 23 carved Jade pectoral, second heirloom Jade collar 762 pieces in all, Spondylus like cap on head poss whole jaguar pelt, but could als be only claws Jade shell-circle, stingray spine close to groin? 9 shells & Jade circle poss Jester to ? 24 no earornaments or anklets Shield Skull bird-head Jade pendant 1 Jade bead underleft wrist, 1 Spondylus under right Jade headdress

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304Table B-11. Continued. Ruler assoc Mons Burials Associated Features Burial Associated Features Stela 9 shell & jade circle Ruler A 30, 16-A5, 116 161/2 pounds of Jade, see Fig B-12, he wears enough no mask and celts, but buried with great TI/L1,2 to account for it, jade vase w/image w/pendant riches stelae and lintel riches are matched Str5D-57 inside, poss shield made of 52 pieces jade, shell by burial capture of Jade jewlery seems to match St & Lintels, except Calakmul L does not wear the pectoral seen in St 16, and Jade diadem instead of the elaborate headdress? has pearl &Jade bead in groin area 75 jaguar claw bones without claws surround body in clusters, Jadeshell circle with extras around head Ruler B 21, 5-A8, 20 196 Jade diadem, similar earspools to Stelae & Lintels in Stelae & Lintels bead collars TIV/L1,2 5 strand Jade necklace, tubular beads >50 pieces longnosed pectoral not present, but neckStr 5D-52 with a 6th strand of baroque pears lace & pect oral could be from St 20 Jade pectoral human face with earspools, bird effigy but other jade jewlry very similar, except and 93 Spondylus beads & 2 Jade necklac no masks has Jade bar flanked by stingray at groin Jade bar bead left hand, Jade-, Spondylus bead, & baroque pearl right hand Spondylus skull cap Jade & shell circle and cluster of Jag claw bones, no claws, 1 Jade Jaguar figurine, pelt underneath? Sk 1 Jade mosaic vessel other half of pair mother possible buried w/ shield

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305Table B 12. Calakmul Burials. Pers/Place Date(s) Name/Description Jade & other Source (of Info) poss.Ruler ~ 400 or 1 male > 30 y fully extended on back, head N, on a woven mat, right arm across Folan et al, 1995 & earlier* ^on jade plaque 3 an chest; Sk was on a "bed" of 5 dishes (see Fi g4-17) Pincemin D., 1994 Str III, individual is named 3 jade mosaic masks: *Pincemin et al, 1998 Tomb 1 poss occupant, but 1 face (170 pieces) w/shell eyes, lips & teeth; w/holes to tie to see Figure 4-18 name is not menhead, & has plaster backing (similar masks at Palenque & Tikal) tioned by later 1 chest (125 pieces) poss a long-fanged jaguar w/inscribed disk Rulers name is as ? Ik in in mouth, w/earplugs & hanging from it see Figure 3-26 follows: 3 jade inscribed plaques^, each w/hole on top for suspension Figure B-17 Glyph 5: Lords (similar shown on Stela 43), &1 for his belt (92 pieces) w/shell name is given & pyrite, & 3 plain stone pendants (poss made a tinkeling as "superfix" & sound when walking) long snout & jaw3 jade pairs of earplugs: 1 large pair w/pyrite mosaics over shell at bone & postfix" r&l of skull, 1 small pair w/ cest mask, 1w/ belt mask Glyph 6: title 1 jade ring 32 jade beads, plain & carved (1 8 form a necklace or collar for the NW corner chest mask), 8 tubular a "psychoduct" 2 pearls: 1 W of body & E of stingray spine at pelvis hght, & 1 9m long, to outside on other side (E) on N-side of structure 8,252 shell beads: a cloth adorned w/ hundreds of shells arranged (comparable to duct in designs near Sk & other shells carved to represent human in T of Inscription, skulls Palenque) 1 stingray spine W of body at pelvis height 3 Spondylus shells altered several other shells among them Olivias 1 block of red pigment at left side of skull (E) fit in w/color arrangm?? 10 ceramics: 5 simple flat -bottemed orange dishes make "bed" 1 (E of skull) a tripod w/ handle in form of 3-dimensional human head w/prominend noseplug, elaborate bird headdress, necklace of large beads & a la rge shell or ?jade pendan t & See Folan 1995:323 hands are raised & body show markings of death, lower half

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306Table B 12. Continued. Pers/Place Date(s) Name/Description Jade & other Source (of Info) of vessel 2 stylized serpents assoc w/apotheosis & similar to EC Stela w/ bust of ancestor in mouth 2 vessels are staked, 1 ci rcular dish inside a lack cup similar to those known from Tikal, 1 vessel, directly in front of duct, a bowl w/ lid that is divided into red & gray quadrants surrounded by a ring of 4 jaguar prints & again those serpents mentioned above, 1 vessel shatteredbrilliantly painted stucco w/ 4 peccary heads as legs Cinnabar on Sk, mat & various textile frags Ruler b: 9 Oct Yukom Yich'ak'K'ak' extended on back, head E, body wrapped (bundle): 1.textile Carrasco Vargas et 649 "Fiery Claw"* shroud made from local plant & trenched in resin & coverd al. 1999 aka: Great Jaguar w/latex & sealed w/ resin, 2.animal skin, 3.fabric plants, resin*Martin & Grube 2000 Paw, GJP Smoke latex-resin sealed, resting from on wood litter, head elevated ** Martin & Grube robust adult male to body) in CV 1999: 49 45-60 y old headdress: palm material polycromed & appliqued w/jade mosaic (9.10.16.16.19 ~ 164 cm tall Str.II, Tomb4 3 Cauac, shows pathological 3 jade-teeth-inlays in upper front (2 present, one missing) 2 Ceh) changes in spinal 1 jade pair of earplugs w/glyphs of an earlier style, poss heirloom St 9, Panel 6 a: 6 Apr cord 2 jade bracelets, tubular bead w/ false pearls (mother of p) & shell 686 (9.12. 1 jade funerary mask (unique in style & execution) of precisely 13.17.7 fitting mosaic pieces, nose 1 piece, w/ inscribed plaster band on 6 Manik, lower margin, & 2 jearplugs, & 4 tiny teeth j-inlays, mask was 5 Zip) covered w/ 2 layers of mortar ( 1.white, 2.brownish) & painted sacrificed**: in polychr, surrounded by clusters of jadeite & Spondylus at Tikal (26R) beads, beads orig. sewn onto cloth-mask positioned above right 8 Aug 695 side of cest jade mosaic fragments, & beads of bone, jadeite, (9.13.3.7.18 Strombus sp, & S pondylus 11 Etznab 2 Spondylus shells covered pelvic area

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307Table B 12. Continued. Pers/Place Date(s) Name/Description Jade & other Source (of Info) 11 Ch'en) 8 sets of paws, poss feline arranged in similar fashion as Bu 196 Tikal 14 pottery vessels: all ar of an especially fine variety w/icons incl. Jester deity,1 polychrom e Codex-style cyl for drinking cacao, 1 polychr dish w/Jester God head in interior (sign of royalty), & 1 round-sided orange polych dish, interior walls glyph bands arround Jester-G-head (center) that incl. the name Yukom'akK'ak & that it is his (u'lak) Cinnabar covered the body partially

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308 Figure B-17. The three jade plaques, each with a hieroglyphic c ouplet from Burial 1, Structure III at Calakmul (Fields and Reents-Budet 2005:181; original schematic drawing by Sophia Pincemin, redrawn by John Klausmeyer in Folan et al. 1995:325).

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309 Figure B-18. Vessel 8 with ru ler's portrait from Burial 1, Structure III at Calakmul (Fields and Reents-Budet 2005:253; drawing by Sophia Pincemin in Folan et al. 1995:323).

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310 APPENDIX C LIST OF CODES FOR REFERENCES IN TABLES C : page numbers Coe 1963: C1: Coe 1963a: Ca: Coe 1965: Cb: Coe 1967: Cc: Coe 1990: C&M: Coe and McGinn 1963 C&S: Coe and Shook, Satterthwaite 1961: F&R: Ferguson and Royce 1984: Ha: Harrison 1963: Hb: Harrison 1999: J: Jones 1977: J&S: Jones and Satterthwaite 1982: Marc: Marcus 1976: M&G: Martin and Grube 2000: Mi: Michel 1989: M&M: Miller and Martin 2004: S&Ma: Schele and Mathews 1998: S&Mi: Schele and Miller 1986: S: Shook 1960: Ta: Taube 1999: Tau: Taube 2005: Tr: Trik 1963:

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311 LIST OF REFERENCES Adams, Richard E. W. 1991 Prehistoric Mesoamerica Revised Edition. University of Oklahoma: Norman and London. Adams, Richard E.W., and Aubrey S. Trik 1961 Tikal Report No.7: Temple 1(Str.5D -1): Post-Constructional Activities Museum Monograph, The University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. Andrews V, E. Wyllys 1986 Olmec Jades from Chacsinkin, Yucatan, and Maya Ceramics from La Venta, Tabasco, with Appendix: Mineralogical Observati ons of Early Jades from Chacsinkin, Yucatan. In Research and Reflections in Archaeology and History: Essays in Honor of Doris Stone edited by E. Wyllys Andrews V, pp. 11--49. Middle American Re search Institute Publication 57, Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana. Andrews, E. Wyllis and W illiam L. Fash, (editors) 2005 Copn: The History of an Ancient Maya Kingdom School of American Research, Advanced Seminar Seri es, George J. Gumerman, general editor, Santa Fe, New Mexico, James Currey, Oxford, England. 1987 A Cache of Early Jades from Chacsinkin, Yucatan. In Mexicon 9(4):78-85. Arroyo, Sergio Raul 2006 Prologue. In Janaab Pakal of Palenque: Recons tructing the Life and Death of a Maya Ruler edited by Vera Tiesler and Andrea Cucina, pp. xi--xiii. University of Arizona, Tucson. Aveni, A. and H. Hartung 1986 Maya City Planning and the Calendar Transactions of the American Philosophical Society Vol. 76, Pt. 7. American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Bassie-Sweet, Karen 2000 Corn Deities and the Complementary Male/Female Principle. Presented at La Tercera Mesa Redonda de Palenque, July 1999, revised September 2000. Electronic document, http://www.mesoweb.com/features/bassie/corn/index.html accessed June 12, 2006. Baudez, Claude-Franois 1994 Maya Sculpture of Copan: The Iconography University of Oklahoma, Norman and London.

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312 Becker, Marshall Joseph 1973 Archaeological Evidence for O ccupational Specialization among the Classic Period Maya at Tikal, Guatemala. In American Antiquity 38(4):396-406. Becom, Jeffrey and Sally Jean Aberg 1997 Maya Color: The Painted Villages of Mesoamerica Abbeville Press, New York. Bell, Ellen E. Marcello A. Canuto and Robert J. Sharer (editors) 2004 Understanding Early Classic Copan University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, Philadelphia. Bell, Ellen E., Loa P. Traxler, Davi d W. Sedat, and Robert J. Sharer 1999 Uncovering Cpans Earliest Royal Tombs. In Expedition 41(2):29--35. Benson, Elisabeth P. 1996 Collections of Olmec Objects Outside Mexico. In Olmec Art of Ancient Mexico, edited by Elisabeth P. Benson and Beatriz de la Fuente, pp. 133-138. National Gallery of Art, Washington D.C. Benson, Elisabeth P., and Gillett G. Griffin (editors) 1988 Maya Iconography Princeton University, New Jersey. Berionneau, Gerald, Deletaille, Emile, and Sonnery, Jean-Louis 1985 Rediscovered Masterpieces of Mes oamerica: Mexico-Guatemala-Honduras Editions Arts, Boulogne, France. Bernal, Ignacio 1969 100 Great Masterpieces: of the Mexi can National Museum of Anthropology Harry N. Abrams, New York. Betanzos, Juan de, d.1576 [Suma y na rracin de los incas. English] 1996 Narrative of the Incas Translated and edited by Roland Hamilton and Diana Buchanan from the Palm a de Mallorca manuscript. University of Texas, Austin. Bishop, Ronald L., Edward V. Sayre, and Joan Mishara 1993 Compositional and Structural Characterization of Maya and Costa Rican Jadeitites. In Precolumbian Jade edited by Frederick W. Lange, pp. 30-60. University of Utah, Salt Lake City. Brady, James E. and Keith M Prufer (editors) 2005 In the Maw of the Earth Monster: Mesoamerican Ritual Cave Use. The Linda Schele Series in Maya and Pre-Columbian Studies. University of Texas, Austin.

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313 Brennan, Martin 1998 The Hidden Maya Bear & Company, Santa Fe, New Mexico. Broad, William J. 2002 In Guatemala, a Rhode Island-Size Jade Lode. New York Times 22 May: A1, Column 2. Carnegie Institution of Washington 1937 El Castillo, Pyramid-Temple of the Maya God, Kukulcan News Service Bulletin, School Edition IV(12):106--116. Carrasco, Ramon 1996 Calakmul, Campeche. In Arqueologa Mexicana III(18):46-51. Carrasco Vargas, Ramon, Sylviane Boucher, Paula Alvarez Gonzalez, Vera Tiesler Blos, Valeria Garcia Vierna, Re nata Garcia Moreno, Javier Vazques Negrete 1999 A Dynastic Tomb from Campeche, Mexico: New Evidence on Jaguar Paw, a Ruler of Calakmul. In Latin American Antiquity 10(1):47--58. Carter, Howard and A.C. Mace 1977 The Discovery of the Tomb of Tutankhamen Dover, Mineola, New Jersey. Chang, K. C. 1983 Art, Myth and Ritual: The Path to Po litical Authority in Ancient China Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Chase-Coggins, Clemency 1975 Painting and Drawing Styles at Tikal: An Historical and Iconographic Reconstruction. Unpublished Ph.D dissertation, Department of Fine Arts, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts. 1998 Portable Objects. In Maya edited by Peter Schmidt, Mercedes de la Garza and Enrique Nalda, pp. 248--26 8. Rizzoli International Publications, New York, and INAH. Clancy, Flora S., Clemency C. Coggins, T. Patrick Culbert, Charles Gallenkamp, Peter D. Harrison, and Jeremy A. Sabloff. 1985 Maya Treasures of an Ancient Civilization Harry N. Abrams, New York. Clark, John E. 2001 Formative Period (c.1600B.C.-A.D. 250). In Archaeology of Ancient Mexico and Central America: An Encyclopedia edited by Susan Toby Evans, and David L. Webster, pp. 278--283. Garland, New York.

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314 Coates, Eleanor 1999 Featured Finds from Copn: A Portfolio of Photographs. In Expedition 41(2):36--38. Coe, Michael D. 1966 An Early Stone Pectoral From Southeastern Mexico. In Studies in Pre-Columbian Art and Archaeology No. 1. Dumbarton Oaks, Trustee for Harvard University, Washington, D.C. 1992 Breaking the Maya Code Thames and Hudson, New York. 1993 The Maya 5th ed. Thames and Hudson, New York. Coe, Michael D. and Richard A. Diehl 1980 In the Land of the Olmec: The Archaeology of San Lorenzo Tenochtitln University of Texas, Austin. Coe, Michael D., Dean Snow, and Elisabeth Benson 1980 Atlas of Ancient America Andromeda Oxford Limited, Abingdon, Oxfordshire, England. Coe, William R. 1965 Tikal: Ten years of Study of a Maya Ruin in the Lowlands of Guatemala. In Expedition 8(1):5--56. 1975 The Maya: Resurrecti ng the Grandeur of Tikal. In National Geographic 148(6):792--795. 1988 [1967] Tikal: A Handbook of the Ancient Maya Ruins The University Museum, University of Penns ylvania, Philadelphia, Asociacin Tikal, Guatemala, reprinted in Guatemala 1988, with revisions by Carlos Rudy Larios V. 1990 Tikal Report No. 14 Vols. I-V: Excavations in the Great Plaza, North Terrace and North Acropolis of Tikal. W. R. Coe and W. A. Haviland series editors. The University Museum: Monograph 61, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia Coe, William R. and John J. McGinn 1963 Tikal: The North Acropolis and an Early Tomb. In Expedition, 5(2):24--32. Coe, William R. and Edwin M. Shook, Linton Satterthwaite 1961 Tikal Report No. 6: The Car ved Wooden Lintels of Tikal The University Museum Monograph, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.

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335 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Ulrike Anni-Maria Crisman grew up in former West Germany, or Bundesrepublik Deutschland. After marriage to a United States citizen, she immigrated in 1983 to the US and took up residence in Gainesville, Florida. She wo rked for about 10 years with her husband in his laboratory. Having always had a ve ry deep interest in history and archaeology, she decided to follow an academic path to learn more. In par ticular, study of Classic Ma ya culture captured her interest. She entered Santa Fe Community Colleg e in the fall of 1992, a nd after receiving her AA degree in 1996, entered the University of Florid a to complete her BA in the Department of Anthropology, which she accomplished in May 1999. Since then, she has worked on her masters degree. To achieve this, she studied for five month at the Centro INAH Chiapas, Mexico, and returned to Mexico in 2003 to go in to the field and participate in excavations and restoration at the Maya site of Lacanh. After fini shing her master's, she would like to continue to study for her Ph.D.