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Toward a New Theory of Relief-Sponsored Settlement Design

University of Florida Institutional Repository
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0021333/00001

Material Information

Title: Toward a New Theory of Relief-Sponsored Settlement Design Camp-Based Solutions Using Defensible Space Principles
Physical Description: 1 online resource (190 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Qamhaieh, Abdel Latif Aqel
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2007

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: balata, camp, defensible, design, displaced, displacement, forced, housing, idps, internally, migration, palestine, population, refugee, relief, settlement, shelter, space, sponsored, territoriality
Design, Construction, and Planning -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Design, Construction, and Planning thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: Forced population displacement is a worldwide phenomenon that can take place due to conflict, and natural or man-made disasters. Such displacement events usually have a sudden onset and a short duration, yet they cause the displaced populations pain and misery that lasts for a long time, even generations in some cases. At certain points in their lives, some of the displaced will find themselves living in refugee camps or settlements sponsored either by the aid community, or the governments of the host countries. These camps and settlements are usually established rapidly because of the immediate needs of the population. They are designed in most cases to be temporary under the assumption that the displacement event is short lived. Yet, historically, these camps and settlements have proven to be problematic because of the limited planning they receive as a result of their perceived temporariness. Our study explores the introduction of new theory into the field of camp and settlement design. It suggests incorporating Defensible Space theory and principles into this field. The theory was first introduced to improve living conditions within rundown, lower-income neighborhoods in the US. It could prove to be beneficial in the field of population displacement due to its simplicity, adaptability, and possible universality of some of its main principles. Included in our study is field work in a Palestinian refugee camp and village. The built-environment within the Balata refugee camp and the nearby Balata village are examined, and compared in an attempt to understand if Defensible Space could be beneficial in similar contexts. Existing conditions within the two settings are analyzed, while looking at some of the elements that could affect peoples? usage of outdoor space. Our study concludes that the application is viable, and has potential benefits despites some weaknesses and shortcomings.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Abdel Latif Aqel Qamhaieh.
Thesis: Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2007.
Local: Adviser: Schneider, Richard H.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2007
System ID: UFE0021333:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0021333/00001

Material Information

Title: Toward a New Theory of Relief-Sponsored Settlement Design Camp-Based Solutions Using Defensible Space Principles
Physical Description: 1 online resource (190 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Qamhaieh, Abdel Latif Aqel
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2007

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: balata, camp, defensible, design, displaced, displacement, forced, housing, idps, internally, migration, palestine, population, refugee, relief, settlement, shelter, space, sponsored, territoriality
Design, Construction, and Planning -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Design, Construction, and Planning thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: Forced population displacement is a worldwide phenomenon that can take place due to conflict, and natural or man-made disasters. Such displacement events usually have a sudden onset and a short duration, yet they cause the displaced populations pain and misery that lasts for a long time, even generations in some cases. At certain points in their lives, some of the displaced will find themselves living in refugee camps or settlements sponsored either by the aid community, or the governments of the host countries. These camps and settlements are usually established rapidly because of the immediate needs of the population. They are designed in most cases to be temporary under the assumption that the displacement event is short lived. Yet, historically, these camps and settlements have proven to be problematic because of the limited planning they receive as a result of their perceived temporariness. Our study explores the introduction of new theory into the field of camp and settlement design. It suggests incorporating Defensible Space theory and principles into this field. The theory was first introduced to improve living conditions within rundown, lower-income neighborhoods in the US. It could prove to be beneficial in the field of population displacement due to its simplicity, adaptability, and possible universality of some of its main principles. Included in our study is field work in a Palestinian refugee camp and village. The built-environment within the Balata refugee camp and the nearby Balata village are examined, and compared in an attempt to understand if Defensible Space could be beneficial in similar contexts. Existing conditions within the two settings are analyzed, while looking at some of the elements that could affect peoples? usage of outdoor space. Our study concludes that the application is viable, and has potential benefits despites some weaknesses and shortcomings.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Abdel Latif Aqel Qamhaieh.
Thesis: Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2007.
Local: Adviser: Schneider, Richard H.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2007
System ID: UFE0021333:00001


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TOWARD A NEW THEORY OF RELIEF -SPONSORED SETTLEMENT DESIGN: CAMP-
BASED SOLUTIONS USING DEFENSIBLE SPACE PRINCIPLES




















By

ABDELLATIF AQEEL QAMHAIEH


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

2007
































O 2007 Abdellatif Aqueel Qamhaieh



































To Palestine--May there be Peace









ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I thank God for his blessings and his mercy, my parents for their love and support, my

wonderful wife Marah for holding my hand through the tough times, and for her love which I

feel all the time. I thank my committee for their support, and for making this happen, Tony for

being inspiring, Joseli for always caring, and Paul for being great! I thank Dr. Richard Schneider

for being the best mentor I could have ever had; he has been a great supporter and a great friend.

I thank Debra Anderson for being there helping and loving, Dr. Paul Schauble for his insight and

wisdom. I thank Rami Ju'areem, my guide and friend. He made this research possible despite all

the dangers. And last but not least, the people of the Balata refugee camp for their hospitality,

and their warmth, may they see a better and brighter future!












TABLE OF CONTENTS


page

ACKNOWLEDGMENT S .............. ...............4.....


LI ST OF T ABLE S ................. ...............8...._._._......


LIST OF FIGURES .............. ...............9.....


AB S TRAC T ............._. .......... ..............._ 12...


CHAPTER


1 INTRODUCTION ................. ...............14......... .....


Population Displacement and Defensible Space Theory ................. ......_._ .................14
Study Hypothesis............... ...............1
Importance of Study .............. ...............16....
Study Focus and Context ................. ...............17......... .....
Background: Palestinian Refugees ................. ....._._ ...............17......
The UNRW A ................. ...............18.................

Chapter Summary .............. ...............19....

2 REVIEW OF LITERATURE ................. ...............22.......... .....


Forced Displacement and Camp Based Solutions ................ ...............22...............
Effects of Displacement ................. ............. ........ ......... ........ .......24
The Durable Solutions ............... .. .. ......... ...............26......
Shelter Delivery in Displacement Emergencies ................ .............. ......... .....28
Camp-Based Solutions .............. ...............30....
Debates against camps .............. .. ....... ... .. ..................3
Elements affecting the success and failure of camp -b ased soluti ons: .......... ...3 4
Problems with settlement design ................. ...............35................
Defensible Space .............. ...............38....
Defensible Space Theory............... ...............39.
Critiques of Defensible Space .............. ...............41....
Case Studies in Defensible Space................. ....... .... .. ..........4
Defensible Space Guidelines in Refugee Camp Design: Important Theoretical
C on siderati on s ................ ...............45...............

Chapter Summary .............. ...............46....

3 METHODOLOGY .............. ...............49....


Introducti on ................. ...............49.................
Context ................. ........... ...............49.......
The Balata Refugee Camp ................ ...............50................
The Village of Balata............... ...............52











Research Design ........................ ... ............5
Subj ects and Sample Selection Process ......___ ..... .._._. ...._.._ ..........5
Sample Selection Criteria ........._._.._......_.. ...............55....
Informed Consent Process ........._...... ......_.._ ...............56.....
Questionnaire Design and Research Variables ...._.._.._ ........__. ...._.._ ...........5
The Field Work Process .............. ...............59....
Data Tabulation and Analysis .............. ...............60....
Data Collection Limitations .............. ...............61....
Chapter Summary .............. ...............64....

4 FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS .............. ...............74....

Introducti on ........._._. ._......_.. ...............74.....
Findings .............. ... ...... ...... .... ... ... .. ... .. ..........7
Section I: Findings on the Ground- Current Camp Conditions Analysis .............. ................76
Findings Related to the Built Environment ........._.__........._. ...._.._..........7
Camp layout .............. ...............76....
Buildings and building usage .............. ...............79....
Building density and related issues: ...81................
Open space and connectivity: ...83................
Indoor outdoor connections: window location, and orientation ............................86
Findings on the Ground Relating to Unique Socio-Cultural Aspects .............................87
Neighborhoods and family ties .............. ...............87....
Overall community relations ................. ...............87........... ....
The issue of privacy ................ ............. ........ ......... ........ .......89
Change in gender roles ................. ........... ......... ............9
The change of culture due to the refugee environment ................. .....................91
The issue of serious crimes .............. ...............91....
Section II: Patterns within the Data ............... .. .. ......_.. .......... ...........9
Territorial Marking, Behavior and Outdoor Space Appropriation ................. ...............93
Neighborhood-Level Social Ties and Overall Community Ties ................. ................ .98
Section III: Camp vs. Village .............. ...............99....
Chapter Summary .............. ...............102....

5 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS .............. ...............141....


Possible Reasons for the Lack of Outdoor Space Appropriation: Inhibiting Factors........... 143
Circumstantial Inhibiting Factors (External) ................. ...............144...............
Internal Inhibiting Factors (Socio-Cultural) ................. ........... ............... 145 ....
Environmental Related Factors (Physical Environment) .............. ....................14
Defensible Space and How it All Fits Together ................. ........ ........._. .....4

6 RECO1V1VENDATIONS, LESSONS LEARNED, CHALLENGES AND FUTURE
RESEARCH DIRECTIONS ...._. ................. ......._. ..........16


Defensible Space Guidelines Recommended in Refugee Camp Design ................... ...........160











Guideline A: The Adoption of Cul-De-Sac Layouts While Early in Camp Design
stages, and Avoiding Grid-Pattern Designs and Layouts .............. ... .....................6
Guideline B: Creating Better Opportunities for Natural Surveillance through
Systematic Orientation of Windows towards Open Spaces and Overlooking
Critical Locations ........._........ ......_._ ............._ ........ ..........16
Guideline C: Defining Clear Areas of Responsibility in Outdoor Areas .........._...........163
Guideline D: Reducing the Number of Alleys and Access Points within the Camp ....163
Guideline E: Adopting Image Enhancing Techniques:. ..164.................
Potential Weaknesses of the Defensible Space Approach for Camp and Settlement
D esign .................... ... .. .. .. ............16
Overall Study Limitations and Lessons Learned ...._._._.. .... ......... ......__.. ........16
Study Limitations .............. ...............165....
Lessons Learned .........._.... ...............166...__..........
Future Directions .............. ...............167....

APPENDIX

A CONSENT FORM, STUDY QUESTIONNAIRE: ENGLISH................. ...............17

B CONSENT FORM, STUDY QUESTIONNAIRE: ARABIC ......_.. ............ ....... ........179

LIST OF REFERENCES ..........._ ..... ..__ ...............184...

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ..........._ ..... ..__ ...............190...










LIST OF TABLES


Table page

4-1 Signs of near home space appropriation and territorial marking: The Balata refugee
cam p ........... ..... ...............105....

4-2 Evaluation of neighborhood social ties, and sense of community: The Balata refugee
cam p ........._...... ...............105._ _. .........

4-3 Evaluation of crime, fear of crime, and sense of security: The Balata refugee camp .....105

4-4 Evaluation of spatial needs and condition of privacy: The Balata refugee camp............105

4-5 Signs of near home space appropriation and territorial marking: The village of Balata .106

4-6 Evaluation of neighborhood social ties, and sense of community: The village of
B alata .............. ...............106....

4-7 Signs of near home space appropriation and territorial marking: The Balata refugee
camp vs. the village of Balata ................. ...............106....... ....

4-8 Evaluation of neighborhood social ties and sense of community: The Balata refugee
camp vs. the village of Balata ................. ...............107....... ....











LIST OF FIGURES


Fiare page

1-1 M ap of Palestine. ............. ...............21.....

2-1 Grid camp layout. ............ ........... ...............48....

3-1 Map of the city of Nablus. ............. ...............66.....

3-2 Study locations ................. ...............66........... ....

3-3 A recent aerial-photo of the Balata refugee camp. ................ ............... ......... ...67

3-4 The Balata refugee camp main entrance from the west ........................... ...............68

3-5 The market street in the camp. .............. ...............68....

3-6 Further images from the camp .............. ...............69....

3-7 The historic (Ain Balata) water spring in the Village of Balata ................... ...............6

3-8 The Village of Balata ................. ...............70........... ...

3-9 The main mosque and minaret in the Village of Balata............... ...............71

3-10 Traditional Palestinian homes in the Village of Balata. ................... ............... 7

3-11 Inside the Yafa cultural center ........._.._.. ...._... ...............73..

4-1 An overall map of the Balata camp ................. ...............108.............

4-2 A very chaotic and complex environment ................. ...............109........... ..

4-3 A dark and stifling living environment ................. ...............111........... ..

4-4 Main camp artery view ................. ...............113.......... ...

4-5 Rundown environment ................. ...............113.....___ ....


4-6 Poor building practices ................. ...............114....... ....

4-7 Unhealthy living environment ........._._. .......... ...............115...

4-8 Shoulder-width alleys ................. ...............116...... ......

4-9 Problems with privacy. ................ ...............117....... .....

4-10 M aj or alleys ................. ...............119......... .....











4-11 Limited vehicle access .............. ...............120....


4-12 Ideal environment for insurgency ................. ...._.._......_. ..........12

4-13 Window heights and locations ........._.._.. ...._... ...............121..

4-14 Architecture and status............... ...............122


4-15 Children playing in the streets .............. ...............123....

4-16 The privacy nightmare ................ ...............124....._.__....

4-17 Images from life in the camp .............. ...............125....

4-18 Signs of territorial appropriation. ....__ ...._._ ......__.__......._._ ..............126

4-19 Unique elements within the camp environment............... ..............12

4-20 M onuments .............. ...............129....


4-21 Maintenance and image issues ............_ ..... ..__ ...............130

4-22 Signs of outdoor space utilization ............ .....___ ...............131.

4-23 A relatively clean environment ............_ ..... ..__ ...............132.

4-24 Limited connectivity with the outdoors ............_...... ._ ....___ ...........3

4-25 Large numbers of children ............_ ..... ..__ ...............134.

4-26 Signs of conflict within the camp .............. ...............135....

4-27 The Village of Balata ................. ...............136........... ...

4-28 Natural urban form in the village ................. ...............136........... ..

4-29 The village environment ................. ...............138......... .....

4-30 Improved transportation in the village ................. ...............139..............

4-31 A more relaxed environment .............. ...............140....

5-1 Conflict related restrictions ................. ...............152...............


5-2 Responses to petty theft .............. ...............153....

5-3 Unique responses to theft and conflict............... ...............155

5-4 A stressful and unattractive environment .............. ...............155....




10












5-5 Barely any space left............... ...............156.


5-6 Signs of territorial appropriation. ...._ ......____. .......___ ..... _. .............157


5-7 Unassigned spaces and unclear responsibilities............... ...........15


5-8 Problems with neighborhood boundaries............... ..............15


6-1 Cul-de-sac camp layout example ............ ...... __ ...............168


6-2 Cul-de-sac benefits 1............... ...............169...


6-3 Cul-de-sac benefits 2............... ...............170...


6-4 Cul-de-sac benefits 3............... ...............171...


6-5 Cul-de-sac benefits 4............... ...............172...









Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

TOWARD A NEW THEORY OF RELIEF-SPONSORED SETTLEMENT DESIGN: CAMP-
BASED SOLUTIONS USING DEFENSIBLE SPACE PRINCIPLES

By

Abdellatif Aqueel Qamhaieh

August 2007

Chair: Richard Schneider
Major: Design, Construction, and Planning

Forced population displacement is a worldwide phenomenon that can take place due to

conflict, and natural or man-made disasters. Such displacement events usually have a sudden

onset and a short duration, yet they cause the displaced populations pain and misery that lasts for

a long time, even generations in some cases. At certain points in their lives, some of the

displaced will find themselves living in refugee camps or settlements sponsored either by the aid

community, or the governments of the host countries. These camps and settlements are usually

established rapidly because of the immediate needs of the population. They are designed in most

cases to be temporary under the assumption that the displacement event is short lived. Yet,

historically, these camps and settlements have proven to be problematic because of the limited

planning they receive as a result of their perceived temporariness. Our study explores the

introduction of new theory into the field of camp and settlement design. It suggests incorporating

Defensible Space theory and principles into this field. The theory was first introduced to improve

living conditions within rundown, lower-income neighborhoods in the US. It could prove to be

beneficial in the field of population displacement due to its simplicity, adaptability, and possible

universality of some of its main principles.









Included in our study is field work in a Palestinian refugee camp and village. The built-

environment within the Balata refugee camp and the nearby Balata village are examined, and

compared in an attempt to understand if Defensible Space could be beneficial in similar contexts.

Existing conditions within the two settings are analyzed, while looking at some of the elements

that could affect peoples' usage of outdoor space. Our study concludes that the application is

viable, and has potential benefits despite some weaknesses and shortcomings.









CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION

Population Displacement and Defensible Space Theory

Forced population displacement is a world-wide phenomenon that takes place as a result of

natural and man-made causes. The consequences of such events are mostly traumatic and

devastating for the affected populations. These consequences usually outlive the actual

displacement event itself, and the displaced populations are left with the daunting task of

rebuilding their lives, while coping with the memories of a violent event and a home lost. It is

important that governments and the international community attempt to prevent such events from

taking place in the first place, but it is also their responsibility to deliver aid and relief to the

displaced populations when such devastating events do take place. This aid and assistance is

essential for their survival and recovery, and without it, their lives and well-being could be at

risk.

One of the important aspects of aid delivery is shelter provision. Displaced populations

need immediate shelter to provide them with protection from the surrounding environment. This

shelter has to provide more than the basic needs; it should sustain family and community life as

much as possible, and provide the means for a dignified life (The Sphere Proj ect, 2004). Planned

settlements (especially camps) have historically been the most widespread method of shelter

delivery, at the same time the most controversial. Despite their widespread use, these settlement

solutions have been plagued with a series of political and technical problems which affect the

displaced populations greatly (Saunders, 2004). While it is evident when looking at the design of

these settlements, most of the focus over the years was on the individual shelter unit, whereas the

overall layout has received less attention. Recently, more attention is being given to settlement









layouts due to the negative long-term effects that poorly designed settlements might have

(UNHCR, 2000).

On a different front, and in urban settings, Defensible Space theory was first coined by

Oscar Newman in 1973. It came as a response to the deteriorating living conditions in public

housing proj ects and inner-city areas within the US. The theory singled-out specific

characteristics of the built environment as factors which could contribute to certain social ills

such as crime, and the breakdown of community ties. It also provided specific design

recommendations which could help address some of those problems (Newman, 1995). Over the

years, Defensible Space (or DS) has had its fair share of critics and supporters, yet it has

demonstrated the possibility for some relative success within certain urban contexts (Cisneros,

1995). Our study is an attempt to explore the potential links between both settlement design

(focusing on refugee camps) and DS theory. It will look at the possibility of implementing, and

incorporating the theory' s design guidelines in initial settlement design. It will also explore the

possible benefits, if any, for such an implementation in order to help determine if it is a viable

approach, and helpful for the displaced populations.

Study Hypothesis

Our study adopts the hypothesis that providing the population within a refugee camp with

a chance for territorial appropriation of public space, mainly through shelter unit orientation and

by creating mini-neighborhood style layouts as suggested by the Defensible Space principles,

could increase the usability of the outdoor near-home open space, and therefore increase the

possibility for positive casual social contact. This casual contact might enhance local social ties,

and improve communal support networks. Further possible benefits of such layouts are an

increased sense of security, the development of a distinct character and identity for each area,









increased control over the environment for the displaced population, and an enhancement of the

overall image of the camp.

According to our knowledge, this adoption of DS theory in the planning and design of

refugee camps or camp-based solutions remains untested in this field to the present time. To

conduct a true applicability test of this theory will require a real life application which will have

to include actual design modifications on the ground. It will also require significant time to

understand the immediate and long term affects of these modifications. Such an application is

not possible within the limitations of our study; instead we suggest the adoption of DS theory

based on our observations through the literature, and through the field work that explores some

of the basic concepts of the theory as they occur naturally in real life. Future research in this area

could provide further evidence to the applicability or the inapplicability in refugee camp

contexts .

Importance of Study

In the cases of displacement emergencies, most relief sponsored camps settlements are

designed to be temporary. In reality, multiple examples worldwide show that such settlements

usually last more than originally intended, even decades in some cases. For example, the

Palestinian refugee camps established in 1948 were intended to be temporary solutions but are

now 59 years old, and with no sign of being dismantled anytime soon (BADIL, 2006). Therefore,

proper planning is necessary for the well being of the displaced populations, and to avoid any

negative long-term effects of poorly planned environments. There is a general awareness within

the displacement field of the importance of proper settlement planning. This is most evident

through the recent design guidelines provided by a number of relief agencies and international

bodies such as the UNHCR (2000) and others as will be discussed later in this study. These









agencies call for long-term camp planning and provide multiple design solutions to help improve

the built environments and living conditions within these camps.

Defensible Space on the other hand potentially brings something new to the table. Its

principles are relatively flexible, and simple. And unlike any cookie-cutter design solutions, they

could be tailored to fit in different contexts. The theory draws upon some basic notions of human

behavior such as "territoriality" for example (Newman, 1973). Therefore, there could be some

potential for cross cultural adaptability as is explored in our study. Incorporating such principles

of DS early on in the camp design process could prove relatively simple, and cost effective. Most

importantly, well planned camps or settlements are better starting points for the recovery of the

displaced populations.

Study Focus and Context

Our study looks closely at a Palestinian refugee camp within the West-Bank/ Palestine

(Figure 1-1). It is important here to provide some background information early-on about

Palestinian refugees in general. This will help the reader better understand some of the aspects of

this study, and some of the steps taken.

Background: Palestinian Refugees

Palestinian refugees are one of the biggest political refugee populations in the world today.

Nearly every two out of five political refugees worldwide are Palestinians (BADIL, 2006).

According to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) -the main international

body responsible for the welfare of Palestinian refugees, the number of "officially" registered

refugees was nearly 4.3 million in 2007 (UNRWA, 2007a). Despite the official figures, it is

estimated that the actual total Palestinian population displaced since the early 20th century

exceeds the 6 million mark. This number includes non-registered refugees, internally displaced










populations, and displaced populations prior to the creation of the UNRWA in 1949. Today,

roughly three quarters of all Palestinians are displaced in one form or another (BADIL, 2006).

The population displacement in Palestine occurred as a direct outcome of the events -

leading up to, and following the creation of the state of Israel in 1948. In this year and the

following years, the biggest movement of Palestinians population took place. Between 1947 and

1951, nearly 750,000 Palestinians were forcefully removed or fled their homes, cities, and

villages which were located within the modern day boundaries of Israel. A second wave of

displacement took place after the 1967 Arab Israeli war. Israel took control over the West-

Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem which were under Jordanian mandate at the time. The war

caused the flight of nearly 430,000 Palestinians initially, with additional smaller scale refugee

movements in the following years. Today, some internal displacement still takes place due to

home demolitions and the building of the security barrier between Israeli and Palestinian areas

(BADL, 2006). Over all, after nearly sixty years of displacement, and roughly three generations,

Palestinian refugees remain living in 59 refugee camps distributed in the West-Bank, Gaza,

Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan (UNRWA, 2007a). With no political solution or end in sight, these

refugees remain "contained" in substandard living conditions and continue to live in a situation

of statelessness, and with minimal representation -while being deprived some of the most basic

freedoms and rights. More information about Palestinian refugees will be provided throughout

this study.

The UNRWA

The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine refugees (UNRWA) was

created in December of 1949 by the United Nations General assembly. The agency was created

specifically to help any refugees from the territory of the British mandate for Palestine regardless

of nationality (UNRWA, 2007b). Today, the agency's role is to provide humanitarian relief and









developmental programs for these Palestinian refugees. It was originally intended to be a short

lived organization, yet its mandate has been renewed repeatedly due to the absence of a political

solution for the Palestinian -Israeli conflict. This mandate covers refugees in the West-Bank,

Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan. In these areas, the agency provides its services in the fields of

education, health, shelter, social-services, micro-credit loans, and emergency relief. And most of

its 28,000 employees are Palestinian refugees themselves (2007b).

Chapter Summary

Our study tackles what we consider to be a very important global issue. Providing properly

designed settlements and refugee camps for displaced populations is a pressing and important

subj ect, with growing importance lately because of the ongoing conflicts and tragedies

worldwide. Millions of people in different parts of the world live in poorly designed camps and

settlements that are established or sponsored by the relief community and the host governments.

Yet, most of the living conditions within these settlements are very problematic and have far-

reaching negative effects on the lives of the people. Alternative thinking should be present, and

this research attempts to look at an alternative approach for camp and settlement design. It

suggests incorporating Defensible Space theory and its design guidelines into the field of shelter

delivery for displaced populations.

Our study is divided into six chapters. After this introduction, chapter two will look at

some of the relevant literature in the fields of population displacement, refugee camps and

settlements, and Defensible Space theory and application. Chapter three goes over the

methodology developed for this study. It describes the study contexts, research tools and the

steps taken for gathering and processing the data. Chapter four presents and analyzes the

research findings obtained through the field work; it also compares the two different study areas

and extracts important comparison information. Chapter five presents the research discussion and










conclusions. It describes the potential benefits and weaknesses of Defensible Space in refugee

camp design as explored and corroborated through the research Eindings and Hieldwork. Finally,

chapter six concludes our study by detailing the design guidelines that are suggested for this DS

application, it also goes over the overall study weaknesses, lessons learned, and future research

directions.











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Figure 1-1. Map of Palestine: Outlined in the dashed line, the country consists of two separate
territories: the larger area is the West-Bank, where the city of Nablus is located. The
city of Nablus contains the sites for this study. The other Palestinian territory is the
Gaza Strip located on the Mediterranean and adj acent to Egypt. Source: University of
Texas at Austin map libraries, accessed July 15 2007 from http://www.1ib .utexas.edu
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CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF LITERATURE

Forced Displacement and Camp Based Solutions

Forced population displacement could take place due to natural or man-made causes. The

affected populations fear for their lives and decide to leave their homes in search of a safer living

environment. This forced population displacement (or forced migration) takes place especially

"where coercion is employed, where choices are restricted, and where the affected populations

are facing more risk than opportunity by staying in their place of residence" (Muggah, 2003, p7).

Not all population displacement is forced; large numbers of people leave their homes everyday in

search of better income opportunities and better lives. It is important to clarify here that Forced

population displacement will be the main focus throughout this text; economic migration is not

within the scope of our study.

The causes for forced population displacement are multiple; they are for most part natural

or man-made, or a combination of both. Muggah (2003) summarizes these causes into four

categories: natural or man-made disasters, ethnic or religious persecution, large-scale

development proj ects such as dams, and armed conflict. Whenever displacement takes place, the

affected populations are usually devastated and suffer greatly.

Following the horrors and mass displacements of WWII, the agency of the United Nations

Higher Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) realized the need to address the issue of the large

number of displaced people in Europe. The convention relating to the status of refugees took

place in Geneva in 1951 (Toole, 2001). In this convention, the term "Refugee" was coined, and

the rights of these refugees were declared. According to the convention, the term refugee refers

to a person who "owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion,

nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion, is outside the country









of his nationality, and is unable to or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the

protection of that country" (UNHCR, 2006, pl6). The convention also defined the rights and

obligations towards the refugees. Some of these rights include those of protection, education, and

the right to work in the country of asylum.

Despite the importance of the 1951 convention in clarifying the rights of refugees, it only

addressed the rights of those who are forcibly displaced across international borders. During the

last few decades of 20th century, numerous violent ethnic conflicts and wars of independence

took place world-wide. These conflicts displaced large amounts of people and continue to do so,

but mostly within the borders of their own countries. These displaced populations are known as

"Internally Displaced Persons" or "IDPs" (Muggah, 2003). Because of issues relating to state

sovereignty and international laws, these IDPs do not fall under the UNHCR mandate for

protection and aid as refugees do. They are for the most part under the mercy of their own

governments who are usually responsible for the displacement in the first place. Most IDPs share

with refugees the same (if not worse) plight during displacement, but they receive only a fraction

of the aid and support the refugees do (2003).

During the last two decades, the issue of IDPs has become the prominent issue in the field

of forced displacement. As of 2004, there were 10 million registered refugees and 25 million

IDPs worldwide, with unofficial numbers even greater than that (UNHCR, 2004). More attention

is being given to this problem especially with the changing nature of wars and conflicts. The

situations in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Darfur region in Sudan are grim reminders of this serious

problem, and of the plight of both IDPs and refugees. The UNHCR has recently become more









involved in the issue of IDPs, but still not fully involved.l The agency in 1998 issued the

"Guiding Principles in Internal Displacement". The guidelines helped clarify and define the role

of the host states and agencies in helping and protecting IDPs, although they are only

recommendations and are not legally binding according to international law. Nevertheless, the

UNHCR helps and protects 5 million out of the 25 million IDPS worldwide (UNHCR, 2004).

Agencies such as the International Red Cross and Medecins Sans Frontieres are heavily involved

with IDPs, but the effectiveness of their work is affected greatly by the cooperation or

obstruction by the host governments.

Effects of Displacement

It is extremely hard to systemically categorize the effects of forced displacement on

people. Although the overall scenarios might share similarities, each displacement event has its

own unique set of problems and dangers. The reasons for the uniqueness of each situation have

to do with the different causes of displacement, the distinct geographic settings in each case, and

the peoples' diverse cultural, demographic, and socio-economic backgrounds. For example,

people fleeing ethnic conflict in Eastern Europe could face different problems than those

displaced by famine in Africa. Cernea (2000) developed the "Risks and Reconstruction" model

as an attempt to predict and determine the problems leading to displacement, and later caused by

it. The model categorizes the main problems resulting from population displacement, and

suggests strategies to reverse some of these risks -all in a comprehensive and detailed manner.

Ager (1999) on the other hand, breaks-up refugee experiences into five distinct stages. Defined





SThe UNHCR mandate only covers displaced populations crossing international borders (official refugees). IDPS
are not within the mandate of the UNHCR, although the agency's role is changing to include the latter (UNHCR,
2004)










as specific to political refugees, these stages are similar to the experiences of most displaced

populations, especially those fleeing violence. They are as follows:

* The first stage is the "pre-flight stage" in which the decision to take flight is made. This
could be marked by violence, economic hardship, political oppression, and social
breakdown in addition to other contributing factors.

* The second stage is the "flight stage" (the actual displacement process). This could be the
most traumatic period due to the loss of home, family members, livelihoods, and the
dangers during the actual displacement itself.

* The third stage is the "reception stage" in which the displaced are usually disoriented,
physically affected, fearful of the future and for the most part angered or grieving for their
losses.

* The fourth stage is normally the "settlement stage". Whether self settled or settled in
camps, the settlement stage could be considered an extended part of the displacement
experience, accompanied by extreme stressors and significant hardships.

* The fifth and final stage according to Ager is the "resettlement stage", in which long-term
solutions for the displacement issue are sought out. This stage is marked by cultural
conflict, employment difficulties, social and psychological difficulties, and
intergenerational conflict. One of the outcomes of this stage could be the dependency
syndrome, in which the displaced become completely dependent on aid (1999). The
dependency syndrome will be explored in more detail later in this study.

The literature indicates that the problems facing the displaced populations reach far beyond

the loss of the physical belongings. The long term effects of the displacement could be even

more dangerous and damaging. Harrell-Bond (1986) documented symptoms of violent behavior,

extreme depression, loss of personal identity, anxiety, and hopelessness among Ugandan

refugees in Sudan. Shkilnyk (1985) described the devastating living conditions of Obijwa

Indians in Canada, in which group rape, alcoholism, child abuse, and communal violence

became the norm after displacement. Eruesto (2002) described the breakdown of culture in

refugee camps in Angola. Because of the disruption in communal life after the displacement

event, the cultural practices and the customs of the original community were not passed-on to the

newer generations causing a loss of tradition and identity. These examples are merely samples of









the negative effects of displacement. The actual list is much longer and is beyond the scope of

this research.

The Durable Solutions

The International community represented by the UNHCR endorsed the policy of

"resettlement" especially after WWII. Resettlement involved moving the displaced population

from their country of asylum to a new country that provides the displaced with a chance for a

better life, and where they become citizens of the host country. This scenario was considered a

"permanent solution" for the problem of displacement, and was for the most part endorsed by

western states. The receiving countries also operated under the assumption that the large refugee

populations could have positive impacts on their economies, especially through the provision of

large labor forces (Harrell-Bond, 1995).

During the 1960s, the policies towards solutions for displacement began to shift in favor of

more temporary solutions. This shift was an outcome of the situation in Africa, including

decolonization, and the wars against imperialism. These wars of independence displaced

numerous populations. The Organization of African Unity (OAU) convention relating to

refugees was held in 1969. The UNHCR was heavily involved in this convention. The main

theme was that the upheaval in Africa was temporary, therefore the refugees will return home

eventually. This convention started a major shift in displacement policies. "Repatriation"

(returning to the country of origin) became the goal sought after by both UNHCR and involved

governments (Harrell-Bond, 1995). Repatriation according to the UNHCR is still considered the

favorable solution for the problem of displacement until this day. Still, some of the more recent

research in the field of forced displacement suggests that displacement does not end after

repatriation and that the repatriated will face serious challenges that require the help of both

governments and the aid-agencies upon their return to their original countries (Chimni, 2002).









During the 1970s and until this day, the UNHCR adopted the term "The Durable

Solutions" to refer to any of three possible solutions to end displacement. These durable

solutions are resettlement, repatriation, and local integration into the country of first asylum

(UNHCR, 2000). As mentioned earlier, repatriation is assumed to be the favorable solution and

the one to be pursued, whereas resettlement has become a rare case due to its complexity (from a

legal and political perspective), and because of the large numbers of displaced populations

especially in Africa and Asia, and the stiffened immigration policies in the western countries,

especially with the large numbers of economically driven migrants within these countries. The

local integration solution has been the most adopted since the 1970s, especially in Africa. Local

integration could take shape in a number of forms mainly: assimilation within local populations

of the host countries, the establishment of camps or planned settlements, and the establishment of

agricultural settlements. Both camps and agricultural settlements are the most widely adopted

solutions by UNHCR, aid agencies, and governments. These camps and settlements have proved

over time to be problematic, and could even hinder the development and the recovery of the

displaced populations. Examples of failures of such settlements are widely documented

especially in Africa (Harrell-Bond, 1986, 1995; Muggah, 2003).

In the case of IDPs, the causes of the displacement play a maj or role in determining the

form of the solutions. In the case of conflict induced displacement and with the absence of aid,

the displaced populations usually settle themselves spontaneously within a geographic area, or

assimilate within other local communities. In the cases where the aid and protection are

available, the IDPs could settle within internationally sponsored camps. These camps are

considered temporary solutions until the causes of displacement subside (Muggah, 2003). In

some cases, the displaced never make it to these camps, and have to depend on their own means









to survive. Such examples are common in Colombia and Burundi where the displaced survive

alone in the jungle (Vincent and Sorensen, 2001). The situation differs in the case of

development induced displacement. The displacement is planned by the governments and usually

carried out over long periods of time. The affected populations are usually compensated

financially or moved to new planned settlements. Nevertheless, development induced

displacement could be as devastating to the affected populations as any other forms of

displacement. This issue of development induced displacement is not without controversy; since

it is thought to be avoidable through better planning practices (Cernea, 1996; 2000; Muggah,

2003).

Shelter Delivery in Displacement Emergencies

Providing shelter for displaced population is a necessity, and has been at the core of the

relief systems since its beginnings. It has also been one of its most controversial components.

Shelter is essential for the well-being of the displaced. It should provide them with immediate

protection; it should also provide them in the long term with more than just the basic protection.

The following excerpt is from the shelter guidelines section in the Sphere Proj ect Handbook (The

Sphere Proj ect, 2004); it summarizes some of the minimum expectations from the shelter

provided in the cases of emergencies:

Shelter is a critical determinant for survival in the initial stages of a disaster. Beyond
survival, shelter is necessary to provide security and personal safety, protection from the
climate and enhanced resistance to ill health and disease. It is also important for human
dignity and to sustain family and community life as far as possible in difficult
circumstances. Shelter and associated settlement and non-food item responses should
support communal coping strategies, incorporating as much self-sufficiency and self-
management into the process as possible, any such responses should also minimize the
long-term adverse impact on the environment, whilst maximizing opportunities for the
affected communities to maintain or establish livelihood support activities (p208).









Some of the shelter requirements mentioned in this previous paragraph, especially those relating

to community building, are notions highly supported by Defensible Space theory as will be

explored in future sections.

Most shelter provided for displaced populations is in the form of "refugee camps", or

"camp-based" solutions such as "planned-settlements", and "agricultural-settlements". These

solutions have been known to fall short when it comes to addressing some of the needs stated

above. They also have a number of long term problems that negatively affect the recovery of the

displaced populations (Schmidt, 2003).

When looking at the overall shelter delivery sector, it has been plagued by a number of

political and technical issues since its beginnings. Probably one of the most challenging and

controversial issues is that of "temporariness". Most camp-based solutions are planned to be

temporary, although in multiple cases, these camps and settlements last for generations. This

temporary designation means that less planning goes into the design of these scenarios, therefore

this usually leads to poor living conditions on the long-run. The driving force behind the

temporary designation is generated within the relief agencies from the principle of repatriation,

and the belief that the displaced will eventually return home, or at least move to different

solution (Harrell-Bond, 1995; Saunders, 2004).

Another reason for this temporary designation is political, and is especially evident in the

case of political refugees. Most host governments do not welcome a refugee or a displaced

population to be a permanent population within the country's boundaries. Therefore, extensively

planned and well developed camp-based settlements could be seen as permanent solutions, and

as a challenge to the host country's ethnic, religious or even political composition. Most likely,

the governments of these host countries will resist (even sabotage in some cases) such notion of










permanency for refugee populations. The permanent settlement planning approach could also be

rej ected by the leadership of the refugees themselves. They will most likely fear that any

permanent living arrangements could hurt their cause and their right of return (Saunders, 2004).

Such dilemma and dynamic has been keeping Palestinian refugees stranded in inhumane refugee

camps for nearly sixty years.

Another problem within the shelter delivery system is that the sector itself is not properly

defined. There is an ambiguity within the terms and definitions used even within the literature.

Camps, settlements, transitional settlements and other terms could be used interchangeably to

refer to the same settings. Some relief agencies don't have teams specialized in shelter and

settlements planning, and could rely on outside contractors, or even military forces to provide the

shelter. The contractors are usually more focused on promoting their products and prefabricated

units than on the long-term well being of the displaced populations (Saunders, 2004).

Camp-Based Solutions

The camp-based solutions could be traced back to the 1960s in Africa. Refugee camps

established in Uganda, Tanzania, and Kenya where some of the first to be created (Bakhet,

1987). Over the years, the camp-based solutions took a number of different forms: refugee

camps, settlements, rural settlements and agricultural settlements, although the similarities are

usually greater than the differences. The names camps and settlements are sometimes used

interchangeably to refer to the same case. The main distinction between the types seems to be in

the levels of self sufficiency, with camps being the most dependent on aid, whereas settlements,

especially agricultural settlements, seem to have certain amounts of self sufficiency with less aid

dependency compared to former. Another distinction in the definitions seems to come from the

permanency factor, and from the anticipated final solution, that is: Camps tend to be temporary

and settlements tend to be more permanent. Still, the definitions are loose, and are far from being









clear cut (Harrell-Bond, 1995; Muggah, 2003; Schmidt, 2003). In some cases, even the UNHCR

themselves use camps and settlements interchangeably in some cases, an example of that is the

Rhino Camp (official name) in Uganda. The UNHCR describes it as a settlement in some of its

documents, but in other documents it describes it as a camp (Schmidt, 2003). For the purposes of

our study, the focus will be on the similarities in camp/settlement designs and weakness,

especially for refugee populations. No distinction will be made between the different types of

camp based solutions. In order to limit confusion, all these different setups will be referred to as

camps or camp-based solutions following this point in the study, unless a distinction is

necessary.

Debates against camps

Camp-based solutions have both their supporters and critics. Generally speaking, these

solutions are subj ect to heavy criticism by researchers and practitioners in the displacement field

as will be discussed below. Despite the criticism, these camps remain for the most part the most

widely adopted shelter solutions for a number of legitimate reasons, and especially because of

the lack of less-problematic alternatives. Some of the driving forces behind this are host

governments in the countries of asylum. These governments are usually interested in keeping the

displaced population confined within one area for political and economic reasons, in addition to

issues of sovereignty. Zetter (1995) argues that: "the encamping of refugees is the managerial

'solution' adopted by most host countries and relief agencies for well -rehearsed political,

logistical and managerial reasons" (p49). Another Important reason for adopting camp solutions

is that displaced populations usually tend to group themselves into spontaneous settlements even

before any aid agency arrives at the scene. Such spontaneous settlements could usually become

the core of the later aid-established camp-based solutions (Crisp and Jacobson, 1998).









As for the support for camps, even the most avid supporters agree that these solutions

inherently have a number of problems. Despite this, the argument for supporting these solutions

generates from the idea that the displaced populations will have to self-settle in the absence of

camps. By self-settling, the displaced could be in a far worse situation because of the absence of

coordinated security and aid (Crisp and Jacobson, 1998). Other points in the favor of camp-based

solutions include that the displaced populations will remain visible, which makes it easier to

register them, provide them with aid and protection, and to help in the long term recovery

process. It also makes attracting donor money an easier task, especially with the media focus on

such camps (Harrell-Bond, 1986; Crisp and Jacobson, 1998)

Looking at the debates against camp-based solutions, they are multiple and are usually

spurred-by the negative impacts of life within these camps as will be demonstrated throughout

our study. Probably the most discussed negative aspect of camp-life is the "dependency

syndrome" (Van-Dammne' 1995; Black, 1998; Ager, 1999; Schmidt, 2003). This suggests that

the displaced become heavily dependent on outside aid. And that it affects their ability to rebuild

their lives, especially in long term situations. The aid starts to diminish after a certain period of

time leading to poverty-like conditions. The dependency syndrome seems to be widely accepted

within the displacement field. Yet, some researchers see it as an attempt to blame the displaced

populations for the failures of both aid delivery systems, and host government policies (Crisp

and Jacobson, 1998). Harrell-Bond (1999) argues that problems of the displaced are further

complicated and exaggerated by the stereotype that they are helpless, homogeneous people. And

that some of the problems they face are due mainly to this belief within the aid-delivery

community.









One more debate against camps is that these solutions create protracted situations in which

the displaced populations could remain confined to camps for long periods of time. In the mean

time, they are unable to improve themselves or return to some kind of normalcy. The UNHCR

uses the term "protracted refugee situations" to describe those situations where the refugees

remain in the camps for more than 5 years (Schmidt, 2003). According to Jamal (2003), "Simply

put, a protracted refugee situation is one in which refugees find themselves in a long-lasting and

intractable state of limbo. Their lives may not be at risk but their basic rights and essential

economic, social and psychological needs remain unfulfilled after years in exile. Such a refugee

is unable to break free from enforced reliance on external assistance" (p4). It could be fair to

assume that life within camps, combined especially with the restrictive policies of host

governments, keeps the attention of the host governments, the displaced population, and the aid

agencies focused on the displacement event itself. The displaced are usually haunted by their

previous ordeal which prevents them from moving-on with their lives. They could spend the rest

of their lives "warehoused" and idly awaiting the displacement event to end (Jamal, 2003;

Frelick, 2004).

The security situation is another debate against camp-based solutions. These settlements

protect the displaced somewhat. But, by grouping large numbers of refugees in a certain location,

they could be an easy target for armed forces and paramilitary troops especially if the cause of

displacement was still ongoing. The camps themselves become recruiting grounds for resistance

and insurgency movements. This further j eopardizes the safety of the displaced population, and

causes complications with the host government and other local population. In some extreme

cases, the aid money itself is used by individuals from within the refugees to buy weapons and to

fund these resistance movements. Such a situation not only j eopardizes the lives of the displaced,









but also could put in danger the lives of the relief workers, while greatly undermining their

credibility and complicating their work (Terry, 2002).

Further negative effects of camp-based solutions include, the isolation and stigma from the

surrounding communities, the shortage of jobs, the lack of self-governance, high-density living

conditions lack of privacy, rapid spread of diseases, and severe environmental degradation due

to consumption of natural resources and high pollution levels. The spread of crime within camps

is also noticeable especially in protracted situations in which the near poverty conditions last for

a long time and could contribute to a wide range of social-ills and problems (Fernandash and

Walker, 2002; Crisp, 2005). Most of these negative impacts are directly affected by the size and

duration of the camp, the bigger it is, and the longer it remains, the more these shortcomings

become magnified, and harder to remedy (Black, 1995; Van-Dammne, 1995; Jamal, 2003).

Elements affecting the success and failure of camp-based solutions:

Life conditions within camps could be affected greatly by a number of interwoven factors.

The success or failure of such a settlement solution (although relative) is greatly affected by

these factors. Some of these include: the Host government policies, the amount of assistance

provided by aid agencies, the geographic location of the settlement, and the economic factors.

Other issues include levels of security and freedom, levels of self administration, and camp

layout and planning (Jamal, 2003). Probably the most important factors to affect the displaced

population are the policies and attitude of the host government. Bowles (1998), in her description

of Burmese refugee camps in Thailand, noted that the refugees were directly affected by amounts

of freedom and self control given to them by the host government. The Burmese refugees lived

in small camps which were administered by the refugees themselves. Later because of

government requirements, the refugees were moved to large-fenced camps under the premise of

security. In these cases, the camps were administered by the government, and the refugees had









no say in the matters of their daily lives. Bowles noted that large numbers of refugees attempted

to leave the camps. She also noted that more social problems emerged, and the people living

within these camps became more and more dependent on outside aid. Payne (1998) argues that

for the any newly established camps and settlements to be livable and sustainable, the displaced

communities have to be allowed to integrate into the social, legal, and political systems of the

host community and country. Payne developed her remarks while studying agricultural-

settlements established for IDPs in Uganda; she also noted that these settlements should address

more than just the needs of food, security, and shelter, they should provide the environment that

could address long term social reconstruction needs.

Problems with settlement design

Historically, the most adopted form of camp-layouts has been the regimented layout, or the

grid pattern layout (Figure 2-1). This layout has proven to be problematic over the years and

there seems to be a general awareness in the relief field that these forms should be avoided.

These regimented designs remain used in most cases. This is due to a number of reasons, but

mainly because these regimented designs have been adopted repeatedly and are easier to deploy,

especially when time is critical. Another important reason is that these camps are assumed to be

temporary, and that the displaced population will return to their homes sooner-or-later. Real-life

situations ,such as in the case of Palestinian refugees and others, have demonstrated that for the

most part these camps could last for decades. This notion of temporariness could impede any

serious planning attempts, and is usually enforced by the attitudes and policies of the host

government (Zetter, 1995; 1999; Fernandash and Walker, 2002)

As for the deficiencies of regimented camp layouts, these layouts are usually alien to the

displaced populations, who in most cases originate from rural settings and from village

environments. The new regimented living environment in the camp could lead to de-socialization









within the community of the displaced. This potentially creates dependency and inhibits social

cohesion (Zetter, 1995), as Zetter further describes the situation: "social deprivation is spatially

consolidated" (p52).These regimented layouts provide little room for growth, and become

crowded easily with higher risks of diseases and epidemics spreading, especially when the

population is large. Fernandash and Walker (2002) suggest that these regimented and alien

environments take away some of the dignity of the displaced population. Consequently, the sense

of community and privacy are lost due to the layout. The children might not have areas to play

under their parents' supervision, and the adults might not have a place to socialize both,

informally and formally. The layouts increase the distance needed to get to some essential

provisions such as food and water, and further create dangerous situations for women and

children, especially during hours of darkness. Oliver-Smith (1991) argues that one of the reasons

for the failure of camps and settlements could be the layout. Imposing regimented-uniformed

designs deprive the displaced populations from spaces that could possibly foster social-

relationships, and could prevent the clustering of kin. Both these issues are essential to the

displaced as they help create the support-networks needed for the people to be able to reconstruct

their lives. It is important to note here that Defensible Space theory both explains and addresses

similar problems to those observed in these camps. Lack of territorial zones of influence,

minimal boundary definition and minimal natural surveillance arguably relate to the issues

occurring within these camps. Defensible Space theory and its principles will be discussed in

detail in later sections.

As mentioned earlier, there is an increased awareness in the field of displacement relating

to the importance of settlement layout and how it affects the displaced populations in the long-

run. In their Handbook for Emergencies, the UNHCR (2000) calls for applying long term










planning principles while designing camps, and for avoiding the regimented layouts in favor of

decentralized, more organic layouts that resemble naturally-occurring village atmospheres. They

further indicate that the camp layout should also focus on family unit, and on community space,

as much as it focuses on the individual housing units. Cuny (1977; 1983), was one of the first to

bring to the forefront the importance of long term planning in camp design. His work in a

number of refugee camps, especially in India and South America, helped shed some light on the

importance of camp layouts in the long-term recovery of the displaced populations. Similar

design guidelines as those in the UNHCR handbook are found in other maj or documents in the

field of displacement. Some of these include the USAID "Field Operation Guide for Disaster

Assessment and Response" (1998), and the "Humanitarian Charter and Minimum Standards"-

by The Sphere Proj ect (2004). These handbooks and others call for avoiding regimented

settlement layouts, and for focusing on layouts that foster and support community ties in order to

assist in the recovery of the displaced populations.

In summary, recently more attention has been given to camp and settlement layout and

design within the displacement field. The regimented layout has proven its weaknesses over the

years, and more suitable alternatives are being sought out. The situation remains far from perfect

though, and the regimented layouts are still in use in multiple cases. The planning of refugee

camps is affected greatly by being designated as temporary, and by the numerous political

factors at play in the displacement situations. It is also important to mention here that despite the

negative consequences of poorly designed living environments, they only play a limited role in

the overall bigger picture. The refuge experience and its resulting conditions are very traumatic

events, and are also very complicated on so many different political, social, cultural, and

economical levels









Defensible Space

Issues involving camp design and layout have an interesting, and potentially fruitful-

common ground with the idea of Defensible Space (DS), a theory developed out of an entirely

different literature, crime prevention planning and design. The paper will focus now on the DS

theory, and briefly describe how the two seemingly very distinct fields may be linked for the

purposes of the present study.

Defensible space theory was first developed by Oscar Newman in 1973, as a response to

the deteriorating living conditions within public housing proj ects in the US. Since its beginning,

the theory has been widely debated by a significant number of researchers and practitioners in

the fields of criminology, urban design, and environmental behavior sciences. Like previous

theories that link environment and behavior such as the work of Jacobs (1961) and Lynch (1960),

Defensible Space suggests the presence of a link between the design of the physical environment

and the behavior of its users. Yet DS differs from most other environmental-behavior theories

such as the above, by being based on quantitative research, and by providing design guidelines

that could, according to the theory, affect the way people react to the environment (Schneider

and Kitchen, 2002).

Oscar Newman, an architect and a planner, developed DS through his observation of

Pruitt-Igoe housing proj ect -located in St. Louis, Missouri. The proj ect was designed to represent

a new era in public housing design in the US. Through these observations, he witnessed the

failure of the proj ect, and the emerging terrible living conditions marked by crime, vandalism,

fear, and widespread littering. He compared Pruitt-Igoe to other nearby non-high-rise housing

proj ects and came to the conclusion that the design of the proj ect helped amplify, and complicate

some of these problems. This premise was the basis for development of the Defensible Space

theory (Newman, 1973). Newman's writings were influenced by earlier work especially that of









Jane Jacobs in her book "The Death and Life of Great American Cities" (1961). Other influences

include the work of Elizabeth Wood (1961) in her efforts to reform public housing in the 1940s

and 1950s, and writings in urban crime such as the work of Shlomo Angel (1968). Research in

territorially and human environment-behavior such as the work of Sommer (1969) and Hall

(1969) was also important. All these left their marks on both Newman' s DS theory, and his

thinking. Later theories emerged which share similarities with DS, these include the "Broken

Windows" Theory by Wilson & Kelling (1982), "Situational Crime Prevention" by Clarke

(1996), and "Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (CPTED)" by Crowe (2000). All

these theories borrow some from DS, and share similar aims of reducing crime, and improving

the quality of life (Feslon, 2002)

Defensible Space Theory

Oscar Newman defines Defensible Space as a "surrogate term for the range of

mechanisms- real and symbolic barriers, strongly defined areas of influence, and improved

opportunities for surveillance that combine to bring an environment under the control of its

residents" (1973, p3). To further understand this definition, defensible space could be considered

a set of design recommendations built on a number of principles, these principles are derived

from some basic notions of human behavior. The first principle is "Territoriality", which

Newman defines as the "capacity of the physical environment to create perceived zones of

territorial influence" (1973, p51). This means that the environment could help, and through

certain physical characteristics, give its users a sense of responsibility over spaces even if they

don't physically own it or control them. The focus of Newman's territoriality is mainly public

space (in its physical form), and its goal is for the design to extend peoples' sense of ownership

outwards, and towards that public space. He argues that the physical space people live in could

be divided into four distinct zones namely private, semi-private, semi-public and public space. In









order to secure and enhance the built environment, most of this public or semi-public space

should be considered by its users, at least conceptually, as part of their semi-private or private

domains, even if it' s not officially owned by them. This is arguably achievable through design,

and the concept is that people will tend to defend and secure their own environment. Therefore,

if peoples' spheres of territorial influence increase to include public, or semi public areas, the

built environment might be better protected (Felson, 2002).

The second principle closely associated with territoriality is "Boundary Definition".

Newman suggests that for the territorial zones of influence to be achieved, physical and symbolic

barriers and boundaries are essential to define the extent of these zones. Boundary definition

utilizes anything from fences to pathways, and even vegetation. According to Newman,

"Defensible Space in not about fencing, it is about the reassignment of areas and responsibilities,

the demarcation of a new sphere of influence" (1996, p3) -it is about ownership and control. The

result of this reassignment of responsibilities is aimed at creating a safer environment, and

promoting stronger community ties.

The third principle, and at the architectural core of DS theory is "Natural Surveillance",

defined by Newman as "the capacity of the physical design to provide surveillance opportunities

for residents and their agents" (1973, p78). By providing people a chance to observe the public

space, and to be observed by other people while being in the public space, this could render the

environment safer, or at least create a sense of security which translates into better usage of

public space. The underlying premise is that people tend to modify their behavior under public

scrutiny, and there is some evidence supporting this concept (Newman, 1973). Providing better

surveillance through design is represented through orienting buildings towards public space,

providing windows and openings overlooking such spaces, and improving both natural and









artificial lighting conditions. The fourth and final principle of defensible space is "Image and

Milieu", which Newman defines as "the capacity of the design to influence the perception of the

project's uniqueness, isolation, and stigma" (1973, p 102). In other words, designs that are alien

to the surrounding fabric could negatively affect the image of the people living within, or designs

that are standardized, such as repeated identical units, could possibly deprive the residents their

sense of individuality and identity. Another underlying aspect of this point is that of

maintenance. For example, if the public areas of housing proj ects are neglected or not well

maintained, this could contribute to both the negative image and stigmatization of its inhabitants

(Newman, 1973; 1996; Schneider & Kitchen, 2002). This point was further emphasized by later

theories such as "Broken Windows" and "CPTED" (Schneider & Kitchen, 2002).

The DS principles discussed above, and the design guidelines that generate from these

concepts -as will be discussed later, could be simple, and relatively inexpensive to implement

because they often involve early design decisions, and do not require drastic design changes or

additional time to implement. This is ideal for emergency situations because time is usually a big

factor in the decision making. Though, a true understanding of these principles is critical, and

the same applies to the mechanism needed to utilize them. Some long-term and upfront thinking

on behalf of the relief community is also necessary for such principles to be useful.

Critiques of Defensible Space

Since it emerged in 1973, Newman's Defensible Space Theory has evoked controversy,

and raised many critiques among academics and practitioners. Yet, despite the critiques and

controversy, the theory has gained popularity especially in the US. Cozens et al (2001a)

attributes this success to a number of reasons including, the highly visible nature of

implementing design modifications for reducing crime serves politicians, especially with large

publicity and media involvement. Also, Defensible Space is different than much social science









theory that focuses only on enhancing the socio-economic conditions as means of reducing

crime, and provides vague, expensive, and sometimes very political ideas that are hard to

implement (Schneider and Kitchen, 2002). DS is very apolitical, economical, and "concrete" and

provides tangible prescriptions. Other reasons for the relative popularity of DS are that it seems

to fit within contemporary thought in the environmental behavior research field, and it does not

suggest drastic changes to the urban environment unlike previous theories; it simply modifies

and retrofits, and is backed by extensive empirical research (Cozens et al, 2001a).

When looking at the critiques of defensible space, perhaps the most prominent point is that

Defensible Space does not reduce crime; it merely displaces crime to another location (Kaplan,

1973). Through improving the physical conditions of certain neighborhoods through "target

hardening"2, criminals and offenders could target their offences towards different areas. Newman

(1973) himself addresses this point towards the end of his book; he argues that even if

displacement of crime occurs, it will not be a hundred percent displacement. Also, he raises the

question "is a pattern of uniformly distributed crime preferable to one in which crime is

concentrated in particular areas?" (Newman, 1973, p250). His answer to this question is that the

latter solution is more preferable. Moreover, there is considerable evidence that crime

displacement is much less of a phenomenon than originally believed (Clarke, 1996).

Another critique for Defensible Space is that the theory focuses on the material aspects of

the environment and neglects the socio-economic (Cozens et al, 2001a). Booth (1981) argues

that although there are some instances in which defensible space is viable, it depends heavily on

the context. He argues that Defensible Space is a "sterile concept: void of social reality that

might make it work" (Booth, 1981, p569). Merry (1981) argues that Defensible Space only

2 Making it harder for offenders to reach their targets through physical barriers, or other mechanisms and approaches
(Schneider and Kitchen, 2002)









works within specific contexts, but overall the theory neglects the social aspects. She also says

that in order for the theory to work, the community has to be homogeneous. And that in a case of

a fragmented community, people will fail to locate intruders, and will fail to intervene. She

suggests that the definition of territorial influence relates directly to the cultures) of the people

(1981). Mayhew's (1979) critique was focused on the issue of surveillance. On one hand, she

acknowledges that natural surveillance could have only a small affect on crime. Yet, she argues

that action taken, in such cases, depends heavily on the people watching, and that most people

will not intervene even if they witnessed a crime taking place. Furthermore, that offenders and

criminals are not always rational, and will not necessarily respond to the environmental cues

advanced by Defensible Space. Mayhew also suggested that Newman overplayed the role of the

environment in crime occurrence, and that the reality of the situation is much more complex than

Newman suggests (1979).

Further critiques of DS include that it amounts to a form of "environmental determinism",

also the possible conflict between the theory's design guidelines and fire regulation

requirements, and the difficulty of isolating individual variables in complex socio-spatial settings

(Cozens et al, 2001a).

Despite the criticisms, the notion that Defensible Space could help reduce crime and

improve communal ties seems to be widely accepted. Newman's ideas have greatly affected the

design of public housing especially in the US, and they have helped rid the cities of high-rising

public housing blocks (Clarke, 1997; Felson, 2002). Cisneros (1995) argues, and based on DS

applications in lower income neighborhoods, that Defensible Space could be an approach worth

consideration especially when applied with other elements such as community involvement and

effective organization. Taylor et al (1984) argues that although Defensible Space effectiveness









relates to a number of factors, it could enhance the social ties within the community. Both the

adaptation of CPTED principles in the US3, and the "Secured By Design" (SBD) initiative, a

derivate of CPTED in the UK, are witnesses to the wide scale acceptance of Newman' s

principles (Cozen et al, 2001b). The previous sections provided only some brief summaries of

the debates surrounding Defensible Space theory. A more detailed and expansive analysis of

these debates is beyond the scope of this research.

Case Studies in Defensible Space

Perhaps the most famous applications of Defensible Space theory are in both the housing

and the public housing sectors in the US. Examples of this application are: The Five Oaks

community in Dayton, Ohio; and the Clason Point public housing proj ect in The Bronx, New

York.

In the case of the Five Oaks neighborhood, the neighborhood had a high incidence of

crime including drug dealing, robberies, and prostitution. This was because of a number of

factors, mainly the proximity to the downtown area, and because people were leaving inner-cities

and moving to the suburbs. Most of the people in the neighborhood rented their houses, and most

property owners lived elsewhere. In 1991, Oscar Newman was involved in preparing design

solutions for the Five Oaks problems. His recommendations focused on access control and

boundary setting solutions and included dividing the neighborhood into 'mini -neighborhoods'

through street closures, building distinct brick entrance points, and converting the internal streets

into cul-de-sacs. Within a year of these improvements, the crime rate in Five Oaks was reduced

significantly, and the house values increased by 15% (Cisneros, 1995). Despite the success in the

neighborhood, some researchers argue that the relative success was due mainly to the media



3 Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (CPTED).









involvement, and the community cohesiveness, and not due to the design modifications. Also,

that there have been no long term evaluations of the effects of the changes within this

neighborhood, although short term improvements were reported (Donnelley & Kimble, 1997).

As for the Clason Point case, the public housing proj ect is located in the area of south

Bronx, New York. It shared similar crime-related problems with the Five Oaks neighborhood.

The proj ect consisted of nearly 400 units of two-story row houses. The buildings were unfinished

concrete brick, and the grounds around the houses were open to anyone and not controlled by the

residents. Newman was involved in developing design improvements for the housing proj ect.

Some of the design modifications included dividing up the public space between the housing

units through the use of simple fencing, or shrubs. Other modifications included resurfacing the

building facades with different colors and textures, and improving lighting conditions. The

results were similar to those of Five Oaks, namely a significant drop in crime rates, in addition to

residents gardening and taking care of their assigned front yards. Due to these improvements,

there was an overall improvement of the image of the project (Cisneros, 1995; Newman, 1996).

Defensible Space Guidelines in Refugee Camp Design: Important Theoretical
Considerations

When looking at application of Defensible Space in refugee camp-design, and as suggested

by this study, there are four maj or theoretical considerations that need to be emphasized when

considering this approach. These are as follows:

1. There is important research in the environmental-behavior field that suggests a relation
between the built environment and human behavior (Lynch, 1960; Jacobs, 1961; Hall,
1969; Sommer, 1969; Newman, 1973). On the other hand, this role of the built
environment in people's behavior remains a complex and controversial issue. Although the
evidence suggests such relations, still, factors such as cultural norms, socio-economics,
religion, and gender roles within any society, play a role in how people respond and react
to the environmental behavioral cues. The responses to these environmental cues depend
on the factors mentioned above, which guarantees different behavioral response from one
community to another (Hall, 1969; Rapaport, 1976; 1977). As noted above, Defensible
Space theory has had its share of critics since its beginnings; however questions about its









effectiveness still remain controversial (Mayhew, 1979). Real life applications of the
theory suggest some positive effects and improvements within certain contexts (Cisneros,
1995; Schneider & Kitchen, 2002, 2007). For the purposes of our study, we suggest that
Defensible Space theory, although controversial, is supported by important empirical
evidence, and that it generates positive outcomes, yet the level of outcomes and
improvements will depend greatly on the context. Our study also takes the theory a
number of steps further by applying it in a non-Anglo-American western context and
within refugee camp setting simultaneously. These circumstances alone are enough to
make such an application a very complex and challenging one.

2. Probably the most unique aspect of DS that could warrant such an application is the
universality of some of its principles. At the heart of these principles is territorial behavior.
Territorial behavior could be assumed to be a universal principle, and an integral part of
human life (Sommer, 1969; Hall, 1969; Taylor, 1988). Still, the manifestations of this
principle could be different from individual to individual, and from one group to another
depending on a number of factors such as living conditions, cultural values, and family
structures, in addition to other issues (Sommer, 1969; Rapaport, 1976). Another important
concept of DS is natural surveillance, and its role in improving one' s perceptions of the
outdoor space, while increasing the sense of security. Also, the importance of image and
milieu relating to the living environment, since living in well-treated, well-maintained
environment is most likely to cast a positive influence on the physiological well being of
the inhabitants, especially when compared to life in a rundown, overcrowded environment
(Newman, 1973; Schneider & Kitchen, 2002, 2007). All these principles demonstrate very
simple concepts that are seldom considered in refugee camp design. And arguably, they
could have at least some impact on the living conditions within these camps, despite the
varymng contexts.

3. It is important to remember that the theory is focused mainly on the outdoor-physical
spaces adj acent or between the buildings, especially in residential areas. The actual design
of the housing unit itself is not included in the theory application, although closely related.
Issues such as window orientation and entrance location are important when considering
concepts such as natural surveillance facilitation and access control.

4. Our study represents in its essence a cross-cultural application of Defensible Space. It is an
attempt to understand the suitability of this theory in non-Anglo-American settings. It also
looks at the level of influence this application might have. In other words, will this
application result in altering peoples' behavior in a similar way to a western setting, and
despite the unique socio-cultural factors? The results of our work could lay the ground for
future cross-cultural applications worldwide.

Chapter Summary

Despite potential pitfalls and problems, there is evidence that Defensible Space helps to

create environments that are safer, easier to maintain, and more supportive of the community.

The theory emphasizes the importance of proper planning and long term thinking. It also










provides specific and simple design recommendations that are easily adapted to a wide range of

cases. DS seems to be potentially beneficial for the displacement Hield, namely the design of

camp-based solutions. It helps reduce some of the problems caused by poor design and

management of the physical environment. And unlike most current design guidelines adopted in

the field, it provides clear and distinct "risk-impact" relationships (UN-HABITAT, 2007). These

relationships are important to understand, especially in extremely complicated environments

such as refugee camps.





Figure 2-1. Grid camp layout: Such camp layouts are historically the most wide-used. They
house large numbers of refugees with maximum efficiency, yet they are problematic
at least when it comes to: complicated way finding, no individual identities for each
area, no provisions for growth, no supervised children play area, decreased security
for vulnerable population, and they tend to isolate the refugees into their units.
Source: Prepared by the researcher.


HuusinL! Irn-- I) ,,i IIts


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CHAPTER 3
IVETHODOLOGY

Introduction

Our study explores the adoption of DS theory as a new approach for the planning and

design of refugee camps and camp-based solutions in general. The approach remains untested in

this Hield; any actual testing will require a real life application that should include actual design

modifications on the ground. Also, it will require significant time to understand the immediate

and long term affects of these modifications. Such an application is not possible within the

limitations of our work; instead we suggest the adoption of DS theory based on our observations

through the literature, and through the Hield work that explores some of the basic concepts of the

theory as they occur naturally in the Hield. Future research in this area could provide further

evidence to the applicability, or the inapplicability in refugee camp contexts.

Context

It is important here to provide some background information about the study sites and the

conditions within the area, early on in this methods section. This is necessary in order to clarify

some of decisions and steps taken during the study preparation, and during the actual Hield work

and data collection.

Our study took place in two different sites within the city of Nablus which is located in the

West-Bank/ Palestine. The city is located in the central area of Palestine, and is the second

largest Palestinian city with a population of roughly 150,000 (Figures 1-1, 3-1). It has been

traditionally a cultural, economic, and industrial center, and is a city with a long and diverse

history. Nablus survived different occupying forces over the centuries, and is rich with

traditional Islamic architecture, ancient roman ruins, and historic sites of biblical significance

(PEDCDAR, 2000). Within its boundaries, three Palestinian refugee camps are located. In









addition, the city's footprint includes a number of small villages that have been absorbed into its

boundary. The Balata refugee camp is located in the city, and is one of the three refugee camps

mentioned above. The camp is the main focus area for our study. The Village of Balata on the

other hand is one of the villages absorbed into the city' s footprint. It is the second area of focus,

and is located within close proximity to the camp. Both are located in the eastern part of the city

(Figures 3-1, 3-2, 3-3, 3-8).

The Palestinian territories have been gripped by an ongoing conflict with Israel for nearly

the last two decades. The conflict started in the late 1980s, and the first wave of violence ended

in 1993 after the creation of the Palestinian authority in the West-Bank, and the Gaza strip. The

period from 1993 and later witnessed a decrease in violence and a relative calm. This calm ended

abruptly in the year 2000 after the Palestinian -Israeli peace negotiations failed, and second wave

of violence started. This wave of violence has proven to be the most deadly, and has continued to

rage-on for the last seven years until the moment of writing this paper. The conflict has taken a

heavy toll on the region, especially on the city of Nablus and its inhabitants. Some of the most

heavily impacted areas within the city are the refugee camps. The Balata refugee camp has been

one of the most hard-hit areas by conflict, probably throughout the whole West-Bank.

The Balata Refugee Camp

The Balata refugee camp was selected as the focus area for our study. As described earlier,

the camp is located in the eastern suburbs of the city of Nablus. It is one out of three camps in the

city: Askar Refugee camp which is of close proximity to Balata, and Camp No. 7, which is

located in the western part of the city. Overall, the Balata camp is home to nearly 22,000

Palestinian refugees with a proximate area of roughly 2.5 square kilometers -less than one square

mile (UNRWA, 2005). The refugee camp was a selected as a case study because it is the most

populated refugee camp in the west-bank, and for issues relating to ease of accessibility










especially due to the security and political instability in the area (Figure 3-4). The refugee camp

was established in 1950 after the creation of Israel, and incorporated a second wave of refugees

in 1967. Most camp residents are originally from the city of Jaffa (Yafa in Arabic) and its

surrounding villages (UNRWA, 2005).

Historically, the camp went through the stages of development most Palestinian refugee

camps go through: First the tent camp, in which camps positioned on family plots were provided

by the UNRWA and other aid agencies in a first-come, first-serve basis. Refugees usually

exchanged plots, sometimes even camps, in order to be next to other family members. In this

first stage, only public restrooms and bathrooms were provided because of the scarcity of

resources such as running water. The living conditions were very harsh and refugees had to stand

in line for hours to use these facilities. The tent stage lasted to the mid 1950's when it became

too hard for aid agencies to keep up with the maintenance or replacement of tents that were

usually torn-apart during the rainy seasons (BADIL, 2006).

The second stage commenced in the mid fifties when the UNRWA started building

concrete -block rooms known today in the camps as UNRWA Rooms or Houses. These rooms

were small in size, and were built with the assumption that the situation in the camps was only

temporary, so no provisions for expansion were considered. In this stage a small bathroom and

kitchen were usually added with the use of temporary materials such as wood and metal-sheet

roofing. Most of these rooms are gone today, but some of them are still in use as a part of a

bigger setup. The third stage started in the 1970's when the need for space became a priority.

New rooms were built by the refugees themselves according to their financial status and needs.

Most of these rooms were poorly planned and did not take into consideration future expansion.

Finally the fourth stage started in the 1980's. The old UNRWA rooms were removed in most









cases especially since they were falling apart, and spatial needs forced the vertical expansion

stage to begin. Today' s camps (including Balata camp) are a continuation of this stage, with

three, four, and five story high buildings in some cases (Figure 3-5, 3-6). It is worth noting here

that most of these buildings are of poor structural integrity due to the absence of proper planning

and building regulations (BADIL, 2006).

The Village of Balata

The Village of Balata was selected because of its close proximity to the refugee camp, and

certain similarities within the built environment aspects between the two locations; also due to

some cultural similarities between the refugees and the village residents. The aim of this

selection was to compare a refugee population to a non-refugee population within similar

geographic, cultural and overall contextual settings. The village is located adjacent to the refugee

camp within the eastern suburbs of the city of Nablus. The refugee camp derived its name as a

result of its proximity to the village (Figures 3-2, 3-7, 3-8). The village is small in size and

population with roughly around 5500 residents as of 1995. Approximately 95% of the village

inhabitants belong to the same extended family, the family of "Dwikat". Such Villages with

dominant families are common in the Palestinian rural society (Balata-Albalad.org, 2007).

Historically the village is built adj acent to ancient Roman and biblical ruins, and it used to

be a tourist destination during the times of relative stability during the 1970s to 1990s. It is also

the home of some religious sites that are of significance to Christians, Muslims and Jews.

Although it is still retains its name as the Village of Balata, today it is more of a suburb of the

city of Nablus due to the urban expansion (Balata-Albalad.org, 2007).

The village retains an old building core built around the main mosque-square (Figure 3-9).

These buildings are good examples of traditional Palestinian rural architecture, with their simple

interior spaces and vaulted roofs (Figure 3-10). Yet, today a lot of these buildings are crumbling









due to neglect, and are becoming more and more a thing of the past, especially with the need for

larger and more complex homes for today' s modern life-styles. In addition, most village

residents have changed from an agricultural economic base, to a more service and education

based economy. A good maj ority of village residents work in diverse j obs throughout the city of

Nablus. Despite being nearly absorbed in the overall city footprint, the residents of Balata still

retain their rural cultural identities and customs. The society in the village is conservative, at the

same time it is rich with its own cultural heritage and way of life, which distinguish the village

from the surrounding city and camp residents.

Research Design

Our study examines a number of human-behavioral and social concepts within a very

dynamic and challenging setting. To start with, some of the main concepts we tested were

challenging to quantify. For example, territorial behavior, sense of community and sense of

responsibility towards outdoor-space are no easy concepts to measure, especially within a

relatively short time frame. At the same time, our study was conducted in relatively uncharted

territory, and little was known about what to expect prior to starting the work. For these reasons,

a combination of quantitative and qualitative research approaches was adopted. A questionnaire

was designed which included both open ended, and closed-ended questions. The close-ended

questions attempted to either confirm, or deny a phenomenon, whereas the open-ended questions

were to shed some light on why the phenomenon takes place. The questionnaire was intended to

represent a "direct structured interview", meaning that the researcher would interview the

respondents in person according to the questionnaire's questions, while documenting their

responses into the questionnaires. Personal observations were also adopted as a major research

method; these personal observations played a big part in the analysis and understanding of the









situation on the ground. The following points summarize the main steps that were conducted

throughout the research:

1. As noted above, the study settings were identified as the Balata refugee camp in the
Nablus, Palestine, and the Village of Balata also within the same area. The nearby Village
of Balata (Balata Al-Balad in Arabic) was considered to be the comparison site, mainly to
compare refugee vs. non refugee settings within a similar overall cultural setting.

2. An initial site visit was conducted to collect preliminary information and observations
about the area, also to establish local connections. The visit took place from (12/2005 to
01/2006).

3. The variables measuring "signs of territorial marking" and "inter-neighborhood ties" were
determined, mainly through the literature. It is important to note here that most of the
questions in this section were derived from DS theory literature and concepts, such as
Newman' s work himself (1973), in addition to the work of Taylor (1988) and Cozens
(2001a). Variables relating to sense of security, and both physical environmental
conditions and needs were also determined through the literature. The questionnaire was
designed to include questions about these variables, in addition to background information
about the respondents and the settings. The questionnaire content will be discussed in
detail in the coming sections.

4. The field work took place at the two study areas through (06/2006 to 08/2006). For the first
step, the work was discussed with locals at the camp and village in order to divide the
study areas into segments, based on locals' recommendations and expertise. Most focus
and time were given to the refugee camp environment since it was the main focus area.
The work conducted in the village was mainly for comparison purposes only, therefore
received less time and focus.

5. The data was compiled, and tabulated. Frequency distributions were then used as the main
statistical approach to compare results from both the main research area and the
comparison site area. No further statistical techniques were used.

6. Data and observations were analyzed and discussed based upon data obtained through the
questionnaire, the researcher's observations, and with reference to appropriate and relevant
literature.

Subjects and Sample Selection Process

Subj ects were selected generally at random, although certain controlling factors were used

according to the setting as described below. The sample selected represented to a certain extent a

"convenience sample". Although a convenience sample does not necessarily represent the

population accurately, the conditions on the ground dictated this sampling method. The sheer










size and complexity of the environments and the lack of any numbering or postal code system

made obtaining a true random sample extremely hard. The maps used for the study, especially

the refugee camp map, could not convey the complexity of the environment which was multi-

layered and interweaving. For example, a single building footprint on the map, although assumed

a footprint, turned out to be the outline of three to four adj acent homes, each three to four stories

high in some cases. In addition, the pilot-study nature of our work, and the door-to-door

interview technique which was greatly affected by the locals' cooperation, played a role in

adopting a convenience sampling method.

Sample Selection Criteria

For the first setting, the Balata refugee camp, (102) respondents were interviewed out of a

population of 22,000 refugees. The camp was divided into roughly 10 neighborhoods based on

the recommendations from the locals. This division was crucial due to the large size of the camp,

and because of the need to cover as much camp ground as possible. Approximately 10 interviews

were conducted in each neighborhood. The target respondents were adults 18 and older, with no

gender preference, although we attempted to engage with the older refugees when possible in

order to document some historic facts and stories. Another controlling factor was the living floor

where the respondents lived. Most targeted respondents lived in the ground floor and were

physically in/or adj acent to their residence at the time of the interview. Some exceptions did take

place because of people volunteering to participate, or due to lack of willing respondents within

some areas, yet these cases were rare. This focus on the ground-floor was necessary because of

our study's interest in the indoor- outdoor space relationship as will be discussed in later

chapters.

In the second setting, the Village of Balata, the built environment conditions were

relatively different overall when compared to the camp. The village has modern two to three










story detached buildings spread-out throughout its newer areas. In order to minimize the effects

of this difference between camp and village, we focused on the old village center area which had

certain resemblance to the camp environment relating to building scale, distances between

buildings, and indoor-outdoor relationships. The size of the area was smaller and less

complicated than the camp; yet the same restraints on any random sampling as in the camp

environment applied. Fifty five respondents were selected out of a population of roughly 5000.

They were selected from within the old area generally at random, the same rules relating to

respondents age and living floor applied here also.

Informed Consent Process

Based on permission from the University of Florida' s Institutional Review Board (IRB),

respondents were provided with a modified informed consent process prior to interviews. We

would knock on a respondent' s doors in person and ask if he/she would consent to the interview.

The respondents were asked verbally if they approve or disapprove to the interview, and no

signature was required. This modified consent process was approved by the IRB because of the

instability in area as the result of the ongoing conflict. The population would have been very

suspicious, and uncooperative if they were required to sign anything, especially something

provided by a complete stranger. Also, the concept of informed consent within the region is not

wide-spread; the population would have been even more suspicious because of that. The

respondents were informed of their rights to privacy, and that there were no anticipated harms or

benefits for their participation in this research. They were also informed about their right to

discontinue the interview at any time.

Questionnaire Design and Research Variables

One of the challenging aspects of preparing for the fieldwork was the development of a

suitable questionnaire. Multiple issues had to be taken into consideration during this phase. First,









it was conducted in an environment relatively unknown to us, while being geographically distant

at the same time. This limited the access to the area of study, and confined it to a short period of

time. For that reason, the questionnaire was designed to gather as much general information as

possible within a reasonable time frame. This possibly reduced the focus of the questionnaire on

study specific topics in favor of a better understanding of the overall picture.

The second challenge was that our study deals with uncharted-territory on so many

different levels. Defensible-Space theory has not been applied in a refugee setting, or in an Arab

/ Palestinian / Middle Eastern cultural context. So, adopting a theory that is both Anglo-

American culturally specific, and deals with concepts that are hard to measure by definition, is a

fairly complicated process. Furthermore, applying such a theory in such a distinct and different

cultural setting using the Anglo-American based benchmarks should be a matter of caution.

What might be a sign of strong community in one context for example, could be less decisive in

the other.

Finally, the geographic area of study continues to be an area of turmoil and conflict as

discussed earlier. The time frame for our work was limited due to the dangerous conditions, yet

the study topic is one that requires extended periods of fieldwork. Because of this, we consider

our study more exploratory by nature, while merely scratching the surface of a rather

complicated and multifaceted area of research.

Against the previous backdrop, and to achieve the study goals, the research instrument (the

questionnaire) included 57 closed-ended and open-ended questions (see Appendix A for the

entire questionnaire). It was divided into three sections as follows: 1- Background information

and context, 2- Relationship to the outdoor space, 3- Communal ties and sense of Community.

Each respective section contained questions (variables) relating to the section goals as will be









described below. All the variables employed are considered to be "Independent Variables" for

analysis purposes. It is important to note here that the questionnaire was translated from English

to Arabic, since Arabic is the main language in the region. The questionnaire sections were as

follows:

1. Background information and context: This section was comprised of questions 1 tol4 in
the questionnaire. It aimed at ascertaining certain demographic and contextual information
about the respondents. Some of these questions included those relating to age, gender,
employment, and number of family members. Others relating to living arrangements and
house characteristics included questions about the number of rooms, number of stories, and
the story the respondent lived in. Some of the crucial questions within this section were
those relating to presence of family members living nearby, and number of family
members within the house. The former played an important role in the analysis stage since
the presence of family members nearby related to the definition of social ties within the
neighborhood, whereas the latter demonstrated space-related problems and needs within
the homes. The overall section helped in explaining some of the fieldwork observations
that will be discussed later. It was important to start with such questions within this section
because they "broke the ice" between us and the respondent. They also encouraged the
dialogue and trust building. Furthermore, they gave us a look at the respondents' views and
definitions of their living spaces, while providing the opportunity to hear about some of the
problems relating to the living environment. Most of the respondents complained about
living conditions at the onset of the interviews especially after the questions about the
number of family members, and the home size.

2. Relationship to the outdoor space: This section was compromised of questions 15 to 37
within the questionnaire. It was intended explore the relations between indoor and outdoor
space from the perspective of the respondents, while exploring context specifics also.
Some of the questions included were: The number of windows and doors directly opening
on the street, the blockage of windows within the house by neighbors' construction, the
availability of a roof outlet or a court yard, and the distance between the houses from the
respondent' s perspective. Questions relating to crowding within the neighborhoods, and
how respondents view such issue were also included. The section contains some of critical
questions, especially those relating to signs of territorial appropriation of near home space,
namely questions 28 through 37. The answers for these questions have proven valuable for
our study, and have been incorporated mostly in the analysis stage as will be discussed in a
later chapter. An understanding whether residents do actively appropriate outdoor space for
their needs is of importance for any suggested application of DS theory. Furthermore,
Questions 24 to 27, relating to children play areas, were also important in explaining some
of the phenomena witnessed within the study areas -such as petty theft. A detailed
breakdown of these issues will be discussed in later chapters also.

3. Community Ties and Sense of Community: The third section is comprised of questions
38 to 56 in the questionnaire. It aimed at evaluating community ties at the smaller
neighborhood level, while also looking at the sense of community within the overall study









area. At the smaller "neighborhood level", which was the main focus, the questions 41 to
48 looked at the relations between residents of the same neighborhood, in an attempt to
evaluate and understand the strength of these relationships. Issues such as cooperation
between neighbors, identifying strangers within the neighborhood, borrowing items from
neighbors, and knowing the people within the neighborhood, could possibly indicated the
presence of good, even strong, neighborhood ties (Jacobs, 1961). Question 56 directly
explored the residents' perceptions of the sense of community throughout the overall study
areas. These issues were important to understand for the purposes of our study, especially
since DS theory advocates the notion of stronger community ties (Newman, 1973). Such
an understating is also important because it could help shed some light on the role of the
built environment, if any, in strengthening and supporting these neighborhood ties. Other
questions in this section evaluated some of the issues related closely to the community
dynamics, such as crime and sense of community, included in questions 49 through 56.
Questions 51specifcially relates to how respondents knew about army activity, as a
possible indicator of the overall strength of community.

The Field Work Process

The field work involved traveling overseas from the United States to the areas of study.

The duration of the work was about two months, in which daily interviews were conducted; also,

pictures and other necessary information were gathered. The duration of the work was shorter

than originally planned due mainly to the political instability and conflict in the region. As

described earlier, the main focus area in which the bulk of the interviews were conducted was the

Balata refugee camp. The second site which is adj acent to the camp was the Village of Balata

(Figure 3 -2, 3-8). The work conducted in the village was mainly for the purpose of comparing a

non-refugee community to a refugee community. The first point of contact made was through a

visit to Yafal Cultural Center, which the researcher was referred to by an acquaintance. The

cultural center is located inside the Balata refugee camp. It is mainly a non-profit organization

that focuses on cultural activitieS2, while spreading awareness about life within the Balata

refugee camp, and Palestinian refugees' issues in general (Figure 3-11). This connection proved

to be crucial for the success of the data collection process. The center provided a base for the

SYafa is the Arabic name for the city of Jaffa, which is the original city for most of the Balata camp refugees.

2 Official web site for the Yafa center is http://www.yaafacult. org/en/ho me.asp.










daily work, and provided supplemental material such as background information about the camp

history and residents. One of the team members in the center volunteered to work as a guide

during the whole research period. His help and experience were extremely important, and crucial

for the success of the data collection process.

The work within the areas of study involved meeting with the guide for a couple of hours

daily, and conducting door-to-door interviews within the camp, and later in the adj acent village

community. The guide was well known locally which helped greatly, since residents were less

suspicious of us and the research questions. For the procedure, the guide generally knocked on

the door of any selected house, and started introducing the research team. He also initially

explained the content and purpose of study; the researcher then explained the research further,

asked for the participants' consents and conducted the interviews. At the beginning of the

process, the guide was always present during the interviews. After observing the work, and

understanding the logic behind it, the guide also conducted some interviews himself. That was

especially important in the hours when the camp was inaccessible to us such as at nighttime, and

when there when the situation was tense due to military activity. The flow of the work was

relatively slow especially in the beginning, but became faster later on in the process. Some

interviews were also conducted in the Yafa cultural center when activities were held, and it was

possible to talk to people freely.

Data Tabulation and Analysis

Upon completion of the field work, the data was complied and tabulated using computer-

based applications, specifically Microsoft Excel in this case. The data from the camp was



3 Homes on the ground floor, with windows and doors on the alley directly were the main priority. We tried to
randomize the sample selection as much as possible. Refer back to the sample selection criteria section for more on
this.









tabulated separately from the village data, and each study area data was divided into two main

categories: First, data relating to the territorial behavior and outdoor space appropriation, and

second, data relating to the neighborhood ties and sense of community. Because of the interview

based technique of data collection, all the 102 questionnaires filled in the camp, and the 55

questionnaires filled out in the village were included in the analysis. These questionnaires were

filled out over a period of roughly a month and a half.

For the purposes of our study, only simple statistical methods were adopted. Frequency

distributions were used to analyze the collected data, and no further statistics or cross-tabulations

were performed. Frequency distribution could be defined as "the frequencies of response

(number of responses) to each category of a variable" (Kendrick, 2000), in other words, to

calculate what percentage each question response represents to the overall responses to that

question. The reason for this simple statistical approach was due to the nature of the research and

its goals. It was exploratory by nature, and did not attempt to test the research hypothesis directly

as discussed in the preface to this chapter.

The resulting frequency distributions were studied, and each category of data was analyzed

individually at first to look for any patterns that might be visible. After that, the similar data

categories from both the camp and the village were compared against each other, in order to

locate any differences that could stand-out. The aim was to try to understand if the differences in

built environment between the two sites might be related to differences in both territorial

appropriation of space, and strength of neighborhood and community ties between these two

areas of study.

Data Collection Limitations

Working under fire: our work in the area of the Balata camp was complicated by the military

operations in the area. It was also further complicated by the internal tensions between the









different political factions within the camp. No maj or incidents took place while the research was

conducted, although there were some close calls in some cases. Overall, working in any conflict

zone constitutes a nerve-racking experience. And although I am familiar with conflict scenarios

(by being a Palestinian living in the West-Bank), still it is fair to say that refugee camps

especially Balata camp could be considered unique in the level of violence accompanying

military incursions. The dense urban fabric makes it very hard for armored military vehicles to

move through the narrow alleys. The army has been traditionally extremely violent and sudden

in its incursions into the camp, in an attempt to minimize its own casualties. These stressful

settings, alongside with awareness of the possible danger within the area put pressure on both the

research team (researcher and guide), and the flow of work. Hearing sounds of gunshots,

learning of nearby trouble, or even seeing people suddenly running or hiding for whatever

reason, was enough for us to abandon the work during that given day, and restart the next day

assuming the conditions allowed. To be caught-up in the middle of such incidents could have

grave consequences, and since I was an outsider to the camp, it could have been challenging to

find my way out safely in the event of such emergencies.

Sadly, these events were relatively frequent, yet they seemed to have less of an effect on

camp residents. It could be fair to argue that such events were viewed as normal occurrences by

the camp residents since these conditions have been going on for nearly two decades. It seems

that over time, they have become to a certain extent "numb" towards such incidents, as is the

case in such situations. For example, in cities such as Kabul, Karachi, and Managua, violence is

so interwoven into the fabric of daily life that it has become routinizedd," or normalized as

"terror as usual" for many slum dwellers (Moser, 2004).









Another side effect of living in such conditions is that people tend to be suspicious of

outsiders, even sometimes people from within their living environment, and for really good

reasons. Moving around the camp and asking questions about one's home, its entrances and

exits, even relations with neighbors was not something accepted easily by the residents, and was

looked upon with mistrust to a certain extent. One could easily be mistaken for an army scout

attempting to locate militia members, or even trying to locate escape routes. The research guide

was probably the best asset during the field work, since his presence helped reduce peoples'

worries, and helped achieve a certain level of trust in most cases. While working in a refugee

camp environment, it is very important to consider respondents' sensitivities to certain questions.

For example, asking people "why don't you leave the camp?" could be offensive to some people

especially since the camp is a reminder of their struggle. Also, the timing of the interview is

critical, for example in one of the interviews conducted, one of members of the household was

arrested by the military the night before the interview. Therefore, there was an overall feeling

sadness and anger within the household. This made asking questions about the house and

household seem insignificant, and insensitive.

Asking about the obvious: some of the questions within the questionnaire seemed logical and

necessary during the questionnaire preparation stage, but seemed very rudimentary and basic for

the refugees. Questions such as "do you feel that your neighborhood is crowded?" were in some

cases answered along the lines of "of course, what do you expect?" Although this might not

seem as a big problem, it had two side effects: A- it made the respondent less interested or

impressed by the contents of the study in some cases. B- It caused some respondents to answer in

shorter, briefer answers and made it harder for them to elaborate.










Questionnaire length and repetition: The numb er of questi onnaire-questi ons was larger than

originally anticipated, 57 in total with some writing involved in some answers. This kept the

work progress slow, and put pressure on both the respondents and on us since the time for the

interview was relatively long (around 20-30 minutes). The process became very tedious

especially towards the last few days of work.

Levels of education and skills: the maj ority of respondents had no problem answering the

questions. Yet in some cases, some respondents had a hard time answering the questions, which

was complicated by the feeling of mistrust towards the researcher. Some respondents responded

in unclear or unrelated answers such as "god wants that", others completely side-tracked, and

talked about a whole different subj ect.

The issues of hardship and financial need: probably one of the most disheartening aspects of

the whole study was the terrible conditions the respondents lived in. They usually complained

about their conditions, and shared their tragic stories with us. It seemed that the respondents were

looking for someone to share their problems with the outside world. It was very hard not to be

affected by these situations. Also, in a good number of cases, the respondents asked if there was

any money coming out of the study. They usually expected an aid agency employee, or a welfare

employee to knock on their doors.

Chapter Summary

The methodology and data collection techniques adopted for our study were heavily

dictated by the conditions on the ground. The settings were complex by nature, and were further

complicated by the conflict situation. Despite this, and considering the circumstances at the time,

the flow of the work was relatively smooth, and the field-work achieved its goals of obtaining a

snap-shot of the life taking place in both the camp and the village. And although limited in









duration and depth, this glimpse provided us with a wealth of information necessary to complete

our study, and achieve it stated goals.

































Figure 3-1. Map of the city of Nablus: Arrows showing the locations of study areas relative to
the city. Source: City of Nablus engineering department, Nablus, Palestine.


Figure 3-2. Study locations: The yellow boundary is for the village of Balata area, and the red
boundary is for the Balata camp area. Source: City of Nablus engineering department,
Nablus, Palestine.



























k~g


t'

t.


Figure 3-3. A recent aerial-photo of the Balata refugee camp: The camp layout still resembles the
original grid pattern of the early tent camp, albeit the density has increased
tremendously. This photo was obtained through the City of Nablus municipality/
engineering division.


























































Figure 3-5. The market street in the camp: it is one of the main arteries in the camp, which also
allows for vehicular movement, although this movement is usually limited by
pedestrian traffic.


Figure 3-4. The Balata refugee camp main entrance from the west: The UNRWA flag could be
seen flying on the clinic building to the left of the picture. Also, stone blocks are used
when the army approaches to seal of the entrance to the camp.
































Figure 3-6. Further images from the camp: the one of the arteries within the camp, the buildings
in some areas are 3 to 4 stories high.


Figure 3-7. The historic (Ain Balata) water spring in the Village of Balata (inside the arches):
This spring used to be the main source of water for the area. It also used to be the
only water source for the refugees in the nearby camp after it was established in 1950.
The refugees used to have to wait in long lines to get drinking water especially early
on in the life of the camp.































Figure 3-8. The Village of Balata: Aerial photo showing the village. This photo was obtained
through the city of Nablus municipality/ engineering division.












27


Figure 3-9. The main mosque and minaret in the Village of Balata: The main town square also
appears in the picture.























































Figure 3-10. Traditional Palestinian homes in the Village of Balata: A) Limestone is the main
building material in contrast to the concrete-block used in the nearby camp. B) Some
of the buildings in the village are over a hundred years old, and are in bad condition.
































Figure 3-1 1. Inside the Yafa cultural center: A foreign delegation meeting with some of the
volunteers in the center. The Yafa cultural center is located inside the Balata camp.









CHAPTER 4
FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS

Introduction

Defensible Space advocates extending peoples zones of influence and responsibility -by

the means of design beyond their home boundaries to include near-home outdoor space. The

theory calls for designs that help increase opportunities for casual social interaction, allow for

better sense of control and ownership over open space, and facilitate increased residents'

vigilance. Despite the detailed design recommendations, the theory builds on what are in

essence, naturally occurring human behavioral patterns. It could be argued that people in some

cases tend to naturally extend their zones of influence to include near-home space if the context

allowed for that. This could be attributed mainly to human territorial behavior, and the

importance of outdoor sense of security (Newman, 1973; Taylor, 1988).

In the case of the Balata camp; there is a logical need for such an extension due to the

suffocating living conditions where space shortages and dark-stifling environments are the norm.

Despite this, and upon initial field visits to the camp, it was evident through our observations that

signs of outdoor space appropriation are minimal and sparse. Taylor (1988) documents similar

cases in American areas ridden with high levels of violence and crime, in which residents isolate

themselves within their homes to avoid crime and violence. Since our study is exploring the

adoption of DS design guidelines for refugee camps, it is important to understand what factors

intrinsic in such camps could prevent such an application from having positive impacts on the

inhabitants' living conditions. An understanding of the factors that could inhibit the residents of

the Balata refugee camp from appropriating outdoor space, and despite their need for space,

could shed some light on the applicability of any future application of DS theory in similar

settings.









Findings

The questionnaire-based data for our study was collected in two forms, quantitative

represented in close-ended questions within the questionnaire, and qualitative data in the form of

open-ended questions, also within the questionnaire. Both forms provided a wealth of

information, and indicated certain patterns within, and among respondents. Despite the

importance of data collected, the real inside look at the situation came from the actual

unstructured interviews that took place while filling out the questionnaire, also by the

researcher' s own personal observations from being at the location during the interviews. Being

physically present at each respondent' s house, listening, watching, and discussing issues about

the respondents' lives, the community, the living conditions, and hardships was the real revealing

aspect of our study especially in the analysis and results stage. The complexity of the

environment in its physical and socio-cultural aspects, and the little known about the context

before the field work required an emphasis on observations and interactions since the pre-

determined, limited questionnaires could not cover the complete scope of the issues at the hand.

The overview and analysis of the information obtained is based on findings from the

questionnaire data, and the observations and events witnessed in the field, it is organized as

follows: The first section attempts to break down and analyze the camp environment based upon

physical and socio-cultural aspects. It is descriptive in nature, and looks at multiple unique

aspects of the camp. The second section looks at patterns within the data while attempting to

explain these patterns. The third and final section discusses the differences between the camp

and village environments based upon the questionnaire data, while attempting to explain the

differences, and what these differences could mean for a DS application.









Section I: Findings on the Ground- Current Camp Conditions Analysis

Findings Related to the Built Environment

Analyzing the built environment within the camp is a complicated task due to the

complexity of the environment itself. The built environment has undergone significant changes

over the years when compared to the original tent-based camp. It could be argued the camp

environment is that of an urban slum more than a refugee camp. Nevertheless, the inhabitants

themselves are what keeps the refugee camp status alive for the area -more than the actual

buildings. The following points will address some of the current built environment features.

Camp layout

Today's camp layout follows to a certain extent the original grid-like, tent-camp layout that

was there in the early days of its establishment (BADL, 2006). The camp has increased in

dramatically in building density over the years, with only a slight increase in land size-mainly to

the east and south (Figure 4-1). Historically the majority of tents and family plots were located in

rows especially in the NW corner of the current site These family plots increased in number

over time, and the tents where transformed into concrete block rooms, and eventually into full-

fletched concrete structures as seen today. Today the buildings are on average two to three

stories high with an average room number of three per floor. The distances between the buildings

are minimal, although they vary from area to area within the camp (Figure 4-2). Generally

speaking, a handful of roads divide the camp plan into a number of blocks and constitute the

maj or arteries within. These blocks are known as "Harat"- an Arabic term that describes

neighborhoods that are usually run-down, and lack infrastructure. Smaller alleys trickle down in-

between the tightly packed buildings dividing the blocks into smaller ones, and creating even



SSource: Discussions with refugees in the Balata camp. No specific reference available.









smaller neighborhoods in some areas. These alleys in some cases are at shoulder width, if not

smaller. In numerous areas, buildings are wall to wall, and there is no distance between

neighbors what so ever. The Balata camp followed nearly identical stages of development to

most Palestinian refugee camps as discussed earlier.

The current tendency within the camp is for vertical expansion, meaning that residents of

the camp tend to build more stories whenever the opportunity is available. The opportunity here

refers usually to the financial opportunity. The reasons for such an approach are multiple: First,

the most obvious is the lack of open space. Within the current settings, there is simply no room

in the camp for horizontal expansion. Every inch of the camp has been utilized for either a

building or an alley. The camp boundary has remained relatively unchanged since its creation in

1950's despite the increase in population; therefore, the vertical expansion is the only logical

solution. The second reason has to do with large family sizes compared to the available space.

The average family size within the respondents to the questionnaire was seven persons, while the

average house had 3.5 rooms including utilitieS2. Crowding overall is a big problem within

Palestinian refugee camps especially in the West-Bank (WB) and Gaza. The international

standard for crowding is 3+ persons per room, and that is the case in at least (40%) of refugee

homes within camps compared to (25%) for non refugees in the WB and Gaza3. Still, there a

shortage of data regarding the living conditions for refugees especially in the area due to the

ongoing conflict situation (Jacobsen, 2000). The need for additional space is one of the priorities

of the camp inhabitants, and very few are satisfied with living space they have.





2 Utilities here refer to kitchen and bathroom. These are usually very small and sometimes are in the same room.

3 As of 1995 (Jacobsen, 2000).









The third reason for the vertical expansion relates to side effects of the high density-

condensed built environment, most ground floor homes never see direct sunlight, and are for the

most part dark, and stifling as seen in figure (4-3). Artificial lighting has to be nearly always on

during the daytime, even on clear days. This cramped living environment meant that there was

no buffer separating the homes from the alleys and streets, therefore problems of noise, privacy,

odor, and safety are predominant especially on the ground floors. It is important to mention here,

that until that until the mid 1990s, the Balata camp had open drainage systems in which raw

sewage used to flow through, these drainage canals caused serious odor and health problems for

the camp inhabitants. Upon the creation of the Palestinian authority in 1993, and under the

supervision of the UNRWA, maj or infrastructure upgrades took-place within the camps

especially in the West-Bank and Gaza. Water and sewage systems were improved considerably,

nevertheless, the improvements are not equal across the board, and vary from one camp to

another (Jacobsen, 2000).

The fourth reason relates to the cluster-phobic living environment within the camp. The

only view residents usually see from their windows is the concrete-block wall of their neighbor' s

house, which is usually only a few feet away. The need for a change of scenery, and to reduce

the suffocating symptoms of camp life played a role in the vertical movement. This was a theme

repeated many times by the respondents, typical comments on this issue included "we want to

move upwards, we need to breathe, and we want to see God's face!"

The fifth reason for the vertical expansion has to do with cultural aspects. First, it is

customary for extended family to stay close by; usually parents live in the ground floor while

married children live in the upper floors. Another cultural aspect is the importance of privacy


4 The worst living conditions for Palestinian refugees are in Lebanon. Minimal infrastructure is provided for them by
the government, and restrictions on refugee employment are endorsed formally by the government (Jacobsen, 2000)










which was mentioned previously. Simply put, homes above street level provide better privacy

when compared to ground floor homes, in addition to the other previously mentioned benefits.

Buildings and building usage

The maj ority of the buildings in the camp are residential, with some service and retail

building usage. Most of the services in the camp are located in the periphery towards the north

side and the east. The north side services include the main clinic and the mosque, in addition to

some other smaller institutions. On the west side UNRWA schools are located, in addition to the

main camp manager office and some local service providing offices such as the Yafa cultural

center mentioned earlier. Retail is available along some of the main arteries of the camp in the

form of small stores and an open market along the "souq"- market street (Figure 4-4). The

retail includes very basic functions such as groceries, food supplies, barber shops, and light

electronics such as TV and antenna repair. It is customary for people in the camp, and in the

wider region to include a ground floor store in the plans for the buildings whenever possible. It

provides the means for economic security, meaning that whenever the head of household feels

he/she could lose their j ob or retire, they could use the store for some minor retail purposes such

a small grocery store to make ends meet. This practice relates directly to the security conflict

situation, which includes economic instability and harsh living conditions .

Building material is usually concrete, unfinished and finished with stucco, and rarely

painted. This contributes to the dull, rundown appearance of the camp; it also contributes to the

dark, stifling atmosphere (Figure 4-5). The building conditions for the camp are unique when it

comes to building materials. There are no building regulations or requirements in place within

the camps, as is the case for all Palestinian refugee camps. Therefore, residents build their own


5 This practice has become common in the West-Bank and Gaza in general, especially during the years where the
violence increases.









homes according to their needs and financial ability (Jacobsen, 2000). This creates a chaotic

living environment that does not adhere to any specific standards. In contrast, most major

Palestinian cities in which these camps are located have strict building regulations. They usually

require the use of limestone in building elevations as an attempt to improve the appearance of

these structures, while creating a relatively homogeneous environment. The lime stone is locally

available, although significantly more expensive than building with concrete block. The outcome

of this difference between cities and camps is that the camps stand out as being different, if not

(ugly) when compared to the surrounding environment. Although this issue could seem a

cosmetic one, its effects are arguably greater. It contributes to the rundown image of the camp

and the accompanying stigma. This point directly relates to Newman's (1973) Image and Milieu

concept, also to the Broken Windows theory (Wilson and Kelling, 1982). These rundown

environments, that stand out as different from the surrounding settings, only contribute further to

the labeling and stigmatization of their inhabitants. This was the case in some public housing

proj ects in the US and the UK, which were designed to look different, only to complicate the

residents' lives even further (Schneider and Kitchen, 2002, 2007)

Numerous structures within the camp are in very poor conditions (Figure 4-6). This relates

mainly to economics, since the refugee population suffers the most from the deteriorating

economy in the region. Most concrete and concrete block buildings are usually hard to insulate,

or keep dry. This usually leads to serious health problems mainly in the winter time (BADL,

2006). In some cases the buildings have temporary asbestos or sheet metal roof that does little to

protect from the environment. Some of the respondents living in such homes reported maj or

water leaking problems and bitter cold during the winter weather, and very high temperatures

indoors during the summer. Luxuries such as air conditioning or proper heating are not available,









or even an option in such settings. Other causes of the deteriorating structures include the

ongoing conflict. Numerous buildings are damaged on a regular basis due to army activity. The

army demolishes houses of wanted individuals within the camp frequently. The use of explosives

not only damages the targeted building, it also causes damage and cracking for nearly all

surrounding buildings. Also, fighting takes place frequently within the camp in which heavy

gunfire, and explosive shots are used. Faulty building practices could also be blamed for the

deteriorating building conditions. Neither the city municipality, nor the UNRWA is able to

impose or monitor building regulations due to instability of region and the absence of law-

enforcement. The original UNRWA structures were designed to be a maximum of two stories

high. Some of these structures have been incorporated into newer buildings that are four, five or

even six stories high, although their foundations are not suitable for such loads. Yet, with the

lack of law enforcement, and with the pressing spatial needs of the refugees, imposing and

monitoring building regulations is a near impossible task (BADIL, 2006).

Building density and related issues:

As mentioned earlier, the built environment within the camp is extremely dense, both

horizontally and vertically. Buildings are wall to wall in most cases, while only a couple of feet

apart in others. Despite the elevated building density within the overall camp, the situation is

slightly different from area to area. The central parts of the camp are the densest, and are

historically some of the first settled areas, whereas the eastern and western parts of the camp are

relatively newer with bigger building footprints in some cases, and with more room between the

buildings. Variances in density are relative to the camp environment itself, even the least dense

camp areas could be considered extremely dense when compared to the built environment

around the camp (Figure 4-1). This high building density comes with a price, namely that it

creates a dark-stifling living environment that is noisy, poorly ventilated, and lacks privacy,









dignity, and basic human needs. Direct sunlight rarely makes it into the lower floors of the

buildings, and some alleyways are relatively dark even during afternoon sunshine (Figure 4-7).

Images from the tenement districts of New-York in the early 1900s come to mind when thinking

of the camp, although the latter is on a much smaller scale (Hall, 1996). Problems with mildew

and water leakage in the homes are widespread, and residents complain of health problems

caused by these living conditions which are both unhealthy and suffocating.

Another major complaint for the residents was noise. It is enough to stand still for a few

seconds in one of the alleys to realize how noisy the environment is. A bystander could hear

people talking through the walls of the homes, could hear TVs, music, infants crying, people

shouting, kitchen-ware clunking, not to mention the noise of children playing in the alleys and

the people walking by. The close proximity of houses together helps amplify this problem

(Figure 4-8). A large number of people interviewed mentioned that they usually know a good

amount about what goes in inside their neighbors' houses through noise alone "There are no

secrets here! Everything is out in the open". People also reported trouble sleeping, focusing,

studying or even relaxing due to this problem, some of them even reported high levels of stress

and physiological problems due mainly to this issue and other environmental stressors. Little is

really known about the extent of environment-related problems faced by the refugees within

camps in the WB and Gaza. No large-scale studies are available due mainly to the instability

within the area. Most of the studies conducted took place in Lebanon, Jordan and Syria, yet seem

to share similar results with the observations of this research, namely tremendous challenges and

problems for the residents, and wide-scale dissatisfaction with the living environment (Jacobsen,

2000).









The issue of privacy (or the lack of thereof) also became apparent during the fieldwork.

Privacy in the Palestinian culture is an important concept. It draws its roots from both Arabic

cultural norms and Islamic values. Historically Muslims and Arabs in general designed their

homes facing inwards, this means that the rooms of the house are located around, and open

towards a private courtyard (Hall, 1969; Bourdier and Alsayyad, 1989). Over the years, the

architectural norms changed, and these traditional home layouts became few and far apart. Most

modern Palestinian homes face outwards similar to any home in a western society, yet the

important of privacy barely changed especially in the more rural areas. In the camp, the concept

of privacy is challenged dramatically by the cramped space and the high density. Residents are

torn between getting some day-light and ventilation into their homes while trying to maintain

whatever is left of their privacy. Of the respondents interviewed 52% reported keeping their

curtains closed for most of time (Question #18 in the questionnaire). Also, 23% of the

respondents reported keeping them closed for some of the time. It is also very common for

residents to install a curtain to cover their doors that open towards the alley. The doors need to be

kept open to improve ventilation, whereas the curtain is there to protect privacy (Figure 4-9).

Some of the consequences due the privacy issue, and the other side effects of the high density

will be discussed below.

Open space and connectivity:

The camp is located in a relatively flat area on the periphery of the city of Nablus. It is

surrounded by privately owned agricultural and industrial areas. The area slopes downwards

slightly while moving from west to east. Within the camp itself, and as demonstrated in the

previous points, there is no open designated outdoor space other than the alleys or streets. Some

alleys become a little wider in some areas due to building irregularities, but there is no official

central space, or plaza within the camp. This leaves the inhabitants without venues for social









occasions or areas for recreation. This problem probably affects the most families with children

since there are no designated child-play areas, and no courts or playgrounds. The families are

usually large in number, and the homes are in most cases very small. This makes the alley or the

street the only space for children to go to. Upon entering the camp, the size of the problem is

immediately obvious to the observer. Large numbers of children varying in ages spend most of

their days playing in the streets and alleys unsupervised by their parents and in harm's way due

to the conflict, traffic, rundown dangerous areas and other children or camp inhabitants. These

children in numerous cases get involved in the ongoing conflict both willingly or unwillingly,

they could also be involved in different forms of anti-social behavior (such as crime) which

could have far reaching effects on their lives and futures. The long term effects of such a

situation are very complicated and are beyond the scope of this research.

The second component of open space configuration is the network of alleys and roads

within the camp. Narrow alleys provide the inhabitants with the means for going from one place

to another within the camp. These alleys network in a complicated fashion reaching nearly every

house, while their width, shape and length differ according to the area and context. In general

only few alleys are suitable for vehicular movement, the vast maj ority are pedestrian only. The

vehicular movement is confined to three to four main roads, and some wider main arteries

(Figure 4-10).

The camp grounds are in general surfaced with concrete, with some areas still covered in

dirt. The concrete surfacing is relatively new; prior to the mid 1990s nearly all alleys were still

covered with dirt or base-course, which used to be a huge problem for the inhabitants especially

in the rainy season. This concrete resurfacing was a part of a bigger proj ect to eliminate the open

drainage/ sanitary canals that used to run down the roads and alleys exposed (Jacobsen, 2000).









The main roads within the camp are currently covered by asphalt to accommodate both

pedestrians and the limited vehicular traffic, yet due to the political instability and the lack of

maintenance, most of the asphalt and concrete surfacing is rundown and is in bad condition

throughout the camp.

The current layout of the camp and situation of connectivity within it, impose challenges

on both inhabitants and camp management. The narrow alleys limit goods and service delivery.

For example, trash collection has to be performed by a man-powered cart. It could be near

impossible for a trash collection vehicle or even an ambulance to reach some of the internal areas

of the camp (Figure 4-1 1). Usually, individuals injured during the conflict are carried out on

stretchers for good distances before being able to reach an ambulance. On the other hand, Eixed

services such as health care and welfare delivery are not distributed geographically through the

camp because of the layout and the density of the buildings. Elderly or disabled inhabitants could

need to walk for a good distance to receive some of these services especially since they are

located on the periphery of the camp. It is important to mention here that no accommodations for

the disabled are available within the camp.

Way finding within the camp is complicated due to the complexity and density of the

environment. This issue does not play a maj or role for camp residents themselves since they are

for the most part very familiar with the camp environment, and the environment itself does

change horizontally often due to the space restrictions. Most of the change is vertical as

mentioned earlier. The situation is considerably different for an outsider to the camp. During the

Hield work for this research, it was easy to become disoriented due to the similarity of the alley

appearances and the general atmosphere, also due to the numerous access points for any area.

6 The neediest refugees usually get food portions, such as a sack of wheat or rice, from the UNRWA on regular
basis.










Neighborhoods and areas were not clearly defined and lack distinguishing elements or layouts.

This issue further contributes to the slum-like, rundown image of the camp environment; it also

contributes to the violence of the conflict since such settings are ideal for guerilla warfare and

insurgency (Figure 4-12). This issue of refugee camps being bases for insurgency is not

exclusive to Palestinian camps, it is very common in political refuge situations worldwide

(Terry, 2002)

Indoor outdoor connections: window location, and orientation

The connection between indoor space and outdoor space within the camp is a problematic

to say the least with possibly far fetching negative effects. Within the camp settings, most homes

have no buffer area (or transitional space) between home and street or alley. This issue is caused

for the most part by the space shortage and high density within the camp. The impact of this

manifests itself most clearly in window location, orientation and size especially on the ground

floor. Despite the suffocating living environment and contrary to what might be expected,

residents design their windows in most cases to be higher than pedestrian level and smaller in

size -closer to the ceiling (Figure 4-13). This by default limits the connection to the outdoors,

darkens the interior space and reduces ventilation and sunlight. The residents for the most part

are justified in their quest for isolation from the outside. Problems with Privacy, noise, violence,

crowding, theft and others seem to shape their conception of the outdoor space, and seem to out-

weigh their needs for some basic human needs such as a healthy house (Taylor, 1988). These

points are important to consider while looking at a possible application of Defensible Space

theory.









Findings on the Ground Relating to Unique Socio-Cultural Aspects

Neighborhoods and family ties

As discussed earlier, the neighborhood structure within the camp is heavily dependent on

family ties. In the original tent camp, most of the refugees were assigned family plots on a first

come, first serve basis. Later on, the refugees themselves would swap family plots with other

refugees (when possible) so that they live close to kinship. In some cases, refugees even moved

from one camp to another to be near family members (BADL, 2006). Today, most

neighborhoods within the camp are predominantly from the same extended family with some

exceptions of course. This issue is reflected in the naming of the different areas where residents

name the areas according to the predominant extended family in this area. The residents

sometimes even disagree about the boundaries of these neighborhoods depending on who is

being asked It is important to note here that during the Hield work, some questions about

neighborhood and community ties were affected by this issue since in a lot of cases; the meaning

of "neighbors" was closely related to extended family living adj acent or nearby.

Overall community relations

This section looks at the overall sense of community within the camp. Relations within the

overall camp community seemed to be strong on the surface, especially for an outsider. The

people within the camp appeared to be unified by their common plight. Most people interviewed

reported participating in social occasions such as weddings and funerals. They also reported

helping others obtain basic needs during times of curfew, and long-term military operations.

Overall, the residents seemed to come together for the maj or events, for example helping in

rebuilding a house demolished by the army. Despite these practices, respondents implied,


SI asked some of the members of the Yaffa cultural center to help divide the work area. Some members disagreed
on the boundaries of the neighborhoods, even the naming.









although somehow indirectly, that some tensions existed within the overall camp community.

There seemed to be certain friction points especially within families. The political affiliation

seemed to be playing a role in this friction. People from certain extended families will be

traditionally followers of a certain political movement, whereas members of another family will

be followers of a rival movement. This creates a power struggle between influential family or

clan members; it also complicates and weakens community ties. Also, respondents indicated that

sometimes small disagreements between individuals from different families had the habit of

escalating into bigger problems between extended families, even neighborhoods. This is usually

further inflamed by the stressful camp environment, and peoples' frustrations with their lives and

short tempers. Due to the political situation, the breakdown of society, the insecurity, and

absence of the rule of law, it is customary to find certain influential individuals whom have their

own entourage of armed men within the camp. These individuals are usually affiliated with

certain extended families or group of families and act as protectors (Figure 4-14).

The high density living environment with all its complications takes its toll on the

refugees. It also creates ample amounts of friction points between residents. Probably the most

problem to stand-out was that of "children fighting". There are large numbers of children found

at anytime playing in the alleys of the camp, while most likely unsupervised (Figure 4-15). This

guarantees a lot of friction between residents. For example, one child beats up another, and then

parents interfere and exchange words. Such issues easily escalate due to high levels of stress and

pressure created by the camp living conditions and the dangerous situation. During the interview

process, it seemed that residents were not comfortable discussing internal camp problems with

the researcher; on the contrary, they seemed to try to paint a more positive picture. This possibly

might be an outcome of distrust towards the research and researcher; or out of fear of retaliation









from by other people in the camp. It might be also that a strong community appearance within

the camp is a matter of pride.

Despite all these issues, the camp community remains a clearly defined and relatively

strong community when compared to non-refugee communities. The common plight seems to be

a strong unifying factor, especially against outside threats. The conflict here casts its shadows on

the situation. Research in more peaceful times could either confirm this, or paint a completely

different picture.

The issue of privacy

Lack of privacy as mentioned earlier is one of the problems that greatly affect camp

inhabitants. As the responses to question (#18) show, only 25 of the respondents living on the

ground floor reported keeping their curtains open during the day time, although the need for

natural day light was evident throughout the camp, especially on the ground floor. What makes

this a more complex problem, is the fact that it gets worse by time due to population and density

increase. The problems associated with the lack of privacy are numerous, and have long term

symptoms and effects. In the camp it affects even peoples' simplest rights including the rights to

natural sunlight, and ventilation (Figure 4-16). Beyond this, there are privacy problems indoors

and outdoors. Being unable to separate the boys from the girls in the household due to the

shortage of spaces, or being able to hear your neighbor' s private conversations due to the dense

living conditions, and poor house design have serious effects on the physical and psychological

health of both individuals and the society. Some of the effects of this phenomenon could

constitute a research topic by themselves, and are beyond the capacity and focus of this study.





8 This problem was reported numerous times, and with great bitterness.









One of the unique outcomes of this shortage in privacy is that it could affect gender roles as

discussed in the following section.

Change in gender roles

For the most part, the maj ority of the refugees originated from rural communities. These

Palestinian rural communities are usually very conservative especially in relation to the role of

women in public (BADIL, 2006). In a traditional community, such as the near-by Village of

Balata, which is a comparison point for this research, it was very hard to interview house-wives

especially when their husbands were absent. In the camp setting, this issue was not a serious

problem, and it was customary for women to be interviewed without the presence of their

husbands -despite their rural background. Looking at the bigger picture, many women within the

camp work to support their families both in, and outside the camp, whereas in the nearby village,

most women remain at home for the most part. These changing gender roles could be attributed

to a number of factors, mainly:

* Economic need: refugees suffer greatly from the political instability in the region. Most of
the male refugees usually work as day laborers in areas of construction, farming, and
industry. These fields are greatly affected by the surrounding situation especially since the
refugees used to work within Israeli territories. This instability causes high percentages of
unemployment among male refugees; therefore women take over this role especially when
the situation deteriorates. Usually, women seek j obs in housekeeping or some light
industry in the nearby city of Nablus. It is important to mention here that there are a good
number of well-educated women refugees whom hold positions in education, medical
fields, and government also.

* Living conditions: the high density living built environment and the tight living spaces
disturb the practice of separating men from women and render such cultural practices as
impractical and hard to achieve. A number of respondents reported their unhappiness with
their inability to separate their male and female children due to the lack of space, and
especially during the children' s early teen years. This, in addition to the lack of privacy
issue causes these gender roles to change forcefully, and to the distaste of residents.

* Exposure: the large number of aid workers, social workers, journalists, and researchers
visiting the camp year long increases the exposure to non-family members, therefore,
making the conservative cultural practices more and more impractical over the years.










*Overall cultural changes: There is also change within the camp due to changes in the
Palestinian society and gender-role culture over the years, education levels, exposure to the
surrounding communities, and exposure to the media. There is no shortage of TVs and
satellite receivers in the camp, or in the area in general.

The change of culture due to the refugee environment

Eruesto (2002) documents the change of culture in refugee camps due to the changing

living environment, and the discontinuity with past. We came across this issue during the field

work within the camp. Numerous residents complained about how the norms had changed, and

how what used to be unacceptable behavior and practices now became acceptable. Some of the

elderly refugees reported how they used to be more respected within the community, and how

they used to have more leverage over the other inhabitants. Currently, the situation seemed to

have changed as indicated by some respondents "no one respects us -the elders- these days, those

days are gone!" also "the youth never answered back before, nowadays, there is no respect! They

could actually shout back at you, or even hit you". Another issue mentioned was the issue of

helping each other. A common grievance was that people used to help each other in the earlier

years of the camp. Nowadays, the general feeling seemed to be that "people only care about

themselves these days". Add to all this the gender role changes mentioned earlier, all these issues

represent an accelerated change in the cultural norms that was brought upon the population by

the refuge process, and the life within the camp.

The issue of serious crimes

Not much serious criminal activity WaS reported by the respondents, some of the cases

reported usually involved an occasional break-in into a house, or someone hearing about a crime

somewhere else in the camp. Crime as an outside force was nearly nonexistent in the camp. This



9 Defined as type "1" crimes in the US, includes murder, rape, aggravated assault, burglary, motor vehicle theft and
others. (Schneider and Kitchen, 2002)









could be possibly attributed mainly to four reasons: First, the conflict, which casts its shadows on

all aspects of life that it is even hard for organized criminal groups to emerge due to the

dangerous situations. Second, economic hardships make crime simply -unrewarding; when

residents were asked about crime, they would usually smile and say "We have nothing worth

stealing anyways". Third, the relatively strong community, the vigilance of the residence due to

the political instability, and the ability to recognize strangers because of this tight community

makes crime much more risky for anyone who dares to think about it. Fourth and finally, the

large number of household members and the large numbers of unemployed refugees assures for

the most part that homes are rarely empty; therefore break-ins are less likely to happen.

Residents seemed to have no problem discussing this issue with the researcher, although some

respondents did seem hesitant to answer, possibly as a matter of pride or camp-image.

While there is little "serious" crime as noted above, the issue of petty-theft was extremely

wide-spread within the camp. Respondents were unable to leave anything outdoors in fear of

theft. The possible reasons for this phenomenon will be addressed in the conclusions sections,

yet the interesting point about this issue is that despite the epidemic- wide-spread occurrence of

this phenomenon, the respondents did not see it necessarily as crime, but more as an

understandable problem and annoyance. After all, it seemed that the children within the camp

were responsible for this problem. The same applies to the issue of harassment, especially

harassment or (or flirting with) girls, all seemed to be considered natural and normal.

In summary, the vigilance of residents, strong community ties, and other elements keep

(serious) crime levels low. Most serious incidents such as a murder are usually politically related,

or are an outcome of a dispute. Usually these issues are settled locally, meaning that elders

/influential characters usually intervene. But the real problem stems from minor crimes,










especially petty-theft. The question that comes to mind here is -would a better planned

environment that encourages outdoor space appropriation, and enhances the indoor-outdoor

relationship help mitigate this problem? We address this question in the following chapter,

discussions and conclusions, along with other related issues.

Section II: Patterns within the Data

In this section, we look at the data obtained through the questionnaire-interviews. We

mainly look at the data from the second and third segments within the questionnaire (see

appendix A). The data from the background section is used to establish context, and for the

overall analysis purposes. It is not included in this analysis section.

Territorial Marking, Behavior and Outdoor Space Appropriation

The data clearly confirms the initial research observations, that there are few signs of

outdoor space appropriations as indicators of territorial behavior. This relates directly to the

following variables: 1- Leaving belongings outdoors (question #32 in the questionnaire), 2-

Leaving chairs outdoors, plants in front of the house (questions #33 & #34), 3- Painting outside

walls when needed (question #37). Most of the respondents returned negative responses to these

answers as could be seen in the table (4-1). A deeper look at the reasons for these responses

could help shed some light on this phenomenon. When asked about leaving belongings outdoors,

the most prominent reason for the negative responses was fear of stealing or tampering. It was

clear that the issue of petty theft was weighing heavy on the respondents' minds and was a big

issue within the camp. Other responses to this question were mainly within a number of options,

such as lack of space to leave anything since it could block passage, or the use of the roof as the

main home outlet when available. Despite this, people with extremely limited living space and

with no other outlet such as a roof will leave items outdoors such as laundry for example (Figure

4-17). In the number of similar cases that came along during the field work, most of the










respondents reported that even such laundry was stolen regularly. Other instances where people

tended to utilize outdoor space as an extension of their own was when they lived at a dead-end

alley, or within an area that created some kind of enclosure, yet these cases were very limited

and isolated (Figure 4-18)

When asked about leaving seating outdoors (question #33), the reasons were nearly the

same as the previous point, namely fear of theft, lack of space, and the use of the roof /yard when

available. But a very interesting new response was that of "the cultural inappropriateness of

sitting in the street". Due to certain socio-cultural codes of conduct within the community, it was

considered in some cases inappropriate for one to grab a chair for example, and sit in front of the

house. This issue was not a general rule, nevertheless it was fairly frequent. The reasons for such

phenomenon will be explained in an upcoming section.

For the question about having plants outside (question #33), no provisions within the

questionnaire were made to clarify the reasons, yet another interesting phenomenon was

observed in the rare instances where respondents had a planter in front of the house, nearly all

of the planters were completely fenced in. When asked about the cause for such a unique

phenomenon, it was mainly due to fear of stealing/ tampering by children, or because the army

would purposely damage or pull out the plants. This was also the case for some of the

monuments to the martyrs established within the camp as could be seen in the figures (4-19, 4-

20).

Finally, when asked about the reasons for "not painting/ maintaining outdoor walls"

(question #37), respondents responses varied between insufficient financial means for that, or not

being of concern to them (a non issue), yet the most returned response was the futility of such

exercises since new graffiti / slogans/ pictures will re-emerge within days (Figure 4-21). To









clarify here, the graffiti here refers to political slogans and graphics, and the pictures are those of

Palestinians whom die as an outcome of the conflict.

The remaining questions in the questionnaire's territorial-behavior section look at

respondents' perceptions and behaviors in the space adj acent to their homes. To recap, the

variables were: 1- Sense of ownership and responsibility towards the area (questions #28 & #30),

2- Cleaning the area regularly (question #31), 3- Paying attention to what goes on (question #36),

4- Regularly sitting outdoors adj acent to the house (question #3 5). Very few respondents

considered the area in front of their house as an extension of their property. The dominant

attitude was that it was really 'no-man' s' land and it was really camp property. Most of the

interviewed considered their property to end at the door step. The few cases that responded with

"yes" to this question fell into two groups: First, the maj ority had some kind of small fenced yard

or porch, and understood the question accordingly. Second, the minority were the people whom

lived at the end of dead-end alley or an area with some space enclosure and very few users

(Figure 4-22). This later group is very important to remember because it could shed some light

on the role of the shape of the built-environment in encouraging a sense of ownership/

territoriality.

The issue of responsibility towards the outdoor was a tricky concept to grasp for the

respondents. Some did clearly state that they do feel responsible in relation to what happens in

their neighborhood, yet many respondents only understood this point from the perspective of

cleaning the area which was not the original intention of the question. Therefore, despite the

maj ority positive responses, the results might not be an accurate representation of the issue. As

for the issue of cleaning the outdoors, the results were very positive to this question. Ninety-four


'O The camp-land was rented to UNRWA from local private landowners in 1950, and for 99 years.









of the respondents (92%) reported cleaning in front of their house regularly. The researcher did

observe that the camp was relatively clean despite the rundown appearance, yet the situation

varied from area to area, with the more dense areas less likely to be clean (Figure 4-23). A

number of issues could have caused this overwhelmingly positive response not necessarily

territorial behavior, or appropriation of outdoor space: First, from a cultural perspective, it is

considered shameful if one' s house or entrance area is not well maintained or cleaned. The

emphasis on personal and living space hygiene are big in Arab culture. And it is taken as a point

of pride; this makes it hard and unlikely for respondents to answer such question negatively. The

second reason possibly goes back to poor living conditions and house design. No transitional

space between public and private domains means that any dirt or items in the street would end up

inside of the house if not cleaned regularly.

Looking at the issue of sitting regularly in front of the house (question #3 5), the aim of this

question was to see if respondents use the near home outdoor space as a mean of recreation,

socialization, and as an extension of their zone of influence. Less than half of the respondents, a

total of 44 representing (43%), answered this question positively which was less than initially

expected by the researcher, especially with severe shortage of space indoors and the suffocating

conditions. Respondents who sit outside on a regular basis, cite: 1- Socializing with neighbors, 2-

Suffocating living environments indoors, 3- The need to breath (ventilation), as the main reasons

for such practice. On the other hand respondents who answered this question negatively said that

1- The lack of outdoor space, and 2- Cultural inappropriateness were there main concerns. The

fact that people are willing to stay indoors for the most of the time despite the good reasons not-

to, indicates the strength and influence such issues have on the population, especially the issue of









cultural inappropriateness. This issue is important to remember while considering the application

of DS theory.

Finally, the question whether residents paid attention to what happens outside or not

(question #36) was intended to explore residents' vigilance, and if the window design and count

was enabling them to see and relate to the outdoors. The 64 positive responses (63%) could be

misleading in our opinion. In the vast maj ority of the houses where the respondents were

interviewed, we observed that very little could be seen from inside the house due to the size,

location of the windows and the close proximity of the neighbor' s walls. Most windows were

higher than pedestrian- street level, and the ones on street level usually had the curtains closed

for most of the time (Figure 4-24). This point is further enforced when considering the wide-

spread petty-theft issue. Arguably, if residents could really see what was going on outside, it

could be possible to see a reduction in this crime issue. Yet in order to maintain some privacy,

and avoid some of the other problems such as noise and dirt, they have to keep their windows

and curtains shut. This, and other similar issues, represent to certain extent a point of tension, and

an imbalance between what they need, and what they are forced into. The way people usually

know what goes on around them is through noise. Noise is amplified within the alleys and

buildings due to the vast amount of concrete walls. Anything that goes on in these alleys could

be heard from inside the houses. When residents hear something out of the ordinary, they would

usually pop their heads out of the door to see what is going on. The reason for such vigilance

could be attributed mainly to the conflict conditions, or even curiosity, and sometimes even

recklessness. The residents behave in this manner to stay-in-the-know about what is going on in

their areas, and what needs to be done to protect their loved-ones such as the children playing in

the alleys. Another reason is to break-up fights between children which is a major cause of









trouble between camp residents. This issue of children in the alleys will be discussed later in this

paper due to importance of this phenomenon (Figures 4-25, 4-26).

Neighborhood-Level Social Ties and Overall Community Ties

The data obtained from the field suggests the presence of strong neighborhood level social-

ties within the camp respondents (Table 4-2). Yet, it is really important to mention here, that

upon starting the field work, it became apparent to us that more than half of the respondents (62

representing 61%) lived nearby other family members -directly adj acent to them. This issue

casted its shadow on some of results obtained from the interviews, since some people described

strong relations with neighbors, while at the same time being part of the same extended family.

A closer look at each question is needed to obtain a better understanding of the situation. Most

respondents reported no problems between any of their household members and their neighbors

(question #40). In the cases which problems were reported, the main cause of trouble was trouble

between children which usually escalated to involve parents or whole families. Despite the

overwhelming negative response to this question, it seemed through the researcher discussions

with respondents that the problem was more widespread than reported in the data. Other causes

of trouble between neighbors included building infringements, noise related issues, and politics-

related issues.

Most respondents indicated that they knew most of the people within their neighborhoods

(question #43), even the whole camp in some cases, while in the meantime being able to identify

any stranger easily -including us (question #44). Most of the people who reported negatively on

these two questions were usually new to the camp through marriage for example, or were living

on camp periphery. Sixty-four (%63) of respondents reported borrowing/ lending items from/to

neighbors frequently (question #42), but they usually indicated that this practice increased during

times of dire need due to curfews imposed by the military or overall dangerous situations. It was









usually mentioned here that people would borrow items from their relatives-neighbors more

often than non-related neighbors. Respondents also indicated that they would not hesitate to help

neighbors in need especially in the cases of emergency (question #45), yet despite the positive

response to this question, the help usually would not include any financial help, and a theme that

emerged multiple times was that "even brothers don't help each other -financially these days".

Finally, when looking at the responses to the question if respondents believed there was a

strong overall community in the camp (question #55), the positive response (54 representing

53%) was less than we expected, and especially considering the strong neighborhood level ties.

Numerous reasons seemed to influence this number, but mainly it seemed that family ties that

broke up the camp into neighborhoods seemed also to divide the community to a certain extent.

Furthermore, it carried on to political affiliation and influence as mentioned in the earlier.

Section III: Camp vs. Village

In this section, we look at the differences between the main data categories obtained from

the Village of Balata (the comparison site) and relate it to what has been discussed in the

previous sections about the camp. The goal is to understand if the phenomena witnessed in the

camp were unique of the camp, or if they are a representation of bigger region as a whole. The

comparison is not a straight forward one, since the built environment, and some socio-cultural

aspects between the two settings are different. But it is fair to assume, that the conditions within

the village are closest to the camp than any other non-camp environment within the overall city

of Nablus, also the close proximity of the village to the camp made this comparison even more

rational (Figure 4-27).

Looking at signs of territoriality and near-home space appropriation (Table 4-7), there is a

tendency in the camp to avoid outdoor-near home space appropriation despite the obvious need

for space. This is caused by a number of factors, especially petty-theft. In the village, we see









even less overall signs of leaving personal belongings outdoors (question #32). The response was

(13%) positive for the village vs. (20%) positive for the camp. Also, for the issue of leaving

chairs outdoors (question #33), the response was (5%) positive for the village vs. (12%) positive

for the camp. Probably the main reason for such phenomenon is that the village does not have the

space shortage the camp does. Most homes usually have some sort of yard, or fenced garden, and

residents don't really need to go beyond their home boundaries especially when space is not an

issue. The point that further confirms this space-abundance is the question about plants outdoors

(question #34). We could see a good increase towards positive in this response, with the village

being more positive (29%) vs. (18%) positive responses for the camp. This could be due mainly

to the increased space, and the clearer defined spatial boundaries in the village in comparison to

the camp.

When looking at the question if household members sit in the street (question #35), we see

the results are fairly similar between camp and village, yet village residents don't leave chairs

outside as much as camp residents do. The more conservative nature of the village and the family

ties seems to be playing a role in these differences. Some respondents indicated that they did not

want to encourage these outdoor social gathering in front of their houses, because they could

infringe on their privacies -unless they themselves initiate these gatherings. It is important here

to remember that nearly 90% of village inhabitants are those of one extended family or clan"l. So

in the camp, if seats are left outdoors (assuming they do not get stolen), only household

members, and very close-by relatives could use them. In the village however, the pool of

possible users is bigger since the (both neighbor & family) relations extend farther than in the

camp, and that could cause problems in a conservative society as the village.


11 This is common is some small villages in the Middle East. Usually it is more of a large clan than a family.









Looking at some other variables, it is fair to say that village residents have more control

over their environment than refugees, mainly because of less density, more space, and clearly

defined boundaries. Also, the behavior within the village does reflect this notion. In reference to

question (#37), residents paint and maintain external walls more than in the camp (36% vs.

22%), they also have higher sense of ownershipl2 towards outdoor space (question #28), where

3 5% of village responses were positive, compared to 18% for the camp. This is possibly

attributed to the more organic (cul-de-sac) like layout of the different village areas (Figure 4-28).

Village residents also pay more attention to what happens outdoors (question #36). The response

in the village was (73%) positive vs. (63%) positive for the camp, yet there is a key difference

here since they for the most part can visually see what is going on whereas camp residents can

only hear what is going on. Village houses have multiple big windows that usually overlook an

open view, unlike the camp where they overlook the concrete walls of the neighbor' s house

(Figure 4-29). It is noteworthy that petty-theft is not an issue in the village, and in cases when

something does get stolen, the residents usually blame the children from the nearby Balata

refugee campl3. One of the interesting variables was that of cleaning outdoors (question #3 1),

since camp responses were more positive on this issue (92%) vs. (85%) positive for the village.

Although not a big difference, the possible reasons for this include that camp residents are more

affected by dirt in the streets than village residents are, especially since village residents usually

have a buffer (yard or garden) between their homes and the streets. Also, the village streets are

better maintained overall, with less pedestrian traffic, yet more cars (Figure 4-30).



12 Village residents own their property officially (they have official paperwork and deeds). In comparison, camp
residents do not "officially own" their homes, although they did build them. The plots were assigned to them by the
UNRWA, but the legal status of property within the camp is somehow problematic (Jacobsen, 2000)

13 According to some of the people interviewed.









The indicators of strength of neighborhood and community ties in the village are stronger

across the board when compared to the camp (Table 4-8). These results are of no surprise to us.

The village community is a smaller, tighter-knit community than the camp. The refugees are

united by their common plight and hardships, whereas the villagers are united by their close

family ties. No problems between neighbors were reported between respondents in the village

(question #40), although the villagers -similar to the refugees earlier -seemed to be interested in

giving a good image about the community. Still, the problems seem significantly less than in the

camp. The whole environment within the village is far less problematic and stressful (Figure 4-

31). More space, more security from conflict, less political divisions, better income and more

local rule of law through community elders, which remain affective and important unlike in the

camp where their role has been greatly diminished. All this helps keeps the community

functioning stronger as a whole. Despite all this, we suggest that neighborhood ties in the camp

as defined in relations between non-related strangers are stronger. It is possible that the less

conservative nature of the refugees and the more common hardships between them has created

more of a brotherhood and strong community, versus the by-default family relations in the

village.

Chapter Summary

Despite the findings and analysis in this chapter, they merely scratch the surface of this

abnormal and subhuman living environment. The camp's built-environment, with its high

density and poor planning, alongside the unique socio-cultural aspects of the camp community,

all represent real challenges for its residents. They also challenge our understanding of the

situation as outsiders to this environment. Yet, the field-work made an important issue

immediately clear, that the conditions on the ground did not support the recovery and well-being

of the refugees as is usually called for by the relief community (UNHCR, 2000). On the contrary,










they created immense problems for the refugees, with far reaching and under-studied effects.

Little is truly known about the depth of these problems and their effects, especially with the

absence of serious research in the camps because of the conflict in the WB and Gaza (Jacobsen,

2000).

When looking at the findings and analysis relating to territorial behavior and near-home

space appropriation, some important observations emerge, namely that there are certain elements

that are hindering or changing the form of peoples' usage of much needed outdoor space. Some

of these elements are related to the built environment, yet others relate to socio-cultural issues,

and are possibly of equal importance. A break-down and understanding of these elements is

crucial, and is provided in chapter 5.

When looking at neighborhood ties within the camp, despite the tight living conditions and

the problems between neighbors, inter-neighborhood ties seemed to be strong. This is surely

influenced by the strong family ties within the neighborhoods. But probably the most unifying

aspect of all seems to be the ongoing conflict. When asked about it, people will usually say

something along the lines of "we are all brothers here, we have gone through a lot together". The

conflict casts its shadow on all aspects of camp life, and the question that comes to mind in this

situation is whether the conditions within the camp would be different if the conflict ceased to

exist? We leave it to future research to grapple with this complex question.

The comparison between the village and camp does provide some important information

also. It implies to that better living conditions, even in such cultural settings, do seem to

encourage residents to take more control over their environments. It is important to remember

here that this is a multilayered issue, meaning that economic issues, property issues, community

dynamics, and the permanency of the village versus the perceived temporariness of the camp, do










play a role in this and affect the behavioral patterns demonstrated earlier. The other lesson to

learn from this village/camp comparison is the importance and strength of cultural norms in

shaping the residents' lives, and the importance of the environment in maintaining and enabling

the continuation of these cultural norms, truly in-line with the writings of Sommer(1969) and

Rapaport (1976). Even the flow of our work was affected by this issue of culture; the camp was a

friendlier, more open environment than the village, which was more conservative and male

dominant. Yet, the role of the refugee-experience and camp environment in shaping and

changing the refugees' original culture (which was originally similar to the village's conservative

culture) is probably the most fascinating, and interesting lesson of all!i











Table 4-1. Signs of near home space appropriation and territorial marking: The Balata refugee camp
Do you consider the
Do you consider the area in front of your Do you clean in front Do you Leave Do you pay attention Do you paint external
area in front of your house your of your house belongings in front of Plants in front of you Any household to what happens in wall to remove
house your property? responsibility? regularly? your house? Leave chairs outside? house? member sit in street? the street? paintings?
Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A
18 84 0 68 33 1 94 8 0 20 82 0 12 90 0 18 84 0 44 58 0 64 38 0 22 79 1
18% 82% 0% 67% 32% 1% 92% 8% 0% 20% 80% 0% 12% 88% 0% 18% 82% 0% 43% 57% 0% 63% 37% 0% 22% 77% 1%


Table 4-2. Evaluation of neighborhood social ties, and sense of community: The Balata refugee camp
Problems between Do you borrow items Do you know most Can you spot any Do neighbors help Tight community in
household members from neighbors on neighborhood stranger in your each other in this the camp/village Do relatives live
and neighbors? occasion? residents? neighborhood? neighborhood? overall? nearby?
Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A
14 88 0 64 38 0 91 11 0 89 13 0 82 19 1 54 41 7 62 40 0
14% 86% 0% 63% 37% 0% 89% 11% 0% 87% 13% 0% 80% 19% 1% 53% 40% 7% 61% 39% 0%


Table 4-3. Evaluation of crime, fear of crime, and sense of security: The Balata refugee camp
Could House hold
Are you aware of any members be harassed If you have children, Can you see your kids Do you feel that you
crime in Do you feel safe (from while moving around where do they usually while playing outside need to see them
neighborhood? crime) in your house? the camp? play? from house windows? while outside?
Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Out Inside N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A
13 89 0 75 26 1 27 73 2 71 13 18 32 42 28 70 3 29
13% 87% 0% 74% 25% 1% 26% 72% 2% 70% 13% 18% 31% 41% 27% 69% 3% 28%


Table 4-4. Evaluation of spatial needs and condition of privacy: The Balata refugee camp

Do you feel you live Is there enough space Do you keep your
in Crowded Do you feel you have between the homes in street-level curtains
neighborhood? a small house? this neighborhood? open most of the day?
Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Open Closed Varies
64 37 1 74 28 0 13 88 1 25 53 23
63% 36% 1% 73% 27% 0% 13% 86% 1% 25% 52% 23%











Table 4-5. Signs of near home space appropriation and territorial marking: The village of Balata
Do you consider the Do you consider the Do you pay
area in front of your area in front of your Do you clean in Do you Leave attention to what Do you paint
house your house your front of your house belongings in front Leave chairs Plants in front of Any household happens in the external ivall to
property? responsibility? regularly? of your house? outside? you house? member sit in street? street? remove paintings?
Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A
19 27 9 35 18 2 47 7 1 7 48 0 3 51 1 16 37 2 22 32 1 40 15 0 20 35 0
3500 4900 1600 6400 3300 400 8500 1300 2oo 1300 8700 000 50 93oo 200 2900 6700 400 4000 5800 200 73oo 2700 000 3600 6400 000


Table 4-6. Evaluation of neighborhood social ties, and sense of community: The village of Balata
Problems between Do you borrow items Do you know most Can you spot any Do neighbors help Tight community in
household members from neighbors on neighborhood stranger in your each other in this the camp/village Do relatives live
and neighbors? occasion? residents? neighborhood? neighborhood? overall? nearby?
Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A
0 55 0 50 5 0 53 2 0 53 2 0 50 5 0 47 8 0 52 3 0
0% 100% 0% 91% 9% 0% 96% 4% 0% 96% 4% 0% 91% 9% 0% 85% 15% 0% 95% 5% 0%


Table 4-7. Signs of near home space appropriation and territorial marking: The Balata refugee camp vs. the village of Balata
Do you consider the
Do you consider the area in front of your Do you clean in front Do you Leave Do you pay attention Do you paint external
area in front of your house your of your house belongings in front of Plants in front of you Any household to what happens in wall to remove
house your property? responsibility? regularly? your house? Leave chairs outside? house? member sit in street? the street? paintings?
Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A
18 84 0 68 33 1 94 8 0 20 82 0 12 90 0 18 84 0 44 58 0 64 38 0 22 79 1
1800 8200 000 6700 32oo lo 9200 800 00 2000 8000 000 1200 8800 000 1800 8200 000 4300 5700 000 6300 3700 000 2200 7700 lo
19 27 9 35 18 2 47 7 1 7 48 0 3 51 1 16 37 2 22 32 1 40 15 0 20 35 0
3500 4900 1600 6400 3300 400 8500 1300 2oo 1300 8700 000 50 9300 200 2900 6700 400 4000 5800 200 7300 2700 000 3600 6400 000
-17% 33% -16% 3% 0% -3% 7% -5% -2% 7% -7% 0% 6% -4% -2% -11% 15% -4% 3% -1% -2% -10% 10% 0% -15% 14% 1%
Note: The last row represents change in percentage going from camp to village











Table 4-8. Evaluation of neighborhood social ties and sense of community: The Balata refugee camp vs. the village of Balata
Problems between Do you borrow items Do you know most Can you spot any Do neighbors help Tight community in
household members from neighbors on neighborhood stranger in your each other in this the camp/village Do relatives live
and neighbors? occasion? residents? neighborhood? neighborhood? overall? nearby?
Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A Yes No N/A
14 88 0 64 38 0 91 11 0 89 13 0 82 19 1 54 41 7 62 40 0
14% 86% 0% 63% 37% 0% 89% 11% 0% 87% 13% 0% 80% 19% 1% 53% 40% 7% 61% 39% 0%
0 55 0 50 5 0 53 2 0 53 2 0 50 5 0 47 8 0 52 3 0
0% 100% 0% 91% 9% 0% 96% 4% 0% 96% 4% 0% 91% 9% 0% 85% 15% 0% 95% 5% 0%
14% -14% 0% -28% 28% 0% -7% 7% 0% -9% 9% 0% -11% 10% 1% -33% 26% 7% -34% 34% 0%
Note: The last row represents change in percentage going from camp to village




























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Figure 4-1. An overall map of the Balata camp: The camp is very high density compared to the
surrounding areas. Most services are located NW corner of the camp. This photo was
obtained through the city of Nablus municipality/ engineering division.













































Figure 4-2 Avrchoiancopeeniomn:Tiisepcaldutoteiiedpa c















Figre -2cam isr mhostlyan conrete-block.Tisi epcalydu o h imtd pc

































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Figure 4-3. A dark and stifling living environment: A). Even during the bright daylight, some
alleys within the camps are dark due to the buildings heights, and minimal spaces in-
between. B) Some of the homes never see direct sun-light indoors due to the lack of
space between buildings. Notice also the bullet holes on the walls.


111










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Figure 4-4. Main camp artery view: Retail stores are sometimes found along these wider streets
with residential use above. These wider streets allow for some vehicle movement
although impeded usually by pedestrians and potholes.


Figure 4-5. Rundown environment: The dark, dirty look of unfinished or partially finished
concrete in the camp contributes to the rundown impression of the built-environment.












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Figure 4-6. Poor building practices: There is no regulation of building practices within the camp,
therefore some of the structures are in very poor shape, and could be easily damaged
in an earthquake.





114


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Figure 4-7. Unhealthy living environment: Some ground floor residents in some of densest areas
of the camp barely get to see daylight.



115

























































Figure 4-8. Shoulder-width alleys: In some areas the alleys or distances between the buildings
are barely shoulder width. These alleys are still used by people to move from one
place to another. In this picture, I had to go through the alley sideways!




116






















































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Figure 4-9. Problems with privacy: Privacy issues were a big concern for the residents due to the
building density. A) Residents build a make-shift barrier to maintain their privacy
form the neighbors while using the roof. B) People have to go to extreme measures to
address their needs. In the picture, the curtain in front of the door is used to block the
view from the passers-by, while keeping the door open for ventilation purposes. This
is a tension point between two different needs.


117





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Figure 4-9. Continued
118





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Figure 4-10. Major alleys: Map showing some of the main camp arteries and alleys.


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Figure 4-11i. Limited vehicle access: Some of the residents who own a vehicle, have to leave it at
the alley entrance because the alleys are either not wide-enough, or have too many
obstacles.


Figure 4-12. Ideal environment for insurgency: There are large numbers of small alleys and
concealed-escape routes that are known to the locals. The camp has been the scene
for many bloody battles between the refugees and the Israeli army.






















































Figure 4-13. Window heights and locations: In the picture, the windows types on the left are very
common throughout the camp. They are higher than the pedestrian level to prevent
passers-by from seeing inside the homes, on the other hand, the opening themselves
are thinner than usual to prevent residents on opposite, and higher floors from seeing
inside the house. The downside is that they prevent residents from seeing what is
going on outside also, darken the interior, provide less ventilation, and limit any
views. They completely isolate the residents from the outside, a hard-yet logical
choice for the residents to make considering the bad and dangerous living
environment.


121




























,~~31


Figure 4-14. Architecture and status: The building in the background is owned by an affluent
camp resident, it is the tallest building in the camp.























































Figure 4-15. Children playing in the streets: The lack of designated children play areas keeps the
children in the alleys, and in harm's way. The children could be caught-up in the
middle of a fire fight or an army raid easily. The small living spaces and the large
households also contribute to this problem. In the picture, the higher-smaller windows
as discussed in an earlier figure, guarantee that adult supervision from inside the
houses is very limited. This was also a fundamental issue noted by Newman in Pruitt
Igoe.


123









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Figure 4-16. The privacy nightmare: Neighbors' windows facing each other are a very common
occurrence throughout the camp. It creates a large number of problems especially for
conservative society.
















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Figure4res.idaens trom use nthe pulcap domainfor suhav private isse, muchy fof the laundry gt

stolen, or tampered with by children playing in the alleys.

125

























































Figure 4-18. Signs of territorial appropriation: Due to the dead-end alley, one of the nearby
residents fenced the area of with simple materials, and uses it for his own purposes,
although it is still in the public domain.




126























































Figure 4-19. Unique elements within the camp environment: Planters have to be fenced off
because of tampering by children or the army. A) Example of planter in front of
home, with laundry in the alley. B) Further examples of plants fenced: This
phenomenon is spread through-out the camp, although there are not many planters to
start with. People tend to have them on the roof whenever they can instead of the
alley.



127












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arm)aenmruwihntecm.Tearusalloaeatteseeoth










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monument.
















































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Figure 4-21. Maintenance and image issues: A) The walls within the camp are filled with graffiti
and pictures of martyrs. B) Nearly every wall within the camp has some writing on it.













































Figure 4-22. Signs of outdoor space utilization: Due to the dead-end alley, the residents treated it
as an extension of their home. When the researcher and guide approached, the
residents pulled out seats, and positioned them in the alley and tea was even served in
there. When people are given a chance by design to utilize outdoor space, they tend to
use it.


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Figure 4-23. A relatively clean environment: Despite the rundown environment, the alleys were
relatively clean, although this varied from area to area. The residents leave trash cans
outside for trash collection which is done by a man powered cart.


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Figure 4-24. Limited connectivity with the outdoors: Very little could be seen from the home
windows due to the little distances between the buildings. Also, windows usually
started higher than the pedestrian level and were small in size.






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Figure 4-25. Large numbers of children: The camp has a large population of children, with no
designated play areas. The alleys are their only outlets.


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mos o te als av bule-rlaeddaag, s se eindtetomnstigi




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Figure 4-27. The Village of Balata: The village is a naturally developing urban form, unlike the
camp which was artificially created in a grid pattern. This photo was obtained through
the city of Nablus municipality/ engineering division.


Figure 4-28. Natural urban form in the village: A) Alley leads to larger centralized spaces. B)
The building density, and scale are far less in the village compared to the camp.














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Figure 4-28. Continued.





















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Figure 4-29. The village environment: More distances between the buildings, also bigger
windows overlooking the street, and clearer boundary definition.


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Figure 4-30. Improved transportation in the village: There is vehicular movement in the village
since even some of the smaller alleys are wider than those in the camp.








































Figure 4-31. A more relaxed environment: The village environment is far less stressful when
compared to the camp environment. In the background, the minaret of the village
mosque can be seen









CHAPTER 5
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS

After considering the field-work experiences, the data obtained, and the analysis of the

camp environment, it is clear that the Balata camp environment is by no means a healthy

environment that could foster the development, and recovery of the refugees. On the contrary,

these living conditions have proven detrimental to them, and have increased and further

complicated their hardships. Camp life stigmatizes and labels the refugees, and produces

numerous social, cultural, and environmental problems on multiple complex levels. This

conclusion goes against all the stated aims and goals of the aid community, namely providing all

possible assistance needed to help the displaced recover as discussed early on in our study

(Zetter, 1995; 1999; UNHCR, 2000; Saunders, 2004; The Sphere Project, 2004).

The Balata refugee camp and similar Palestinian refugee camps are examples of what

could "go wrong" in the built environment, and what the lack of long-term planning produces

(Jacobsen, 2000). The number of problems caused by the living environment in this case is

simply staggering, and the camp has definitely exceeded the time it was originally intended to

live. Some might argue that such settings could no longer be considered a refugee camp, but

more of an urban slum than a simple camp as the definition of the word might suggest. This

might be true due to the similarities between the environment within these camps and slums

worldwide. Yet, we suggest that it is the refugees themselves that keep the camp status alive with

all the political, socio-economic, and cultural issues involved. The refugee camp status is

sustained by the collective memory of the inhabitants, an issue that was apparent through the

fieldwork and dealing with the refugees. Some of these refugees refuse to leave their homes

because it is considered more than a home to them, it is a reminder of the injustice they suffered,

and it shaped and continues to shape who they are and what they stand for. Economics, although










important are not the reason for their stay, it is the message behind the camp that anchors the

refugees to such awful environments.

So why did the environment have to be like this? The severity of any refuge or

displacement situation due to the immediate massive needs of these populations, and alongside

with the urgency of responses and the politics involved, usually prevent the relief-community

and the host governments from producing properly planned camps that help address anything

more than the basic needs of protection and shelter from the elements (Saunders, 2004). The

refugees find themselves "warehoused" in environments that deprive them from even their basic

rights of clean air and sunlight, even respects their privacy and dignity. Their problems only

increase and multiply by time as seen in the example used in our study. The Balata camp is

merely one camp out of 59 similar camps in the region (UNRWA, 2007a). Arguably, the

dynamics that lead to these kinds of warehousing situations will be hard to change, especially in

the case of refugee camps with all the politics involved. Also, because the events that cause

refuge usually have a sudden and violent onset, and are accompanied by maj or tragedy and

hardships on very basic levels (Saunders, 2004; BADIL, 2006). The need to respond rapidly and

the possible and assumed temporariness of the situation limit the scope and the time for planning.

Because of this, alternative thinking and design approaches to this problem are crucial. In our

opinion, the Defensible Space application suggested in hereis possibly a step in the right

direction.

So, the dilemma remains how to plan long-term for such settlements while minimizing the

political impacts and addressing the urgency of the situation? The simplicity and adaptability of



SIn most cases, the host government will resist anything that could indicate a permanent presence of the refugees on
its territories. Also, the refugees themselves will most likely resist any permanent solutions that could affect their
right of return to their homelands (Saunders, 2004).









DS theory could possibly help address such a dilemma, at least on paper. Theoretically speaking,

the simple design guidelines of defensible space are applicable in early design stages in a

minimalistic (even veiled) fashion in an attempt to attend to some of the long term needs of such

refugee camps -namely, the need for an environment that respects its residents. Such an

application potentially carries benefits, and might be less politically dramatic than a full fledged

design process for a refugee camp or permanent settlement. Chapter 6 looks at the guidelines

suggested by this research, and their potential benefits for refugee camp design in general.

Upon the initial Balata camp site visits, and throughout the field work within the camp, the

researcher witnessed the people's dire need for space, natural sunlight, and ventilation. Yet,

despite these needs, which were corroborated through data and observations, residents within the

camp (other than children) remained confined within the walls of their homes for the most part.

There were minimal signs of outdoor space appropriation, or even interest in utilizing this

outdoor space. This seems to counter what might be expected from a population in severe space

shortage as mentioned above; in other words, more utilization of the available outdoor space

"should" be the case. So this phenomenon of relative home confinement needs to be understood,

especially since it could profoundly affect any future application of DS theory in similar settings.

Such a phenomenon could render any future DS application useless, or limit its effects greatly.

This is because DS encourages people to use, incorporate, and better relate-to near home space,

as an attempt to combat some of the social-ills associated with such isolation (Cozens, 2001a). A

closer look at the possible reasons for such limited incorporation of space is crucial for our study

as is demonstrated below.

Possible Reasons for the Lack of Outdoor Space Appropriation: Inhibiting Factors

The factors that could affect (or inhibit) peoples' usage of outdoor space within the camp

are complicated and overlapping. It is our conclusion that despite the complexity, these factors









could be separated into: 1-Circumstantial factors (external factors), 2- Socio-cultural (Internal

factors), and 3-Built environment-related factors (environmental factors). In reality though, this

separation is not a clear cut issue. On the contrary, most of these factors are interweaving, and

each of them plays an important role in the overall resulting living conditions and lifestyles,

while affecting other "inhibiting factors" at the same time. Yet, the separation aims at

simplifying the understanding of these causes in order to better address the problems.

Circumstantial Inhibiting Factors (External)

A. Conflict: the ongoing conflict has tremendous effects on the population of the camp. It
literally shapes their daily lives, and has been doing that for at least the past 7 years, even
before that. An environment of fear and apprehension grips the population keeping them
vigilant and nervous. The daily skirmishes with the army also shape the resident' s daily
life patterns. For example most essential activities are done during day-time since the
night-time is the most dangerous because of the Israeli military activities. For the residents,
some areas of the camp are known to be more dangerous than others as a result of the
repeated army incursions through those areas (Figure 5-1). Therefore, the residents avoid
the areas especially during certain hours known to be dangerous. Furthermore, people
usually stay indoors for most of the day especially during heightened tension times to
avoid being caught up in any army operations or battles. The effects of the conflict are far
reaching and affect every aspect of the peoples' lives including their use and appropriation
of outdoor space. Normal (eventless) days are definitely not the case within the camp; and
every day comes along with a new set of challenges and hardships. The issue of conflict
also casts its shadow on every aspect of our study. It is possible that some of the research
results could have been different if it was conducted in more peaceful times.

B. Widespread Petty Theft: the maj ority of respondents reported not leaving any personal or
household belongings outdoor due to theft. The issue of petty theft within the camp was
evidently so wide-spread that it seemed to be considered a natural occurrence. Most of the
theft taking place is due to the large number of children in the streets and alleys. The
children have no other place to go other than these alleys since they are no designated areas
for children to play; so anything in their zone is subject to tampering. Some residents have
to go to extreme measures to secure their outdoor belongings as demonstrated in the
pictures (Figures 5-2, 5-3). The driving force behind this widespread phenomenon could be
normal child curiosity and lack of adult supervision. Economics play a big role in this issue
also. Some of the stolen items are sold as scrap-metal for little money (especially by older
children, and sometimes even adults). This issue was so wide-spread that nearly every
respondent interviewed, or even people encountered in the street would laugh, or look
shocked when asked if they left any belongings outdoors. The typical response to such


2 The current wave of violence in the WB and Gaza started in 2000 (BADIL, 2006)










question was "it would be lost in seconds". Even though there is little "serious crime", the
severity of this problem is overwhelming; laundry was reported stolen, simple chairs,
plants, even cooking pots or trash cans were reported to be stolen. One of the respondents
interviewed reported having to change the tires on the cart (with which he eamns his living)
multiple times a month due to tampering or even theft in some case. An interesting aspect
of all this is that when respondents were asked about crime occurrence in the
questionnaires, they reported nearly no crime. It is probable that this issue was seen as an
expected and understandable nuisance, since it was internal to the camp. This issue is
likely to become less of a problem if the built environment facilitated natural surveillance
opportunities as supported by DS theory.

C. Environmental Stressors: The dense population within the camp creates a stressful
environment for its inhabitants. Utilizing near home space as an extension of the resident' s
zone of influence could be a challenging task. Noise, odors, trash, dirt, polluted running
water are all elements that plague the camp, and its residents' lives greatly. Such elements
could act as inhibiting factors, and could reduce peoples' eagerness to incorporate or use
outdoor space despite their apparent spatial needs (Figure 5-4). There is a potential link
here between this problem, and the concept of image and milieu endorsed by DS theory.
The concept calls for improving and maintaining the overall environment image, which
might reduce this problem if considered.

Internal Inhibiting Factors (Socio-Cultural)

A. Role of Women in public: The community within the refugee camp remains traditionally
conservative despite the changes over the years. Women are the most affected segment of
the society by these conservative norms. The most affected aspect is the role and behavior
of women in public. Some men might not consider it acceptable for their wives and
daughters to be seen sitting in front of the house in the public domain (on the door step for
example), they also might not see it as acceptable for their female offspring to play in the
alleys and the streets, especially when they are in their teen years. Such limitations and
restrictions are not across the board, and do vary from house hold to other depending on
socio-economic class, cultural background, and education levels. Nevertheless, the impact
of such gender-determined roles does play a maj or role in the outdoor space utilization
especially since females are who spend the most part of the day in the neighborhood,
having them generally confined to the inside of their homes limits outdoor space utilization
and usage by house residents.

B. Role of men in public: Although women are the most limited in what they could, or could
not do in public, some of these limitations apply to men also. For example, some people do
not appreciate seeing their male-neighbors sitting in front of their house across the street.
They might consider it an invasion of their own privacy since by sitting in front of the
house, the neighbor is able to see and hear what happens inside of their houses easily, or is
able to catch a glimpse of a female improperly dressed for example. These issues are taken
very seriously in such contexts. In some cases such scenarios are the starting point for
friction between neighbors. This point again depends heavily on the background of the
individuals involved, and it is not across the board, nevertheless it is widespread, and it is
further exacerbated by the dense, suffocating living environment. The field-work









conducted found that 30 respondents (29%) reported that sitting out-doors in the street is a
socially un-acceptable behavior. This point also carries down to the younger generations
where younger males hanging out in groups in the streets are often seen as a nuisance,
although this is an almost universal issue (Schneider and Kitchen, 2002; UN-HABITAT,
2007).

C. Privacy outdoors: Even if people utilize near home outdoor space as an extension of their
homes, the issue of privacy arises. The camp community is a very complicated community
in which people are closely related, or at least know their neighbors well. Similar to many
small tight-knit communities world-wide, neighbors tend to "interfere" in the businesses of
their neighbors. For a resident to conduct some of his daily activities such as relaxing,
reading, or socializing out-doors puts the resident under the scrutiny of the surrounding
neighbors; what one wears, who one talks to, or even what one says will often become the
business of the neighbors as well. Many people within the camp prefer to go about their
daily lives in their private domains, and see it as the safest bet, and the least problematic
approach.

Environmental Related Factors (Physical Environment)

A. Space shortage: This point relates mainly to outdoor space. Most doors in the camp open
towards alleyways that are a couple of feet wide only. In some cases, there is literarily no
space for people to appropriate as their own without causing blockage to the alley or
impeding people's movement. This point was reflected in the responses where 31
respondents (30%) reported that there is no room for sitting outside (Figure 5-5). Of
course, the issue of space shortage is THE issue in the camp that affects nearly every
aspect of the residents' lives. Newman's concept of cul-de-sac neighborhoods as will be
detailed in chapter six is likely to have potential benefits here if it were applied initially.
Most likely the camp environment would have been better organized initially, therefore
eliminating some of the long-term space related issues. This applies also to most
environment related problems in this section.

B. Quality of outdoor-space: The available outdoor space within the camp is limited to the
streets, alley-ways, and the left over -minimal space between the buildings. Other than the
formal streets, the rest of this space is usually confined between walls of concrete three to
four stories high, and is usually dark, viewless, and rundown. Such an environment is not a
welcoming one, on the contrary drives people to completely isolate themselves from the
outdoors. This is further enforced by the dangerous conditions, and problems mentioned
earlier.

C. No areas of enclosure and no transitional spaces: This could be one of the main issues
contributing to the lack of outdoor space utilization in relation to the built environment.
Because of the need to maximize space, and the semi-grid pattern layout of the camp, all
homes are built right up to the alley. This eliminates any transitional spaces or areas
between the public and private domain that could be claimed by the residents as their own,
or incorporated in the extended zone of influence. In the cases where the built environment
allowed for such utilization, some residents showed some territorial marking within these
areas. As seen in the Eigure (5-6).









D. Disconnection between indoors and outdoors: Because of the conflict, noise, lack of
privacy, and other related issues, the near standard building practice throughout the camp
has become to minimize the size and elevate the starting height of the windows especially
on the ground level (Figure 4-8). This creates disconnect between the indoors and outdoors
since it is hard to observe what events are taking place outside. This disconnect likely
reduces residences' sense of control over their environment, and it furthermore reduces the
sense of responsibility towards the outdoors. Evidently, the residents have developed these
building practices in response to the harsh living environment, but the side effects of such
practices are greater than the obvious dark-stifling environment. This disconnect arguably
contributes to other negative issues such as petty theft, difficulties in child supervision, and
causes the zone of influence to end at the resident's door step. Again, we see here a
similarity between the camp environment, and some of the problems addressed by
Defensible Space and discussed by Newman (1973).

E. No access control: The large number of interconnected alleys lessens residents' control
over their environment. These alleys have multiple entrance and exit points, and are
accessible to anyone within the camp. Because of that, it is often hard for residents to
include any of these areas within their zones of influence, especially since they have no
control over who uses these areas. Thus, this alley space becomes ambiguous because
residents cannot tell who belongs or doesn't belong there. Similar problems were identified
in high-rise housings proj ects in the US and the UK, with high crime and disorder rates
(Schneider & Kitchen, 2002). Such issues further disconnect the residents from the
surrounding near home space.

F. No clear areas of responsibility: The grid-like design, along with the lack of transitional
spaces, and the high density built-environment, all create a situation where it is hard for
residents to know where their areas of reasonability begin or end. Much of left-over open
space is not aff61iated with any certain home, so it becomes ambiguous no-man's land.
These small spaces often become trash dumps, especially with the absence of any
administrative supervision (Figure 5-7). This also becomes in some cases a friction point
between residents since unclear boundaries usually cause problems with issues such as
cleaning, and trash disposal. These problems are classic examples of poor boundary
definition as defined by Defensible Space.

G. No distinct neighborhood identity: It is very hard to define the boundaries of
neighborhoods within the camp because the recognized boundaries usually depend on
family ties and affiliations, and the large numbers of alleys divide each residential block
into even smaller ones. During the initial preparation for the fieldwork, and while
attempting to divide the camp map into neighborhoods with the assistance of the locals,
people would disagree where the boundaries of most neighborhoods begin or end, and it
seemed to be a subj ective matter (Figure 5-8). This issue likely affects residents' sense of
belonging and identification within a certain neighborhood, and may also create a reduced
sense of responsibility towards the area. This reduced sense of responsibility drives people
to limit their zones of influence to their private properties only.









Defensible Space and How it All Fits Together

It is important to remember here that Balata refugee camp is an existing camp that has been

standing for nearly 60 years. The Defensible Space application suggested in our study is intended

to be incorporated in original design of a refugee camp, i.e. when it is first established, and not

necessarily in an existing situation. Our study is not suggesting the application for the Balata

camp as it stands today; it is attempting to explain certain phenomena within the camp that are in

part induced by the poor camp planning initially. This is to help determine if a DS application in

a similar refugee-related and cultural setting will be beneficial. Although the potential for

retrofitting existing camps is there, it is not the main premise of our study at this stage.

So what insight do the inhibiting factors mentioned above provide us? The factors look at

the issue of near-home space utilization, and the reasons why this utilization is not sufficiently

materializing, despite the logical need for it as a result of space, light and ventilation shortage,

and despite the "intrinsic" territorial behavior of the residents. This near-home space utilization

is key ingredient of the success of any future application of Defensible Space in similar refugee

camp settings. It encourages the positive social-interaction adopted by the theory, and helps

create a safer and better maintained living environment. So in order for any DS application in

similar settings to be successful, it has to prevent such inhibiting factors from emerging in the

first place, especially those related to the built environment. So could it do that? Can it encourage

outdoor near-home space utilization? And can it end residents' isolation from the outdoors? The

obvious answer to these questions is that any planning is better than the non-planning conditions

currently found in the Balata camp and other similar camps. The residents today are paying the

price (at least when it comes to the built environment) of the poor planning that took place 60

years ago. As for DS itself, the answer for some of the previous questions is "probably yes". DS

guidelines directly address the environmental inhibiting factors discussed above. Simple










alterations to the built environment early-on in camp design and establishment could have helped

address some of these physical problems found in the camp, even on the long run. The cul-de-sac

based layouts suggested by the theory, and the clearly defined areas of responsibility, with the

enhanced opportunities for natural surveillance should have significant positive effects on the

environment as described in chapter (6).

Where DS potentially falls short is in responding to some of the cultural and external

inhibiting factors discussed earlier. But all is not lost; the camp environment is to a certain extent

a complex system of cause-effect relations, a system where each small problem/event causes a

much bigger ripple in the whole system, at least more than meets the eye. Any changes in any

components of this environment could disturb the whole balance affecting it either positively or

negatively. Fixing some of the problems with the built environment could spill over and reduce

other non-built environment related problems in the camp. For example, in our opinion the

problems with petty-theft seem to be encouraged by the disconnection between indoors and

outdoors in the homes. If residents, and through better camp layout and better planned window

orientation, are able to establish a stronger visual connection with the outdoors, it is possible the

issue of petty theft might be reduced. This reduction has the potential to encourage more outdoor

space appropriation. It also might support improved opportunities for adult supervision over the

children, which could lead to less anti-social behavior and fewer problems between neighbors.

There are potentially numerous cause-effect relationships that could be affected in a similar

manner.

Another example of such cause-effect relation relates to camp layout. If the grid pattern

was designed more around the cul-de-sac layout as DS calls for, most likely situations relating to

neighborhood identity and definition would be different today. The centralized space of the cul-









de-sac will provide to a certain extent better ventilation and natural sunlight because it assures

certain distances between each two opposite buildings.3 It will automatically orient the windows

and doors towards these spaces, instead of facing the neighbors' windows and walls, creating

great potential to reduce some of the tensions caused by lack of privacy, noise, and lack of views.

An important aspect to consider throughout all this is the effect of the ongoing conflict on

the camp community. Despite the horrible conditions and immense hardships it creates, it might

be fair to assume that it is reducing certain social problems by unifying the camp community to a

certain extent. In the case of the elimination of the conflict, especially for a temporarily period,

an increase in built-environment-rel ated soci al probl em s within the camp could b e expected due

to the elimination of these community unifying conditions. An environment that helps strengthen

and maintain social ties should be in place, and designing and building according to DS

guidelines creates an environment that potentially helps strengthen community ties by creating

more opportunities for positive casual social-interaction, while creating healthier and more

humane environments for a community that truly needs it.

Finally, despite all the "theoretical positives" of a DS application in a refugee camp design,

it is important to remember that there are no guarantees for success. This success or failure will

be heavily dependent on the context, and the surrounding conditions. The problems at hand

within any refugee camp environment are very complex, and their complexity increases by time.

These problems are generated on so many economic, social, political, cultural, and

environmental levels, and are subj ect to numerous influences both internal and external to the

camp itself. It is fair to say that no one-solution can be the ultimate cure for these problems; on



SSee chapter (6) for details on the design guidelines suggested in the study.

4 A permanent solution to the conflict could lead to dismantling the camp all together.









the contrary it is our belief that no matter what improvement takes place in camp environments,

tremendous problems and hardships will persist for the refugees themselves, and both the host

communities and relief agencies. These camps are abnormalities, and most likely will never be a

good place to live in. But, there is no excuse for not at least trying to better life conditions for

refugees and displaced populations in general. It is both a moral obligation and necessary for

their well-being to do so. Any improvement and consideration is better than none, and

Defensible Space theory seems to hold some potential for improvement in these situations. An

attempt to further study and apply this theory in such areas is both logical and important,

especially since it might help reduce some of the suffering for people who unwillingly and

unjustly were exposed to such terrible events of refuge and displacement.










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Figure 5-1. Conflict related restrictions: In this picture, the residents blocked-off the main
entrance to the cemetery with concrete-blocks because the army used to use this
entrance as an access point to the camp.

































Figure 5-2. Responses to petty theft: A) Ultimate boundary definition by one of the residents to
secure the area in front of his house. B) Another example of extreme boundary
definiti on.





































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Figure 5-2 Continued.
































Figure 5-3. Unique responses to theft and conflict: A resident transferred his home's corner to
something resembling a deadly trap, to prevent people from sitting on, or stepping on
the corner. It is unclear what the main reason for this is, but it evidently aims at
preventing either children, insurgents, or the army from accessing the roof or the
nearby window.


Figure 5-4. A stressful and unattractive environment: Despite the overall clean camp, still it is far
from perfect and dirty water and trash in the streets is still normal in some areas.































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Figure 5-5. Barely any space left: The building infringements due to the space shortage make the

existing tight conditions even tighter. There is no room for anything outdoors.





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enlsue rsdnt il trtt epndter oeso nfunc o nldenarhm
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Figure 5-7. Unassigned spaces and unclear responsibilities: Such space between buildings in not
associated with either home. It becomes instantly a trash-dump. Who should attend to
this?























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Figure 5-8. Problems with neighborhood boundaries: With continuous walls of grey concrete and
large numbers of alleys, where does a neighborhood start or end? In the picture,
notice how deep the continuous alley is, some of them go from one end of the camp
to the other. People are merely stacked into homes with no provisions to encourage a
sense of area identity.









CHAPTER 6
RECOMMENDATIONS, LESSONS LEARNED, CHALLENGES AND FUTURE
RESEARCH DIRECTIONS

Defensible Space Guidelines Recommended in Refugee Camp Design

The Hieldwork conducted in the Balata refugee camp, in addition to literature in the Hield of

displacement; demonstrate the need for alternative thinking in the refugee camp and settlement

design. Our study recommends adopting Defensible Space theory design guidelines in the relief

Hield. A number of these design guidelines could be derived from theory. They target certain

aspects of the built environment especially in the camp planning stage. The overall goal of this

DS application is to improve the living conditions for the refugees in the long run. This is

potentially achieved through extending people's real and perceived zones of influence to include

near home space, reassigning responsibility of unclaimed public space to nearby housing,

thereby minimizing ambiguous space (Newman, 1973). The following are the guidelines

suggested to be incorporated into the field of refugee camp and settlement design. An

explanation of the purposes and benefits of these guidelines are provided, and a relation to

existing literature in the displacement field is established.

Guideline A: The Adoption of Cul-De-Sac Layouts While Early in Camp Design stages,
and Avoiding Grid-Pattern Designs and Layouts

Newman (1973) refers to these cul-de-sac layouts as "mini-neighborhoods" and the

process of creating these layouts involves dividing the planned housing units into groups, while

creating a centralized open space for each group of housing as demonstrated in figure (6-1). The

purported benefits of such a design include:

1. Increased opportunities for positive casual social interaction: Overall, when applied,
DS principles seem to enhance people's relation to the outdoor space, therefore creating
more opportunities for this positive casual social interaction (Schweitzer et al, 1999;
Cozens et al, 2001a; 2001b; 2002). Taylor et al (1984; 1986) argues that the local social
ties are improved by territorial enhancements. These territorial enhancements give people a
better sense of ownership over the space, and possibly develop a stronger sense of









community. Sullivan et al (2001) also argues that territorial enhancements strengthen the
sense of safety and sense of belonging to the community, and positively influences social
ties, although this still relates to people's personal experiences and backgrounds. Such a
concept of strengthening community ties might be of high importance while preparing
camps for displaced populations. Strong community relationships are essential for the
recovery of the displaced, especially since the original social networks, neighborhoods, and
communities are usually disturbed, if not dismantled due to the displacement event (Cuny,
1983; Bolin and Stanford, 1991; Zetter, 1995; Payne, 1998; Eruesto, 2002; Jamal, 2003).
The newly-built environment has to foster the development of social ties because in such
cases, the primary means of coping are social units (Cuny, 1983). And although the
physical environment might not be the most challenging issue facing the displaced
immediately, the creation of a supportive environment could prove to be part of the
solution in the long run.

2. Distinct identities for each area: Cul-de-sac layouts create unique identities for the
different areas within the camp, especially when compared to a grid pattern layout (Figures
2-1, 6-2). They also create unique central spaces and entry points to each residential area.
This is likely to increase residents' sense of identity, and association with the area. It
creates spatial hierarchy within the camp in addition to improved way finding for both
residents and visitors. Bowles (1998) and Fernandash and Walker (2002) support this
notion, and argue that it could provide the displaced with a stronger sense of control over
their lives. It is important here to note that in most cases, refugees and displaced population
originate from rural, naturally occurring villages and settlements as was the case in the
Balata refugees. Such suggested cul-de-sac organization of space is logical when compared
to naturally occurring settlements and vernacular architecture worldwide. Historically,
numerous settlements, towns and cities reflect such spatial-hierarchy and transitions from
public to private (Rapaport, 1977; Rykert, 1988). Housing people in settlements that are
alien to them such as the case in grid-pattern based camps -potentially leads to the
deterioration and failure of the camp (Oliver-Smith, 1991). When looking at the Balata
camp, we see that none of these spatial hierarchies are respected due to the original grid
layout, and when compared to the surrounding urban fabric (Figure,4-1) we see how the
camp appears to be alien.

3. The creation of centralized open spaces: These spaces could become children play areas,
or community areas in which people interact (Figure 6-2). This potentially strengthens
community ties within the area, also it makes it easier for parents to supervise their
children since they will be in a distinct, and visible location. The UNHCR (1994) note that
by failing to provide centrally located areas for child-play, and initially within camp
designs, the streets and alleys will most likely become the areas where the children play as
was the case in the Balata camp. There streets and alleys do not facilitate parental
supervision of the children. This puts the children in harm's way, or makes it more likely
that they will engage in anti-social activities such as petty theft.

4. Extending areas of responsibility: The centralized deign could encourage residents to
include this area in their zone of responsibility since it is clearly defined, and is shared by a
limited number of people, i.e. the houses surrounding the cul-de-sac. The feeling of
responsibility towards open alleyways (as in the case of grid-layouts) will most likely be









less since they are open for unlimited numbers of users. In the Balata camp, when asked,
most residents failed to determine where their areas of responsibilities ended.

5. Improved space distribution: The cul-de-sac design creates increased spaces between the
buildings at least from one side; it improves the situation of natural lighting, ventilation,
and accessibility. This translates into better disease management, and fire control also
(Figure 6-4). These are important elements especially when dealing with vulnerable
populations such as refugees, as they usually include large numbers of women, elderly, and
children.

6. The redistribution of services: Creating cul-de-sac neighborhoods as suggested is likely
to encourage camp management and aid agencies to re-distribute utilities such as drinking
water (Figure 6-1). This makes it easier for the population to obtain their daily needs, and
in a more secure manner. In contrast, in most grid pattern layouts, utilities are centralized.
Some of the inhabitants living far from the location of the utilities are faced by the
dangerous-daily trip to acquire even the most basic supplies. Chalinder (1998) argues that
facilities such as water wells should be in highly visible, widely distributed locations to
insure safety especially of vulnerable populations such as women and children. Corsellis
and Vitale (2005) also discuss the issues of safety for vulnerable populations at length;
they conclude that utilities should be positioned in a manner that does not require these
populations to walk for long distances in dangerous camp environments. They recommend
distributing some of these basic services in different locations of the camps.

7. Potential for open space utilization: The creation of the cul-de-sac gives the population
the opportunity to appropriate some of the central space for their personal needs such as
gardening, or entertainment (Figure 6-4). These issues are near impossible to do in grid-
like pattern design since houses usually open directly on streets. In the Balata camp, nearly
all doors opened directly onto the alleys, residents had to even fence the single plant they
might have had. Cul-de-sac design provides spatial hierarchy, whereas grid pattern layouts
do not.

Guideline B: Creating Better Opportunities for Natural Surveillance through Systematic
Orientation of Windows towards Open Spaces and Overlooking Critical Locations

Natural surveillance opportunities are important in giving residents an enhanced sense of

security (Newman, 1973). The main idea is that people tend to modify their behavior in public

when seen by others, and attempt to avoid anti-social behavior (Jacobs, 1961). In the design

world, this guideline is meant to give people the means to observe and be observed while in

public areas, this reduces the possibility of harmful behaviors. The real life manifestation of this

is achieved by orienting house windows to overlook community space so that residents observe

the area casually from their homes, and are observed also while using the space by other










neighbors (Figure 6-5). Also, orienting windows towards areas with potential high risks for

problems is also important. These areas, which are out of the public view usually, encourage

criminal or disruptive behavior. Although not necessarily the case at the outset of the camp,

crime could become a serious issue in the long-run. Such a problem is probably the worst in

protracted refugee situations, in which given the high levels of material deprivation and

psychosocial deprivation, high levels of violence are commonplace (Crisp, 2005).

The benefits of such design approach could reach far beyond safety and security issues.

Carefully aligning, and orienting windows to face certain areas in a systematic method eliminates

potential problems within the camp environment. Privacy problems, poor ventilation, and

minimal natural light are results of poor camp design in the first place, and the lack of guidelines

governing the location and orientation of openings in general. The Balata camp is the living

proof of the importance of this point.

Guideline C: Defining Clear Areas of Responsibility in Outdoor Areas

This involves assigning any neglected areas to adjacent housing units by using fencing

and boundary definition techniques. This practice could help encourage residents to utilize the

outdoors more, while providing them with the opportunity to use this additional space for their

own benefit (Figure 6-4). These concepts could prove valuable on the long run in enhancing the

quality of life within the settlement.

Guideline D: Reducing the Number of Alleys and Access Points within the Camp

The aim of this is for residents to achieve a better control over who uses these outdoor

spaces. Having too much pedestrian traffic within these spaces tends to inhibit residents' usage,

and the ability to locate and identify strangers (Figure 6-5).









Guideline E: Adopting Image Enhancing Techniques:


This includes painting each area with a distinct color, and improving outdoor lighting to

improve image, identity, and safety. Newman's principle of image and milieu could relate to

camp design. Enhancing the public spaces and the image of the settlement are important, and

potentially give the displaced a better sense of belonging and self-control (Malkki, 1995). The

Balata camp for example could appear less rundown if bright paint colors were used for example.

Potential Weaknesses of the Defensible Space Approach for Camp and Settlement Design

Alongside with the potential benefits of a DS application in the displacement field, there

are a number of possible problems that could emerge, these are:

1. The issue of cultural sensitivity: As discussed earlier, probably the "Achilles' Heel" of
such an application of DS theory is that it was developed in Anglo-American settings, and
cultural background. What makes this even a more complicated issue is that most
displacement events, especially conflict driven, take place in developing countries with big
cultural variances. Still, the (arguable) universality of some of the theory' s principles has
the potential to be an asset here.

2. The possibility of DS becoming a cookie-cutter approach: It is important not to think of
a DS applications in the field of displacement as standardized design layouts. The idea of
such an application is to assist in designing camps and camp-based solutions in a long-term
thinking manner. It should not be thought of as a standardized design layout. On the
contrary, and understanding of the fundamental concepts behind the theory is important. It
will allow for adapting the theory to suit different settings and conditions. Training of
professionals in the field is crucial for the success of this approach.

3. Does not allow for user input: The original Defensible Space theory represents a form of
top-down planning, and theoretically has no provisions for user input. On the other hand,
modern-day displacement theory literature calls for the involvement of the displaced
populations in the recovery, and relief process (UNHCR, 2000). Second generation
Defensible Space-based theories such as CPTED' do include provisions and mechanisms
for user input (Schneider and Kitchen, 2007).

Overall Study Limitations and Lessons Learned

Overall, the design and execution of our study were both complicated processes.

Conceptual challenges and challenges on the ground played a role on what could be done, and

SCPTED: Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (Crowe, 2000).









limited the scope of the analysis in some cases. Some of these limitations have been discussed

throughout the different sections; the following points expand further on these points.

Study Limitations

* Conflict: The ongoing conflict affected nearly every aspect of this research. From the
design to the execution, and even the analysis. All of these elements could not be
considered without the existing conflict conditions in mind. The duration of the work was
significantly shorter than expected, and especially after a new war between Lebanon and
Israel broke-out during the field work period. Also, the heightened tensions within the
camp area specifically and the overall area in general, made the actual time spent in the
field shorter. It also limited the available work hours. For example, no work was conducted
during the evening hours due to the increased military activity and dangers and that time.
Even during regular daytime work hours, on numerous occasions we had to leave the camp
abruptly during the work because of conflict related skirmishes. The conflict affected the
data collection itself, since the situation the respondents lived in was greatly affected by it.
Their responses were to a certain extent a reflection and a description of these conditions.
Most likely, a similar proj ect in a non-conflict scenario could have some differences in the
responses. Nevertheless, we tried to isolate the effects of the conflict during the field work
through question wording and selection. Also during the analysis in an attempt to achieve a
more accurate understanding of the situation within the camp.

* No previous research available: Our studyis new in the sense that it is taking DS not only
out of an Anglo-American context, but furthermore into a refugee camp context. No
previous research in such setting was available to help guide in the preparation and
execution of this work.

* Research setting was relatively unknown: The overseas location of the target areas
limited the pre-fieldwork site visits. We were unable to spend long periods of times prior
to the actual field-work in the study sites. Also, the shortage of detailed information
available about the specifics of our study areas complicated the situation even more. Such
pre-field work site visits and information could have helped refine the questionnaire and
the research methodology furthermore. It is important to mention here that the
questionnaire was slightly modified during the field work, and an IRB re-
approval/modification was submitted while in the field to address these changes.

* Complexity of the settings: Our study is an attempt to address a multi-faceted, complex
topic. The work was conducted in a relatively short period of time, yet a true
comprehensive understanding of the reality of life within the camp and the village will
require an extensive stay within the settings, much more than what we were capable of
achieving.


2 The war between Lebanon and Israel broke out during the field work in July/07. It increased the tensions within the
West-Bank and Gaza greatly; it also complicated the researcher's travel arrangements due to the movement and
restrictions imposed on the Palestinian territories.










* Difficulties in measurement: Some of the concepts explored here such as territoriality
and neighborhood ties are not easy to measure directly, and require exploring and
measuring tangential phenomenon more than the actual concepts themselves, which are
hard to define yet-alone measure. This could affect some of our results, since it could be
hard to achieve solid conclusions about the concepts under study.

Lessons Learned

* Importance of the local guide: Probably the biggest asset of this study, and arguably any
similar study, was the local guided. The presence of the guide was one of the main
ingredients for success in achieving fieldwork goals. The guide provided more than simply
way finding, his presence made it safer for us, since I was seen by the locals as being
accompanied by one of them. And in times of heightened tensions, as was the case in the
camp, this made me appear more trustworthy, and made the job less complicated. The
guide helped ease respondents' suspicions towards me, and the interview contents. He was
easily recognized by the locals, and his presence made going into homes for interviews
possible, and trouble free. He also helped in some of the study related decisions such as the
division of the study areas into sections according to his knowledge of the area.

* Knowledge of the local customs, language, and culture: This was another important
lesson. My knowledge of the cultural practices and customs of the target areas helped in a
number of issues. First, it allowed me to pick-up on certain issues that might be out of the
reach of someone alien to the culture, such as gender roles for example. Second: It reduced
the time needed in the field, since an outsider to the culture will need a significantly longer
time to adjust, and understand some of the basic themes and practices. Third, it helped
avoid cultural sensitivity pitfalls, for example how to enter any house? How to sit and
behave? What is appropriate to ask and talk about without offending the locals? Some
cultures might see it as offensive to turn-down hospitality as was the case in the camp and
village .

* Knowledge of the language: It would have been extremely hard for me to conduct this
research without a complete knowledge of the Arabic language. Even a basic
understanding of the language would not be sufficient.

* Importance of a flexible methodology and questionnaire-interview: Working in such
complicated environment and with many unknowns, requires any researcher to be flexible
and creative in his/her approach for field-work. A strict-close-ended questionnaire will
most likely miss-out on some of the unique aspects that emerge in the field. Also, upon
starting the fieldwork, one might realize that the environment is much more complicated

3 Rami Ja'areem volunteered kindly to be the guide for this study, his efforts were highly appreciated.

4 I WaS aware of this hospitality issue, and accepted it in nearly all cases. I refused it in once case because I simply
had too much to drink, and immediately the lady that gave me the drink said "don't worry, we are clean!" I of course
took the drink after that, and explained why I refused it in the first place. This is a very telling incident about the
stigma accompanied by camp life, and the rundown environment. It also reflects the common view of refugee-non
refugee relations, where non-refugees such as the residents of the city of Nablus, are assumed to, and do look-down
at refugees, and see them as of lesser status.









than originally anticipated, and the feedback on questions might not be as good as
expected. A pilot study (if possible) is an important step of any similar work.

* Getting out of comfort zone: While working in such environments, one should expect to
end-up in areas that could be dangerous, unhealthy, and uncomfortable as was the case in
during our study. It is important to go with the flow, although there are risk factors
included. Working in such harsh environments is not for the faint-hearted.

* Importance of being street-smart and avoiding incidents if possible: During the field
work, one could expect some incidents, such as meeting people who are unhappy with the
researcher' s presence in the area. It is important to handle such issues smartly and
diplomatically. During the field work, one of the people we met in the street was very loud,
angry, and disrespectful of me, and the guide. It was very important to diffuse the situation,
because an encounter could affect the overall fieldwork, and complicate it even further.

* Importance of local expertise: During the work, valuable feedback and advice was
provided by the guide, and the people working at the Yafa cultural center. It is important to
be always open to such advice, and insight while taking it seriously. It is also important to
listen and respect the opinions of the people, and not to try to show them what one knows
in a condescending manner!

Future Directions

Our study could be considered merely a starting step in a more extensive and multi-staged

future research proj ect. It represents to a certain extent an "expedition into the unknown" and it

simply gives the starting direction for the future work. Its potential could be realized even more

if pursued further, and on a larger scale. As a final thought, incorporating Defensible Space

training in the curriculum for relief workers and agencies could be an achievable and worthwhile

future goal.













Alai Serice lain Roadi

C'I1 -II 1T
Community


Figure 6-1. Cul-de-sac camp layout example: The camp consists of multiple cul-de-sac layouts,
repeated in many different possible formations. Such layouts provide a community
central space, better way finding, a view overlooking the community space, and the
possibility to distribute certain services such as water sources for example. They also
provide each area of the camp with a unique identity, and divide it up into clearly
defined neighborhoods.


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Figure 6-2. Cul-de-sac benefits 1: The central space acts as a space for the community and a
space for the children to play, and although it is a public space, it will be mainly used
by the people living around it. Residents have a clear view of the space therefore
adult supervision of children is possible. It creates opportunities for natural
surveillance































Figure 6-3. Cul-de-sac benefits 2: After the camp starts to expand, these cul-de-sac open spaces
will guarantee at least some light and ventilation for the area even after expansion
(areas hatched in the figure represent expansion). It is most likely that the space will
remain open since it will be important enough for the residents to preserve.































Figure 6-4. Cul-de-sac benefits 3: Easy to define areas of responsibility. The Hatched (left over)
areas will be assigned to the units, meaning that each unit gets it own small yard
and/or back-yard, but the central space will remain assigned for the overall cul-de-
sac. This will create a spatial-hierarchy as follows: Private (the home) to semi-private
(the yard) then semi public (the central space), finally to public (the rest of the camp).
In contrast, the relation within the grid camp is private to public immediately, without
any transition. Another benefit is the distance between facing units (yellow arrows)
remains at a good distance, this will help reduce some problems with privacy.































Figure 6-5. Cul-de-sac benefits 4: Security and access control. The cul-de-sac mainly has one
entrance and access point (the yellow arrow). This will help limit the users to the
area; therefore any strangers will be recognized. The residents have a clear view of
the area (blue arrows), this could help increase the sense of security for the residents.









APPENDIX A
CONSENT FORM, STUDY QUESTIONNAIRE: ENGLISH

University of Florida
Department of Urban and Regional Planning

Dear Participant,
The purpose of this study is to achieve a better understanding of the current living conditions
within your area of residence. A questionnaire will be used to achieve this goal in which a
number of questions relating to your living environment will be asked. These include questions
about your residence area, some of the design features in your house, your usage of outdoor and
near home space, and community relations within your neighborhood. The overall aim of this
study is to suggest improved design guidelines especially in refugee camps.

The research is being conducted by Abdellatif Qamhaieh, a graduate student in the Department
of Urban and Regional Planning at the University of Florida. The questionnaire will require
around 30 minutes to be completed. Your participation is completely voluntary and there is no
risk, compensation or direct benefits to you for participating in this research. Your answers are
completely confidential and will not be individually disclosed. You are free to withdraw your
consent to participate at any time; you also do not have to answer any question you do not wish
to answer. Still, your participation could help develop improved design guidelines especially for
refugee camps.

If you have any questions about the research, please feel free to contact the researcher by phone
at 0599-697989, or via email at abdull@ufl.edu. For further information or questions you could
also contact the research supervisor at the following address: Dr Richard H. Schneider,
Department of Urban and Regional Planning. 431B ARCH Building, University of Florida,
Gainesville, FL 32611, Phone #: 001-(352)-392-0997 ext 430, Fax 001-(352)-392-3308, E-mail:
rschnei@ufl.edu.

Questions or concerns about your rights as a research participant may be directed to: The
University of Florida Institutional Review Board (UFIRB), PO Box 112250, Gainesville, FL
32611; Phone: 001-(352) 392-0433. Email address: irb2@ufl.edu.

By agreeing to the content of this letter, you give me the permission to report your responses
anonymously in the final research document.



I agree to participate ( )

Date:





Outdoor Space and Sense of Community Onestionnaire:


The purpose of this questionnaire is to gather information about the living conditions within your
area of residence. This is a part of a scientific study focusing on the effects of the built
environment on people, specifically in the context of a refugee camp. This questionnaire is
divided into three main section: Section "I" aims at gathering some background information
about the respondent (you) and the area of residence. Section "II" explores the kind of
relationship the respondent has with the outdoor space and the surroundings. Finally, Section
"III" explores neighborhood communal ties and sense of community, in addition to other issues.
The research is being conducted by the researcher as part of his PhD dissertation at the
University of Florida. Please feel free to ask the researcher any questions. Your time and effort
are highly appreciated.

Instructions
Whenever the option is available, please check the box that represents your answers. In all other
questions, please write your responses in the underlined area. You can use the back of the page if
you feel that you need more space, please include the question number in such cases.
If you choose to fill out this questionnaire by yourself, please return it to the following address; it
is possible also to call the researcher at the accompanying phone numbers to arrange for a
pickup:

Abdellatif Qamhaieh,
P.O. Box 843, Asserra Street, Nablus.
Home Phone: 09-2374545.
Cell Phone: 0599-697989.



Section I: Background Information and Context


1. Date (dd/mm/yy):
2. Year of Birth
3. Gender:
4. Occupation:
5. Where do you live? (Camp / City / Village):
6. What neighborhood of camp/city do you live in?
7. How long have you lived here?
8. Do you own or rent the house?
9. Are you Head of Household?
10. How many rooms in the House?
11. Number of stories:
12. What story do you live in?
13. Number of family member living in the House?
14. Does extended family live nearby?


a. ( )Male


b. ( )Female


) Years
( )Own
( )Yes




( )Yes


b. ( )Rent
b. ( )No




b. ( )No









Section II: Relationship to the Outdoor Space, and Surroundings


1 5. Do you have a porch/b alc ony/roof/courtyard?
a. ( )Yes b. ( )No Type:
16. Do you have windows directly on the public street?
a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No If yes, please describe their location and number below:


17. Do you have doors directly on the public street?
a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No If yes, please describe their location and number below:


18. Do you keep your street-level window curtains/blinds open or shut most of the time?
a. ( ) Open b. ( )Shut c. ( ) According to needs
19. If you answered b. (shut) in previous question, please explain the reasons below:

20. Do you have any blocked windows?
a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No If yes, please describe the causes of the blockage below:

21. Do you feel that your house does not have enough space?
a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No If yes, how does this affect you?
(please use back page if needed):

22. Do you feel that your neighborhood is overcrowded?
a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No If yes, how does this affect you?
(please use back page if needed):


23. Do you feel that the distances between your house and your neighbor' s houses are
sufficient?
a. ()Yes b. ()No
24. Do your kids (if applies) play indoors or outdoors most of the time?
a. ( )Indoors b. ( )Outdoors c. ( )Varies
25. If they play outdoors, where do they play? Please name and describe location below:


26. Can you see your kids from your house while they are playing outdoors?
a. ()Yes b. ()No
27. Do you prefer to see your kids while they are playing outdoors?
a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No Please explain the reasons for your answer below:




28. Do you consider the area in front of your house your property?





32. Do you leave personal belongings in front of your house?
a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No Please explain reasons:

33. Do you have any seats in front of your house?
a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No Please explain reasons:

34. Do you have any plant-pots in front of your house?
a. ( )Yes b. ( )No
3 5. Does any member of your household occasionally sit in front of the house?
a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No Please explain reasons:

36. Do you pay attention to what happens on the street near you house?
a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No Please explain reasons:

37. Do you regularly remove any writings off your walls?
a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No Please explain reasons:


38. Do you and your neighbors share the same entrance area?
a. ( )Yes b. ( )No
39. Do you regularly run into your neighbors while entering or leaving your house?
a. ( )Yes b. ( )No
40. Does any member of your household have any problems with the neighbors?
a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No If yes, please explain the
reasons:

41. What is the number of neighbors that are related to you? ( )
42. Do you occasionally borrow items from your neighbors?
a. ( )Yes b. ( )No
43. Do you know most of the people in your neighborhood?


a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No Please explain reasons:


29. If your answer was yes in the previous question, can you describe where you consider
your property ends?

30. Do you consider the area in front of your house your responsibility?
a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No Please explain reasons:


31i. Do you clean the area in front of your house?
a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No Please explain reasons:


Section III: Communal Ties and Sense of Community









a. ()Yes b. ()No
44. Can you usually identify a stranger within your neighborhood?
a. ()Yes b. ()No
45. Do neighbors generally help each other is this neighborhood?
a. ()Yes b. ()No
46. Do you feel that you are different from your neighbors at an economic level?
a. ( ) Better b. ( ) Worse c. ( ) No Difference Explain:

47. Do you feel that the living conditions in your house are different from those of your
neighbors? a. ( ) Better b. ( ) Worse c. ( ) No Difference Explain:

48. What are some of the most important problems you have in your house?

49. Are you aware of any crimes that took place in your neighborhood?
a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No If yes, please describe the type of crime:

50. If there is any trouble related to military operations in the camp, how do you get word
of that?
51. Do you feel safe from crime in your house?
a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No Please explain the reasons for your answer:

52. Do you feel that any member of your household could be harassed while moving
around the neighborhood?
a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No Please explain the reasons for your answer:

53. Do you feel that any member of your household could be harassed while moving
around the camp in general?
a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No Please explain the reasons for your answer:

54. In your opinion, do neighbors look out for each other here?
a. ()Yes b. ()No
55. In your opinion, is there a strong community in the overall camp?
a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No Please explain the reason for your answer:

56. How would you describe in your own words life in your neighborhood?


57. Do you have any additional comments and issues you felt were overlooked?











Please return the completed questionnaire to the following address; it is possible also to call the
researcher at the accompanying phone numbers to arrange for a pickup:

Abdellatif Qamhaieh,
P.O. Box 843, Asserra Street, Nablus.
Home Phone: 09-2374545.
Cell Phone: 0599-697989.


THANK YOU VERY MUCH!









APPENDIX B
CONSENT FORM, STUDY QUESTIONNAIRE: ARABIC

(University of Florida) 1-ll kWrP1













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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Abdellatif Qamhaieh was born in Nablus, Palestine in 1975. He is eldest of two boys and

two girls. He grew up for most part of his life in Nablus during the turmoil that gripped, and

continues to grip the region. He earned his undergraduate degree in architecture from An-Naj ah

National University -Nablus, in 1998. He came to the United States in 2001 as a Clinton

Presidential Scholar. As a graduate student at the University of Florida, he was awarded his

masters degree in Urban and Regional Planning in 2003. He remained in the UF for his PhD

studies and was awarded the UF Alumni fellowship throughout his PhD studies. Abdellatif

married Marah Al-Aloul in December 2004.





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1 TOWARD A NEW THEORY OF RELIEF SPONSORED SETTLEMENT DESIGN: CAMPBASED SOLUTIONS USING DEFENSIBLE SPACE PRINCIPLES By ABDELLATIF AQEEL QAMHAIEH A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2007

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2 2007 Abdellatif Aqueel Qamhaieh

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3 To Palestine--May there be Peace

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4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I thank God for his blessings and his mercy, my parents for their love and support, my wonderful wife Marah for holding my hand through the tough times, and for her love which I feel all the time. I thank my committee for their support, and for making this happen, Tony for being inspiring, Joseli for always caring, and Paul for being great! I thank Dr. Richard Schneider for being the best mentor I could have ever had; he has been a great supporter and a great friend. I thank Debra Anderson for being there helping and loving, Dr. Paul Schauble for his insight and wisdom. He made this research possible despite all the dangers. And last but not least, the people of the Balata refugee camp for their hospitality, and their warmth, may they see a better and brighter future!

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5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...............................................................................................................4 LIST OF TABLES ...........................................................................................................................8 LIST OF FIGURES .........................................................................................................................9 ABSTRACT ...................................................................................................................................12 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................................14 Population Displacement and Defensible Space Theory ........................................................14 Study Hypothesis .............................................................................................................15 Importance of Study ........................................................................................................16 Study Focus and Context ........................................................................................................17 Background: Palestinian Refugees ..................................................................................17 The UNRWA ...................................................................................................................18 Chapter Summary ...................................................................................................................19 2 REVIEW OF LITERAT URE .................................................................................................22 Forced Displacement and Camp Based Solutions ..................................................................22 Effects of Displacement ..................................................................................................24 The Durable Solutions .....................................................................................................26 Shelter Delivery in Displacement Emergencies ..............................................................28 Camp-Based Solutions ....................................................................................................30 Debates against camps .............................................................................................31 Elements affecting the success and failure of camp-based solutions: ......................34 Problems with settlement design ..............................................................................35 Defensible Space ....................................................................................................................38 Defensible Space Theory .................................................................................................39 Critiques of Defensible Space .........................................................................................41 Case Studies in Defensible Space ....................................................................................44 Defensible Space Guidelines in Refugee Camp Design: Important Theoretical Considerations..............................................................................................................45 Chapter Summary ...................................................................................................................46 3 METHODOLOGY .................................................................................................................49 Introduction .............................................................................................................................49 Context ....................................................................................................................................49 The Balata Refugee Camp ......................................................................................................50 The Village of Balata ..............................................................................................................52

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6 Research Design .....................................................................................................................53 Subjects and Sample Selection Process ...........................................................................54 Sample Selection Criteria ................................................................................................55 Informed Consent Process ...............................................................................................56 Questionnaire Design and Research Variables .......................................................................56 The Field Work Process ..................................................................................................59 Data Tabulation and Analysis .........................................................................................60 Data Collection Limitations ............................................................................................61 Chapter Summary ...................................................................................................................64 4 FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS ...............................................................................................74 Introduction .............................................................................................................................74 Findings ..................................................................................................................................75 Section I: Findings on the GroundCurrent Camp Conditions Analysis ...............................76 Findings Related to the Built Environment .....................................................................76 Camp layout .............................................................................................................76 Buildings and building usage ...................................................................................79 Building density and related issues: .........................................................................81 Open space and connectivity: ...................................................................................83 Indoor outdoor connections: window location, and orientation ............................86 Findings on the Ground Relating to Unique Socio-Cultural Aspects .............................87 Neighborhoods and family ties ................................................................................87 Overall community relations ....................................................................................87 The issue of privacy .................................................................................................89 Change in gender roles .............................................................................................90 The change of culture due to the refugee environment ............................................91 The issue of serious crimes ......................................................................................91 Section II: Patterns within the Data ........................................................................................93 Territorial Marking, Behavior and Outdoor Space Appropriation ..................................93 Neighborhood-Level Social Ties and Overall Community Ties .....................................98 Section III: Camp vs. Village .................................................................................................99 Chapter Summary .................................................................................................................102 5 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS ................................................................................141 Possible Reasons for the Lack of Outdoor Space Appropriation: Inhibiting Factors ...........143 Circumstantial Inhibiting Factors (External) .................................................................144 Internal Inhibiting Factors (Socio-Cultural) ..................................................................145 Environmental Related Factors (Physical Environment) ..............................................146 Defensible Space and How it All Fits Together ...................................................................148 6 RECOMMENDATIONS, LESSONS LEARNED, CHALLENGES AND FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS .................................................................................................160 Defensible Space Guidelines Recommended in Refugee Camp Design ..............................160

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7 Guideline A: The Adoption of Cul-De-Sac Layouts While Early in Camp Design stages, and Avoiding Grid-Pattern Designs and Layouts ..........................................160 Guideline B: Creating Better Opportunities for Natural Surveillance through Systematic Orientation of Windows towards Open Spaces and Overlooking Critical Locations .......................................................................................................162 Guideline C: Defining Clear Areas of Responsibility in Outdoor Areas ......................163 Guideline D: Reducing the Number of Alleys and Access Points within the Camp ....163 Guideline E: Adopting Image Enhancing Techniques: ................................................164 Potential Weaknesses of the Defensible Space Approach for Camp and Settlement Design ...............................................................................................................................164 Overall Study Limitations and Lessons Learned ..................................................................164 Study Limitations ..........................................................................................................165 Lessons Learned ............................................................................................................166 Future Directions ..................................................................................................................167 APPENDIX A CONSENT FORM, STUDY QUESTIONNAIRE: ENGLISH ............................................173 B CONSENT FORM, STUDY QUESTIONNAIRE: ARABIC ..............................................179 LIST OF REFERENCES .............................................................................................................184 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .......................................................................................................190

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8 LIST OF TABLES Table page 4-1 Signs of near home space appropriation and territorial marking: The Balata refugee camp .................................................................................................................................105 4-2 Evaluation of neighborhood social ties, and sense of community: The Balata refugee camp .................................................................................................................................105 4-3 Evaluation of crime, fear of crime, and sense of security: The Balata refugee camp .....105 4-4 Evaluation of spatial needs and condition of privacy: The Balata refugee camp ............105 4-5 Signs of near home space appropriation and territorial marking: The village of Balata .106 4-6 Evaluation of neighborhood social ties, and sense of community: The village of Balata ...............................................................................................................................106 4-7 Signs of near home space appropriation and territorial marking: The Balata refugee camp vs. the village of Balata ..........................................................................................106 4-8 Evaluation of neighborhood social ties and sense of community: The Balata refugee camp vs. the village of Balata ..........................................................................................107

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9 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 1-1 Map of Palestine. ...............................................................................................................21 2-1 Grid camp layout................................................................................................................48 3-1 Map of the city of Nablus. .................................................................................................66 3-2 Study locations. ..................................................................................................................66 3-3 A recent aerial-photo of the Balata refugee camp. ............................................................67 3-4 The Balata refugee camp main entrance from the west .....................................................68 3-5 The market street in the camp. ...........................................................................................68 3-6 Further images from the camp ...........................................................................................69 3-7 The historic (Ain Balata) water spring in the Village of Balata ........................................69 3-8 The Village of Balata .........................................................................................................70 3-9 The main mosque and minaret in the Village of Balata.....................................................71 3-10 Traditional Palestinian homes in the Village of Balata. ....................................................72 3-11 Inside the Yafa cultural center ...........................................................................................73 4-1 An overall map of the Balata camp..................................................................................108 4-2 A very chaotic and complex environment .......................................................................109 4-3 A dark and stifling living environment ............................................................................111 4-4 Main camp artery view ....................................................................................................113 4-5 Rundown environment .....................................................................................................113 4-6 Poor building practices ....................................................................................................114 4-7 Unhealthy living environment .........................................................................................115 4-8 Shoulder-width alleys ......................................................................................................116 4-9 Problems with privacy. ....................................................................................................117 4-10 Major alleys .....................................................................................................................119

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10 4-11 Limited vehicle access .....................................................................................................120 4-12 Ideal environment for insurgency ....................................................................................120 4-13 Window heights and locations .........................................................................................121 4-14 Architecture and status .....................................................................................................122 4-15 Children playing in the streets .........................................................................................123 4-16 The privacy nightmare .....................................................................................................124 4-17 Images from life in the camp ...........................................................................................125 4-18 Signs of territorial appropriation ......................................................................................126 4-19 Unique elements within the camp environment ...............................................................127 4-20 Monuments ......................................................................................................................129 4-21 Maintenance and image issues .........................................................................................130 4-22 Signs of outdoor space utilization ....................................................................................131 4-23 A relatively clean environment ........................................................................................132 4-24 Limited connectivity with the outdoors ...........................................................................133 4-25 Large numbers of children ...............................................................................................134 4-26 Signs of conflict within the camp ....................................................................................135 4-27 The Village of Balata .......................................................................................................136 4-28 Natural urban form in the village .....................................................................................136 4-29 The village environment ..................................................................................................138 4-30 Improved transportation in the village .............................................................................139 4-31 A more relaxed environment ...........................................................................................140 5-1 Conflict related restrictions ..............................................................................................152 5-2 Responses to petty theft ...................................................................................................153 5-3 Unique responses to theft and conflict .............................................................................155 5-4 A stressful and unattractive environment ........................................................................155

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11 5-5 Barely any space left ........................................................................................................156 5-6 Signs of territorial appropriation ......................................................................................157 5-7 Unassigned spaces and unclear responsibilities ...............................................................158 5-8 Problems with neighborhood boundaries.........................................................................159 6-1 Cul-de-sac camp layout example .....................................................................................168 6-2 Cul-de-sac benefits 1........................................................................................................169 6-3 Cul-de-sac benefits 2........................................................................................................170 6-4 Cul-de-sac benefits 3........................................................................................................171 6-5 Cul-de-sac benefits 4........................................................................................................172

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12 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy TOWARD A NEW THEORY OF RELIEFSPONSORED SETTLEMENT DESIGN: CAMPBASED SOLUTIONS USING DEFENSIBLE SPACE PRINCIPLES By Abdellatif Aqueel Qamhaieh August 2007 Chair: Richard Schneider Major: Design, Construction, and Planning Forced population displacement is a worldwide phenomenon that can take place due to conflict, and natural or man-made disasters. Such displacement events usually have a sudden onset and a short duration, yet they cause the displaced populations pain and misery that lasts for a long time, even generations in some cases. At certain points in their lives, some of the displaced will find themselves living in refugee camps or settlements sponsored either by the aid community, or the governments of the host countries. These camps and settlements are usually established rapidly because of the immediate needs of the population. They are designed in most cases to be temporary under the assumption that the displacement event is short lived. Yet, historically, these camps and settlements have proven to be problematic because of the limited planning they receive as a result of their perceived temporariness. Our study explores the introduction of new theory into the field of camp and settlement design. It suggests incorporating Defensible Space theory and principles into this field. The theory was first introduced to improve living conditions within rundown, lower-income neighborhoods in the US. It could prove to be beneficial in the field of population displacement due to its simplicity, adaptability, and possible universality of some of its main principles.

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13 Included in our study is field work in a Palestinian refugee camp and village. The built-environment within the Balata refugee camp and the nearby Balata village are examined, and compared in an attempt to understand if Defensible Space could be beneficial in similar contexts. Existing conditions within the two settings are analyzed, while looking at some of the elements viable, and has potential benefits despites some weaknesses and shortcomings.

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14 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Population Displacement and Defensible Space Theory Forced population displacement is a world-wide phenomenon that takes place as a result of natural and man-made causes. The consequences of such events are mostly traumatic and devastating for the affected populations. These consequences usually outlive the actual displacement event itself, and the displaced populations are left with the daunting task of rebuilding their lives, while coping with the memories of a violent event and a home lost. It is important that governments and the international community attempt to prevent such events from taking place in the first place, but it is also their responsibility to deliver aid and relief to the displaced populations when such devastating events do take place. This aid and assistance is essential for their survival and recovery, and without it, their lives and well-being could be at risk. One of the important aspects of aid delivery is shelter provision. Displaced populations need immediate shelter to provide them with protection from the surrounding environment. This shelter has to provide more than the basic needs; it should sustain family and community life as much as possible, and provide the means for a dignified life (The Sphere Project, 2004). Planned settlements (especially camps) have historically been the most widespread method of shelter delivery, at the same time the most controversial. Despite their widespread use, these settlement solutions have been plagued with a series of political and technical problems which affect the displaced populations greatly (Saunders, 2004). While it is evident when looking at the design of these settlements, most of the focus over the years was on the individual shelter unit, whereas the overall layout has received less attention. Recently, more attention is being given to settlement

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15 layouts due to the negative long-term effects that poorly designed settlements might have (UNHCR, 2000). On a different front, and in urban settings, Defensible Space theory was first coined by Oscar Newman in 1973. It came as a response to the deteriorating living conditions in public housing projects and inner-city areas within the US. The theory singled-out specific characteristics of the built environment as factors which could contribute to certain social ills such as crime, and the breakdown of community ties. It also provided specific design recommendations which could help address some of those problems (Newman, 1995). Over the years, Defensible Space (or DS) has had its fair share of critics and supporters, yet it has demonstrated the possibility for some relative success within certain urban contexts (Cisneros, 1995). Our study is an attempt to explore the potential links between both settlement design (focusing on refugee camps) and DS theory. It will look at the possibility of implementing, and possible benefits, if any, for such an implementation in order to help determine if it is a viable approach, and helpful for the displaced populations. Study Hypothesis Our study adopts the hypothesis that providing the population within a refugee camp with a chance for territorial appropriation of public space, mainly through shelter unit orientation and by creating mini-neighborhood style layouts as suggested by the Defensible Space principles, could increase the usability of the outdoor near-home open space, and therefore increase the possibility for positive casual social contact. This casual contact might enhance local social ties, and improve communal support networks. Further possible benefits of such layouts are an increased sense of security, the development of a distinct character and identity for each area,

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16 increased control over the environment for the displaced population, and an enhancement of the overall image of the camp. According to our knowledge, this adoption of DS theory in the planning and design of refugee camps or camp-based solutions remains untested in this field to the present time. To conduct a true applicability test of this theory will require a real life application which will have to include actual design modifications on the ground. It will also require significant time to understand the immediate and long term affects of these modifications. Such an application is not possible within the limitations of our study; instead we suggest the adoption of DS theory based on our observations through the literature, and through the field work that explores some of the basic concepts of the theory as they occur naturally in real life. Future research in this area could provide further evidence to the applicability or the inapplicability in refugee camp contexts. Importance of Study In the cases of displacement emergencies, most relief sponsored camps settlements are designed to be temporary. In reality, multiple examples worldwide show that such settlements usually last more than originally intended, even decades in some cases. For example, the Palestinian refugee camps established in 1948 were intended to be temporary solutions but are now 59 years old, and with no sign of being dismantled anytime soon (BADIL, 2006). Therefore, proper planning is necessary for the well being of the displaced populations, and to avoid any negative long-term effects of poorly planned environments. There is a general awareness within the displacement field of the importance of proper settlement planning. This is most evident through the recent design guidelines provided by a number of relief agencies and international bodies such as the UNHCR (2000) and others as will be discussed later in this study. These

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17 agencies call for long-term camp planning and provide multiple design solutions to help improve the built environments and living conditions within these camps. Defensible Space on the other hand potentially brings something new to the table. Its principles are relatively flexible, and simple. And unlike any cookie-cutter design solutions, they could be tailored to fit in different contexts. The theory draws upon some basic notions of human potential for cross cultural adaptability as is explored in our study. Incorporating such principles of DS early on in the camp design process could prove relatively simple, and cost effective. Most importantly, well planned camps or settlements are better starting points for the recovery of the displaced populations. Study Focus and Context Our study looks closely at a Palestinian refugee camp within the West-Bank/ Palestine (Figure 1-1). It is important here to provide some background information early-on about Palestinian refugees in general. This will help the reader better understand some of the aspects of this study, and some of the steps taken. Background: Palestinian Refugees Palestinian refugees are one of the biggest political refugee populations in the world today. Nearly every two out of five political refugees worldwide are Palestinians (BADIL, 2006). According to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) -the main international refugees was nearly 4.3 million in 2007 (UNRWA, 2007a). Despite the official figures, it is estimated that the actual total Palestinian population displaced since the early 20th century exceeds the 6 million mark. This number includes non-registered refugees, internally displaced

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18 populations, and displaced populations prior to the creation of the UNRWA in 1949. Today, roughly three quarters of all Palestinians are displaced in one form or another (BADIL, 2006). The population displacement in Palestine occurred as a direct outcome of the events leading up to, and following the creation of the state of Israel in 1948. In this year and the following years, the biggest movement of Palestinians population took place. Between 1947 and 1951, nearly 750,000 Palestinians were forcefully removed or fled their homes, cities, and villages which were located within the modern day boundaries of Israel. A second wave of displacement took place after the 1967 Arab Israeli war. Israel took control over the West-Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem which were under Jordanian mandate at the time. The war caused the flight of nearly 430,000 Palestinians initially, with additional smaller scale refugee movements in the following years. Today, some internal displacement still takes place due to home demolitions and the building of the security barrier between Israeli and Palestinian areas (BADIL, 2006). Over all, after nearly sixty years of displacement, and roughly three generations, Palestinian refugees remain living in 59 refugee camps distributed in the West-Bank, Gaza, Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan (UNRWA, 2007a). With no political solution or end in sight, these of statelessness, and with minimal representation -while being deprived some of the most basic freedoms and rights. More information about Palestinian refugees will be provided throughout this study. The UNRWA The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine refugees (UNRWA) was created in December of 1949 by the United Nations General assembly. The agency was created specifically to help any refugees from the territory of the British mandate for Palestine regardless

PAGE 19

19 developmental programs for these Palestinian refugees. It was originally intended to be a short lived organization, yet its mandate has been renewed repeatedly due to the absence of a political solution for the Palestinian -Israeli conflict. This mandate covers refugees in the West-Bank, Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan. In these areas, the agency provides its services in the fields of education, health, shelter, social-services, micro-credit loans, and emergency relief. And most of its 28,000 employees are Palestinian refugees themselves (2007b). Chapter Summary Our study tackles what we consider to be a very important global issue. Providing properly designed settlements and refugee camps for displaced populations is a pressing and important subject, with growing importance lately because of the ongoing conflicts and tragedies worldwide. Millions of people in different parts of the world live in poorly designed camps and settlements that are established or sponsored by the relief community and the host governments. Yet, most of the living conditions within these settlements are very problematic and have far-reaching negative effects on the lives of the people. Alternative thinking should be present, and this research attempts to look at an alternative approach for camp and settlement design. It suggests incorporating Defensible Space theory and its design guidelines into the field of shelter delivery for displaced populations. Our study is divided into six chapters. After this introduction, chapter two will look at some of the relevant literature in the fields of population displacement, refugee camps and settlements, and Defensible Space theory and application. Chapter three goes over the methodology developed for this study. It describes the study contexts, research tools and the steps taken for gathering and processing the data. Chapter four presents and analyzes the research findings obtained through the field work; it also compares the two different study areas and extracts important comparison information. Chapter five presents the research discussion and

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20 conclusions. It describes the potential benefits and weaknesses of Defensible Space in refugee camp design as explored and corroborated through the research findings and fieldwork. Finally, chapter six concludes our study by detailing the design guidelines that are suggested for this DS application, it also goes over the overall study weaknesses, lessons learned, and future research directions.

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21 Figure 1-1. Map of Palestine: Outlined in the dashed line, the country consists of two separate territories: the larger area is the West-Bank, where the city of Nablus is located. The city of Nablus contains the sites for this study. The other Palestinian territory is the Gaza Strip located on the Mediterranean and adjacent to Egypt. Source: University of Texas at Austin map libraries, accessed July 15/ 2007 from http://www.lib.utexas.edu /maps/cia07/israel_sm_2007.gif

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22 CHAPTER 2 REVIEW OF LITERAT URE Forced Displacement and Camp Based Solutions Forced population displacement could take place due to natural or man-made causes. The affected populations fear for their lives and decide to leave their homes in search of a safer living environment. This forced population displacement (or forced migration) takes place especially are facing more risk than opportunity by staying in their Not all population displacement is forced; large numbers of people leave their homes everyday in search of better income opportunities and better lives. It is important to clarify here that Forced population displacement will be the main focus throughout this text; economic migration is not within the scope of our study. The causes for forced population displacement are multiple; they are for most part natural or man-made, or a combination of both. Muggah (2003) summarizes these causes into four categories: natural or man-made disasters, ethnic or religious persecution, large-scale development projects such as dams, and armed conflict. Whenever displacement takes place, the affected populations are usually devastated and suffer greatly. Following the horrors and mass displacements of WWII, the agency of the United Nations Higher Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) realized the need to address the issue of the large number of displaced people in Europe. The convention relating to the status of refugees took the rights of these refugees were declared. According to the convention, the term refugee refers to a person who "owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion, is outside the country

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23 of his nationality, and is unable to or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country" (UNHCR, 2006, p16). The convention also defined the rights and obligations towards the refugees. Some of these rights include those of protection, education, and the right to work in the country of asylum. Despite the importance of the 1951 convention in clarifying the rights of refugees, it only addressed the rights of those who are forcibly displaced across international borders. During the last few decades of 20th century, numerous violent ethnic conflicts and wars of independence took place world-wide. These conflicts displaced large amounts of people and continue to do so, but mostly within the borders of their own countries. These displaced populations are known as h, 2003). Because of issues relating to state sovereignty and international laws, these IDPs do not fall under the UNHCR mandate for protection and aid as refugees do. They are for the most part under the mercy of their own governments who are usually responsible for the displacement in the first place. Most IDPs share with refugees the same (if not worse) plight during displacement, but they receive only a fraction of the aid and support the refugees do (2003). During the last two decades, the issue of IDPs has become the prominent issue in the field of forced displacement. As of 2004, there were 10 million registered refugees and 25 million IDPs worldwide, with unofficial numbers even greater than that (UNHCR, 2004). More attention is being given to this problem especially with the changing nature of wars and conflicts. The situations in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Darfur region in Sudan are grim reminders of this serious problem, and of the plight of both IDPs and refugees. The UNHCR has recently become more

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24 involved in the issue of IDPs, but still not fully involved. 1 The agency in 1998 issued the of the host states and agencies in helping and protecting IDPs, although they are only recommendations and are not legally binding according to international law. Nevertheless, the UNHCR helps and protects 5 million out of the 25 million IDPS worldwide (UNHCR, 2004). Agencies such as the International Red Cross and Mdecins Sans Frontires are heavily involved with IDPs, but the effectiveness of their work is affected greatly by the cooperation or obstruction by the host governments. Effects of Displacement It is extremely hard to systemically categorize the effects of forced displacement on people. Although the overall scenarios might share similarities, each displacement event has its own unique set of problems and dangers. The reasons for the uniqueness of each situation have to do with the different causes of displacement, the distinct geographic settings in each case, and -economic backgrounds. For example, people fleeing ethnic conflict in Eastern Europe could face different problems than those displaced by famine as an attempt to predict and determine the problems leading to displacement, and later caused by it. The model categorizes the main problems resulting from population displacement, and suggests strategies to reverse some of these risks -all in a comprehensive and detailed manner. Ager (1999) on the other hand, breaks-up refugee experiences into five distinct stages. Defined 1 The UNHCR mandate only covers displaced populations crossing international borders (official refugees). IDPS 2004)

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25 as specific to political refugees, these stages are similar to the experiences of most displaced populations, especially those fleeing violence. They are as follows: -could be marked by violence, economic hardship, political oppression, and social breakdown in addition to other contributing factors. most traumatic period due to the loss of home, family members, livelihoods, and the dangers during the actual displacement itself. physically affected, fearful of the future and for the most part angered or grieving for their losses. The fourth stage icamps, the settlement stage could be considered an extended part of the displacement experience, accompanied by extreme stressors and significant hardships. The fifth and final stage ac-term solutions for the displacement issue are sought out. This stage is marked by cultural conflict, employment difficulties, social and psychological difficulties, and intergenerational conflict. One of the outcomes of this stage could be the dependency syndrome, in which the displaced become completely dependent on aid (1999). The dependency syndrome will be explored in more detail later in this study. The literature indicates that the problems facing the displaced populations reach far beyond the loss of the physical belongings. The long term effects of the displacement could be even more dangerous and damaging. Harrell-Bond (1986) documented symptoms of violent behavior, extreme depression, loss of personal identity, anxiety, and hopelessness among Ugandan refugees in Sudan. Shkilnyk (1985) described the devastating living conditions of Obijwa Indians in Canada, in which group rape, alcoholism, child abuse, and communal violence became the norm after displacement. Eruesto (2002) described the breakdown of culture in refugee camps in Angola. Because of the disruption in communal life after the displacement event, the cultural practices and the customs of the original community were not passed-on to the newer generations causing a loss of tradition and identity. These examples are merely samples of

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26 the negative effects of displacement. The actual list is much longer and is beyond the scope of this research. The Durable Solutions The International community represented by the UNHCR endorsed the policy of from their country of asylum to a new country that provides the displaced with a chance for a better life, and where they become citizens of the host country. This scenario was considered a western states. The receiving countries also operated under the assumption that the large refugee populations could have positive impacts on their economies, especially through the provision of large labor forces (Harrell-Bond, 1995). During the 1960s, the policies towards solutions for displacement began to shift in favor of more temporary solutions. This shift was an outcome of the situation in Africa, including decolonization, and the wars against imperialism. These wars of independence displaced numerous populations. The Organization of African Unity (OAU) convention relating to refugees was held in 1969. The UNHCR was heavily involved in this convention. The main theme was that the upheaval in Africa was temporary, therefore the refugees will return home (returning to the country of origin) became the goal sought after by both UNHCR and involved governments (Harrell-Bond, 1995). Repatriation according to the UNHCR is still considered the favorable solution for the problem of displacement until this day. Still, some of the more recent research in the field of forced displacement suggests that displacement does not end after repatriation and that the repatriated will face serious challenges that require the help of both governments and the aid-agencies upon their return to their original countries (Chimni, 2002).

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27 solutions are resettlement, repatriation, and local integration into the country of first asylum (UNHCR, 2000). As mentioned earlier, repatriation is assumed to be the favorable solution and the one to be pursued, whereas resettlement has become a rare case due to its complexity (from a legal and political perspective), and because of the large numbers of displaced populations especially in Africa and Asia, and the stiffened immigration policies in the western countries, especially with the large numbers of economically driven migrants within these countries. The local integration solution has been the most adopted since the 1970s, especially in Africa. Local integration could take shape in a number of forms mainly: assimilation within local populations of the host countries, the establishment of camps or planned settlements, and the establishment of agricultural settlements. Both camps and agricultural settlements are the most widely adopted solutions by UNHCR, aid agencies, and governments. These camps and settlements have proved over time to be problematic, and could even hinder the development and the recovery of the displaced populations. Examples of failures of such settlements are widely documented especially in Africa (Harrell-Bond, 1986, 1995; Muggah, 2003). In the case of IDPs, the causes of the displacement play a major role in determining the form of the solutions. In the case of conflict induced displacement and with the absence of aid, the displaced populations usually settle themselves spontaneously within a geographic area, or assimilate within other local communities. In the cases where the aid and protection are available, the IDPs could settle within internationally sponsored camps. These camps are considered temporary solutions until the causes of displacement subside (Muggah, 2003). In some cases, the displaced never make it to these camps, and have to depend on their own means

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28 to survive. Such examples are common in Colombia and Burundi where the displaced survive alone in the jungle (Vincent and Sorensen, 2001). The situation differs in the case of development induced displacement. The displacement is planned by the governments and usually carried out over long periods of time. The affected populations are usually compensated financially or moved to new planned settlements. Nevertheless, development induced displacement could be as devastating to the affected populations as any other forms of displacement. This issue of development induced displacement is not without controversy; since it is thought to be avoidable through better planning practices (Cernea, 1996; 2000; Muggah, 2003). Shelter Delivery in Displacement Emergencies Providing shelter for displaced population is a necessity, and has been at the core of the relief systems since its beginnings. It has also been one of its most controversial components. Shelter is essential for the well-being of the displaced. It should provide them with immediate protection; it should also provide them in the long term with more than just the basic protection. The following excerpt is from the shelter guidelines section in the Sphere Project Handbook (The Sphere Project, 2004); it summarizes some of the minimum expectations from the shelter provided in the cases of emergencies: Shelter is a critical determinant for survival in the initial stages of a disaster. Beyond survival, shelter is necessary to provide security and personal safety, protection from the climate and enhanced resistance to ill health and disease. It is also important for human dignity and to sustain family and community life as far as possible in difficult circumstances. Shelter and associated settlement and non-food item responses should support communal coping strategies, incorporating as much self-sufficiency and self-management into the process as possible, any such responses should also minimize the long-term adverse impact on the environment, whilst maximizing opportunities for the affected communities to maintain or establish livelihood support activities (p208).

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29 Some of the shelter requirements mentioned in this previous paragraph, especially those relating to community building, are notions highly supported by Defensible Space theory as will be explored in future sections. ---solutions have been known to fall short when it comes to addressing some of the needs stated above. They also have a number of long term problems that negatively affect the recovery of the displaced populations (Schmidt, 2003). When looking at the overall shelter delivery sector, it has been plagued by a number of political and technical issues since its beginnings. Probably one of the most challenging and -based solutions are planned to be temporary, although in multiple cases, these camps and settlements last for generations. This temporary designation means that less planning goes into the design of these scenarios, therefore this usually leads to poor living conditions on the long-run. The driving force behind the temporary designation is generated within the relief agencies from the principle of repatriation, and the belief that the displaced will eventually return home, or at least move to different solution (Harrell-Bond, 1995; Saunders, 2004). Another reason for this temporary designation is political, and is especially evident in the case of political refugees. Most host governments do not welcome a refugee or a displaced planned and well developed camp-based settlements could be seen as permanent solutions, and as a challenge to the host countthe governments of these host countries will resist (even sabotage in some cases) such notion of

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30 permanency for refugee populations. The permanent settlement planning approach could also be rejected by the leadership of the refugees themselves. They will most likely fear that any permanent living arrangements could hurt their cause and their right of return (Saunders, 2004). Such dilemma and dynamic has been keeping Palestinian refugees stranded in inhumane refugee camps for nearly sixty years. Another problem within the shelter delivery system is that the sector itself is not properly defined. There is an ambiguity within the terms and definitions used even within the literature. Camps, settlements, transitional settlements and other terms could be used interchangeably to settlements planning, and could rely on outside contractors, or even military forces to provide the shelter. The contractors are usually more focused on promoting their products and prefabricated units than on the long-term well being of the displaced populations (Saunders, 2004). Camp-Based Solutions The camp-based solutions could be traced back to the 1960s in Africa. Refugee camps established in Uganda, Tanzania, and Kenya where some of the first to be created (Bakhet, 1987). Over the years, the camp-based solutions took a number of different forms: refugee camps, settlements, rural settlements and agricultural settlements, although the similarities are usually greater than the differences. The names camps and settlements are sometimes used interchangeably to refer to the same case. The main distinction between the types seems to be in the levels of self sufficiency, with camps being the most dependent on aid, whereas settlements, especially agricultural settlements, seem to have certain amounts of self sufficiency with less aid dependency compared to former. Another distinction in the definitions seems to come from the permanency factor, and from the anticipated final solution, that is: Camps tend to be temporary and settlements tend to be more permanent. Still, the definitions are loose, and are far from being

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31 clear cut (Harrell-Bond, 1995; Muggah, 2003; Schmidt, 2003). In some cases, even the UNHCR themselves use camps and settlements interchangeably in some cases, an example of that is the Rhino Camp (official name) in Uganda. The UNHCR describes it as a settlement in some of its documents, but in other documents it describes it as a camp (Schmidt, 2003). For the purposes of our study, the focus will be on the similarities in camp/settlement designs and weakness, especially for refugee populations. No distinction will be made between the different types of camp based solutions. In order to limit confusion, all these different setups will be referred to as camps or camp-based solutions following this point in the study, unless a distinction is necessary. Debates against camps Camp-based solutions have both their supporters and critics. Generally speaking, these solutions are subject to heavy criticism by researchers and practitioners in the displacement field as will be discussed below. Despite the criticism, these camps remain for the most part the most widely adopted shelter solutions for a number of legitimate reasons, and especially because of the lack of less-problematic alternatives. Some of the driving forces behind this are host governments in the countries of asylum. These governments are usually interested in keeping the displaced population confined within one area for political and economic reasons, in addition to the encamping of refugees is the managerial ted by most host countries and relief agencies for well -rehearsed political, (p49). Another Important reason for adopting camp solutions is that displaced populations usually tend to group themselves into spontaneous settlements even before any aid agency arrives at the scene. Such spontaneous settlements could usually become the core of the later aid-established camp-based solutions (Crisp and Jacobson, 1998).

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32 As for the support for camps, even the most avid supporters agree that these solutions inherently have a number of problems. Despite this, the argument for supporting these solutions generates from the idea that the displaced populations will have to self-settle in the absence of camps. By self-settling, the displaced could be in a far worse situation because of the absence of coordinated security and aid (Crisp and Jacobson, 1998). Other points in the favor of camp-based solutions include that the displaced populations will remain visible, which makes it easier to register them, provide them with aid and protection, and to help in the long term recovery process. It also makes attracting donor money an easier task, especially with the media focus on such camps (Harrell-Bond, 1986; Crisp and Jacobson, 1998) Looking at the debates against camp-based solutions, they are multiple and are usually spurred-by the negative impacts of life within these camps as will be demonstrated throughout our study. Probably the most discussed negative aspect of camp-cy -the displaced become heavily dependent on outside aid. And that it affects their ability to rebuild their lives, especially in long term situations. The aid starts to diminish after a certain period of time leading to poverty-like conditions. The dependency syndrome seems to be widely accepted within the displacement field. Yet, some researchers see it as an attempt to blame the displaced populations for the failures of both aid delivery systems, and host government policies (Crisp and Jacobson, 1998). Harrell-Bond (1999) argues that problems of the displaced are further complicated and exaggerated by the stereotype that they are helpless, homogeneous people. And that some of the problems they face are due mainly to this belief within the aid-delivery community.

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33 One more debate against camps is that these solutions create protracted situations in which the displaced populations could remain confined to camps for long periods of time. In the mean time, they are unable to improve themselves or return to some kind of normalcy. The UNHCR remain in the camps for more than 5 years (Schmidt, 2003). According to Jamal (2003), put, a protracted refugee situation is one in which refugees find themselves in a long-lasting and intractable state of limbo. Their lives may not be at risk but their basic rights and essential economic, social and psychological needs remain unfulfilled after years in exile. Such a refugee (p4). It could be fair to assume that life within camps, combined especially with the restrictive policies of host governments, keeps the attention of the host governments, the displaced population, and the aid agencies focused on the displacement event itself. The displaced are usually haunted by their previous ordeal which prevents them from moving-on with their lives. They could spend the rest Frelick, 2004). The security situation is another debate against camp-based solutions. These settlements protect the displaced somewhat. But, by grouping large numbers of refugees in a certain location, they could be an easy target for armed forces and paramilitary troops especially if the cause of displacement was still ongoing. The camps themselves become recruiting grounds for resistance and insurgency movements. This further jeopardizes the safety of the displaced population, and causes complications with the host government and other local population. In some extreme cases, the aid money itself is used by individuals from within the refugees to buy weapons and to fund these resistance movements. Such a situation not only jeopardizes the lives of the displaced,

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34 but also could put in danger the lives of the relief workers, while greatly undermining their credibility and complicating their work (Terry, 2002). Further negative effects of camp-based solutions include, the isolation and stigma from the surrounding communities, the shortage of jobs, the lack of self-governance, high-density living conditions lack of privacy, rapid spread of diseases, and severe environmental degradation due to consumption of natural resources and high pollution levels. The spread of crime within camps is also noticeable especially in protracted situations in which the near poverty conditions last for a long time and could contribute to a wide range of social-ills and problems (Fernandash and Walker, 2002; Crisp, 2005). Most of these negative impacts are directly affected by the size and duration of the camp, the bigger it is, and the longer it remains, the more these shortcomings become magnified, and harder to remedy (Black, 1995; Van-Dammne, 1995; Jamal, 2003). Elements affecting the success and failure of camp-based solutions: Life conditions within camps could be affected greatly by a number of interwoven factors. The success or failure of such a settlement solution (although relative) is greatly affected by these factors. Some of these include: the Host government policies, the amount of assistance provided by aid agencies, the geographic location of the settlement, and the economic factors. Other issues include levels of security and freedom, levels of self administration, and camp layout and planning (Jamal, 2003). Probably the most important factors to affect the displaced population are the policies and attitude of the host government. Bowles (1998), in her description of Burmese refugee camps in Thailand, noted that the refugees were directly affected by amounts of freedom and self control given to them by the host government. The Burmese refugees lived in small camps which were administered by the refugees themselves. Later because of government requirements, the refugees were moved to large-fenced camps under the premise of security. In these cases, the camps were administered by the government, and the refugees had

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35 no say in the matters of their daily lives. Bowles noted that large numbers of refugees attempted to leave the camps. She also noted that more social problems emerged, and the people living within these camps became more and more dependent on outside aid. Payne (1998) argues that for the any newly established camps and settlements to be livable and sustainable, the displaced communities have to be allowed to integrate into the social, legal, and political systems of the host community and country. Payne developed her remarks while studying agricultural-settlements established for IDPs in Uganda; she also noted that these settlements should address more than just the needs of food, security, and shelter, they should provide the environment that could address long term social reconstruction needs. Problems with settlement design Historically, the most adopted form of camp-layouts has been the regimented layout, or the grid pattern layout (Figure 2-1). This layout has proven to be problematic over the years and there seems to be a general awareness in the relief field that these forms should be avoided. These regimented designs remain used in most cases. This is due to a number of reasons, but mainly because these regimented designs have been adopted repeatedly and are easier to deploy, especially when time is critical. Another important reason is that these camps are assumed to be temporary, and that the displaced population will return to their homes sooner-or-later. Real-life situations ,such as in the case of Palestinian refugees and others, have demonstrated that for the most part these camps could last for decades. This notion of temporariness could impede any serious planning attempts, and is usually enforced by the attitudes and policies of the host government (Zetter, 1995; 1999; Fernandash and Walker, 2002) As for the deficiencies of regimented camp layouts, these layouts are usually alien to the displaced populations, who in most cases originate from rural settings and from village environments. The new regimented living environment in the camp could lead to de-socialization

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36 within the community of the displaced. This potentially creates dependency and inhibits social cohesion (Zetter, 1995), as Zetter further describes the situation: (p52).These regimented layouts provide little room for growth, and become crowded easily with higher risks of diseases and epidemics spreading, especially when the population is large. Fernandash and Walker (2002) suggest that these regimented and alien environments take away some of the dignity of the displaced population. Consequently, the sense of community and privacy are lost due to the layout. The children might not have areas to play undinformally and formally. The layouts increase the distance needed to get to some essential provisions such as food and water, and further create dangerous situations for women and children, especially during hours of darkness. Oliver-Smith (1991) argues that one of the reasons for the failure of camps and settlements could be the layout. Imposing regimented-uniformed designs deprive the displaced populations from spaces that could possibly foster social-relationships, and could prevent the clustering of kin. Both these issues are essential to the displaced as they help create the support-networks needed for the people to be able to reconstruct their lives. It is important to note here that Defensible Space theory both explains and addresses similar problems to those observed in these camps. Lack of territorial zones of influence, minimal boundary definition and minimal natural surveillance arguably relate to the issues occurring within these camps. Defensible Space theory and its principles will be discussed in detail in later sections. As mentioned earlier, there is an increased awareness in the field of displacement relating to the importance of settlement layout and how it affects the displaced populations in the long-run. In their Handbook for Emergencies, the UNHCR (2000) calls for applying long term

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37 planning principles while designing camps, and for avoiding the regimented layouts in favor of decentralized, more organic layouts that resemble naturally-occurring village atmospheres. They further indicate that the camp layout should also focus on family unit, and on community space, as much as it focuses on the individual housing units. Cuny (1977; 1983), was one of the first to bring to the forefront the importance of long term planning in camp design. His work in a number of refugee camps, especially in India and South America, helped shed some light on the importance of camp layouts in the long-term recovery of the displaced populations. Similar design guidelines as those in the UNHCR handbook are found in other major documents in the by The Sphere Project (2004). These handbooks and others call for avoiding regimented settlement layouts, and for focusing on layouts that foster and support community ties in order to assist in the recovery of the displaced populations. In summary, recently more attention has been given to camp and settlement layout and design within the displacement field. The regimented layout has proven its weaknesses over the years, and more suitable alternatives are being sought out. The situation remains far from perfect though, and the regimented layouts are still in use in multiple cases. The planning of refugee camps is affected greatly by being designated as temporary, and by the numerous political factors at play in the displacement situations. It is also important to mention here that despite the negative consequences of poorly designed living environments, they only play a limited role in the overall bigger picture. The refuge experience and its resulting conditions are very traumatic events, and are also very complicated on so many different political, social, cultural, and economical levels

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38 Defensible Space Issues involving camp design and layout have an interesting, and potentially fruitful-common ground with the idea of Defensible Space (DS), a theory developed out of an entirely different literature, crime prevention planning and design. The paper will focus now on the DS theory, and briefly describe how the two seemingly very distinct fields may be linked for the purposes of the present study. Defensible space theory was first developed by Oscar Newman in 1973, as a response to the deteriorating living conditions within public housing projects in the US. Since its beginning, the theory has been widely debated by a significant number of researchers and practitioners in the fields of criminology, urban design, and environmental behavior sciences. Like previous theories that link environment and behavior such as the work of Jacobs (1961) and Lynch (1960), Defensible Space suggests the presence of a link between the design of the physical environment and the behavior of its users. Yet DS differs from most other environmental-behavior theories such as the above, by being based on quantitative research, and by providing design guidelines that could, according to the theory, affect the way people react to the environment (Schneider and Kitchen, 2002). Oscar Newman, an architect and a planner, developed DS through his observation of Pruitt-Igoe housing project -located in St. Louis, Missouri. The project was designed to represent a new era in public housing design in the US. Through these observations, he witnessed the failure of the project, and the emerging terrible living conditions marked by crime, vandalism, fear, and widespread littering. He compared Pruitt-Igoe to other nearby non-high-rise housing projects and came to the conclusion that the design of the project helped amplify, and complicate some of these problems. This premise was the basis for development of the Defensible Space

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39 include the work of Elizabeth Wood (1961) in her efforts to reform public housing in the 1940s and 1950s, and writings in urban crime such as the work of Shlomo Angel (1968). Research in territorially and human environment-behavior such as the work of Sommer (1969) and Hall (1969) was also important. All thesthese theories borrow some from DS, and share similar aims of reducing crime, and improving the quality of life (Feslon, 2002) Defensible Space Theory Oscar Newman defines Defensible Space as a surrogate term for the range of mechanismsreal and symbolic barriers, strongly defined areas of influence, and improved opportunities for surveillance that combine to bring an environment under the control of its (1973, p3). To further understand this definition, defensible space could be considered a set of design recommendations built on a number of principles, these principles are derived Newman apacity of the physical environment to create perceived zones of territorial influencecertain physical characteristics, give its users a sense of responsibility over spaces even if they outwards, and towards that public space. He argues that the physical space people live in could be divided into four distinct zones namely private, semi-private, semi-public and public space. In

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40 order to secure and enhance the built environment, most of this public or semi-public space should be considered by its users, at least conceptually, as part of their semi-private or private and the concept is that people will tend to defend and secure their own environment. Therefore, built environment might be better protected (Felson, 2002). Newman suggests that for the territorial zones of influence to be achieved, physical and symbolic barriers and boundaries are essential to define the extent of these zones. Boundary definition utilizes anything from fences to pathways, and even vegetation. According to Newman, Space in not about fencing, it is about the reassignment of areas and responsibilities, -it is about ownership and control. The result of this reassignment of responsibilities is aimed at creating a safer environment, and promoting stronger community ties. defined by Newman as the capacity of the physical design to provide surveillance opportunities (1973, p78). By providing people a chance to observe the public space, and to be observed by other people while being in the public space, this could render the environment safer, or at least create a sense of security which translates into better usage of public space. The underlying premise is that people tend to modify their behavior under public scrutiny, and there is some evidence supporting this concept (Newman, 1973). Providing better surveillance through design is represented through orienting buildings towards public space, providing windows and openings overlooking such spaces, and improving both natural and

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41 artificial lighting conditions. The fourth and final principle of defe (1973, p 102). In other words, designs that are alien to the surrounding fabric could negatively affect the image of the people living within, or designs that are standardized, such as repeated identical units, could possibly deprive the residents their sense of individuality and identity. Another underlying aspect of this point is that of maintenance. For example, if the public areas of housing projects are neglected or not well maintained, this could contribute to both the negative image and stigmatization of its inhabitants (Newman, 1973; 1996; Schneider & Kitchen, 2002). This point was further emphasized by later The DS principles discussed above, and the design guidelines that generate from these concepts as will be discussed later, could be simple, and relatively inexpensive to implement because they often involve early design decisions, and do not require drastic design changes or additional time to implement. This is ideal for emergency situations because time is usually a big factor in the decision making. Though, a true understanding of these principles is critical, and the same applies to the mechanism needed to utilize them. Some long-term and upfront thinking on behalf of the relief community is also necessary for such principles to be useful. Critiques of Defensible Space and raised many critiques among academics and practitioners. Yet, despite the critiques and controversy, the theory has gained popularity especially in the US. Cozens et al (2001a) attributes this success to a number of reasons including, the highly visible nature of implementing design modifications for reducing crime serves politicians, especially with large publicity and media involvement. Also, Defensible Space is different than much social science

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42 theory that focuses only on enhancing the socio-economic conditions as means of reducing crime, and provides vague, expensive, and sometimes very political ideas that are hard to implement (Schneider and Kitcprovides tangible prescriptions. Other reasons for the relative popularity of DS are that it seems to fit within contemporary thought in the environmental behavior research field, and it does not suggest drastic changes to the urban environment unlike previous theories; it simply modifies and retrofits, and is backed by extensive empirical research (Cozens et al, 2001a). When looking at the critiques of defensible space, perhaps the most prominent point is that Defensible Space does not reduce crime; it merely displaces crime to another location (Kaplan, 2 criminals and offenders could target their offences towards different areas. Newman (1973) himself addresses this point towards the end of his book; he argues that even if displacement of crime occurs, it will not be a hundred percent displacement. Also, he raises the question f uniformly distributed crime preferable to one in which crime is (Newman, 1973, p250). His answer to this question is that the latter solution is more preferable. Moreover, there is considerable evidence that crime displacement is much less of a phenomenon than originally believed (Clarke, 1996). Another critique for Defensible Space is that the theory focuses on the material aspects of the environment and neglects the socio-economic (Cozens et al, 2001a). Booth (1981) argues that although there are some instances in which defensible space is viable, it depends heavily on the context. He argues that Defensible Space is a (Booth, 1981, p569). Merry (1981) argues that Defensible Space only 2 Making it harder for offenders to reach their targets through physical barriers, or other mechanisms and approaches (Schneider and Kitchen, 2002)

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43 works within specific contexts, but overall the theory neglects the social aspects. She also says that in order for the theory to work, the community has to be homogeneous. And that in a case of a fragmented community, people will fail to locate intruders, and will fail to intervene. She suggests that the definition of territorial influence relates directly to the culture(s) of the people she acknowledges that natural surveillance could have only a small affect on crime. Yet, she argues that action taken, in such cases, depends heavily on the people watching, and that most people will not intervene even if they witnessed a crime taking place. Furthermore, that offenders and criminals are not always rational, and will not necessarily respond to the environmental cues advanced by Defensible Space. Mayhew also suggested that Newman overplayed the role of the environment in crime occurrence, and that the reality of the situation is much more complex than Newman suggests (1979). tion requirements, and the difficulty of isolating individual variables in complex socio-spatial settings (Cozens et al, 2001a). Despite the criticisms, the notion that Defensible Space could help reduce crime and improve communal ties seems to be widely design of public housing especially in the US, and they have helped rid the cities of high-rising public housing blocks (Clarke, 1997; Felson, 2002). Cisneros (1995) argues, and based on DS applications in lower income neighborhoods, that Defensible Space could be an approach worth consideration especially when applied with other elements such as community involvement and effective organization. Taylor et al (1984) argues that although Defensible Space effectiveness

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44 relates to a number of factors, it could enhance the social ties within the community. Both the adaptation of CPTED principles in the US 3 derivate of CPTED in the UK, are witnesses to the wide scalprinciples (Cozen et al, 2001b). The previous sections provided only some brief summaries of the debates surrounding Defensible Space theory. A more detailed and expansive analysis of these debates is beyond the scope of this research. Case Studies in Defensible Space Perhaps the most famous applications of Defensible Space theory are in both the housing and the public housing sectors in the US. Examples of this application are: The Five Oaks community in Dayton, Ohio; and the Clason Point public housing project in The Bronx, New York. In the case of the Five Oaks neighborhood, the neighborhood had a high incidence of crime including drug dealing, robberies, and prostitution. This was because of a number of factors, mainly the proximity to the downtown area, and because people were leaving inner-cities and moving to the suburbs. Most of the people in the neighborhood rented their houses, and most property owners lived elsewhere. In 1991, Oscar Newman was involved in preparing design solutions for the Five Oaks problems. His recommendations focused on access control and -through street closures, building distinct brick entrance points, and converting the internal streets into cul-de-sacs. Within a year of these improvements, the crime rate in Five Oaks was reduced significantly, and the house values increased by 15% (Cisneros, 1995). Despite the success in the neighborhood, some researchers argue that the relative success was due mainly to the media 3 Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (CPTED).

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45 involvement, and the community cohesiveness, and not due to the design modifications. Also, that there have been no long term evaluations of the effects of the changes within this neighborhood, although short term improvements were reported (Donnelley & Kimble, 1997). As for the Clason Point case, the public housing project is located in the area of south Bronx, New York. It shared similar crime-related problems with the Five Oaks neighborhood. The project consisted of nearly 400 units of two-story row houses. The buildings were unfinished concrete brick, and the grounds around the houses were open to anyone and not controlled by the residents. Newman was involved in developing design improvements for the housing project. Some of the design modifications included dividing up the public space between the housing units through the use of simple fencing, or shrubs. Other modifications included resurfacing the building facades with different colors and textures, and improving lighting conditions. The results were similar to those of Five Oaks, namely a significant drop in crime rates, in addition to residents gardening and taking care of their assigned front yards. Due to these improvements, there was an overall improvement of the image of the project (Cisneros, 1995; Newman, 1996). Defensible Space Guidelines in Refugee Camp Design: Important Theoretical Considerations When looking at application of Defensible Space in refugee camp-design, and as suggested by this study, there are four major theoretical considerations that need to be emphasized when considering this approach. These are as follows: 1. There is important research in the environmental-behavior field that suggests a relation between the built environment and human behavior (Lynch, 1960; Jacobs, 1961; Hall, 1969; Sommer, 1969; Newman, 1973). On the other hand, this role of the built evidence suggests such relations, still, factors such as cultural norms, socio-economics, religion, and gender roles within any society, play a role in how people respond and react to the environmental behavioral cues. The responses to these environmental cues depend on the factors mentioned above, which guarantees different behavioral response from one community to another (Hall, 1969; Rapaport, 1976; 1977). As noted above, Defensible Space theory has had its share of critics since its beginnings; however questions about its

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46 effectiveness still remain controversial (Mayhew, 1979). Real life applications of the theory suggest some positive effects and improvements within certain contexts (Cisneros, 1995; Schneider & Kitchen, 2002, 2007). For the purposes of our study, we suggest that Defensible Space theory, although controversial, is supported by important empirical evidence, and that it generates positive outcomes, yet the level of outcomes and improvements will depend greatly on the context. Our study also takes the theory a number of steps further by applying it in a non-Anglo-American western context and within refugee camp setting simultaneously. These circumstances alone are enough to make such an application a very complex and challenging one. 2. Probably the most unique aspect of DS that could warrant such an application is the universality of some of its principles. At the heart of these principles is territorial behavior. Territorial behavior could be assumed to be a universal principle, and an integral part of human life (Sommer, 1969; Hall, 1969; Taylor, 1988). Still, the manifestations of this principle could be different from individual to individual, and from one group to another depending on a number of factors such as living conditions, cultural values, and family structures, in addition to other issues (Sommer, 1969; Rapaport, 1976). Another important outdoor space, while increasing the sense of security. Also, the importance of image and milieu relating to the living environment, since living in well-treated, well-maintained environment is most likely to cast a positive influence on the physiological well being of the inhabitants, especially when compared to life in a rundown, overcrowded environment (Newman, 1973; Schneider & Kitchen, 2002, 2007). All these principles demonstrate very simple concepts that are seldom considered in refugee camp design. And arguably, they could have at least some impact on the living conditions within these camps, despite the varying contexts. 3. It is important to remember that the theory is focused mainly on the outdoor-physical spaces adjacent or between the buildings, especially in residential areas. The actual design of the housing unit itself is not included in the theory application, although closely related. Issues such as window orientation and entrance location are important when considering concepts such as natural surveillance facilitation and access control. 4. Our study represents in its essence a cross-cultural application of Defensible Space. It is an attempt to understand the suitability of this theory in non-Anglo-American settings. It also looks at the level of influence this application might have. In other words, will this application rdespite the unique socio-cultural factors? The results of our work could lay the ground for future cross-cultural applications worldwide. Chapter Summary Despite potential pitfalls and problems, there is evidence that Defensible Space helps to create environments that are safer, easier to maintain, and more supportive of the community. The theory emphasizes the importance of proper planning and long term thinking. It also

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47 provides specific and simple design recommendations that are easily adapted to a wide range of cases. DS seems to be potentially beneficial for the displacement field, namely the design of camp-based solutions. It helps reduce some of the problems caused by poor design and management of the physical environment. And unlike most current design guidelines adopted in --HABITAT, 2007). These relationships are important to understand, especially in extremely complicated environments such as refugee camps.

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48 Figure 2-1. Grid camp layout: Such camp layouts are historically the most wide-used. They house large numbers of refugees with maximum efficiency, yet they are problematic at least when it comes to: complicated way finding, no individual identities for each area, no provisions for growth, no supervised children play area, decreased security for vulnerable population, and they tend to isolate the refugees into their units. Source: Prepared by the researcher. Camp Services Housing Units Main Roads

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49 CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY Introduction Our study explores the adoption of DS theory as a new approach for the planning and design of refugee camps and camp-based solutions in general. The approach remains untested in this field; any actual testing will require a real life application that should include actual design modifications on the ground. Also, it will require significant time to understand the immediate and long term affects of these modifications. Such an application is not possible within the limitations of our work; instead we suggest the adoption of DS theory based on our observations through the literature, and through the field work that explores some of the basic concepts of the theory as they occur naturally in the field. Future research in this area could provide further evidence to the applicability, or the inapplicability in refugee camp contexts. Context It is important here to provide some background information about the study sites and the conditions within the area, early on in this methods section. This is necessary in order to clarify some of decisions and steps taken during the study preparation, and during the actual field work and data collection. Our study took place in two different sites within the city of Nablus which is located in the West-Bank/ Palestine. The city is located in the central area of Palestine, and is the second largest Palestinian city with a population of roughly 150,000 (Figures 1-1, 3-1). It has been traditionally a cultural, economic, and industrial center, and is a city with a long and diverse history. Nablus survived different occupying forces over the centuries, and is rich with traditional Islamic architecture, ancient roman ruins, and historic sites of biblical significance (PEDCDAR, 2000). Within its boundaries, three Palestinian refugee camps are located. In

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50 boundary. The Balata refugee camp is located in the city, and is one of the three refugee camps mentioned above. The camp is the main focus area for our study. The Village of Balata on the and is located within close proximity to the camp. Both are located in the eastern part of the city (Figures 3-1, 3-2, 3-3, 3-8). The Palestinian territories have been gripped by an ongoing conflict with Israel for nearly the last two decades. The conflict started in the late 1980s, and the first wave of violence ended in 1993 after the creation of the Palestinian authority in the West-Bank, and the Gaza strip. The period from 1993 and later witnessed a decrease in violence and a relative calm. This calm ended abruptly in the year 2000 after the Palestinian -Israeli peace negotiations failed, and second wave of violence started. This wave of violence has proven to be the most deadly, and has continued to rage-on for the last seven years until the moment of writing this paper. The conflict has taken a heavy toll on the region, especially on the city of Nablus and its inhabitants. Some of the most heavily impacted areas within the city are the refugee camps. The Balata refugee camp has been one of the most hard-hit areas by conflict, probably throughout the whole West-Bank. The Balata Refugee Camp The Balata refugee camp was selected as the focus area for our study. As described earlier, the camp is located in the eastern suburbs of the city of Nablus. It is one out of three camps in the city: Askar Refugee camp which is of close proximity to Balata, and Camp No. 7, which is located in the western part of the city. Overall, the Balata camp is home to nearly 22,000 Palestinian refugees with a proximate area of roughly 2.5 square kilometers -less than one square mile (UNRWA, 2005). The refugee camp was a selected as a case study because it is the most populated refugee camp in the west-bank, and for issues relating to ease of accessibility

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51 especially due to the security and political instability in the area (Figure 3-4). The refugee camp was established in 1950 after the creation of Israel, and incorporated a second wave of refugees in 1967. Most camp residents are originally from the city of Jaffa (Yafa in Arabic) and its surrounding villages (UNRWA, 2005). Historically, the camp went through the stages of development most Palestinian refugee camps go through: First the tent camp, in which camps positioned on family plots were provided by the UNRWA and other aid agencies in a first-come, first-serve basis. Refugees usually exchanged plots, sometimes even camps, in order to be next to other family members. In this first stage, only public restrooms and bathrooms were provided because of the scarcity of resources such as running water. The living conditions were very harsh and refugees had to stand too hard for aid agencies to keep up with the maintenance or replacement of tents that were usually torn-apart during the rainy seasons (BADIL, 2006). The second stage commenced in the mid fifties when the UNRWA started building concrete block rooms known today in the camps as UNRWA Rooms or Houses. These rooms were small in size, and were built with the assumption that the situation in the camps was only temporary, so no provisions for expansion were considered. In this stage a small bathroom and kitchen were usually added with the use of temporary materials such as wood and metal-sheet roofing. Most of these rooms are gone today, but some of them are still in use as a part of a New rooms were built by the refugees themselves according to their financial status and needs. Most of these rooms were poorly planned and did not take into consideration future expansion.

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52 cases especially since they were falling apart, and spatial needs forced the vertical expansion stathree, four, and five story high buildings in some cases (Figure 3-5, 3-6). It is worth noting here that most of these buildings are of poor structural integrity due to the absence of proper planning and building regulations (BADIL, 2006). The Village of Balata The Village of Balata was selected because of its close proximity to the refugee camp, and certain similarities within the built environment aspects between the two locations; also due to some cultural similarities between the refugees and the village residents. The aim of this selection was to compare a refugee population to a non-refugee population within similar geographic, cultural and overall contextual settings. The village is located adjacent to the refugee camp within the eastern suburbs of the city of Nablus. The refugee camp derived its name as a result of its proximity to the village (Figures 3-2, 3-7, 3-8). The village is small in size and population with roughly around 5500 residents as of 1995. Approximately 95% of the village dominant families are common in the Palestinian rural society (Balata-Albalad.org, 2007). Historically the village is built adjacent to ancient Roman and biblical ruins, and it used to be a tourist destination during the times of relative stability during the 1970s to 1990s. It is also the home of some religious sites that are of significance to Christians, Muslims and Jews. Although it is still retains its name as the Village of Balata, today it is more of a suburb of the city of Nablus due to the urban expansion (Balata-Albalad.org, 2007). The village retains an old building core built around the main mosque-square (Figure 3-9). These buildings are good examples of traditional Palestinian rural architecture, with their simple interior spaces and vaulted roofs (Figure 3-10). Yet, today a lot of these buildings are crumbling

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53 due to neglect, and are becoming more and more a thing of the past, especially with the need for -styles. In addition, most village residents have changed from an agricultural economic base, to a more service and education based economy. A good majority of village residents work in diverse jobs throughout the city of Nablus. Despite being nearly absorbed in the overall city footprint, the residents of Balata still retain their rural cultural identities and customs. The society in the village is conservative, at the same time it is rich with its own cultural heritage and way of life, which distinguish the village from the surrounding city and camp residents. Research Design Our study examines a number of human-behavioral and social concepts within a very dynamic and challenging setting. To start with, some of the main concepts we tested were challenging to quantify. For example, territorial behavior, sense of community and sense of responsibility towards outdoor-space are no easy concepts to measure, especially within a relatively short time frame. At the same time, our study was conducted in relatively uncharted territory, and little was known about what to expect prior to starting the work. For these reasons, a combination of quantitative and qualitative research approaches was adopted. A questionnaire was designed which included both open ended, and closed-ended questions. The close-ended questions attempted to either confirm, or deny a phenomenon, whereas the open-ended questions were to shed some light on why the phenomenon takes place. The questionnaire was intended to ions, while documenting their responses into the questionnaires. Personal observations were also adopted as a major research method; these personal observations played a big part in the analysis and understanding of the

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54 situation on the ground. The following points summarize the main steps that were conducted throughout the research: 1. As noted above, the study settings were identified as the Balata refugee camp in the Nablus, Palestine, and the Village of Balata also within the same area. The nearby Village of Balata (Balata Al-Balad in Arabic) was considered to be the comparison site, mainly to compare refugee vs. non refugee settings within a similar overall cultural setting. 2. An initial site visit was conducted to collect preliminary information and observations about the area, also to establish local connections. The visit took place from (12/2005 to 01/2006). 3. -determined, mainly through the literature. It is important to note here that most of the questions in this section were derived from DS theory literature and concepts, such as (2001a). Variables relating to sense of security, and both physical environmental conditions and needs were also determined through the literature. The questionnaire was designed to include questions about these variables, in addition to background information about the respondents and the settings. The questionnaire content will be discussed in detail in the coming sections. 4. The field work took place at the two study areas through (06/2006 to 08/2006). For the first step, the work was discussed with locals at the camp and village in order to divide the study aand time were given to the refugee camp environment since it was the main focus area. The work conducted in the village was mainly for comparison purposes only, therefore received less time and focus. 5. The data was compiled, and tabulated. Frequency distributions were then used as the main statistical approach to compare results from both the main research area and the comparison site area. No further statistical techniques were used. 6. Data and observations were analyzed and discussed based upon data obtained through the literature. Subjects and Sample Selection Process Subjects were selected generally at random, although certain controlling factors were used according to the setting as described below. The sample selected represented to a certain extent a nt the population accurately, the conditions on the ground dictated this sampling method. The sheer

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55 size and complexity of the environments and the lack of any numbering or postal code system made obtaining a true random sample extremely hard. The maps used for the study, especially the refugee camp map, could not convey the complexity of the environment which was multi-layered and interweaving. For example, a single building footprint on the map, although assumed a footprint, turned out to be the outline of three to four adjacent homes, each three to four stories high in some cases. In addition, the pilot-study nature of our work, and the door-to-door adopting a convenience sampling method. Sample Selection Criteria For the first setting, the Balata refugee camp, (102) respondents were interviewed out of a population of 22,000 refugees. The camp was divided into roughly 10 neighborhoods based on the recommendations from the locals. This division was crucial due to the large size of the camp, and because of the need to cover as much camp ground as possible. Approximately 10 interviews were conducted in each neighborhood. The target respondents were adults 18 and older, with no gender preference, although we attempted to engage with the older refugees when possible in order to document some historic facts and stories. Another controlling factor was the living floor where the respondents lived. Most targeted respondents lived in the ground floor and were physically in/or adjacent to their residence at the time of the interview. Some exceptions did take place because of people volunteering to participate, or due to lack of willing respondents within some areas, yet these cases were rare. This focus on the ground-floor was necessary because of outdoor space relationship as will be discussed in later chapters. In the second setting, the Village of Balata, the built environment conditions were relatively different overall when compared to the camp. The village has modern two to three

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56 story detached buildings spread-out throughout its newer areas. In order to minimize the effects of this difference between camp and village, we focused on the old village center area which had certain resemblance to the camp environment relating to building scale, distances between buildings, and indoor-outdoor relationships. The size of the area was smaller and less complicated than the camp; yet the same restraints on any random sampling as in the camp environment applied. Fifty five respondents were selected out of a population of roughly 5000. They were selected from within the old area generally at random, the same rules relating to respondents age and living floor applied here also. Informed Consent Process respondents were provided with a modified informed consent process prior to interviews. We would knock on a respoThe respondents were asked verbally if they approve or disapprove to the interview, and no signature was required. This modified consent process was approved by the IRB because of the instability in area as the result of the ongoing conflict. The population would have been very suspicious, and uncooperative if they were required to sign anything, especially something provided by a complete stranger. Also, the concept of informed consent within the region is not wide-spread; the population would have been even more suspicious because of that. The respondents were informed of their rights to privacy, and that there were no anticipated harms or benefits for their participation in this research. They were also informed about their right to discontinue the interview at any time. Questionnaire Design and Research Variables One of the challenging aspects of preparing for the fieldwork was the development of a suitable questionnaire. Multiple issues had to be taken into consideration during this phase. First,

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57 it was conducted in an environment relatively unknown to us, while being geographically distant at the same time. This limited the access to the area of study, and confined it to a short period of time. For that reason, the questionnaire was designed to gather as much general information as possible within a reasonable time frame. This possibly reduced the focus of the questionnaire on study specific topics in favor of a better understanding of the overall picture. The second challenge was that our study deals with uncharted-territory on so many different levels. Defensible-Space theory has not been applied in a refugee setting, or in an Arab / Palestinian / Middle Eastern cultural context. So, adopting a theory that is both Anglo-American culturally specific, and deals with concepts that are hard to measure by definition, is a fairly complicated process. Furthermore, applying such a theory in such a distinct and different cultural setting using the Anglo-American based benchmarks should be a matter of caution. What might be a sign of strong community in one context for example, could be less decisive in the other. Finally, the geographic area of study continues to be an area of turmoil and conflict as discussed earlier. The time frame for our work was limited due to the dangerous conditions, yet the study topic is one that requires extended periods of fieldwork. Because of this, we consider our study more exploratory by nature, while merely scratching the surface of a rather complicated and multifaceted area of research. Against the previous backdrop, and to achieve the study goals, the research instrument (the questionnaire) included 57 closed-ended and open-ended questions (see Appendix A for the entire questionnaire). It was divided into three sections as follows: 1Background information and context, 2Relationship to the outdoor space, 3Communal ties and sense of Community. Each respective section contained questions (variables) relating to the section goals as will be

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58 analysis purposes. It is important to note here that the questionnaire was translated from English to Arabic, since Arabic is the main language in the region. The questionnaire sections were as follows: 1. Background information and context: This section was comprised of questions 1 to14 in the questionnaire. It aimed at ascertaining certain demographic and contextual information about the respondents. Some of these questions included those relating to age, gender, employment, and number of family members. Others relating to living arrangements and house characteristics included questions about the number of rooms, number of stories, and the story the respondent lived in. Some of the crucial questions within this section were those relating to presence of family members living nearby, and number of family members within the house. The former played an important role in the analysis stage since the presence of family members nearby related to the definition of social ties within the neighborhood, whereas the latter demonstrated space-related problems and needs within the homes. The overall section helped in explaining some of the fieldwork observations that will be discussed later. It was important to start with such questions within this section dialogue and trust building. Furthermore, they gave udefinitions of their living spaces, while providing the opportunity to hear about some of the problems relating to the living environment. Most of the respondents complained about living conditions at the onset of the interviews especially after the questions about the number of family members, and the home size. 2. Relationship to the outdoor space: This section was compromised of questions 15 to 37 within the questionnaire. It was intended explore the relations between indoor and outdoor space from the perspective of the respondents, while exploring context specifics also. Some of the questions included were: The number of windows and doors directly opening on the street, the blockage of windows within the house by neigavailability of a roof outlet or a court yard, and the distance between the houses from the how respondents view such issue were also included. The section contains some of critical questions, especially those relating to signs of territorial appropriation of near home space, namely questions 28 through 37. The answers for these questions have proven valuable for our study, and have been incorporated mostly in the analysis stage as will be discussed in a later chapter. An understanding whether residents do actively appropriate outdoor space for their needs is of importance for any suggested application of DS theory. Furthermore, Questions 24 to 27, relating to children play areas, were also important in explaining some of the phenomena witnessed within the study areas -such as petty theft. A detailed breakdown of these issues will be discussed in later chapters also. 3. Community Ties and Sense of Community: The third section is comprised of questions 38 to 56 in the questionnaire. It aimed at evaluating community ties at the smaller neighborhood level, while also looking at the sense of community within the overall study

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59 48 looked at the relations between residents of the same neighborhood, in an attempt to evaluate and understand the strength of these relationships. Issues such as cooperation between neighbors, identifying strangers within the neighborhood, borrowing items from neighbors, and knowing the people within the neighborhood, could possibly indicated the presence of good, even strong, neighborhood ties (Jacobs, 1961). Question 56 directly explored the areas. These issues were important to understand for the purposes of our study, especially since DS theory advocates the notion of stronger community ties (Newman, 1973). Such an understating is also important because it could help shed some light on the role of the built environment, if any, in strengthening and supporting these neighborhood ties. Other questions in this section evaluated some of the issues related closely to the community dynamics, such as crime and sense of community, included in questions 49 through 56. Questions 51specifcially relates to how respondents knew about army activity, as a possible indicator of the overall strength of community. The Field Work Process The field work involved traveling overseas from the United States to the areas of study. The duration of the work was about two months, in which daily interviews were conducted; also, pictures and other necessary information were gathered. The duration of the work was shorter than originally planned due mainly to the political instability and conflict in the region. As described earlier, the main focus area in which the bulk of the interviews were conducted was the Balata refugee camp. The second site which is adjacent to the camp was the Village of Balata (Figure 3-2, 3-8). The work conducted in the village was mainly for the purpose of comparing a non-refugee community to a refugee community. The first point of contact made was through a visit to Yafa 1 Cultural Center, which the researcher was referred to by an acquaintance. The cultural center is located inside the Balata refugee camp. It is mainly a non-profit organization that focuses on cultural activities 2 while spreading awareness about life within the Balata -11). This connection proved to be crucial for the success of the data collection process. The center provided a base for the 1 Yafa is the Arabic name for the city of Jaffa, which is the original city for most of the Balata camp refugees. 2 Official website for the Yafa center is http://www.yafacult.org/en/home.asp

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60 daily work, and provided supplemental material such as background information about the camp history and residents. One of the team members in the center volunteered to work as a guide during the whole research period. His help and experience were extremely important, and crucial for the success of the data collection process. The work within the areas of study involved meeting with the guide for a couple of hours daily, and conducting door-to-door interviews within the camp, and later in the adjacent village community. The guide was well known locally which helped greatly, since residents were less suspicious of us and the research questions. For the procedure, the guide generally knocked on the door of any selected house 3 and started introducing the research team. He also initially explained the content and purpose of study; the researcher then explained the research further, process, the guide was always present during the interviews. After observing the work, and understanding the logic behind it, the guide also conducted some interviews himself. That was especially important in the hours when the camp was inaccessible to us such as at nighttime, and when there when the situation was tense due to military activity. The flow of the work was relatively slow especially in the beginning, but became faster later on in the process. Some interviews were also conducted in the Yafa cultural center when activities were held, and it was possible to talk to people freely. Data Tabulation and Analysis Upon completion of the field work, the data was complied and tabulated using computer-based applications, specifically Microsoft Excel in this case. The data from the camp was 3 Homes on the ground floor, with windows and doors on the alley directly were the main priority. We tried to randomize the sample selection as much as possible. Refer back to the sample selection criteria section for more on this.

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61 tabulated separately from the village data, and each study area data was divided into two main categories: First, data relating to the territorial behavior and outdoor space appropriation, and second, data relating to the neighborhood ties and sense of community. Because of the interview based technique of data collection, all the 102 questionnaires filled in the camp, and the 55 questionnaires filled out in the village were included in the analysis. These questionnaires were filled out over a period of roughly a month and a half. For the purposes of our study, only simple statistical methods were adopted. Frequency distributions were used to analyze the collected data, and no further statistics or cross-tabulations (numbcalculate what percentage each question response represents to the overall responses to that question. The reason for this simple statistical approach was due to the nature of the research and its goals. It was exploratory by nature, and did not attempt to test the research hypothesis directly as discussed in the preface to this chapter. The resulting frequency distributions were studied, and each category of data was analyzed individually at first to look for any patterns that might be visible. After that, the similar data categories from both the camp and the village were compared against each other, in order to locate any differences that could stand-out. The aim was to try to understand if the differences in built environment between the two sites might be related to differences in both territorial appropriation of space, and strength of neighborhood and community ties between these two areas of study. Data Collection Limitations Working under fire: our work in the area of the Balata camp was complicated by the military operations in the area. It was also further complicated by the internal tensions between the

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62 different political factions within the camp. No major incidents took place while the research was conducted, although there were some close calls in some cases. Overall, working in any conflict zone constitutes a nerve-racking experience. And although I am familiar with conflict scenarios (by being a Palestinian living in the West-Bank), still it is fair to say that refugee camps especially Balata camp could be considered unique in the level of violence accompanying military incursions. The dense urban fabric makes it very hard for armored military vehicles to move through the narrow alleys. The army has been traditionally extremely violent and sudden in its incursions into the camp, in an attempt to minimize its own casualties. These stressful settings, alongside with awareness of the possible danger within the area put pressure on both the research team (researcher and guide), and the flow of work. Hearing sounds of gunshots, learning of nearby trouble, or even seeing people suddenly running or hiding for whatever reason, was enough for us to abandon the work during that given day, and restart the next day assuming the conditions allowed. To be caught-up in the middle of such incidents could have grave consequences, and since I was an outsider to the camp, it could have been challenging to find my way out safely in the event of such emergencies. Sadly, these events were relatively frequent, yet they seemed to have less of an effect on camp residents. It could be fair to argue that such events were viewed as normal occurrences by the camp residents since these conditions have been going on for nearly two decades. It seems that over time, they have become to a certain extent numb towards such incidents, as is the case in such situations. For example, in cities such as Kabul, Karachi, and Managua, violence is so inter

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63 Another side effect of living in such conditions is that people tend to be suspicious of outsiders, even sometimes people from within their living environment, and for really good exits, even relations with neighbors was not something accepted easily by the residents, and was looked upon with mistrust to a certain extent. One could easily be mistaken for an army scout attempting to locate militia members, or even trying to locate escape routes. The research guide was probably the best asset during the field work, since his presenworries, and helped achieve a certain level of trust in most cases. While working in a refugee For example, asking people why don could be offensive to some people especially since the camp is a reminder of their struggle. Also, the timing of the interview is critical, for example in one of the interviews conducted, one of members of the household was arrested by the military the night before the interview. Therefore, there was an overall feeling sadness and anger within the household. This made asking questions about the house and household seem insignificant, and insensitive. Asking about the obvious: some of the questions within the questionnaire seemed logical and necessary during the questionnaire preparation stage, but seemed very rudimentary and basic for cases seem as a big problem, it had two side effects: Ait made the respondent less interested or impressed by the contents of the study in some cases. BIt caused some respondents to answer in shorter, briefer answers and made it harder for them to elaborate.

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64 Questionnaire length and repetition: The number of questionnaire-questions was larger than originally anticipated, 57 in total with some writing involved in some answers. This kept the work progress slow, and put pressure on both the respondents and on us since the time for the interview was relatively long (around 20-30 minutes). The process became very tedious especially towards the last few days of work. Levels of education and skills: the majority of respondents had no problem answering the questions. Yet in some cases, some respondents had a hard time answering the questions, which was complicated by the feeling of mistrust towards the researcher. Some respondents responded -tracked, and talked about a whole different subject. The issues of hardship and financial need: probably one of the most disheartening aspects of the whole study was the terrible conditions the respondents lived in. They usually complained about their conditions, and shared their tragic stories with us. It seemed that the respondents were looking for someone to share their problems with the outside world. It was very hard not to be affected by these situations. Also, in a good number of cases, the respondents asked if there was any money coming out of the study. They usually expected an aid agency employee, or a welfare employee to knock on their doors. Chapter Summary The methodology and data collection techniques adopted for our study were heavily dictated by the conditions on the ground. The settings were complex by nature, and were further complicated by the conflict situation. Despite this, and considering the circumstances at the time, the flow of the work was relatively smooth, and the field-work achieved its goals of obtaining a snap-shot of the life taking place in both the camp and the village. And although limited in

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65 duration and depth, this glimpse provided us with a wealth of information necessary to complete our study, and achieve it stated goals.

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66 Figure 3-1. Map of the city of Nablus: Arrows showing the locations of study areas relative to the city. Source: City of Nablus engineering department, Nablus, Palestine. Figure 3-2. Study locations: The yellow boundary is for the village of Balata area, and the red boundary is for the Balata camp area. Source: City of Nablus engineering department, Nablus, Palestine.

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67 Figure 3-3. A recent aerial-photo of the Balata refugee camp: The camp layout still resembles the original grid pattern of the early tent camp, albeit the density has increased tremendously. This photo was obtained through the City of Nablus municipality/ engineering division.

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68 Figure 3-4. The Balata refugee camp main entrance from the west: The UNRWA flag could be seen flying on the clinic building to the left of the picture. Also, stone blocks are used when the army approaches to seal of the entrance to the camp. Figure 3-5. The market street in the camp: it is one of the main arteries in the camp, which also allows for vehicular movement, although this movement is usually limited by pedestrian traffic.

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69 Figure 3-6. Further images from the camp: the one of the arteries within the camp, the buildings in some areas are 3 to 4 stories high. Figure 3-7. The historic (Ain Balata) water spring in the Village of Balata (inside the arches): This spring used to be the main source of water for the area. It also used to be the only water source for the refugees in the nearby camp after it was established in 1950. The refugees used to have to wait in long lines to get drinking water especially early on in the life of the camp.

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70 Figure 3-8. The Village of Balata: Aerial photo showing the village. This photo was obtained through the city of Nablus municipality/ engineering division.

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71 Figure 3-9. The main mosque and minaret in the Village of Balata: The main town square also appears in the picture.

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72 A B Figure 3-10. Traditional Palestinian homes in the Village of Balata: A) Limestone is the main building material in contrast to the concrete-block used in the nearby camp. B) Some of the buildings in the village are over a hundred years old, and are in bad condition.

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73 Figure 3-11. Inside the Yafa cultural center: A foreign delegation meeting with some of the volunteers in the center. The Yafa cultural center is located inside the Balata camp.

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74 CHAPTER 4 FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS Introduction Defensible Space advocates extending peoples zones of influence and responsibility by the means of design beyond their home boundaries to include near-home outdoor space. The theory calls for designs that help increase opportunities for casual social interaction, allow for vigilance. Despite the detailed design recommendations, the theory builds on what are in essence, naturally occurring human behavioral patterns. It could be argued that people in some cases tend to naturally extend their zones of influence to include near-home space if the context allowed for that. This could be attributed mainly to human territorial behavior, and the importance of outdoor sense of security (Newman, 1973; Taylor, 1988). In the case of the Balata camp; there is a logical need for such an extension due to the suffocating living conditions where space shortages and dark-stifling environments are the norm. Despite this, and upon initial field visits to the camp, it was evident through our observations that signs of outdoor space appropriation are minimal and sparse. Taylor (1988) documents similar cases in American areas ridden with high levels of violence and crime, in which residents isolate themselves within their homes to avoid crime and violence. Since our study is exploring the adoption of DS design guidelines for refugee camps, it is important to understand what factors intrinsic in such camps could prevent such an application from having positive impacts on the the Balata refugee camp from appropriating outdoor space, and despite their need for space, could shed some light on the applicability of any future application of DS theory in similar settings.

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75 Findings The questionnaire-based data for our study was collected in two forms, quantitative represented in close-ended questions within the questionnaire, and qualitative data in the form of open-ended questions, also within the questionnaire. Both forms provided a wealth of information, and indicated certain patterns within, and among respondents. Despite the importance of data collected, the real inside look at the situation came from the actual unstructured interviews that took place while filling out the questionnaire, also by the physically paspect of our study especially in the analysis and results stage. The complexity of the environment in its physical and socio-cultural aspects, and the little known about the context before the field work required an emphasis on observations and interactions since the pre-determined, limited questionnaires could not cover the complete scope of the issues at the hand. The overview and analysis of the information obtained is based on findings from the questionnaire data, and the observations and events witnessed in the field, it is organized as follows: The first section attempts to break down and analyze the camp environment based upon physical and socio-cultural aspects. It is descriptive in nature, and looks at multiple unique aspects of the camp. The second section looks at patterns within the data while attempting to explain these patterns. The third and final section discusses the differences between the camp and village environments based upon the questionnaire data, while attempting to explain the differences, and what these differences could mean for a DS application.

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76 Section I: Findings on the GroundCurrent Camp Conditions Analysis Findings Related to the Built Environment Analyzing the built environment within the camp is a complicated task due to the complexity of the environment itself. The built environment has undergone significant changes over the years when compared to the original tent-based camp. It could be argued the camp environment is that of an urban slum more than a refugee camp. Nevertheless, the inhabitants themselves are what keeps the refugee camp status alive for the area -more than the actual buildings. The following points will address some of the current built environment features. Camp layout -like, tent-camp layout that was there in the early days of its establishment (BADIL, 2006). The camp has increased in dramatically in building density over the years, with only a slight increase in land size-mainly to the east and south (Figure 4-1). Historically the majority of tents and family plots were located in rows especially in the NW corner of the current site 1 These family plots increased in number over time, and the tents where transformed into concrete block rooms, and eventually into full-fletched concrete structures as seen today. Today the buildings are on average two to three stories high with an average room number of three per floor. The distances between the buildings are minimal, although they vary from area to area within the camp (Figure 4-2). Generally speaking, a handful of roads divide the camp plan into a number of blocks and constitute the an Arabic term that describes neighborhoods that are usually run-down, and lack infrastructure. Smaller alleys trickle down in-between the tightly packed buildings dividing the blocks into smaller ones, and creating even 1 Source: Discussions with refugees in the Balata camp. No specific reference available.

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77 smaller neighborhoods in some areas. These alleys in some cases are at shoulder width, if not smaller. In numerous areas, buildings are wall to wall, and there is no distance between neighbors what so ever. The Balata camp followed nearly identical stages of development to most Palestinian refugee camps as discussed earlier. The current tendency within the camp is for vertical expansion, meaning that residents of the camp tend to build more stories whenever the opportunity is available. The opportunity here refers usually to the financial opportunity. The reasons for such an approach are multiple: First, the most obvious is the lack of open space. Within the current settings, there is simply no room in the camp for horizontal expansion. Every inch of the camp has been utilized for either a building or an alley. The camp boundary has remained relatively unchanged since its creation in in population; therefore, the vertical expansion is the only logical solution. The second reason has to do with large family sizes compared to the available space. The average family size within the respondents to the questionnaire was seven persons, while the average house had 3.5 rooms including utilities 2 Crowding overall is a big problem within Palestinian refugee camps especially in the West-Bank (WB) and Gaza. The international standard for crowding is 3+ persons per room, and that is the case in at least (40%) of refugee homes within camps compared to (25%) for non refugees in the WB and Gaza 3 Still, there a shortage of data regarding the living conditions for refugees especially in the area due to the ongoing conflict situation (Jacobsen, 2000). The need for additional space is one of the priorities of the camp inhabitants, and very few are satisfied with living space they have. 2 Utilities here refer to kitchen and bathroom. These are usually very small and sometimes are in the same room. 3 As of 1995 (Jacobsen, 2000).

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78 The third reason for the vertical expansion relates to side effects of the high densitycondensed built environment, most ground floor homes never see direct sunlight, and are for the most part dark, and stifling as seen in figure (4-3). Artificial lighting has to be nearly always on during the daytime, even on clear days. This cramped living environment meant that there was no buffer separating the homes from the alleys and streets, therefore problems of noise, privacy, odor, and safety are predominant especially on the ground floors. It is important to mention here, that until that until the mid 1990s, the Balata camp had open drainage systems in which raw sewage used to flow through, these drainage canals caused serious odor and health problems for the camp inhabitants. Upon the creation of the Palestinian authority in 1993, and under the supervision of the UNRWA, major infrastructure upgrades took-place within the camps especially in the West-Bank and Gaza. Water and sewage systems were improved considerably, nevertheless, the improvements are not equal across the board 4 and vary from one camp to another (Jacobsen, 2000). The fourth reason relates to the cluster-phobic living environment within the camp. The only view residents usually see from their windows is the concrete-house, which is usually only a few feet away. The need for a change of scenery, and to reduce the suffocating symptoms of camp life played a role in the vertical movement. This was a theme move upwards, we need to breathe, and we The fifth reason for the vertical expansion has to do with cultural aspects. First, it is customary for extended family to stay close by; usually parents live in the ground floor while married children live in the upper floors. Another cultural aspect is the importance of privacy 4 The worst living conditions for Palestinian refugees are in Lebanon. Minimal infrastructure is provided for them by the government, and restrictions on refugee employment are endorsed formally by the government (Jacobsen, 2000)

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79 which was mentioned previously. Simply put, homes above street level provide better privacy when compared to ground floor homes, in addition to the other previously mentioned benefits. Buildings and building usage The majority of the buildings in the camp are residential, with some service and retail building usage. Most of the services in the camp are located in the periphery towards the north side and the east. The north side services include the main clinic and the mosque, in addition to some other smaller institutions. On the west side UNRWA schools are located, in addition to the main camp manager office and some local service providing offices such as the Yafa cultural center mentioned earlier. Retail is available along some of the main arteries of the camp in the market street (Figure 4-4). The retail includes very basic functions such as groceries, food supplies, barber shops, and light electronics such as TV and antenna repair. It is customary for people in the camp, and in the wider region to include a ground floor store in the plans for the buildings whenever possible. It provides the means for economic security, meaning that whenever the head of household feels he/she could lose their job or retire, they could use the store for some minor retail purposes such a small grocery store to make ends meet. This practice relates directly to the security conflict situation, which includes economic instability and harsh living conditions 5 Building material is usually concrete, unfinished and finished with stucco, and rarely painted. This contributes to the dull, rundown appearance of the camp; it also contributes to the dark, stifling atmosphere (Figure 4-5). The building conditions for the camp are unique when it comes to building materials. There are no building regulations or requirements in place within the camps, as is the case for all Palestinian refugee camps. Therefore, residents build their own 5 This practice has become common in the West-Bank and Gaza in general, especially during the years where the violence increases.

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80 homes according to their needs and financial ability (Jacobsen, 2000). This creates a chaotic living environment that does not adhere to any specific standards. In contrast, most major Palestinian cities in which these camps are located have strict building regulations. They usually require the use of limestone in building elevations as an attempt to improve the appearance of these structures, while creating a relatively homogeneous environment. The lime stone is locally available, although significantly more expensive than building with concrete block. The outcome of this difference between cities and camps is that the camps stand out as being different, if not (ugly) when compared to the surrounding environment. Although this issue could seem a cosmetic one, its effects are arguably greater. It contributes to the rundown image of the camp concept, also to the Broken Windows theory (Wilson and Kelling, 1982). These rundown environments, that stand out as different from the surrounding settings, only contribute further to the labeling and stigmatization of their inhabitants. This was the case in some public housing projects in the US and the UK, which were designed to look different, only to complicate the Numerous structures within the camp are in very poor conditions (Figure 4-6). This relates mainly to economics, since the refugee population suffers the most from the deteriorating economy in the region. Most concrete and concrete block buildings are usually hard to insulate, or keep dry. This usually leads to serious health problems mainly in the winter time (BADIL, 2006). In some cases the buildings have temporary asbestos or sheet metal roof that does little to protect from the environment. Some of the respondents living in such homes reported major water leaking problems and bitter cold during the winter weather, and very high temperatures indoors during the summer. Luxuries such as air conditioning or proper heating are not available,

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81 or even an option in such settings. Other causes of the deteriorating structures include the ongoing conflict. Numerous buildings are damaged on a regular basis due to army activity. The army demolishes houses of wanted individuals within the camp frequently. The use of explosives not only damages the targeted building, it also causes damage and cracking for nearly all surrounding buildings. Also, fighting takes place frequently within the camp in which heavy gunfire, and explosive shots are used. Faulty building practices could also be blamed for the deteriorating building conditions. Neither the city municipality, nor the UNRWA is able to impose or monitor building regulations due to instability of region and the absence of law-enforcement. The original UNRWA structures were designed to be a maximum of two stories high. Some of these structures have been incorporated into newer buildings that are four, five or even six stories high, although their foundations are not suitable for such loads. Yet, with the lack of law enforcement, and with the pressing spatial needs of the refugees, imposing and monitoring building regulations is a near impossible task (BADIL, 2006). Building density and related issues: As mentioned earlier, the built environment within the camp is extremely dense, both horizontally and vertically. Buildings are wall to wall in most cases, while only a couple of feet apart in others. Despite the elevated building density within the overall camp, the situation is slightly different from area to area. The central parts of the camp are the densest, and are historically some of the first settled areas, whereas the eastern and western parts of the camp are relatively newer with bigger building footprints in some cases, and with more room between the buildings. Variances in density are relative to the camp environment itself, even the least dense camp areas could be considered extremely dense when compared to the built environment around the camp (Figure 4-1). This high building density comes with a price, namely that it creates a dark-stifling living environment that is noisy, poorly ventilated, and lacks privacy,

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82 dignity, and basic human needs. Direct sunlight rarely makes it into the lower floors of the buildings, and some alleyways are relatively dark even during afternoon sunshine (Figure 4-7). Images from the tenement districts of New-York in the early 1900s come to mind when thinking of the camp, although the latter is on a much smaller scale (Hall, 1996). Problems with mildew and water leakage in the homes are widespread, and residents complain of health problems caused by these living conditions which are both unhealthy and suffocating. Another major complaint for the residents was noise. It is enough to stand still for a few seconds in one of the alleys to realize how noisy the environment is. A bystander could hear people talking through the walls of the homes, could hear TVs, music, infants crying, people shouting, kitchen-ware clunking, not to mention the noise of children playing in the alleys and the people walking by. The close proximity of houses together helps amplify this problem (Figure 4-8). A large number of people interviewed mentioned that they usually know a good studying or even relaxing due to this problem, some of them even reported high levels of stress and physiological problems due mainly to this issue and other environmental stressors. Little is really known about the extent of environment-related problems faced by the refugees within camps in the WB and Gaza. No large-scale studies are available due mainly to the instability within the area. Most of the studies conducted took place in Lebanon, Jordan and Syria, yet seem to share similar results with the observations of this research, namely tremendous challenges and problems for the residents, and wide-scale dissatisfaction with the living environment (Jacobsen, 2000).

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83 The issue of privacy (or the lack of thereof) also became apparent during the fieldwork. Privacy in the Palestinian culture is an important concept. It draws its roots from both Arabic cultural norms and Islamic values. Historically Muslims and Arabs in general designed their homes facing inwards, this means that the rooms of the house are located around, and open towards a private courtyard (Hall, 1969; Bourdier and Alsayyad, 1989). Over the years, the architectural norms changed, and these traditional home layouts became few and far apart. Most modern Palestinian homes face outwards similar to any home in a western society, yet the important of privacy barely changed especially in the more rural areas. In the camp, the concept of privacy is challenged dramatically by the cramped space and the high density. Residents are torn between getting some day-light and ventilation into their homes while trying to maintain whatever is left of their privacy. Of the respondents interviewed 52% reported keeping their curtains closed for most of time (Question #18 in the questionnaire). Also, 23% of the respondents reported keeping them closed for some of the time. It is also very common for residents to install a curtain to cover their doors that open towards the alley. The doors need to be kept open to improve ventilation, whereas the curtain is there to protect privacy (Figure 4-9). Some of the consequences due the privacy issue, and the other side effects of the high density will be discussed below. Open space and connectivity: The camp is located in a relatively flat area on the periphery of the city of Nablus. It is surrounded by privately owned agricultural and industrial areas. The area slopes downwards slightly while moving from west to east. Within the camp itself, and as demonstrated in the previous points, there is no open designated outdoor space other than the alleys or streets. Some alleys become a little wider in some areas due to building irregularities, but there is no official central space, or plaza within the camp. This leaves the inhabitants without venues for social

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84 occasions or areas for recreation. This problem probably affects the most families with children since there are no designated child-play areas, and no courts or playgrounds. The families are usually large in number, and the homes are in most cases very small. This makes the alley or the street the only space for children to go to. Upon entering the camp, the size of the problem is immediately obvious to the observer. Large numbers of children varying in ages spend most of to the conflict, traffic, rundown dangerous areas and other children or camp inhabitants. These children in numerous cases get involved in the ongoing conflict both willingly or unwillingly, they could also be involved in different forms of anti-social behavior (such as crime) which could have far reaching effects on their lives and futures. The long term effects of such a situation are very complicated and are beyond the scope of this research. The second component of open space configuration is the network of alleys and roads within the camp. Narrow alleys provide the inhabitants with the means for going from one place to another within the camp. These alleys network in a complicated fashion reaching nearly every house, while their width, shape and length differ according to the area and context. In general only few alleys are suitable for vehicular movement, the vast majority are pedestrian only. The vehicular movement is confined to three to four main roads, and some wider main arteries (Figure 4-10). The camp grounds are in general surfaced with concrete, with some areas still covered in dirt. The concrete surfacing is relatively new; prior to the mid 1990s nearly all alleys were still covered with dirt or base-course, which used to be a huge problem for the inhabitants especially in the rainy season. This concrete resurfacing was a part of a bigger project to eliminate the open drainage/ sanitary canals that used to run down the roads and alleys exposed (Jacobsen, 2000).

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85 The main roads within the camp are currently covered by asphalt to accommodate both pedestrians and the limited vehicular traffic, yet due to the political instability and the lack of maintenance, most of the asphalt and concrete surfacing is rundown and is in bad condition throughout the camp. The current layout of the camp and situation of connectivity within it, impose challenges on both inhabitants and camp management. The narrow alleys limit goods and service delivery. For example, trash collection has to be performed by a man-powered cart. It could be near impossible for a trash collection vehicle or even an ambulance to reach some of the internal areas of the camp (Figure 4-11). Usually, individuals injured during the conflict are carried out on stretchers for good distances before being able to reach an ambulance. On the other hand, fixed services such as health care and welfare delivery 6 are not distributed geographically through the camp because of the layout and the density of the buildings. Elderly or disabled inhabitants could need to walk for a good distance to receive some of these services especially since they are located on the periphery of the camp. It is important to mention here that no accommodations for the disabled are available within the camp. Way finding within the camp is complicated due to the complexity and density of the environment. This issue does not play a major role for camp residents themselves since they are for the most part very familiar with the camp environment, and the environment itself does change horizontally often due to the space restrictions. Most of the change is vertical as mentioned earlier. The situation is considerably different for an outsider to the camp. During the field work for this research, it was easy to become disoriented due to the similarity of the alley appearances and the general atmosphere, also due to the numerous access points for any area. 6 The neediest refugees usually get food portions, such as a sack of wheat or rice, from the UNRWA on regular basis.

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86 Neighborhoods and areas were not clearly defined and lack distinguishing elements or layouts. This issue further contributes to the slum-like, rundown image of the camp environment; it also contributes to the violence of the conflict since such settings are ideal for guerilla warfare and insurgency (Figure 4-12). This issue of refugee camps being bases for insurgency is not exclusive to Palestinian camps, it is very common in political refuge situations worldwide (Terry, 2002) Indoor outdoor connections: window location, and orientation The connection between indoor space and outdoor space within the camp is a problematic to say the least with possibly far fetching negative effects. Within the camp settings, most homes have no buffer area (or transitional space) between home and street or alley. This issue is caused for the most part by the space shortage and high density within the camp. The impact of this manifests itself most clearly in window location, orientation and size especially on the ground floor. Despite the suffocating living environment and contrary to what might be expected, residents design their windows in most cases to be higher than pedestrian level and smaller in size closer to the ceiling (Figure 4-13). This by default limits the connection to the outdoors, darkens the interior space and reduces ventilation and sunlight. The residents for the most part are justified in their quest for isolation from the outside. Problems with Privacy, noise, violence, crowding, theft and others seem to shape their conception of the outdoor space, and seem to out-weigh their needs for some basic human needs such as a healthy house (Taylor, 1988). These points are important to consider while looking at a possible application of Defensible Space theory.

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87 Findings on the Ground Relating to Unique Socio-Cultural Aspects Neighborhoods and family ties As discussed earlier, the neighborhood structure within the camp is heavily dependent on family ties. In the original tent camp, most of the refugees were assigned family plots on a first come, first serve basis. Later on, the refugees themselves would swap family plots with other refugees (when possible) so that they live close to kinship. In some cases, refugees even moved from one camp to another to be near family members (BADIL, 2006). Today, most neighborhoods within the camp are predominantly from the same extended family with some exceptions of course. This issue is reflected in the naming of the different areas where residents name the areas according to the predominant extended family in this area. The residents sometimes even disagree about the boundaries of these neighborhoods depending on who is being asked 7 It is important to note here that during the field work, some questions about neighborhood and community ties were affected by this issue since in a lot of cases; the meaning cent or nearby. Overall community relations This section looks at the overall sense of community within the camp. Relations within the overall camp community seemed to be strong on the surface, especially for an outsider. The people within the camp appeared to be unified by their common plight. Most people interviewed reported participating in social occasions such as weddings and funerals. They also reported helping others obtain basic needs during times of curfew, and long-term military operations. Overall, the residents seemed to come together for the major events, for example helping in rebuilding a house demolished by the army. Despite these practices, respondents implied, 7 I asked some of the members of the Yaffa cultural center to help divide the work area. Some members disagreed on the boundaries of the neighborhoods, even the naming.

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88 although somehow indirectly, that some tensions existed within the overall camp community. There seemed to be certain friction points especially within families. The political affiliation seemed to be playing a role in this friction. People from certain extended families will be traditionally followers of a certain political movement, whereas members of another family will be followers of a rival movement. This creates a power struggle between influential family or clan members; it also complicates and weakens community ties. Also, respondents indicated that sometimes small disagreements between individuals from different families had the habit of escalating into bigger problems between extended families, even neighborhoods. This is usually and short tempers. Due to the political situation, the breakdown of society, the insecurity, and absence of the rule of law, it is customary to find certain influential individuals whom have their own entourage of armed men within the camp. These individuals are usually affiliated with certain extended families or group of families and act as protectors (Figure 4-14). The high density living environment with all its complications takes its toll on the refugees. It also creates ample amounts of friction points between residents. Probably the most problem to stand-at anytime playing in the alleys of the camp, while most likely unsupervised (Figure 4-15). This guarantees a lot of friction between residents. For example, one child beats up another, and then parents interfere and exchange words. Such issues easily escalate due to high levels of stress and pressure created by the camp living conditions and the dangerous situation. During the interview process, it seemed that residents were not comfortable discussing internal camp problems with the researcher; on the contrary, they seemed to try to paint a more positive picture. This possibly might be an outcome of distrust towards the research and researcher; or out of fear of retaliation

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89 from by other people in the camp. It might be also that a strong community appearance within the camp is a matter of pride. Despite all these issues, the camp community remains a clearly defined and relatively strong community when compared to non-refugee communities. The common plight seems to be a strong unifying factor, especially against outside threats. The conflict here casts its shadows on the situation. Research in more peaceful times could either confirm this, or paint a completely different picture. The issue of privacy Lack of privacy as mentioned earlier is one of the problems that greatly affect camp inhabitants. As the responses to question (#18) show, only 25 of the respondents living on the ground floor reported keeping their curtains open during the day time, although the need for natural day light was evident throughout the camp, especially on the ground floor. What makes this a more complex problem, is the fact that it gets worse by time due to population and density increase. The problems associated with the lack of privacy are numerous, and have long term natural sunlight, and ventilation (Figure 4-16). Beyond this, there are privacy problems indoors and outdoors. Being unable to separate the boys from the girls in the household due to the shortage of space 8 living conditions, and poor house design have serious effects on the physical and psychological health of both individuals and the society. Some of the effects of this phenomenon could constitute a research topic by themselves, and are beyond the capacity and focus of this study. 8 This problem was reported numerous times, and with great bitterness.

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90 One of the unique outcomes of this shortage in privacy is that it could affect gender roles as discussed in the following section. Change in gender roles For the most part, the majority of the refugees originated from rural communities. These Palestinian rural communities are usually very conservative especially in relation to the role of women in public (BADIL, 2006). In a traditional community, such as the near-by Village of Balata, which is a comparison point for this research, it was very hard to interview house-wives especially when their husbands were absent. In the camp setting, this issue was not a serious problem, and it was customary for women to be interviewed without the presence of their husbands despite their rural background. Looking at the bigger picture, many women within the camp work to support their families both in, and outside the camp, whereas in the nearby village, most women remain at home for the most part. These changing gender roles could be attributed to a number of factors, mainly: Economic need: refugees suffer greatly from the political instability in the region. Most of the male refugees usually work as day laborers in areas of construction, farming, and industry. These fields are greatly affected by the surrounding situation especially since the refugees used to work within Israeli territories. This instability causes high percentages of unemployment among male refugees; therefore women take over this role especially when the situation deteriorates. Usually, women seek jobs in housekeeping or some light industry in the nearby city of Nablus. It is important to mention here that there are a good number of well-educated women refugees whom hold positions in education, medical fields, and government also. Living conditions: the high density living built environment and the tight living spaces disturb the practice of separating men from women and render such cultural practices as impractical and hard to achieve. A number of respondents reported their unhappiness with their inability to separate their male and female children due to the lack of space, and issue causes these gender roles to change forcefully, and to the distaste of residents. Exposure: the large number of aid workers, social workers, journalists, and researchers visiting the camp year long increases the exposure to non-family members, therefore, making the conservative cultural practices more and more impractical over the years.

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91 Overall cultural changes: There is also change within the camp due to changes in the Palestinian society and gender-role culture over the years, education levels, exposure to the surrounding communities, and exposure to the media. There is no shortage of TVs and satellite receivers in the camp, or in the area in general. The change of culture due to the refugee environment Eruesto (2002) documents the change of culture in refugee camps due to the changing living environment, and the discontinuity with past. We came across this issue during the field work within the camp. Numerous residents complained about how the norms had changed, and how what used to be unacceptable behavior and practices now became acceptable. Some of the elderly refugees reported how they used to be more respected within the community, and how they used to have more leverage over the other inhabitants. Currently, the situation seemed to -the eldersthese days, those helping each other. A common grievance was that people used to help each other in the earlier represent an accelerated change in the cultural norms that was brought upon the population by the refuge process, and the life within the camp. The issue of serious crimes Not much serious criminal activity 9 was reported by the respondents, some of the cases reported usually involved an occasional break-in into a house, or someone hearing about a crime somewhere else in the camp. Crime as an outside force was nearly nonexistent in the camp. This 9 Defined as type 1 crimes in the US, includes murder, rape, aggravated assault, burglary, motor vehicle theft and others. (Schneider and Kitchen, 2002)

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92 could be possibly attributed mainly to four reasons: First, the conflict, which casts its shadows on all aspects of life that it is even hard for organized criminal groups to emerge due to the dangerous situations. Second, economic hardships make crime simply -unrewarding; when residents were asked about crime, they would usuathe political instability, and the ability to recognize strangers because of this tight community makes crime much more risky for anyone who dares to think about it. Fourth and finally, the large number of household members and the large numbers of unemployed refugees assures for the most part that homes are rarely empty; therefore break-ins are less likely to happen. Residents seemed to have no problem discussing this issue with the researcher, although some respondents did seem hesitant to answer, possibly as a matter of pride or camp-image. -theft was extremely wide-spread within the camp. Respondents were unable to leave anything outdoors in fear of theft. The possible reasons for this phenomenon will be addressed in the conclusions sections, yet the interesting point about this issue is that despite the epidemicwide-spread occurrence of this phenomenon, the respondents did not see it necessarily as crime, but more as an understandable problem and annoyance. After all, it seemed that the children within the camp were responsible for this problem. The same applies to the issue of harassment, especially harassment or (or flirting with) girls, all seemed to be considered natural and normal. In summary, the vigilance of residents, strong community ties, and other elements keep (serious) crime levels low. Most serious incidents such as a murder are usually politically related, or are an outcome of a dispute. Usually these issues are settled locally, meaning that elders /influential characters usually intervene. But the real problem stems from minor crimes,

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93 especially petty-theft. The question that comes to mind here is -would a better planned environment that encourages outdoor space appropriation, and enhances the indoor-outdoor relationship help mitigate this problem? We address this question in the following chapter, discussions and conclusions, along with other related issues. Section II: Patterns within the Data In this section, we look at the data obtained through the questionnaire-interviews. We mainly look at the data from the second and third segments within the questionnaire (see appendix A). The data from the background section is used to establish context, and for the overall analysis purposes. It is not included in this analysis section. Territorial Marking, Behavior and Outdoor Space Appropriation The data clearly confirms the initial research observations, that there are few signs of outdoor space appropriations as indicators of territorial behavior. This relates directly to the following variables: 1Leaving belongings outdoors (question #32 in the questionnaire), 2Leaving chairs outdoors, plants in front of the house (questions #33 & #34), 3Painting outside walls when needed (question #37). Most of the respondents returned negative responses to these answers as could be seen in the table (4-1). A deeper look at the reasons for these responses could help shed some light on this phenomenon. When asked about leaving belongings outdoors, the most prominent reason for the negative responses was fear of stealing or tampering. It was clear issue within the camp. Other responses to this question were mainly within a number of options, such as lack of space to leave anything since it could block passage, or the use of the roof as the main home outlet when available. Despite this, people with extremely limited living space and with no other outlet such as a roof will leave items outdoors such as laundry for example (Figure 4-17). In the number of similar cases that came along during the field work, most of the

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94 respondents reported that even such laundry was stolen regularly. Other instances where people tended to utilize outdoor space as an extension of their own was when they lived at a dead-end alley, or within an area that created some kind of enclosure, yet these cases were very limited and isolated (Figure 4-18) When asked about leaving seating outdoors (question #33 the reasons were nearly the same as the previous point, namely fear of theft, lack of space, and the use of the roof /yard when cultural codes of conduct within the community, it was considered in some cases inappropriate for one to grab a chair for example, and sit in front of the house. This issue was not a general rule, nevertheless it was fairly frequent. The reasons for such phenomenon will be explained in an upcoming section. For the question abou t having plants outside (question #33), no provisions within the questionnaire were made to clarify the reasons, yet another interesting phenomenon was observed in the rare instances where respondents had a planter in front of the house, nearly all of t he planters were completely fenced in. When asked about the cause for such a unique phenomenon, it was mainly due to fear of stealing/ tampering by children, or because the army would purposely damage or pull out the plants. This was also the case for some of the monuments to the martyrs established within the camp as could be seen in the figures (4 19, 4 20). (question #37), respondents responses varied between insufficient financial means for that, or not being of concern to them (a non issue), yet the most returned response was the futility of such exercises since new graffiti / slogans/ pictures will re-emerge within days (Figure 4-21). To

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95 clarify here, the graffiti here refers to political slogans and graphics, and the pictures are those of Palestinians whom die as an outcome of the conflict. -behavior section look at e space adjacent to their homes. To recap, the variables were: 1Sense of ownership and responsibility towards the area (questions #28 & #30), 2Cleaning the area regularly (question #31), 3Paying attention to what goes on (question #36), 4Regularly sitting outdoors adjacent to the house (question #35). Very few respondents considered the area in front of their house as an extension of their property. The dominant 10 Most of the interviewed considered their property to end at the door step. The few cases that responded with or porch, and understood the question accordingly. Second, the minority were the people whom lived at the end of dead-end alley or an area with some space enclosure and very few users (Figure 4-22). This later group is very important to remember because it could shed some light on the role of the shape of the built-environment in encouraging a sense of ownership/ territoriality. The issue of responsibility towards the outdoor was a tricky concept to grasp for the respondents. Some did clearly state that they do feel responsible in relation to what happens in their neighborhood, yet many respondents only understood this point from the perspective of cleaning the area which was not the original intention of the question. Therefore, despite the majority positive responses, the results might not be an accurate representation of the issue. As for the issue of cleaning the outdoors, the results were very positive to this question. Ninety-four 10 The camp-land was rented to UNRWA from local private landowners in 1950, and for 99 years.

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96 of the respondents (92%) reported cleaning in front of their house regularly. The researcher did observe that the camp was relatively clean despite the rundown appearance, yet the situation varied from area to area, with the more dense areas less likely to be clean (Figure 4-23). A number of issues could have caused this overwhelmingly positive response not necessarily territorial behavior, or appropriation of outdoor space: First, from a cultural perspective, it is emphasis on personal and living space hygiene are big in Arab culture. And it is taken as a point of pride; this makes it hard and unlikely for respondents to answer such question negatively. The second reason possibly goes back to poor living conditions and house design. No transitional space between public and private domains means that any dirt or items in the street would end up inside of the house if not cleaned regularly. Looking at the issue of sitting regularly in front of the house (question #35), the aim of this question was to see if respondents use the near home outdoor space as a mean of recreation, socialization, and as an extension of their zone of influence. Less than half of the respondents, a total of 44 representing (43%), answered this question positively which was less than initially expected by the researcher, especially with severe shortage of space indoors and the suffocating conditions. Respondents who sit outside on a regular basis, cite: 1Socializing with neighbors, 2Suffocating living environments indoors, 3The need to breath (ventilation), as the main reasons for such practice. On the other hand respondents who answered this question negatively said that 1The lack of outdoor space, and 2Cultural inappropriateness were there main concerns. The fact that people are willing to stay indoors for the most of the time despite the good reasons not-to, indicates the strength and influence such issues have on the population, especially the issue of

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97 cultural inappropriateness. This issue is important to remember while considering the application of DS theory. Finally, the question whether residents paid attention to what happens outside or not was enabling them to see and relate to the outdoors. The 64 positive responses (63%) could be misleading in our opinion. In the vast majority of the houses where the respondents were interviewed, we observed that very little could be seen from inside the house due to the size, location of the windows and the close proxhigher than pedestrianstreet level, and the ones on street level usually had the curtains closed for most of the time (Figure 4-24). This point is further enforced when considering the wide-spread petty-theft issue. Arguably, if residents could really see what was going on outside, it could be possible to see a reduction in this crime issue. Yet in order to maintain some privacy, and avoid some of the other problems such as noise and dirt, they have to keep their windows and curtains shut. This, and other similar issues, represent to certain extent a point of tension, and an imbalance between what they need, and what they are forced into. The way people usually know what goes on around them is through noise. Noise is amplified within the alleys and buildings due to the vast amount of concrete walls. Anything that goes on in these alleys could be heard from inside the houses. When residents hear something out of the ordinary, they would usually pop their heads out of the door to see what is going on. The reason for such vigilance could be attributed mainly to the conflict conditions, or even curiosity, and sometimes even recklessness. The residents behave in this manner to stay-in-the-know about what is going on in their areas, and what needs to be done to protect their loved-ones such as the children playing in the alleys. Another reason is to break-up fights between children which is a major cause of

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98 trouble between camp residents. This issue of children in the alleys will be discussed later in this paper due to importance of this phenomenon (Figures 4-25, 4-26). Neighborhood-Level Social Ties and Overall Community Ties The data obtained from the field suggests the presence of strong neighborhood level social-ties within the camp respondents (Table 4-2). Yet, it is really important to mention here, that upon starting the field work, it became apparent to us that more than half of the respondents (62 representing 61%) lived nearby other family members directly adjacent to them. This issue casted its shadow on some of results obtained from the interviews, since some people described strong relations with neighbors, while at the same time being part of the same extended family. A closer look at each question is needed to obtain a better understanding of the situation. Most respondents reported no problems between any of their household members and their neighbors (question #40). In the cases which problems were reported, the main cause of trouble was trouble between children which usually escalated to involve parents or whole families. Despite the overwhelming negative response to this question, it seemed through the researcher discussions with respondents that the problem was more widespread than reported in the data. Other causes of trouble between neighbors included building infringements, noise related issues, and politics-related issues. Most respondents indicated that they knew most of the people within their neighborhoods (question #43), even the whole camp in some cases, while in the meantime being able to identify any stranger easily -including us (question #44). Most of the people who reported negatively on these two questions were usually new to the camp through marriage for example, or were living on camp periphery. Sixty-four (%63) of respondents reported borrowing/ lending items from/to neighbors frequently (question #42), but they usually indicated that this practice increased during times of dire need due to curfews imposed by the military or overall dangerous situations. It was

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99 usually mentioned here that people would borrow items from their relatives-neighbors more often than non-related neighbors. Respondents also indicated that they would not hesitate to help neighbors in need especially in the cases of emergency (question #45), yet despite the positive response to this question, the help usually would not include any financial help, and a theme that Finally, when looking at the responses to the question if respondents believed there was a strong overall community in the camp (question #55), the positive response (54 representing 53%) was less than we expected, and especially considering the strong neighborhood level ties. Numerous reasons seemed to influence this number, but mainly it seemed that family ties that broke up the camp into neighborhoods seemed also to divide the community to a certain extent. Furthermore, it carried on to political affiliation and influence as mentioned in the earlier. Section III: Camp vs. Village In this section, we look at the differences between the main data categories obtained from the Village of Balata (the comparison site) and relate it to what has been discussed in the previous sections about the camp. The goal is to understand if the phenomena witnessed in the camp were unique of the camp, or if they are a representation of bigger region as a whole. The comparison is not a straight forward one, since the built environment, and some socio-cultural aspects between the two settings are different. But it is fair to assume, that the conditions within the village are closest to the camp than any other non-camp environment within the overall city of Nablus, also the close proximity of the village to the camp made this comparison even more rational (Figure 4-27). Looking at signs of territoriality and near-home space appropriation (Table 4-7), there is a tendency in the camp to avoid outdoor-near home space appropriation despite the obvious need for space. This is caused by a number of factors, especially petty-theft. In the village, we see

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100 even less overall signs of leaving personal belongings outdoors (question #32). The response was (13%) positive for the village vs. (20%) positive for the camp. Also, for the issue of leaving chairs outdoors (question #33), the response was (5%) positive for the village vs. (12%) positive for the camp. Probably the main reason for such phenomenon is that the village does not have the space shortage the camp does. Most homes usually have some sort of yard, or fenced garden, and issue. The point that further confirms this space-abundance is the question about plants outdoors (question #34). We could see a good increase towards positive in this response, with the village being more positive (29%) vs. (18%) positive responses for the camp. This could be due mainly to the increased space, and the clearer defined spatial boundaries in the village in comparison to the camp. When looking at the question if household members sit in the street (question #35), we see chairs outside as much as camp residents do. The more conservative nature of the village and the family ties seems to be playing a role in these differences. Some respondents indicated that they did not want to encourage these outdoor social gathering in front of their houses, because they could infringe on their privacies -unless they themselves initiate these gatherings. It is important here to remember that nearly 90% of village inhabitants are those of one extended family or clan 11 So in the camp, if seats are left outdoors (assuming they do not get stolen), only household members, and very close-by relatives could use them. In the village however, the pool of possible users is bigger since the (both neighbor & family) relations extend farther than in the camp, and that could cause problems in a conservative society as the village. 11 This is common is some small villages in the Middle East. Usually it is more of a large clan than a family.

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101 Looking at some other variables, it is fair to say that village residents have more control over their environment than refugees, mainly because of less density, more space, and clearly defined boundaries. Also, the behavior within the village does reflect this notion. In reference to question (#37), residents paint and maintain external walls more than in the camp (36% vs. 22%), they also have higher sense of ownership 12 towards outdoor space (question #28), where 35% of village responses were positive, compared to 18% for the camp. This is possibly attributed to the more organic (cul-de-sac) like layout of the different village areas (Figure 4-28). Village residents also pay more attention to what happens outdoors (question #36). The response in the village was (73%) positive vs. (63%) positive for the camp, yet there is a key difference here since they for the most part can visually see what is going on whereas camp residents can only hear what is going on. Village houses have multiple big windows that usually overlook an (Figure 4-29). It is noteworthy that petty-theft is not an issue in the village, and in cases when something does get stolen, the residents usually blame the children from the nearby Balata refugee camp 13 One of the interesting variables was that of cleaning outdoors (question #31), since camp responses were more positive on this issue (92%) vs. (85%) positive for the village. Although not a big difference, the possible reasons for this include that camp residents are more affected by dirt in the streets than village residents are, especially since village residents usually have a buffer (yard or garden) between their homes and the streets. Also, the village streets are better maintained overall, with less pedestrian traffic, yet more cars (Figure 4-30). 12 Village residents own their property officially (they have official paperwork and deeds). In comparison, camp UNRWA, but the legal status of property within the camp is somehow problematic (Jacobsen, 2000) 13 According to some of the people interviewed.

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102 The indicators of strength of neighborhood and community ties in the village are stronger across the board when compared to the camp (Table 4-8). These results are of no surprise to us. The village community is a smaller, tighter-knit community than the camp. The refugees are united by their common plight and hardships, whereas the villagers are united by their close family ties. No problems between neighbors were reported between respondents in the village (question #40), although the villagers -similar to the refugees earlier seemed to be interested in giving a good image about the community. Still, the problems seem significantly less than in the camp. The whole environment within the village is far less problematic and stressful (Figure 4-31). More space, more security from conflict, less political divisions, better income and more local rule of law through community elders, which remain affective and important unlike in the camp where their role has been greatly diminished. All this helps keeps the community functioning stronger as a whole. Despite all this, we suggest that neighborhood ties in the camp as defined in relations between non-related strangers are stronger. It is possible that the less conservative nature of the refugees and the more common hardships between them has created more of a brotherhood and strong community, versus the by-default family relations in the village. Chapter Summary Despite the findings and analysis in this chapter, they merely scratch the surface of this -environment, with its high density and poor planning, alongside the unique socio-cultural aspects of the camp community, all represent real challenges for its residents. They also challenge our understanding of the situation as outsiders to this environment. Yet, the field-work made an important issue immediately clear, that the conditions on the ground did not support the recovery and well-being of the refugees as is usually called for by the relief community (UNHCR, 2000). On the contrary,

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103 they created immense problems for the refugees, with far reaching and under-studied effects. Little is truly known about the depth of these problems and their effects, especially with the absence of serious research in the camps because of the conflict in the WB and Gaza (Jacobsen, 2000). When looking at the findings and analysis relating to territorial behavior and near-home space appropriation, some important observations emerge, namely that there are certain elements tdoor space. Some of these elements are related to the built environment, yet others relate to socio-cultural issues, and are possibly of equal importance. A break-down and understanding of these elements is crucial, and is provided in chapter 5. When looking at neighborhood ties within the camp, despite the tight living conditions and the problems between neighbors, inter-neighborhood ties seemed to be strong. This is surely influenced by the strong family ties within the neighborhoods. But probably the most unifying aspect of all seems to be the ongoing conflict. When asked about it, people will usually say something along the lines of we are all brothers here, we h. The conflict casts its shadow on all aspects of camp life, and the question that comes to mind in this situation is whether the conditions within the camp would be different if the conflict ceased to exist? We leave it to future research to grapple with this complex question. The comparison between the village and camp does provide some important information also. It implies to that better living conditions, even in such cultural settings, do seem to encourage residents to take more control over their environments. It is important to remember here that this is a multilayered issue, meaning that economic issues, property issues, community dynamics, and the permanency of the village versus the perceived temporariness of the camp, do

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104 play a role in this and affect the behavioral patterns demonstrated earlier. The other lesson to learn from this village/camp comparison is the importance and strength of cultural norms in the continuation of these cultural norms, truly in-line with the writings of Sommer(1969) and Rapaport (1976). Even the flow of our work was affected by this issue of culture; the camp was a friendlier, more open environment than the village, which was more conservative and male dominant. Yet, the role of the refugee-experience and camp environment in shaping and culture) is probably the most fascinating, and interesting lesson of all!

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105 Table 4-1. Signs of near home space appropriation and territorial marking: The Balata refugee camp Table 4-2. Evaluation of neighborhood social ties, and sense of community: The Balata refugee camp Table 4-3. Evaluation of crime, fear of crime, and sense of security: The Balata refugee camp Table 4-4. Evaluation of spatial needs and condition of privacy: The Balata refugee camp

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106 Table 4-5. Signs of near home space appropriation and territorial marking: The village of Balata Table 4-6. Evaluation of neighborhood social ties, and sense of community: The village of Balata Table 4-7. Signs of near home space appropriation and territorial marking: The Balata refugee camp vs. the village of Balata

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107 Table 4-8. Evaluation of neighborhood social ties and sense of community: The Balata refugee camp vs. the village of Balata

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108 Figure 4-1. An overall map of the Balata camp: The camp is very high density compared to the surrounding areas. Most services are located NW corner of the camp. This photo was obtained through the city of Nablus municipality/ engineering division.

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109 A B Figure 4-2. A very chaotic and complex environment: This is especially due to the limited space and population increase over the last 57 years. A) View from building roof looking south. B) View from roof looking east, some of the buildings are multi-stories high. C) View looking north, the market street which one of the main camp arteries is obvious in the picture. D) View looking west, the building material throughout the camp is mostly concrete-block.

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110 C D Figure 4-2. Continued.

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111 A Figure 4-3. A dark and stifling living environment: A). Even during the bright daylight, some alleys within the camps are dark due to the buildings heights, and minimal spaces in-between. B) Some of the homes never see direct sun-light indoors due to the lack of space between buildings. Notice also the bullet holes on the walls.

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112 B Figure 4-3. Continued

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113 Figure 4-4. Main camp artery view: Retail stores are sometimes found along these wider streets with residential use above. These wider streets allow for some vehicle movement although impeded usually by pedestrians and potholes. Figure 4-5. Rundown environment: The dark, dirty look of unfinished or partially finished concrete in the camp contributes to the rundown impression of the built-environment.

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114 Figure 4-6. Poor building practices: There is no regulation of building practices within the camp, therefore some of the structures are in very poor shape, and could be easily damaged in an earthquake.

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115 Figure 4-7. Unhealthy living environment: Some ground floor residents in some of densest areas of the camp barely get to see daylight.

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116 Figure 4-8. Shoulder-width alleys: In some areas the alleys or distances between the buildings are barely shoulder width. These alleys are still used by people to move from one place to another. In this picture, I had to go through the alley sideways!

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117 A Figure 4-9. Problems with privacy: Privacy issues were a big concern for the residents due to the building density. A) Residents build a make-shift barrier to maintain their privacy form the neighbors while using the roof. B) People have to go to extreme measures to address their needs. In the picture, the curtain in front of the door is used to block the view from the passers-by, while keeping the door open for ventilation purposes. This is a tension point between two different needs.

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118 B Figure 4-9. Continued

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119 Figure 4-10. Major alleys: Map showing some of the main camp arteries and alleys.

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120 Figure 4-11. Limited vehicle access: Some of the residents who own a vehicle, have to leave it at the alley entrance because the alleys are either not wide-enough, or have too many obstacles. Figure 4-12. Ideal environment for insurgency: There are large numbers of small alleys and concealed-escape routes that are known to the locals. The camp has been the scene for many bloody battles between the refugees and the Israeli army.

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121 Figure 4-13. Window heights and locations: In the picture, the windows types on the left are very common throughout the camp. They are higher than the pedestrian level to prevent passers-by from seeing inside the homes, on the other hand, the opening themselves are thinner than usual to prevent residents on opposite, and higher floors from seeing inside the house. The downside is that they prevent residents from seeing what is going on outside also, darken the interior, provide less ventilation, and limit any views. They completely isolate the residents from the outside, a hard-yet logical choice for the residents to make considering the bad and dangerous living environment.

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122 Figure 4-14. Architecture and status: The building in the background is owned by an affluent camp resident, it is the tallest building in the camp.

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123 Figure 4-15. Children playing in the streets: The lack of designated children play areas keeps the -up in the middle of a fire fight or an army raid easily. The small living spaces and the large households also contribute to this problem. In the picture, the higher-smaller windows as discussed in an earlier figure, guarantee that adult supervision from inside the houses is very limited. This was also a fundamental issue noted by Newman in Pruitt Igoe.

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124 Figure 4-occurrence throughout the camp. It creates a large number of problems especially for conservative society.

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125 Figure 4-17. Images from life in the camp: Residents have to use the alleys for drying laundry. Space shortage, in addition to the lack of any yard, or even roof access forces residents to use the public domain for such a private issue, much of the laundry gets stolen, or tampered with by children playing in the alleys.

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126 Figure 4-18. Signs of territorial appropriation: Due to the dead-end alley, one of the nearby residents fenced the area of with simple materials, and uses it for his own purposes, although it is still in the public domain.

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127 A Figure 4-19. Unique elements within the camp environment: Planters have to be fenced off because of tampering by children or the army. A) Example of planter in front of home, with laundry in the alley. B) Further examples of plants fenced: This phenomenon is spread through-out the camp, although there are not many planters to start with. People tend to have them on the roof whenever they can instead of the alley.

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128 B Figure 4-19. Continued

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129 A B Figure 4-20. Monuments: Monuments for Palestinian martyrs (individuals killed by the Israeli army) are numerous within the camp. They are usually located at the scene of the incident. A) Simple monument, also fenced due to tampering. B) More elaborate monument.

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130 A B Figure 4-21. Maintenance and image issues: A) The walls within the camp are filled with graffiti and pictures of martyrs. B) Nearly every wall within the camp has some writing on it.

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131 Figure 4-22. Signs of outdoor space utilization: Due to the dead-end alley, the residents treated it as an extension of their home. When the researcher and guide approached, the residents pulled out seats, and positioned them in the alley and tea was even served in there. When people are given a chance by design to utilize outdoor space, they tend to use it.

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132 Figure 4-23. A relatively clean environment: Despite the rundown environment, the alleys were relatively clean, although this varied from area to area. The residents leave trash cans outside for trash collection which is done by a man powered cart.

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133 Figure 4-24. Limited connectivity with the outdoors: Very little could be seen from the home windows due to the little distances between the buildings. Also, windows usually started higher than the pedestrian level and were small in size.

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134 Figure 4-25. Large numbers of children: The camp has a large population of children, with no designated play areas. The alleys are their only outlets.

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135 A B Figure 4-26. Signs of conflict within the camp: A) A house at the periphery of the camp where the walls are riddled with bullets. B) One of the main arteries within the camp where most of the walls have bullet-related damage, as seen behind the two men sitting in the street.

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136 Figure 4-27. The Village of Balata: The village is a naturally developing urban form, unlike the camp which was artificially created in a grid pattern. This photo was obtained through the city of Nablus municipality/ engineering division. A Figure 4-28. Natural urban form in the village: A) Alley leads to larger centralized spaces. B) The building density, and scale are far less in the village compared to the camp.

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137 B Figure 4-28. Continued.

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138 Figure 4-29. The village environment: More distances between the buildings, also bigger windows overlooking the street, and clearer boundary definition.

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139 Figure 4-30. Improved transportation in the village: There is vehicular movement in the village since even some of the smaller alleys are wider than those in the camp.

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140 Figure 4-31. A more relaxed environment: The village environment is far less stressful when compared to the camp environment. In the background, the minaret of the village mosque can be seen

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141 CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS After considering the field-work experiences, the data obtained, and the analysis of the camp environment, it is clear that the Balata camp environment is by no means a healthy environment that could foster the development, and recovery of the refugees. On the contrary, these living conditions have proven detrimental to them, and have increased and further complicated their hardships. Camp life stigmatizes and labels the refugees, and produces numerous social, cultural, and environmental problems on multiple complex levels. This conclusion goes against all the stated aims and goals of the aid community, namely providing all possible assistance needed to help the displaced recover as discussed early on in our study (Zetter, 1995; 1999; UNHCR, 2000; Saunders, 2004; The Sphere Project, 2004). The Balata refugee camp and similar Palestinian refugee camps are examples of what -term planning produces (Jacobsen, 2000). The number of problems caused by the living environment in this case is simply staggering, and the camp has definitely exceeded the time it was originally intended to live. Some might argue that such settings could no longer be considered a refugee camp, but more of an urban slum than a simple camp as the definition of the word might suggest. This might be true due to the similarities between the environment within these camps and slums worldwide. Yet, we suggest that it is the refugees themselves that keep the camp status alive with all the political, socio-economic, and cultural issues involved. The refugee camp status is sustained by the collective memory of the inhabitants, an issue that was apparent through the fieldwork and dealing with the refugees. Some of these refugees refuse to leave their homes because it is considered more than a home to them, it is a reminder of the injustice they suffered, and it shaped and continues to shape who they are and what they stand for. Economics, although

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142 important are not the reason for their stay, it is the message behind the camp that anchors the refugees to such awful environments. So why did the environment have to be like this? The severity of any refuge or displacement situation due to the immediate massive needs of these populations, and alongside with the urgency of responses and the politics involved, usually prevent the relief-community and the host governments from producing properly planned camps that help address anything more than the basic needs of protection and shelter from the elements (Saunders, 2004). The rights of clean air and sunlight, even respects their privacy and dignity. Their problems only increase and multiply by time as seen in the example used in our study. The Balata camp is merely one camp out of 59 similar camps in the region (UNRWA, 2007a). Arguably, the dynamics that lead to these kinds of warehousing situations will be hard to change, especially in the case of refugee camps with all the politics 1 involved. Also, because the events that cause refuge usually have a sudden and violent onset, and are accompanied by major tragedy and hardships on very basic levels (Saunders, 2004; BADIL, 2006). The need to respond rapidly and the possible and assumed temporariness of the situation limit the scope and the time for planning. Because of this, alternative thinking and design approaches to this problem are crucial. In our opinion, the Defensible Space application suggested in hereis possibly a step in the right direction. So, the dilemma remains how to plan long-term for such settlements while minimizing the political impacts and addressing the urgency of the situation? The simplicity and adaptability of 1 In most cases, the host government will resist anything that could indicate a permanent presence of the refugees on its territories. Also, the refugees themselves will most likely resist any permanent solutions that could affect their right of return to their homelands (Saunders, 2004).

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143 DS theory could possibly help address such a dilemma, at least on paper. Theoretically speaking, the simple design guidelines of defensible space are applicable in early design stages in a minimalistic (even veiled) fashion in an attempt to attend to some of the long term needs of such refugee camps -namely, the need for an environment that respects its residents. Such an application potentially carries benefits, and might be less politically dramatic than a full fledged design process for a refugee camp or permanent settlement. Chapter 6 looks at the guidelines suggested by this research, and their potential benefits for refugee camp design in general. Upon the initial Balata camp site visits, and throughout the field work within the camp, the rdespite these needs, which were corroborated through data and observations, residents within the camp (other than children) remained confined within the walls of their homes for the most part. There were minimal signs of outdoor space appropriation, or even interest in utilizing this outdoor space. This seems to counter what might be expected from a population in severe space shortage as mentioned above; in other words, more utilization of the available outdoor space especially since it could profoundly affect any future application of DS theory in similar settings. Such a phenomenon could render any future DS application useless, or limit its effects greatly. This is because DS encourages people to use, incorporate, and better relate-to near home space, as an attempt to combat some of the social-ills associated with such isolation (Cozens, 2001a). A closer look at the possible reasons for such limited incorporation of space is crucial for our study as is demonstrated below. Possible Reasons for the Lack of Outdoor Space Appropriation: Inhibiting Factors The factors that couare complicated and overlapping. It is our conclusion that despite the complexity, these factors

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144 could be separated into: 1-Circumstantial factors (external factors), 2Socio-cultural (Internal factors), and 3-Built environment-related factors (environmental factors). In reality though, this separation is not a clear cut issue. On the contrary, most of these factors are interweaving, and each of them plays an important role in the overall resulting living conditions and lifestyles, simplifying the understanding of these causes in order to better address the problems. Circumstantial Inhibiting Factors (External) A. Conflict: the ongoing conflict has tremendous effects on the population of the camp. It literally shapes their daily lives, and has been doing that for at least the past 7 years, even before that 2 An environment of fear and apprehension grips the population keeping them life patterns. For example most essential activities are done during day-time since the night-time is the most dangerous because of the Israeli military activities. For the residents, some areas of the camp are known to be more dangerous than others as a result of the repeated army incursions through those areas (Figure 5-1). Therefore, the residents avoid the areas especially during certain hours known to be dangerous. Furthermore, people usually stay indoors for most of the day especially during heightened tension times to avoid being caught up in any army operations or battles. The effects of the conflict are far reaching and affect every of outdoor space. Normal (eventless) days are definitely not the case within the camp; and every day comes along with a new set of challenges and hardships. The issue of conflict also casts its shadow on every aspect of our study. It is possible that some of the research results could have been different if it was conducted in more peaceful times. B. Widespread Petty Theft: the majority of respondents reported not leaving any personal or household belongings outdoor due to theft. The issue of petty theft within the camp was evidently so wide-spread that it seemed to be considered a natural occurrence. Most of the theft taking place is due to the large number of children in the streets and alleys. The children have no other place to go other than these alleys since they are no designated areas for children to play; so anything in their zone is subject to tampering. Some residents have to go to extreme measures to secure their outdoor belongings as demonstrated in the pictures (Figures 5-2, 5-3). The driving force behind this widespread phenomenon could be normal child curiosity and lack of adult supervision. Economics play a big role in this issue also. Some of the stolen items are sold as scrap-metal for little money (especially by older children, and sometimes even adults). This issue was so wide-spread that nearly every respondent interviewed, or even people encountered in the street would laugh, or look shocked when asked if they left any belongings outdoors. The typical response to such 2 The current wave of violence in the WB and Gaza started in 2000 (BADIL, 2006)

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145 severity of this problem is overwhelming; laundry was reported stolen, simple chairs, plants, even cooking pots or trash cans were reported to be stolen. One of the respondents interviewed reported having to change the tires on the cart (with which he earns his living) multiple times a month due to tampering or even theft in some case. An interesting aspect of all this is that when respondents were asked about crime occurrence in the questionnaires, they reported nearly no crime. It is probable that this issue was seen as an expected and understandable nuisance, since it was internal to the camp. This issue is likely to become less of a problem if the built environment facilitated natural surveillance opportunities as supported by DS theory. C. Environmental Stressors: The dense population within the camp creates a stressful environment for its inhabitants. Utilizing near hzone of influence could be a challenging task. Noise, odors, trash, dirt, polluted running could act as inhibiting factoutdoor space despite their apparent spatial needs (Figure 5-4). There is a potential link here between this problem, and the concept of image and milieu endorsed by DS theory. The concept calls for improving and maintaining the overall environment image, which might reduce this problem if considered. Internal Inhibiting Factors (Socio-Cultural) A. Role of Women in public: The community within the refugee camp remains traditionally conservative despite the changes over the years. Women are the most affected segment of the society by these conservative norms. The most affected aspect is the role and behavior of women in public. Some men might not consider it acceptable for their wives and daughters to be seen sitting in front of the house in the public domain (on the door step for example), they also might not see it as acceptable for their female offspring to play in the alleys and the streets, especially when they are in their teen years. Such limitations and restrictions are not across the board, and do vary from house hold to other depending on socio-economic class, cultural background, and education levels. Nevertheless, the impact of such gender-determined roles does play a major role in the outdoor space utilization especially since females are who spend the most part of the day in the neighborhood, having them generally confined to the inside of their homes limits outdoor space utilization and usage by house residents. B. Role of men in public: Although women are the most limited in what they could, or could not do in public, some of these limitations apply to men also. For example, some people do not appreciate seeing their male-neighbors sitting in front of their house across the street. They might consider it an invasion of their own privacy since by sitting in front of the house, the neighbor is able to see and hear what happens inside of their houses easily, or is able to catch a glimpse of a female improperly dressed for example. These issues are taken very seriously in such contexts. In some cases such scenarios are the starting point for friction between neighbors. This point again depends heavily on the background of the individuals involved, and it is not across the board, nevertheless it is widespread, and it is further exacerbated by the dense, suffocating living environment. The field-work

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146 conducted found that 30 respondents (29%) reported that sitting out-doors in the street is a socially un-acceptable behavior. This point also carries down to the younger generations where younger males hanging out in groups in the streets are often seen as a nuisance, although this is an almost universal issue (Schneider and Kitchen, 2002; UN-HABITAT, 2007). C. Privacy outdoors: Even if people utilize near home outdoor space as an extension of their homes, the issue of privacy arises. The camp community is a very complicated community in which people are closely related, or at least know their neighbors well. Similar to many small tight-knit communities world-their neighbors. For a resident to conduct some of his daily activities such as relaxing, reading, or socializing out-doors puts the resident under the scrutiny of the surrounding neighbors; what one wears, who one talks to, or even what one says will often become the business of the neighbors as well. Many people within the camp prefer to go about their daily lives in their private domains, and see it as the safest bet, and the least problematic approach. Environmental Related Factors (Physical Environment) A. Space shortage: This point relates mainly to outdoor space. Most doors in the camp open towards alleyways that are a couple of feet wide only. In some cases, there is literarily no space for people to appropriate as their own without causing blockage to the alley or respondents (30%) reported that there is no room for sitting outside (Figure 5-5). Of course, the issue of space shortage is THE issue in the camp that affects nearly every -de-sac neighborhoods as will be detailed in chapter six is likely to have potential benefits here if it were applied initially. Most likely the camp environment would have been better organized initially, therefore eliminating some of the long-term space related issues. This applies also to most environment related problems in this section. B. Quality of outdoor-space: The available outdoor space within the camp is limited to the streets, alley-ways, and the left over -minimal space between the buildings. Other than the formal streets, the rest of this space is usually confined between walls of concrete three to four stories high, and is usually dark, viewless, and rundown. Such an environment is not a welcoming one, on the contrary drives people to completely isolate themselves from the outdoors. This is further enforced by the dangerous conditions, and problems mentioned earlier. C. No areas of enclosure and no transitional spaces: This could be one of the main issues contributing to the lack of outdoor space utilization in relation to the built environment. Because of the need to maximize space, and the semi-grid pattern layout of the camp, all homes are built right up to the alley. This eliminates any transitional spaces or areas between the public and private domain that could be claimed by the residents as their own, or incorporated in the extended zone of influence. In the cases where the built environment allowed for such utilization, some residents showed some territorial marking within these areas. As seen in the figure (5-6).

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147 D. Disconnection between indoors and outdoors: Because of the conflict, noise, lack of privacy, and other related issues, the near standard building practice throughout the camp has become to minimize the size and elevate the starting height of the windows especially on the ground level (Figure 4-8). This creates disconnect between the indoors and outdoors since it is hard to observe what events are taking place outside. This disconnect likely sense of responsibility towards the outdoors. Evidently, the residents have developed these building practices in response to the harsh living environment, but the side effects of such practices are greater than the obvious dark-stifling environment. This disconnect arguably contributes to other negative issues such as petty theft, difficulties in child supervision, and similarity between the camp environment, and some of the problems addressed by Defensible Space and discussed by Newman (1973). E. No access control: over their environment. These alleys have multiple entrance and exit points, and are accessible to anyone within the camp. Because of that, it is often hard for residents to include any of these areas within their zones of influence, especially since they have no control over who uses these areas. Thus, this alley space becomes ambiguous because entified in high-rise housings projects in the US and the UK, with high crime and disorder rates (Schneider & Kitchen, 2002). Such issues further disconnect the residents from the surrounding near home space. F. No clear areas of responsibility: The grid-like design, along with the lack of transitional spaces, and the high density built-environment, all create a situation where it is hard for residents to know where their areas of reasonability begin or end. Much of left-over open space is not affiliated with any certain home, so it becomes ambiguous no-These small spaces often become trash dumps, especially with the absence of any administrative supervision (Figure 5-7). This also becomes in some cases a friction point between residents since unclear boundaries usually cause problems with issues such as cleaning, and trash disposal. These problems are classic examples of poor boundary definition as defined by Defensible Space. G. No distinct neighborhood identity: It is very hard to define the boundaries of neighborhoods within the camp because the recognized boundaries usually depend on family ties and affiliations, and the large numbers of alleys divide each residential block into even smaller ones. During the initial preparation for the fieldwork, and while attempting to divide the camp map into neighborhoods with the assistance of the locals, people would disagree where the boundaries of most neighborhoods begin or end, and it seemed to be a subjective matter (Figure 5-8). This issue likely affects belonging and identification within a certain neighborhood, and may also create a reduced sense of responsibility towards the area. This reduced sense of responsibility drives people to limit their zones of influence to their private properties only.

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148 Defensible Space and How it All Fits Together It is important to remember here that Balata refugee camp is an existing camp that has been standing for nearly 60 years. The Defensible Space application suggested in our study is intended to be incorporated in original design of a refugee camp, i.e. when it is first established, and not necessarily in an existing situation. Our study is not suggesting the application for the Balata camp as it stands today; it is attempting to explain certain phenomena within the camp that are in part induced by the poor camp planning initially. This is to help determine if a DS application in a similar refugee-related and cultural setting will be beneficial. Although the potential for retrofitting existing camps is there, it is not the main premise of our study at this stage. So what insight do the inhibiting factors mentioned above provide us? The factors look at the issue of near-home space utilization, and the reasons why this utilization is not sufficiently materializing, despite the logical need for it as a result of space, light and ventilation shortage, -home space utilization is key ingredient of the success of any future application of Defensible Space in similar refugee camp settings. It encourages the positive social-interaction adopted by the theory, and helps create a safer and better maintained living environment. So in order for any DS application in similar settings to be successful, it has to prevent such inhibiting factors from emerging in the first place, especially those related to the built environment. So could it do that? Can it encourage outdoor near-e outdoors? The obvious answer to these questions is that any planning is better than the non-planning conditions currently found in the Balata camp and other similar camps. The residents today are paying the price (at least when it comes to the built environment) of the poor planning that took place 60 guidelines directly address the environmental inhibiting factors discussed above. Simple

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149 alterations to the built environment early-on in camp design and establishment could have helped address some of these physical problems found in the camp, even on the long run. The cul-de-sac based layouts suggested by the theory, and the clearly defined areas of responsibility, with the enhanced opportunities for natural surveillance should have significant positive effects on the environment as described in chapter (6). Where DS potentially falls short is in responding to some of the cultural and external inhibiting factors discussed earlier. But all is not lost; the camp environment is to a certain extent a complex system of cause-effect relations, a system where each small problem/event causes a much bigger ripple in the whole system, at least more than meets the eye. Any changes in any components of this environment could disturb the whole balance affecting it either positively or negatively. Fixing some of the problems with the built environment could spill over and reduce other non-built environment related problems in the camp. For example, in our opinion the problems with petty-theft seem to be encouraged by the disconnection between indoors and outdoors in the homes. If residents, and through better camp layout and better planned window orientation, are able to establish a stronger visual connection with the outdoors, it is possible the issue of petty theft might be reduced. This reduction has the potential to encourage more outdoor space appropriation. It also might support improved opportunities for adult supervision over the children, which could lead to less anti-social behavior and fewer problems between neighbors. There are potentially numerous cause-effect relationships that could be affected in a similar manner. Another example of such cause-effect relation relates to camp layout. If the grid pattern was designed more around the cul-de-sac layout as DS calls for, most likely situations relating to neighborhood identity and definition would be different today. The centralized space of the cul-

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150 de-sac will provide to a certain extent better ventilation and natural sunlight because it assures certain distances between each two opposite buildings. 3 It will automatically orient the windows ls, creating great potential to reduce some of the tensions caused by lack of privacy, noise, and lack of views. An important aspect to consider throughout all this is the effect of the ongoing conflict on the camp community. Despite the horrible conditions and immense hardships it creates, it might be fair to assume that it is reducing certain social problems by unifying the camp community to a certain extent. In the case of the elimination of the conflict, especially for a temporarily period 4 an increase in built-environment-related social problems within the camp could be expected due to the elimination of these community unifying conditions. An environment that helps strengthen and maintain social ties should be in place, and designing and building according to DS guidelines creates an environment that potentially helps strengthen community ties by creating more opportunities for positive casual social-interaction, while creating healthier and more humane environments for a community that truly needs it. it is important to remember that there are no guarantees for success. This success or failure will be heavily dependent on the context, and the surrounding conditions. The problems at hand within any refugee camp environment are very complex, and their complexity increases by time. These problems are generated on so many economic, social, political, cultural, and environmental levels, and are subject to numerous influences both internal and external to the camp itself. It is fair to say that no one-solution can be the ultimate cure for these problems; on 3 See chapter (6) for details on the design guidelines suggested in the study. 4 A permanent solution to the conflict could lead to dismantling the camp all together.

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151 the contrary it is our belief that no matter what improvement takes place in camp environments, tremendous problems and hardships will persist for the refugees themselves, and both the host communities and relief agencies. These camps are abnormalities, and most likely will never be a good place to live in. But, there is no excuse for not at least trying to better life conditions for refugees and displaced populations in general. It is both a moral obligation and necessary for their well-being to do so. Any improvement and consideration is better than none, and Defensible Space theory seems to hold some potential for improvement in these situations. An attempt to further study and apply this theory in such areas is both logical and important, especially since it might help reduce some of the suffering for people who unwillingly and unjustly were exposed to such terrible events of refuge and displacement.

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152 Figure 5-1. Conflict related restrictions: In this picture, the residents blocked-off the main entrance to the cemetery with concrete-blocks because the army used to use this entrance as an access point to the camp.

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153 A Figure 5-2. Responses to petty theft: A) Ultimate boundary definition by one of the residents to secure the area in front of his house. B) Another example of extreme boundary definition.

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154 B Figure 5-2 Continued.

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155 Figure 5-3. Unique responsomething resembling a deadly trap, to prevent people from sitting on, or stepping on the corner. It is unclear what the main reason for this is, but it evidently aims at preventing either children, insurgents, or the army from accessing the roof or the nearby window. Figure 5-4. A stressful and unattractive environment: Despite the overall clean camp, still it is far from perfect and dirty water and trash in the streets is still normal in some areas.

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156 Figure 5-5. Barely any space left: The building infringements due to the space shortage make the existing tight conditions even tighter. There is no room for anything outdoors.

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157 Figure 5-6. Signs of territorial appropriation: Whenever the design allows for some sense of enclosure, residents will start to expand their zones of influence to include near home space. In the picture, personal belongings are left outside because of the enclosure.

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158 Figure 5-7. Unassigned spaces and unclear responsibilities: Such space between buildings in not associated with either home. It becomes instantly a trash-dump. Who should attend to this?

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159 Figure 5-8. Problems with neighborhood boundaries: With continuous walls of grey concrete and large numbers of alleys, where does a neighborhood start or end? In the picture, notice how deep the continuous alley is, some of them go from one end of the camp to the other. People are merely stacked into homes with no provisions to encourage a sense of area identity.

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160 CHAPTER 6 RECOMMENDATIONS, LESSONS LEARNED, CHALLENGES AND FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS Defensible Space Guidelines Recommended in Refugee Camp Design The fieldwork conducted in the Balata refugee camp, in addition to literature in the field of displacement; demonstrate the need for alternative thinking in the refugee camp and settlement design. Our study recommends adopting Defensible Space theory design guidelines in the relief field. A number of these design guidelines could be derived from theory. They target certain aspects of the built environment especially in the camp planning stage. The overall goal of this DS application is to improve the living conditions for the refugees in the long run. This is and perceived zones of influence to include near home space, reassigning responsibility of unclaimed public space to nearby housing, thereby minimizing ambiguous space (Newman, 1973). The following are the guidelines suggested to be incorporated into the field of refugee camp and settlement design. An explanation of the purposes and benefits of these guidelines are provided, and a relation to existing literature in the displacement field is established. Guideline A: The Adoption of Cul-De-Sac Layouts While Early in Camp Design stages, and Avoiding Grid-Pattern Designs and Layouts Newman (1973) refers to these cul-de--process of creating these layouts involves dividing the planned housing units into groups, while creating a centralized open space for each group of housing as demonstrated in figure (6-1). The purported benefits of such a design include: 1. Increased opportunities for positive casual social interaction: Overall, when applied, DS principles seem to enhamore opportunities for this positive casual social interaction (Schweitzer et al, 1999; Cozens et al, 2001a; 2001b; 2002). Taylor et al (1984; 1986) argues that the local social ties are improved by territorial enhancements. These territorial enhancements give people a better sense of ownership over the space, and possibly develop a stronger sense of

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161 community. Sullivan et al (2001) also argues that territorial enhancements strengthen the sense of safety and sense of belonging to the community, and positively influences social concept of strengthening community ties might be of high importance while preparing camps for displaced populations. Strong community relationships are essential for the recovery of the displaced, especially since the original social networks, neighborhoods, and communities are usually disturbed, if not dismantled due to the displacement event (Cuny, 1983; Bolin and Stanford, 1991; Zetter, 1995; Payne, 1998; Eruesto, 2002; Jamal, 2003). The newly-built environment has to foster the development of social ties because in such cases, the primary means of coping are social units (Cuny, 1983). And although the physical environment might not be the most challenging issue facing the displaced immediately, the creation of a supportive environment could prove to be part of the solution in the long run. 2. Distinct identities for each area: Cul-de-sac layouts create unique identities for the different areas within the camp, especially when compared to a grid pattern layout (Figures 2-1, 6-2). They also create unique central spaces and entry points to each residential area. This is likely to increase creates spatial hierarchy within the camp in addition to improved way finding for both residents and visitors. Bowles (1998) and Fernandash and Walker (2002) support this notion, and argue that it could provide the displaced with a stronger sense of control over their lives. It is important here to note that in most cases, refugees and displaced population originate from rural, naturally occurring villages and settlements as was the case in the Balata refugees. Such suggested cul-de-sac organization of space is logical when compared to naturally occurring settlements and vernacular architecture worldwide. Historically, numerous settlements, towns and cities reflect such spatial-hierarchy and transitions from public to private (Rapaport, 1977; Rykert, 1988). Housing people in settlements that are alien to them such as the case in grid-pattern based camps -potentially leads to the deterioration and failure of the camp (Oliver-Smith, 1991). When looking at the Balata camp, we see that none of these spatial hierarchies are respected due to the original grid layout, and when compared to the surrounding urban fabric (Figure,4-1) we see how the camp appears to be alien. 3. The creation of centralized open spaces: These spaces could become children play areas, or community areas in which people interact (Figure 6-2). This potentially strengthens community ties within the area, also it makes it easier for parents to supervise their children since they will be in a distinct, and visible location. The UNHCR (1994) note that by failing to provide centrally located areas for child-play, and initially within camp designs, the streets and alleys will most likely become the areas where the children play as was the case in the Balata camp. There streets and alleys do not facilitate parental that they will engage in anti-social activities such as petty theft. 4. Extending areas of responsibility: The centralized deign could encourage residents to include this area in their zone of responsibility since it is clearly defined, and is shared by a limited number of people, i.e. the houses surrounding the cul-de-sac. The feeling of responsibility towards open alleyways (as in the case of grid-layouts) will most likely be

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162 less since they are open for unlimited numbers of users. In the Balata camp, when asked, most residents failed to determine where their areas of responsibilities ended. 5. Improved space distribution: The cul-de-sac design creates increased spaces between the buildings at least from one side; it improves the situation of natural lighting, ventilation, and accessibility. This translates into better disease management, and fire control also (Figure 6-4). These are important elements especially when dealing with vulnerable populations such as refugees, as they usually include large numbers of women, elderly, and children. 6. The redistribution of services: Creating cul-de-sac neighborhoods as suggested is likely to encourage camp management and aid agencies to re-distribute utilities such as drinking water (Figure 6-1). This makes it easier for the population to obtain their daily needs, and in a more secure manner. In contrast, in most grid pattern layouts, utilities are centralized. Some of the inhabitants living far from the location of the utilities are faced by the dangerous-daily trip to acquire even the most basic supplies. Chalinder (1998) argues that facilities such as water wells should be in highly visible, widely distributed locations to insure safety especially of vulnerable populations such as women and children. Corsellis and Vitale (2005) also discuss the issues of safety for vulnerable populations at length; they conclude that utilities should be positioned in a manner that does not require these populations to walk for long distances in dangerous camp environments. They recommend distributing some of these basic services in different locations of the camps. 7. Potential for open space utilization: The creation of the cul-de-sac gives the population the opportunity to appropriate some of the central space for their personal needs such as gardening, or entertainment (Figure 6-4). These issues are near impossible to do in grid-like pattern design since houses usually open directly on streets. In the Balata camp, nearly all doors opened directly onto the alleys, residents had to even fence the single plant they might have had. Cul-de-sac design provides spatial hierarchy, whereas grid pattern layouts do not. Guideline B: Creating Better Opportunities for Natural Surveillance through Systematic Orientation of Windows towards Open Spaces and Overlooking Critical Locations Natural surveillance opportunities are important in giving residents an enhanced sense of security (Newman, 1973). The main idea is that people tend to modify their behavior in public when seen by others, and attempt to avoid anti-social behavior (Jacobs, 1961). In the design world, this guideline is meant to give people the means to observe and be observed while in public areas, this reduces the possibility of harmful behaviors. The real life manifestation of this is achieved by orienting house windows to overlook community space so that residents observe the area casually from their homes, and are observed also while using the space by other

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163 neighbors (Figure 6-5). Also, orienting windows towards areas with potential high risks for problems is also important. These areas, which are out of the public view usually, encourage criminal or disruptive behavior. Although not necessarily the case at the outset of the camp, crime could become a serious issue in the long-run. Such a problem is probably the worst in protracted refugee situations, in which given the high levels of material deprivation and psychosocial deprivation, high levels of violence are commonplace (Crisp, 2005). The benefits of such design approach could reach far beyond safety and security issues. Carefully aligning, and orienting windows to face certain areas in a systematic method eliminates potential problems within the camp environment. Privacy problems, poor ventilation, and minimal natural light are results of poor camp design in the first place, and the lack of guidelines governing the location and orientation of openings in general. The Balata camp is the living proof of the importance of this point. Guideline C: Defining Clear Areas of Responsibility in Outdoor Areas This involves assigning any neglected areas to adjacent housing units by using fencing and boundary definition techniques. This practice could help encourage residents to utilize the outdoors more, while providing them with the opportunity to use this additional space for their own benefit (Figure 6-4). These concepts could prove valuable on the long run in enhancing the quality of life within the settlement. Guideline D: Reducing the Number of Alleys and Access Points within the Camp The aim of this is for residents to achieve a better control over who uses these outdoor spaceand the ability to locate and identify strangers (Figure 6-5).

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164 Guideline E: Adopting Image Enhancing Techniques: This includes painting each area with a distinct color, and improving outdoor lighting to camp design. Enhancing the public spaces and the image of the settlement are important, and potentially give the displaced a better sense of belonging and self-control (Malkki, 1995). The Balata camp for example could appear less rundown if bright paint colors were used for example. Potential Weaknesses of the Defensible Space Approach for Camp and Settlement Design Alongside with the potential benefits of a DS application in the displacement field, there are a number of possible problems that could emerge, these are: 1. The issue of cultural sensitivity: such an application of DS theory is that it was developed in Anglo-American settings, and cultural background. What makes this even a more complicated issue is that most displacement events, especially conflict driven, take place in developing countries with big cultural the potential to be an asset here. 2. The possibility of DS becoming a cookie-cutter approach: It is important not to think of a DS applications in the field of displacement as standardized design layouts. The idea of such an application is to assist in designing camps and camp-based solutions in a long-term thinking manner. It should not be thought of as a standardized design layout. On the contrary, and understanding of the fundamental concepts behind the theory is important. It will allow for adapting the theory to suit different settings and conditions. Training of professionals in the field is crucial for the success of this approach. 3. Does not allow for user input: The original Defensible Space theory represents a form of top-down planning, and theoretically has no provisions for user input. On the other hand, modern-day displacement theory literature calls for the involvement of the displaced populations in the recovery, and relief process (UNHCR, 2000). Second generation Defensible Space-based theories such as CPTED 1 do include provisions and mechanisms for user input (Schneider and Kitchen, 2007). Overall Study Limitations and Lessons Learned Overall, the design and execution of our study were both complicated processes. Conceptual challenges and challenges on the ground played a role on what could be done, and 1 CPTED: Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (Crowe, 2000).

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165 limited the scope of the analysis in some cases. Some of these limitations have been discussed throughout the different sections; the following points expand further on these points. Study Limitations Conflict: The ongoing conflict affected nearly every aspect of this research. From the design to the execution, and even the analysis. All of these elements could not be considered without the existing conflict conditions in mind. The duration of the work was significantly shorter than expected, and especially after a new war between Lebanon and Israel broke-out during the field work period 2 Also, the heightened tensions within the camp area specifically and the overall area in general, made the actual time spent in the field shorter. It also limited the available work hours. For example, no work was conducted during the evening hours due to the increased military activity and dangers and that time. Even during regular daytime work hours, on numerous occasions we had to leave the camp abruptly during the work because of conflict related skirmishes. The conflict affected the data collection itself, since the situation the respondents lived in was greatly affected by it. Their responses were to a certain extent a reflection and a description of these conditions. Most likely, a similar project in a non-conflict scenario could have some differences in the responses. Nevertheless, we tried to isolate the effects of the conflict during the field work through question wording and selection. Also during the analysis in an attempt to achieve a more accurate understanding of the situation within the camp. No previous research available: Our studyis new in the sense that it is taking DS not only out of an Anglo-American context, but furthermore into a refugee camp context. No previous research in such setting was available to help guide in the preparation and execution of this work. Research setting was relatively unknown: The overseas location of the target areas limited the pre-fieldwork site visits. We were unable to spend long periods of times prior to the actual field-work in the study sites. Also, the shortage of detailed information available about the specifics of our study areas complicated the situation even more. Such pre-field work site visits and information could have helped refine the questionnaire and the research methodology furthermore. It is important to mention here that the questionnaire was slightly modified during the field work, and an IRB re-approval/modification was submitted while in the field to address these changes. Complexity of the settings: Our study is an attempt to address a multi-faceted, complex topic. The work was conducted in a relatively short period of time, yet a true comprehensive understanding of the reality of life within the camp and the village will require an extensive stay within the settings, much more than what we were capable of achieving. 2 The war between Lebanon and Israel broke out during the field work in July/07. It increased the tensions within the West-Bank and Gaza greatly; it also complicated the researchers travel arrangements due to the movement and restrictions imposed on the Palestinian territories.

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166 Difficulties in measurement: Some of the concepts explored here such as territoriality and neighborhood ties are not easy to measure directly, and require exploring and measuring tangential phenomenon more than the actual concepts themselves, which are hard to define yet-alone measure. This could affect some of our results, since it could be hard to achieve solid conclusions about the concepts under study. Lessons Learned Importance of the local guide: Probably the biggest asset of this study, and arguably any similar study, was the local guide 3 The presence of the guide was one of the main ingredients for success in achieving fieldwork goals. The guide provided more than simply way finding, his presence made it safer for us, since I was seen by the locals as being accompanied by one of them. And in times of heightened tensions, as was the case in the camp, this made me appear more trustworthy, and made the job less complicated. The erview contents. He was easily recognized by the locals, and his presence made going into homes for interviews possible, and trouble free. He also helped in some of the study related decisions such as the division of the study areas into sections according to his knowledge of the area. Knowledge of the local customs, language, and culture: This was another important lesson. My knowledge of the cultural practices and customs of the target areas helped in a number of issues. First, it allowed me to pick-up on certain issues that might be out of the reach of someone alien to the culture, such as gender roles for example. Second: It reduced the time needed in the field, since an outsider to the culture will need a significantly longer time to adjust, and understand some of the basic themes and practices. Third, it helped avoid cultural sensitivity pitfalls, for example how to enter any house? How to sit and behave? What is appropriate to ask and talk about without offending the locals? Some cultures might see it as offensive to turn-down hospitality as was the case in the camp and village 4 Knowledge of the language: It would have been extremely hard for me to conduct this research without a complete knowledge of the Arabic language. Even a basic understanding of the language would not be sufficient. Importance of a flexible methodology and questionnaire-interview: Working in such complicated environment and with many unknowns, requires any researcher to be flexible and creative in his/her approach for field-work. A strict-close-ended questionnaire will most likely miss-out on some of the unique aspects that emerge in the field. Also, upon starting the fieldwork, one might realize that the environment is much more complicated 3 4 I was aware of this hospitality issue, and accepted it in nearly all cases. I refused it in once case because I simply took the drink after that, and explained why I refused it in the first place. This is a very telling incident about the stigma accompanied by camp life, and the rundown environment. It also reflects the common view of refugee-non refugee relations, where non-refugees such as the residents of the city of Nablus, are assumed to, and do look-down at refugees, and see them as of lesser status.

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167 than originally anticipated, and the feedback on questions might not be as good as expected. A pilot study (if possible) is an important step of any similar work. Getting out of comfort zone: While working in such environments, one should expect to end-up in areas that could be dangerous, unhealthy, and uncomfortable as was the case in during our study. It is important to go with the flow, although there are risk factors included. Working in such harsh environments is not for the faint-hearted. Importance of being street-smart and avoiding incidents if possible: During the field work, one could expect some incidents, such as meeting people who are unhappy with the diplomatically. During the field work, one of the people we met in the street was very loud, angry, and disrespectful of me, and the guide. It was very important to diffuse the situation, because an encounter could affect the overall fieldwork, and complicate it even further. Importance of local expertise: During the work, valuable feedback and advice was provided by the guide, and the people working at the Yafa cultural center. It is important to be always open to such advice, and insight while taking it seriously. It is also important to listen and respect the opinions of the people, and not to try to show them what one knows in a condescending manner! Future Directions Our study could be considered merely a starting step in a more extensive and multi-staged future research project. It represents to simply gives the starting direction for the future work. Its potential could be realized even more if pursued further, and on a larger scale. As a final thought, incorporating Defensible Space training in the curriculum for relief workers and agencies could be an achievable and worthwhile future goal.

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168 Figure 6-1. Cul-de-sac camp layout example: The camp consists of multiple cul-de-sac layouts, repeated in many different possible formations. Such layouts provide a community central space, better way finding, a view overlooking the community space, and the possibility to distribute certain services such as water sources for example. They also provide each area of the camp with a unique identity, and divide it up into clearly defined neighborhoods. Main Road Housing Units Community Spac e Main Services Remote Services

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169 Figure 6-2. Cul-de-sac benefits 1: The central space acts as a space for the community and a space for the children to play, and although it is a public space, it will be mainly used by the people living around it. Residents have a clear view of the space therefore adult supervision of children is possible. It creates opportunities for natural surveillance Family community open space

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170 Figure 6-3. Cul-de-sac benefits 2: After the camp starts to expand, these cul-de-sac open spaces will guarantee at least some light and ventilation for the area even after expansion (areas hatched in the figure represent expansion). It is most likely that the space will remain open since it will be important enough for the residents to preserve.

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171 Figure 6-4. Cul-de-sac benefits 3: Easy to define areas of responsibility. The Hatched (left over) areas will be assigned to the units, meaning that each unit gets it own small yard and/or back-yard, but the central space will remain assigned for the overall cul-de-sac. This will create a spatial-hierarchy as follows: Private (the home) to semi-private (the yard) then semi public (the central space), finally to public (the rest of the camp). In contrast, the relation within the grid camp is private to public immediately, without any transition. Another benefit is the distance between facing units (yellow arrows) remains at a good distance, this will help reduce some problems with privacy.

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172 Figure 6-5. Cul-de-sac benefits 4: Security and access control. The cul-de-sac mainly has one entrance and access point (the yellow arrow). This will help limit the users to the area; therefore any strangers will be recognized. The residents have a clear view of the area (blue arrows), this could help increase the sense of security for the residents.

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173 APPENDIX A CONSENT FORM, STUDY QUESTIONNAIRE: ENGLISH University of Florida Department of Urban and Regional Planning Dear Participant, The purpose of this study is to achieve a better understanding of the current living conditions within your area of residence. A questionnaire will be used to achieve this goal in which a number of questions relating to your living environment will be asked. These include questions about your residence area, some of the design features in your house, your usage of outdoor and near home space, and community relations within your neighborhood. The overall aim of this study is to suggest improved design guidelines especially in refugee camps. The research is being conducted by Abdellatif Qamhaieh, a graduate student in the D epartment of Urban and Regional Planning at the University of Florida. The questionnaire will require around 30 minutes to be completed Your participation is completely voluntary and there is no risk, compensation or direct benefits to you for participat ing in this research Your answers are completely confidential and will not be individually disclosed You are free to withdraw your consent to participate at any time; you also do not have to answer any question you do not wish to answer. Still, your par ticipation could help develop improved design guidelines especially for refugee camps. If you have any questions about the research, please feel free to contact the researcher by phone at 0599-697989, or via email at abdull@ufl.edu For further information or questions you could also contact the research supervisor at the following address: Dr Richard H. Schneider, Department of Urban and Regional Planning. 431B ARCH Building, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611, Phone #: 001-(352)-392-0997 ext 430, Fax 001-(352)-392-3308, E-mail: rschnei@ufl.edu Questions or concerns about your rights as a research participant may be directed to: The University of Florida Institutional Review Board (UFIRB), PO Box 112250, Gainesville, FL 32611; Phone: 001 (352) 392 0433. Email address: irb2@ufl.edu By agreeing to the content of this letter, you give me the permission to report your responses anonymously in the final research document. I agree to participate ( ) Date: _______________

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174 Outdoor Space and Sense of Community Questionnaire: The purpose of this questionnaire is to gather information about the living conditions within your area of residence. This is a part of a scientific study focusing on the effects of the built environment on people, specifically in the context of a refugee camp. This questionnaire is ground information relationship the respondent has with the outdoor space and the surroundings. Finally, Section community, in addition to other issues. The research is being conducted by the researcher as part of his PhD dissertation at the University of Florida. Please feel free to ask the researcher any questions. Your time and effort are highly appreciated. Instructions Whenever the option is available, please check the box that represents your answers. In all other questions, please write your responses in the underlined area. You can use the back of the page if you feel that you need more space, please include the question number in such cases. If you choose to fill out this questionnaire by yourself, please return it to the following address; it is possible also to call the researcher at the accompanying phone numbers to arrange for a pickup: Abdellatif Qamhaieh, P.O. Box 843, Asserra Street, Nablus. Home Phone: 09-2374545. Cell Phone: 0599-697989. Section I: Background Information and Context 1. Date (dd/mm/yy): ( / / ) 2. Year of Birth ( ) 3. Gender: a. ( ) Male b. ( ) Female 4. Occupation: 5. Where do you live? (Camp / City / Village): 6. What neighborhood of camp/city do you live in? 7. How long have you lived here? ( ) Years 8. Do you own or rent the house? a. ( ) Own b. ( ) Rent 9. Are you Head of Household? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No 10. How many rooms in the House? ( ) 11. Number of stories: ( ) 12. What story do you live in? ( ) 13. Number of family member living in the House? ( ) 14. Do es extended family live nearby? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No

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175 Section II: Relationship to the Outdoor Space, and Surroundings 15. Do you have a porch/ balcony/roof/ courtyard? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No Type: 16. Do you have windows directly on the public stree t? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No If yes, please describe their location and number below: 17. Do you have doors directly on the public street? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No If yes, please describe their location and number below: 18. Do you keep your street level window curtains/blinds open or shut most of the time? a. ( ) Open b. ( )Shut c. ( ) According to needs 19. If you answered b. (shut) in previous question, please explain the reasons below: 20. Do you have any blocked windows? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No If yes, please describe the causes of the blockage below: 21. Do you feel that your house does not have enough space? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No (please use back page if needed): If yes, how does this affect you? 22. Do you f eel that your neighborhood is overcrowded? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No (please use back page if needed): If yes, how does this affect you? sufficient? a. ( ) Ye s b. ( ) No 24. Do your kids (if applies) play indoors or outdoors most of the time? a. ( ) Indoors b. ( ) Outdoors c. ( ) Varies 25. If they play outdoors, where do they play? Please name and describe location below: 26. Can you see your ki ds from your house while they are playing outdoors ? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No 27. Do you prefer to see your kids while they are playing outdoors? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No Please explain the reasons for your answer below: 28. Do you consider the ar ea in front of your house your property?

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176 a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No Please explain reasons: 29 If your answer was yes in the previous question, can you describe where you consider your property ends? 30. Do you consider the area in front of your ho use your responsibility? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No Please explain reasons: 31. Do you clean the area in front of your house? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No Please explain reasons: 32. Do you leave personal belongings in front of your house? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No Please explain reasons: 33. Do you have any seats in front of your house? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No Please explain reasons: 34. Do you have any plant pots in front of your house? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No 35. Does any member of your hous ehold occasionally sit in front of the house? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No Please explain reasons: 36. Do you pay attention to what happens on the street near you house? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No Please explain reasons: 37. Do you regularly remove any w ritings off your walls? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No Please explain reasons: Section III: Communal Ties and Sense of Community 38. Do you and your neighbors share the same entrance area? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No 39. Do you regularly run into your nei ghbors while entering or leaving your house? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No 40. Does any member of your household have any problems with the neighbors? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No If yes, please explain the reasons: 41. What is the number of neighbors that ar e related to you? ( ) 42. Do you occasionally borrow items from your neighbors? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No 43. Do you know most of the people in your neighborhood?

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177 a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No 44. Can you usually identify a stranger within your ne ighborhood? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No 45. Do neighbors generally help each other is this neighborhood? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No 46. Do you feel that you are different from your neighbors at an economic level? a. ( ) Better b. ( ) Worse c. ( ) No Diff erence Explain: 47. Do you feel that the living conditions in your house are different from those of your neighbors? a. ( ) Better b. ( ) Worse c. ( ) No Difference Explain: 48. What are some of the most important problems you have in your hous e? 49. Are you aware of any crime s that took place in your neighborhood? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No If yes, please describe the type of crime: 50. If there is any trouble related to military operation s in the camp, how do you get word of that? 5 1. Do you feel safe from crime in your house? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No Please explain the reasons for your answer: 52. Do you feel that any member of your household could be harassed while moving around the neighborhood ? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No Please explain the reasons for your answer: 53. Do you feel that any member of your household could be harassed while moving around the camp in general ? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No Please explain the reasons for your answer: 54. In your opinion, do neighbor s look out for each other here? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No 55. In your opinion, is there a strong community in the overall camp? a. ( ) Yes b. ( ) No Please explain the reason for your answer: 56. How would you describe in your own words life in you r neighborhood? 57. Do you have any additional comments and issues you felt were overlooked?

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178 Please return the completed questionnaire to the following address; it is possible also to call the researcher at the accompanying phone numbers to arrange for a pickup: Abdellatif Qamhaieh, P.O. Box 843, Asserra Street, Nablus. Home Phone: 09-2374545. Cell Phone: 0599-697989. THANK YOU VERY MUCH!

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179 APPENDIX B CONSENT FORM, STUDY QUESTIONNAIRE: ARABIC (University of Florida 0599697989 abdull@ufl.edu Dr Richard H. Schneider, Department of Urban and Regional Planning. 431B ARCH Building, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611, Phone #: 001-(352)-392-0997 ext 430, Fax 001-(352)-392-3308, E-mail: rschnei@ufl.edu University of Florida Institutional Review Board (UFIRB), PO Box 112250, Gainesville, FL 32611; Phone: 001-(352) 392-0433. Email address: irb2@ufl.edu

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180 x 843 092374545 0599697989 ( / / ) 1 ( ) 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

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181 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28

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182 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47

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183 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 843 092374545 0599697989

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184 LIST OF REFERENCES Abdelkawi, A. (1989). The oasis of Farafra in the eyes of its inhabitants. in J. Bourdier, J. & N. Alsayyad, (Eds). Dwellings, settlements, and tradition: Cross-cultural perspectives. Lanham, MD: University Press of America. Ager, A. (Ed.). (1999). Refugees, perspectives on the experience of forced migration. London, NY: Pinter/Cassell. Angel, S. (1968). Discouraging crime through city planning (Working paper no.75). Berkeley, CA: Center for Planning Development Research, University of California. BADIL. (2006). Survey of Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons (2004-2005). Bethlehem, Palestine: Author. Balata -AlBalad.org. (2007). Population figures. Retrieved June 15, 2007 from http://www.balata-albalad.org/texts/tpopulation.html Bakhet, O. (1987, April). UNHCR experiences in implementing rural settlements for refugees. Paper presented at the International Conference on the Management of Planned and Spontaneous Refugee Settlements, 1-3: Dar es Salaam. Black, R. (1995, September). Refugees and environmental change: Global issues. Paper presented at ECHO meeting for Policy issues on the environmental impact of displacement of population during the emergency phase: Expert consultation. Brussels. Retrieved on June 15, 2007 from http://fmo.qeh.ox.ac.uk/Repository/getPdf.asp?Path=Oxford/1612/10 /08&PageNo=1 Black, R. (1998). Putting refugees in camps. Forced Migration Review, 2, 4-7. Bolin, R. & Stanford, L. (1991). Shelter, housing, and recovery: A comparison of US disasters. Disasters, 15(1), 24-34. Booth, A. (1981). The built environment as a crime deterrent: A reexamination of defensible space. Criminology, 18, 557-570. Bourdier, J. & Alsayyad, N. (Eds). (1989). Dwellings, settlements, and tradition: Cross-cultural perspectives. Lanham, MD: University Press of America. Bowles, E. (1998). From village to camp: refugee camp life in transition on the Thailand-Burma border. Forced Migration Review, 2, 11-15. Cernea, M. (1996). Understanding and preventing impoverishment from displacement. In C. McDowell (Ed.). Understanding impoverishment: The Consequences of development induced displacement. Providence, RI: Berghahn Books. Cernea, M. & McDowell, C. (Eds.). (2000). Risks and reconstruction: Experiences of resettlers and refugees. Washington, DC: The World Bank.

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185 Chalinder, A. (1998). Temporary human settlement planning for displaced populations in emergencies. Good Practice Review 6. London: Overseas Development Institute. Chimni, B. (2002). Refugees and post-conflict reconstruction: A critical Perspective. International Peacekeeping (Frank Cass), 9(2), 163-181. Cisneros, H. (1995). Defensible space: Deterring crime and building community. Washington DC: US. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). Clarke, R. (ed.) (1997). Situational crime prevention: Successful case studies (Second ed.). Guilderland, NY: Harrow and Heston. Corsellis, T. & Vitale A. (2005). Transitional Settlement: Displaced Population. Cambridge, UK: University of Cambridge Shelterproject/Oxfam. Cozens, P. & Hiller, D. & Prescott, G. (2001a). Crime and design of residential property: Exploring the theoretical background. Property Management, 19(2), 136-164. Cozens, P. & Hiller, D. & Prescott, G. (2002). Criminogenic associations and characteristic British housing designs. International Planning Studies, 7(2), 119136. Cozens, P. & Hiller, D. & Prescott, G. (2001b). Crime and the design of residential property exploring the perceptions of planning professionals, burglars and other users: Part 2. Property Management, 19(4), 222-248. Crisp, J. & Jacobsen, K. (1998). Refugee camps reconsidered. Forced Migration Review, 3, 28-30. Crisp, J. (2005), No solution in sight: The problem of protracted refugee situations. In I. Ohta & Y. Gebre (Eds.). Displacement risks in Africa: Refugees, resettlers and their host population. Kyoto: Kyoto University Press. Crowe, T. (2000). Crime prevention through environmental design. 2-ed. Boston MA: Butterworth-Heinemann. Cuny, F. (1977). Refugee camps and camp planning: The state of the art. Disasters, 1(2), 125-143. Cunny, F. (1983). Disasters and Development. New York: Oxford University Press. Donnelly, P. & Kimble, C. (1997). Community organizing, environmental change and neighborhood crime. Crime and Delinquency, 43(4), 493-512. Downing, T. (1996). Mitigating social impoverishment when people are involuntarily displaced. In C. McDowell (Ed.). Understanding impoverishment: The Consequences of development induced displacement. Providence, RI: Berghahn Books.

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186 Erikson, K. (1994). A new species of trouble: The human experience of modern disasters. New York: W.W.Norton. Eruesto, J. (2002). The breakdown of culture in refugee camps. Forced Migration Review, 14, 20-21. Fardanesh, G. & Walker, B. (2002). Dignified village life for the displaced. Forced Migration Review, 12, 22-24. Felson, M. (2002). Crime and Everyday Life. (Third ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Frelick, B. (2004), Refugees: Darfur and beyond. America, 191(4), 3-4. Hall, E. (1959). The silent language. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday and Co. Hall, E. (1969). The hidden dimension. Garden City, NY: Anchor Books. Hall, P. (2001). Cities of tomorrow (Updated ed.). Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing. Harrell-Bond, B. E. (1986). Imposing Aid: Emergency assistance to refugees. New York: Oxford University Press. Harrell-Bond, B. E. (1995), Refugees and the international system: The evolution of solutions. (Unpublished research paper). Oxford: Refugee Studies Programme. Retrieved on June 15, 2007 from http://www.reliefweb.int/library/RSC_Oxford/data/RSC%20Reports%5 CRefugees%20and%20the%20International%20System.pdf Harrell-Bond, B. E. (1999). Refuge experience as aid recipients. In A. Ager (Ed) Refugees, perspectives on the experience of forced migration (pp. 136-168). London, NY: Pinter/Cassell. Jacobs, J. (1961). The death and life of great American cities. New York: Random House. Jacobsen, L.B. (2000). of Palestinian refugee. Norway: Fafo summary report. Jamal, A. (2003). Camps and freedoms: long-term refugee situations in Africa. Forced Migration Review, 16, 4-6. Kaplan, S. (1973). Review of the book Defensible Space. Architectural Forum, 98, 8. Kendrick, J. (2000). Social statistics: an introduction using SPSS for windows. Mountain View, CA: Mayfield Publishing Company. Lynch, K. (1960). The image of the city. Cambridge, MA: Technology Press. Malkki, L. (1995). Purity in exile: Violence, memory, and national cosmology among Hutu refugees in Tanzania. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

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187 Mayhew, P. (1979). Defensible space: The current status of crime prevention theory. The Howard Review Journal, 18, 150-159. Merry, S. (1981). Urban danger: Life in a neighborhood of strangers. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Moser, C. O. (2004). Urban violence and insecurity: An introductory roadmap. Environment & Urbanization, 16(2), 3-16. Muggah, R. (2003). A tale of two solitudes: Comparing conflict and developmentinduced internal displacement and involuntary resettlement. International Migration, 41(5), 531. Newman, O. (1995). Defensible space. Journal of the American Planning Association, 61(2), 149-156. Newman, O. (1996). Creating defensible space. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), Office of Policy Development and Research. Newman, O. (1973). Defensible space: Crime prevention through urban design. New York: Macmillan. Newman, O. (1980). Community of Interest. Garden City, N.Y: Anchor Press/Doubleday. Oliver-Smith, A. (1991). Successes and failures in post-disaster resettlement. Disasters, 15(1), p12-24. Payne, L. (1998). Rebuilding communities in a refugee settlement: a case book from Uganda. Oxford, UK: Oxfam Development Casebooks, Oxfam Publications. PECDAR-Palestinian Economic Council for Development and Reconstruction. (2000). Palestine the holy land. Al-ram, Palestine: Author. Rapoport, A. (Ed.). (1976). The mutual interaction of people and their built environment: a cross-cultural perspective. The Hague: Mouton. Rapoport, A. (1977). Human aspects of urban form: towards a man-environment approach to urban form and design. Oxford; New York: Pergamon Press. Rykwert, J. (1988). The idea of a town: The anthropology of urban form in Rome, Italy and the ancient world. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press. Saunders, G. (2004). Dilemmas and Challenges for the shelter sector: Lessons learned from the sphere revision process. Disasters, 28(2), 160-175. Schneider, R. & Kitchen, T. (2002). Planning For Crime Prevention: A Transatlantic Perspective. London and New York: Routledge. Schneider, R. & Kitchen, T. (2007). Crime prevention and the built environment. London and New York: Routledge.

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188 Schmidt, A. (2003). FMO thematic guide: Camps vs. settlements. Retrieved June 15, 2007, from http://www.forcedmigration.org/guides/fmo021/ Schweitzer, J. & Kim, J. & Mackin, J. (1999). The impact of the built environment on crime and fear of crime in urban neighborhoods. Journal of Urban Technology, 6(3), 59-73. Sommer, R. (1969). Personal space: The behavioral basis of design. Englewood Cliffs,NJ: Prentice Hall. Shkilnyk, A. (1985). A poison stronger than love: the destruction of an Ojibwa community. New Haven: Yale University Press. Sullivan W. & Kuo F. & Brunson, L. (2001). Resident appropriation of public space in public housing: Implications for Safety and community. Environment and Behavior, 33(5), 626-652 Taylor R. & Gottfredson S. & Brower, S. (1984). Block crime and fear: Defensible space, local social ties, and territorial functioning. Journal of Research in Crime & Delinquency, 21(4), 293-332. Taylor; R. & Gottfredson, S. (1986). Environmental design, crime, and prevention: An examination of community dynamics. Crime and Justice, 8 (Communities and Crime), 387-416. Taylor, R. (1988). Human territorial functioning: An empirical, evolutionary perspective on individual and small group territorial cognitions, behaviors, and consequences. New York: Cambridge University Press. Terry, F. (2002). Condemned to repeat? The paradox of humanitarian action. Ithaca, London: Cornell University Press. The Sphere Project. (2004). Humanitarian charter and minimum standards in disaster response. Geneva, Switzerland: Author. Toole, M. (2001). Refuge for the selected few. The Lancet, 35, 1426-1427. UN-HABITAT. (2007). Global report on human settlements. London and Sterling, VA: Earthscan. UNHCR-United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (1994). Refugee children. guidelines on protection and care. Geneva, Switzerland: Author. UNHCR-United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (2000). Handbook for emergencies. Geneva, Switzerland: Author. UNHCR-United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (2004). Internally displaced persons. Geneva, Switzerland: Author.

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189 UNHCRUnited Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (2006). Convention and protocol relating to the status of refugees Geneva, Switzerland: Author. UNRWAUnited Nations Relief and Works Agency. (2005). Balata refugee camp Retrieved June 15, 2007 from http://www.un.org/unrwa/refug ees/westbank/balata.html UNRWAUnited Nations Relief and Works Agency. (2007a). UNRWA in figures. Retrieved June 15, 2007 from http://www.un.org/unrwa/public ations/pdf/uif-dec06.pdf UNRWAUnited Nations Relief and Works Agency. (2007b). The united nations and Palestinian refugees. Gaza, Palestine: Author. USAID. (1998). Field operation guide US agency for internati onal development. Washington, DC: Author. Van Damme, W. (1995). Do refugees belong in camps? Experiences from Goma and Guinea. The Lancet 346 (8971), 360-363. Vincent M. & Sorenson, B. (2001). Caught between borders: Response strategies of the internally displaced London; Sterling, VA: Pluto Press in association with Norwegian Refugee Council. Wilson, J. & Kelling, G. ( 1982). Broken windows. The Atlantic Monthly 211 29-38. Wood, E. (1961). Housing design: A social theory NY: Citizens Housing and Planning Council of New York, Inc. Zetter, R. (1995). Shelter provision and settlement policie s for refugees: A state of the art review Nordiska Afrikanstituet. Retrieved June 15, 2007 from http://www.brookes.ac.uk/schools/pl anning/dfm/pdf/zetter-shelter.pdf Zetter, R. (1999). International perspectives on ref ugee assistance. In A. Ager (Ed). (1999). Refugees, perspectives on the experience of forced migration London, NY: Pinter/Cassell.

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190 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Abdellatif Qamhaieh was born in Nablus, Palestine in 1975. He is eldest of two boys and two girls. He grew up for most part of his life in Nablus during the turmoil that gripped, and continues to grip the region. He earned his undergraduate degree in architecture from An-Najah National University Nablus, in 1998. He came to the United States in 2001 as a Clinton Presidential Scholar. As a graduate student at the University of Florida, he was awarded his masters degree in Urban and Regional Planning in 2003. He remained in the UF for his PhD studies and was awarded the UF Alumni fellowship throughout his PhD studies. Abdellatif married Marah Al-Aloul in December 2004.