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Romantic Dreams, Revisionist Nightmares

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0021185/00001

Material Information

Title: Romantic Dreams, Revisionist Nightmares The Third-Person Effect and Its Consequences in the Context of Bulgarian Journalists' Attitudes toward Macedonia
Physical Description: 1 online resource (256 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Karadjov, Christopher Detchkov
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2007

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: bias, bulgaria, effect, journalism, macedonian, media, perceptual, person, practice, question, third
Journalism and Communications -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Mass Communication thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: I investigated attitudes of Bulgarian journalists on aspects of disagreements between Bulgaria and Macedonia pertaining to issues of Macedonian national identity, language and minority in Bulgaria. The study tested several third-person perception hypotheses in this context, positing that elite Bulgarian journalists would be likely to either censor their work according to the official pressures or public opinion, or limit the distribution of Macedonian media in Bulgaria. I used survey combined with in-depth interviews to collect the study data. Hypotheses of third-person perception were largely supported by the data, indicating that Bulgarian journalists consider foreigners to be more vulnerable to media influences than themselves. This was also partially true for the comparison between journalists and other Bulgarians. Research findings did not confirm the hypotheses of behavioral intent based on the strength of the third-person perception. Results also showed that Bulgarian journalists, although not inclined to support any aggressive acts toward Macedonia, are nevertheless reluctant to relinquish their revisionist attitudes toward that country and would be willing to see Bulgaria 'seduce' Macedonians economically.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Christopher Detchkov Karadjov.
Thesis: Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2007.
Local: Adviser: Ferguson, Mary Ann.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2007
System ID: UFE0021185:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0021185/00001

Material Information

Title: Romantic Dreams, Revisionist Nightmares The Third-Person Effect and Its Consequences in the Context of Bulgarian Journalists' Attitudes toward Macedonia
Physical Description: 1 online resource (256 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Karadjov, Christopher Detchkov
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2007

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: bias, bulgaria, effect, journalism, macedonian, media, perceptual, person, practice, question, third
Journalism and Communications -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Mass Communication thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: I investigated attitudes of Bulgarian journalists on aspects of disagreements between Bulgaria and Macedonia pertaining to issues of Macedonian national identity, language and minority in Bulgaria. The study tested several third-person perception hypotheses in this context, positing that elite Bulgarian journalists would be likely to either censor their work according to the official pressures or public opinion, or limit the distribution of Macedonian media in Bulgaria. I used survey combined with in-depth interviews to collect the study data. Hypotheses of third-person perception were largely supported by the data, indicating that Bulgarian journalists consider foreigners to be more vulnerable to media influences than themselves. This was also partially true for the comparison between journalists and other Bulgarians. Research findings did not confirm the hypotheses of behavioral intent based on the strength of the third-person perception. Results also showed that Bulgarian journalists, although not inclined to support any aggressive acts toward Macedonia, are nevertheless reluctant to relinquish their revisionist attitudes toward that country and would be willing to see Bulgaria 'seduce' Macedonians economically.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Christopher Detchkov Karadjov.
Thesis: Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2007.
Local: Adviser: Ferguson, Mary Ann.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2007
System ID: UFE0021185:00001


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ROMANTIC DREAMS, REVISIONIST NIGHTMARES: THE THIRD-PERSON EFFECT
AND ITS CONSEQUENCES INT THE CONTEXT OF BULGARIAN JOURNALISTS'
ATTITUDES TOWARD MACEDONIA


















By


CHRISTOPHER D. KARADJOV


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE
SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL
FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

2007


































O 2007 Christopher D. Karadjoy




































To Katia
To my parents









ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

My deepest thanks go to all of the Bulgarian journalists who took the time to complete the

questionnaire or sit for in-depth interviews. Their cooperation made this project possible.

I thank my supervisory committee chair, Dr. Mary Ann Ferguson, for spending late hours

revising my work and helping me with advice and guidance. I thank my first dissertation advisor,

Dr. Leonard Tipton, who taught me valuable lessons in mass communication research and

stimulated my interest in the third-person effect theory in the first place.

I am also grateful to all members of my dissertation committee, for their advice, guidance

and support. I thanks my colleagues at California State University, Long Beach, who never lost

faith in my ability to carry this project to its conclusion.

Immense thanks go to my wife Katia, for her unyielding support during the years of this

research endeavor. And most of all, I thank my parents, who taught me to think for myself. They

did not live to see this dissertation project accomplished, but they were certain I would get it

done.











TABLE OF CONTENTS


page

ACKNOWLEDGMENT S ................. ..............4........... .....


LIST OF TABLES ................ ..............8.. ......... ....

AB STRAC T ................. ................. 10.............


CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION ................. ..............11.......... ......


The Third-Person Effect ................. ................. 11......... ...
Bulgaria's National Dream ................ ................. 14......... ....
Research Questions ................. ....... ...... ... ................ 15....
Theoretical Importance of Cross-National Research ................. ............... ......... .. 18
W hy Study Journalists? ................ ........... ................. 18...
Bulgarian Media: Rapid Transition.............. ...............18
Media Saturation and Media Reliance ................. ......... ......... ...........1
The Journalists' Influence ............. ........ ..............21
The Macedonian Question and Its Relevance Today ................ ............... ......... ..22
Bulgaria' s Recognition of Macedonia ................ ..............22. .......... ...
Brief History of Macedonia ................ ..............24. ..............
Bulgaria's Role .............. .. ..............25..
How Bulgarians See Macedonia ................ ..............28. ..............
The M acedonian M minority Issue .............. ....... ......... ...........3
Developments in Macedonia and Bulgaria, 2000-2007 ................ ........... ..........31
Bulgaria's Strength and Condescension .....__.....___ ..........__ ...........3
Macedonians studying in Bulgaria .....__.....___ ..........__ ...........3
Unchanging attitudes ............ ..... ._ ..............34....
Conclusion ............ ..... ._ ..............35....

2 REVIEW OF THE THIRD PERSON-EFFECT THEORY ......____ ..... .. .............36


History of the Theory and Basic Hypotheses .............. ..............36.....
Research Testing of the Third-Person Effect.............. ..............40..
Research on the Perceptual Hypothesis.............. ..............41
Research on the Behavioral Hypothesis ........._..... ......____ ...._._ ...........4
The Underlying Mechanisms of the Third-Person Effect ........._.._ .... ..._.._........47
The Third Person Effect and this Study .............. ..............48.....


3 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE MACEDONIAN QUESTION AND
PRESENT-DAY BULGARIAN MEDIA SYSTEM ................ ............... ......... ..53


Bulgaria' s Surprising Recognition of Macedonia. ................ ..............53. .............
Macedonia: Contested Land ................. ..............54................











Shattered National Dream .............. .... ..............55...
Macedonian Identity: The Bulgarian View ................ ..............60. .......... ...
Macedonian Minority in Bulgaria ................ ..............63. ..............
Doomed Ambition. ................. ....... ......... ..... .......... ...... .......6
Bulgaria's Transitional Media System: Who Informs Bulgarians? ............... ................. 68
Measure of Democratization. ............_......___ ..............73...

4 STUDY METHODOLOGY ............_...... ._ ..............76....


Research Questions and Hypotheses: Third-Person Effect ....._____ .......___ .............76
Macedonian National Identity ............ .....___ ..............78...
Macedonian Language ............_...... ._ ..............78....
Macedonian Minority in Bulgaria .............. ... ...__ ......____ ........ 7
Support for Press Limitations (Self-Censorship) ................ ............................78
In-depth Interview Research ................ ..............8.. 1......... ....
Definition of Attitudes. ................ ................. 8......... 1....
Attitude Questions and Pretest. .................. ......... .... ............ ........ .. .......8
Sample Selection: Determining Survey Respondents and Interview Participants ................87
Survey Administration ................. ..............93.......... ......


5 QUANTITATIVE FINDINGS, SCALE CONSTRUCTION, HYPOTHESES
TESTING, SAMPLE DEMOGRAPHICS ................ ..............105 .......... ....

Procedures for Attitudinal Scales Construction ................ ..............105 .......... ...
Final Versions of Attitudinal Scales and Other Indices ................ ................ ....... 107
Measuring Attitudes about Macedonian National Identity ................. ............... ... 108
Scale construction: Journalists' self-evaluation ................ ........... ..... ........._ 108
Scale construction: Journalists' evaluation of other Bulgarians' attitudes ........... 109
Measuring Attitudes about Macedonian Language................ .............. 110
Scale construction: Journalists' self-evaluation ................ ........... ..... ........._ 111
Scale construction: Journalists' evaluation of other Bulgarians' attitudes ........... 1 13
Measuring Attitudes about Macedonian Minority in Bulgaria ................ ................ 114
Scale construction: Journalists' self-evaluation ................ ........... ..... ........._ 114
Scale construction: Journalists' evaluation of other Bulgarians' attitudes ........... 1 15
Censorship and Bias Measurements.............. .............. 117
Attitude Measurement Results ................ ................. 120........ ....
Macedonian National Identity ................. ......... ......... ........... 2
Macedonian Language ................ ................. 123........ ....
M acedonian M minority .................. ........... ................. 124...
Censorship and Bias Measurement Results ................ ................. 126........ ...
Support for the Official Position ................ ................. 127........ ...
Yielding to the Public Opinion ................. .............. 128..............
Impartiality in Reporting (Use of Sources) ............_...... ._ .. .....___........ 2
Including Personal Opinion (Bias) in Analyses ................ ............................129
Free Distribution of Macedonian Media in Bulgaria ................ ................. ...._129
Hypotheses Testing .................. ........... ................. 130...
Third-Person Perception Hypotheses ................. ......... ......... ............ 3











Macedonian national identity.............. ................ 132
Macedonian language ................ ................. 133........ .....
Macedonian minority in Bulgaria ................. ......... ......... ............3
Overall Third-Person Perception ................. .......... ..............136 .....
Linking Third-Person Perception and Behavior ................. .......... ................ 137
Post-hoc Tests .............. ... ........... ..............138.......
Description of Sampled Bulgarian Journalists ................ ................. 140........ ...


6 QUALITATIVE FINDINGS, SENIOR JOURNALISTS' INTERVIEWS ................... ..... 165

Interview Analysis Method ................. ................. 165........ ...
Findings ................ .. ............ .......... ... ............. 16
Attitudes on Macedonian Nation, Language, and Minority ................. ................ .. 168
Chilling Effect of Public Opinion ................. ......... ........ ...........17
Economic "Seduction" of Macedonia ................. ......... ......... ...........17
Condescension and Paternalism.............. .............. 176
Denial of Censorship or Bias Intentions. ................ ................. 177........ ...
Opinions of Journalists vs. Other Bulgarians ................. .............. ......... .... 178

7 DISCUSSION, CONCLUSIONS, LIMITATIONS, AND FUTURE RESEARCH........... 180


Hypotheses Testing Discussion .................. ........... ................. 180...
Contribution to Third-Person Effect Research ................. ............... ......... .. 180
Third-person Perception Hypotheses ................. ......... ......... ............ 8
Linking Third-Person Perception and Behavior ................. .......... ................ 185
Post-hoc Tests ................. ... ......... ..............187......
Attitudinal Measurements Results Discussion ................. ..............188 .......... ....
Attitudes on Macedonian National Identity ................ ..............188 .......... ...
Attitudes on Macedonian Language................. .............. 190
Attitudes on Macedonian Minority in Bulgaria ................ ................ ......... 191
Censorship and Bias ................ ..............192 .......... ....
Journalism and Democracy ................ ... ......... ................. 197..
Limitations and Suggestions for Future Research ................. .............. ......... .... 198
Limitations of the Survey ................. ................. 198........ ...
Limitations of the Interviews ................ ..............200 .......... ....
Research Ideas for the Future ................. ..............202.......... ....
Note on Study Scope and Issue Specifics. ................ ..............205 .......... ..

APPENDIX: QUESTIONNAIRE IN BULGARIAN ................ ............. ......... ......207

LIST OF REFERENCES ................. ..............241................

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................ ..............254 .......... .....










LIST OF TABLES


Table page

2.1 Characteristics and relevance of third-person effect to study context. ............. .............52

4-1 Third-person perception questions. ........... ..... ._ ....__ ...........9

4-2 Questions about journalists' censorship/bias intentions. ......___ ....... .............98

4-3 Questions about Macedonian language. ................ ................. 100........ ...

4-4 Questions about Macedonian national identity. ................ ................ ......... 101

4-5 Questions about Macedonian minority in Bulgaria. ....._._._ .......___ ............. 102

4-6 Attitude questions on language, nation and minority discarded after the pre-test.......... 103

5-1 Item and scale statistics for journalists' self-evaluation of attitudes toward
Macedonian national identity and journalists' estimate of other Bulgarians' attitudes. 143

5-2 Factor loadings, national identity journalists' self-evaluation (principal components
extraction) ........._ ...... .. .............. 144...

5-3 Factor loadings, national identity journalists' assessment of other Bulgarians'
attitudes (principal components extraction) ......_. ..........._. ........___........14

5-4 Factor loadings, Macedonian language journalists' self-evaluation (principal
components extraction) ................. ................. 146........ ....

5-5 Item and scale statistics for journalists' self-evaluation of attitudes toward
Macedonian language and journalists' estimate of other Bulgarians' attitudes. ............ 147

5-6 Factor loadings, Macedonian language journalists' evaluation of other Bulgarians'
attitudes (principal components extraction) ......_. ..........._. ........___........14

5-7 Factor loadings, Macedonian minority in Bulgaria journalists' self-evaluation
(principal components extraction) ................ ................. 149........ ....

5-8 Item and scale statistics for journalists' self-evaluation of attitudes toward the idea of
a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria and journalists' estimate of other Bulgarians'
attitudes. .............. .. ................. 150........ ....

5-9 Factor loadings, Macedonian minority in Bulgaria journalists' evaluation of other
Bulgarians' attitudes (principal components extraction) ............... ...................151

5-10 Rotated component matrix for censorship items with factor loadings. .........._..............152

5-11 Support for the official position. ........._._. ....__ .............. 154.











5-12 Yielding to Bulgarian public opinion. ................ ..............155 ..............

5-13 Impartiality in reporting. ................ ..............156 .......... ....

5-14 Item statistics, composite score and factor loadings for the intent to include personal
opinion in analytical materials. ................ ......... ......... ... .. ......15

5-15 Hypotheses testing: Results for third-person perception (TPP) hypotheses and overall
TPP t-tests for difference of means. ................ ..............158 ..............

5-16 Hypotheses testing: Third-person perception and behavioral intent. ............. ...... ..........159

5-17 Journalists by media type.............. .................. 160

5-18 Respondents' job positions. ................ ..............161 .......... ....

5-19 Length of time in media jobs. ................ ..............162.......... ...

5-20 Respondents' gender. ................ ................. 163........ ....

5-21 Age of respondents. ................ ................. 164........ ...

6-1 Profiles of in-depth interview participants. ................ ................. 166........ ...

6-2 Question guide for in-depth interviews. ................ ................. 167........ ...









Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

ROMANTIC DREAMS, REVISIONIST NIGHTMARES: THE THIRD-PERSON EFFECT
AND ITS CONSEQUENCES INT THE CONTEXT OF BULGARIAN JOURNALISTS'
ATTITUDES TOWARD MACEDONIA

By

Christopher D. Karadjoy

August 2007

Chair: Mary Ann Ferguson, Professor
Major: Mass Communication

I investigated attitudes of Bulgarian journalists on aspects of disagreements between

Bulgaria and Macedonia pertaining to issues of Macedonian national identity, language and

minority in Bulgaria. The study tested several third-person perception hypotheses in this context,

positing that elite Bulgarian journalists would be likely to either censor their work according to

the official pressures or public opinion, or limit the distribution of Macedonian media in

Bulgaria. I used survey combined with in-depth interviews to collect the study data.

Hypotheses of third-person perception were largely supported by the data, indicating that

Bulgarian journalists consider foreigners to be more vulnerable to media influences than

themselves. This was also partially true for the comparison between journalists and other

Bulgarians.

Research findings did not confirm the hypotheses of behavioral intent based on the

strength of the third-person perception. Results also showed that Bulgarian journalists, although

not inclined to support any aggressive acts toward Macedonia, are nevertheless reluctant to

relinquish their revisionist attitudes toward that country and would be willing to see Bulgaria

"seduce" Macedonians economically.










CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION

This study explores the attitudes of an important social-professional group in Bulgaria, the

elite journalists. It tests for the manifestations of the third-person effect in a specific context

stemming from the history of Bulgarian-Macedonianl relations. The overall goal of the study is

to investigate some of the biases to which media decision makers in Bulgaria are susceptible.

The introductory chapter presents briefly the underlying theory, sets up the historical and media

context, and defines the research objectives in the form of questions to be answered through this

research project.

The Third-Person Effect

The third-person effect has been chosen as the mass communication theory underlying this

study. The essence of third-person effect, as formulated by sociologist W. Phillips Davison in

1983, is that "people will tend to overestimate the influence that mass communications have on

attitudes and behaviors of others than on themselves (p. 3)."

The third-person effect is commonly presented as two interconnected hypotheses: a

perceptual hypothesis, which suggests that people consider media messages to have greater

effects on others than on themselves; and a behavioral hypothesis, which states that because of

this perceptual bias, people might also take various actions (Tankard and Severin, 2001).

Tiedge et al. (1991) called the belief that others are more affected by media messages than

we are "a logical inconsistency" (p. 152), whose direct consequence is, in Perloff s (2002)



SIn the context of this study, terms "Macedonia" and "Macedonian" refer to the territory and population of the
Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), which is the officially recognized state name by the United
Nations and European Union. It also refers to the territory known as Macedonia historically and geographically, as
explained later. In Bulgaria, however, Macedonia and Macedonian are the common names for all these uses, and this
study adopts them for the sake of consistency. Occasionally, Bulgarian citizens or politicians will use "Republic of
Macedonia" as the official name of the country which is also the official name that authorities in Skopje insist on
using. As of this writing, the 'name' issue of FYROM/Macedonia remains not solved unequivocally.










words, that "perceptions become reality, reality is enshrouded by perceptions, and perceptions

hinge on the very important factor of whether you are considering the media impact on other

people or on yourself' (p. 489).

This perceptual discrepancy (or bias)2 by itself presents an interesting social-p psychological

phenomenon to study in a variety of contexts, especially because it addresses in a new way the

relationships of media and audiences. Perloff (2002) wrote on the third-person effect's unique

perspective, "Rather than assume that media affect perceptions, it assumes that perceptions can

shape media" (p. 490).

Precisely because the third-person effect concerns our beliefs about media influences, it

may also induce behavioral changes (Davison, 1983), such as the willingness to limit others'

access to media messages. This makes third-person effect studies applicable to issues of

censorship and other media limitations, or freedom of speech in general. Perloff (1999) identified

support for censorship, spiral of silence (refusal to speak up), changed perceptions of public

opinion and persuasive press influence as possible outcomes of such perceptual bias. The third-

person effect thus becomes a part of the communication decision-making process, especially

when those who experience the perceptual bias have the power to act on their perceptions by

imposing media limitations, or otherwise. Situations when this may be happening range from

parents controlling their children's media access to government bodies imposing censorship

regimes.

Perloff (2002) asserted that even though it would be safe to assume that third-person biases

have been part of human interactions throughout history, "they are of greater consequence today



2 Whether people overestimate media effects on others or underestimate them on themselves is a matter of debate, as
will be explained in Chapter 2. Most researchers, however, agree that such perceptual difference is rather
widespread regardless of its underlying mechanisms.









than in the pre-mass society era" (p. 491). In other words, the third-person effect's perceptual

and behavioral components have become more important to study and understand nowadays.

Researchers have found the magnitude of the third-person effect to be larger when

members of the "first-person" group (us) perceive themselves to have more expertise on the topic

and believe to be better educated than the "others" (Driscoll and Salwen, 1997; Lasorsa, 1989;

Peiser and Peter, 2000; Salwen and Dupagne, 2000). It is logical to expect that such is the case,

for instance, with journalists, although no recent studies have researched journalists in the

context of the third-person effect. The present project looks at the third-person effect's

perceptual bias and its behavioral implications among top-level Bulgarian journalists, who can

control at least partially the nature of media messages their audiences receive.

Perceptual and behavioral components of the third-person effect should be of logical

interest to researchers and social observers when they influence society' s elites of any kind.

Journalists are routinely counted among such elites, as sociologist Michael Schudson observed in

1995. He contended that because media had concluded that Ronald Reagan had the uncanny

ability to influence the public opinion through televised communication, many risk-averse

journalists chose not to criticize the president (at least until mid 1980s) for fear of alienating their

audiences (Schudson, 1995). Even though his study did not test for the third-person effect, the

idea that journalists may change the tenor of their reporting based on an assumption of how mass

communication messages affect the audiences is an intriguing one.

Furthermore, the magnitude of third-person perception has been shown to increase when

the issue in question is contentious or when highly involved supporters or opponents are queried

about their estimates of media influence on others (Perloff, 2002). This chapter will explain why

Bulgarian-Macedonian relations present an excellent opportunity to test for the presence of third-










person effect components and the reasons why journalists in Bulgaria were chosen as the studied

group .

Bulgaria's National Dream

Many countries have their national obsessions, myths and long-term aspirations. Over the

course of the 19th and 20th centuries, Bulgaria nurtured a long-standing claim to Macedonia's

land and people, refusing to recognize the nation and language of that neighboring country as

any different from Bulgarian. In essence, Bulgaria's national dream since 1878 has been to

reincorporate Macedonia and Macedonians into its territory and population (e.g., Crampton,

1983, 1987, 1997).

The pursuit of this reverie was largely unsuccessful, but it shaped Bulgaria's modern

history by contributing to that country's engagement in two Balkan and two world wars during

the 20th century. It also affected the domestic and foreign policy of the country in numerous more

subtle ways. Open warfare brought mostly destitution to Bulgaria, and diplomatic maneuvers

never lead to any satisfactory result, either (Crampton, 1983, 1987, 1997).

Bulgarians tend to perceive the short-lived possession and then loss of Macedonia in 1878

as "the largest historical injustice to have befallen Bulgaria" (Crampton, 1997, p. 76). To

generations of Bulgarians the very name Macedonia has become synonymous with a clash

between the high aspirations of nation-building and geopolitical reality, in which Bulgaria is but

a small player (Crampton, 1983, 1987, 1997).

The following pages will elaborate on these national sentiments, but it is a rarity to find a

Bulgarian who remains indifferent when the subject of Macedonia is brought up, because as









Pond (1999) explained, "Macedonia was the cradle of Bulgarian civilization just as Kosovo was

the cradle of Serb civilization" (p. 26).

The so-called Macedonian Question, of which Bulgaria's "dream" is a significant

component, cast a distinct shadow on the European and world history, especially at the end of the

19th century and during the first half of the 20th century. New geopolitical situation after the fall

of communism in 1989-1990 have given new dimensions to Bulgaria' s long-standing national

aspirations, thus opening possibilities for fresh political and social complications in a

sporadically troubled region.

Research Questions

Bulgarian journalists' attitudes toward neighboring Macedonia are examined in the context

of Bulgaria's current media system and political developments. The study makes two essential

suppositions grounded in the literature and common sense.

One is that the decision-makers among Bulgarian media professionals by-and-large

share the attitudes of their fellow Bulgarians with respect to Macedonia. The prevailing

public opinion is inferred from the literature, while a survey of journalists measures their own

attitudes and their inferences about the attitudes of other Bulgarians.

The other assumption is that as a corollary of their professional duties, journalists

possess the potential to shape mass communication messages in a way few other social

groups can. This supposition is not measured directly, but the special position of journalists as

gatekeepers (Shoemaker, 1991) has been widely accepted. It is what makes them a valuable

target population for public opinion research in the first place.





3 And Serbia went to war over Kosovo in 1999.









Three major disagreements on historical, linguistic and political facts have created tensions

between Bulgaria and Macedonia, as this study explains in detail in Chapter 3. These

disagreements are best summed in the following questions:

What are the nature and origins of the contemporary Macedonian national identity?
Macedonia4 has been claiming that its people represent a distinct nation, while Bulgaria
has maintained that the differences in the populace are too minor to justify such a label
for Macedonians;

What are the nature and origins of the contemporary Macedonian language? Macedonia
insists that there is a separate Macedonian language, while Bulgaria regards it as a dialect
of Bulgarian, which was later infused with Serb words for political reasons;

Is there a Macedonian minority in present-day Bulgaria? Macedonia has claimed that
such a minority exists in Pirin Macedonia, while Bulgaria explicitly refuses to recognize
a Macedonian minority.

The overall research questions of this study are directly related to these existing

disagreements between Bulgaria and Macedonia. The project seeks answers to these queries:

RQ1: Attitudes (journalists). What are the attitudes of Bulgarian journalists toward

Macedonia's claim of a) separate Macedonian nation (national identity); b) unique Macedonian

language; c) Macedonian minority in Bulgaria?

RQ2: Attitudes (other Bulgarians). What do Bulgarian journalists think are the

attitudes of other Bulgarians (that is, non-journalists) on the same three issues?

RQ3: Behavioral intentions (censorship/bias). How likely are Bulgarian journalists to

allow bias or censorship in materials related to Bulgarian-Macedonian disagreements? This

question has several aspects:

*What is the degree of support among Bulgarian journalists through their work for the
official Bulgarian position on these disagreements with Macedonia? That is, are
Bulgarian journalists willing to suppress alternative, non-Bulgarian views on Macedonia
in their articles/programs?



4 Terms 'Bulgaria' and 'Macedonia' in this context refer to the official position of each country.









How much are Bulgarian journalists willing to yield in their work to what they perceive
as the prevailing public opinion?

Are journalists likely to manipulate the sources when writing/producing materials on
Bulgaria-Macedonia issues?

Do journalists favor or oppose the free distribution of Macedonian publications in
Bulgaria?

RQ4: Third-person perception. Do Bulgarian journalists think that a) other Bulgarians; b)

foreigners are more susceptible than themselves to influences from Macedonian media on

arguments about Macedonian nation, language and minority (is there evidence of a third-person

perceptual difference)?

RQ5: Linking third-person perception and behavior. How is the magnitude of third-

person perceptual difference (RQ4) correlated with any intended censorship/bias behaviors (as

outlined in RQ3)?

Because this study has no precedent, attitudinal scales had to be developed first

measuring journalists' attitudes and their estimates of the attitudes of other Bulgarians on the

argued-about issues of Macedonian national identity, language and Macedonian minority in

Bulgaria. The detailed scale-development procedures are provided in Chapter 5.

Data collected for this study was used for two different purposes. On one hand, it was

analyzed at the descriptive level, providing quantitative insights on questions 1-4 above. On the

other hand, RQ4 was the basis of six third-person perception hypotheses (Chapter 4). It also

provided the independent variables, while RQ3 provided the dependent variables for another set

of hypotheses linking third-person perception and intended behavior, which were intended to

answer RQ5. The theoretical reasoning and resulting hypotheses are presented in Chapter 2 and

Chapter 4.









The study uses a combination of a self-administered survey and in-depth interviews with

elite journalists. It draws its respondents from a pre-selected list of decision makers in major

Bulgarian media, with the selection process explained in Chapter 4. Instrument pre-testing and

data collection was accomplished in May-June 2001.

Theoretical Importance of Cross-National Research

Reynolds (1972), among others, noted in his influential treatise on theory construction

that theories (or causal hypotheses) generated in one environment can benefit by being subjected

to testing in a completely different setting. This study does exactly that by testing in a Bulgarian

context hypotheses based on the third-person effect's perceptual and behavioral components,

which were first conceptualized by researchers in the United States.

Studies such as Downing's (1996) have reviewed the applicability of various media

theories to media in Russia, Hungary and Poland. Downing (1996) concluded that, "Researchers

should engage in and develop conceptual discourses that address the specifics of media

operations on all levels and then interrelate those with broader societal analysis" (p. 196).

Few studies have tested in a Bulgarian context hypotheses generated from contemporary

mass communication theories, even though this country rewards potential researchers with a fast-

changing social, political and economic environment, which makes it attractive for scholarly

exploration. The present research project uses an opportunity to fill a small portion of this void.

Why Study Journalists?

The following section validates a major premise of the study, namely, the decision to

research Bulgarian journalists because of their particular social role.

Bulgarian Media: A Rapid Transition

The changes that Bulgarian media have undergone since the collapse of the communist

system in 1989-1990 are all but a miracle. Professional media commenced a quick process of









transformation in late 1989, brushing off past habits of ideological submission (Goodman, 2000).

Within two years, all former state-controlled newspapers in Bulgaria had either gone private or

perished, giving way to new print media, already capitalist style, staffed with a majority of

younger journalists (Karadjov, 1997; Nikoltchev, 1998). Radio, and later television, went

through a similar transformation, albeit at a somewhat slower pace (Paquette, 2003).

An exploratory study by Ognianova (1997) utilized economic criteria to describe the

Bulgarian press system as transtional',t~t~r~r~rtrt~t that is, media of a country with neither a planned

economy, nor a fully developed free market. This time is probably at its end, though, as Bulgaria

gained full European Union accession on Jan. 1, 2007, and the political and economic status quo

of that country changed dramatically (The Associated Press, 2007).

Media Saturation and Media Reliance

Statistical data suggest that Bulgaria is saturated with mass media sources. The

Encyclopedia Britannica Almanac (2005) estimated the daily newspaper circulation at 254 per

1,000 people. World Press Encyclopedia (Paquette, 2003) gives similar figures. This rate of

penetration is higher than in the United States (198 newspapers per 1,000 population, according

to the same 2005 edition of The Encyclopedia Britannica Almanac). Bulgaria' s population has

418 television receivers per 1,000 people; 85 in 1,000 are regular Internet users (the United

States has 450 per 1,000); about 95% of households have telephones; and the country reports

some 4,500,000 cell phones for its population of about eight million (The Encyclopedia

Britannica Almanac, 2005; BBSS Gallup, 1999).





5Ognianova's (1997) transitional press system belongs in a society in transition from one economic order to another.
According to her classification, all societies can be placed on a continuum between a planned economy and a free
market.









For Macedonia, The Encyclopedia Britannica Almanac (2005) calculated only 12

newspapers per 1,000 population (but the last update was from 1996); 248 television receivers

per 1,000 people; 400,000 cell phones for its 2-million population; and only 34 per 1,000 people

were reported regular Internet users.

By comparison, for every 1,000 people in Romania, which entered the European Union

simultaneously with Bulgaria on Jan. 1, 2007, there are 292 newspapers, 312 television receivers,

45 regular Internet users; some 7 million cell phones are in the possession of 22 million

Romanians (The Encyclopedia Britannica Almanac, 2005). The closest EU country, Greece, has

150 newspapers per 1,000 population; 471 television receivers, 132 regular Internet users, and 9

million cell phones for a population of 11 million (The Encyclopedia Britannica Almanac, 2005).

Some 87% of the population in Bulgaria report watching national television programs

every or almost every day, while 39% listen to the national radio, and 43% say they read

nationally circulated dailies (BBSS Gallup, 1999). Penetration of regional television programs is

somewhat lower, at 37%, while the readership of local press is suffering, with only one in 10

Bulgarians following the publications in regional newspapers (BBSS Gallup, 1999). Such

statistics indicate that Bulgaria boasts a media-saturated society. The country's population is well

read6 and displays degree of interest in public matters that is perhaps higher than in some

Western democracies (Melone, 1997).

At the same time, researchers such as Ognianova (1997) and Pavlova (1997) have

claimed that Bulgarian society, as any society undergoing transition, exhibits a higher reliance on

mass media for reference, orientation and evaluation of the changes. The populace, wrote





6 The literacy rate in Bulgaria is close to 99% (Britannica Almanac, 2005).










Pavlova, "Is searching for guidelines in acceptance or rejection of trends, ideas and new social

models, consciously or unconsciously" (p. 58).

Daynov (1997) also posited that in a transitional society, media roles and powers are

much stronger than in a society with a defined identity. The discourse in mass media in the

tumultuous 1990s was more important to the society than it would have been under "normal"

conditions (Daynov, 1997).

The Journalists' Influence

This study' s population of interest was the top-level cadre of Bulgarian journalism from

print and broadcast media, because these are the professionals who have the skills, motivation

and authority to influence the national media discourse the most. These "elite" journalists, whose

exact description and selection as a group are detailed in Chapter 4, by definition enjoy

substantial decision-making power in Bulgarian media. This study is not trying to make the case

that the elite journalists have the monopoly on shaping Bulgaria' s media landscape. Yet it will

not be a far-fetched speculation to regard leading Bulgarian journalists as a professional group

whose societal authority spreads well beyond their sheer numbers This authority allows them to

select topics to be covered, assign stories, choose studio guests, invite columnists, edit, produce,

report and write news stories and other journalistic materials themselves.

As explained below, Bulgarian journalists have a less-settled checks-and-balances system

than their Western counterparts, which allows them to inject personal bias into stories,

consciously or unconsciously. For instance, in Bulgaria, media have no formal convention

banning reporters from writing or producing opinion pieces as well (Nikoltchev, 1998), which is



SNikoltchev (1998) estimates that there are about 7,000 professional journalists in Bulgaria (approximately one per
every 1,140 population), which seems to be a vast overstatement. Weaver (1998) estimates the number of journalists
in the United States at 122,000, or one for every 2,400 population.










very unlike the U.S. journalism practice. In many cases, reporters in Bulgaria's print or broadcast

media are encouraged by editors to express opinions about the developments in their respective

beats (Raycheva, 1995; Nikoltchev, 1998; Karadjov, 1998).

Therefore, it is not uncommon for the Bulgarian public to receive its facts and

commentary from the same authors (Nikoltchev, 1998). This makes the research of journalists'

attitudes and practices a de facto study of their potential biases.

The Macedonian Question and Its Relevance Today

The following pages provide a brief introduction to the historical and political

developments underlying this study, which are discussed in more depth in Chapter 3.

Bulgaria's Recognition of Macedonia

Republic of Macedonia announced its independence from the Yugoslav Federation in

September 1991. Bulgaria became the first state to recognize all four of Yugoslavia' s breakaway

republics, Macedonia among them, in January 1992.

Despite protests from Greece and rump Yugoslavia (Eyal, 1992), to Bulgaria the

recognition of Macedonia was an accomplishment of huge symbolic importance, even though the

country rarely gets the full credit for this act of "diplomatic audacity" (Troxel, 1997, p. 198).

Bulgaria's actions were quickly downplayed by officials in Skopje as nothing but a sly political

maneuver ("Zashto?" 1992).

Most researchers (Crampton, 1997; Danforth, 1995; Phillips, 2004) have pointed out that

Bulgaria's recognition was not unconditional. The government in Sofia did not acknowledge the

existence of a separate Macedonian nation and a unique Macedonian language. Neither did it

concede to Macedonia' s claims of a minority in Bulgaria. No explicit qualifying statement to that

effect accompanied the statehood recognition of Jan. 15, 1992, but subsequent acts by the










government, such as refusal to sign documents in both languages, made Bulgaria's official

position quite explicit.

The main reason behind such political ambivalence was Bulgarian citizens' deeply

entrenched sentiment toward Macedonia as a rightfully Bulgarian land, whose population had

been forced by external forces to relinquish its Bulgarian identity, supplanting it with a made-in-

Belgrade surrogate (Perry, 1995). By the popular opinion in Bulgaria, the people southwest of

the border have always spoken in a dialect of Bulgarian Macedonia's claims to a distinct

language and identity, as far as most Bulgarians are concerned, were imposed by communist

Yugoslavia after the Second World War, when the language was deliberately Serbicized (e.g.,

Crampton, 1983, 1987, 1997; Perry, 1995).

Knowing these popular attitudes, one can understand why the decision to recognize an

independent Macedonia was not an easy step for Bulgaria' s government. This resolution indeed

disappointed many Bulgarians, who sincerely hoped that Macedonia might rejoin the Bulgarian

"motherland" once it broke free of the Yugoslav federation (Crampton, 1997)9. Pressures from

the governments of Greece and rump Yugoslavia notwithstanding, the Bulgarian government

bore the brunt of criticism inside the country, too, as media accused the ruling Union of

Democratic Forces of "impulsiveness and lack of responsibility" (Strezova, 1992, para. 2). Some

critics from the opposition went as far as to equate the recognition of Macedonia with national

treason (Strezova, 1992).



SBecause of Macedonia's multi-ethnic mix, Bulgaria's has been assumed to have a claim on a majority (or at least a
substantial part) of Macedonia's present-day territory and population, allowing for Muslim (ethnic Albanian), and
even ethnic Greek and Serb sectors. It is also important to underscore that Bulgaria has had a long-standing claim
(e.g., Crampton, 1983, 1987, 1997) on the Aegean Macedonia (especially areas around Thessaloniki), which is in
present-day Greece.

9 The author had numerous instances of personal communication with Bulgarians in the fall of 1991, who wondered
aloud why Macedonians were not quick enough to embrace their "true" Bulgarian identity.









Brief History of Macedonia

The name Macedonia has been used historically in reference to the geographic area

bounded to the south by the Aegean Sea and the Aliakmon River; to the west by Lakes Prespa

and Ohrid, the watershed west of the Crni Drin River and the Sar Mountains; and to the north by

the mountains of the Skopska Crna Gora and the watershed between the Morava and Vardar

basins. The Pirin and Rhodopa Mountains in present-day Bulgaria are considered the eastern

border of larger Macedonia.

Today, the bulk of this territory (about 60%) belongs either to Greece (the region around

the port city of Thessaloniki, known as Aegean Macedonia), or to Bulgaria (Pirin Macedonia).

The remainder of 9,928 sq. miles with a population of a little over two million (Britannica

Almanac, 2005) forms the contemporary Republic of Macedonia, and is sometimes referred to as

Vardar Macedonia.

The whole region, most of it mountainous, is at best half the size of the state of New

York, which is not an astoundingly vast territory even by Balkan standards. But size

notwithstanding, Macedonia has exerted a rather formidable influence on the developments in

the Balkans and, by proxy, in Europe. A prominent Balkan historian, Leften Stavrianos, wrote in

2000, "No other area in the Balkans has been the subject of so much dispute and the cause of so

much bloodshed" (p. 517). Added Stavrianos (2000), "Virtually every conflict in the Balkans

since the end of 19th century was over Macedonia" (p. 443).

The cocktail of territorial, ethnic and religious problems related to the status of

Macedonia led to several Balkan wars and precipitated the First World War. Since the late 19th

century, it has been referred to as the "Macedonian Question."










Bulgaria's Role

Since mid 19th century, Bulgaria has been one of the several nation-states all of

Macedonia's neighbors sans Albanialo to have claimed at least some of the territory and

population of Macedonia as rightfully theirs. Stavrianos (2000) wrote that Bulgaria was the first

nation to assert its rights over Macedonian territory and population on ethnic and religious

grounds, even before Bulgarians regained their statehood in 1878 after five centuries of

subjugation by the Ottoman Empire.

Bulgaria's attachment to Macedonia stems from the place this territory has played in

Bulgarian history, with some of the central events taking place in Macedonia. For instance, one

of the most revered Bulgarian kings (tsar) Samuil, who ruled from 976 to 1014 had his

capital in Ohrid (present-day Macedonia); Clement of Ohrid (Kliment Ohridski, 840 -916), a key

disciplell of the founders of Cyrillic alphabet Cyril and Methodius, lived and worked there, too

(Bozhinov, 1996). Some of Bulgaria' s most prominent and beloved authors were born in towns

that today are in the Republic of Macedonia (e.g., Dimitar Talev of Prilep, Hristo Smirnenski of

Kukush). Doubting the national identity of these prominent figures would be tantamount to

heresy for the average Bulgarian.

In modern time, Bulgaria briefly held to Macedonia almost in its entirety between the

San-Stefano Peace Treaty of March 3, 1878, which ended the 1877-1878 Russo-Turkish War,







'o It is perhaps a twist of historical irony that Macedonia's governments in the 1990s have been quite ambiguous in
their policies toward the large Albanian minority, which encompasses about 25% of the population (Tupurkovski,
1999). In 2001, clashes between Macedonians and Albanians put the country on the brink of a civil war (Phillips,
2004).
11 To attest to his importance, Bulgaria's principal university, Sofia University, is named St. Kliment Ohridski.









and July 13, 1878, when the Berlin Treaty marked the birth of a modern Bulgarian state, albeit in

an abridged formatl2

For generations of Bulgarians thereafter, the so-called San-Stefano Bulgaria, which

existed during these five and a half months, became a national ideal of a state. This period has

been repeatedly interpreted as Bulgaria' s time of a-triumph-ending-in-a-disaster that has never

been fully forgotten by Bulgarians.

The Berlin Treaty stripped Bulgaria of some 60% of all territories accorded to the newly

independent country by the virtue of the earlier San-Stefano Treaty. Crampton (1997), among

others, stressed that the loss of San-Stefano Bulgaria, and above all of Macedonia, "burnt deep

into the Bulgarian national psyche" (p. 240). He went even further by concluding that since

1878, Bulgaria's greatest foreign policy decisions and greatest failures, too have hinged on

the issue of Macedonia.

All told, in the 20th century, Bulgaria entered four military conflicts, inspired by the

national ideal of regaining Macedonia' s land and population, and restoring the San-Stefano

boundaries. Numerous guerilla actions, political killings and unspeakable suffering of the

civilian population resulted from the attempts to resolve the Macedonian Question by force

(Perry, 1995). After decades of struggle, Bulgaria ended up regaining only a small part of

Macedonian territories it had claimed, but suffering numerous humiliations in the process

(Crampton, 1997).

Military or any other radical action toward Macedonia had not been on Bulgaria's agenda

since the end of the Second World Warl3. The Macedonian Question, however, resurfaced in a




12 Bulgaria's official state holiday is still March 3, and not July 13, in part reflecting the differing popular attitudes
toward these two key dates.









new form with the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe and the regional instability brought

by the wars in Yugoslavia (Perry, 1995). Macedonia suddenly became vulnerable to dissolution

and partition, and the return of once hotly contested arguments who is Macedonia' s rightful heir

proved the problem had never truly gone away (Pettifer, 2000)

Bulgaria certainly stuck to its long-standing position on Macedonia. Duncan Perry

observed in a 1995 chapter on Bulgarian nationalism, "That Bulgaria still does not recognize

Macedonian nationality is both backward looking and a measure of importance of history to

Balkan people" (p. 62).

For instance, only in February 1999 did Bulgaria relinquish half-heartedly its stern denial

of the existence of a separate Macedonian language. This issue spanning most of the 1990s

became known as the "language dispute." It strained significantly the relationship between the

two countries, producing spectacular diplomatic snafus. When it came to signing official

documents, Bulgaria would maintain they should be prepared only in Bulgarian, while

Macedonia would insist adamantly on bilingual papers. Important bilateral agreements on trade,

political and economic cooperation were nixed in mid 1990s for lack of linguistic accord

(Karadjov, 2001).

It was not before 1999, when a new government in Skopje took a more moderate

approach toward Bulgaria, while at the same time Bulgaria's ruling coalition felt strong enough

to brave the public opinion, which was against the Macedonian language recognition. Bulgarian

government acceded to a de facto use of Macedonian in matters of diplomacy but without

formally acknowledging the language (Karadjov, 2001).



13 That is, since the 1947 proposal of Bulgaria's then leader Georgi Dimitrov to Marshal Tito for a Balkan federation
of Bulgaria and Yugoslavia, which would include Macedonia. This curious historical moment is described in more
detail in Chapter 2.









How Bulgarians See Macedonia

A national survey of voting-age Bulgarian population found in 1999 that some three-

quarters of the respondentsl4 COnsidered Macedonians to be of Bulgarian ethnic origin, and the

Macedonian language a mere dialect of Bulgarian (BBSS, 1999). School history textbooks

adhere to the position that the present-day Macedonian nation is an artificial creation and a result

of political manipulation, coercion and open violence, mostly instigated by Serbia, but also by

Greece and even Romania (e.g., Gyuzeley, 2000; Nyagulov, 2004).

The Macedonian Question for Bulgarians is inherently related to the larger geopolitical

"games" played out in the Balkans in the past 150 years, with Bulgaria often portrayed as the

victim of Great Powers' scheming as exemplified in an official guide used for school and

university-level history curricula, published by the Historical Institute of the Bulgarian Academy

of Sciences (Institut za Istorija, 1968).

Similar views have been seconded by authoritative state-endorsed historical literature,

such as the 900-plus-page volume jointly published by the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences,

Institute of History and Bulgarian Language Institute in mid 1970s (Bozhinov and Panayotov,

1978).

The scientific merit of such claims from a historical, linguistic or political science

perspective is beyond the scope of this study. The climate of opinion they have created, on the

other hand, is quite definitive. Judging from the literature, not much has changed in the popular

attitudes and official positions after Bulgaria shed the communist rule in 1989-1990.



14Unfortunately, the results of this survey were not broken by ethnicity. A popular speculation that could be heard
in Sofia in the late 1990s had it that Bulgaria's Muslims (about 10% of the population) may be biased in their
responses toward non-recognition of Macedonian nation/language because of the tensions between the Albanian
(Muslim) minority in Macedonia and the mainstream Slay population. This is not very plausible, but possible.









A renowned Balkan observer, British journalist Misha Glenny (1996), wrote that

Bulgarians tend to think of Macedonians as a populace completely bamboozled by Serb

propaganda. He stated, "Macedonia has been demonized by its neighbors to such an extent that

the innocent visitor arriving from Greece or Bulgaria may imagine Skopje to be inhabited by a

sub-human species" (p. 73).

By-and-large, Bulgarian media seem to reflect a predominant understanding of

Macedonians as a fugitive from their "true" Bulgarian character. Media are particularly critical

of what is perceived as an official government policy to subdue the expressions of Bulgarian

identity on the territory of the Republic of Macedonia (e.g., Standart, 1996). Stories of people

beaten by authorities in Macedonia for calling themselves Bulgarians popped up with some

regularity in Bulgarian newspapers during the 1990s15. In a study of the image of the "other" on

the Balkans, Sofia-based ACCESS Foundation found that media in Bulgaria tend to present

Macedonians as a generally friendly (towards Bulgarians) people with a "flawed, Serb-leaning

and pro-communist government" (ACCESS, 1999, p. 11).

The same ACCESS study concluded that although Bulgarian media allow for alternative

opinions on the nature of Macedonia to appear mostly in the form of Q&A interviews the

press regularly frames the problem from a Bulgarian viewpoint. For instance, terms such as

"Macedonian nation" or "Macedonian language" would be routinely coupled with modifiers

such as "the so-called," "purported," "alleged," and the likes. The study concluded that

contradicting views, when they are present in Bulgarian media, are usually refuted on the spot by

pundits or qualified in a way that casts doubt on their credibility (ACCESS, 1999).



'5 They still do, although a recent (February 2005) story that preoccupied Bulgarian media was on a journalist with a
dual Serbian-Bulgarian citizenship who was sentenced (and pardoned) by the authorities in Serbia for calling
someone a "Serboman," that is, blindly serving Serb interests.(Mediapool, 2005)










Textbooks and scholarly literature in Bulgaria seem to favor a particular interpretation of

facts related to Macedonia' s history. No diversity of opinion on the topic can be found in popular

literature, eitherl6. Publications advocating "non-Bulgarian" views on the problem are virtually

non-existent on the bookstands (Petev, 2000).

The Macedonian Minority Issue

Macedonia has claimed numerous times (Crampton, 1997; Nikolova, 2000) that a distinct

Macedonian minority inhabits the Pirin region in the southwest corner of Bulgaria (the so-called

Pirin Macedonia). Such a Macedonian minority is not recognized by the authorities in Sofial7,

and by all accounts stands virtually no chance of being acknowledged (Nikolova, 2000).

In February 2000, the Constitutional Court Bulgaria's highest legal body, similar in role

to the U. S. Supreme Court revoked the registration of OMO Hlinden -Pirin, a political

organizational, on the grounds of threatening the country' s territorial integrity. That political

party declared itself a representative of a Macedonian minority in the early 1990s, and had since

received more or less overt backing by consecutive governments in Skopje (Nikolova, 2000).

OMO Hlinden-Pirin captured the attention of the media when it started organizing

celebrations of the anniversary of Yane Sandanski' s birthday on the same spot where Bulgarians

have traditionally held commemorations. Sandanski is one of the most prominent and disputed

- figures of Macedonia' s liberation struggles, who died fighting the Ottoman Empire in 1903.

Both Bulgaria and Macedonia claim him as a national hero. Sandanski's gravesite, where these



16 Quite predictably, these views are met with consternation by the authorities in Macedonia, and, as far as one can
observe, by a significant numbers in the population. Chapter 2 provides some examples of Macedonian literature,
textbooks and media publications.

'7 In fairness, following a common European practice, Bulgaria does not recognize politically any ethnic minority on
its territory. Parties founded on an ethic minority or religious basis are prohibited by the constitution.

1s All political organizations and parties in Bulgaria must be registered by the respective district court.









parallel commemorations are held, is near the Rozhen Monastery in the Pirin Mountains (in

Bulgaria), a territory left under Ottoman rule by the Berlin Treaty of 1878.

Bulgarian authorities resorted to deploying a police force to keep things under control

during the parallel celebrations, which in turn led to protests from authorities in Skopje and

accusations of suppression of Macedonian minority (Nikolova, 2000).

Developments in Macedonia and Bulgaria, 2000-2007

The idea for this research project dates from the spring of 2000, when Macedonia was

nearing the start of the second decade of its uneasy independence and Bulgaria had stumbled

through a somewhat longer period of restored democracy and conversion to market capitalism. It

was also the time after NATO's 1999 bombing campaign in Kosovo, which appeared to be

bringing a wholesale change to the Balkans. The crisis precipitated the fall of Serbia's Slobodan

Milosevic, but through the creation of a de facto Albanian-populated protectorate in Kosovo also

threatened the stability of nearby Macedonia, whose population is about 25% Albanian (see

Stratfor, 2001; Phillips, 2004).

Phillips (2004) provided a concise and illuminating study of Macedonia at the turn of the

millennium. Its most important part is the recount of the six-month open fight of the

Macedonian army and paramilitaries against ethnic Albanian guerillas (March-August 2001),

which escalated out of a series of clashes between Slavs and Albanians.

The internecine fighting lead to an estimated 1,000 casualties and forced some 140,000

people to leave their homes, out of fear or as a result of deliberate displacement (Phillips, 2004).

The country underwent a period of extreme political instability, and a rumored almost-successful

coup d'etat in June 2001 (Phillips, 2004). Under heavy international pressure, the warring

factions signed an imperfect but effective ceasefire in August 2001, which brought an end to










open confrontations (Phillips, 2004). The situation in Macedonia has stabilized since then, but

the country has been weakened politically and economically relative to most of its neighbors.

Bulgaria's Strength and Condescension

Bulgaria became a full NATO member in 2004 and then joined the European Union on

Jan. 1, 2007, along with Romania, its neighbor to the north (Associated Press, 2007). These

developments put Bulgaria politically and economically ahead of its Balkan neighbors to the

West, namely Serbia and Macedonia (Capital, 2004; 2006).

Some Bulgarian analysts at the time reflected on the possibility of Macedonia' s breakup,

which might entice the neighboring countries to claim the spoils. For instance, a widely

discussed 2004 article by a respected pundit, Dimitri Ivanov, enumerated Bulgaria' s potential

response to a worsening situation in Macedonia from a do-nothing approach to full-fledged

military occupation.

It is hardly in doubt that the best interests of Bulgaria, Greece, Albania, Serbia and

Montenegro are to maintain peace in and around Macedonia. Yet a failing economy in that

country combined with renewed inter-ethnic clashes between Slay and Muslim population, could

conceivably entice the neighbors of this country to consider military action, if only to prevent the

spill-over of violence into their territories (Phillips, 2004).

Another scenario seems more likely, though. Bulgaria's membership in the European

Union is a fact, while Macedonia is aspiring to such membership as well (Capital, 2004; 2006).

Any unresolved arguments between the two countries may come to the fore because of

Bulgaria' s growing importance as a potential sponsor or impediment of its neighbor's own

European dream.

Hints of Bulgaria's possible bullying behavior emerged in July 2006. Bulgaria' s foreign

minister, Ivaylo Kalfin, said, among other things, that Bulgaria will not commit to full support of










Macedonia's EU membership bid unless Macedonia renounces its claim on a Macedonian

minority in Bulgaria (Dnevnik, 2006; Mediapool, 2006). Bulgaria' s president, Georgi Parvanov,

supported Kalfin's position and expressed regret that Bulgaria and Macedonia do not celebrate

their 'common history' (Dnevnik, 2006, para 1)

Macedonia's media reacted angrily (Capital, 2006), but yet another revelation added fuel

to the controversy. Namely, it was a publication by Focus, a Skopje-based magazine, that

Lyubcho Georgievski Macedonia' s former prime minister and one of the most prominent

politicians had acquired a Bulgarian passport and a nominal address in the city of Blagoevgrad

(Capital, 2006). He was by no means alone, because Bulgaria' s foreign ministry reported in

October 2006 that some 30,000 Macedonians have received Bulgarian passports (MvNR, 2006).

All they needed to do was to file an affidavit of Bulgarian origin.

A British newspaper, The Observer, published an accusation that Bulgarian authorities

are selling Bulgarian passportsl9 to Macedonians (Sega, 2006) for profit. Whether this is true or

not is immaterial the fact of the matter is that Bulgaria has one more ostensible lever to

influence Macedonian citizens.

Macedonians studying in Bulgaria

Bulgarian commentator Albena Shkodrova brought up some recent developments that

have the potential to affect the relationship between Bulgaria and Macedonia even further. She

revealed a little known fact: some 3,500 out of Macedonia's 31,000 students nowadays are

obtaining their degrees in Bulgaria, and about 800 arrive each year to make use of the generous

stipends that the Bulgarian government makes available. Shkodrova wrote, "Macedonian




19 The value of the Bulgarian passport is largely in the ease of visa-free travel on such a document, which currently
is not possible with a Macedonian, Albanian or Serb passport.









students are flocking to study at Bulgarian universities but find they are encouraged to declare

an ethnic Bulgarian identity (para. 4)."

Predictably, Macedonian authorities have become worried about this intellectual outflow,

because they are concerned that "young Macedonians will be enticed to stay in Bulgaria after

graduation or come back too pro-Bulgarian" (Shkodrova, 2004, para. 8).

Unchanging attitudes

Little evidence exists that Bulgarians' views on Macedonia' s identity, language and

history have changed at all in recent years. If anything, a condescending attitude has become

more overt given Bulgaria's apparent political and economic stabilization after its tumultuous

post-communist transition in the 1990s (e.g., 24 Chassa, 2004; personal communication with

Lyudmil Karavasilev, Boyko Vassilev and others, September-December 2004).

For instance, the aforementioned events in the summer of 2006 (foreign minister' s

declaration and the Bulgarian citizenship of Macedonia's ex-premier) sparked lengthy online

discussions on major Bulgarian news forums (such as Mediapool.bg, News.bg, Segacom.bg) that

was by and large pro-Bulgarian and anti-Macedonian (or at least condescending to Macedonia).

The overarching sentiment in all these reactions has been the reiteration of a conviction

that Macedonians must finally 'come to their senses' and accept their 'Bulgarian identity.' A few

contributors to the online forums also expressed the regret that younger generations of

Bulgarians probably are not aware of the history of the Macedonian Question. A very small

segment called for Macedonians to be left alone in the hope that with time their Bulgarian

identity will somehow resurface and take hold in Macedonia by itself. The author could not find

a single (out of several hundred) messages on the online forums that implored Bulgarians to

leave Macedonians to their own devices, letting bygone be bygone.









Conclusion

It is obvious that today an even stronger imbalance of power exists between Bulgaria and

Macedonia than in 2001, with the EU membership for the former and the ambiguity of a

negotiating country for the latter.

Phillips addressed these sensitivities when he wrote in 2004, "Most Macedonians do not

relish the prospect of becoming a Bulgarian puppet state as nationalists and a wide spectrum of

the elite in Sofia would privately like" (p. 179).

Pettifer (2002) explained the attitudes on the other end: "Sofia intellectuals have every

reason to expect that as the artificial Titoist period 'Macedonian' identity and totalitarian

language reforms dictated by communism wither away, elements of traditional Bulgarian culture

will reassert themselves in Macedonia" (p. 4).

In this context, studying the biases and predispositions of those, who may influence

Bulgarian public opinion becomes quite important. Bulgarian journalists are a part of the nation's

intellectual elite, and therefore a logical target for such a study.









CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF THE THIRD PERSON-EFFECT THEORY

History of the Theory and Basic Hypotheses

One can only wonder why the third-person effect was not conceptualized earlier than 1983,

when sociologist W. Phillips Davison formulated its basic hypothesis: "People will tend to

overestimate the influence that mass communications have on attitudes and behaviors of others

than on themselves" (p. 3). He wrote more specifically that messages are likely to have greater

effect not "on 'me' [the fist person] or 'you' [second person], but on 'them' the third persons"

(p. 3, bracketed phrases added by Perloff, 1999).

The main premise of the theory that others are more susceptible to extraneous influences

than we are is instantly recognizable to most of us. Since 1983, the third-person effect has

become an oft-present subject of mass communication effects research studies.

Davison acknowledged in 1983 that he had nurtured the idea for years, starting with is

research on the influence of editorials in the 1950s. The anecdote that helped Davison (1983)

formulate the third-person effect's basic hypothesis, however, came from a story of all-Black

military units, stationed on Iwo Jima during the Second World War. After the units were

showered with Japanese propaganda leaflets, the commanding officers all white began to fear

that the Japanese propaganda efforts might have taken hold in the troops' minds and the units

were promptly disbanded (Davison, 1983).

As Davison (1983) pointed out, no evidence was ever found that Black soldiers' morale

was affected. The effect of that Japanese propaganda attempt on officers' thinking and decisions,

on the other hand, was strikingly powerful, prompting them into immediate 'preventive' action,

which effectively diminished the American military strength on Iwo Jima. Davison (1983)

surmised that Japanese strategists had probably achieved their intended effect that is,










subverting American troop strength by seemingly targeting the soldiers, but influencing their

commanders instead. Davison (1983) wrote that some shrewd Japanese propagandist had come

up with the devious plan, especially in view of the fact that a similar indirect approach had been

used by American and British psychological operations officers to subvert the morale of German

commanding staff, too.

With this episode in mind, Davison (1983) set to explore other situations where audiences

are exposed to a persuasive communication, "whether or not this communication is intended to

be persuasive" (p. 3), and as a result expect that the related messages will have greater effect on

others than on themselves. For instance, referring to his earlier 1957 research of the influence of

newspaper editorials on elections in Western Germany, Davison (1983) wrote that he heard from

German journalists often something along the lines that "editorials have little effect on people

like you and me, but the ordinary reader is likely to be influenced quite a lot" (Davison, 1983, p.

2). It is worth pointing out here, that as far as this researcher knows, no third-person effect

studies have been done since that asked professional journalists about their opinion of the

influence of mass communication on their audiences.

Davison (1983) conceptualized "the third-persons" in two ways depending on their

observational standpoint. "Third-persons" from the position of those who are trying to evaluate

the persuasiveness of a communication message will be "the others," members of another group,

not "me" or "us." Viewed from a communicator's (or, more narrowly, a propagandist's)

perspective, "the third persons" are those who "are concerned with the attitudes and behaviors of

the ostensible audience" (p. 3). Hence the intent of communicators to manipulate these "third

persons" by seemingly trying to influence someone else (Davison, 1983) precisely what

happened in the Iwo Jima case.









Davison (1983) predicted that this expectations, justified or not, may provoke actions on

the part of those, who perceive themselves immune to the particular persuasive message but

who see others at risk to be swayed in some respect by its influence. This explains the officers'

decision to remove the all-Black unit from its positions, ostensibly avoiding mass desertions, or

worse, mutiny. Such a negative assessment of the situation followed by an abrupt reaction from

the commanders was most likely unjustified, but it happened nevertheless (Davison, 1983).

Thus, Davison (1983) identified two components of the third-person effect: perceptual and

behavioral which became the basis for further studies of this phenomenon. Even so, he

formulated, tested, and found empirical support only for the perceptual hypothesis: "An

individual who is exposed to a persuasive communication via the mass media will see this

communication as having a greater effect on other people than on himself or herself" (Davison,

1983, p. 4).

Gunther and Storey (2003) interpreted the third-person effect as a "two-stage process that

suggests (a) that people may systematically perceive greater influence of communication on

others (potentially overestimating those effects), and (b) that they may demonstrate attitudinal or

behavioral reactions as a result of such perceptions" (p. 200). In this formulation, the third-

person effect is understood as a process in which both conditions perception and reaction -

must be present. As will be shown below, many studies are content to address only the

perceptual disparity through the related hypothesis without researching its behavioral

implications.

Tankard and Severin (2001) summarized the literature by identifying two separate third-

person effect hypotheses: "The perceptual hypothesis suggests that people will perceive that a

mass media message will have greater effects on others than themselves. The behavioral










hypothesis suggests that because of that perception, people might take various actions" (p. 275,

bold in the original). This understanding of the effect allows for separate testing for the presence

of a perceptual component (that is, the difference in the estimated change of attitudes of self vs.

Others as a reaction to the message), and a behavioral component (specific action, intended or

real), which results from the said perceptual disparity .

The perceptual component (hypothesis) of the third-person effect is commonly referred to

in the literature as third-person perception, and this study adopts this term as well to distinguish

it clearly from the two-stage model as understood by Gunther and Storey (2003). This allows for

the use of the magnitude of perceived disparity as an independent variable in predicting

behavioral outcomes.

The standard design of most studies of third-person perception (Perloff, 1999) has been to

test the perceptual hypothesis by asking respondents to rate how certain messages affect them

(that is, ask for personal experience or self-assessment), and then require them to estimate how

the same messages will affect 'others' defined as some other social, political, demographic,

racial, etc., group.

The exploration of the third-person perception's relation to behavioral outcomes seems to

be more significant, though, because it turns a purely perceptual phenomenon into a matter of

importance to media practitioners and social researchers (Paul, Salwen and Dupagne, 2000).

After all, the potential relationship between perception and action prompted Davison to start his

seminal 1983 study in the first place.

The perceptual and behavioral third-person effect hypotheses have been tested in numerous

studies since then. The realization that "communication need not directly affect opinions in order


SThis, of course, burdens the researcher with the need to prove causality, which may not be always easy.










to exert influence on the public opinion process" (Mutz, 1989, pp. 19-20) has become an enticing

idea for media-effects researchers, and this has lead to a steady build-up of third-person effect

literature.

By December 2005, researchers counted 96 published articles, which excluded book

chapters, reviews and foreign-language publications (Sun, Pan, and Shen, 2007). Bryant and

Miron (2004, p. 696) ranked third-person effect as one of the "eight most popular theories of the

21st century" by the frequency of its use in the top six2 COmmunication journals.

As early as 1996, Davison wrote in a journal note about his own surprise that the third-

person effect has garnered so much scholarly attention. Indeed, it turned out to be "a concept of

greater significance and complexity than suspected by its proponent" (Davison, 1996, p. 114).

Research Testing of the Third-Person Effect

Little doubt exists that the third-person perception is a robust phenomenon, which has been

replicated in a wide range of contexts (Perloff, 1999). Paul, Salwen and Dupagne (2000)

published a meta-analytical study, in which they reported an average effect size of r=. 50 based

on 121 effect sizes from 31 studies. Based on their analysis, they concluded that the third person

effect overall is "rather substantial" (Paul, Salwen and Dupagne, 2000, p. 78). Sun, Pan and Shen

(2007) revised Paul, Salwen and Dupagne's (2000) methods more recently, and this latest

available review of 377 effects from 77 studies in 60 published articles found a smaller, but still

consistent effect size r= .25 (Sun, Pan, and Shen, 2007).








SJournalism and Mass Communication Quarterly, Journal of Communication, Communication Research, Mass
Communication and Society, Media Psychology, Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media (Bryant and Miron,
2004).









Research on the Perceptual Hypothesis

The third-person perception has been tested in numerous contexts. Gunther's studies

(1995) into perceived differences in viewing pornography have gained substantial attention, not

only because of its sensitive subject, but also because of the strong behavioral consequences, as

this study will discuss later. Lee and Tamborini (2005), Lo and Wei (2002), Wu and Koo (2001)

continued this line of research into Internet pornography, all finding that college students

systematically considered themselves less affected by online smut than generalized others. David

and Johnson (1998), among others, found evidence of strong third-person perception regarding

body image, which has become another popular line of research.

Henriksen and Flora (1999) found evidence of perceptual disparities in children, too, when

seventh-graders in their study reported that cigarette advertising will affect others more than

themselves. This disparity decreased somewhat when 'others' were conceptualized as 'best

friends' and increased when 'others' were generalized.

Third-person perception studies have been conducted in other countries as well. Studies

that found support for the existence of a perceptual disparity include Lee and Young (1996) in

Korea, Lo and Paddon (2000) in Taiwan, Wu and Koo (2001) in Singapore, Peiser and Peter

(2000; 2001) in Germany, Duck and Mullin (1995) in Australia.

The meta-analysis by Paul, Salwen and Dupagne (2000) revealed three significant

moderators of the third-person effect perception: message, sampling and respondent.

Message. The perceptual effect has been found particularly robust when it involves

perceived negative influence of mass communication messages, something that Gunther and

Corey (2003, p. 200) termed "the negative-influence corollary" and Peiser and Peter (2001, p.

163) labeled as "desirability positioning factor" (that is, how desirable for the respondents is to

be seen as influenced by given media messages).









Cohen and Davis (1991) found that the magnitude of the third-person effect is more

pronounced with messages that have perceived negative consequences on the audience, such as

in the case of negative (attack) political advertising. Gunther (1991) reached similar conclusions

in a different context. He used a set of made-up news stories, which libeled a fictitious police

chief, as the stimulus in his studies. He found that the respondents (college students) would

'resist' being influenced by the negative information (based on their stated opinions about the

chief). At the same time they would insist that 'others' (both other students and regular citizens)

may change their opinion of the police chief based on the negative story about him.

In an oft-cited study, Gunther and Thorson (1992) found differential impact of the

persuasive effect of product commercials and public-service announcements. Respondents said

that product commercials are not going to change their behavior (intent to purchase something),

while others may be swayed. Just on the contrary, respondents reported that PSAs are going to

affect them more than other people. In other words, commercial messages were interpreted by

the audience as negative or undesirable persuasion, while PSAs were viewed as a positive,

socially-acceptable influence, which reversed the direction of the third-person perception

(Gunther and Thorson, 1992).

This 'reverse' effect, which occurs with positive, desirable mass communication messages,

is sometimes labeled in the literature as 'first-person' effect or perception (Atwood, 1994;

Gunther and Thorson, 1992).

For instance, in the aforementioned study of children by Henriksen and Flora (1999), anti-

smoking advertising had the opposite effect to that of cigarette ads children believed that they

will be more influenced than their peers by the positive message in anti-smoking video spots










they watched. Henriksen and Flora (1999) concluded that children are susceptible to a superiority

bias, that is, they see themselves as better, smarter or more reasonable than their peers.

Similar conclusions have been reached by other researchers, with some finding little or no

differential impact at all when the message has potentially positive consequences (David, 1998;

Eveland et al., 1999; Gunther and Mundy, 1993).

This has lead Gunther and Storey (2003) to declare that the third-person effect is just a

special case of a broader general model, which they termed "influence of presumed influence" in

their eponymous study. They linked people's exposure to mass media messages directly to their

assumption how these messages influence opinions and attitudes of others, without the need for a

self-others perceptual distinction. As a result of these assumptions, people may change their

attitudes themselves or engage in certain behaviors, such as the impulse to censor mass media

(Gunther and Storey, 2003).

Issue salience has been shown to heighten the perceptual disparity as well (Mutz, 1989;

Matera and Salwen, 1999), leading to higher self-other media influence discrepancy expected on

issues that respondents considered more important to themselves. This potential moderator is

inexplicably missing from Paul, Salwen and Dupagne's 2000 meta-analysis, considering how

logical is to expect people to be more sensitive about issues that matter to them.

Finally, if the message is perceived overall as ineffective (not persuasive), the self-other

perception disparity diminishes, as Paek et al. (2005) found in a study of political attack

advertising. That is, low-impact messages cannot affect anyone much. This is in line with

Gunther and Storey' s (2003) assertion that people construe how media messages influence

others, and act accordingly depending on messages' perceived effectiveness.










Sampling and respondents. Third-person perceptions among non-random and student

populations have been shown to be of larger magnitude (Paul, Salwen and Dupagne, 2000),

which authors hypothesized may be due to the fact that students may perceive themselves as

'smarter' than 'other' people. Researchers have found similarly that the more remote socially or

geographically the 'other' is, the greater the self-other perceptual gap (Brosius and Engel, 1996;

Cohen et al. 1988; Gunther, 1991). Cohen et al. (1988) labeled this effect of social distance on

the self-other perceptual gap as the "social-distance corollary."

Paek et al.'s 2005 study also found that the magnitude of perceived difference between the

effects of political ads on self and others varies when 'others' are labeled differently. The closer

socially and politically they were described to the respondents in the study, the less perceptual

disparity was reported (Paek et al., 2005). Tewksbury (2002) also found that the estimates of

media effects on others increased with the increase of the numerical disparity in the sizes of the

comparison groups. This is, for instance, the case when members of a small, well-defined group

compare how media influence themselves vs. the entire population of a country. A meta-analysis

by Sun, Pan, and Shen (2007) also concluded that overall "the descriptor of "the general public"

(or "average American") yielded the largest effect size" (p. 31).

Research on the Behavioral Hypothesis

The behavioral consequences, while presented in principle by Davison (1983), have been

somewhat underexplored and thus should be given more attention by researchers (Gunther and

Storey, 2004; Perloff, 1999; 2002). Paul, Salwen and Dupagne (2000) reported in their meta-

analysis of third-person effect studies that only 13 studies tested the behavioral component and

of those, five in fact reported zero-order correlation. Gunther and Storey wrote in 2003 that the

evidence of attitudinal and behavioral consequences of the third-person perceptions has been

sparse, especially in the "outcomes of real significance" (p. 200).









Most of the research has concentrated on the support for imposing media restrictions

(censorship), as a result of the perceived effect of media messages. For instance, Gunther found

support for censorship on pornography (1995); respondents were also in favor of more strict

regulation of negative political advertising (Cohen and Davis, 1991), when asked to estimate its

effects on self and others.

Third-person perception was established as a significant predictor of support for media

censorship in the case of television violence (Hoffner and Buchanan, 1999), violent rap lyrics

(McLeod et al., 1997), violent media in general (Rojas, Shan, and Faber, 1996), and gambling

advertising (Youn and Shan, 2000), among other contexts. This has lead Tewksbury et al. (2004)

to conclude that "there is ample evidence of a positive relationship between third-person effect

and support for censorship" (p. 139).

Not surprisingly, several studies have found little support for censorship on negative news

stories, at least among U.S. audiences (Salwen and Driscoll, 1997; Salwen and Dupagne, 1999).

This is understandable, because as Gunther (1991) and McLeod et al. (1997) have pointed out,

even though people tend to 'protect' others from harmful media influences, that clearly does not

include influences which, while unpleasant, are a legitimate part of our social environment (for

instance, crime news). Again, because these studies employed U.S. audiences, they cannot be

generalized freely to other political, social and cultural situations.

All studies that found support for media censorship had an underlying assumption that the

messages in question will inflict some psychological damage on the audience or cause other

harm. Gunther (1991) found a single instance when respondents were inclined to support

penalties for a newspaper when it concerned the publication of libelous stories. Yet again, libel









is likely harming someone, so the underlying assumption of negative outcome of communication

as a rationale for censorship remains.

Studies of other instances of non-negative media content, such as the O.J. Simpson trial

coverage (Driscoll and Salwen, 1997) and electoral campaigns (Salwen, 1998) either found very

weak or non-existent support for any kind of media limitations, even though the evidence of

differential perception of the impact of this content was present.

At the same time, the relationship between the third-person effect and behavioral intentions

in domains other than censorship has not been explored, with a few exceptions. Tsfati and Cohen

(2003) found strong evidence of a correlation between Israeli settlers' intention to move away

and their perceptions of the effects of media coverage on their neighbors. Tewksbury, Moy and

Weis (2004) concluded somewhat tentatively that news messages about the impending Y2K

problem predicted respondents' intentions to stockpile on supplies, because people feared that

others will overprepare and empty the store shelves.

In their aforementioned study, Gunther and Storey (2003) found strong correlation

between the perceived media influence on others and intention to act in the context of a maternal

health campaign in Nepal. They did not test for perceptual differences between self and others,

instead concentrating on the relationship between perceived influence of media on others and

personal intent to act because of that.

Overall, Perloff (1999; 2002) noted that the behavioral hypothesis has not been sufficiently

tested particularly because not all studies established a convincing causal relationship between

the independent variable third-person perception and the dependent one, behavior. Too,

because of practical limitations, the most common approach in studies of the behavioral

component has been to ask respondents about their intentions or inclinations to act in a certain










way for instance, support media restrictions as in Salwen (1998) or stockpile supplies in

anticipation of a Y2K catastrophe (Tewksbury et al., 2004) rather than observing genuine

actionS3

Neuwirth and Frederick (2002) scrutinized some of the background assumptions in third-

person effect studies and advised that researchers should at the very least avoid "unnecessarily

abstract" (p. 115) predictor variables when testing for relationship between perception of

differential impact of mass communication messages and intention to act. That is, they

recommended that studies clarify what the respondents actually think by gauging their own

attitudes on the issue in question, which would help understand whether they see the media

influence as having a negative effect at all.

The Underlying Mechanisms of the Third-Person Effect

Pronin, Gilovich and Ross reviewed in 2004 the extant social-psychological literature on

perceptual biases, concluding that serious evidence exists about our tendency to view others as

more susceptible to various cognitive and motivational biases. One of such perceptual disparities

is the so-called fundamental attribution error (Ross, 1977), which has been proposed by Gunther

(1991) as the underlying mechanism of third-person perception. It remains one of the oft-cited

explanations of the perceptual phenomena, even though it does not address the behavioral

component. For instance, Reid and Hogg (2005) wrote that respondents in studies view others as

"influenced [by the mass communication messages] because they are the kind of people who are

easily influenced... gullible or naive" (p. 130).

Another early explanation for the third-person effect was the optimistic bias (Gunther and

Mundy, 1993), which proposed that people tend to underestimate the likelihood of negative


3 Observing actual behaviors, however desirable, is difficult. This study, too, could not find a methodologically clear
way to observe behaviors and had to resort to asking about intentions and predispositions in turn.









consequences for themselves. Chapin (2000), along with Salwen and Dupagne (2003), failed to

find correlation between third-person effect and optimistic bias, which led Meirick (2003) to

conclude that optimistic bias is at best "a third variable" and an indicator of the need for self-

enhancement as a more plausible explanation for both the first- and third-person effects (p. 474).

He found experimental support for this contention in his 2003 study, as did Perloff (2002) in a

previous study. Perloff wrote in 2002 that by considering others as susceptible while themselves

as less vulnerable to the effects of mass communication messages, "individuals preserve a

positive sense of self and reaffirm their belief that they are superior to others" (p. 493).

All told, there is no single established theoretical explanation for the underlying

mechanisms of the third-person perception and the behavioral component of third-person effect

remains researched insufficiently. As a recent meta-analysis by Sun, Pan, and Shen (2007) noted,

"Despite the increasing amount of empirical evidence, explanations of third-person perception

remain varied and insufficiently integrated" (p. 1). This view only enhances Perloff s (1999)

contention that the third-person effect is not a "theory of public opinion, but rather a hypothesis

or series of assertions about perceptions of public opinion and their effects" (p. 3 55).

This relative theoretical immaturity of third-person effect makes studying it in varying

contexts and domains all that more important. Particularly, it is essential to research the

relationship between perception and action.

The Third Person Effect and this Study

While agreeing in principle with Gunther and Storey's (2003) theoretical expansion

explained above, the elimination of self-others perceptual distinction is seen by the author as

unnecessary in the context of this research project. Mass communication messages tested in the

study of Bulgarian journalists have presumably negative impact and thus conform to the idea that

the third-person perception will be magnified. For the purpose of this study, of particular interest









is research such as Rucinski and Salmon' s (1990) emphasis on the perceptions of harm to

"others" that can be potentially caused by a communication flow that "we" do not approve of.

Davison' s (1983) original study suggested that when respondents are exposed to mass

communication which they see as contradictory to their own beliefs and attitudes, the perceived

differential impact is maximized and respondents report readiness to do something about it.

A by-product of these findings is that people who hold more extreme views or are strongly

partisan on an issue, they will be much more sensitive to how media cover this issue because of

the expectation that 'others' may be 'mislead' by 'erroneous' coverage (Perloff, 1989). The

explanation given by Perloff (1989) was that respondents attend more closely and react stronger

to schemata-discrepant information in the news. In other words, they are disturbed by messages

or views that are inconsistent with their own attitudes or beliefs.

Vallone et al. (1985) and Perloff (1989) researched highly-involved supporters (Israelis

and Palestinians) of a cause who were found to exaggerate the magnitude and directional

influence of news coverage on others, and the resulting reaction was rather hostile. Both sides

accused media of lack of fairness, prejudices, favoritism, and strong biases. In both cases the

stimuli were regular broadcast newscasts and both sides saw identical newscasts, but reacted

quite differently. Vallone et. al. (1985) even coined the term 'the hostile media phenomenon' to

describe this adverse reaction from highly-involved respondents.

There is no principal difference between strong partisans in the political sense and people

who feel strongly about an issue of national importance (i.e., Bulgaria's national interests with

respect to Macedonia). This makes research findings on the third-person effect's perceptual or

behavioral components in the oft-tested partisan context fully relevant here.










Chapters 1 and 3 in this study provide details about the common views among present-day

Bulgarians on the historical disagreements with Macedonia. Therefore, it is quite certain that to

the average Bulgarian, any message that implies that Bulgaria' s claim on Macedonia' s land and

population has no truth behind it will be viewed as negative. Of course, this is precisely the type

of messages that are likely to come from mainstream Macedonian media when the issue is

breached (Karakachanov, 2006).

Not only that, but in the context of Bulgaria's attitudes toward Macedonia any

communication that differs from the pro-Bulgarian position should be expected to produce a

strong third-person perception (and related worries that 'vulnerable others' may be unduly

affected). It is also logical to anticipate this differential perception to induce respondents to

'protect' the 'vulnerable others' from further media influence by endorsing some kind of

communication restrictions.

The third-person effect is an important phenomenon when studied among professional

journalists, because they are in a uniquely strong position to act on their 'censorship intentions'

by limiting the 'offending' information in a variety of ways through source selection, story

framing, or outright elimination of stories or news that are not considered appropriate. Glynn et

al. (1995) defined four characteristics of the third-person effect that are applicable to this study.

Table 2-1 presents their relevance to this particular research project.

It is also important to remind that since Davison' s interviews of German journalists in the

1950s (Davison, 1983), no third-person effect studies have been done that involve professional

journalists as respondents. This fact served as one of the motivations for the current research

project. Analyzing some 45 studies, Perloff (1999) came up with four possible consequences of

the third-person effect: support for censorship, a spiral of silence, changed perceptions of public










opinion, and persuasive press inference. Of these, the present study addresses support for

censorship among elite Bulgarian journalists, because it is the most logical and most troubling

- in the context of their professional occupation.

Because the matter in question refers to collective identities of peoples, the most

straightforward way to define groups of first- and third-persons would be to compare Bulgarians

vs. foreigners. On an issue of national interest such as the Macedonian Question it is only

natural to expect compatriots to feel better informed and generally less susceptible to swaying

than some 'ignorant' outsiders from abroad.

In addition, journalists may be considered a well-defined group that is more

knowledgeable (by virtue of their daily jobs) than the rest of the population. This distinction

makes for another logical group definition: Bulgarian journalists vs. the rest of the population.

Based on the literature, research data should be expected to provide support for the

following theoretical hypotheses:

On the arguments between Bulgaria and Macedonia, Bulgarian journalists will perceive

others to be more influenced by Macedonian media than themselves.

Bulgarian journalists will act (or endorse actions) that limit the exposure of others to

Macedonian media.

















Bulgaria and Macedonia have conflicting views on
Macedonia's national identity and language, and on a
Macedonian minority in Bulgaria.

Aspects of Macedonia's relationship with Bulgaria are
certainly well-covered by the media in Bulgaria and
Macedonia.

This has to be expected with such a controversial issue.
Too, journalists are likely to perceive themselves to be
more 'informed' than the rest of the population
(Nikoltchev, 1998).

This is provided by the questionnaire design.



Study design provides for two group definitions:
- Bulgarian journalists as a professional group vs. the rest
of Bulgarian population;
- Bulgarians vs. non-Bulgarians.


2. Media presentation of the issue



3. Belief that oneself is less
susceptible to the media presentation
than the others


4. A description of individuals'
perceptions of the impact of media
portrayal on themselves vs. Others

5. Individuals must separate
themselves from others


Table 2.1: Characteristics and relevance of third-person effect to study context.
Characteristics of the third-person Relevance of third-person effect characteristics in the
effect (that is, what is needed for case of Bulgarian journalists' attitudes toward
TPE to be expected) Macedonia
(Adapted from Glynn et al., 1995, p.
268)


1. An issue









CHAPTER 3
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE MACEDONIAN QUESTION AND PRESENT-
DAY BULGARIAN MEDIA SYSTEM


The following chapter reviews the historical origins of the so-called Macedonian Question,

which are presented through their interpretation by Bulgarian, Macedonian, Serb, Greek and

Western sources. This historical overview intends to illustrate the complexity of the problem and

the recurring importance of the Macedonian Question, not only to the Balkans, but to Europe as

well. An overview of Bulgaria's "transitional media system" (Ognianova, 1997) is presented as

well in order to provide a better understanding of the role of journalists in the society.

The essence of the so-called Macedonian Question was introduced in the previous chapter.

The following pages provide more details on this contentious issue, which is the underpinning of

the entire study. The particular attention is given to explaining the mindset of Bulgarians with

respect to Macedonia, its national identity, language, and Macedonia's claim of a minority in

Bulgaria.

Bulgaria's Surprising Recognition of Macedonia

At 7:54 p.m. on Jan. 15, 1992, Bulgaria's then-prime minister Philip Dimitrov entered

unannounced the National Assembly Hall. Interrupting a regular parliamentary session, he

stepped to the podium. Dimitrov said he would be exercising his right to make an extraordinary

declaration, then read the following statement:

After acquainting itself with all available data and discussing the information received
through various diplomatic channels, the Bulgarian government, after consultation with the
National Assembly's national security and foreign policy commissions, decided to
recognize the independence of the republics of the former Yugoslavia Slovenia,










Macedonia, Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina. This decision is an expression of the lasting
position of the Bulgarian state. (BTA, 1992, para. 1)4


Thi s declaration, co mp letely unexp ected to all but a few close-to -the-government

parliamentary members, was nevertheless met with applause. It was transmitted live by the

Bulgarian National Radio, which was routinely covering the parliamentary proceedings at the

time.

After reading the statement, Dimitrov turned away and left the building almost

immediately, without paying any heed to the crowd of journalists that rushed after him. His

government's surprising declaration, though, became a watershed in the recent Balkan history.

The following pages explain why Bulgaria has a 'special' relationship with Macedonia and why

its recognition of an independent Macedonian state was so unexpected.

Macedonia: Contested Land

A source of choice, Encyclopaedia Britannica has this to say about Macedonia:

Macedonia owes its importance neither to its size nor to its population, but rather to its
location across a major junction of communication routes -- in particular, the great north-
south route from the Danube River to the Aegean formed by the valleys of the Morava and
Vardar rivers and the ancient east-west trade routes connecting the Black Sea and Istanbul
with the Adriatic Sea. Although the majority of the republic's inhabitants are of Slavic
descent and heirs to the Eastern Orthodox tradition of Christianity, 500 years of
incorporation into the Ottoman Empire have left substantial numbers of other ethnic
groups, including Albanians and Turks. Consequently, Macedonia forms a complex border
zone between major cultural traditions of Europe and Asia (Britannica, 2006, para. 2).

This quote comes from an article on present-day Republic of Macedonia, but the same

observation would hold true for the whole geographic area known as Macedonia in the 19th and

early 20th century, including Aegean and Pirin Macedonia. The disproportionate to her size



4 This text was translated and distributed by the Bulgarian Telegraph Agency, although the original transcript was
prepared by the staff of the Bulgarian National Radio, because the government has kept the declaration secret until
the moment it was read by the prime minister.










importance of Macedonia has been noted by the aforementioned Balkan historian Stavrianos

(2000) and by another prominent author, Barbara Jelavich, among others.

In her authoritative 1983 review of Balkan history, Jelavich wrote that Macedonia was "the

heart of the [Balkan] peninsula" (p. 89), and therefore strategically important to the Balkan

nations. She concluded, "Whoever held Macedonia would have the predominant strategic

position in the peninsula" (Jelavich, 1983, p. 90).

As important as these economic and strategic considerations must have been, the "ruthless

struggle" (Stavrianos, 2000, p. 517) for Macedonia was instigated primarily by the ethnic

complexity of the area, which provided virtually all neighboring countries with some reasons for

territorial aspirations and population claims. Adding to the volatile mixture of competing

ambitions was the struggle for independence from the Ottoman Empire waged by an assortment

of insurgent factions inside Macedonia in the late 19th and early 20th century.

Shattered National Dream

Bulgaria's first sovereign state dates back to the 7th century and its medieval kingdoms at

times were among the largest in Europe. The present-day territory of Bulgaria was conquered by

the Ottoman Turks in 1396 (Crampton, 1997), and it took five centuries for Bulgaria to regain its

state independence as a result of the 1 877-1878 war between Russia and the Ottoman Empire.

On March 3, 1878, Russia and the Ottoman Empire signed a preliminary peace treaty at the

town of San Stefano, near Istanbul. In part, this agreement provided for the political

independence of Bulgaria, and charted the boundaries of the new state.

The Treaty of San Stefano ceded virtually all of Macedonia and Eastern Rumelia (Thrace)

to Bulgaria (Crampton, 1997). The new Bulgarian state commonly referred to as San-Stefano

Bulgaria was stretching from the Danube to the north, to the Rhodopa Mountains in the south,

and from the Black Sea in the east, to the Morava and Vardar valleys in the west.









Great Britain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, however, saw this new state as a de-facto

Russian protectorate and a wedge for the Russian influence in the Balkans (Crampton, 1997).

Under British and Austro-Hungarian pressure, a new conference convened in Berlin, where state

boundaries in the Balkans were re-drawn in July 1878.

With that, San-Stefano Bulgaria was effectively dismantled after just a few months in

existence. The new Balkan borders confined Bulgaria proper to the area between the Balkan

Mountains and the Danube as a principality under the suzerainty of the sultan; the region

between Balkan and Rhodopa Mountains became an autonomous unit within the Ottoman

Empire under the name East Rumelia; the Morava valley went to Serbia; Macedonia was

returned under Ottoman rule, albeit with "vague promises of administrative reforms" (Crampton,

1983, p. 46). This brief period of existence of San-Stefano Bulgaria and the subsequent return of

most of Macedonia and its population to the Ottoman Empire provided the justification for

Bulgaria's subsequent territorial aspirations.

As noted earlier in the introduction, the territorial losses related to the rescission of the

San-Stefano Treaty were enormous: Bulgarian Principality retained a mere 37.5% of the San-

Stefano Bulgaria area (Crampton, 1997). To reiterate Crampton's comment, the forfeiture of

Macedonia as a result of the Berlin Treaty was a particularly egregious loss, because Bulgarians

regarded Macedonia's inhabitants as "Bulgarian in origin, language and customs" (1983, p. 47).

Crampton (1997) also wrote that "for every Bulgarian, however, the real Bulgaria

remained that of San Stefano" (p. 85). This particular statement is very important to remember,

because it would be a rarity to find a Bulgarian who did not learn in school about the brief post

San-Stefano period and the subsequent loss of so much territory to neighbors under the influence

of the Great Powers. In this researchers view, the mere teaching of these historical facts at an










early age suffices in making the average Bulgarian national feel sour about certain chapters in

Bulgarian history.

Indeed, Crampton (1997) concluded that the most long-lasting effect of the Berlin Treaty

on Bulgarians' national psyche was "a burning sense of injustice" (p. 85). He added that the

Bulgarian nation acquired a strong feeling of resentment at the Great Powers who, in a matter of

a several days' conference, erased two-thirds of Bulgaria' s territory gained after a bloody

liberation war', and made Bulgaria' s newly-acquired statehood bittersweet. Because of these

developments, historians have long considered the Berlin Treaty as an external act that primed

the newly formed Bulgarian state for territorial expansion (Crampton, 1983, 1997; Stavrianos,

2000).

Driven by a group of younger nationalist politicians and military officers, Bulgarian

Principality and East Rumelia declared their unification in September 1885, thus forming the

bulk of what is present-day Bulgaria. The young country then survived a short war with Serbia,

whose rulers naturally feared the expansion of the neighboring state and secured Austro-

Hungarian political and military support for an aggression under the pretext of curbing Russian

expansionism in the Balkans (Crampton, 1983, 1997).

At this point, Macedonia was still under the Ottoman rule. Little had changed there as

promises of reform were not fulfilled by the Ottoman Empire, which was itself in death throes

(Crampton, 1997).

In 1893, a group of pro-Bulgarian Macedonians formed a secret organization in Saloniki,

the Internal Macedonian and Adrianople Revolutionary Organization, known by its later



5 The 1877-1878 war between Russia and Ottoman Empire cost the lives of 200,000 Russian soldiers, thousands of
Bulgarians, and brought destruction and chaos to large territories. The casualty rate of previous attempts to liberate
Bulgaria, such as the April uprising in 1876, was also substantial (Crampton, 1983).









acronym IMRO6. Its leadership quickly became divided in its goals: whether to seek autonomy

from the Ottoman Empire and a separate state, or annexation by Bulgaria and reunification with

the Bulgarian "motherland" (Crampton, 1997; Poulton, 1995).

Torn by such discrepant goals, IMRO subsequently divided into two wings. The leadership

of one of them was based in Sofia, and it demanded that Macedonia be re-united with "Mother

Bulgaria." The other wing devoted itself to acquiring full independence for Macedonia

(Crampton, 1997; Poulton, 1995).

IMRO, in all factions, engaged in violent acts of terror and launched several uprisings

between 1899 and 1912. IMRO was one of the most feared secret organizations in Europe, and

its activities cast a long shadow on the continent's politics (Poulton, 1995). Numerous Bulgarian

and Serb politicians were assassinated by or on behalf of IMRO. In one of the most egregious

acts of political terror, a radical from IMRO assassinated in 1936 Yugoslavia' s Prince

Alexander, killing French foreign minister Deladie as a collateral.

Historian Mark Mazower noted in 1998 that Deladie's demise escalated the crumbling of

the system of collective security in Europe, as the French politician was its major proponent, and

thus eventually ushered in the policy of appeasement as an alternative, adopted at the Munich

conference of 1938. Of course, the failure of the Munich conference led directly to the Second

World War (Mazower, 1998), which underscores the integral part played by Macedonia-related

struggle s in global developments.

It is a given that IMRO's fighting both internal and external shaped the politics in the

Balkans in the earlier parts of the 20th century (Poulton, 1995). No Bulgarian government until




6 The Adrianople part was dropped from the name when it became clear that the fight will be principally for the
Vardar Macedonia (Poulton, 1995). See the appended maps for precise geographic details.









the very end of the Second World War, and even later, could escape the question of what to do

about Macedonia in one form or another (Crampton, 1997).

The territorial pursuit of Macedonia seduced Bulgaria into two consecutive wars in 1912-

1913, known as the Balkan wars. Initially successful in alliance with Serbia, Greece and

Montenegro against the failing Ottoman Empire, Bulgaria eventually quarreled with its allies and

ended up in a bitter defeat. This culminated in the humiliating Bucharest treaty of 1913, where

Bulgaria had not only to abandon its expansionist ambitions, but to cede parts of its territory to

Yugoslavia and Romania (Crampton, 1997).

In the words of Viscount Grey, the British Foreign Secretary during the Balkan Wars

(quoted in Stavrianos, 1964), in June 1913 Bulgaria was left: .. sore, injured, and despoiled of

what she believed belonged to her. Any future Balkan peace was impossible so long as the

Treaty of Bucharest remained." (p. 173).

This feelings were among the reasons for Bulgaria to join the First World War on the side

of Germany. After the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, Bulgaria retained Pirin Macedonia, but

the rest of the territory was divided between Greece (Aegean Macedonia, where Adrianople is

located) and Yugoslavia (Vardar Macedonia), in what is roughly the present-day Republic of

Macedonia.

The failed attempt to restore the Bulgarian rule to Macedonia forged another military

alliance with Germany in 1941, as Hitler promised territorial gains for Bulgaria in return for its

loyalty (Crampton, 1987, 1997). Indeed, Bulgarian troops were called almost immediately to

replace the German divisions in Vardar Macedonia and Aegean Macedonia, which were parts,

respectively, of defeated Yugoslavia and Greece. Hitler got his troops freed for other tasks, while

Bulgaria held on to these lands until 1944. But in the end, this turned out to be yet another bad









strategic choice for Bulgaria, as the country ended up on the losing side of that war, too

(Crampton, 1987, 1997; Perry, 1995).

It was a less-than-favorable development for Bulgaria for another reason most occupying

forces tend to leave the population disaffected sooner or later, and Bulgaria's troops made no

exception. Some of the later apprehension felt by Macedonians toward Bulgarians can indeed be

traced to that period (Poulton, 1995).

As the following pages will explain, after Moscow-backed communists assumed the power

in 1946 and Bulgaria became a part of the Soviet system of countries, Bulgaria' s focus shifted

from a quest for territorial expansion to arguments about the identity and language of

Macedonians, and the issue of a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria.

Macedonian Identity the Bulgarian View

When Petar Stoyanov, Bulgaria's then president, said in 1996 that "Macedonia is the most

romantic part of Bulgaria 's history" (BTA, 1996, italics added), he was well understood by his

compatriots. As this study will elaborate further, the view of Macedonia as a historically

Bulgarian province torn away from the motherland by intriguing neighbors and scheming Great

Powers is so common it does not need any further clarification on the streets of Sofia, Ploydiv or

Varna. Stoyanov's words captured precisely a somewhat nostalgic popular feeling. Macedonian

media condemned them as yet another manifestation of "Bulgaria's revisionism" (Nova

Macedonia, 1996).

Even though the chronology of developments related to the Macedonian Question in the

first part of the 20th century is relatively straightforward, the interpretation of the forces that

caused these events has been debated fervently. Scholars from Bulgaria, former Yugoslavia,

Greece and the West have waged disputes whose arguments were often more political and

ideological rather than academic. Bulgarians in their majority still believe, as a BBSS (1999)










survey shows, that a Macedonian nation and language do not exist independently, since they are

an artificial creation of external forces, mostly Serbian, which have subverted the original

Bulgarian identity of the local population.

For Bulgarian researchers, there has been no other explanation as how the current state of

events was achieved except through the process of Bulgarian identity of Macedonia being

corr-upted under systematic pressure and influx of non-Bulgarians. Any alternative views

(namely, that Macedonians may be a distinct nation, with own language) have been labeled as

'Macedonism,' which is used as a derogatory term in Bulgaria (Perry, 1995).

For instance, the Historical Institute of the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences published in

the late 1960s a 40-page booklet that was to inform historians, teachers, and the general populace

about the Macedonian Question (Institut za Istorija, 1968). Interestingly enough, even though

communism is in Bulgaria's past now, no significant researcher has attempted to seek a different

explanation. Whether this is due to lack of such alternatives based on solid scholarship, or

because of national loyalty, is beyond the scope of the present study. The fact of the matter

remains, as it is emphasized in this study numerous times, that in Bulgaria only the pro-

Bulgarian explication of Macedonian Question and related issues remains widely accepted'.

This interpretation of history is taught at Bulgarian schools. A good example is the

discussion of the Macedonian question in recent textbooks (Gyuzeley, 2000; Nyagulov, 2004),









SBulgaria's historical one-sidedness is not unique even among the world's democracies. Japanese schools, for
instance, do not teach about Nanjing Massacre, and underemphasize Pearl Harbor in their regular curriculum
(Underwood, 2005), and Polish schools conveniently omitted the killings of Jews by Poles during the Nazi
occupation (Gross, 2001). All told, Bulgaria's position at least has some historical rationale on its side.









officially sanctioned by the Ministry of Education to help high-school graduates and foreign

citizens alike prepare for the university entrance exams in Bulgarian history .

Both textbooks (Gyuzeley, 2000; Nyagulov, 2004) present a picture of forced

transformation of Bulgarian populace and language into Macedonian starting by the end of the

19th century and accelerating after Macedonia became a constituent part of the Kingdom of

Yugoslavia in 1918. One author wrote, for instance:

Serb propaganda began to indoctrinate the population that it is not of Bulgarian origin, but

of Slavic, with its own history and culture, different from that of Bulgarians. Authors of

Macedonism prepared textbooks using Macedonian dialect, and adding Serb words. (Gyuzeley,

2000, p. 253)

A very similar explanation is given by Manchev (2006) in a popular recent text, History of

the Balkan People. In fact, the researcher has not been able to find any history text sold in Sofia

that diverges from the main premise that Macedonians have been forced to relinquish their

Bulgarian identity during the years.

This interpretation of history was part of the forceful popular mindset that facilitated, if not

conditioned, Bulgaria's participation in two Balkan and two World wars (Poulton, 1995). For

years Bulgarians yearned to 'restore' the country to its San-Stefano dream configuration, as

mentioned above, and the bitterness of not being able to fulfill this national aspiration cast a

lasting impression on the national psyche (Crampton, 1983, 1997; Perry, 1995).

This study looks for traces of this bitter national sentiment among elite Bulgarian

journalists, and how it may bias their professional work.



SBulgarian universities admit students after entrance exams, as appropriate for the intended discipline of study.
Exams in Bulgarian history and literature are required of candidates to law schools, humanities and social sciences,
including journalism.









Macedonian Minority in Bulgaria

Manchev (2006) wrote that successive governments in Bulgaria failed to promote a

coherent policy with respect to this country's Macedonian aspirations. This lack of consistency

in turn exposed Bulgaria to charges of suppressing a Macedonian minority on its territory

(Manchev, 2006), as explained below. The current claim by political activists such as OMO~'

Ilinden -Pirin that a substantial Macedonian minority exists in Bulgaria stems from events

immediately following Bulgaria's conversion into a Communist, Soviet-dominated state after

1944.

In August 1946, a plenumg of the Bulgarian Communist Party passed a resolution on the

Macedonian question that sharply differed with the majority opinion of the Bulgarians, and

therefore was kept secret even from Communist Party members (Pribichevich, 1982). Drawing

from the ideas of proletarian internationalism and expectations that the state will gradually

disappear as a political entity and will be replaced by a stateless world, this resolution contended

that the major part of the Macedonian people as a separate nation, that is was already living

within the Yugoslav Federation, and that Bulgaria would not object to further unification of

Macedonians, including the ones living in Pirin Macedonia inside Bulgaria (Pribichevich, 1983).

A census at the same time recorded as much as 70% of the population in southwestern Bulgaria

(Pirin Macedonia) as 'Macedonian' by nationality (Pribichevich, 1982), which almost certainly

reflected a skewed count stemming from the Communist Party's 1946 resolution (Angelov,

1999).





9 Plenums were the second highest body of collective decision making in the Communist Party, after the regular
congresses every four years. They were held irregularly, but generally 'as needed' in order to 'stamp' some policy
changes already decided by the Central Committee.










This document supplied fodder for the years to come to claims from Skopje and Belgrade

that Pirin Macedonia should be ceded to Yugoslavia because it was populated by Macedonians.

The original idea behind the resolution was ostensibly different: Georgi Dimitrov, Bulgaria' s

leader at the time, and Marshal Tito, Yugoslavia' s strongman, were effectively working to forge

a Bulgarian-Yugoslay federation (Pribichevich, 1983; Crampton, 1997). This was likely viewed

by Bulgarian leadership as a particularly shrewd way at once to solve the Macedonian Question

by employing a federal scheme, and put political pressure on the non-communist neighbors

Greece, Italy and Turkey by the sheer size of the new federation, which would be friendly to the

U.S.S.R.

Communists of the time were not shy about using force to achieve their goals, whatever

those were. Bulgarian scholars have described the events of 1944-1947 in strong language, with

uniformly negative evaluation such as in the following quote:

The people living in Pirin Macedonia are persuaded that they are not Bulgarians, they are
forced to sign uplO as Macedonians, and an influx is allowed into Bulgarian territory of
'Macedonian' teachers, theaters, bookstores. This is the only instance in Bulgaria' s modern
history, when the government in Sofia allowed assimilation of its own people to appeal to
its masters in Moscow and supporters in Belgradell. (Gyuzeley, 2000, p. 318, italics
added)

The late Petar Dertliev, a respected politician whose public-service career commenced in

the 1930s and who missed on a technicality the chance to become Bulgaria' s first non-

Communist president in July 1990, described the events of 1944-1947 as "forceful assimilation

of the Bulgarians who lived in Pirin Macedonia to please Stalin and Tito" (Melone, 1998, p.

174). His opinion could be considered part of the mainstream thought on the issue in Bulgaria,

and is certainly the viewpoint taught in schools (Gyuzeley, 2000). Even non-Bulgarian historians

'o Bulgarian passports indicate nationality (which is translated directly as 'citizenship' in Bulgarian), which, in this
case, was noted as 'Macedonian.'

11 Translation by the researcher.










such as Jelavich (1983) and Stavrianos (2000) to a large degree have concluded that in mid-to-

late 1940s, the population of Pirin Macedonia was under strong pressure to shed its Bulgarian

identity.

The issue of a Bulgarian-Yugoslay federation fizzled quickly, however, as Stalin became

increasingly displeased with Tito, and possibly suspicious of the mixed loyalties of such a large

federation. Moscow signaled a change of course when in June 1948 Yugoslavia was officially

expelled from the Cominform, the formal organization of Soviet-friendly Communist states

(Crampton, 1983, 1997; Pribichevich, 1983); Bulgarian leadership chose to remain closely

attached to Moscow and quickly fell in line, denouncing its former ally in Belgrade. With these

developments, talks of any cultural autonomy in Pirin Macedonia effectively ceased, and

Macedonian teachers and booksellers were evicted from the region soon thereafter (Pribichevich,

1983).

The question about the identity of people living in Pirin Macedonia, however, remained

open, because the Bulgarian Communist Party never officially acknowledged its role in the

events of 1944-194712, and the 1946 resolution never became publiC13. The aforementioned

"guide" to the Macedonian Question published by the Historical Institute in Sofia, for instance,

completely omits the Communist Party actions of 1946-1947 with respect to Macedonia (Institut

za Istorija, 1968). The very topic was considered taboo until the changes of 1989-1990.

Doomed Ambition

Bulgaria's official position that the country has no territorial or other claims toward

Macedonia has not changed since it was first stated in January of 1992. It was re-affirmed in

12 It may be a matter of speculation whether this was caused by embarrassment or came as a result of political
pressure from the Soviet Union. It is a historical fact that the Soviets reprimanded Bulgaria for the attempt to form a
federation (e.g., ).
13 In fact, until 1990, it was a crime to release it.









February 1999, when Bulgaria and Macedonia signed an agreement that effectively ended the

"language dispute" and each country relinquished any potential territorial demands (Capital,

2000).

Historian Richard Crampton (1997) voiced his skepticism that Bulgaria may be willing or

capable of regional expansionism. He assessed that the sheer weight of immediate social,

economic and environmental problems would not allow any reasonable government to consider

seriously the Macedonian question as a casus belli. Crampton (1997) wrote that "although the

longing for national reunion was a constant feature of Bulgarian history between 1878 and 1944

there is as yet little sign of it re-emerging as a powerful factor in the political life of post-

totalitarian Bulgaria" (p. 240)

Having said this, Crampton also made the following guarded statement: "The majority of

Bulgarian people have shown few signs of wishing to reliance the drive for territorial expansion,

though it is impossible to predict what would happen if the Macedonian state were to be

destabilized or to collapse" (p. 240). Historians are hard to be blamed for reluctance to make

predictions in a volatile region, which remained in a state of flux well into the late 1990s.

Macedonia was perhaps closest to being knocked off balance during the Kosovo crisis in

1999, as the country was flooded with tens of thousands of Muslim refugees. At the time, U.S.

Envoy to the Balkans Richard Holbrook said, "it is not unthinkable that in case of collapse of

Macedonian state, Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia may reach an agreement to share the spoils,

dividing the land of Macedonia between themselves" (The Economist, 1999, p. 9). Naturally,

such statements coming from a respected foreign diplomat and published in a renowned news

magazine arose the Bulgarian public, and drew immediate negative reactions in Bulgarian

media (Naydenov, 1999).









Similar to Crampton' s (1997) is the opinion of Luan Troxel, a political scientist who

conducted an extensive field study of Bulgaria's politics from the onset of the conflict in former

Yugoslavia in 1991, up to the signing of Dayton peace agreement in 1995. She became

convinced that Bulgaria is not willing to engage in a fracas, even less so in open war over

Macedonia, or otherwise take advantage of the precarious situation caused by the dissolution of

Yugoslavia (Troxel, 1997). First, Troxel argued, Bulgaria has nothing but land to gain, and none

of its former glory. Second, Bulgaria would be only happy to avoid troubles by joining the

fighting at the time of deep economic troubles. And finally, Troxel (1997) wrote, Bulgaria would

jeopardize its prospects of acceptance in the western community of democratic nations should it

violate the territory of any of its neighbors.

Perhaps the last argument is the most powerful one, as Bulgaria's desire to join European

Union became a bonding issue for the politicians of all stripes during the 1990s, and the idea of

breaking with a tumultuous past was extremely popular (Troxel, 1997). It also seems clear that at

least today, Bulgaria's dream of unification with Macedonia is all but doomed, and less and less

feasible. Renowned British historian Mark Mazower recapitulated thus the fiasco of one-size-

fits-all solutions to state building:

The war in the former Yugoslavia was not the start of a new era of ethnic conflict at least
in Europe so much as the final stage in the working out of the First World War peace
settlement, and the definitive collapse of federal solutions in this case through
communism to minorities problems (1998, p. 403).

Even so, the bitter resentment of the unfulfilled national dream still can be seen in the

dominant interpretation of history in Bulgaria. A j ournalist, or anyone else, who is interested in

the Macedonian question, can read it up in a history book. There will not be much diversity,

though. Repeated examinations by the author of this study of several major bookstores in Sofia

in May 2000, June 2001, January 2004 and June 2006 brought up 24 titles on sale that were










related to Macedonia. Of those, all were written by Bulgarian authors, and not a single one

presented even moderate (such as Jelavich, 1983; Stavrianos, 2000), or alternative views on the

issue, such as Danforth's (1995), or Poulton's (1995). Little room for doubt remains that

Bulgarian public is not inclined to tolerate Macedonian (and some Western) interpretations of

Balkan history.

The following pages explain some pertinent qualities of the media system in Bulgaria and

further the case for researching journalists' attitudes, which was already made in the previous

chapter.

Bulgaria's Transitional Media System: Who Informs Bulgarians?

With the demolition of the Berlin wall in November 1989, the seemingly stable one-party

political systems, centralized economies and state-controlled media in Eastern Europe were

quickly replaced by democracies, free trade and booming media markets.

In Bulgaria alone, over 760 new newspapers were founded between 1990 and 1992

(Ognianova, 1997). According to United Nations (1992) data, in early 1990s Bulgaria boasted on

average 266 newspaper copies for every 1000 persons, a higher circulation-to-population ratio

than for the United States (251 per 1000). These high numbers declined somewhat in the late

1990s, as explained in the previous chapter, but the fact of high media saturation in post-

communist Bulgaria remained.

Ognianova (1997) published a thorough exploratory study, which employed the economic

criterion to describe Bulgaria's press system as transitional' that is, media of a country with

neither a planned economy nor a developed free market. Ognianova (1997, p. 4) contended:




140gnianova's (1997) transitional press system belongs to a society in transition from one economic order
to another. According to her, all societies can be placed on a continuum between a planned economy and a free
market.










"Within any of these press systems, a variety of prescriptivel15 concepts may be found at a given

point of time." Her typology was useful to monitor the developments in Bulgarian media in the

1990s. It is still a helpful tool almost 10 years after the publication, because Bulgaria' s post-

communist media transition is far from complete.

According to Pavlova (1997), considerable social effects must be expected as a result of

Bulgarian media operations. She hypothesized that a nation in transitionl6 has higher demands

toward its mass media for providing reference, orientation and evaluation during a period of

change, as the one Bulgaria is undergoing now. Pavlova (1997) contended that people rely on

media, intellectual elite and political leaders for guidelines in acceptance or rejection of trends,

ideas and new social models. Scholars must assume that media are assisting their audiences in

structuring their views of the changing world (Pavlova, 1997).

Public's anticipation that mass media can be helpful in corroboration of its political and

social choices shall be much stronger for nations in transition from one economic and political

order to another, while for more "settled" nations (i.e., Western democracies) such anticipation

will be relatively weaker (Pavlova, 1997).

In turn, Daynov (1997, p. 17) argued that "in this [transitional] setting Bulgaria's media

role and power is much stronger than in a society with defined identity." Not in the last place,

Daynov (1997) wrote, the lack of consistent leadership for the country during the years of

transition (1989-1997) made the discourse in mass media more important to the society than it

would have been under "normal" conditions.





15That have an underlying philosophical dimension.
16Transition here means the complex process of undergoing simultaneously social, political and economic
changes, along the lines of the definition that Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development uses for 14
post-communist European countries (see www.oecd.org).









The assumption of Daynov (1997) and Pavlova (1997) is that Bulgarians need orientation from

the media because of the rapid transformation of their society. This concept was labeled more

narrowly by scholars in America as "voter need for orientation" (e.g., Weaver, 1978), but it also

fits the description of how the Bulgarian public makes use of the media by learning from them

about the structure of the "new world."

Until 1989, journalism in Bulgaria was operating under the Lenin's dogma that "a

newspaper is not only a collective propagandist and a collective agitator, but also a collective

organizer" (Lenin, 1969, p. 79, italics added). Major newspapers and magazines, and

broadcasting stations were not competitive enterprises but "organs" of the Communist Party or

some of the numerous party-directed "public organizations" (Karch, 1983). Censorship was

ubiquitous in the media and journalists were closely monitored by the secret service. One of

major means of spreading alternative ideas and news in the society was interpersonal

communication, or simply, rumor (Pavlova, 1997).

When in the late 1989 the communist regime collapsed, and one of the first things to

happen was an incredible media boom. It started with posters and leaflets on the walls that were

discussing the socioeconomic legacy and crimes of the deceased communist rule. Professional

media started a quick process of transformation, brushing off past habits of ideological

submission. In less than two years all former state-controlled newspapers in Bulgaria either went

private or perished, giving way to new print media, Western-styled and with a majority of

younger staffers (Karadjov, 1997). It is commonly said that newspapers were the first complete

success of privatization in the country (Naydenov, 2001).

That was not the case, however, with broadcasting. Despite hundreds of local private radio

stations and a number of commercial television channels, the nation-wide broadcasting remained









out of reach for the private sector until the end of the 1990s (Daynov, 1997; Raycheva, 1995).

The only two major radio programs and two television channels with national coverage were

state-funded to more than half of their budgets and therefore not completely independent. Their

program orientation depended on elective program councils, bodies controlled by both the

Parliament and the President. The latter institutions also appointed the directors to Bulgarian

National Radio (BNR) and Bulgarian National Television (BNT). Mostly because of this odd

situation in broadcasting, researchers and professional journalists agreed in mid 1990s that "the

process of [media] reform is very far from complete" (Sparks, 1997; Raycheva, 1995).

Things kept on moving, though, and the largest break occurred with the introduction of a

new nation-wide broadcast operation, Rupert Murdoch-owned bTV, in 1999. By 2003, bTV's

prime-time audience reached and overlapped that of the Bulgarian National Television (BBSS,

2003; 2004; 2005; 2006). As of 2006, bTV remained the most watched television channel in the

country, followed by the previously dominant Bulgarian National Television.

In contrast, the print media in Bulgaria turned irrevocably private and profit-oriented early

on (Karadjov, 1997). Competition between newspapers for readership (and therefore,

advertising) has been perceived as natural. But a major "power shift" in print media occurred in

mid 1997, when two newspapers with highest circulation were acquired by a German publisher,

Westdeutsche Algemeine Zeitung, thus creating an obvious monopoly. These two newspapers, 24

Chaissa (24 Hours) and Trud (Labor), with a joint daily circulation of up to 500,000 copies at

times, still hold roughly 60% of the national dailies' market (BBSS, 2006).

Paquette (2003) noted that harsh media rivalries tear the Bulgarian media forcing

journalists into a hurry, thus producing more sensational, inaccurate, contradictory or even

falsified news stories. Even though this is hard to prove (and it is not intended here), habits of the









audience members suggest that something is wrong. According to recent polls about readership

of Bulgarian newspapers, between 20% and 40% of regular readers (BBSS, 1997; 2003; 2006) of

major Bulgarian dailies say they consistently buy at least one more alternative newspapers

Conflicting stories in competing publications are not in short supply and tnrth is sometimes

hard to deduce (Naidenov, 1997). American researcher Byron Scott observed in 1993 that people

have developed a habit of comparing information from different newspapers, triangulatingg the

tnrth" (as cited in Ognianova, 1997, p. 17). There is little reason to expect that his remarks are

not valid in the 2000s, because the underlying condition acute media competition remains in

effect. Suffice it to say that Paquette (2003) counts 43 daily newspapers with a summary

circulation of 1.4 million in a country of little over eight million. Of those, 12 dailies are

published in the capital of Sofia and given the very low subscription rates, have to vie for the

readers' attention on street news stands (Paquette, 2003).

Recent observation by the author of this study (June 2006) revealed that all dailies sold in

Sofia, without exceptions, offer some 'extras' included in their purchase price (usually, about

0.50 to 0.80 Leva, or around $0.30-$0.50). Those 'value-added' materials at the observed time

were DVDs with popular Bulgarian movies and famous soccer games. This suggests the

presence of very strong competition for the readers' attention.

The competition in television does not seem to be so acute, or at least is not manifested in

'news wars' of any kind. Broadcasters are upping their audiences through talk shows, popular

game and reality shows, such as the Bulgarian analogs of Big Brother, Jeopardy, and so on

(Lyudmil Karavasilev, personal communication).




"7Data from BBSS Gallup International, August, 1997. Used by permission.









In this environment, newspaper journalists' have all the incentives to cater to a mass

audience and bet on views, opinions and angles that will not alienate large numbers of readers.

Broadcast journalists may be a bit less constrained in that respect, if the assumption that news

programming is not the primary attraction is correct. Still, media competition tends to be

contagious in the sense that it imposes similar environmental constraints (Stocking and Gross,

1989), that is, everyone does the same, and journalists copy each other.

To sum up, Bulgaria has a population that is highly dependent on its media to 'make sense'

of a rapidly changing environment, and a journalistic corps that is under the constant stress of

competition. This makes the assumption that media professionals are not likely to deviate much

from what they perceive the dominant public opinion climate in the country (certainly not on an

issue such as Macedonia) very reasonable. The populace is not likely to receive much

information from alternative sources.

Measure of Democratization

At present, it seems extremely unlikely that Bulgaria will go into any sort of military

confrontation with its neighbors over Macedonia (Troxel, 1997). Bulgaria showed remarkable

restraint during the Yugoslav conflict 1991-1995 and did not use the regional turmoil to assert

territorial claims (Troxel, 1997).

On the contrary, Phillips (2004) noted a widely-circulating rumor of the early 1990s that

Bulgaria's then president Zhelyu Zheley had vetoed a proposed Greek plan for Macedonia's

partitioning among Bulgaria, Greece and Serbia. The same restraint was evident during the

NATO air campaign in Kosovo in 1999, which was the closest ex-Yugoslavia' s post-mortem

paroxysms ever came to Bulgaria (Phillips, 2004).

Most analysts today agree that after Bulgaria joined NATO in April 2004 and in view of

the January 2007 accession to the European Union, the political elite has been cautious not to










rock its Balkan boat (Capital, 2006). On the other hand, Bulgaria's population for quite a long

time has been less-than-enthusiastic about the use of force for any nationalistic causes. The

nationalist party with most pronounced Macedonian agenda, Internal Macedonian Revolutionary

Organization (IMRO), received so little support during the 2001 elections it could not even get a

representative into the current parliament

Various speculations may flare up time and again given the unstable internal situation in

Macedonia and the volatility of the region in general (such as Richard Holbrook' s, see above).

Yet the Macedonian Question discourse has other important consequences for Bulgaria. The

ability of Bulgarian society, political leaders and, of course, journalists to address with

composure such a historically, politically and emotionally charged issue reveals their degree of

adherence to the principles of democracy and tolerance. In a sense, the self-reported attitudes and

behavioral intentions of Bulgaria's professional journalists can offer a peek at the degree of

political maturity for post-communistl9 Bulgarian society.

Researching the attitudes of elite journalists becomes even more essential in this context,

as media are providing guidance to the populace in times of transition (Ognianova, 1997), while

the beliefs and values of news professionals may influence media content in multiple ways.

Whatever the historical developments of the past, present-day political realities on the Balkans

feature an independent Bulgaria and an independent Macedonia, both countries on the track to

democracy and market economy.




's It had two members of the parliament in 1998-2001.

19 For the purpose of this study, the researcher has adopted a reference to Bulgaria's political and economic system
between 1946 and 1990 as "communist," as it became known in the Western media and academic research. An
alternative reference would be "socialist," which was the official label used by the ruling Communist Party, and is
widely accepted the populace. Other researchers, notably Katherine Verdery (1998), have argued in favor of
"socialist," but I do not find it necessary to abandon a commonly accepted practice.










The purposes of this study is to analyze proclivities of elite Bulgarian journalists to

entertain revisionist ideas, allow bias and intolerance in the media, which may be harmful to the

democratic process in the country in many ways. The following pages explain the

methodological approaches used to achieve the research goals.









CHAPTER 4
STUDY METHODOLOGY

This chapter lays out the design of the study and presents the reasoning behind

methodology related decisions. It starts with the hypotheses proposed for testing in this study,

then it defines the concept of attitude and explaining some basic elements of attitudinal

measurements. The chapter then explains the sample selection procedures and the particulars of

survey administration.

Research Questions and Hypotheses: Third-Person Effect

As Chapter 2 explained in detail, the third-person effect is based on the premise that

"others" (the third-persons) are more influenced by media content than "us" or "me" (Perloff,

1999; Paul et al., 2000). The first step in testing for the manifestations of third-person effect is

thus the identification of"self" and "others."

The first group of "others" was labeled "foreign observers," which term gained widespread

use in Bulgarian media in the 1990s, starting with the foreign observers who arrived for the first

democratic elections in June 1990, but mostly used after that to the scores of Westerners and

non-Westerners who were monitoring the situation in former Yugoslavia as the civil war there

progressed from 1991 until 1995.

At the time of the survey, Macedonia had some 5,000 "foreign observers" (Phillips, 2004),

and the very term was an acceptable shortcut in Bulgarian media for a non-military

representative who had arrived to monitor a dangerous situation on behalf of a major

international organization (e.g., the United Nations, European Union, NATO, or the

Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe). The second group of "others" was

conceptualized as Bulgarian tourists vacationing in Macedonia, which is a common occurrence,










especially in the cities of Ohrid (on the eponymous lake), Prespa and Struga and the capital of

Skopje.

None of the situations is out of question, even though an element of artificiality exists in

this as in most other third-person effect studies (Perloff, 1999). Price and Tewksbury (1996)

found no evidence that pairing self-other questions (that is, evaluating the message effect on

themselves and then on others) creates an artificial third-person effect. That is why this study

adopted a paired-question design, which was most straightforward. Respondents had to reply to

identical questions (see Table 4-1) first thinking about media effects on themselves, and then

estimating the influence of media on others (operationalized as either fellow Bulgarians or

foreigners) .

The second necessary step in third-person studies is to identify the media that are expected

to impact differently upon "self" and "others." In order to maximize the strength of the stimulus

- and make sure that it is easily recognizable this study selected Macedonian media as the

expected culprit.

Chapters 1 and 3 explained the understanding among Bulgarians that Macedonian mass

media are vehemently anti-Bulgarian, and basically incapable of delivering unbiased reporting

on anything related to Bulgaria (see also Karakachanov, 2006). This expected anti-Bulgarian

slant of Macedonian media is an important assumption in the survey of Bulgarian journalists.

The resulting pairs of hypotheses are based on three dimensions: Macedonia' s national

identity, language, and Macedonian minority claims. Hypotheses are grouped by the respective

dimensions.



SOhrid, Struga, Prespa are names tightly related to Bulgarian history, as Ohrid was the capital of King Samuil,
claimed today by both Bulgarians and Macedonians as the leader who ruled during a 'golden age' of his kingdom.
Both sides are calling it, respectively, Great Bulgaria or Great Macedonia.










Macedonian National Identity

Hypothesis 1.1: On the question of Macedonia's national identity, Bulgarian journalists

will consider non-Bulgarians (foreigners) to be more influenced by Macedonian media than

themselves.

Hypothesis 1.2: On the question of Macedonia's national identity, Bulgarian journalists

will consider Bulgarian non-journalists to be more influenced by Macedonian media than

themselves.

Macedonian Language

Hypothesis 1.3: On the question of Macedonian language, Bulgarian journalists will

consider foreigners to be more influenced by Macedonian media than themselves.

Hypothesis 1.4: On the question of Macedonian language, Bulgarian journalists will

consider Bulgarian non-journalists to be more influenced by Macedonian media than themselves.

Macedonian Minority in Bulgaria

Hypothesis 1.5: On the question whether there is a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria,

Bulgarian journalists will consider foreigners to be more influenced by Macedonian media than

themselves.

Hypothesis 1.6: On the question whether there is a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria,

Bulgarian journalists will consider Bulgarian non-j journalists to be more influenced by

Macedonian media than themselves. Table 4-1 provides the English translations of all related

questions as asked in the questionnaire:

Support for Press Limitations (Self-Censorship)

A set of questions (Table 4-2) was intended to provide estimates of journalists':

willingness to promote the official Bulgarian position on the disputed issues with
Macedonia;
willingness to conform to the prevailing public opinion;










intentions to be impartial in the coverage of these issues by giving equal treatment to all
sources/sides;
allowing the free distribution of Macedonian publications in Bulgaria.

All these are behavioral intentions generated by a perception that 'vulnerable others' be

they Bulgarian non-journalists or foreigners may be "mislead" by "erroneous" coverage (in the

sense of Perloff, 1989) when they are exposed to Macedonian media messages or Macedonian

positions expressed through Bulgarian media. The theoretical expectation is that journalists will

see themselves as more resistant to such influences.

The first three sets of questions are used to construct three indices, measuring, respectively,

acquiescence to the official position and public opinion, and impartiality. All items were derived

from the literature and personal discussions with media professionals.

The following three hypotheses stem from the research on the behavioral component of the

third-person effect, which indicates that "the size of the third-person perception is a positive

predictor of support for controls" (Tewksbury et al., 2004, p. 139). It could be expected that

journalists would "fear" about the vulnerability of "non-journalist Bulgarians" to Macedonian

influences, and try to modify their behavior to counteract these influences. One of these

modifications may include "circling the wagons" and promoting national unity on crucial issues,

which, in part, would mean supporting the official position. Another would be imposing some

degree of bias on the media, and a third is to limit the offending influence by curbing press

distribution.

Causality in the related hypotheses below is implied as the most logical explanation for the

hypothesized correlations:










Hypothesis 2.1: The larger the overall magnitude Of the third-person perception for

journalists vs. Other Bulgarians, the higher their support for promoting Bulgaria' s official

position through the media.

Hypothesis 2.2: The larger the overall magnitude of the third-person perception for

journalists vs. Other Bulgarians, the lower their support for impartial coverage of contested issues

between Bulgaria and Macedonia.

Hypothesis 2.3: The larger the overall magnitude of the third-person perception for

journalists vs. Other Bulgarians, the lower their support for free distribution of Macedonian

media in Bulgaria.

The literature does not suggest how the magnitude of the third-person perception may

influence journalists intent to yield to what they perceive as the prevailing climate of opinion. A

separate research question addresses this particular aspect:

Research Question 2.1: What is the association between the magnitude of the third-person

perception and journalists' support for promoting what they view as the prevalent public opinion

on Macedonia through Bulgarian media?

Further exploration is possible by looking at the association between the magnitude on the

third-person perception when journalists compare themselves with non-Bulgarians, and the

intended support for the official position, reporting impartiality or press distribution restrictions.

It is also interesting to look at correlations between these and the strength of journalists'

attitudes.





2 Defined as the difference between journalists' estimates of how a hypothetical media situation (exposure to
Macedonian media) will affect their own attitudes on Macedonia vs. how it will affect 'others,' in this case,
operationalized as Bulgarian non-journalists.









In-depth Interview Research

As a part of this project, the in-depth interviews with senior journalists (that is, decision

makers in their respective news organizations) were designed to cover research questions 1-4

from Chapter 1. In essence, these interviews covered attitudes toward Macedonia among

journalists and the general population, journalists' practices, and their take on Bulgaria' s

relations with Macedonia.

All data collected via quantitative methods was meant to be supplemented and explained

via this qualitative approach. In-depth interviews, however, were not meant to provide any form

of hypotheses testing or gather quantifiable information. The guide used during in-depth

interviews is presented in Chapter 6 (Table 6-1).

Definition of Attitudes

Conceptual definition of an attitude adopted in this study comes from Eagly and Chaiken

(1993): "Attitude is a psychological tendency that is expressed by evaluating a particular entity

with some degree of favor or disfavor" (p. 1). The construction of attitudinal measurement for

this study followed the recommendations of Himmelfarb (1993), while conforming to general

rules of questionnaire construction and evaluation from Fowler (1984, 1995), Schuman and

Presser (1996), and Sudman (1990).

In the attitude scale construction, this study used what Himmelfarb (1993, pp. 29-30)

labeled 'person scaling approach' as the most appropriate for the concrete task. Himmelfarb

(1993) distinguishes person scaling (essentially based on psychometrics, e.g., Likert, semantic

differential) from stimulus, then person scaling (that is, psychophysical scaling, e.g., Thurstone

techniques) and simultaneous stimulus and person scaling (a combination of psychometric and

psychophysical approaches, e.g., Guttman scales).










Himmelfarb (1993) defines person scaling as a method in which "stimuli are classified a

priori as either favorable or unfavorable toward the attitude object" (p. 51). He explained that

because person scaling does not require precise placement of stimuli (items, statements) along

the evaluative dimension, the selection of items is more intuitive and can be easily accomplished

by reviewing the existing literature and collecting relevant statements.

Once collected, these stimuli needed to be classified as either favorable or unfavorable

toward the attitude object. Unlike other techniques (i.e., Thurstone), person scaling does not

require a panel of judges to sort out the items, and this can be accomplished by a single

researcher. Because only one researcher constructed the scale for this study, pre-testing and

subsequent cross-validation through factor analysis became essential, so that ambiguous or non-

discriminating items and items classified in the wrong category could be discarded or re-worded

(Himmelfarb, 1993).

Of the two major techniques for person scaling as an attitude measurement Likert and the

semantic differential this study employed Likert's (1932) method of summated ratings, based

on author' s previous research experience and the relative ease of construction and use.

A pool of statements coming from the literature was assembled for use as Likert scale

items. Broadly, these statements concern disagreements that exist between Bulgarian public

opinion, scholarly and popular literature from one side, and Macedonian sources from the other,

regarding Macedonia's politics, history, national and linguistic identity, and its relations with

Bulgaria. These statements explained in more detail below were written by the study author




3 Eagly and Chaiken (1993) contended that "virtually everything that is discriminable can be evaluated and therefore
can function as an attitude object" (pp. 4-5). They noted that some attitude objects are abstract (e.g., liberty), some
are concrete (e.g., chair, shoe), but generally attitude object is anything "that becomes in some sense an object of
thought"(p. 5).










and evaluated by three Bulgarian survey researchers for clarity 4. QUeStions directly relevant to

the research hypotheses are presented in this chapter, while the layout of the survey as it was

asked can be found in the appendices.

The idea to present respondents with two or three versions of questionnaires to forestall

any response-order effects was discarded as impractical early on. It would have been exceedingly

difficult to print several versions of the 24-page final questionnaire, provided the limited budget

that the researcher could utilize. Only the pre-test portion, which is explained below, used

different questionnaires and no response-order artifacts were noted'.

The original language of the survey instrument was Bulgarian, and therefore literal English

translation may sometimes sound awkward (the Bulgarian original of the questionnaire is

available in the Appendix). The author of the study, however, followed the standard guidelines

for proper questionnaire construction (e.g., Sudman, 1990; Fowler, 1984, 1995; Dillman, 2000),

so that the instrument would be appropriate to the language of its administration, Bulgarian; that

is, preference was given to proper Bulgarian rather than to proper English.

All survey questions, starting with the pre-test and through the main study, were reviewed

by Kantcho Stoytchev and Mila Nikolova, who were respectively, CEO and principal researcher

with Bulgarian-British Social Surveys, a Gallup International affiliate in Bulgaria. BBSS-Gallup

International started commercial and political survey research in Bulgaria in 1990, so their

editing expertise was of definite use minor-to-moderate changes to some question wordings





4 Kantcho Stoytchev and Mila Nikolova of BBSS-Gallup International, and Galin Borodinov of Sofia University.

SGiven the relatively small number of respondents in the pre-test (n= 87), it is not out of question that the two sets of
questionnaires simply did not have large enough samples to manifest any response-order effects. At any rate,
practical considerations required the author to put such concerns aside. Any future study should control for potential
response-order artifacts.










ensued after their review. In addition, Galin Borodinov of Sofia University contributed to the

proper wording of Likert scale items.

These consultants helped with other advice, too. For instance, some choices such as using a

5-point scale with an undecidedd' Option for attitudinal measurements, were dictated by the

practice of survey research in Bulgaria. Himmelfarb (1993), among others, did not see any

substantial differences between attitude scales using five- and seven-point measurement, apart

from the fact that the seven-point scale may be considered somewhat more reliable. Attitude

surveys in Bulgaria, however, are traditionally administered using a five-point measurement

instrument, and seven-point agree-disagree scales do not fit the language well Thus, a five-

point scale is more familiar to respondents as it had been widely accepted in Bulgarian survey

practice.

Attitude Questions and Pretest

Attitudes of Bulgarian journalists toward Macedonia were assessed in three areas of most

disagreement, according to the literature: Macedonia's claims to a separate language (see Table

4-3), unique national identity (Table 4-4), and the presence of a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria

(Table 4-5). In the questionnaire design, every question about journalists' personal opinion was

paired with an identical question about journalists' perception of the prevailing public opinion.

The task of measuring attitudes toward different aspects of the Macedonian question

started with conceptualizing certain aspects of the problem as proper attitude objects. The

preliminary analysis of literature keyed in on the following major disagreements between


6 This again follows the conventions of surveys conducted in Bulgaria by pollsters such as BBSS-Gallup
International. The usual format includes a "don't know/cannot decide" option in the middle (position 3) of a five-
point scale. Whether this option is viewed by respondents as a refusal to answer or a neutral position is not clear,
which is an acknowledged deficiency of the instrument.

SFor instance, there is no established way to differentiate "completely agree" from "agree" from iomel\ hatI agree,"
etc., and this is not recommended by researchers (Kantcho Stoytchev, personal communication, May 20, 2000).










Macedonia and Bulgaria (already explained in previous chapters): Does Macedonia have a

national identity and language distinct from Bulgarian? Is there a Macedonian minority in

Bulgaria? These three areas of disagreement were used as separate dimensions for attitude

measurement.

National identity and language issues tend to appear together in Bulgarian media and

literature, which is perhaps the result of the crucial importance of language in the formation of

Bulgarian national identity (e. g., Todorova, 1995). It is conceivable, however, that some

Bulgarians may come to acknowledge Macedonia's national identity as separate, but reject the

claim to linguistic uniqueness, or vice versa. To allow for this possibility, the study separated

questions about language and national identity, and used them as items in two distinct Likert

scales.

Himmelfarb (1993) recommended as the first step in establishing a Likert scale to write a

set of items that "the agreement with the item represents either a favorable or unfavorable

attitude toward the object" (p. 53), ignoring the degree of favorability or unfavorability. As this

project has identified three plausible dimensions of Bulgarian attitudes toward Macedonia, three

separate Likert scales had to be constructed for each.

While the usual approach is to select the Likert scale items intuitively (Himmelfarb, 1993),

for this study the author used a combination of literature review, media reports and external

assistance from survey researchers to pool a list of favorable and unfavorable statements for use

in a questionnaire.

Statements related to Macedonia' s identity, language and minority questions were asked

on a five-point scale, with a 'don't know/cannot tell' option in the middle (#3) position. Some of

the items were reverse-coded, as is the usual practice with Likert scales (Himmelfarb, 1993).










Generally, higher scores (when adjustment is made for reverse-coded items) on the identity,

language and minority dimensions below would indicate higher levels of agreement with the

standard Bulgarian position.

The initial pool of items for national identity, language and minority was pilot-tested with

a group of 87 journalism students at Sofia Universitys (n=31) and New Bulgarian University

(n=56) in May 2001. The pre-test lead to revisions of questions, leaving only those presented in

Tables 4-3, 4-4 and 4-5.

Table 4-6 includes questions that were discarded because of low item-total score

correlation or low reliability of the resulting scale if they were left. Several questions were also

marked by the respondents as 'not clear' and were either discarded or reworded.

The pre-test of Likert-scale items had the goal of eliminating ambiguous and

nondiscriminating items. Himmelfarb (1993) posits that the preferred contemporary procedure is

"to examine item-total score correlations, each of which correlates the respondents' scores on an

item with their scores summed over all the items" (p. 53). During this procedure, the item' s score

is excluded from the total score.

As a first step, all available items (questions) were included in a reliability test and their

item-total score correlations were noted. Items showing lower correlation with the total were

dropped (one at a time), and the remaining scale retested. Through several iterations of this

process, the highest possible reliability coefficient (Cronbach's alpha) of.72 was achieved (for

questions on Macedonian minority, Table 4-5). Items for language (Table 4-3) and nation (Table

4-4) had Cronbach' s alpha of .59 and .66, respectively, in the pretest.



8During the pre-test in Sofia University, two students of Macedonian nationality refused to take part, perhaps
because there perceived that their opinions will diverge sharply from those of their Bulgarian peers and of the
researcher.









Because the reliability of the total score increases with the number of items even if the

average inter-item correlation remains constant, for all practical purposes it is not advisable to

have more than 12 to 14 items in a scale (Himmelfarb, 1993). This was the target for each of the

three Likert scales measuring different aspects of the journalists' attitudes. The Likert scales

chosen for the final questionnaire included 11 items (questions) related to the arguments on

Macedonian language (Table 4-3), seven for the nation (Table 4-4), and 10 on the disagreements

whether a Macedonian minority exists in Bulgaria (Table 4-5). Question 11 in the language

section (Table 4-3) was not pre-tested, but was added because of the controversy created by the

decision of Boyko Vassilev, the anchor for the popular PanoramaPPP~~~~PPP~~~PPP political show on Bulgarian

National Television to air interviews with Macedonian politicians and citizens without

translation (Boyko Vassilev, personal communication, May 31, 2001).

As these scales are expected to measure three separate dimensions, they were cross-

validated through factor analysis to obtain the final versions of Likert scale for each dimension.

The outcomes of the factor analysis, reliability testing and the resulting final scales used in

hypothesis testing are presented in Chapter 5.

Sample Selection: Determining Survey Respondents and Interview Participants

During the changes of the 1990s, journalists' organizations in Bulgaria, such as the Union

ofBulgarian Journalists, or Union ofJournalists-Podkrepa, built a membership that was hardly

inclusive of all professionals in this field. Simply put, Bulgarian journalists did not seem likely to

join a professional organization (Nikoltchev, 1998).

In part, this was a reaction to the situation before 1989-1990 when virtually all full-time

journalists, as well as writers, poets, artists, actors, musicians had to be members of their


9 This is also confirmed by author's own experience. During his time as an active journalist (1990-1997), the author
recalls working with only a handful of reporters and editors who belonged to a journalistic organization.










respective professional organizations in order to be allowed to practicelo. This was a way to

control the minds and activities of the intelligentsia. The so-called "creative unions" (tvorcheski

salyuz) were notorious for their carrot-and-stick approach" to the intelligentsia. All that was in

line with the general proscription on unorthodox creative activity in socialist countries for fear

that it may undermine the dominant Marxist-Leninist ideology (Giorgi, 1995).

Another reason for the Bulgarian journalists' apparent aversion to professional

organizations is that news professionals did not find them helpful in times of economic and

political turmoil (Ognianova, 1997). For such reasons, a majority of the Bulgarian journalists

have not become organized into any formal professional group to date. Journalists in Bulgaria

are not required to obtain a license or registration to practice, so there is no professional roster.

As a byproduct of that, editors, producers, reporters, photographers, freelancers and other media

professionals in Bulgaria are not listed comprehensively in any publicly available source. On the

other hand, every newspaper in the country publishes its editorial staff s names, and some even

provide phone and/or e-mail contact information for individual reporters and editors. This

information is available to anyone who purchases a daily or weekly newspaper in Bulgaria.

Obtaining names for the broadcast staffers, however, is difficult, because television and radio

stations vary in their practice as to what to put on their web sites.

Such status quo leaves the researcher without a comprehensive roster of Bulgarian

journalists, and therefore, without a sampling frame from which to draw a random sample. The

absence of directories, universal union membership, or some sort of licensing has created


'o Even the process of becoming a journalist was tightly controlled: In order to be admitted to the Joumnalism
Department at Sofia University, the prospective student had to be cleared by the regional Communist Party
organization.

11 Such a situation was typical for Eastemn and Central European Communist countries. For instance, compare it with
the Hungarian (Kovats, 1998), and Polish experience (Oledzki, 1998).










sampling problems for other surveys of media professionals for instance, Herscovitz and

Cardoso (1998) in Brazil; Kirat (1998) in Algeria; Oledzki (1998) in Poland, Wilke (1998) in

Chile, Ecuador and Mexico, among others.

In the absence of comprehensive listings of journalists, these studies resorted to

convenience sampling which usually consisted of delivering questionnaires to selected media

and asking the editors to distribute them. As Herscovitz and Cardoso (1998) noted, this may lead

to very uneven response rate, depending on editors' cooperation. At any rate, using a non-

representative sample, of course, limits the generalizability of findings, but at least it allows for

some research data to be collected as a trade-off.

For his study of post-communist Bulgarian journalists, Nikoltchev (1998) chose a different

approach: he turned for help to NOEMA, a private polling organization, which boasted a

proprietary list of some 1,000 news professionals. Based on interviews with experts and other

fragmentary data, Nikoltchev (1998) estimated that the total number of active Bulgarian

journalists is about 7,00012. IHStead of using NOEMA' s list, which would have been too

expensive,13 Nikoltchev (1998) resorted to distributing questionnaires among random staff

members in several news organizations, with their editors' consent. He ended up with 318

respondents after two months of field work.

After reviewing literature and feasible options, the author of this study decided on a two-

step process that sampled only a sub-population of Bulgarian journalists, namely, the elite

journalists. This would be more feasible in terms of numbers, while guaranteeing that high

quality of data would be collected. In other words, this approach relied on sampling that focused


12 As noted in Chapter 1, this figure is probably overstated substantially.

13 Based on personal communication (May 2001) with BBSS Gallup's Kantcho Stoytchev, such a project would
have cost $3,000 to $4,000 at the minimum.










the effort on the most important members of the journalistic guild in terms of their influence on

news gathering and dissemination.

So, who are the 'elite' journalists? In 1998, a major Bulgarian news agency, published

ho 's Who of Bulgarian journalism (Sofia Press, 1998). In the preface, the editors explain their

selection. Editors-in-chief of all Bulgarian media were approached with a request to nominate the

most influentiall4 editors and reporters on their staff. The resulting list contained about 400

names of journalists along with short biographical sketches and home addresses.

During a personal interview (May 12, 2000), Petar Panov, the editor of the ho 's Who

volume, said his intention was to provide a comprehensive list of the best and the brightest in

Bulgarian journalism. This point was emphasized during the nomination process. Panov said,

"There is a certain degree of subjectivity, but at least it's a judgment made by peers on the basis

of professional qualities." Ostensibly, those professionals who were deemed to be the best in the

field, were also likely to be the most influential, and thus able to impose their views and personal

style on others.

This study assumed that the professionals represented in the Sofia Press' (1998) ho 's

Who can be defined as the elite of Bulgarian journalism at the time of its compilation. This

assumption was based on a combination of two dictionary definitions of elite as "the choice or

best of a group, class, or the like" and "a group of persons exercising authority within a larger

group" (Random House Webster's College Dictionary, 1991, p. 434).

As the next step in the sample selection process, the Sofia Press' (1998) list had to be

updated, as it was completed almost three years prior to the start of this study. The revision

process began with checking the current status of each of the journalists, and deleting the names

14 InHlUecHC WaS defined as being "the best and most influential in the profession" as judged by their peers (Sofia
Press, 1998, p. 6).










of those professionals who had since retired or were about to retire. The next step was to update

the roster with new names.

The revision process took some five months (between November 2000 and March 2001).

A copy of the journalists' Who 's who was mailed to 10 well-known editors at several news

organizations with a request to update the original listl5. This ad hoc panel was selected by the

author of this study based on his personal knowledge of media personnel. The panel members

were asked to adhere to three steps during the journalists' list revision.

First, the panel had to decide whether the people on the Who 's who list could still be

considered as influential decision makers for the next five to 10 years. This question concerned

particularly those nearing retirement, as they may have built a distinguished career, but would

not be working much longer. It also addressed the issue of journalists switching professions, for

instance going into public relations positions, which makes them inappropriate for the purpose of

this study.

Second, the revision panel was asked to add the names of young reporters and editors who

were clearly on the rise in major media. As Chapters 1 and 2 explained, Bulgaria' s media cadre

underwent a rapid change in the 1990s, with a substantial influx of younger journalists who

replaced most (but not all) of the older communist-times-trained reporters and editors. By mid

1990s, a substantial number of top-level positions in Bulgarian media was already occupied by

30-somethings (Nikoltchev, 1998).



'5 The principal consultants for this revision were: Bovko Vassilev, anchor with the Bulgarian National Television:
Dimitri Ivanov, commentator for Sega: Lvudmil Karavasilev, representative of United Bulgarian Bank and professor
at the Department of Journalism and Mass Communication at Sofia University: Milen Marcher, editor-in-chief of
Sega Magazine and publisher of Metropolis Magazine: Venelina Gotcheva, editor-in-chief of 24 Hours: Georgi
Nedelcher, senior editor with Monitor: Vassil Zahariev, deputy editor-in-chief of Standard; Lilia Popora, senior
reporter with Sega: Yovo Nikolor of Capital: Iva Petroni, anchor with the Bulgarian National Television. The major
consideration to select this particular people was author's personal knowledge of their careers and experience. He
has have either worked or studied with each of them.









Third, the numbers of provincial media representatives had to be limited for feasibility

reasons. The panel was asked to consider only principal editors in important regional

publications (for instance, the decision makers in local dailies and broadcast stations in

Blagoevgrad, Bulgaria' s largest city in Pirin Macedonia). Apart from the practical

considerations, Bulgaria's most influential media are located in the capital of Sofia, so it was

logical to concentrate most efforts there.

The 10-member panel was asked to operate on the basis of consensus, which was relatively

easy as far as eliminating names from the list was concerned. All told, the initial almost 400

names on the list were reduced to 189 (eliminating all retirees, potential retirees, transfers to

other occupations, and most provincial media professionals except those working in Pirin

Macedonia). The author of the study retained the last word on all list entries, but he had to step in

and arbitrate on just three occasions by removing names of journalists he did not deem essential

and on which the panel could not reach consensus.

The second part adding names took considerably longer, because there was less

agreement on that issue. The author had to intervene much more often, mostly by asking

questions about the career prospects of a particular person (unless he knew that person himself).

After several iterations of the list, an additional 59 names were added, all of them editors and

senior reporters who have risen in their professional standing in the late 1990s (those who had

become prominent young journalists before were already on the list).

The resulting final roster (completed by May 2001) had 248 journalists, who, for all

practical intents and purposes, could be considered the most influential names in Bulgarian










journalism, above all with respect to the topic of this studyl6. The same list of elite journalists

served as the basis for inviting participants for the series of in-depth interviews. The intent was

to ask some 20 high-ranking editors, defined as editors who are heading a department (domestic

or foreign news) or a section (e.g., opinion/editorial section), and above, all the way up the ranks

to managing editors (editors-in-chief). Those editors were selected on the basis of their decision-

making position and the importance of their respective medium so that all major nationwide

dailies in Bulgaria, political weeklies, national radio and television channels are represented.

Survey Administration

To a large degree, the survey procedures were based on Don Dillman's (2000) propositions

for the improvement of response rate. Sofia Press' (1998) Who 's who provided journalists' office

and home addresses -for the sake of ease and consistency, only office addresses were used. For

the added names, office addresses were used, too, which were available from the print

publications or through the web sites of the respective broadcast media.

The survey started with letters to the sampled professionals, informing them about the

purpose and scope of the project (as advised in Dillman, 2000). This personalized letters, on

proper letterhead and quality paper, with the emphasis on the selection of each respondent as a

representative of the professional elite (each letter was personally addressed!, was meant to

draw the attention toward the study. These letters were hand-delivered or sent to the respective

office addresses by early May 2001.

The respondents received the questionnaires shortly thereafter in June 2001. It was

designed as a mail-in self-administered survey, with each questionnaire personally addressed. A



'6That is, the design of this list excluded some quite prominent journalists who dealt exclusively with issues of
fashion or technology, along with some game show hosts, whose prominence was by no means relevant to the
studied problems.









cover letter and a University of Florida informed consent form were included in each set. A self-

sealing envelope was also provided with the questionnaire, so the respondent could close the

answers as soon as they were completed.

A substantial number of questionnaires were delivered by the author and two associates to

newsrooms and handed to respondents, or left at their personal desks (in case the person was not

available). Only questionnaires addressed to respondents in media outside of Sofia were actually

mailed (and received back by mail at author's home address in Sofia). For the hand-delivered

questionnaires, as a rule the author and his two associates would come the next day to the

newsroom and pick up the completed copies in their respective envelopes.

On a few occasions, respondents would sit down and start completing the questionnaires

immediately that is, as soon as they have been given a copy. In no case, however, was the

author or any associate present during the actual filling out of survey questionnaires by the

respondents. This was done to forestall social-desirability or acquiescence effects.

In case the questionnaires were not found to be filled on the next visit, the respondent was

asked in person or through a note left on his or her desk to consider doing so. More than a

few journalists apologized, but said they have no time or desire to complete the 20-plus-page

questionnaire. No further requests were made to such respondents, and they were considered not

answering. For the mailed-in portion (provincial media), the waiting time was set at one week,

after which a second letter was mailed. Because of the limited time the author could spend in

Bulgaria, no third attempt was made to reach mail-in non-respondents.

In the end, out of the 248 questionnaires distributed in Sofia and Pirin Macedonia, 139

were returned completed, for a 56% response rate.










The project concluded with a personalized thank-you letter to each participant, who has

completed a questionnaire (again, delivered by hand in most cases). Besides common courtesy,

this follow-up served the purpose of retaining a de facto panel of elite journalists willing to

cooperate in future studies.

This method of administration uses mixed modes of survey administration (in this case, in-

person and mail-in delivery, with and without personal contact with respondents), for which

Dillman (2000, p. 219) provided the following justification:

The use of different survey modes is usually justified by a desire to cut costs through the
use of the least expensive mode first. The second and third mode is then used to collect
responses from people who are reluctant or will not respond to the prior models).
Sometimes the follow-up is used to reach people who cannot be found through the initial
procedure.

Dillman (2000) warned that different modes of data collection may produce different

results, and the design of a mixed-mode survey should incorporate checks of potential response

artifacts resulting from social desirability, acquiescence, question order, or primacy/recency

effects.

Question-order issues were not addressed in the design of this study as explained earlier

- because of feasibility issues, but also because the did not seem to affect much the outcome in

third-person effect studies (Price and Tewksbury, 1996). Since the survey was self-administered,

there were no question-and-answer sessions with the researcher barring a short pep talk about the

importance of participation. Any verbal interaction with respondents was as brief as possible,

mostly underscoring the need for honest and well-thought answers. Although the initial contact

has been made on a personal basis, each respondent had the choice to return the completed

survey omitting any personal references and substituting the respondent's name with the name of

the publication or broadcast station/program (which was necessary for the subsequent analysis).









Results from hypotheses testing and answers to the research questions are presented in the

next chapter.










Table 4-1: Third-person perception questions.
Journalists/Bulgarians vs. non-Bulgarians:
Let's assume that you are spending several days in Macedonia as a journalist and encounter a
group of foreign observers from non-Balkan countries in the same hotel. Every day you and your
foreign acquaintances (who use local interpreters) read the Macedonian papers, watch
Macedonian television and listen to the radio. Based on your knowledge of Macedonia's print
and broadcast media, answer the following questions:

1. How do you think these media reports may influence your personal beliefs about the origins
and nature of Macedonia's nation?
2. And how may these media reports affect your personal beliefs about the origins and nature of
Macedonian language?
3. Now consider the same question in relation to your foreign acquaintances. Provided that the
translation is accurate, how would these media reports influence the foreign observers'
beliefs about the origins and nature of the Macedonian nation?
4. How would foreigners be influenced by Macedonia's media reports in their beliefs about of
the origins and nature of the Macedonian language?
5. How may Macedonia's media influence your personal beliefs about the presence of a
Macedonian minority population in Bulgaria?
6. How may the foreign observers be influenced in their beliefs whether there is a Macedonian
minority in Bulgaria?

Bulgarian journalists vs. non-journalists:
Now, let's assume that a group of Bulgarian tourists has arrived in your hotel, too. These tourists,
just like you, would listen to the radio, watch television and read the local press on a daily basis.
7. When you think about these Bulgarian tourists average persons on a vacation how would
you expect Macedonia' s media to affect their beliefs about the origins and nature of
Macedonia's nation?
8. How may Macedonia's media influence the beliefs of the Bulgarian group about the origins
and nature of Macedonian language?
9. Finally, how strongly the members of this Bulgarian tourist group may be influenced in their
beliefs whether there is a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria?
Scale used for all questions: 1 (no influence at all) ....10 (extremely strong influence)










Table 4-217: Questions about journalists' censorship/bias intentions.
Support for the official position:
1. Currently, Bulgarian media must strive to support the official Bulgarian government
position on the question about the presence of a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria.
2. Any time the origin and naturels of the Macedonian nation is brought up, Bulgarian
media should strive to support the official position of the Bulgarian government on the
issue.
3. Any time the origin and nature of the Macedonian language is brought up, Bulgarian
media should strive to support the official position of the Bulgarian government on the
issue.

Yielding to the prevalent public opinion:
4. With respect to the question whether there is a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria, every
Bulgarian print publication, television or radio station should strive to maintain a position
that is the closest to the prevalent public opinion in the country.
5. With respect to the question of the origins and nature of the Macedonian nation, every
Bulgarian print publication, television or radio station should strive to maintain a position
that is the closest to the prevalent public opinion in the country.
6. With respect to the question of the origins and nature of the Macedonian language, every
Bulgarian print publication, television or radio station should strive to maintain a position
that is the closest to the prevalent public opinion in the country.

Impartiality in reporting:
7R* Bulgarian media must by all means seek the opinion of political organizations such as
OMO0 Ilinden'g when they cover one way or another the question about a Macedonian
minority in Bulgaria.
8R. When covering the issue of the origins and nature of the Macedonian language, Bulgarian
media should always include the opinion of leading representatives of the political,
cultural and scientific communities in Macedonia.
9. It is better if Bulgarian media avoid interviewing or quoting people who would state that
the Macedonian language is more than just a Bulgarian dialect.
10R. When covering the issue of the origins and nature of the Macedonian nation, Bulgarian
media should always include opinions from leading representatives of the political,
cultural and scientific communities in Macedonia.
11. It is much better if Bulgarian media avoid interviewing or quoting people who would
state that the Macedonian nation has origins different from those of the Bulgarian nation.
12. It is much better if Bulgarian media avoid interviewing or quoting people who would
state that there is a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria.



'7 Questions in this table have been re-arranged for convenience from the randomly assigned order in the research
questionnaire.
's The locution 'origin and nature' is routinely considered in Bulgaria part of one and the same term. That is why
origin and nature are used often interchangeably, with one implying the other.
19 As explained in Chapter 1 and 2, OMO0 Ilinden is banned in Bulgaria as a separatist organization.












Table 4-2. Continued.
Free distribution for Macedonian print media:
13R. Macedonia's print media20 (HOWSpapers, magazines, books) should be allowed the
complete freedom of distribution in Bulgaria, without any impediments from the
authorities.


Scale used for all questions:
1. Completely 2. Somewhat
Agree Agree


3. Cannot
Judge


4. Somewhat
Disagree


5. Completely
Disagree


* R indicates questions that must be coded reversely to the rest during analysis.





































20 Macedonian television and radio programs are readily available in the border regions of Bulgaria.










Table 4-3: Questions about Macedonian language.
1R*. The present-day Macedonian language" has been created artificially on the basis of an
existing Bulgarian dialect.
2. Today, the Macedonians have the full justification to define their language as something
different from the Bulgarian language.
3. Macedonian language today should be regarded as equal to any other Balkan language.
4. We the Bulgarians, must accept at last that the present-day Macedonian language is
different from the Bulgarian language.
5. Present-day Macedonian language is nothing but a dialect of the Bulgarian language.
6. Only Macedonia' s citizens have the right to decide how to name their language.
7. Despite the historic similarities between Macedonian and Bulgarian languages, these are
two different languages today.
8R. Accepting that Macedonia's language is different from Bulgarian means giving up on the
historical truth for Bulgaria.
9. Bulgarian and Macedonian politicians must use interpreters for their official bilateral
meetings.
10. The arguments about the nature of Macedonia' s language are of academic interest only,
without any practical importance.
11. The decision by the Bulgarian National Television not to provide translation when
Macedonian citizens are interviewed on camera was absolutely correct.


Scale used for all questions:
1. Completely 2. Somewhat
Agree Agree


3. Cannot
Judge


4. Somewhat
Disagree


5. Completely
Disagree


* R indicates questions that must be coded reversely to the rest during analysis





















21 Some keywords in the English translation of the survey questions are bolded for convenience only the Bulgarian
questionnaire, as administered, has no such markings.










Table 4-4: Questions about Macedonian national identity.
1. Today, the Macedonians have the full justification to define themselves as a nation distinct
from the Bulgarian nation.
2. Bulgarian politicians who oppose the recognition of a Macedonian nation are mere
chauvinists.
3. Macedonian nation today is an established independent nation.
4. We the Bulgarians, must accept at last that the present-day Macedonian nation is different
from the Bulgarian nation.
5. Bulgaria and Macedonia must be regarded today as two different, although historically
close, nations.
6. Only Macedonia' s citizens have the right to decide how to name their nation.
7. There is no doubt that the Macedonian nation is historically different from the Bulgarian
nation.









Table 4-5: Questions about Macedonian minority in Bulgaria.
1R*. It is historically inaccurate to talk of a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria.
2. Bulgaria has nothing to fear should it recognize a Macedonian minority on its territory.
3. Individuals presenting themselves as leaders of a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria
honestly believe in the existence of such a minority.
4. Bulgaria should recognize officially a Macedonian minority on its territory.
5. The existence of a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria today is an undeniable fact.
6. If a group of people in Bulgaria claims to represent a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria, it
should be granted a minority status.
7. There is indeed a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria, but only in several villages on the
border with Macedonia.
8R. The arguments about the existence of a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria are of academic
interest only, without any practical importance.
9R. The West, that is the European Union and the United States, can teach us Bulgarians how
to accept the presence of various minorities on our territory.
10. It is correct to say that there is a defined Macedonian ethnicity within the borders of
present-day Bulgaria.

* R indicates questions that must be coded reversely to the rest during analysis










Table 4-6: Attitude questions on language, nation and minority discarded after the pre-test.
Language :
1. Pro-Serb elements have created Macedonian language in order to distance the local
population from Bulgaria
2. The West22 wants to compel Bulgaria to acknowledge a separate Macedonian language.
3R*. The de-facto acceptance of Macedonian language by the Bulgarian government in 1999
lead to these two countries becoming closer together.
4R. At present, Bulgaria must drop any objections to the recognition of a Macedonian
language.

Nation:
1. Macedonia has been systematically presenting facts and events from Bulgarian history as
its own.
2. A separate Macedonian nation has never existed.
3R. Through the years, Bulgarian have been deceived into thinking that the population of
Macedonia maintains a predominantly Bulgarian self-identity.
4. The Slavic population in Macedonia is mostly of Bulgarian origin.
5R. At present, Bulgaria must drop any objections to the recognition of a Macedonian nation.
6. Most Macedonians have been brainwashed by the propaganda of the former Yugoslavia
with respect to their national origins.
7. The West wants to compel Bulgaria to acknowledge a separate Macedonian nation.
8R. Arguments about the origins of present-day Macedonian nation are only of academic
interest.
9. An official acknowledgement of a distinct Macedonian nation would mean for Bulgaria to
give up on the historical tnrth.
10R. An official Bulgarian acknowledgement of a distinct Macedonian nation will improve
substantially the relationship between the two countries.
11R. An official Bulgarian acknowledgement of a distinct Macedonian nation will help
Macedonia solve its internal problems.
12. Bulgaria must never recognize a Macedonian nation regardless of the circumstances.
13. Bulgarians as a nation will never give up the idea that the majority of Macedonian
population is of Bulgarian origin.
14R. The idea that Macedonian population is mostly of Bulgarian origin has brought only
problems to Bulgaria.

Macedonian minority:
1. An acknowledgement of a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria will jeopardize this country' s
territorial integrity.
2. An acknowledgement of a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria will inevitably lead to giving
this minority an autonomous status.
3. The so-called 'leaders of a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria' are paid agents of anti-
Bulgarian forces.
4. The so-called 'Macedonian minority in Bulgaria' is an artificial concept, created by
political opportunists in Bulgaria after 194423

2 The West" is a usual reference in Bulgaria to the developed countries of Western Europe and the United States.











Table 4-6. Continued.
5. The local dialect in Pirin Macedonia is much closer to the vernacular Bulgarian language
than to the language spoken in the Republic of Macedonia.
6R. Those who insist on belonging to a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria must have the right to
form political organizations.
7R. A separate 'Macedonian' nationality category must be provided as a questionnaire choice
in the regular Bulgarian census.
8R. Bulgaria has nothing to fear if it decides to count officially those who declare themselves a
'Macedonian minority.'
9R. Bulgarian citizens must learn more about the actual demands of those who claim to be
leaders of a 'Macedonian minority.'
10. The West endorses the idea that a Macedonian minority exists in Bulgaria.
11. Bulgarians as a nation will never accept the idea that a Macedonian minority exists in this
country.

Note: R indicates questions that must be coded reversely to the rest during analysis
































23 "After 1944" is a common reference in Bulgaria to the events immediately after the Soviet-supported coup d'etat
on September 9, 1944, which installed communists in power for the next 45 years.









CHAPTER 5
QUANTITATIVE FINTDINGS, SCALE CONSTRUCTION, HYPOTHESES TESTING,
SAMPLE DEMOGRAPHICS

This study had no precedent, which means that most of its individual questions and

composite measures had to be created and validated for the first time. The following chapter

presents the procedures used to construct and refine the final versions of all composite measures

used in this study. Next, it provides the quantitative findings obtained using these measures and

the outcomes of hypotheses testing in the order of research questions stated in Chapter 1.

Finally, the chapter gives an overview of the demographics of the sampled population of

journalists.

Procedures for Attitudinal Scales Construction

The items in the attitudinal scales were pre-tested partially with journalism students, as

explained in Chapter 4, for the survey of Bulgarian journalists. Once the study data were

collected, further tests of reliability and underlying structure of the attitudinal scales were

conducted as a final stage in the construction of these scales, before these composite measures

were used as variables for hypothesis testing.

As already pointed out in Chapter 4, careful item analysis in Likert scale construction is

considered very important in the literature. Even though such analysis is quite time-consuming,

Oskamp and Schultz (2005) wrote that its absence may signal "a serious, and unfortunate,

departure from Likert's procedure" (p. 51).

Questions asked in the present pilot study of Bulgarian journalists and composite

measures the researcher intended to construct had no precedents, and had never been validated

before. Therefore, a step-wise procedure was adapted from Carmines and Zeller (1979),









Himmelfarb (1993), Klein (1986) which analyzed individual items and overall scales/indices. It

was applied to all composite measures used in this study before hypothesis testing could be

conducted or any generalizations could be made based on the data.

The procedure involved the following steps:

Scoring and averaging of responses on each individual item, reversing negatively-coded
items where appropriate so the numeric interpretation of all measures is uniform;

Calculating Cronbach's alpha for the pool of items considered for inclusion in the scale.
Alpha has become the "current standard statistic for assessing the reliability of a scale
composed of multiple items" (Himmelfarb, 1993, p. 67) and is most appropriate for
Likert scales;

Correlating each item's scores with the total score (that is, the average of all items but
excluding the item that is analyzed), using Pearson product-moment correlation.
Himmelfarb (1993) considers this to be "the preferred contemporary procedure" (p. 53),
which replaced the pre-computer routine of comparing the differences between the top
and bottom groups in Order to ensure that the item discriminates properly;

Discarding items which a) reduced the overall reliability (Cronbach's alpha) of the scale
unacceptably, or b) exhibited low item-total score correlations. The literature is not
unequivocal about how low alpha or the item-total score correlations can go before
becoming 'unacceptable,' so this decision was left at the researcher' s discretion. As rule
of thumb, however, Cronbach's alpha of over .60 and corrected item-total score
correlations of at least .30 (and preferably higher) are generally considered standard
(Carmines and Zeller, 1979; Klein, 1986).

As a final step, the items in the scale were subjected to confirmatory factor analysis as a
way to reveal the underlying dimensionality of the Likert scales (Carmines and Zeller,
1979; Hair et al., 1998; Himmelfarb, 1993). Because the a priori expectation was that the
set of items in each scale would exhibit a common pattern by measuring a single
phenomenon, principal components became the factor-analysis method selected for use,
following the recommendations of Carmines and Zeller (1979). Therefore, the first
extracted component was expected to explain a large proportion of the overall variance
(Carmines and Zeller (1979) suggested a cutoff of at least 40%); and all items were
expected to have substantial loadings on this first component (again, Carmines and Zeller
(1979) recommended loadings of at least .30). Each subsequent dimension was expected
to account for a proportionally diminishing amount of variance. All (or at least most)
items were expected to have higher loadings on the first component than on subsequent

SBut also suggested by Oskamp and Schultz (2005), among others.

2 Usually, comparisons were made between the means of scores distributed in the top and bottom quartiles, or
sometimes, top and bottom 27 %, on that particular item.










components. If principal components would not provide such a clear picture of the
underlying dimensional structure following the guidelines above, the scale must be
factor-analyzed further using rotated solutions. Hair et al. (1998) suggested the use of the
QUARTIMAX or VARIMAX methods to obtain "clearer separation of the factors" (p.
110). Satisfying the hypothetical expectations (or discarding and replacing items until
they were satisfied) became the final step in validating the Likert scales for this study.

A deliberate effort was made to keep the Likert scales composed of identical items when

measuring journalists self-evaluation of attitudes and their estimates of the attitudes of other

Bulgarians regarding Macedonian language, nation and minority.

On a final note, Carmines and Zeller (1979), Hair et al. (1998), and Klein (1986) also

suggested that to avoid spurious outcomes from the factor analysis, the number of respondents in

the sample should be at least three times the number of items. This condition was easily met,

since the sample had 139 individuals and no Likert scale in the analysis had more than 11 items3

Too, as a matter of method, there is no principal problem if factor analysis is used earlier to

'peek' into the dimensionality of the scale, for instance when separating different factors is

considered of primary importance. In this case, reliability coefficient or item-total score

correlations can be computed later, effectively reversing the above procedure. What matters in

the end is to have a reliable measurement that can be interpreted easily. Scale construction

routinely requires several iterations until most appropriate combination of items is achieved

(Himmelfarb, 1993).

Final Versions of Attitudinal Scales and Other Indices

Chapter 4 presented the sets of items used in the study questionnaire. Table 4-1 in that

chapter listed the individual items used for three compound measures, which intended to find

evidence of perceptual differences (test for the third-person perception). They compared elite

Bulgarian journalists (the subjects of the study, the 'first-person' group) vs. foreigners, who are

3 As it will be explained later, they were reduced to seven items at most on final iteration.










the 'third persons' in this context. The second set juxtaposed Bulgarian journalists vs. Other

Bulgarians (presumably, non-journalists).

Table 4-2 in Chapter 4 presented items measuring journalists' inclination to endorse some

degree of press limitations, through a) supporting the official Bulgarian position; b) yielding to

the prevalent public opinion; c) being partial or biased in reporting; and, d) not allowing free

distribution of Macedonian media in Bulgaria.

Items for inclusion in a Likert scale measuring journalists' attitudes toward the nature of

Macedonian language were presented in Table 4-3, Chapter 4. Tables 4-4 and 4-5 provided the

items intended to gauge attitudes toward Macedonian nation and Macedonian minority in

Bulgaria, respectively. These same items were used to ask journalists to estimate how other

Bulgarians (that is, non-journalists) think about the same issues. So in essence, Likert scales

about Macedonian language, national identity and Macedonian minority in Bulgaria are paired -

one scale for evaluation of self and one for evaluation of others.

These composite measures whether longer Likert scales on Macedonian national

identity, language or minority in Bulgaria, or shorter indices of support for the official position,

acquiescence to public opinion and impartiality in reporting were subjected to analysis after the

completion of the survey in order to validate them and test the scale reliability. The results of

these analyses are presented below.

Measuring Attitudes about Macedonian National Identity

Scale construction: Journalists' self-evaluation

After an analysis of the initial pool of items (see Table 4-4, Chapter 4), all seven items

were found to be satisfactory for the purpose of constructing a Likert scale. The detailed

procedure is explained below, with means and standard deviations on each item reported in

Table 5-1. Higher scores indicated agreement with the viewpoint that the Macedonian nation is









not different from the Bulgarian nation, namely, that it is not a separate nation. Conversely,

lower scores were interpreted as a more tolerant attitude on this issue.

Items 1-5 (per Table 5-1) showed moderate-to-strong corrected item-total score

correlations, ranging between .59 and .70. Item 6 had a correlation with the total score of .40 and

Item 7 had a correlation of only .3 1, which is borderline acceptable according to the criteria

adopted for this study (Carmines and Zeller, 1979). A decision was made to retain these items

because subsequent analysis showed their deletion will not improve the scale reliability

noticeably, while any additional information they may contribute to the survey data would be

lost. When tested for reliability, the resulting scale produced a Cronbach' s alpha of .86, and the

maximum possible improvement if Item 7 were to be deleted would have been an increase of

the coefficient value by a mere .02.

The next step, principal components factor analysis, revealed a strong first dimension,

which accounted for 52.8 % of the variance, with each of the remaining six dimensions

explaining a progressively diminishing percentage of variance (the second factor accounted for

13.3 %, the third for 11%, and so on, with the seventh factor explaining just 3.6% of the total

variance). Factor loadings for all items were also very strong on this first component (Table 5-2).

Therefore, the national identity scale was accepted as it is, and the scores of all seven items

were averaged for a compound measure to be used in the study (Table 5-1).

Scale construction: Journalists' evaluation of other Bulgarians' attitudes

The "twin" scale on the issue of Macedonian national identity with journalists evaluating

other Bulgarians' attitudes showed very similar properties to the journalists' self-assessment

scale, with all seven items passing the criteria for inclusion in the Likert scale (see Table 5-1).



4 The principal components method generates as many factors as there are items on the scale.










Again, most individual variables exhibited strong correlations with the total score, ranging

between .45 and .77. Two items scored worse, with correlation for Item 2 of .35 and Item 7 of

.38. Similarly to the scale measuring journalists' self-reported attitudes on Macedonia' s national

identity, a decision was made to retain these two items here because nothing much would be

gained from their removal, while specific wording of questions would be otherwise lost.

The Cronbach' s alpha for the resulting seven-item scale was .81, which could have been

improved only modestly to .83 if Item 2 were removed, and to .82 if Item 7 were removed.

Factor analysis (principal components) was very similar to the previous scale (journalists' self-

evaluations), with a very distinct first component accounting for 49 % of the variance, and

subsequent six other components explaining progressively less variance, from 12.5 % for the

second factor, to 4.1 % for the last factor.

Individual factor loadings for each variable on the primary dimension are presented in

Table 5-3. This was, once again, considered a strong indication that all seven items in this scale

addressed primarily one dimension, which confirmed the appropriateness of having them all as a

variables in a single Likert scale.

Based on this analysis, the scale measuring journalists' estimates of other Bulgarians'

attitudes toward a Macedonian nation was accepted for subsequent use in this study. Table 5.1

above presents the means on each item on both national identity scales (self-evaluative and

assessment of others' attitudes).

Measuring Attitudes about Macedonian Language

Of all attitudinal measures, the Likert scale addressing Macedonian language looked most

problematic at first and required the most effort to construct. The initial set of items on both

scales measuring journalists' self-evaluation and journalists' estimates of what other

Bulgarians think on the issue is presented in Table 4-3, Chapter 4. As explained below, after










the scale-construction procedures were followed, these initial pool of 11 items was pared down

to the final version of both scales containing seven identical items each, as seen in Table 5-4.

Scale construction: Journalists' self-evaluation

The first decision regarding this scale was to remove one question from it because of a

suspicion that respondents may read it differently depending on whether they have heard or not

about the incident it refers to. The item in doubt was "ll The decision by the Bulgarian

National Television not to provide translation when Macedonian citizens are interviewed on

camera was absolutely correct" (per Table 4-3, Chapter 4).

This decision not to translate from Macedonian was made by Bulgarian Television

directors during the last week of May 2001 (for an installment of Panorama, a political talk

show). At the time, this decision did not become a significant issue in the media (Boyko

Vassilev, personal communication, May 31, 2001), and survey data was collected in June 2001,

so it was clear whether respondents understood the underlying reference. Furthermore,

interviews closer to the end of this project led the researcher to believe that at least a part of the

sampled journalist have not heard of the decision not to provide translation during broadcasts.

Since the variable was not pre-tested and there was no control question to assess knowledge, its

utility to the survey's purpose became at best dubious. Therefore, this question was removed

from both scales measuring journalists' self-evaluation and their assessment of other Bulgarians'

attitudes.

Next, tests of item-total score correlations for the remaining 10 items (Table 4-3, Chapter

4) led to the removal a variable with the lowest such correlation, "lR The present-day

Macedonian language has been created artificially on the basis of an existing Bulgarian dialect."

This question (whose coding was reversed beforehand to align it with the other items) had item-

total score correlation of only .23, which is way below the threshold of .30 advised by Carmines









and Zeller (1979). Also, with these 10 variables, the scale would have had an unacceptably low

reliability its Cronbach's alpha came to a mere .34.

Although the item above was not the only one with lower correlation, a decision was made

to eliminate questions conservatively at first, so the remaining nine items were retested before

any further steps were taken.

Item-total score correlations of these variables were generally satisfactory, although the

overall reliability measure, Cronbach's alpha, came to only .41. This led to the decision to

remove two items that would have improved the overall scale reliability dramatically. Namely,

those were (per Table 4-3), "5 Present-day Macedonian language is nothing but a dialect of the

Bulgarian language," and "8R Accepting that Macedonia' s language is different from

Bulgarian means giving up on the historical truth for Bulgaria." Each of these items' removal

would have increased the Cronbach' s alpha to over .65.

The remaining seven variables were retested for item-total score correlations and

reliability. The resulting seven-item scale (Table 5-4) had a Cronbach's alpha calculated at .82,

which was a desirable level of the reliability coefficient. The removal of the last item, Question

7, would have improved this coefficient to .84. This item also had item-total score correlation of

.33, the lowest in the set (the highest was for Question 5, at .75). A decision was made, however,

to retain Question 7 because such a correlation is above the borderline .30 level accepted for this

study. Also, on the second scale (what journalists think about Bulgarians' attitudes about

Macedonian language), the identical question fared much better which allowed the paired

scales to be kept identical.










The next step after achieving satisfactory scale reliability, was to conduct confirmatory

factor analysis (principal components) of this seven-variable scale, with the expectation to find

one dominant dimension.

This was, indeed, the case. Out of the seven factors extracted by the principal components

procedure, the first accounted for 50.5% of total variance, the next for 12.7%, and so on, until

the seventh factor explained only 3.7% of the variance. The scree plot (Figure 5-3) gives a visual

representation of the dimensional structure, and factor loadings are presented in Table 5-4. The

dominating first component and highest loadings of all variables on that factor confirmed that all

items on this scale were measuring primarily a single underlying concept.

Scale construction: Journalists' evaluation of other Bulgarians' attitudes

For similar reasons as in the previous scale (journalists' self-evaluation of attitudes

toward Macedonian language), one of the 11 items from Table 4-3 was discarded (see the

previous section), which left the scale with 10 variables.

Again, similarly to the 'twin' scale above, the same variable (Item 1R per Table 4-3)

showed unacceptably low item-total score reliability (.23) and was therefore dropped from the

scale.

The remaining nine items were retested. Once, more the same two items (5 and 8R, Table

4-3) were considered for exclusion, because with them the Cronbach's alpha of the overall scale

was unimpressive at .53. These two items were the only one whose deletion would have

improved the reliability coefficient to over .70.

Indeed, the recalculated Cronbach's alpha on the resulting seven-item scale was .799, and

no variable would have improved that measurably if removed. In addition, all item-total score

correlations were moderate to strong, ranging from .40 for Item 7 (Table 5-5) to .66 for Item 5.

Following these results, the next step was to conduct factor analysis of the seven-item scale.










Principal components extraction revealed, as expected, that the first factor was the

strongest, accounting for 46.8% of the total variance, with the second factor explaining 14.3%,

and so on, until the last factor accounted for just 4.9% of variance. All variables by far had

their higher loadings on the first component. The factor matrix for the first component is

presented in Table 5-6 and the scree plot is in Figure 5-4 .

These results were a tad less unequivocal than the similar scale measuring journalists self-

evaluation on language, but still provided a clear picture of the scale with one main dimension,

which was sufficient to adopt the final version of this composite measure as shown in Table 5-5.

Not the least, both scales for journalists' self-evaluation and their assessment of other

Bulgarians' attitudes ended up consisting of the same items, which made comparisons and

interpretations easier.

Measuring Attitudes about Macedonian Minority in Bulgaria

Scale construction: Journalists' self-evaluation

Initial screening of this set of questions revealed problematically low item-total score

correlations for two items from the initial set used in the survey. Those items (as listed in Table

4-5 in Chapter 4) were, "3- Individuals presenting themselves as leaders of a Macedonian

minority in Bulgaria honestly believe in the existence of such a minority;" and, "8- The

arguments about the existence of a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria are of academic interest

only, without any practical importance." These questions had item-total score correlations of

only .27 and .30, respectively, which is at or lower than the cutoff of .30 prescribed by Carmines

and Zeller (1979) and adopted for this study. A decision was made to remove these two items

from the scale.

The analysis continued with the remaining eight items. Once again, a variable in that set

exhibited unacceptably low item-total score correlation of .29, while the next item with lowest









correlation had .40. The problematic question was (per Table 4-5, Chapter 4), "9- The West, that

is the European Union and the United States, can teach us Bulgarians how to accept the presence

of various minorities on our territory." Following the procedure adopted for this study, this item

was also discarded.

The remaining seven questions were tested for item-total score correlations. The lowest

calculated correlation was .45, the highest, .71. Cronbach's alpha of the resulting scale came to

.84, and the removal of any of the items would have decreased this coefficient. This concluded

reliability testing and the scale items were analyzed further to confirm that all of them were

indeed measuring one main concept.

Factor analysis (principal components) confirmed that the seven-item scale (see Table 5-

8 for all items) had one overwhelming dimension, which accounted for 50.8% of the variance,

with remaining six components accounting for progressively less variance from 12.9% for the

second component, to 3.7% for the last one.

Table 5-7 provides factor loadings of the seven items on the scale measuring journalists'

self-evaluation of their attitudes toward a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria. Clearly, all items

show strong loadings on this dimension, so no further rotation was necessary to accept these

items as the final version of the scale (Table 5-8).

Scale construction: Journalists' evaluation of other Bulgarians' attitudes

The construction of the scale used to measure how journalists evaluate the attitudes of

other Bulgarians on the issue of a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria was somewhat similar to the

process that led to the final version of a self-evaluation scale on the same topic.

The same two questions as above, numbers 3 and 8 (per Table 4-5, Chapter 4) showed

unsatisfactory item-total score correlations, respectively of .27 and .17. After they were removed

and the resulting eight-question scale re-tested, another expectedly problematic question










displayed item-total score correlation of .36. The corresponding correlation on the same question

(Item 9 in Table 4-5) from the journalists' self-evaluation scale was only .29, which led to the

removal of the item from the journalists-only scale. In this case, however, the correlation while

above the adopted .30 threshold, was still much lower than the next lowest item-total score

correlation (.52 for Question 1, Table 4-5). All other item-total score correlations in the scale

were above .60.

The decision was made therefore to remove this item. Because of the low item-total score

correlations, reasons for keeping this variable were mathematically not very convincing, while its

removal would allow for the two scales for journalists and other Bulgarians to be composed

of identical questions, which simplified the interpretation and comparison of the scales.

The resulting seven-item scale is presented in Table 5-8. Items on this scale had item-

total score correlations between .54 and .72. Cronbach's alpha for the scale was .87, and the

removal of no item would have improved this measure of reliability further. In this respect, the

seven-variable scale for other Bulgarians behaved very similarly to the 'twin' scale on which

journalists reported their own attitudes.

As the next step in scale construction, all variables were subjected to factor analysis

(principal components) in order to confirm the expected dimensionality of the scale. Factor

loadings are presented in Table 5-9. The first component accounted for 56.5% of the total

variance, and all other six components explained less and less variance, down to only 3.9% for

the last component. This dimensional structure was very convincing in its uniformity. With that,

the construction of this scale was completed and its final version identical to the scale

measuring journalists' own attitudes about Macedonian minority is presented in Table 5-8.










Censorship and Bias Measurements

Indices used to measure different aspects of censorship were constructed much the same

way as the attitudinal scales, only they came to be shorter by design, three items at most. Table

4-2 in Chapter 4 provides the original questions asked in the study. Items 1-3 were worded to

measure the degree of support for the official Bulgarian position; Items 4-6 were intended to

gauge how much journalists are willing to yield to the prevailing public opinion'; Items 7-12

were addressing impartiality in reporting on Macedonia's language, nation or minority. A stand-

alone question addressed the support for the free distribution of Macedonian print media in

Bulgaria, but it was meant to provide the dependent variable for Hypothesis 2.3, not for inclusion

in a scale.

These three areas official position support, yielding to public opinion and impartiality in

reporting were expected to be the different aspects (dimensions) of the same phenomenon,

namely, 'modifying' the coverage on Macedonia-related issues by Bulgarian journalists. In

essence, these were conceptualized as three different ways to measure self-censorship, which

journalists would impose on themselves for a variety of reasons from fear of ostracism to inner

conviction or patriotism.

That is why confirmatory factor analysis was employed to verify the expected dimensions

on the initial set of questions presented in Table 4-2, Chapter 4. Unlike the attitudinal scales on

Macedonian language, national identity and minority, however, principal components extraction

without rotation was not sufficient in this case, because the items were expected to exhibit three

different dimensions instead of one dominant factor as in the attitudinal scales above. Therefore,

QUARTIMAX rotation with Kaiser normalization was used in addition to principal components



5 As they perceive it.










analysis. In this case, QUARTIMAX was the appropriate rotation method, because it tends

simplify the rows of a factor matrix by loading variables as high as possible on one factor and as

low as possible on all others, thus producing a clearer picture of the dimensional structure (Hair

et al., 1998). Other oblique rotation methods, specifically VARIMAX and EQUAMAX, were

also used to confirm the findings, but these results are not reported here because they were not

principally different.

The overall logic of this data reduction was to obtain easily interpretable composite

measures that could be used as dependent variables in third-person perception hypotheses. Any

ambiguity was therefore eschewed, even at the price of losing some potentially interesting data.

At first iteration, one original item from the impartiality in reporting set (Table 4.2) was

found to be difficult to interpret, because it had moderate loadings on two factors simultaneously

(.52 and .49, after QUARTIMAX rotation), while most other items had quite distinct correlation

patterns, with moderate-to-high loadings on one factor and low on the remaining three.

Therefore, this particular question, "Bulgarian media must by all means seek the opinion of

political organizations such as OMO0 llinden when they cover one way or another the question

about a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria," was deemed not sufficiently clear and removed.

The remaining 11 items were retested. The rotated component matrix with the

corresponding factor loadings is presented in Table 5-10 below in the 'initial version' column.

A clearer picture appeared at this stage. Items 1-3, which were intended to address the

support for the official position, had high loadings on Component 3; Items 4-6, measuring

yielding to the public opinion, displayed high loadings on Component 1; Items 8, 10 and 11,

which were part of the impartiality in reporting set, had high loadings on Component 2.










Items 7 and 9 clearly did not belong with items 8, 10 and 11 in the same set. Their wording

was, of course, different, so this disparity did not present a surprise. A decision was made

therefore to conceptualize impartiality in reporting only through items 8, 10 and 11, which

basically stated that on issues of Macedonian nation, language and minority, journalists must

shun sources who contradict the standard Bulgarian position. Items 7 and 9 were excluded from

this set and the remaining nine items subjected to a new round of factor analysis, preSented in

Table 5-10, the 'final version' column.

Next, questions related to the support for the official position (items 1-3, Table 4-2, and

also Table 5-11) were tested for reliability and item-total score correlations. On all accounts, this

mini-scale performed satisfactorily. Its overall reliability was high, with Cronbach's alpha

calculated at .71. Items 1-3 had item-total score correlations of, respectively, .40, .58, and .58, all

of which fell within the accepted guidelines for this study.

The next mini-scale measuring journalists' willingness to yield to the prevailing public

opinion (items 4-6 in Table 4-2, and in Table 5-12), also yielded excellent reliability statistics. Its

Cronbach's alpha was .94, and items 4, 5 and 6 had item-total score correlations, respectively, of

.83, .88, and .92.

Finally, Table 5-13 presents the three variables (items 7-9) used to conceptualize

impartiality in reporting (items 8, 10, and 11 in Table 4-2, Chapter 4). The reliability measure,

Cronbach's alpha, was calculated at .82. The three variables had item-total score correlations of,

respectively, .65, .70, and .68.

All three mini-scales were thus deemed suitable for further use in hypothesis testing.

Individual means of variables and composite scores are reported in Tables 5-11, 5-12, and 5-13.


6 Although the main rotation method was QUARTIMAX, VARIMAX and EQUIMAX rotations were also
performed, but the results were essentially the same, so these methods are not discussed in detail.









Another index was used to inquire into the professional habits of Bulgarian journalists, namely,

their inclination to include their personal opinion in the analyses they prepare on certain topics.

Table 5-15 presents the four questions used to create this index. The first three were specifically

related to the aspects of disagreements between Bulgaria and Macedonia, while the fourth one

asked a more general question about practices.

Coefficient alpha for this four-item index was .87, which could have been improved to

.94 if the last question (Item 4, Table 5-15) were to be removed. This variable also had the

lowest item-total score correlation (.42), while the rest varied between .80 and .87. A decision

was made, however, to retain Question 4 on the scale, because it gave a more generalized picture

of journalists' practices regarding the inclusion of their personal position in analytical materials.

Principal components confirmatory factor analysis identified one main dimension, which

accounted for 73.6% of the total variance, while the other three dimensions were of decreasing

explanatory power, accounting for 19%, 5% and 2.4%. A case could have been made that

Question 4 measures also some different underlying concept. While not entirely wrong, this still

would not justify its dropping from the scale, because this variable had its highest loading on the

first factor and a rotated solution cannot be produced under such circumstances. Thus, the index

of personal opinion bias was accepted as presented in Table 5-15.

Attitude Measurement Results

The above-described procedure for developing attitudinal measurement was required to

answer the following research questions from the introductory chapter:

RQ1: Attitudes (journalists). What are the attitudes of Bulgarian journalists toward

Macedonia's claim of a) separate Macedonian nation (national identity); b) unique Macedonian

language; c) Macedonian minority in Bulgaria?










RQ2: Attitudes (other Bulgarians). What do Bulgarian journalists think are the

attitudes of other Bulgarians (that is, non-journalists) on the same three issues?

RQ3: Behavioral intentions (censorship/bias). How likely are Bulgarian journalists to

allow bias or censorship in materials related to Bulgarian-Macedonian disagreements? This

question has several aspects:

What is the degree of support among Bulgarian journalists through their work for the
official Bulgarian position on these disagreements with Macedonia? That is, are
Bulgarian journalists willing to suppress alternative, non-Bulgarian views on Macedonia
in their articles/programs?

How much are Bulgarian journalists willing to yield in their work to what they perceive
as the prevailing public opinion?

Are journalists likely to manipulate the sources when writing/producing materials on
Bulgaria-Macedonia issues?

Do journalists favor or oppose the free distribution of Macedonian publications in
Bulgaria?

The results of attitudinal and censorship/bias measurements are presented below. Journalists'

self-evaluation and their assessment of other Bulgarians' opinions are paired under the three

areas of disagreement between Bulgaria and Macedonia national identity, language, and

minority.

Macedonian National Identity

Table 5-1 presents the means on each item on both national identity scales (self-evaluative

and assessment of others' attitudes). Scores toward the higher end of the scale (5) indicated

disagreement with the statements, and vice versa. Conceptually that meant that higher the score,

the more likely were respondents to adhere to a view that the Macedonian identity is, in essence,

a Bulgarian one under a different name, and therefore the Macedonians do not have a separate

nation.









On all seven questions, journalists tend to rate themselves as more tolerant toward of idea

of a unique Macedonian nation than they evaluate other Bulgarians to be (see Table 5-1).

Paired-samples t-tests were performed to determine the statistical significance of the

differences between journalists' self-evaluations and the scores journalists assigned to non-

journalists. All differences were statistically significant at the .001 level, with the exception of

Item 7 ("There is no doubt that the Macedonian nation is historically different from the

Bulgarian nation"), which had p =. 10 (t= 1.69, df=134), which is not significant at the standard

.05 level.

The mean score for journalists, however, on that item was 4.2 (SD=.9, n=136); for

journalists evaluation of what other Bulgarians think on this question, the mean was 4.3

(SD=.78, n=135). These were the only individual variables on both scales with means above 4

("disagree"), which indicates a strong disapproval of the statement, and possibly explains why

journalists did not evaluate themselves as at more tolerant than other Bulgarians.

The composite mean of all seven items for journalists came to 2.5 (SD=.832, n=136),

while for Bulgarians it was 3.4 (SD=.7, n=136). This difference was statistically significant

(t=12.87, df=135, p<.001), suggesting again that journalists overall view themselves as more

open-minded about the possibility that Macedonians may be justified to regard their nation is

unique and different from Bulgarian.

Finally, since the overall means were on the two opposite sides of the scale midpoint (3),

a one-sample t-test was performed to determine whether there were the resulting means were

significantly different from this midpoint. This was done in order to ascertain that answers did

not average to a "cannot judge" position. The difference was significant for both sets of

questions: for journalists' self-evaluation the mean 2.5 was significantly lower than the midpoint










(t=6.65, df=135, p<.001); and journalists rated other Bulgarians at 3.4, which was significantly

above the midpoint (t=6.74, df=135, p<.001).

Macedonian Language

All results item-by-item for journalists and 'other Bulgarians' on the issue of Macedonian

language are presented in Table 5-5. Essentially, higher scores on the five-point scale meant that

respondents tend to disagree with the idea that Macedonian language is something different than

the Bulgarian language. To put it in other words, the lower the score, the more tolerant or open-

minded the attitude toward a separate Macedonian language.

Similarly to the national identity questions above, the most interesting finding in this

respect was that on all individual items and on the overall composite score, Bulgarian journalists

judged themselves to be more accepting of a Macedonian language than they judged other

Bulgarians. All paired-samples t-tests (seven identical item pairs plus the composite scores)

yielded differences that were significant below p<.001. Just for illustration, the mean score for

journalists was 2.7 (SD=.888, n=136) (see Table 5-5), and for journalists' evaluation of what

other Bulgarians think, the mean was 3.5 (SD=.66, n=136). The difference between the two was

statistically significant (t=10.94, df=135, p<.001).

These results indicates that journalists perhaps think of themselves as more tolerant on

the issue than they consider other Bulgarians to be. For illustration, on Question 4, "Only

Macedonia's citizens have the right to decide how to name their language," journalists' self-

evaluation had a mean of 1.4 (SD=.79, n=136), which is the lowest score and closest to

'completely agree' of all attitudinal questions on Macedonian language, nation or minority.

Journalists rated Bulgarians to be also on the 'agreeing' side with a mean of 2.5 (SD=1.03,

n=136), yet the journalists' own score was significantly lower (t=13.08, df=135, p<.001).










Since 3 was the numeric midpoint of the scale one-sample t-tests were conducted to

determine whether the preference toward 'agree' or 'disagree' side of the scale were statistically

different from the 'cannot judge' choice in the middle. Indeed, the journalists mean score of 2.7

was significantly lower than the value of 3 on the scale (t=4.13, df=135, p<.001). The score that

journalists gave to other Bulgarians was also significantly different from 3, but toward the higher

end of the scale (t=7.98, df=135, p<.001).

Finally, a set of paired-samples t-test was performed to check whether means scores on

the language issue were statistically different from those on the national identity issue. This

could serve as a way to estimate whether journalists were more adamant about not accepting a

Macedonian language or Macedonian nation, and also what they thought of other Bulgarians'

attitudes on these issues.

Answering about their own opinions, journalists gave a higher mean on the language

issue (2.7) as opposed to the national identity issue (2.5), which was statistically significant at the

.05 level (t=2.29, df=135, p=.023). When asked to estimate other Bulgarians' attitudes, however,

respondents failed to produce a significant difference, with means for language of 3.5 and for

national identity of 3.4 (t=1.17, df=135, p=.244).

Macedonian Minority

Table 5-8 presented the means on each item on both Macedonian minority scales (self-

evaluative and assessment of others' attitudes). Scores toward the higher end of the scale

indicated disagreement with the statements, and vice versa. Similarly to the national identity and

language scales, the higher the score, the more likely were respondents to adhere to a view that

no Macedonian minority exists on Bulgarian territory. Lower scores indicated a more accepting


SAt least numerically it was the 'middle' choice, although conceptually it is not entirely clear when respondents
treated the 'cannot judge' option as a 'don't know' and when as the middle point in this opinion range.









attitude on this issue. Unlike on the previous scales measuring attitudes toward Macedonian

national identity or language, journalist seemed not to see their opinions about the Macedonian

minority as divergent from what other Bulgarians think.

Only two questions showed a significant difference, with journalists reporting themselves

as more tolerant. Question 2 (Table 5-8), "Bulgaria has nothing to fear should it recognize a

Macedonian minority on its territory," yielded a mean of 3.8 for journalists and 4 for the estimate

of other Bulgarians' position. The difference was significant (t=.3.3; df=135, p<.001). Likewise,

Question 5, "If a group of people in Bulgaria claims to represent a Macedonian minority in

Bulgaria, it should be granted a minority status," had a mean of 3.9 for journalists and 4.3 for

other Bulgarians. Again, the difference was statistically significant (t=3.48; df=135, p<.001).

Means on all other individual variables were not significantly different when responses for

journalists were compared with those for other Bulgarians. All the same, however, the overall

scale means (Table 5-8) were found to be lower for journalists (4.2) vs. Other Bulgarians (4.3).

This difference was indeed statistically significant at the .05 level (t=2.06, df=135, p=.041).

It is interesting to point out that the direct Question 4, "The existence of a Macedonian

minority in Bulgaria today is an undeniable fact," yielded identical average scores for journalists

and Bulgarians (mean=4.51, see Table 5-8), which was also the highest score on any attitudinal

question asked in this survey. In other words, Bulgarian journalists seem to be very clear in their

conviction that no such minority exists in their country, and they seem to believe that it is a

strongly held belief among all Bulgarians as well.

Furthermore, even a brief look at Table 5-8 will reveal that the mean scores on the

Macedonian minority questions tend to be higher than those on the national identity and










language, indicating that Bulgarian journalists are quite adamant about not acknowledging a

Macedonian minority.

Paired-samples t-tests comparing national identity averages with minority averages

provided support for this initial impression. For journalists' self-evaluation, the index composed

of minority items (mean of 4.2) was significantly higher (t=19.61, df=135, p<.001) than the

index of national identity (mean of 2.5). The paired comparison between journalists' evaluation

of other Bulgarians' attitudes toward Macedonian nation's identity and Macedonian minority in

Bulgaria produced very similar results. The difference was statistically significant (t=13.35,

df=135, p<.001), with the minority index having a mean of 4.3, while the national identity index

had a mean of 3.4.

Likewise, comparisons of mean scores on attitude toward the idea of a Macedonian

minority in Bulgaria (4.2) vs. acceptance of a separate Macedonian language (2.7) revealed a

significant difference (t=15.84, df=135, p<.001). The difference between journalists evaluation

of other Bulgarians' attitudes on the minority issue (mean=4.3) and their estimate of others'

attitudes on language (mean=3.5) was also statistically significant (t=11.77, df=135, p<.001).

Censorship and Bias Measurement Results

Supporting uncritically whatever the government's position on an issue is, or bowing to

the public opinion, or, even worse, deliberately excluding sources that are expressing certain

views are all possible aspects of self-censorship in journalism. These were the three dimensions

through which self-censorship was operationalized in this study. In addition, questions probed

for the willingness of journalists to allow free distribution of Macedonian media in Bulgaria and

their practice or lack thereof of including personal opinion in analyses/commentaries on

Macedonia. RQ3 in Chapter 1 gave the direction for this part of the study, with the exception of

the question about analytical materials.










Measurements of self-censorship were carried out using a five-point scale, from "1 -

completely agree," to "5- completely disagree," with the mid point defined as "3 cannot

judge." Because of the wording of the questions on each censorship dimension (see Tables 5-11

through 5-13), lower scores indicated higher levels of self-censorship. On each specific topic,

lower scores meant:

a tendency to support the official (government) position on issues of Macedonian
minority, nation or language (presumably at the expense of journalistic objectivity);

yielding to the predominant public opinion (as respondents perceived it) on the same
issues, again, with the implication that it inhibits proper journalistic practices;

avoiding quoting people in journalistic materials who state that Macedonian language and
nation are any different from Bulgarian, and that there is a Macedonian minority in
Bulgaria.

Measurements concerning the free distribution of Macedonian media in Bulgaria were

taken on the same 1-5, agree-disagree scale, but in this case, lower scores had the opposite

meaning namely, more support for press freedoms (and, ergo, less tolerance for censorship).

Again, the same agree-disagree scale inquired about how acceptable is it to introduce

journalists' personal opinions in analyses and commentaries about Macedonia. Lower scores

here meant more agreement with such uninhibited personal input in journalistic materials. By

default, lower scores also meant that journalists would start their analytical materials with a

preconceived thesis instead of keeping an open mind and avoiding conclusions until they have

done proper research.

Support for the Onfcial Position

As seen in Table 5-11i, the mean of 2.9 (SD=1.04, SE mean=.1i, n=136) on the composite

score for this censorship dimension was not significantly different from the 'cannot judge'

numeric midpoint of the scale, 3 (t=.85, df=135, p=.398). As explained below, this score was









significantly higher than the score on yielding to the prevailing public opinion and lower than the

measure of reporting impartiality.

Yielding to the Public Opinion

As outlined above, journalists rated themselves as generally more accepting of

Macedonian language and nation than the rest of Bulgarians (see Tables 5-1 and 5-5). They also

seem to assume themselves to be as adamant in non-recognition of a Macedonian minority in

Bulgaria as the rest of their compatriots (Table 5-8).

This posed the question whether journalists are willing to acquiesce to the prevailing

public opinion (which they obviously perceived as less tolerant than their own attitudes) when

covering Macedonia-related issues.

Mean score (see Table 5-12) on this set of question was 2.6 (SD= 1.2, SE mean=. 1,

n=136), which was significantly lower than the midpoint (3) of the questionnaire scale (t=3.34,

df = 135, p =.001). This indicated that respondents were inclined to allow their perception of the

public opinion to dictate how they would cover as journalists issues of Macedonian nation,

language and minority.

Impartiality in Reporting (Use of Sources)

From these findings, we may conclude that Bulgarian journalists in the sample disagreed

with the notion that when issues of Macedonian nation, language or minority are covered by the

media, people who support the Macedonian views should not be interviewed. The mean came to

3.8 (SD=1, SE mean=. 1, n=136). It was significantly higher than the 'cannot judge' midpoint

(t=9.31, df=135, p < .001), which indicated that respondents were clear in their support for

impartial reporting practices, at least in theory.

Even the specific statement about minority (Table 5-13), "9- It is much better if Bulgarian

media avoid interviewing or quoting people who would state that there is a Macedonian minority









in Bulgaria," produced a very high level of disagreement (Mean= 3.7, SD= 1.3, SE mean= .1,

n=136). Respondents clearly exhibited strong opposition to the idea that any Macedonian

minority may exist in Bulgaria. In fact, if anything, these findings show that Bulgarian

journalists at least normatively want to give the chance to all sides in the disputes about

Macedonian national identity, language and minority.



Including Personal Opinion (Bias) in Analyses

An additional set of questions inquired whether journalists are inclined to incorporate

their own opinion into analytical materials related to Macedonia and Bulgaria-Macedonia

relations. These were not part of the original set of research questions in Chapter 1, because the

main thrust of this study is to evaluate how the news gathering and reporting process may be

tainted by journalists' biases. Nevertheless, interviewed journalists held little doubt that it is

perfectly appropriate to express their personal opinions on issues of Macedonian nation,

language or minority when writing or producing an analysis of these topics (Table 5-14). The

mean of the personal opinion index came closest to the 'somewhat agree' scale point at 2.3 (SD

=.1, SE mean = .1, n = 136). As expected, this result was significantly lower than the midpoint

of the scale (t = -7.55, df = 135, p < .001).

The most general question, "When I am preparing an analysis or commentary on any topic,

I am trying to select facts and quotes that support my personal position on the issue," produced a

mean of 2.4 (SD = 1.29, SE mean = .1, n = 136).

Free Distribution of Macedonian Media in Bulgaria

The standalone question, "Macedonia's print media (newspapers, magazines, books)

should be allowed the complete freedom of distribution in Bulgaria, without any impediments









from the authorities," was rated on the same five-point scale from 'completely agree' to

'completely disagree.'

Respondents answers yielded a mean of 4. 1 (SD= 1.2, SE mean=. 1, n= 136), which

indicated a very strong level of disagreement with the idea of free Macedonian press distribution.

The mean was significantly higher than the midpoint of the scale (t=1 1.06, df = 135, p < .001). In

a sense, these findings were also a surprise, because they showed that Bulgarian journalists are

very likely apprehensive of Macedonia's media influence. This supposition was further

confirmed when third-person perception hypotheses were tested.

Hypotheses Testing

Hypotheses for this study intended to answer the following two research questions from

Chapter 1:

RQ4: Third-person perception. Do Bulgarian journalists think that a) other Bulgarians;

b) foreigners are more susceptible than themselves to influences from Macedonian media on

arguments about Macedonian nation, language and minority (is there evidence of a third-person

perceptual difference)?

RQ5: Linking third-person perception and behavior. How is the magnitude of third-

person perceptual difference (RQ4) correlated with any intended censorship/bias behaviors (as

outlined in RQ3)?

Third-Person Perception Hypotheses

The hypothesized third-person perception difference was measured with several direct

questions, using a 10-point scale, with 1 labeled "no influence at all" and 10, "extremely strong

influence." The English wording of all questions is presented below:

Journalists/Bulgarians vs. non-Bulgarians:









Let's assume that you are spending several days in Macedonia as a journalist and
encounter a group of foreign observers from non-Balkan countries in the same hotel. Every
day you and your foreign acquaintances (who use local interpreters) read the Macedonian
papers, watch Macedonian television and listen to the radio. Based on your knowledge of
Macedonia's print and broadcast media, answer the following questions:

1 How do you think these media reports may influence your personal beliefs about the
origins and nature of Macedonia' s nation?

2 And how may these media reports affect your personal beliefs about the origins and
nature of Macedonian language?

3 Now consider the same question in relation to your foreign acquaintances. Provided
that the translation is accurate, how would these media reports influence the foreign
observers' beliefs about the origins and nature of the Macedonian nation?

4 How would foreigners be influenced by Macedonia's media reports in their beliefs
about of the origins and nature of the Macedonian language?

5 How may Macedonia's media influence your personal beliefs about the presence of a
Macedonian minority population in Bulgaria?

6 How may the foreign observers be influenced in their beliefs whether there is a
Macedonian minority in Bulgaria?

Bulgarian journalists vs. non-journalists:

Now, let's assume that a group of Bulgarian tourists has arrived in your hotel, too. These
tourists, just like you, would listen to the radio, watch television and read the local press on
a daily basis.

7 When you think about these Bulgarian tourists average persons on a vacation how
would you expect Macedonia's media to affect their beliefs about the origins and
nature of Macedonia' s nation?

8 How may Macedonia's media influence the beliefs of the Bulgarian group about the
origins and nature of Macedonian language?

9 Finally, how strongly the members of this Bulgarian tourist group may be influenced
in their beliefs whether there is a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria?

These questions probed to find a difference in what journalists thought of media effects on

themselves as opposed to their opinion of how media may influence other people (other

Bulgarians, that is non-journalists; non-Bulgarians, that is foreigners). Results from tests of all

hypotheses in this study are presented in Table 5-16 below.










Macedonian national identity

Hypothesis 1.1: On the question of Macedonia's national identity, Bulgarian journalists

will consider non-Bulgarians (foreigners) to be more influenced by Macedonian media than

themselves.

Question 1 (see above) asked about Macedonian media, "How do you think these media

reports may influence your personal beliefs about the origins and nature ofMacedonia's nation?"

Question 3 asked: "Now consider the same question in relation to your foreign acquaintances.

Provided that the translation is accurate, how would these media reports influence the foreign

observers' beliefs about the origins and nature of the Macedonian nation?"

Question 1, which was measuring journalists self-evaluation of media influence, yielded

a mean of 2.7 (SD=1.81, n=134). Question 3 had a mean of 5.3 (SD=2.39, SE mean = .2, n=134).

On the face of it, journalists thought that other Bulgarians will be influenced more by

Macedonian media on the issue of national identity. Indeed, paired-samples t-test confirmed this,

indicating a significant difference between the two means (t=9.44, df=133, p<.001)

Thus, the null hypothesis was rejected and Hypothesis 1.1 was supported by the data.

Bulgarian journalists in the study tend to think that foreigners will be influenced by Macedonian

media when it comes to the origins and nature of Macedonian nation. This was the first instance

of third-person perception supported by the data collected in this study.

Hypothesis 1.2: On the question of Macedonia's national identity, Bulgarian journalists

will consider Bulgarian non-journalists to be more influenced by Macedonian media than

themselves.

The question for journalists was identical to Hypothesis 1.1 (Question 1 above). The

presumed influence of Macedonian media on other Bulgarians (non-journalists) was measured

by Question 7, "What do you think about these Bulgarian tourists average persons on a










vacation how would you expect Macedonia's media to affect their beliefs about the origins and

nature of Macedonian' s nation?"

This question received a mean of 2.76 (SD=1.97, SE mean = .2, n = 135), which was very

close to journalists' self-evaluative mean of 2.70 above. Paired-samples t-test did not find the

difference to be of statistical significance (t=.367, df=134, p=.714).

Thus, data indicated that the null hypothesis cannot be rejected, and Hypothesis 1.2 thus

could not be confirmed. In other words, there is no evidence that Bulgarian journalists believe

that other Bulgarians will be influenced more by Macedonian media on the issue ofMacedonia's

national identity.

Macedonian language

Hypothesis 1.3: On the question of Macedonian language, Bulgarian journalists will

consider foreigners to be more influenced by Macedonian media than themselves.

Journalists' self-evaluation of the degree of influence by Macedonian media on this issue

was measured by Question 2 (above), "And how may these media reports affect your personal

beliefs about the origins and nature of Macedonian language?" Survey data produced a mean on

this question of 2.1 (SD = 1.54, SE mean = .1, n=133).

Likewise, Question 4 asked, "How would foreigners be influenced by Macedonia's media

reports in their beliefs about the origins and nature of the Macedonian language?" The mean on

this question came visibly higher, 5.51 (SD = 2.4, SE mean = .2, n = 133). As with the issue of

national identity, the difference seemed large enough just on the face of it, and the paired-

samples t-test confirmed its statistical significance (t=14.37, df= 132, p< .001).

The null hypothesis was rejected and Hypothesis 1.3 was accepted based on the data. That

is, on the argument about the nature of the Macedonian language, Bulgarian journalists expected










foreigners to be influenced more by Macedonian media than they would be themselves. Data

supported the hypothesized third-person perceptual difference in this instance.

Hypothesis 1.4: On the question of Macedonian language, Bulgarian journalists will

consider Bulgarian non-journalists to be more influenced by Macedonian media than themselves.

The other hypothesis on language paired journalists vs. Other Bulgarians, whose expected

degree of influence by Macedonian media was conceptualized by Question 8 (above), "How may

Macedonia's media influence the beliefs of the Bulgarian group about the origins and nature of

Macedonian language?" Journalists' evaluation put the mean for non-journalists at 2.5 (SD = 1.7,

SE mean = .1, n= 134), just barely toward the 'more influence' side of the scale than journalists

gave themselves (mean of 2, see above).

Even so, the difference was found to be significant at the p<.005 level (t =2.97, df = 133, p

=.004). Data indicated that Hypothesis 1.4 should be accepted, supporting yet another instance

of third-person perception. Bulgarian journalists in the survey indeed believed that their

compatriot non-journalists will be affected more by Macedonian media than themselves on the

issue of Macedonian language.

Macedonian minority in Bulgaria

Hypothesis 1.5: On the question whether there is a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria,

Bulgarian journalists will consider foreigners to be more influenced by Macedonian media than

themselves.

Journalists self-evaluation of media influence in this final set of third-person perception

hypotheses was measured through Question 5 (above), "How may Macedonia's media influence

your personal beliefs about the presence of a Macedonian minority population in Bulgaria?"

Data yielded a mean of 1.9 (SD = 1.7, SE mean = .15, n = 132), which was the closest to

the lowest point on the scale 'no influence at all' of all such questions about media influence.










The perceived impact on foreigners was gauged through Question 6, "How may foreign

observers be influenced in their beliefs whether there is a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria?"

Conversely, this question produced the highest mean on perceived media influence

(closest to the 'extremely strong influence' end of the scale) of 5.8 (SD = 2.4, SE mean = .2, n =

133).

The difference was found to be statistically significant (t=15.43, df = 132, p < .001). The

support for the rejection of the null hypothesis and acceptance of Hypothesis 1.5 was quite

convincing. Bulgarian journalists in this study seem to consider foreigners a lot easier to

influence than themselves by the Macedonian media insofar as the question of a Macedonian

minority in Bulgaria is concerned. These findings offered some strong evidence of third-person

perception on the issue.

Hypothesis 1.6: On the question whether there is a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria,

Bulgarian journalists will consider Bulgarian non-j journalists to be more influenced by

Macedonian media than themselves.

The sister hypothesis on minority pairing journalists with other Bulgarians, however, was

not supported. Journalists' estimate of others' 'gullibility' was measured by Question 9 (above),

"Finally, how strongly the members of this Bulgarian tourist group may be influenced in their

beliefs whether there is a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria?" The mean on this question was 2.1

(SD = 1.3, SE mean = .1, n = 132), which was close to journalists' mean for themselves (1.9, see

above) .

The difference was not statistically significant (t = 1.34, df = 131i, p = .182) and thus the

hypothesis was not supported by the data. No evidence was found of a perceptual difference

regarding how journalists expect Macedonian media to affect themselves vs. Other Bulgarians.










Overall Third-Person Perception

Of all six third-person perception hypotheses, data indicated support for four and lack

thereof for two. Even though no formal hypothesis was suggested about the overall TPP

difference, post-hoc testing was done to explore whether overall perceptual differences existed

between journalists and foreigners, on one hand, and journalists and other Bulgarians, on the

other. Results are presented in the bottom two rows of Table 5-14.

First, three indices were constructed aggregating the mean results for journalists,

foreigners and other Bulgarians on all separate issues Macedonian national identity, language

and minority. Each of these three indices was checked for item-total score correlations. For lack

of space, most details of index construction are not reported here, but the lowest correlation came

at .59, indicating that all items on the three mini-scales work well together.

The overall mean score for journalists came to 2.2 (SD = 1.4, SE mean = .1, n = 135); for

foreigners, the average was 5.5 (SD = 2.1, SE mean = .2, n = 134); and for other Bulgarians

(non-journalists) the mean was 2.5 (SD = 1.4, SE mean = .1, n = 135). Finally, Cronbach' s alpha

was calculated for each index. For journalists, it was .88; for foreigners, .79; and for Bulgarians,

.77. These tests provided certainty that indices can be used further for post-hoc tests.

A paired-samples t-test comparing journalists' perception of overall Macedonian media

influence on themselves with the perceived influence on foreigners, found the difference to be

statistically significant (t= 14.34, df = 133, p <.001). Likewise, the difference between what

journalists thought of their own and Bulgarians' susceptibility to media influence was

significant, too, albeit to a lesser degree (t = 2. 14, df = 134, p = .034).

These results indicated that even though on two particular issues Macedonian national

identity and minority in Bulgaria journalists did not consider themselves to be any more

affected by Macedonian media than non-journalists, overall survey respondents seemed to









believe that they are less prone to be influenced than other Bulgarians. Similarly and more

convincingly judging from the data journalists thought of foreigners as more susceptible to

media persuasion than themselves.

These results indicated strong evidence for the presence of third-person perception

among studied Bulgarian journalists, which fulfilled one of the goals of this research project.

Linking Third-Person Perception and Behavior

Finding the connection between third-person perception and intended behavior was

another main goal of this study. Three hypotheses and one research question were presented in

Chapter 4 that address the potential relationship between the magnitude of third-person

perception and stated behavioral intentions of journalists. Unfortunately, none of the hypotheses

below could be sustained by the collected survey data.

Hypothesis 2.1: The larger the overall magnitude of the third-person perception for

journalists vs. Other Bulgarians, the higher their support for promoting Bulgaria' s official

position through the media.

Hypothesis 2.2: The larger the overall magnitude of the third-person perception for

journalists vs. Other Bulgarians, the lower their support for impartial coverage of contested issues

between Bulgaria and Macedonia.

Hypothesis 2.3: The larger the overall magnitude of the third-person perception for

journalists vs. Other Bulgarians, the lower their support for free distribution of Macedonian

media in Bulgaria.

Research Question 2.1: What is the association between the magnitude of the third-person

perception and journalists' support for promoting what they view as the prevalent public opinion

on Macedonia through Bulgarian media?










The magnitude of third-person perception was posited as the independent variable for these

hypotheses. It was calculated by finding the mean difference between what journalists reported

as perceived influence of Macedonian media on themselves vs. what they though would be the

effect on other Bulgarians. In addition, because third-person perceptual difference was found to

be quite persistent when journalists compare themselves with foreigners, the three hypotheses

and research question above were also restated for "journalists vs. foreigners" and tested that

way, too.

Indices of support for the official position, impartiality in reporting and acquiescence to

public opinion (see Table 5-16) were used as dependent variables, along with the question,

"Macedonia's print media (newspapers, magazines, books) should be allowed the complete

freedom of distribution in Bulgaria, without any impediments from the authorities."

The mean difference in how journalists rated the likelihood of being influenced by the

media when compared to other Bulgarians was just .25 (SD=1.4, n=13 5), on a 10-point scale.

When journalists were pitted against foreigners, the mean perceptual difference was noticeably

higher, 3.3 (SD=2.6, n=134).

Post-hoc Tests

Data did not indicate support for the hypotheses linking third-person perception and

behavior, so an attempt was made to investigate further potential relationships that may not have

been hypothesized when this study was conceived.

Most of the likely independent variables were correlated (for instance, journalists'

attitudes on national identity and language of Macedonia had a Pearson correlation of .56,

significant at the p<.01 level; national identity and minority attitudes had a correlation coefficient

of .28, p<.001). This multicollinearity allowed for only one multivariate regression model to be

fitted properly. Even then, though, the predictive power of the regression equation was far from









satisfactory. Namely, the journalists intent to yield to the prevalent public opinion on Macedonia

in their news stories and analyses was found to be explained by their personal attitudes on

Macedonian language and Macedonian minority. The more journalists disagreed with the idea of

a separate Macedonian language and minority in Bulgaria, the more they were willing to follow

the public opinion when writing stories on these issues.

These two independent variables achieved statistical significance when fitted into the

model, but the adjusted R2 was a mere .075, which means that less than 10% of the variance in

the dependent variable could be attributed to the strength of language and minority attitudes.

Such a model is of theoretical interest only, but it's practical worth is close to nothing.

Therefore, detailed results of this model construction are not reported here for lack of space.

Acquiescence to public opinion was predicted in univariate regression models separately

by attitudes toward Macedonian national identity, language and minority. That is, separately

taken, the more respondents considered Macedonia to be a clone of the Bulgarian nation, its

language a mere dialect, and the less they agreed with the existence of a Macedonian minority

in Bulgaria, the more they were willing to yield to the prevalent public opinion on the same

issues in their own work. Yet again, the coefficient of determination, adjusted R2, was still too

low (its highest value was only .061, for national identity), which made even such simple

regression models not very useful in practical terms because of their very limited predictive

validity.

Because the midpoint of the five-item attitudinal and censorship scales (3) was labeled

"cannot judge," it remained open to interpretation by respondents as either a "don't know" or

neutral position. During post-hoc procedures, all scales were recorded so that 3s became missing

values and were excluded from the analysis. This did not bring in any changes in the hypothesis









testing results, however, most likely due to the low numbers of such values (the mean was 7.6, or

5.5% of all responses). Given these low numbers, eliminating midpoint values cannot be

expected to affect the differences of means very much.

Post-hoc analysis of variance tests were conducted to investigate whether any of the

demographic variables (see the next section in this chapter) have any effect on behavioral

intentions. Age, gender, length of time in media occupation, type of media (print vs. broadcast),

type of job were tested as factors or covariates. Of those, only age, when conceptualized as

journalists below and over 35, and type of job (reporters vs. editors) were found to be of

importance.

Journalists over 35 were significantly more inclined to yield to the public opinion than

those younger (respective means of 1.9 and 2.7; t=3.7, df=132, p<.001), and include their

personal opinion in news analyses (means of 1.8 and 2.3; t=2.44, df=132, p=.016). Similarly,

editors were more likely than reporters to acquiesce to the prevalent public opinion (mean of 2.4

vs. 3, respectively; t=2.75, df=134, p=.007), but showed no difference in their intent to include

personal opinion in news analyses. None of the models using other factors achieved any

statistical significance, as well as no multivariate models could be fitted successfully using

demographics as factors or covariates.

Overall, post-hoc analyses of possible explanations for journalists' intended behavior

produced limited results. These findings suggests that probably behavioral variables should be

re-conceptualized in future studies.

Description of Sampled Bulgarian Journalists

Most journalists in this sample came from daily newspapers, which may be construed as

a limitation of the study (see Table 5-17). It represents, however, a trend in Bulgarian media

where newspapers provide a more stable platform (and have larger staff numbers) than all other










types of media. For instance, a relatively small, albeit influential daily such as Sega employs

some 50 newsroom personnel (editors and reporters), while the entire Bulgarian National

Television a principal media outlet has about the same number of reporters and producers in

its news department (personal communication, Boyko Vassiley of BNT and Theodora Peeva of

Sega, May 2001). In addition, there were seven daily newspapers with national circulation

published in Sofia alone in 2001, while only three nationwide broadcast stations were operating

at that time, which contributed to this disparity in representation. Finally, the experience of this

researcher suggests that broadcast journalists are more difficult to access because of stricter

security measures at television and radio stations as opposed to the almost unrestricted entry one

could gain into Bulgarian newspapers in 2001.

As shown in Table 5-18, reporters and correspondents made the largest group (37.5%) of

the sample, followed by editors and producers (28%). If we add all newsroom editors, producers

and anchors, however, this cohort will be the most represented (56 staffers, or 41.2%). This is

important, because newsroom editors are substantially more powerful than reporters in

determining the tenor of newscasts, analyses and other components of a publication or broadcast

station. Of course, the sample included 17 editors/producers who occupy the highest rungs of the

career ladder in any news organization. This sample composition is a corollary of the attempt to

gain the opinions of only the principal decision-makers in Bulgarian media.

The sampling process as described in Chapter 4 was designed to separate the 'elite'

journalists, who by definition had more experience than their peers. Still, a hefty 27.9% of the

sample is composed of media professionals with five years or less of professional experience

(Table 5-19). This is a testament to the dynamics of this occupation in Bulgaria, which in 2001

still allowed for relatively quick careers for those with the requisite qualities. This is, however,









different from the findings of Nikoltchev (1998), who reported that about 47% of all Bulgarian

journalists had five or less years of experience, and only 6% had more than 20 years on the job

(as opposed to 16.2% with 21+ years here). Again, this is a confirmation that the sampling

procedure sought out media professionals at a certain stage of their career.

This sample has an overrepresentation of male vs. female journalists (Table 5-20). In 1998,

Nikoltchev found that Bulgarian journalists are almost evenly distributed in terms of gender,

with 48.6% male and 51.4% female. He also found, however, that in daily newspapers, men

outnumbered women 54. 1% to 45.9%. Also, males tend to stay longer in Bulgarian journalism

outnumbering women after about 15 years on the job (Nikoltchev, 1998), which was also true for

this sample. The aforementioned specifics of the sampling process if we assume that fewer

females occupy the higher career spots in Bulgarian journalism may have accounted for the

higher number of male respondents.

The largest cohort was that of journalists between 25 and 34 years of age in 2001 (3 8.9%,

see Table 5-21), which is similar to what Nikoltchev (1998) found in his survey (37.5% in this

age group). The next largest cohort are those aged between 35-44 (27.3%), which again was

similar to Nikoltchev's (1998) findings he reported 30.1% in that age group. Other cohorts are

also very much alike in this survey and in Nikoltchev's 1998 study, which begs the conclusion

that elite Bulgarian journalists resemble the general population of news professionals as far as

their age distribution is concerned. What seems to be different, as noted above, is that the 'elite'

cadre of Bulgarian media has more experience working in their field than the overall journalistic

population. This is a logical conclusion, since what matters in the success in any profession is

hardly the age, but the effort and consistency put into work.










Table 5-1: Item and scale statistics for journalists' self-evaluation of attitudes toward
Macedonian national identity and journalists' estimate of other Bulgarians' attitudes.
Item (question name) Group Mean Standard Standard N
Deviation Error of
Mean


1. Today, the Macedonians have the full
justification to define themselves as a
nation distinct from the Bulgarian nation.

2. Bulgarian politician who oppose the
recognition of a Macedonian nation are
mere chauvinists.

3. Macedonian nation today is an
Established independent nation.


4. We, the Bulgarians, must accept at last
that the present-day Macedonian nation
is different from the Bulgarian nation.

5. Bulgaria and Macedonia must be
regarded today as two different, although
historically close, nations.

6. Only Macedonia's citizens have the right
to decide how to name their nation.


7. There is no doubt that the Macedonian
nation is historically different from the
Bulgarian nation.

Composite score (average of all items)


Journalists
Other
Bulgarians

Journalists
Other
Bulgarians

Journalists
Other
Bulgarians

Journalists
Other
Bulgarians

Journalists
Other
Bulgarians

Journalists
Other
Bulgarians

Journalists
Other
Bulgarians

Journalists
Other
Bulgarians


2.4 1.2

3.5 1

2.9 1.3


2.3 1.2

3.3 1.1

2.5 1.2

3.6 1

2.2 1.2

3.2 1.1


2.5 1


3.4 .7


Note: Questions were asked on a 5-point scale from 'l-completely agree' to '5 -completely
disagree,' with the midpoint set as '3-cannot judge.' Higher scores would indicate a stronger
adherence to the position that Macedonian nation is essentially a 'clone' of the Bulgarian nation,
and not a different entity.










Table 5-2: Factor loadings, national identity journalists' self-evaluation (principal components
extraction)
Item number Factor loadings
(per Table 5-1) (with one component extracted,
52.8% of variance explained)
1 .84
2 .70
3 .76
4 .88
5 .86
6 .52
7 .40










Table 5-3: Factor loadings, national identity journalists' assessment of other Bulgarians'
attitudes (principal components extraction)
Item number Factor loadings
(per Table 5-1) (one component extracted,
49% of variance explained)
1 .70
2 .48
3 .84
4 .87
5 .80
6 .59
7 .51










Table 5-4: Factor loadings, Macedonian language journalists' self-evaluation (principal
components extraction)
Item number Factor loadings
(per Table 5-5) (one component extracted,
50.5% of variance explained)
1 .84
2 .76
3 .84
4 .50
5 .86
6 .61
7 .43

























































Note: Questions were asked on a 5-point scale from 'l-completely agree' to '5 -completely
disagree,' with the midpoint set as '3-cannot judge.' Higher scores would indicate a stronger
adherence to the position that the Macedonians speak in a Bulgarian dialect, not a different
language.


Table 5-5: Item and scale statistics for journalists' self-evaluation of attitudes toward
Macedonian language and journalists' estimate of other Bulgarians' attitudes.


Item (question name)


Mean Standard
Deviation


Standard
Error of
Mean


Group


1. Today, the Macedonians have the full
justification to define their language as
something different from the Bulgarian
language.

2. Macedonian language today should be
regarded as equal to any other Balkan
language.

3. We, the Bulgarians, must accept at last
that the present-day Macedonian
language is different from the Bulgarian
language.

4. Only Macedonia's citizens have the right
to decide how to name their language.


5. Despite the historic similarities between
Macedonian and Bulgarian languages,
these are two different languages today.

6. Bulgarian and Macedonian politicians
must use interpreters for their official
bilateral meetings.

7. The arguments about the nature of
Macedonia's language are of academic
interest only, without any practical
importance.

Composite score (average of all items)


Journalists
Other
Bulgarians


Journalists
Other
Bulgarians

Journalists
Other
Bulgarians


Journalists
Other
Bulgarians

Journalists
Other
Bulgarians

Journalists
Other
Bulgarians

Journalists
Other
Bulgarians


Journalists
Other
Bulgarians


3.2 1.4


2.4 1.2


2.9 1.4

3.7 1


1.4 .8

2.5 1

2.9 1.3

3.6 1

3.1 1.4

3.8 1

3 1.4

3.3 1.1










Table 5-6: Factor loadings, Macedonian language journalists' evaluation of other Bulgarians'
attitudes (principal components extraction)
Item number Factor loadings
(per Table 5-5) (one component extracted,
46.8% of variance explained)
1 .74
2 .76
3 .77
4 .57
5 .79
6 .59
7 .53










Table 5-7: Factor loadings, Macedonian minority in Bulgaria journalists' self-evaluation
(principal components extraction)
Item number Factor loadings
(per Table 5-8) (one component extracted,
50.8% of variance explained)
1 .59
2 .72
3 .83
4 .82
5 .71
6 .70
7 .59










Table 5-8: Item and scale statistics for journalists' self-evaluation of attitudes toward the idea of
a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria and journalists' estimate of other Bulgarians'
attitudes.


Item (question name)


Group


Mean Standard Standard
Deviation Error of
Mean
4.4 1.2 .1

4.3 1.1 .1


1. It is historically inaccurate to speak of a
Macedonian minority in Bulgaria (This
item was reverse-coded).

2. Bulgaria has nothing to fear should it
recognize a Macedonian minority on its
territory.

3. Bulgaria should recognize officially a
Macedonian minority on its territory.


4. The existence of a Macedonian minority
in Bulgaria today is an undeniable fact.


5. If a group of people in Bulgaria claims to
represent a Macedonian minority, this
group should be granted a minority
status.

6. There is indeed a Macedonian minority
in Bulgaria, but only in several villages
on the border with Macedonia.

7. It is correct to say that there is a defined
Macedonian ethnicity within the borders
of present-day Bulgaria.

Composite score (average of all items)


Journalists
Other
Bulgarians

Journalists
Other
Bulgarians

Journalists
Other
Bulgarians

Journalists
Other
Bulgarians

Journalists
Other
Bulgarians


Journalists
Other
Bulgarians

Journalists
Other
Bulgarians

Journalists
Other
Bulgarians


3.8 1.4

4 1.2

4.3 1.1

4.4 .9


3.9 1.2


4.1 1.2

4.2 1

4.4 .9


Note: Questions were asked on a 5-point scale from 'l-completely agree' to '5 -completely
disagree,' with the midpoint set as '3-cannot judge.' Higher scores would indicate a stronger
adherence to the position that there is no Macedonian minority on Bulgarian territory.










Table 5-9: Factor loadings, Macedonian minority in Bulgaria journalists' evaluation of other
Bulgarians' attitudes (principal components extraction)
Item number Factor loadings
(per Table 5-8) (one component extracted,
56.5% of variance explained)
1 .64
2 .69
3 .79
4 .83
5 .76
6 .75
7 .79










Table 5-10: Rotated component matrix for censorship items with factor loadings.
Questions (scale items) Factor Factor Factor Unrotated
loadings on loadings on loadings on factor
Component Component Component loadings
1 after 2 after 3 after on Com-
rotation rotation rotation ponent 4
1. Currently, Bulgarian media must strive to -.01 .01 .77 0
support the official position of the
Bulgarian government on the question
about the presence of a Macedonian
minority in Bulgaria.

2. Any time the origin and nature of the .20 .08 .81 -.03
Macedonian nation is brought up,
Bulgarian media should strive to support
the official position of the Bulgarian
government on this issue.

3. Any time the origin and nature of the .47 .18 .69 0
Macedonian language is brought up,
Bulgarian media should strive to support
the official position of the Bulgarian
government on this issue.

4. With respect to the question whether there .93 .03 .09 .01
is a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria,
every Bulgarian print publication,
television or radio station should strive to
maintain a position that is closest to the
prevalent public opinion in the country.

5. With respect to the question of the origins .90 .23 .15 .05
and nature of the Macedonian nation, every
Bulgarian print publication, television or
radio station should strive to maintain a
position that is closest to the prevalent
public opinion in the country.

6. With respect to the question of the origins .93 .21 .13 .01
and nature of the Macedonian language,
every Bulgarian print publication,
television or radio station should strive to
maintain a position that is closest to the
prevalent public opinion in the country.

















































Note: Initial version of the scale tested all 11 items above, while in the final version the two
items with heavy unrotated loadings on Component 4 (questions 7 and 9) were eliminated and
factor analysis run again using QUARTIMAX Rotation with Kaiser normalization. Rotated and
unrotated loadings on Components 1, 2, 3 were extremely close, therefore for brevity only
rotated loadings are shown in the table.


Table 5-10. Continued.
Questions (scale items)


Factor
loadings on
Component
1 after
rotation
Item
dropped
before
rotation


Factor
loadings on
Component
2 after
rotation
Item
dropped
before
rotation


Factor
loadings on
Component
3 after
rotation
Item
dropped
before
rotation


.11



Item
dropped
before
rotation


.05



.03


Unrotated
factor
loadings
on Com-
ponent 4
.85






.16



.87






.18



.07


7. When covering the issue of the origins and
nature of Macedonian language, Bulgarian
media should always include the opinion of
leading representatives of the political,
cultural, and scientific communities in
Macedonia.
8. It is much better if Bulgarian media avoid
interviewing or quoting people who would
state that the Macedonian language is more
than just a Bulgarian dialect.
9. When covering the issue of the origins and
nature of the Macedonian nation, Bulgarian
media should always include the opinion of
leading representatives of the political,
cultural, and scientific communities in
Macedonia.
10. It is much better if Bulgarian media avoid
interviewing or quoting people who would
state that the Macedonian nation has origins
different from those of the Bulgarian nation.
11. It is much better if Bulgarian media avoid
interviewing or quoting people who would
state that there is a Macedonian minority in
Bulgaria.


Item
dropped
before
rotation


Item
dropped
before
rotation










Table 5-11: Support for the official position.
Item (question name)


Mean Standard
Deviation


Standard
Error
ofMean


1. Currently, Bulgarian media must strive to support the
official position of the Bulgarian government on the
question of the presence of a Macedonian minority in
Bulgaria.

2. Any time the origin and nature of the Macedonian
nation is brought up, Bulgarian media should strive to
support the official position of the Bulgarian
government on the issue.

3. Any time the origin and nature of the Macedonian
language is brought up, Bulgarian media should strive
to support the official position of the Bulgarian
government on the issue.


2.9 1.4





3 1.3





2.8 1.3


Composite score (average of all items) 2.9 1 .1 136
Note: Questions were asked on a five-point scale, from "1- completely agree," to "5-completely
disagree," with "3 cannot judge." Lower scores indicate more support for the official Bulgarian
position on the issue.










Table 5-12: Yielding to Bulgarian public opinion.
Item (question name)


4. With respect to the question whether there is a
Macedonian minority in Bulgaria, every Bulgarian print
publication, television or radio station should strive to
maintain a position that is the closest to the prevalent
pubic opinion.

5. With respect to the question about the origins and
nature of the Macedonian nation, every Bulgarian print
publication, television or radio station must strive to
maintain a position that is the closest to the prevalent
public opinion.

6. With respect to the question about the origins and
nature of the Macedonian language, every Bulgarian
print publication, television or radio station must strive
to maintain a position that is the closest to the prevalent
public opinion.


Mean Standard
Deviation


Standard
Error
ofMean


2.5 1.2






2.7 1.3






2.7 1.3


Composite score (average of all items) 2.6 1.2 .1 136
Note: Questions were asked on a five-point scale, from "1- completely agree," to "5-completely
disagree," with "3 cannot judge." Lower scores indicate an intent to acquiesce to the prevalent
Bulgarian public opinion on an issue.










Table 5-13: Impartiality in reporting.
Item (question name) Mean Standard Standard N
Deviation Error
ofMean
7. It is much better if Bulgarian media avoid interviewing 3.9 1.1 .1 136
or quoting people who would state that the Macedonian
language is more than just a Bulgarian dialect.

8. It is much better if Bulgarian media avoid interviewing 3.9 1.1 .1 136
or quoting people who would state that the Macedonian
nation has origins different from those of the Bulgarian
nation.

9. It is much better if Bulgarian media avoid interviewing 3.7 1.3 .1 136
or quoting people who would say that there is a
Macedonian minority in Bulgaria.

Composite score (average of all items) 3.8 1 .1 136
Note: Questions were asked on a five-point scale, from "1- completely agree," to "5-completely
disagree," with "3 cannot judge." Lower scores indicate less willingness to use as sources
people who insist on the existence of a separate Macedonian nation, language, or minority.










Table 5-14: Item statistics, composite score and factor loadings for the intent to include personal
opinion in analytical materials.
Question Mean Standard Standard N Factor
Deviation Error of Loadings
Mean (73.6 %of
variance
explained)
1. If I have to prepare an analysis or 2.3 1.3 .1 136 .93
commentary for my publication/program
that concerns the issue of Macedonian
language, I will include by all means my
personal position.

2. If I have to prepare an analysis or 2.3 1.2 .1 136 .95
commentary for my publication/program
that concerns the issue of Macedonian
national identity, I will include by all
means my personal position.

3. If I have to prepare an analysis or 2.3 1.3 .1 136 .92
commentary for my publication/program
that concerns the issue of a Macedonian
minority in Bulgaria, I will include by all
means my personal position.

4. When I am preparing an analysis or 2.4 1.3 .1 134 .57
commentary on any topic, I am trying to
select facts and quotes that support my
personal position on the issue.

Composite (average of all items) 2.3 1.1 .1 136 ---
Note: Note: Questions were asked on a five-point scale, from "l-completely agree," to "5-
completely disagree," with "3-cannot judge." Lower scores indicate higher intent to include
personal position/opinion in analytical materials.









Table 5-15: Hypotheses testing: Results for third-person perception (TPP) hypotheses and
overall TPP t-tests for difference of means.
TPP pairs and related Difference t df P is Means
hypotheses Significant/ less or (10-point scale)
Hypothesis equal (J) Journalists,
Supported? to... (B) Other
Bulgarians,
(F) Foreigners
H 1.1: Journalists Yes 9.44 133 .001 2.7 (J)
Foreigners 5.3 (F)
on National Identity


H 1.3: Journalists
Foreigners
on Language

H 1.5: Journalists
Foreigners
on Minority


Yes


14.37 132 .001 2.1 (J)
5.5 (F)


15.43 132 .001 1.9 (J)
5.8 (F)


.37 134 .714 2.7 (J)
2.8 (B)


Yes


H 1.2: Journalists Other
Bulgarians
on National Identity

H 1.4: Journalists Other
Bulgarians
on Language

H 1.6: Journalists Other
Bulgarians
on Minority

Journalists Foreigners
Overall TPP Index

Journalists Bulgarians
Overall TPP Index


133 .004 2.1 (J)
2.5 (B)


131 .182 1.9 (J)
2.1 (B)


Yes
(at p<.005)


2.97


1.34


Yes


14.34 133 .001 2.2 (J)
5.5 (F)


134 .034 2.2 (J)
2.5 (B)


Yes
(at p<.05)


2.14









Table 5-16: Hypotheses testing: Third-person perception and behavioral intent.
Hypotheses/Research Question Independent Correlation
(Dependent Variable) Variable Significant?
Support for the official TPP magnitude No
position journalists-other
Bulgarians
TPP magnitude No
journalists-foreigners


Impartiality in reporting


TPP magnitude
journalists


TPP magnitude
journalists-foreigners


Free distribution of
Macedonian print media


TPP magnitude
journalists-other
Bulgarians


TPP magnitude
journalists-foreigners


Acquiescence to public
opinion (RQ)


TPP magnitude
journalists-other
Bulgarians


TPP magnitude
journalists-foreigners









Table 5-17: Journalists by media type
Media Type N (%)
Daily newspaper: 91 (66.9%)
Weekly newspaper: 13 (9.6%)
Weekly magazine: 1 (.7%)
Monthly magazine: 2 (1.5%)
Broadcast TV station: 19 (14%)
Cable TV station: 3 (2.2%)
Radio station: 7 (5.1%)

Total: 136 (100%)









Table 5-18: Respondents' job positions.
Position
Reporter/Correspondent :
S enior rep orter/ S special corre sp ondent/C commentator:
Department-level editor (sub-editor)/Producer:
Department head/Program producer/Anchor:
Deputy editor-in-chief/Assistant managing editor/
Program director:
Editor-in-chieflManaging editor:


N (%)
51 (37.5%)
12 (8.8%)
38 (28%)
18 (13.2%)

14 (10.3%)
3 (2.2%)

136 (100%)


Total :









Table 5-19: Length of time in media jobs.
Length of work
experience in the
media (as of 2001) N(%)
1-5 years: 38 (27.9%)
6-10 years: 42 (30.9%)
11-15 years: 20 (14.7%)
16-20 years: 14 (10.3%)
Over 21 years: 22 (16.2%)

Total: 136 (100%)









Table 5-20:
Gender
Male
Female

Total


Respondents' gender.
N (%)
77 (56.6%)
59 (43 .4%)

136 (100%)









Table 5-21: Age of respondents.


Age
(at the time of survey)
Under 24:
25-34:
35-44:
45-54:
55-64:
Over 65:


N(%)
17 (12.5%)
53 (38.9%)
37 (27.3%)
25 (18.4%)
3 (2.2%)
1 (.7%)

136 (100%)


Total :









CHAPTER 6
QUALITATIVE FINTDINGS, SENIOR JOURNALISTS' INTERVIEWS

Semi-structured qualitative interviews were used as a supplemental method to add to the

quantitative findings of this study. Even though the interviews were not the principal research

technique, their analysis helped to understand better the attitudes and behavioral intentions of

Bulgarian journalists. For the most part, qualitative research findings corroborated the

conclusions extracted through quantitative methods, within the limitations of the method.

Interview Analysis Method

As Lindlof (1995) pointed out, "researchers often use interviews to verify, validate, or

comment on data obtained from other sources" (p.168). In this case, since the interviews were

obtained at about the same time as the survey data, it was not possible to use them for

commenting on quantitative findings. In-depth interviews in this study were confined to

verification and validation of conclusions reached in the survey. They were done using a guide

questionnaire (Table 6-2), and in all, 17 senior-level journalists participated (see Table 6-1).

Among those were one editor-in-chief, five deputy editors-in-chief (assistant managing editors),

one columnist, one publisher, three broadcast news anchors, three editors/producers, two senior

reporters and one journalism professor/media consultant. These participants are profiled

following the method pioneered by Richard Fenno (2003) in the 1970s, which provided enough

information about their background without violating the promise of anonymity. The group had

four women and 13 men, which represented fairly adequately the nearly 1-to-3 ratio of females

to males at the higher levels of journalistic hierarchy in Bulgarial (Nikoltchev, 1998).





i Nikoltchev (1998) found that overall, women and men are almost equally represented in the profession, although
men tend to stay longer on the job, which probably explains why they make more successful careers in the end.










They were selected by the researcher on the basis of personal knowledge of Bulgarian

media landscape and participants' availability. In that sense it was a purely convenience sample,

with no claim to be representative or exhaustive in any way.

Table 6-1: Profiles of in-depth interview participants.
Participant Position/Medium/Gender
A TV producer, female
B Deputy editor-in-chief, daily newspaper, male
C Editor, daily newspaper, male
D TV news anchor, male
E Columnist, daily newspaper, male
F Editor-in-chief, monthly magazine, male
G TV news anchor, male
H TV news anchor/reporter, female
I Deputy editor-in-chief, daily newspaper, male
J Editor, daily newspaper, female
K Journalism professor, media consultant, male
L Deputy editor-in-chief, daily newspaper, female
M Publisher, weekly magazine, male
N Senior reporter, radio, male
O Deputy editor-in-chief, daily newspaper, male
P Deputy editor-in-chief, daily newspaper, male
Q Senior reporter, weekly newspaper, male

During the analysis of interview transcripts, themes recurring throughout the interviews

were extracted and interpreted, seeking their relevance to the quantitative findings. This

approach, which is a simplified version of Glaser and Strauss' (1967) constant comparative

method, relies on researcher' s interpretation of the overall meaning rather than on selecting

particular words or phrases.

The analyst looked for similarities among categories and their properties, and grouped

them accordingly (Glaser and Strauss, 1967; Lindlof, 1995). This required going back and forth

between different parts of the transcript until all relevant variations of meaning were extracted

and exhausted.









As a difference with the standard constant comparative method, this simplified approach

did not use strict coding schemata and did not develop theoretical expectations, which was due

primarily to the very limited amount of data available for work. It also did not deal with deeper

levels of language (e.g., as in Severin and Tankard, 2001), again, because of the limited data set.

Table 6-2: Question guide for in-depth interviews.

1. How do you, as one of Bulgaria's elite journalists and media decision makers, feel about
Macedonia's current political status (that is, political independence and self-determination)?

2. Was it beneficial to Bulgaria to acknowledge Macedonia's political independence in 1992?
That is, was it a timely decision and politically sound decision? Was it well motivated and
clearly explained by the government to the people? Did it improve Bulgaria' s standing in the
international community?

3. How do you feel about Macedonia' s claim to a unique (non-Bulgarian) national identity?
Should it have been acknowledged along with the political recognition?

4. And what about the claim of a unique language how do you feel about it? Is there a
difference between language and national identity in this case, and what it may be?

5. How do you feel about the idea about the existence of a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria?
That is, (1) is there such a minority in Bulgaria, and if yes, (2) should it be recognized? Are
there any problems to Bulgaria that may arise from the argument about a Macedonian
minority?

6. Regardless of your own opinions, how do your think Bulgarians in general feel about the
same issues (Macedonia's nation, language, minority)? That is, are there any differences
between your opinions, and those of the majority of Bulgarians, and if yes, what are they?

7. How likely is for Bulgarian journalists to be influenced in their output by personal beliefs
and convictions?

8. And how about the public opinion or official Bulgarian position on arguments with
Macedonia? Are they likely to influence what is in the media?

9. As a media professional, how would you evaluate the way Bulgarian media in general
present Macedonia? Is the coverage biased in any way, or is it well-balanced?
10. What do you think is the influence of media in Bulgaria with respect to the Macedonia-
related issues above?










The guide in Table 6-2 was not intended to be an open-ended questionnaire per se, but

rather a list of topics to be covered during an interview. Its purpose was to help the researcher

maintain interviewee' s focus on the problem of interest to the study. Interviews were transcribed,

with all "small talk" omitted from the work transcripts. The analysis was verified by the

principal researcher and one more coder.


Findings

Below are the principal findings from the in-depth interviewing of 17 senior-level

Bulgarian journalists.

Attitudes on Macedonian Nation, Language, and Minority

All interviewees, without exceptions, had clearly articulated positions on the issues of

Macedonian national identity, language and minority. This was not a surprise, given the

preliminary research for this study (Chapters 1 and 3), which indicated that Bulgarians are

"taking Macedonia seriously" (in the words of Participant G, anchor for a leading political news

show). Or, in Participant J's words, "The Macedonia theme is one of the leading in Bulgaria[n

media] and will continue to be leading."

Nation. The prevailing stance on Macedonian national identity could be summarized, in

the words of Participant G, "They are in fact Bulgarians, but let them call themselves whatever

they want." All journalists generally said something along these lines, with one exception a

young broadcast anchor and producer, Participant H, who formulated a more radical statement,

"Macedonians are Bulgarians by blood and to deny that is national treachery."

The most lenient attitude toward Macedonian nation came from a long-time journalist,

who started his career in the 1960s and currently writes a weekly current-affairs column for a

major daily. Participant E said, "They say they are Macedonians so be it."









This participant was also at odds with the rest by stating that acknowledging a

Macedonian nation would be easier than acknowledging a Macedonian language the prevailing

sentiment was exactly the opposite. "We have registered them. We have told [Macedonians] they

have an official Macedonian state, but no nation," said Participant N, thus summing up the

general attitude on the national identity issue.

Another typical response (this from Participant J, an editor in a daily) was, "Since two-

and-something million people have self-identified themselves as Macedonians, we should accept

that. ... But historical facts are historical facts." The latter, of course, referred to the widely held

understanding in Bulgaria of a historically Bulgarian origin of Macedonians.

This part "let them be," part "we remember history" theme with respect to national

identity was dominating across the interviews. It seems that the top journalists were unequivocal

in their adherence to the thesis that, historically speaking, Bulgarian and Macedonian nations are

the same, but at the same time they were cautious not to stir territorial passions in such a troubled

spot as the Balkans. Participant F said outright, "Expressing territorial or other aspirations

toward Macedonia will be a huge mistake." In various formulations and strengths, this position

was noticeable in almost all interviews.

After reading through the transcripts, this researcher was left with a distinct feeling that

participants displayed an attitude that could be labeled as "nationalistic nonchalance," or "lazy

nationalism" as one journalist (Participant G) from the study put it. That is, journalists were not

willing to yield to any other position but that a separate Macedonian nation does not exist and it

is a mere offshoot of a much older Bulgarian nation. At the same time, no participant said that it

is feasible, worth it, or even possible for Bulgaria to seek some form of retribution and forcibly










"re-Bulgarize" Macedonians. On the contrary, as noted above, participants repeatedly stated that

bygone is bygone and no political or military recourse is possible today.

Not that any of their compatriots seem to be interested in that, too, at least judging by

how these top journalists assessed the attitudes of other Bulgarians.

"Bulgarians are too busy with themselves to pay attention how Macedonians label their

nation," said an assistant managing editor of a daily (Participant L). She also insisted that

Bulgarian nationalism lacks public support and this makes futile any efforts to revive claims

toward Macedonia in practice. "Bulgarians are not passionate about Macedonia any more,

especially the young," Participant D stated.

As discussed below, however, the dream of restoring what Bulgarians see as the "true"

Macedonian identity has not been entirely abandoned but it has morphed into a strategy which

this researcher dubbed "economic seduction."

Participant C, an editor at a large-circulation daily, insisted on reading verbatim the text

of his own op-ed published in the newspaper just days before: "What we have lost with the loss

of Macedonia, either through diplomatic errors or under external pressures, cannot be retrieved.

The only real alternative is to work with Macedonians, develop cooperation, so their closest

relation to Bulgaria is underscored. We must not forget the lessons of history, but act according

to present-day standards."

The inherent contradiction of how this cooperation will be achieved without the full

recognition of Macedonia's national identity and language remained unanswered, although a

peaceful solution by all means seemed to be the consensus among participants.




2 For instance, by small parliamentary factions such as the IMRO (see Chapter 3), which had just two deputies in the
2N1-ii. I parliament in 1998-2001.









As a final note on this topic, Participant G said that the creation of a Macedonian nation

has been followed in the 1990s by the creation of another "artificial, but nonetheless extant"

Balkan nation, the Bosnians. This comment betrays the air of resignation that interviewees

seemed to exude with respect to Macedonia' s national identity. They agreed on the fact of its

present non-Bulgarian status quo, but insisted on including a footnote, ostensibly addressed to

foreigners, about how the Macedonian nation came to be. "The nation was Bulgarian but is no

more. The language was Bulgarian but is no more," summed it up Participant G.

Language. The issue of language was treated by respondents in a fashion similar to the

national identity. On one hand, they said that Macedonian language is originally a dialect of

Bulgarian, but on the other, they insisted that it had evolved further from its origins. As the quote

above from Participant G has it, now it is "another language."

Most of the same arguments that were in play with the national identity were present here,

too. The main difference, however, was that it seemed as if linguistic issues would be of least

concern to the interviewed Bulgarian media professionals if the three issues nation, language

and minority were rank-ordered. Many discussed it with a palpable sense of resignation. For

instance, Participant A said, "Until when should we care how Macedonians define their

language?" Another journalist, Participant Q, retorted "We have other things to worry about."

About a third of the participants mentioned the moniker "official language of the Republic

of Macedonia," thus indicating their disagreement with the claim of a separate Macedonian

language, but showing a degree of acceptance and even resignation to the fact that Bulgaria' s

smallest neighbor has been insisting on its linguistic sovereignty.

This resignation is perhaps a direct result of the so-called linguistic dispute between

Bulgaria and Macedonia in the 1990s (presented in detail in Chapters 1 and 3), which prevented










the timely signing of several important bilateral treaties. In fact, on interviewee (Participant B)

went as far as call the linguistic dispute "bizarre" and "stupid." Another (Participant P) said it

was "a mistake that could have been corrected early on by more secure governments in Sofia and

Skopje."

In other words, Bulgarian journalists in this sample did not seem to be very passionate

about establishing what they considered a historical truth: Bulgarian and Macedonian language

are the same. Instead, they viewed this argument as an anachronism, something from the Balkan

past.

Besides, about half of the participants mentioned that they actually need a translation for at

least parts of Macedonian interviews with politicians and other public figures. "It would be best

to have subtitles," said an editor-in-chief of a popular magazine, Participant F. "I don't get a lot

in [the Macedonian speech]," added a deputy editor-in-chief of a Sofia-based daily (Participant

P). "I have no problems with a common conversation, but I need a translator for the official

talks."

Journalists disagreed overall with the policy of Bulgarian National Television not to

provide translation from Macedonian, which was implemented in the late spring of 2001. As

mentioned above, participants in this research project's interview sessions did not seem to be

very concerned about "losing" the argument on Macedonian language.

"Macedonian language is artificially created, but it exists, and we can do nothing about

that," is how Participant J put it, summarizing the prevalent attitude.

Minority. This is where study participants became truly passionate. None of them agreed

with the idea that a Macedonian minority may be present in Bulgaria, and the majority were

dismissive of any such claims.









In fact, virtually everyone stated that accepting a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria would

be the worst cross-border argument to lose. Only one opinion presented a somewhat tentative

exception to this de facto consensus.

"I have no problem personally with the recognition of a Macedonian minority, but I think

this will be met with nationwide resistance," said Participant E, who generally professed

probably the most tolerant stance on the disputed issues with Macedonia. He added, referring to

what he perceived as the prevalent attitudes in Bulgaria: "They have a nation, they have a

language but they have those [in Macedonia]. To have them here is out of question."

No other interviewed journalist even acceded to the possibility of a Macedonian minority's

existence and they were quite adamant about that. Participant L, though, said that although it

seemed "scary" when a political party claiming to represent a Macedonian minority was

registered in Bulgaria,3 after the local elections of 1999 its extremely low support showed that

"[Bulgarians] have nothing to fear and no strong separatist movement exists on Bulgarian

territory."

Indeed, the low numbers of "Macedonians" from the most recent Bulgarian census (2000)

were cited several times either 4,000 or 5,000, depending on the source, were those who

declared themselves a minority during the population count. One participant (I) said, "This

number is below the sanitary minimum," making a conscious pun on a common term commonly

used to measure hygiene in public places.

The Macedonian minority issue, without a doubt, generated strongest rebuttals among the

interviewees. This finding dovetails with the survey results, which indicated strongly held

negative attitudes toward the possibility of a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria.


3 She referred to OMO Ilinden, which was registered in early 1990s and banned by the Constitution Court in 1999.










Chilling Effect of Public Opinion

Participant K said, "Bulgarian media are pandering4 to the public opinion," summarizing

the chilling effect that public opinion may exert on journalistic practices through advertising and

circulation pressures. Out of the 17 interviewed journalists, 10 said that public opinion influences

the media on Macedonia-related coverage. Their estimates ranged from "somewhat" to "media

are always pandering to the public opinion."

"We are a nation of skeptics... but at the same time Bulgarians have strong interest

toward news... They want to see their own opinion reflected in the newspaper," said Participant

E, continuing, "If [the Bulgarian] finds something else in the paper, he reads it, but does not

believe it."

This estimate of the audiences' expectations toward the media, whether correct or not',

was shared at least by several other interviewees who said that mainstream HOWSpapers in

Bulgaria are gravitating toward the "lowest common denominator" (Participant N) and reiterate

"the most widely spread public stereotypes" (Participant I).

It would be unreasonable to expect that, on the balance, journalists will go against the

grain of the public opinion, whether because of personal conviction, fear, caution, or merely

under the pressure from their publishers.







4 The actual word this participant used for the media's behavior ('nagazhdat' in Bulgarian), has no English
equivalent, but it is much stronger than to just say media are 'pandering' to the public opinion. It implies complete
acquiescence and active adaptation to the real or perceived public opinion pressures.

5 It was indirectly confirmed by Georgi Lozanov, a prominent media expert in Sofia, in a personal communication
on June 17, 2006, when he said, "Bulgarians like to have media that are reflecting their opinions... they like to have
a looking glass for a newspaper."

6 Defined as "tirazhni," or most circulated, newspapers.









Economic "Seduction" of Macedonia

Perhaps the most interesting and unexpected theme percolating through many of the

interviews was the theme of economic "seduction." Participants understood it as the possibility

(and even the need) for Bulgaria to become economically attractive to Macedonians, which in

turn will make them more amenable to remembering their "Bulgarian roots." Out of the 17

interviewees, 15 mentioned the "economic seduction" theme in one form or another.

"If Bulgaria were more attractive as an economic environment and place to live, many

people will come from [Macedonia], because Bulgaria is much closer to joining the European

Union' then [Macedonia]," said Participant D. Another commented that "the best solution to any

tensions between Bulgaria and Macedonia is economic" (Participant C).

Some other specific quotes along the "economic seduction" lines: Bulgaria "must

develop its economic potential and thus become a magnet to Macedonians" (Participant N);

"Bulgaria will exercise its pull as a growing economy" (Participant Q); "[Bulgaria] is the natural

place for Macedonians to come and do business" (Participant L); "Bulgaria must realize it is

ahead in the [economic development] of Serbia and even Croatia, and use this as a leverage with

Macedonia" (Participant K); "Macedonia can gain a lot by being [Bulgaria' s] business partner"

(Participant A). "We should conquer them economically," said of Macedonia Participant H,

emphatically repeating this sentence twice.

It is interesting to point out here that while in 2001 most of these quotes sounded as

wishful thinking, by the time of this writing (2007) Bulgaria as a EU member has indeed

become an attractive economic example for its non-EU neighbors to the west, particularly

Macedonia and Serbia.


SThe interview was recorded in 2001. Bulgaria joined the European Union on Jan. 1, 2007. Macedonia may follow
in five to 10 years, depending on different estimates.









Condescension and Paternalism

Participants overall rejected readily the idea that Bulgaria being the bigger and stronger

country of the two should behave toward Macedonia with any degree of arrogance or

condescension. Many, however, said in more or less oblique terms that Bulgaria must exercise a

degree of paternalism in its relationship with Macedonia.

A recurring theme in these interviews emphasized the fact that Bulgaria was the first

country to recognize Macedonia (see Chapter 1 and 3), and therefore Macedonia should be

thankful for that. "They must see us a larger, proven and very close friend," one journalist

(Participant B) said about the desirable behavior of Macedonia' s political elite toward Bulgaria.

Another participant (H) added a note of something that can be categorized as enlightened

benevolence: "We don't have the ambition to turn them into our satellite as Russia once had [the

ambition] toward us. We should not treat [Macedonia] from the position of a Great Power, but

with the nobility of a nation that knows its value, historical roots and knows its history well."

Yet another added that the solution to arguments between Bulgaria and Macedonia lies in

exercising "a pleasant hypocrisy" between the two countries (Participant G). That is, the

journalist suggested that Bulgarians and Macedonians stick to their respective versions of

history, but do not make too much of a problem out of their different interpretations.

The same participant qualified Bulgarian media' s tone toward Macedonia as "bon ton,"

meaning that publications and broadcast stations deliberately avoid stirring nationalistic attitudes

so "the always nervous and self-conscious Skopje governments are not jumping." This somewhat

condescending assessment of Macedonian politicians' sensibilities, however, was indirectly

contradicted by another participant, who held the opinion that Bulgarian media are, in fact,

fanning the flames of nationalism toward Macedonia at every opportunity because "the public

likes it."










Several participants used the term "smaller sister" when referring to Macedonia, which

seems to denote a degree of condescension, after all. The term "umbilical cord" was also used

on more than a few occasions, suggesting it is likely a paternalistic (or, rather, maternal) cliche

when referring to the connection of Macedonia to Bulgaria "by birth."

An editor-in-chief, Participant F, even said that Macedonia is "Bulgaria's wayward son,"

thus reverting to the use of paternalistic language and introducing some linguistic gender

confusion, because countries are referred to in the female gender in Bulgarian. The overall

impression was that the theme of "big and benevolent" Bulgaria and "small and vulnerable"

Macedonia has permeated the thinking of most journalists participating in these interviews.

Denial of Censorship or Bias Intentions

At least when asked directly, journalists unequivocally (with only one exception) said

they are not going to discriminate against sources or participants in news programs who espouse

views on Macedonia that are contrary to the popular ones, or to the views that journalists

themselves had.

A caveat, however, must be pointed to this self-proclaimed no-censorship policy. More

than a few journalists explicitly insisted that they mean debates between opposing sides on the

Bulgaria-Macedonia arguments. For instance, as Participant H said, "If I have Krassimir

Karakachanovs or Bozhidar DimitroV9 On one side of the table, I would have someone from

OMO0 Ilinden on the other side."

This policy was not so strict when it came to "straight news," which did not seem to be in

need of instant balance when presented to the public. As an example provided by a Participant G


SLeader of the Bulgarian IMRO.

9 At the time, scholar and director of the National Historical Museum, who was considered by many to be a
prominent nationalist.










went, "When I am covering clashes between OMO Hlinden and the police at the grave of Yane

Sandanski, I do not necessarily need representatives from OMO Hlinden for this segment." This

distinction between "straight news" understood as "anything happening or being said and

therefore uncritically reported" (Daynov, 1997, p. 18, italics added) and commentary-based

news programs was mentioned by several other participants.

In all cases, this researcher's impression was that Bulgarian journalists consider talk

shows to be the place to match opponents and leave the audience to decide who is right, while

news stories or broadcast clips must provide only "what is available on the spot," in the words of

Participant G.

It is quite important to note here that interviewed journalists who addressed this question

(#7 in Table 6-2), said that it was perfectly normal to use their own beliefs and convictions in

commentaries/analyses on Macedonian subjects (and, for that matter, on all subjects). In news

stories, personal opinion could be used as "a guide to know what questions to ask," as Participant

A put it.

Only a single journalist, Participant L, explicitly said, "It is most important to seek the

truth, whatever it is." No other participant used such direct prescriptive language when detailing

how media professionals should cover Macedonia and Macedonians, and whether personal

opinion may interfere with their work.

Opinions of Journalists vs. Other Bulgarians

One of the tasks of the in-depth interviews was to try to elicit the participants' assessment

of how their own opinions differ from those of other Bulgarians. Finding a pronounced

discrepancy in how journalists see themselves vs. Others would have contributed to the

explanation of the third-person perceptual differences as tested in Chapter 5.









During the interviews, only four journalists said in some form that their views were more

tolerant or "enlightened" than those of their compatriots. Only Participant E, as mentioned

above, said that he had no problem with a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria, but his compatriots

would not like the idea at all.

The same journalist also said (referring to whether Bulgaria was slated for

dismemberment along with Yugoslavia by the Western powers, which was a popular conspiracy

theory in the 1990s), "I don't believe it and my friends don't believe it, but my grocer Stancho

does." Another journalist (Participant N) added, "I am not excited about Macedonia, but I know

that for many Bulgarians this is a very emotional topic."

The final quote is from Participant D who stated that "most other Bulgarians" are "pub

patriots'o," meaning that they "sing Macedonian songs and say big things about taking

Macedonia back when they are drunk in the tavern or at home." Interestingly, another participant

(G) used independently the "pub patriot" moniker, but then added that he considered himself

in that category, too.

Overall, at least judging by what they said during the interviews, journalists viewed

themselves as being in synch with the sensibilities of the general populace, at least on the issues

related to Macedonia. This dovetails the hypotheses testing results, which found support for

significant third-person perception differential only in one out of the three comparisons of

journalists vs. Other Bulgarians.









'O "Krachmarski patriot" in Bulgarian the literal translation does not do full justice to this very colorful term.









CHAPTER 7
DISCUSSION, CONCLUSIONS, LIMITATIONS, AND FUTURE RESEARCH

Several research questions formulated in Chapter 1 provided the backbone of this project.

They were addressed by the design of the study and answered, more or less satisfactorily, by the

research findings. Below is a discussion of these findings in the light of the study's fulfilled

objectives, lessons and perspectives, along with suggestions for future lines of inquiry.

Hypotheses Testing Discussion

As a theoretical study, this project only partially met its expected goals. This does not

imply that it failed -when data did not provide support to certain hypotheses, this meant

something as much as when data confirmed the hypothesized relationships. Below is a brief

interpretation of hypotheses testing results.

Contribution to Third-Person Effect Research

This project broadened the scope of third-person effect research by establishing the

viability of the perceptual hypothesis in a previously untested context. Bulgarian journalists, as

outlined in Chapter 5 and below, indeed consider themselves to be less vulnerable to

Macedonian media influence than foreigners, and, to a lesser degree, than other Bulgarians. In

fact, the perceptual discrepancy between journalists' self-evaluations and their evaluation of

foreigners' susceptibility to persuasion through mass communication was very pronounced. This

provided fresh support to at least two previous findings from the literature: that third-person

perception is enhanced when the groups are more distant (geographically, socially, etc.); and that

the perceptual disparity is larger on issues that are considered more important, or there is a

partisan argument about them, which leads to higher levels of ego-involvement. In the case of

Macedonia, nationalism is the underlying force that makes the respondents sensitive to the topic

and enhances the third-person effect. Because of this, it will be interesting to study third-person










perceptual differences and also actions stemming from such differences in other nationalistic

contexts, particularly in Eastern Europe. The expectation is that a strong third-person perception

will be present, and then the challenge becomes to find its relevance to intended or actual

behaviors.

Another potentially important contribution was the finding that no perceptual difference

exists between journalists and other Bulgarians on national identity and Macedonian minority.

The minority issue turned out to be quite sensitive for the respondents, with data indication high

resistance to the idea that there might be any "Macedonians" on Bulgarian territory (all means

were very close to the extreme end of the scale). Journalists were at least perceptually in sync on

that issue with what they thought other Bulgarians believed, and no evidence of perceptual

difference was found. This finding may be explored further in the context of other issues on

which respondents see themselves as like-minded on the extreme end of the scale with the group

of "others," because the expectation is that in such a situation, respondents simply do not believe

any persuasion can occur neither for themselves, nor for the "others." It will be a case where the

third-person effect is not manifested, so future researchers must be alerted to control for the

strength of certain attitudes the more extreme the attitudes and the more similarity on that

variable between the groups, the less will be the likelihood of observing third-person perceptual

differences for persuasive media messages.

The lack of support for the hypothesis on national identity, on the other hand, may

contribute to the field in a different way. The specificity of an issue clearly attenuates the third-

person effect. If a group of respondents sees themselves as likely to be persuaded (journalists

rated themselves as tolerant toward the idea of a unique Macedonian nation), but at the same

time, they do not preclude that "others" may be affected by the same persuasive influence, no









third-person perception can be expected. In other words, when both groups are seen as equally

open to change caused by media messages, there is no reason to anticipate a perceptual

discrepancy both groups will be equally persuaded, and nobody is "immune." This will be true

even if the starting points of both groups are perceived to be very different, because third-person

effect is based on expectation of the occurrence of media influence, not on where each group is

perceived as standing.

Exploring such attenuating effects in the third-person perception are the strongest

theoretical contribution the present study makes to the field, because their understanding will

help researchers fine-tune the design of future studies. More specifics on the hypotheses testing

are provided below.

Third-person Perception Hypotheses

RQ4 in Chapter 1 inquired about the perceptual discrepancy (third-person perception) in

how journalists see the media influence on themselves as contrasted to a) other Bulgarians, b)

foreigners.

Journalists vs. other Bulgarians. Of the three third-person perception hypotheses that

paired journalists and Bulgarians on issues of national identity, language and Macedonian

minority, only one (language) was supported by the data at the p<.005 level (Table 5-15). The

two other hypotheses that looked for perceptual disparity on national identity and minority failed

to yield significant differences.

On the other hand, a post-hoc comparison of overall indices (combining nation, language

and minority aspects) of perceived influence of Macedonian media on journalists vs. Other

Bulgarians was statistically significant at the p<.05 level.

These somewhat mixed results may be a consequence of the fact that as other findings in

this study indicated, respondents seemed to be accepting personally the idea that Macedonian









and Bulgarian languages are already two different tongues. The surveyed and interviewed

journalists, on the other hand, were not very certain that other Bulgarians would be as tolerant.

Thus, they may be considering their attitudes as prone to change in other words, if "we" can

accept a Macedonian language, maybe others will be able to admit this as well.

Because the third-person perception questions asked how likely is an attitude change

under the influence of the Macedonian media, it is logical to expect that journalists will not

indicate very high likelihood of change, since their self-reported position about language is

already rather close to the Macedonian one (see Table 5-5 and discussion below). On the other

hand, Bulgarians were viewed as disagreeing with Macedonians on that issue, so if anything,

they were potentially open to a change.

In contrast, journalists were adamantly opposed to the idea of a Macedonian minority in

Bulgaria, and their estimate of other Bulgarians' attitudes was similarly extreme. Given the

strength of these self-reported attitudes (see Table 5-8 and discussion below), it is not surprising

that respondents thought that no amount of media influence from Macedonian sources would

change their own or their fellow Bulgarians' attitudes. This supposition has its roots in the data,

because mean estimates for the media influence were the lowest on the minority issue (1.9 and

2. 1, respectively for journalists and Bulgarians, see Table 5-16).

The issue of national identity, however, was closer to language than to minority (see

Table 5-1 and discussion below) as far as attitude strength scores. This and the fact that overall

estimates of media influence were the highest in this set (2.7 and 2.8, for journalists and other

Bulgarians, Table 5-15), made the lack of evidence to support the third-person perception

hypothesis more difficult to interpret.










In all likelihood, even though journalists saw most potential for change on that matter -

that is, accepting a separate Macedonian nation they did not consider themselves to be more

resistant to such an adjustment than other Bulgarians. In other words, journalists and Bulgarians

were seen as equally open to a change, and therefore equally susceptible to persuasive arguments

from Macedonian media, among other sources. Hence the lack of perceptual difference about

media effects.

Indirectly, this possibility was supported by some of the statements from the in-depth

interviews. Particularly, participants professed a conviction that even though Bulgarians "know"

that Macedonian nation is an artificial concept, it is nevertheless a fact nowadays, which is better

to accept. Such an ambiguity in the evaluation of Macedonian national identity led to an

ambiguity in its acceptance.

Journalists vs. foreigners. Data strongly supported the three hypotheses that juxtaposed

journalists and foreigners (operationalized as "foreign observers"). In all instances Macedonian

national identity, language and minority the differences in perceptions of media influence were

significant at the p<.001 level. The overall third-person effect indices comparison, of course, also

displayed a highly significant difference.

These unequivocal findings were not at all surprising. The third-person perception

literature reviewed in Chapter 2 suggested that the perceptual discrepancy is maximized when

several enhancing factors are present, among them high ego-involvement (to be expected with

nationalistic issues), and contrasting more distant groups. No question, juxtaposing groups of

locals vs. aliens is as discrepant geographically and socially as it can get within the boundaries of

the human race.










The presence of such a strong third-person perception, therefore, must be expected to

elicit some behavioral intents (or outright actions affecting newsroom routines) on part of the

journalists, because they have the gatekeeping power, at least for Bulgarian media. It would be

unreasonable to expect that journalists will resist the temptation to influence foreigners in a way

that paints a sympathetic image of Bulgaria. For instance, this could be accomplished by

indoctrinating naivee foreigners" that the country has been deprived of what is "historically

rightfully" hers, as an interview participant put it. Another said, "Why yield the initiative to

Macedonian media?"

As explained below, however, the hypothesized relationships between the strength of the

third-person perception and behavioral intent were not supported by the data. This does not

detract from the value of finding a strong third-person perception in a journalists-vs. -foreigners

comparison; it only makes it clear that additional research must be conducted to explore the

consequences of these perceptual differences.

Linking Third-Person Perception and Behavior

The third-person effect's perceived differential impact of the media on "self" and "others"

is a powerful motivation for censorship to protect vulnerable "others" from some "harmful"

influence (Perloff, 1993). This "protection," by definition, restricts the information at the will of

watchful censors and journalists may act as gatekeepers in this sense by "creating social

reality" (Shoemaker, 1991, p. 27).

This study tried (starting with RQ5, Chapter 1), but could not establish a definitive

connection between third-person perception and intended behavior, at least in this context. This

was a somewhat disappointing result, because searching for such relationship was the subject of

another set of research questions, posted in Chapter 1.









The specific research hypotheses posited that the overall magnitude of the third-person

perception (that is, the discrepancy between journalists' views of media effects on themselves vs.

Other Bulgarians) would be correlated with journalists' a) support for promoting the Bulgarian

official position on Macedonia, b) intent to bias the coverage through selective sourcing, c)

prevent free distribution of Macedonian media in Bulgaria. Also, a research question as inquiring

about the possible relationship between the magnitude of the third-person effect and willingness

to acquiesce to the prevailing public opinion at the expense of journalistic independence.

The logic of these hypotheses was that the more journalists felt particular about media

effects on others, the more they would try to do something about either limiting these effects or

biasing the coverage so the effects are "positive." That is, if journalists expected other Bulgarians

to be "harmed" by "incorrect" interpretation of Bulgarian-Macedonian issues, they would be

inclined to act according to the power they had as media professionals to shape the media

discourse.

In addition, although not hypothesized in advance, the magnitude of journalists'

perceptual discrepancy when evaluating themselves vs. foreigners was tested for correlations

with the expected behavioral intents listed above.

As Table 5-16 shows, however, none of the possible eight correlations achieved statistical

significance. This could have been due to a number of factors, which merit further analysis and

appropriate research design changes for future studies. Linking third-person perception and

behavior has indeed proved to be quite difficult before, as the literature review in Chapter 2

explained.

Because this study (and most others, for that matter) looked at self-reported intended

behavior as a dependent variable (or, more precisely, as a correlate), it is quite possible that










respondents answered normatively or wishfully ("politically correct"), and not in the way they

behave in reality. It would be quite more productive if actual behaviors were observed and

correlated with media-effects perceptual differences. How to incorporate such genuine behaviors

instead of self-reported behavioral intentions in a future study thus became a major challenge,

which should be solved next by this researcher.

It is also possible albeit unflattering to a researcher's ego that simply the wrong

dependent variables were theorized for this relationship. Since no other studies have been done

on this particular subject and the overall literature linking third-person perception and behavior is

less than conclusive, this study assumed the role of a pilot on a more or less blind mission.

Post-hoc Tests

Several post-hoc tests were carried out in order to explore potentially useful relationships

between attitudinal variables and behavioral intentions. Because of issues of multicollinearity,

only one multiple regression model was fitted successfully. It predicted journalists' intention to

abide by the prevalent public opinion from the strength of their personal attitudes on Macedonian

language and minority. Even this model, though, was not particularly useful it explained only

7.5% of the total variance in the dependent variable, which did not give the model nearly enough

predictive power.

A few univariate regression models were also fitted and shown to be statistically

significant, as explained in Chapter 5. Yet their predictive power was also very low 6.1% at

best so they were not considered satisfactory either.

The only viable results were obtained when comparing the means for journalists under 35

with those over 35, and of editors vs. reporters. Editors and older journalists were more likely to

"pander" to the public opinion than reporters and younger journalists. Also, media professionals

over 35 were more likely to include their personal opinion in the analytical stories (but not









editors). These findings may reflect the past of Bulgarian journalism (before 1989-1990), when

media were nothing more than a propaganda tool, and not the means of informing the populace.

It was also prudent during those times not to diverge from the official line and, of course, the

bulk of the society, at least seemingly, did not rebel openly against it. Editors may also be more

sensitive to the public opinion because of their more frequent contact with the publishers, who

ostensibly want Bulgarians to buy their product and would, therefore, eschew positions that are

not shared by the majority of the population. Journalists, usually, are further removed from such

concerns and do not feel as beholden to the popular moods.

Attitudinal Measurements Results Discussion

A set of research questions in Chapter 1 (RQ 1&2) asked about Bulgarian journalists'

attitudes on three aspects of Bulgarian-Macedonian historical arguments: national identity,

language and Macedonian minority in Bulgaria. Answering those required the creation and initial

validation of a set of Likert scales, which was accomplished by this study. The process of scale

building is described in much detail in Chapter 5 and will not be repeated here, although it

presents an important accomplishment of this study because the measurements can be used and

cross-validated in future research projects.

A brief recapitulation with interpretation of findings obtained using these attitudinal

measurements follows below. These results are also discussed in the light of the supplementary

information provided by the in-depth interviews in Chapter 6.

Attitudes on Macedonian National Identity

The main finding of interest concerning journalists' attitudes about Macedonian national

identity was that journalists tend to consider themselves as significantly more accepting of the

idea of a separate Macedonian nation than they view other Bulgarians. As detailed in Chapter 5

(also see Table 5-1), the mean overall score for journalists was 2.5, while their evaluation for










Bulgarians was 3.4, with higher values on the five-point scale meaning less acceptance ofa

Macedonian nation. The self-others difference was statistically significant, as were the

differences between these values and the midpoint of the scale.

Six of the seven items showed significantly lower results for journalists than other

Bulgarians. One question, though, exhibited very high levels of disagreement with the statement

that Macedonia and Bulgaria are inhabited by historically different nations. This was also the

only item on which no difference was found between journalists' self-evaluations and their

assessment of other Bulgarians' attitudes. Obviously, the different-nations statement was

considered to be truly objectionable.

It may have been wishful thinking (or acquiescence), but it indicates that Bulgarian media

professionals are much more at ease with the current geopolitical realities than they consider the

rest of the nation to be. This conclusion is supported by the limited, yet useful information,

obtained from the in-depth interviews.

The interviewees gravitated toward a view that while a Macedonian nation is "an artifact,"

and it is historically incorrect to consider it separate from its "Bulgarian origins," the reality of

such a separate nation today cannot be denied. Journalists were not very certain, though, that

other Bulgarians are so generous in their acceptance, although they made claims that "Bulgarians

are not passionate about Macedonia any more," and therefore no overt political or military action

to restore "historical truth" would be seen as acceptable.

At the same time, though, with a few exceptions, interviewees generally refused to claim

that they are more tolerant than their compatriots, which somewhat contradicts the survey

findings. A plausible explanation for this seeming discrepancy may be found in the acquiescence

expectation proposed in the limitations outlined in Chapter 6 that is, journalists were unduly










"modest" perhaps sensing that the interviewer may not approve of assertions of intellectual

superiority that put them above other Bulgarians.

Attitudes on Macedonian Language

Table 5-5 presented item scores and overall indices on the issue of a unique Macedonian

language. Similarly to the attitudes on national identity, journalists rated themselves lower than

other Bulgarians (means of 2.7 vs. 3.5). Again, on all items and composite scores, journalists'

means were significantly different from their Bulgarians' assessment. All scores were also

different from the midpoint value.

One interesting result came from the high levels of acceptance of the statement that only

Macedonians can name their language, on which both journalists and others' means were firmly

on the "agree" side of the scale. Perhaps similarly to the "offensive" statement about differing

origins of both nations, this was a strong enough stimulus to elicit high levels of "political

correctness," at least in a self-evaluative survey.

It would be truly interesting to investigate whether journalists truly follow what they

preach, that is, whether they support in their work practices Macedonia's right to linguistic self-

determination as stalwartly as they profess to.

Comparisons of the relative strength of attitudes on national identity and language

produced significantly lower estimates for journalists' own attitudes and no difference for other

Bulgarians' attitudes. This finding corresponds with the conclusion from the in-depth interview

set that language is considered the least troublesome area of disagreement between Bulgaria and

Macedonia.

As noted before, such a result is somewhat surprising, given the prominence that the so-

called language dispute between the two countries gained in the 1990s. It may also indicate,









however, that the fights that politicians pick for their agendas may not be as important to the

populace, or even to the country's resident political junkies, the journalists.

In practical terms these result most likely indicate that while respondents overall thought of

other Bulgarians as less accepting of a Macedonian language or nation than themselves, they did

not differentiate enough between these two issues to say which is in a sense more palatable.

Attitudes on Macedonian Minority in Bulgaria

The non-acceptance of a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria was definitely the hallmark

finding in the attitudinal research part of this study. While it is not surprising in theory, because

no nation-state looks favorably at the potential of a separatist movement on its territory, it was

somewhat puzzling in the context of Bulgaria. The country's only recent problem with restive

minorities was caused by the 1985 decision to change the names of Bulgarian-Turkish

population into Slavic ones, which lead to several waves of refugees in the 1980s, civil

disturbance in areas with mixed population and even domestic terrorist acts that left eight dead

(Kalinova & Baeva, 2000).

Perhaps the heightened sensitivity toward a potential Macedonian minority which, as

stated, has caused no recent trouble whatsoever was caused by the horrendous example of

Yugoslavia' s dissolution and by Macedonia' s own problems with its Albanian minority.

Bulgarians simply did not want trouble in their own home.

At any rate, data on attitudes (Table 5-8) indicated that regardless of whether Bulgarian

journalists think of themselves or their compatriots, the answer to most variations of the question

about the possibility of a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria is a resounding 'no way.'

Dissimilarly to attitudes on national identity and language, journalists did not evaluate

their overall stance as too divergent from that of other Bulgarians. The difference between the

overall composite means of4.2 and 4.3, respectively, barely achieved statistical significance.










Only two individual items had journalists' scores significantly lower than other Bulgarians,

while on five items there was no difference.

On their face value, these means were the highest of all three aspects of attitudinal

measurement nation, language, minority and test showed them to be indeed significantly

higher than composite scores on the other facets of disagreements between Bulgaria and

Macedonia.

Again, these findings, coupled with the fact that no significant differences were found

between what journalists thought of themselves and of other Bulgarians' attitudes toward

Macedonian minority, indicate that respondents were probably very determined in their non-

acceptance of a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria.

These results corroborate the findings from the in-depth interviews, which indicated that

the idea of a Macedonian minority is out of question for most Bulgarians, even though they may

be willing to accept a separate nation and language for their smaller neighbor.

Censorship and Bias

Indices to assess different types of self-censorship/censorship and bias were created and

tested for this study. As with the attitudinal measurements, this process is described in depth in

Chapter 5.

These indices were used to test the behavioral hypotheses, but they are also interesting on

their own as an estimate of journalists' intention to engage in behaviors that go against the

ethical code of this profession: support the official (government) position at all costs, pander to

the public opinion instead of seek the truth, and manipulate the source selection so only

favorable to Bulgaria views are presented in the stories/programs. In addition, the questionnaire

asked journalists about the practice of including their personal opinions in










analyses/commentaries concerning Macedonia, again, ostensibly, at the expense of using a

variety of sources and approaching the topic with an open mind.

Support for official position. Of all these measures, the index purportedly estimating the

degree of support for the official position proved to be somewhat ambiguous, because its mean

of 2.9 was not significantly different from the "cannot judge" middle choice on the five-point

scale (Table 5-11).

The researcher speculated that this was caused most likely by the lack of clarity of the term

"official position." At this time, therefore, it cannot be said whether Bulgarian journalists would

stick with their government's stance on Macedonia. It could be speculated given the relative

indifference toward the outcome of the argument whose language is it that just the opposite

may be true, and journalists would show their independence from the state when this is

warranted.

Yielding to the public opinion. No such ambiguity existed when respondents had to

evaluate their degree of acquiescence to the prevailing public opinion on Macedonia. The mean

of2.6 (Table 5-12) was significantly lower than the midpoint (that is, tending toward the "agree"

side of the scale). What is more important, it was also significantly lower than the mean on the

support for the official position.

This can be interpreted as a sign that while journalists may not be firm in their pro-

government allegiance, they are definitely paying attention and modifying their work as needed

- to what other Bulgarians think. This survey finding was corroborated by statements from the

in-depth interviews, where participants said that public opinion exerts strong influence on

Bulgarian media. Such a link must be explored in the future, because its potential to alter the

contents of mass media by excluding unpopular topics or positions is rather strong. In the United









States, for instance, the "fear" of going against the public opinion may have contributed to lapses

in the post 9/11 coverage (e.g., McChesney, 2002).

Impartiality in reporting. Answers to this set of questions indicated that Bulgarian

journalists at least normatively are willing to give a "fair shake" to all sides of a disputed issue.

The mean of 3.8 (Table 5-13) was highly tilted toward the "disagree" side, effectively

disapproving of statements that sources who do not adhere to the Bulgarian interpretation of

Macedonian nation, language and minority should not be used in related stories. As noted in

Chapter 5, journalists were quite clear that even those who would say that a Macedonian

minority exists in Bulgaria should be quoted and used as sources where appropriate.

This researcher, however, could not shake the feeling that respondents artificially inflated

their degree of adherence to these otherwise noble professional rules. This feeling was generated

by the statements from in-depth interviews that clarified the distinction between reporting news

and writing/producing an analysis or editorial. In the latter, journalists would invite all concerned

sides, creating something akin to CNN's infamous and now extinct show Crossfire. In reporting

from an event, though, rules changed somewhat, and journalists would sacrifice comprehensive

coverage for availability of sources. This is where we should expect the largest discrepancies in

ways Macedonian and Bulgarian sides are presented.

The only way to test how much of the declared impartiality in reporting, of course, is to

analyze the actual coverage and the use of various sources in it.

Expressing personal opinion (bias). Mainstream communication theories, such as

gatekeeping (Shoemaker, 1991), or framing (i.e., Gitlin, 1980; Gamson, 1989; Entman, 1993;

Edelman, 1993), have long recognized the power of journalists to shape the media discourse.










This influence is generally acknowledged by academic researchers and practitioners alike (i.e.,

Tuchman, 1978).

These theories of journalists' influence have been developed and tested mostly in the

United States, where the separation between news and opinion (and therefore the distinction

between staffers who are responsible for the news and editorial/op-ed pages) is considered the

sacred cow of U.S. journalism (e.g., Mencher, 2006; Fedler et al., 2005). Such a separation, by

definition, makes the seeping of personal biases into news selection and presentation if not

impossible, but at least more difficult and convoluted. It is certain that no news reporter in an

American newspaper will be invited to contribute an op-ed piece, even though in broadcast these

lines have been blurred with the advance of celebrity anchors (Fedler et al., 2005).

For instance, a reporter who has covered the visit of the Macedonian president, or clashes

between the police and banned political organization OMO0 llinden -Pirin, which purports to

represent a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria, may very well be asked to write an editorial or op-

ed pieces on the topic.

That is why a measure was added that gauged how much journalists are inclined to rely on

their own opinions when preparing analyses or commentaries about Macedonia (and in general).

Overall, respondents produced a "somewhat agree" mean of 2.3 (Table 5-14), which can be

interpreted as unwillingness to keep an open mind before preparing an analysis. This is not an

encouraging finding, because if journalists admit to not approaching their analyses without

preconceived notions, this implies they will be prejudging the outcomes and selecting -

consciously or not sources based on criteria other than pure competence.


SThis observation is supported by this researcher's own experience as a full-time journalist in Bulgaria in 1990-
1997. For instance, days after he began working the government beat in 1992 for the largest daily at the time, 24
Hours, the author was asked to write opinion pieces on the topic, both signed op-eds and unsigned editorials. This
practice has been routine and continues today.









In fact, respondents admitted as much, because the last question on this index (Table 5-14)

directly asked whether they are choosing facts and quotes that support their own position, and the

mean of 2.4 was steadily on the "agree" side. This directly contradicts the 'fairness doctrine' that

Bulgarian journalists claimed to practice. It may be an indication that elite Bulgarian journalists

do not approach their analytical materials with an open mind, but rather try to tailor their

arguments to a preconceived position. Whether this is the case, can only be answered through

future research with specific questions.

As noted in Chapter 6, only a single media professional stated outright that journalists' task

is to seek the truth. This is a troubling omission on part of the rest.

Free distribution of Macedonian media. Bulgarian journalists clearly saw Macedonian

media as a 'harmful' influence, because they were strongly opposed to the idea of their free

distribution. At 4.1, the mean was significantly above the midpoint, and suggested that

respondents held strongly the belief that Macedonian publications should be restricted. Again,

this is not an encouraging admission from professional journalists, who should be firmly in the

free speech camp.

At the same time, though, it is not inconceivable to think that elite journalists are also

fearful about the influence Macedonian media may have on the market and not on the minds of

Bulgarians. The neighboring country, which is not a EU member and therefore pays lower wages

to its workers, may threaten Bulgarian publishers and by extension, journalists through sheer

competition.

These results made it clear that ideals of free media that helped spur the growth of post-

communist Bulgarian media (Daynov, 1997; Ognianova, 1997) meet their limitations when it









comes to deeply held nationalistic principles. This is not a unique discovery for Bulgaria, but

because of the special "transitional" situation of this country, it is nevertheless troubling.

Journalism and Democracy

Open discourse on all issues is of essential interest to a free society. In Robert Dahl's

(1998) succinct definition: "Free expression means not just that you have a right to be heard. It

also means that you have a right to hear what others have to say (p. 97). The author of this

study fully concurs with such a viewpoint, which further justifies this research project as an

element of the larger investigation into the pathways of Bulgaria's democratic development.

Furthermore, Liana Giorgi (1995), in a benchmark comparison of post-Socialist media in

Hungary, Poland and the Czech Republic, contended that the study of media people' s

professional ideologies is directly related to the study of how democracy evolved in these

countries.

The literature on democratic consolidation (Diamond, 1996; Linz & Stepan, 1996;

O'Donnell, 1996) suggests that this process is enhanced and supported through the creation and

improvement of secondary institutions of democracy, among which are free media. In other

words, it is not sufficient to have proper electoral procedures and constitution that guarantees

various freedoms. The actual behavior of the actors in the system is of much more importance

(O'Donnell, 1996), because it highlights the informal rules that the society follows and when

informal rules follow the formal ones (such as rule of law, freedom of speech, and so on), we can

talk about a consolidated democracy.

In this respect, the ability of Bulgarian journalists to preserve the openness of the discourse

on such a nationally sensitive issue as Macedonia acquires another degree of significance. The

findings from this study simultaneously affirmed the hope for maintaining an open discussion on

Bulgarian-Macedonian issues in Bulgaria and became a cause of concern.









Limitations and Suggestions for Future Research

Limitations of the Survey

As a first-of-a-kind study, this project had to contend with numerous obstacles. The most

important were the lack of a validated instrument and representative sample. The former was

somewhat overcome through the process of scale construction. Yet future studies must retest the

newly constructed scales to validate them in different contexts. As for the latter, the specific

sample drawn for this project may have affected the results in some yet unknown way.

Because of logistical constraints, the development of attitudinal items was done with a

very limited amount of pre-testing, so the question wording had to be tweaked and changed until

survey administration time. Even though scale items were analyzed after the data were collected

and scales constructed following a procedure explained in Chapter 5, it is not entirely clear

whether those were actually the best attitudinal statements to write concerning Macedonian

issues. All told, this researcher is reasonably satisfied with the quality of attitudinal scales, and

would use them again in future work.

On the other hand, questions about censorship/self-censorship intentions were not pre-

tested, again, for logistical reasons. They were written ad hoc, based on personal experience and

input from several professional journalists in Bulgaria. The lack of support for the behavioral

hypotheses may be due then to problems with the instrument used to capture behavioral

intentions. It is of utmost importance, at the very least, to rewrite these questions and conduct

extensive pre-tests before administering them. Of course, as explained below in the suggestions

for future research, it is optimal if actual behaviors can be studied, because intentions may be, in

essence, faked or modified by respondents quite easily.

Another limitation of this study were the hypothetical situations and questions targeting the

third-person perception. Again, the best research results can be obtained if the situation is as









made as realistic as possible, which is difficult, but not impossible to accomplish with some

planning and luck. Perhaps more control variables about the demographic profile of the

presumed groups of foreigners and "other" Bulgarians can be added as well, in order to

understand what the respondents actually see in their minds when talking about these groups.

The five-point scale with a midpoint (3) labeled "cannot judge" created methodological

doubts, which were somewhat alleviated through additional tests in this particular study, but

should have been avoided altogether. It would be much better to give respondents a true "don't

know" choice and a true "neutral" choice on the scale, so there are no concerns as to what is their

interpretation of the midpoint. This was not done in the present study, but should be taken care of

in the future.

The sample selection procedure must be improved, so it does not depend on a panel's

judgment. A truly representative sample of journalists in Bulgaria will not be possible to obtain,

and the concept of having "elite" journalists the decision makers of the media is a worthy

one, in this researcher' s view. All the same, instead of having a panel's arbitrary opinions about

each journalist' s importance, it may be better to run a separate survey or add questions to the

study asking respondents to rank-order their colleagues in each specific news organization.

This should lead to a clearer picture of individual decision-making power among journalists in

various media, and create a list of the said "elite" professionals who are seen as such by their

peers. This researcher would avoid quantifying this process too much, for instance by rank-

ordering news organizations and assigning weights to each journalist according to his/her in-

house influence (as judged by peers) and the media he or she works in.

Finally, this survey questionnaires (and the in-depth interviews) were completed in 2001,

almost six years earlier. This researcher does not expect any significant changes to have occurred










in Bulgarians' attitudes toward Macedonian during this time span. What has changed, though, is

the significant improvement ofBulgaria's economic and political position as the newest member

of the European Union, and Macedonia's escape from the brink of the civil war it was on in

2001. These developments may have some yet unknown influence, especially on findings such

as the desire of Bulgarians to "seduce" Macedonia economically. The study must be redone as

soon as possible in the new context to gain certainty about the influence of the elapsed time on

attitudes and intended behaviors.

Limitations of the Interviews

Qualitative interviewing, especially when results are interpreted by a single person,

involves higher levels of subjective judgment than other methods. That is why this researcher

had another scholar look at the transcripts as a measure to diminish the potential biases in

interpreting the interview data.

Of course, the interviewer himself was also a participant observer (Lindlof, 1995), so the

interviewer added his personal impressions in the interpretation of the data. For instance, he

considered the way statements were made (non-verbal cues such as intonation, hand gestures,

etc.) to be an important element in the interpretation, which would be lost to someone who was

just reading the transcript. Therefore, following the advice of Kvale (1996) that "interviews are

living conversations" (p. 182), not mere transcripts, the researcher took notes when possible on

the non-verbal behavior and used those during the analysis to enhance the interpretation.

In addition, the "participant" part in the participant-observer designation, however, may

have created unknown level of distortions. Since all interviewees knew the researcher personally,

it will not be out of question to expect some acquiescence-induced artifacts during the

conversations. Future studies must use different interviewers to help minimize such potential

distortions.


200










Too, time of the interviewees was limited, because all of them occupied senior media

positions and could only be available for relatively short periods (most interviews lasted only

about 20-25 minutes). Considering the tendency to spend at least half of the time on small talk

(this is a cultural must in Bulgaria), many questions were left with less follow-up than the

researcher would have wanted.

An acknowledged design flaw of the interview question guide was the lack of a question

asking journalists to compare their attitudes on Macedonia and level of knowledge with those of

foreigners. Only one participant volunteered a statement that foreigners must learn that

"Macedonia has been historically rightfully a part of Bulgaria...and that Bulgaria has been

stripped of this land and population by the Great Powers." This is a regrettable omission,

considering the fact that three out of three third-person perception hypotheses were supported by

the data when journalists pitted themselves against aliens. This flaw must be duly corrected in

future studies.

Finally, the interview subjects, with three exceptions, were also respondents in the survey.

It is unclear how this prior participation has affected their responses. They were also interviewed

before the survey results were assessed for logistical reasons, again so their questioning

perhaps was not as effective as it could have been. In fact, it seems that the utility of these in-

depth interviews would have been enhanced significantly if they were conducted after the review

of quantitative findings, not concurrently with the survey process.

All these limitations, in this researcher's view, detracted somewhat from the value of the

qualitative data collected and analyzed in the course of this project. Yet since it was a pilot study,

the lessons learned during its execution will be most useful in the design of follow-up studies.









Research Ideas for the Future

This study developed measurements for attitudes among Bulgarians toward Macedonian

national identity, language and minority. These attitudinal scale are ready for use in other similar

studies, and present a significant accomplishment of this project. Their cross-validation will be

important, but equally important is the fact that using an already developed instrument will save

time and effort in future studies.

The largest source of dissatisfaction for the researcher became the unsuccessful attempt at

linking behavior and third-person perception. This is definitely an area where most theoretical

progress can be made, so it is the logical target of future research. And such research is a must,

because since the data was collected in 2001, the issue of Macedonia has remained active for

Bulgarian media, periodically rising to the top of their agenda.

For instance, a news story dated Aug. 20, 2004, said that some rather obscure political

leaders in Macedonia had demanded rights for a Macedonian minority in Pirin region sparked a

firestorm in the Bulgarian media. Several hundred postings over a couple of hours were made to

one of Bulgaria's most popular online discussion forums in the web edition of the daily Sega

(Sega, 2004a, 2004b). Highest-circulation dailies 24 Chaissa and Trud published editorials and

op-ed pieces condemning "the new Macedonian provocation" (24 Chassa, 2004; Trud, 2004).

Similar reaction followed a quote uttered by Macedonia's president Branko Crvenkovski

on the eve of his official visit to Bulgaria in the summer of 2004. Crvenkovski, as quoted by

M~ediapool. bg a popular and respected news site said on Aug. 29, 2004 that the two countries

still had open questions "regarding national identity, the situation with national minorities, their

status and rights" (Mediapool.bg, 2004a). Even though 2ediapool. bg has a highly moderated

forum, the reaction of its audience was overwhelmingly negative, with condescension quite

apparent in a majority of comments (including obscenities).


202










Another exchange flared up in December 2004, when Bulgaria' s ambassador to Skopje

claimed that Bulgarian army had liberated Macedonia during WWII2. Macedonian media reacted

angrily that Bulgaria was an Axis ally at the time and "received Macedonia as a prize for

allegiance to Nazi Germany" (Utrinski Vestnik, 2004, p. 1). Another popular online forum,

News. bg was swamped with indignant messages (News.bg, 2004).

Since Bulgaria joined the European Union in 2007 and its economy is operating on full

steam, it will be interesting to follow how the "economic seduction" discovered in Chapter 6 is

actually working. Of course, it must be investigated in the context of mass media processes and

interactions for instance, are Bulgarian media bombarding Macedonians with messages of a

prosperous country instead of arguing endlessly about historical events, as was the case with

Macedonia heretofore.

This refusal of a seemingly "historical" issue to die peacefully underscores the need for

researchers to keep prodding its implications for Bulgaria' s media and democracy as a whole. As

noted above, of particular interest would be to observe actual censorship and self-censorship

behaviors among journalists, and also conduct a large-scale content analysis of Bulgarian media

on Macedonian topics. Only then can conclusions be drawn that are less tentative than in the

present study.

Several possibilities exist to observe actual behaviors. The best method to establish

causality would be to follow every journalists' production related to Macedonia that is published

or broadcast. Unfortunately, this would be very difficult to accomplish on a large scale because

of logistical reasons; not in the last place, those include the current lack of a comprehensive

database of news stories from Bulgarian media. A viable solution in this respect is to abandon


2 Bulgaria occupied Macedonia in 1940, relieving its then ally, Germany, of the need to maintain garrisons in that
area.


203










quantitative methods in favor of qualitative (interviews, participant observation) with a limited

number of elite reporters who publish materials on Macedonia. These materials can be then

content-analyzed and conclusions drawn about the correspondence between attitudes/beliefs,

intentions and behaviors. The generalizability of such findings, however, may be very limited.

Another options is to conduct a field experiment, which requires journalist to produce or

evaluate different news stories on Macedonia-related issues in their natural work environment

(news room), combined with a pre-test attitudinal survey. This approach will allow for the use of

larger sample and quantitative methods, but will require substantial preparation and funding.

The current survey format remains the least labor-intensive option, with the condition that

the questions/variables measuring behavioral intentions are developed further. Those will require

more intensive pre-testing and validation. It is this researcher's suspicion that presently-used

measures of intended behaviors are missing the target.

The best way to develop variables measuring realistic behavioral intentions would be to

ask journalists what would they do if they want to prevent certain materials from reaching the

public. In-depth interviews seem the best option for such measurement development, not the

least because unlike a survey, it will make possible the exclusion of interview participants from

subsequent questioning to avoid sensitizing them to the outcomes.

At any rate, future research should use the attitudinal scale created in this study in order to

validate them concurrently, and improve on the behavioral intent measures, because it is

unfathomable not to expect some correlation between attitudes and behaviors.

On a final note, an interesting observation was made by one of the in-depth interview

participants, who quoted a famous Bulgarian literary critic, Toncho Zhechev, as postulating,

"Whatever you say about Macedonia, you will be wrong." In a sense this quote represents the


204










essence of Bulgarians' attitude toward Macedonia they cannot forget about it, but cannot have

it either. What does this mean for media practices, freedoms and influences in Bulgaria remains

to be scrutinized further.

Note on Study Scope and Issue Specifies

Even though this study is rooted in a historical problem, its raison d'8tre is researching

aspects of the present. It examines perceptual phenomena within a particular social-professional

group, which is deemed important in contemporary Bulgaria. The project's objective is to study

elite journalists' opinion and it should not be construed as aspiring to do anything more than its

stated scope allows.

It is important to make the qualification that this project is not an attempt to adjudicate

among the competing claims about the origins of Macedonia's nation and language, the

country' s turbulent history, or its current policies. This study is not meant to assess the roles

different nation-states have played in the Balkan affairs of the past two centuries. Nor is it

advocating for any solution to the Macedonian Question, insofar as it is still influencing or may

influence Balkan politics. Such complex analyses are better left to historians and political

scientists, while any related practical steps are the province of democratically elected

governments.

One more disclaimer: The researcher personally shares many of the beliefs common to

Bulgarians with respect to Macedonia's history, language and ethnic origin. Even so, he has

made every effort to divest himself from any expression of approval or disapproval of particular

interpretation of historic or current events. Throughout this research project in reviewing

literature, data collection, data analysis and presentation the researcher has attempted to

maintain a position of deliberate detachment in order to avoid introducing his own biases into an

already contentious issue.


205









The researcher, however, realizes that despite his best efforts some unconscious biases may

have crept into this scholarly endeavor". That is why the following text chapters, tables,

illustrations, references and appendices present as much information as possible to make it easier

for a reviewer to validate independently this study' s assumptions, methods and findings. Again,

while history was used as the premise for this project, its goal is to contribute to the social

sciences, not to historical research.

Finally, to complete this study the researcher has made a full use of his past experience and

personal connections as a professional journalist in Bulgaria in the 1990s. While this may have

introduced yet more biases the readers of this work are the best judges of that it has also

opened possibilities for accomplishing more at a lower cost, particularly when it concerned

gaining access to media organizations and prominent journalists, use of proprietary databases for

literature searches, and achieving a desirable response rate for the survey.

























3 A study of such unconscious biases in research may be a fascinating subject in itself.


206










APPENDIX
QUESTIONNAIRE IN BULGARIAN



The first four parts (YacT 1-4) of the questionnaire in Bulgarian as they were

administered are presented below. The appendix intends to provide a visual idea of the layout

and wording of the Bulgarian questionnaire. These parts contain all items on Macedonian nation,

language, minority, along with third-person effect questions. Parts 5 and 6 containing

demographic, media use and political affiliation questions, including open-ended ones. They are

not presented here for the sake of brevity. All relevant questions from Parts 1-6 are translated

into English in the main text.




YacT 1






H13HOn3BRAKHI ARACHRTa 5-creHOHHR cKRaR, MOnrH Aa orpaAHTe cTHOHTa CHl HR chfrnCHle c
BCHKIO OT CneAHHTe TshppeHH.. HHIMa BIIpHH HI rpelHHHl OTTOBopH, BREIHO e CRMO BRHICeTO
nH9HO MHeHHe


1.1.1. A~nrapaI TpcIs6B Aa 3aHR3H 6e3BH130B pexaLM c MaKeAOHHHt sB~npeKHI H3nH3aHOTO CH OT
ILeeHeeHCKHEI CHHCLK, 38 Aa HOAbpampa "cnellmanHHI OTHOHIIICHH C A'bpwaBa, uponsxOA'bT Ha
smeTO HaCOBOeHHe e AOKa3aHO 6tarapcKHI

1 2 3 4 5

A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


1.1.2. A~nrapcKaTa HOnHHTHKa K'M MaKeAOHHHt TpII6Ba Aa e HOpsHeHHH Ha pas6mpaHOTO OpALHH
HapoA ABC A'bpwKaBH
1 2 3 4 5

A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


207














1.1.3R. EubrapanI TpcI6BS Aa HOMOrH Ha MaKepOHHH Aa Ce aCOrlHmpa no-6tbpso c

EsponeiicKHHc CbIO3 6e3 Aa nocTcsBR HHKaKBHI ycnOBHER B 3aMtIHa Ha HOAKpenaTa cm

1 2 3 4 5

.. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ..
A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


1.1.4R. EubrapanI TpIs6B Aa sBLBepe BH130B pexaLM c MaKeAOHHRt, aKO EC HaCTOIIBa


1 2 3 4 5

.. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ..
A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


1.1.5. A~nrapaI TpcIs6B Aa AeiiCTB8 38 Cb3AaBRHe Ha geneparlmc c MaKepOHHHc HORO6Ha Ha
6HBruITa I~rocnaBHEI


~-----------------------~---------------


1.1.8R. Eurapan Tprrs6B na CO BL3napwa OT BCrrKaKBHI upORBHl Ha HOKpOBHITecCTBHO
OTHOIIICHll K'bM MaKeAOHHHt


1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


He Mora
Aa upeneHH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH ChfHRCOH


Ho-CKopo
HechfHRCeH


A~coHIOTHO
HechfHRCeH


1.1.6. K~aKBOTO HI Aa npaBH EubrapaI, BRacTHITO B CKOHme BLHHRTH Irl 6'byaT Bpamp~e6HO

HaCTpoeHHI K'bM HaC


*.......................*.........................*.........................*.........................*


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


1.1.7R. MaKepOHHHc e He38BHCHMa A'bpwaaB H TpIs6B Aa 6'bAe upH13HaBRHa H yBRRBRHRa sBLB
BCIIKO OTHOIIICH~e KaTO TaKaBa


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


208

























1.1.10. A~nrapanI TpcI6BS Aa CO OHTa Aa cH B'bpHe MaKeAOHHHt C'bC CHER~


1 2 3 4 5

.. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ..
A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


1.1.11. A~nrapanI TpcI6BS Aa CO OHTa Aa cH B'bpHe MaKeAOHHHt HO AHHRJOMaTLmecKHI HET


~-----------------------~---------------


1.1.12R. A~nrapmcn more Aa Tbpcm "o6eLHeHOHle" ca MaKepOHHHc CaMO B paMKHITO Ha

epLHHHIs EBpoc'bms

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


1.1.13R. MaKepOHHHc He TpI6BS Aa CO HOJI3BR C HHIKaKBO npeAnuMcTBO B HIKOHOMHROeCKHI,
nonummlecKHI H KynTypeH HERH, 38HlOTO HOnHTHIKaTa Ha EubrapHEI K'M C'bCeAHTO ieC Ha

npLHHqHHR Ha "paBHa npm6numeKHOCT"


1.1.14. UpH3HaBRHe Ha He38BHCHMaTa MaKepOHCKa AbpwKa~a npes 1992 rOAHHa GereC

npm6bpsaHO H HeoOMHCnHoH

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


1.1.9R. B ceramHHHR KOH DHKT CO OTHHlrOCKHITO R~aHQHr, EurapHEI He TpcI6Ba Aa npeAnara
KaKsaTO H Aa e HOMOH(l Ha MaKepOHHRc, aKO He e H13pHHHO HOMOneHS 38 TOBS


e.......................*.........................*.........................*.........................*


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


*.......................*.........................*.........................*.........................*


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


209











1.1.15. A~nrapaI TpcIs6B Aa HaCTOcRs a Peny~nHKa MaKepOHHHc Aa ii CO OTnnaTHI HO HtKaK'bB
HasHH 3apayn upH3HaBRHOTO ii npes 1992 rOpnHH

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


1.1.16R. UpH3HaBRHOTO Ha Peny~nHKa MaKepOHllc hopes 1992 rOALHHS Ge0e 6e3CHOpeH ycnex
sa 6tanrapcKaTa AnHHROManmcs

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


1.1.17R. UpHl3HaBRHOTO Ha Peny~nHKa MaKepOHllc hopes 1992 6emue pasyneH XOA OT C~rpaHR
Ha QibnrapcKOTo npaBHTecCTBO

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


1.1.18R. HonllavlecKOTo upH3HaBRHOTO Ha Penry~nHKa MaKepOHllc hopes 1992 r TpIs6B8eC Aa
6'bAe c'npoBOpeHO c npH3HaBaHOTO Ha MaKepOHCKHHt e3HK HI HapHEt

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


1.1.19. A~nrapcKaTa HOnHTHlrOCKa KnaCa H OHO3HQHR H ynpaBnsrBrUAH He TpcIs6B Aa
noAbppapaT KOHTaKTHn c napTHHn B MaKepOHHRI KOHTO He upHIHapHONRT K'bM KOannes11~I a Ha
ynpaBEM~san(HTO OT BMPO, santoloo Te ca npOBOAHHlqH Ha npocpsb6cKa H aHTHO6nrapcKa
HOnHTHIKa.

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


1.1.20. JIhonso reoprneBCKH e upo6bnrapcKHn HOnHTHK, TIICHO CB'bpsaH HI AOpH KOHTp~onupaH
OT ynpaBREBsarUHTO B EubrapanI

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


210

























1.1.22R. HesaBHCHMO KaK e upwao6Hna TepulopmcITa cm, ceraHrua~a Peny~nHKa MaKepOHHHc

TpcIs6B Aa 6'bpe yBRERBRHRa KaTO HeocnopmM cy6eKT Ha Mem~yHapoAHHITO OTHOLUCHHH


1.1.23. AKO CO HREOXHL, EubrapanI TpcIs6B Aa e rOTOBS Aa BRO3e B'B BOjiHa Ha CTpaHaTa Ha

MaKepOHHRc, 38 Aa cI 38H(HTHI OT anI~aHCKHITe cenepaTlacTLI


1.1.24R. OTHOLeCHHHtTa Ha EubrapmcI c MaKepOHHHc He ce pasnmavaaT HO HHU(IO OT
OTHOLeCHHHtTa Ha EubrapmcI c KOIITO HI Aa e Apyra A'pKapaB


1 2 3 4 5

.. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ..
A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


1.1.25R. EubrapHEI B HHIKaKbB cnIywaji He TpII6Ba Aa CO HaMeCBS B'bB B'bTpeUHHITe pa60THI Ha

Peny~nHKa MaKepOHHHc C BOCHHa CHER


~-----------------------~---------------


~-----------------------~---------------


1.1.21. A~nrapcKaTa HOMOH(l 3a MaKepOHHHc TpcI6Ba Aa npecnepBR 38 4CH CLb3AaBRHOTO Ha
3aBHICHMO HOJIONeH~le


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLEHRCOH HeCETHRCOH


He Mora
Aa upeneHH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH ChfHRCOH


Ho-CKopo
HechfHRCeH


A~coHIOTHO
HechfHRCeH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLEHRCOH HeCETHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


1.1.26R. MaKepOHHHc e He38BHCHMa H cy~epeHHR A'bpwKaB, H QibnrapcKHITe ynpaBnsrBrUAH He

TpcI6BS Aa HOKa3BRT KaKBOTO HI Aa 6mno oneymnaHO OTHOreCHle K'bM HORI


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH
























1.1.28. MaKepOHHHc e Haii-pouaHTHMHaTa sacTr OT 6tarapcKaTa HCTrOpus


1 2 3 4 5

.. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ..
A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


1.1.29R. H~ecITa sa BpsinraHe Ha MaKepOHCKHITO 3eMHI H HaCOBOeH~ e Ha Eubrapmc n more Aa
6'bAe nnoA caMO Ha OnaceH HOnynH3LbM H HaqmHOHJIH3L~M, a He OCHOBS 3a peanHS HOnHTHIKa B

AHCIIIHO BpeMe


1.1.27. A~nrapmcI e MaiiKa 38 MaKepOHrl HTe, 38TOBS TpcIs6B Aa rH HOKpOBHTecCTB8 H 38KpunsI


He Mora
Aa upeneHH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH ChfHRCOH


Ho-CKopo
HechfHRCeH


A~coHIOTHO
HechfHRCeH


e.......................*.........................*.........................*.........................*


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


1.1.30R. EubrapHEI He TpcIs6B Aa CO HaMeCBS B'bB B'bTpelllHHTe pa60THI Ha Peny~nHKa
MaKepOHHHc AOpI II noA gopMala Ha HOnHTHlrOCKa HOnKpena sa onpepeneHHI MaKeAOHCKHI

naprmm


e.......................*.........................*.........................*.........................*


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


1.1.31. A~nrapaI TpcI6BS Aa HOKpOBHTecCTs a MaKepOHHHc KaTO HO-CHRHRTS A'bpwKaB


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLEHRCOH HeCETHRCOH


212










































. . . . . . . . . . . .


.........


1.2.5. MaKeAOHCKHtT e3H1K e CLb3AapeH H3KycTBOHO, 3a Aa ce OTK'bCHe HaCOBOeHHOTO Ha
MaKepOHHHc OT BJIIHMHHOTO Ha Eubrapan..

1 2 3 4 5
.. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ..
A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


13HOn3BRAiKHI ARACHRTa 5-creHOHHR cKRaR, MOnrH Aa orpaAHTe cTHOHTa CHl HR chfrnCHle c
BCHKIO OT CneAHHTe TshppeHH.. HHIMa BIIpHH HI rpelHHHl OTTOBopH, BRSKCHO e CRMO BRHICeTO
nH9HO MHeHHe




1.2.1. MaKeAOHCKHHtT e3H1K e H3KycTBOHO CLb3AapeH OT npocp'GcKHI COMOHTHI Ha 6a3aTa Ha
camrrecTr~yBarUI QbnrapcKHI ApHRHKT


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLEHRCOH HeCETHRCOH


1.2.2R. MaKepOHrlHTO HMaT BCHMYKH OCHOBRHHHR Aa CO OnpenencIT KaTO OTpenHa HaqHEI OT
6tanrapore


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


1.2.3R. MaKepOH41HTO HMaT npaBO Aa onpepencIT e3HKa H HapHEITa CH KaTO MaKeAOHCKHI, a He
6tanrapcKHI


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLEHRCOH HeCETHRCOH


1.2.4. Peny~nHKa MaKepOHHHc CHCTOMaTHMHO CH nplcBOcRBa SaKTHI H ChGIHTHE OT 6tanrapcKaTa
HC~ropus


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLEHRCOH HeCETHRCOH


213


























1.2.7. HHIKOra He e HManO H He MOxKe Aa mua MaKepOHCKa HapOAHOCT HRHIL HapHEt
1 2 3 4 5

.. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ..
A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


1.2.8.R EubrapcKHITO HOnHTHQH, KOHTo ce upoTHIBRT Ha npH3Ha BRHOTO Ha MaKepOHCKaTa

HapHEt HI e3HK CA HIOBLHHHCTHI HI OnynuLcTHI


~-----------------------~---------------


1.2. 10R. MaKepOHCKaTa HaRQHE AHec e ycTaHOBOHa OTpenHa HapHEI


1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


1.2. 11R. EubrapcKHHc T HapoA paHO HRH K'bCHO LIe ce upLIunpLI, Ye MaKeAOHCKaTa HapHEt HI
e3HK CA HOUIOo pasnmHHO OT YLHCTo 6'JTaapcKHI


1.2.6R. MaKeAOHCKHHtT e3H1K e HHCMOHS H rOBOpHR HOpwa, KOITO AHOC e AapeH SaKT H He
MorKe Aa ce oTpmra KaTO TaK'bB


e.......................*.........................*.........................*.........................*


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


1.2.9R. EubrapmTe ca 6mnm sa6nymp~aaBHHI C TOALHHH38 HaJIHHHOlTO Ha MaCOBO 6tanrapcKO
canocLb3HaHll B MaKeAOHHHt


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLEHRCOH HeCETHRCOH


e.......................*.........................*.........................*.........................*


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


214


























1.2.13. 3anaApLT ce cTpeMLI Aa HanOXHL Ha Eubraplln upHl3HaBRHe Ha MaKepOHCKaTa HapHEI H
e3HK


1.2.14R. Eubrapmc n m MaKepOHHHc CA Ase pasnmHMHH, MaKap m 6nHL3KHI, Ha4HH


1 2 3 4 5

.. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ..
A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


1.2.15. MaKeAOHCKHHtT e3H1K e CnaRBMHC KH H HcIMa HHIMO OilMIO C e3H1Ka rOBOpeH OT ApeBHHIT

MaKepOHqH, KOjiTO e 6n3H3LK AO rphy4KHM.I


~-----------------------~---------------


1.2. 16R. HarlHOHREHaTa npHIHapHOXHOCT e B~bnpoc Ha CaMOonpepeneHlle, 38TOBS

MaKepOHqHTO HMaT HLEHaO~o npaBO Aa ce canalT sa oTvenHa HapHEI


1 2 3 4 5

.. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ..

A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


1.2. 17R. BabnpeKHI HCTOpmecKHITO CBepeHHRI se MaKepOHqHTO HMaT QbnrapcKHI upon~xoA,
BOse He MOxKe Aa ce ocnoppa, se Te ca ce o6co61nH KaTO OTpenHa HapHEI


1.2.12. MaKepOHrlHTO CA CH Qbnrapm, HO C HC~ropmrecKO C'b3HaH~le, upouLo a MaHllnynmpaHO

OT KpancKa H THITO~a I~rocnaBHmc.


e.......................*.........................*.........................*.........................*


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


He Mora
Aa upeneHH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH ChfHRCOH


Ho-CKopo
HechfHRCeH


A~coHIOTHO
HechfHRCeH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


e.......................*.........................*.........................*.........................*


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


215

























1.2.19R. UpH3Ha BRHOTO Ha MaKeAOHCKHHt KaTO KOHCTHITy41HOHH e3H1K B Peny~nHKa
MaKepOHllc 6emue ycnemueH XOA Ha QibnrapcKaTa AlHHROManus, KOHTO AOBOAC AO peanHO
c6nmKaBRHe C 38anaHHITO HHI C'bCeAH


1 2 3 4 5

.. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ..
A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


1.2.20R. HesaBHCHMO KaK CA 6HHH CLb3AapeHH, MaKeAOHCKHHtT e3H1K H Hapllt cera ca peanHH

gaKTHI


1.2.21. UpH3HaBRHOTO Ha MaKeAOHCKHHt e3H1K 38 GibnrapLIeosaae~ 038SOTKa3BRHe OT

HICTopmIeKaTa HICTLHHR

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


1.2.22R. EubrapcKHITO H MaKepOHCKITO HOnHTHlqH TpcI6BS Aa rOBOpRs c npeBOnas


1 2 3 4 5

.. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ..
A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


1.2.23R. B'bnpoc'T sa nponsxopa m cbrLHHOCTTa Ha MaKeAOHCKHHt e3H1K H HaRQHE AHeC e YLHCTO

aKapeMHRCeH CHOp, 6e3 HtIKaKBO npaKTHrOCKO 3HseCHlle


~-----------------------~---------------


1.2. 18R. BabnpeKHI npunHKHITO Ha MaKeAOHHCKHHt HI G'bnrapcKHHt e3HK, TOBa CA CH Asa pasnmHMHH
e3H1Ka


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLEHRCOH HeCETHRCOH


1

e.........
A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH


2
.......e.....
nO-CKopo
ChfrnCOH


He Mora
Aa upeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HechfHRCeH


A~coHIOTHO
HechfHRCeH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


216


























1.2.25R. UpHl3HaBRHOTO Ha MaKepOHCKa HapHEI H e3HK e npaBHRHO, 3arluoTo ynecHcMBa
OTHOIIICHHHITa HHI c Peny~nHKa MaKepOHHHc


3HnOM3BRaiKHI ARACHRTa 5-creHOHHR cKRaR, MOnrH Aa orpaAHTe cTHOHTa CHl HR chfrnCHle c
BCHKIO OT CneAHHTe TshppeHH.. HHIMa BIIpHH HI rpeHIHHl OTTOBopH, BRSICHO e CRMO BRHICeTO
JIH9HO MHeHHe




1.3.1. UpH3HaBRHOTO Ha MaKepOHCKO ManmHHCTBO B Eubrapanc 6m sacTparumno

TepmTopmanHaTa rlMHOCT Ha EubrapanI


~-----------------------~---------------


~-----------------------~---------------


1.2.24. UpH3HaBRHOTO Ha OTpenHa MaKepOHCKa HapHEI 38 Qbnrapore 03H898BS OTKa3BRHe OT

aIcTopmIeKaTa HICTLHHR


e.......................*.........................*.........................*.........................*


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


He Mora
Aa upeneHH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH ChfHRCOH


Ho-CKopo
HechfHRCeH


A~coHIOTHO
HechfHRCeH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


1.3.2. HFIwa H HHIKOra He e HManO MaKepOHCKO ManmHHCTBO B Eubrapanc, saTOBS He MOxe Aa ce

rOBOpm sa npH3HaBRHOTO My


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


1.3.3. AKO ce upHl3HRO HtIKaKBO MaKeAOHCKO ManpH1HCTBO B EubrapanI, onepBarIMaTa CTLnKa Irr

6'bAe TepuIOPlopuTa HaCOMMtBaHa OT TOBa MaJEQHHCTBO Aa nonysn aBTOHOMHHR


e.......................*.........................*.........................*.........................*


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


217

























1.3.5 Xopala, KOHTo ce npeAcTaBEIT 38 npepHI Ha MaKeAOHCKOTO ManpH1HCTBO B EubrapmcI ca
nnaTeHHI OT C'bp6Hat, MaKeAOHCKHI OpraHH13a41 HHB AMepHKa H K~aHapa H/HHH MaKepOHCKaTa
nonummlecKa nOBH~a, 38 Aa HOAbpumpxca MLTa sa TaKOBa MaJEQHHCTBO.


1.3.6. MaKepOHCKOTO Man mHHCTBO e H3KycTBOHO CLb3AapeHO nHOHETHe OT HOnHTHlrOCKH

onopnIoHHCTHI C~eA BTopala cB~oTOBH BOiiHa

1 2 3 4 5

.. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ..
A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


1.3.7R. Xopala, npenc~raBHIIAH CO 38 nmpepH Ha MaKeAOHCKOTO ManpH1HCTBO HCKpeHO BcapBRT,
Ye IIua TaKOBa MaJEQHHCTBO HI Ye TO 3arlullaBaT HHTepecure My.


~-----------------------~---------------


1.3.4R. HanHIIIHO e EubrapmcI Aa ce c~rpaxy~a Aa npH13HRO MaKepOHCKO ManmHHCTBO Ha CBOcI

Tepulopus,, sarllOTO TOBS e CaMO npH3HaK Ha AeMOKpaTasumpaHOTO HHI


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLEHRCOH HeCETHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLEHRCOH HeCETHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


1.3.8R. HancTLHHR HMa MaKepOHCKO ManmHHCTBO y HaC, HO TO HaceCOMMa CaMO 2 o6IIAHHHI H
AeceTLHHR CORR B 6JIH30CT Ao rpaHHURaT a c Peny~nHKa MaKepOHHM.I

1 2 3 4 5
.. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ..
A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


1.3.9R. HesaBHCHMO KaK e CLb3AapeHO, MaKeAOHCKOTO ManpH1HCTBO AHec e peaneH SaKT


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


218











1.3.10. B AllaneKTa, KOjiTO CO rOBOpHl B nmpHHC~a MaKepOHHll I JIHHCBaT cp'GcKHITO 3aeMKHI,
claHaJH O H~qmananH e3HKOB HOpwa B Peny~nHKa MaKepOHHRI CneoROBTn HHO He MOxe Aa ce
TOBOpL sa HtIKaKBO MaKeAOHCKO ManpH1HCTBO y HaC.

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH

1.3.11R. TpcI6Ba Aa ce paspernn npaBOTO Ha HOnHTHrOCKa AeiiHOCT Ha npeAcTaBHIIAHmTO CO 38
MaKepOHCKO ManmHHCTBO B Eurap~aPnI sall(OTO TOBa LIe yn~ecHHI HHTerpaquarI a HHI B
EsponeiicKHHc CbIO3

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH

1.3.12R. I~rou mua rpyna xopa B EubrapanI, KOIITO TB'bpan, Ye npeACTaBJEMBa MaKeAOHCKO
ManmHHCTBO, TOBS e TIIXHO npaBO H TO TpcI6BS Aa HOnysaTr ogupmanHO npH3HRHHel OT
6tanrapcKHITO BRacTH

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH

1.3.13R. TpcI6BS Aa Ce AOnycHe KaTeoTpusc "MaKepOHCKO ManmHHCTBO" B npe6pOcRBRHOTO Ha
6tanrapcKOTO HaCOBOHlle

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH

1.3.14R. EubrapHEI HcIMa 38HlO Aa ce c~rpaxyBS OT npe6pocHBRHe Ha Te3H, KOHTO CO OcIMBcMBT 38
MaKepOHCKO ManmHHCTBO, 3autoloo Te ca cLbBCOM ManKS sacT OT HaCOBOeHHOTO B nllpHHCKa
MaKepOHHHc

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


219











1.3.15R. Eurapo~e rprrs6B na HayraT HOBeIe 38 HO3HlqHHLTO Ha nIIAepare Ha MaKeHOHCKOTO
Man mHHCTBO B EurJI apant

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


1.3.16R. AKO EBponeitcKHHTr CLIO3 HaCTORBaI Ha npHl3HROM CLU(OCTByBRHOTO Ha MaKenOHCKO
ManqLHHCTBO y HaC, Tprrs6B na rO HanpaBHIM

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


1.3.17R. B'bnpoc'T sa npIc'bcTBHOTOO Ha MaKeAOHCKO ManpH1HCTBO y HaC e sHCTrO aKapeMHlrCH
cnop, KOHTO HcIMa npaKTHrOCKO 3HseCHlle

1 2 3 4 5
.. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ..
A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


1.3.18. ananaT He pas6llpa HaHISTa HICTOplur a saTOBa e CKnOHeH Aa HOnspenll Tesala sa
npIC'bcTBHOTOO Ha MaKeAOHCKO ManpH1HCTBO B EubrapanI

1 2 3 4 5
.. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ..
A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


1.3.19R. 3ananHa Espona II CaennHHHHTe saRTHI MOral na HH HaysaT KaK na npllelalde
CHOKOHHO CLIIAlcCTByBRHOTO Ha ManQHHCTB8 KaTO MaKeAOHCKOTO Ha HaHIS TepulopusI

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


K~paii HR YacT i. MOJIH HpeMaHHOT IcaM YacT 2.















220






























































2.1.3R. EubrapanI TpcI6BS Aa HOMOrH Ha MaKepOHHH Aa Ce aCOrlHmpa no-6tbpso c
EsponeficKHHc CbIO3 6e3 Aa nocTcsBR HHKaKBHI ycnOBHER B 3aMtIHa Ha HOAKpenaTa cm

1 2 3 4 5
.. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ..
A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


YacT 2






CUra IMe BHl HOMOnHM AR OTrO~opHTe KRK~ Cnopen BRc MHCJIHT 6harapHTe KRaTO sHmo.
113HOn 3BRiIcKH ARACHRTa 5-creHOHHR ccKaRa, Orpapere Hqllpara, Iorro CnopeA BRc HRIi-
BIIpHO 6H1 O~rpa33BRA HRcTpoeHHHrTR, MHcnlHTe H3HI 9yBCTBaTa HR HOBeMOTO 6harapHl 33
BCHKIO OT H136poeHHTe TBhbppeHHHI. MOnrH, CHOROMOTe BarHITO MHeHHe 33 HarnaCHlTe HR
ObHapoAHHql HTe CH, 6e3 AR Ce BAHHOrTe OT TOBR, KRKBO B~e nH9HO cMHITaTe 33 HpaBHAHO HO
Bhnpoca. C ApyrHl AyMH, 9eTeTe BCHKIO OT HO-AOnHHTe TshppeHHHr KaTO 33HOsMBrIO Oca
"CnopeA MeH, HOBOMOTO 6harapHl CMHITIT, qe,...


2.1.1. A~nrapaI TpcIs6B Aa 3aHR3H 6e3BH130B pexaLM c MaKeAOHHHt sB~npeKHI H3nH3aHOTO CH OT
IlleHreHCKHEc CHHCLbK, 38 Aa HOAbpampa "cnellmanHHI OTHOIIICHHH) C A'bpwaBa, upnsO1xOAbT Ha
qmeTO HaCOBOH~le e AOKa3aHO 6tarapcKHI


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLEHRCOH HeCETHRCOH


2.1.2. A~nrapcKaTa HOnHTHIKa K'M MaKeAOHHHt TpII6Ba Aa e HOpsHeHHH Ha pas6mpaHOTO OpALHH
HapoA ABC A'bpwKaBH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH ChfHRCOH


He Mora
Aa upeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HechfHRCeH


A~coHIOTHO
HechfHRCeH























2.1.5. A~nrapanI TpcIs6B Aa AeiiCTB8 38 CLb3AaBHe Ha geneparlmc c MaKepOHHHc HORO6Ha Ha
6HBEruTa I~rocnaBHEI


----------------------~-----------------


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


2. 1.8R. EubrapanI TpcIs6B Aa CO B'b3A'bpwa OT BCIIKaKBHI upOIBHI Ha HOKpOBHITCHCTBeHO
OTHOreCHle K'bM MaKeAOHHHt


1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


2.1.9R. B ceramHHHR KOH DHKT CO OTHHlrOCKHITO R~aHQHr, EurapHEI He TpcI6Ba Aa npeAnara
KaKsaTO H Aa e HOMOH(l Ha MaKepOHHll I aKO He e H13pHHHO HOMOneHS 38 TOBS


2.1.4R. EubrapanI TpIs6B Aa sBLB~ee BH130B pexaLM c MaKeAOHHRt, aKO EC HaCTOIIBa


He Mora
Aa upeneHH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH ChfHRCOH


Ho-CKopo
HechfHRCeH


A~coHIOTHO
HechfHRCeH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLEHRCOH HeCETHRCOH


2.1.6. K~aKBOTO HI Aa npaBH EubrapaI, BRacTHITO B CKOHme BLHHRTH HIe 6'byaT Bpamp~e6HO

HaCTpoeHHI K'bM HaC


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


2.1.7R. MaKepOHHHc e He38BHCHMa A'bpwaaB H TpIs6B Aa 6'bAe upH13HaBRHa H yBRRBRHRa sBLB
BCIIKO OTHOLeCH~e KaTO TaKaBa


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLEHRCOH HeCETHRCOH


He Mora
Aa upeneHH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH ChfHRCOH


Ho-CKopo
HechfHRCeH


A~coHIOTHO
HechfHRCeH


222























2. 1.11. A~nrapanI TpcI6BS Aa CO OHHTa Aa cH B'bpHe MaKeAOHHHt HO AHHRJOMaTLmecKHI HET


~-----------------------~---------------


2.1.12R. A~nrapmcn more Aa Tbpcm "o6eLHeHOHle" ca MaKepOHHHc CaMO B paMKHITO Ha
epLHHHIs EBpoc'bms

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH





2.1.13R. MaKepOHHHc He TpI6BS Aa CO HOJI3BR C HHIKaKBO npeAnuMcTBO B HIKOHOMHROeCKHI,
HOnHTHlrOCKH H KynTypeH HERH, 38HlOTO HOnHTHIKaTa Ha EubrapHEI K'M C'bCeAHTO ieC Ha

npHHIHHRn Ha "paBHa npm6numeKHOCT"


2. 1.14. UpH3HaBRHe Ha He38BHCHMaTa MaKepOHCKa AbpwKa~a npes 1992 rOALHHa GeHIC

npm6bpsaHO H HeoOMHCnHoH

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


2.1.15. A~nrapaI TpcIs6B Aa HaCTOcRsa Peny~nHKa MaKepOHHHc Aa ii CO OTnnaTHI HO HtIKaK'bB
HasHH 3apaAL upH13HaBRHOTO ii npes 1992 rOALHHR


~-----------------------~---------------


2.1.10. A~nrapanI TpcI6BS Aa CO OHTa Aa cH B'bpHe MaKeAOHHHt C'bC CHER~


He Mora
Aa upeneHH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH ChfHRCOH


Ho-CKopo
HechfHRCeH


A~coHIOTHO
HechfHRCeH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


223











2.1.16R. UpH3HaBRHOTO Ha Peny~nHKa MaKepOHllc hopes 1992 rOALHHS Ge0e 6e3CHOpeH ycnex
sa 6tanrapcKaTa AHHnnOManusI

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


2. 1.17R. UpHl3HaBRHOTO Ha Peny~nHKa MaKepOHllc hopes 1992 6emue pasyneH XOA OT C~rpaHR
Ha QibnrapcKOTo npaBHTecCTBO

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


2. 1.18R. HonllavlecKOTo upH3HaBRHOTO Ha Penry~nHKa MaKepOHllc hopes 1992 r TpIs6B8eC Aa
6'bAe c'bnpoBOpeHO c npH3HaBaHOTO Ha MaKeAOHCKHHt e3HK HI HapHEt

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


2.1.19. A~nrapcKaTa HOnHTHlrOCKa KnaCa H OHO3mHQE H ynpaBnsrBrUAH He TpcIs6B Aa
noAbppapaT KOHTaKTLH c napTrHH B MaKepOHHRI KOHTO He upHIHapHONRT K'bM KOannes11~I a Ha
ynpaBEM~san(HTO OT BMPO, santoloo Te ca npOBOAHHlqH Ha npocpsb6cKa H aHTHO6nrapcKS
HOnHTHIKa.

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


2.1.20. JIhonvo reoprneBCKH e upo6bnrapcKLH HOnHTHK, TIICHO CB'bpsaH HI AOpH KOHTponu~paH
OT ynpaBREBsarUHTO B EubrapanI

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


2.1.21. A~nrapcKaTa HOMOH(l 3a MaKepOHHHc TpcI6Ba Aa npecnepBR 38 4CH CLb3AaBRHOTO Ha
3aBHCHMO HOJIONeH~le

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH




224
























2.1.23. AKO CO HREOXHL, EubrapanI TpcIs6B Aa e rOTOBS Aa BRO3e B'B BOjiHa Ha CTpaHaTa Ha
MaKepOHHRc, 38 Aa cI 38H(HTHI OT anI~aHCKHITe cenepaTlacTLI


2.1.24R. OTHOLeCHHHtTa Ha EubrapmcI c MaKepOHHHc He ce pasnmavaaT HO HHHIIO OT
OTHOLeCHHHtTa Ha EubrapmcI c KOIITO HI Aa e Apyra A'pKapaB

1 2 3 4 5
.. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ..
A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


2.1.25R. EubrapHEI B HHIKaK'bB cnywaj He TpII6Ba Aa CO HaMeCBS B'bB B'bTpeUHHITe pa60THI Ha

Peny~nHKa MaKepOHHHc C BOCHHa CHER


~-----------------------~---------------


2.1.22R. HesaBHCHMO KaK e upwao6Hna TepulopmcITa cm, ceraHrua~a Peny~nHKa MaKepOHHHc
TpcIs6B Aa 6'bpe yBRERBRHRa KaTO HeocnopmM cy6eKT Ha Mem~yHapoAHHITO OTHOLUCHHH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLEHRCOH HeCETHRCOH


He Mora
Aa upeneHH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH ChfHRCOH


Ho-CKopo
HechfHRCeH


A~coHIOTHO
HechfHRCeH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLEHRCOH HeCETHRCOH


2.1.26R. MaKepOHHHc e He38BHCHMa H cy~epeHHR A'bpwKaB, H QibnrapcKHITe ynpaBnsrBrUAH He

TpcI6BS Aa HOKa3BRT KaKBOTO HI Aa 6mno oneymnaHO OTHOreCHle K'bM HORI


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


2.1.27. A~nrapmcI e MaiiKa 38 MaKepOHrl HTe, 38TOBS TpcIs6B Aa rH HOKpOBHTecCTB8 H 38KpunsI


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLEHRCOH HeCETHRCOH


225











2.1.28. MaKepOHHHc e Haii-pouaHTHMrHaTa sacTr OT 6tarapcKaTa HCTrOpus

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH

2.1.29R. H~ecITa sa Bp~buxaHe Ha MaKepOHCKHTO 3eMH HI HaCOBOeH~ e Ha Eubrapmc n more Aa
6'bAe nnoA caMO Ha OnaceH HOnynH3LbM H HaHHOH8JIH3'bM, a He OCHOBa 3a peanHS HOnHTHIKa B
AHerHIO BpeMe

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH

2.1.30R. EubrapHEI He TpcIs6B Aa CO HaMeCBS B'bB B'bTpeLHIHTe pa60THI Ha Peny~nHKa
MaKepOHHHc AOpH II noA gopMala Ha HOnHTHlrOCKa HOnKpena sa onpepeneeHH MaKeAOHCKH
naprmm

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH

2.1.31. A~nrapaI TpcI6BS Aa HOKpOBHTec CTs a MaKepOHHHc KaTO HO-CHJIHaTa A'bpwKaB

1 2 3 4 5
.. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ..
A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


2


CUra HrO BHl HOMOnHM AR OTrO~opHTe KRK~ Cnopen BRc MHCJIHT 6harapHTe KRaTO nrHMO.
L03HOn3BaKHcl ARACHRTa 5-creHOHHR ccKaRa, Orpapere Hqllpara, Iorro CnopeA BRc Haii-
BIIpHO 6H1 O~p333BaRa HRcTpoeHHHrTR, MHcn HTe H3Hn 9yBCTBaTa HR HOBeMOTO 6harapHl 3
BCHKIO OT H36poeHHTe TBhbppeHHHI. MOnrH, CHOROMOTe BarHITO MHeHHe 33 HRarCHalTe HR
ObHapoAHHql HTe CH, 6e3 AR Ce BAHHOrTe OT TOBR, KRKBcO B~e nH9HO cMHITaTe 33 HpaBHAHO HO
Bhnpoca. C APyrH AyMH, 9eTeTe BCHKIO OT HO-AoOSHHTe TshppeHHHr KaTO 33HOsMBrHO Oca
"CnopeA MeH, nHOBOMOTO 6hrapHn CMHITIT, q,...
2.2.1. MaKeAOHCKHHtT e3HK e H3KycTBOHO C'b3AapeH OT npocp'bQcKH CHeMOHTLH Ha 6a3aTa Ha
camrrecTr~yBarUI QbnrapcKHI AHaan KT

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


226
















































2.2.5. MaKeAOHCKHtT e3H1K e CLb3AapeH H3KycTBOHO, 3a Aa ce OTK'bCHe HaCOBOeHHOTO Ha
MaKepOHHHc OT BJIIHMHHOTO Ha EubrapanI.

1 2 3 4 5
.. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ..
A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


2.2.6R. MaKeAOHCKHHtT e3H1K e HHCMOHS H rOBOpHR HOpwa, KOIITO AHOC e AapeH SaKT H He
MorKe Aa ce oTpmra KaTO TaK'bB


2.2.7. HHIKOra He e HMBaro H He MOxKe Aa Mua MaKepOHCKa HapOAHOCT HRHM HallHE
1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


2.2.2R. MaKepOHrlHTO HMaT BCHMYKH OCHOBRHHHR Aa CO OnpenencIT KaTO OTpenHa HaqHEI OT
QSbnrapmTe


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLEHRCOH HeCETHRCOH


2.2.3R. MaKepOH41HTO HMaT npaBO Aa onpepencIT e3HKa H HapHEITa CH KaTO MaKeAOHCKHI, a He
6tanrapcKHI


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLEHRCOH HeCETHRCOH


2.2.4. Peny~nHKa MaKepOHHHc CHCTOMaTHMHO CH nplcBOcRBa SaKTHI H ChGIHTHE OT 6tanrapcKaTa
mc~ropus


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH ChfHRCOH


He Mora
Aa upeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HechfHRCeH


A~coHIOTHO
HechfHRCeH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLEHRCOH HeCETHRCOH


227


























2.2.9R. EubrapmTe ca 6mnm sa6nymp~aaBHHI C TOALHHH38 HaJIHHHOlTO Ha MaCOBO 6tanrapcKO
canocLb3HaHll B MaKeAOHHHt


2.2. 10R. MaKepOHCKaTa HaRQHE AHec e ycTaHOBOHa OTpenHa HapHEI


1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


2.2. 11R. EubrapcKHHc T HapoA paHO HRH K'bCHO LIe ce upLIunpLI, Ye MaKeAOHCKaTa HapHEt HI
e3HK CA HOUIOo pasnmHHO OT YLHCTo 6'JTaapcKHI


~-----------------------~---------------


2.2.8.R EubrapcKITO HOnHHTHQH, KOHTo ce upoTHIBRT Ha npH3HaBRHOTO Ha MaKepOHCKaTa

HapHEt HI e3HK Ca HIOBLHHHCTHI HI OnynuLcTHI


e.......................*.........................*.........................*.........................*


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


He Mora
Aa upeneHH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH ChfHRCOH


Ho-CKopo
HechfHRCeH


A~coHIOTHO
HechfHRCeH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


2.2.12. MaKepOHrlHTO CA CH Qbnrapm, HO C HC~ropmrecKO C'b3HaH~le, upouLo a MaHllnynmpaHO

OT KpancKa H THITO~a I~rocnaBHmc.


*.......................*.........................*.........................*.........................*


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


2.2.13. 3anaApLT ce cTpeMLI Aa HanOXHL Ha Eubraplln upHl3HaBRHe Ha MaKepOHCKaTa HapHEI H
e3HK


e.......................*.........................*.........................*.........................*


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


228
























2.2.15. MaKeAOHCKHHtT e3H1K e CnaRBMHCKH H HcIMa HHIMO OilMIO C e3H1Ka rOBOpeH OT ApeBHHIT

MaKepOHqH, KOjiTO e 6n3H3LK AO rphy4KHMt.


2.2. 16R. HarlHOHREHaTa npHIHapHOXHOCT e B~bnpoc Ha CaMOonpepeneHlle, 38TOBS

MaKepOHqHTO HMaT HLEHaO~o npaBO Aa ce canalT sa oTvenHa HapHEI


1 2 3 4 5

.. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ..
A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


2.2. 17R. BabnpeKHI HCTOpmecKHITO CBepeHHRI se MaKepO HqHTO HMaT QbnrapcKHI upon~xoA,
BOse He MOxKe Aa ce ocnoppa, se Te ca ce o6co61nH KaTO OTpenHa HapHEI


~-----------------------~---------------


2.2.19R. UpH3Ha BRHOTO Ha MaKeAOHCKHHt KaTO KOHCTHITy41HOHH e3H1K B Peny~nHKa

MaKepOHHHc GeHue ycnemueH XOA Ha QibnrapcKaTa AlHHROManus, KOHTO AOBOAC AO peanHO
c6numaB~He C 38anaHHITO HHI C'bCeAH


1 2 3 4 5

.. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ..
A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


2.2.14R. Eubrapmcn m MaKepOHHHc CA Ase pasnmHMHH, MaKap m 6nHL3KHI, Ha41HH


He Mora
Aa upeneHH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH ChfHRCOH


Ho-CKopo
HechfHRCeH


A~coHIOTHO
HechfHRCeH


e.......................*.........................*.........................*.........................*


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


2.2. 18R. BabnpeKHI npunHKHITO Ha MaKeAOHHCKHHt HI G'bnrapcKHHt e3HK, TOBa CA CH Asa pasnmHMHH
e3H1Ka


*.......................*.........................*.........................*.........................*


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


229


























2.2.21. UpH3HaBRHOTO Ha MaKeAOHCKHHt e3H1K 38 GibnrapLIeosaae~ 038SOTKa3BRHe OT

HICTopmIeKaTa HICTLHHR


1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


2.2.22R. EubrapcKHITO H MaKepOHCKITO HOnHTHlqH TpcI6BS Aa rOBOpRs c npeBOnas


1 2 3 4 5

.. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ..
A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


2.2.23R. B'bnpoc'T sa nponsxopa m cbrLHHOCTTa Ha MaKeAOHCKHHt e3H1K H HaRQHE AHeC e YLHCTO

aKapeMHRCeH CHOp, 6e3 HtIKaKBO npaKTHrOCKO 3HseCHlle


~-----------------------~---------------


2.2.20R. HesaBHCHMO KaK CA 6HHH CLb3AapeHH, MaKeAOHCKHHtT e3H1K H Hapllt cera ca peanHH

gaKTHI


e.......................*.........................*.........................*.........................*


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


2.2.24. UpH3HaBRHOTO Ha OTpenHa MaKepOHCKa HapHEI 38 Qbnrapore 03H898BS OTKa3BRHe OT

aIcTopmIeKaTa HICTLHHR


e.......................*.........................*.........................*.........................*


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


2.2.25R. UpHl3HaBRHOTO Ha MaKepOHCKa HapHEI H e3HK e npaBHRHO, 3autlolo ynecHcMBa
OTHOL~HICHHTa HHI c Peny~nHKa MaKepOHHHc


e.......................*.........................*.........................*.........................*


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


230













CUra IMe BHl HOMOnHM AR OTrO~opHTe KRK~ Cnopen BRc MHCJIHT 6harapHTe KRaTO nrHMO.
L03HOn3BRaKHc ARACHRTa 5-creHOHHR ccKaRa, Orpapere Hqllpara, Iorro CnopeA BRc Haii-
BIIpHO 6H1 O~p333BaRa HRcTpoeHHHrTR, MHcn HTe H3Hn 9yBCTBaTa HR HOBeMOTO 6harapHl 3
BCHKIO OT H36poeHHTe TBhbppeHHHI. MOnrH, CHOROMOTe BarHITO MHeHHe 33 HRarCHalTe HR
ObHapoAHHql HTe CH, 6e3 AR Ce BAHHOrTe OT TOBR, KRKBcO B~e nH9HO cMHITaTe 33 HpaBHAHO HO
Bhnpoca. C APyrH AyMH, 9eTeTe BCHKIO OT HO-AoOSHHTe TshppeHHHr KaTO 33HOsMBrIO Oca
"CnopeA MeH, nHOBOMOTO 6hrapHn CMHITIT, q,...


2.3.1. UpH3HaBRHOTO Ha MaKepOHCKO ManmHHCTBO B Eubrapanc 6m sacTparumno
TepmTopmanHaTa rlMHOCT Ha EubrapanI

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


2.3.2. HFIwa H HHKOra He e HManO MaKepOHCKO ManmHHCTBO B Eubrapanc, saTOBS He MOxKe Aa ce
rOBOpH sa npH3HaBaHOTO My

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


2.3.3. AKO ce upH3HRO HtIKaKBO MaKeAOHCKO ManpH1HCTBO B EubrapanI, onepBRarrlTa CTLHnKa HI
6'bAe TepuIOPlopuTa HaCOMMtBaHa OT TOBa MaJEQHHCTBO Aa nonysn aBTOHOMHIR

1 2 3 4 5
.. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ..
A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


2.3.4R. HanHIIIHO e EubrapmcI Aa ce cTpaxyBa Aa npH3HRO MaKepOHCKO ManmHHCTBO Ha CBOcI
TepHTopus,, saHIlOTO TOBa e CaMO npH3HaK Ha AeMOKpaTasumpaHOTO HH

1 2 3 4 5
.. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ..
A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


2.3.5 Xopala, KOHTo ce npeAcTaBEIT 38 nmHepH Ha MaKeAOHCKOTO ManpH1HCTBO B EubrapmcI ca
nnaaeeHH OT C'bp6Hat, MaKepOHCKH OpraHH38pHH B AMepHKa H K~aHapa H/HHH MaKepOHCKaTa
nonummlecKa JHOBH~a, 38 Aa HOAbpKaTpa MHTa sa TaKOBa MaJEQHHCTBO.

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH













2.3.6. MaKepOHCKOTO Man mHHCTBO e H3KycTBOHO CLb3AapeHO nHOHETHe OT HOnHTHlrOCKH
onopnIoHHCTHI C~eA BTopala cB~oTOBH BOiiHa

1 2 3 4 5
.. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ..
A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


2.3.7R. Xopala, npenc~raBHIIAH CO 38 nmpepH Ha MaKeAOHCKOTO ManpH1HCTBO HCKpeHO BcapBRT,
qe IIua TaKOBa MaJEQHHCTBO HI Ye TO 3arlullaBaT HHTepecure My.


2.3.9R. HesaBHCHMO KaK e CLb3AapeHO, MaKeAOHCKOTO ManpH1HCTBO AHec e peaneH SaKT


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLEHRCOH HeCETHRCOH


2.3.8R. HancTLHHR HMa MaKepOHCKO ManmHHCTBO y HaC, HO TO HaceCOMMa CaMO 2 o6IIAHHHI H
AeceTLHHR CORR B 6JIH30CT Ao rpaHHURaT a c Peny~nHKa MaKepOHHMc.


He Mora
Aa upeneHH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH ChfHRCOH


Ho-CKopo
HechfHRCeH


A~coHIOTHO
HechfHRCeH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLEHRCOH HeCETHRCOH


2.3.10. B AllaneKTa, KOjiTO CO rOBOpH B nmpHHCKa MaKepOHHRc, DHIICB8T cp'GcKHITO 3aeMKHI,
claaanH H~qmananH e3HKOB HOpwa B Peny~nHKa MaKepOHHRc, CneoROBTn HHO He MOxe Aa ce
TOBOpL sa HtIKaKBO MaKeAOHCKO ManpH1HCTBO y HaC.


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLEHRCOH HeCETHRCOH


2.3.11R. TpcI6Ba Aa ce paspenin npaBOTO Ha HOnHTHrOCKa AeiiHOCT Ha npeAcTaBHIIAHmTO CO 38
MaKepOHCKO ManmHHCTBO B Eurap~aPnI sall(OTO TOBa LIe yn~ecHHI HHTerpaquarI a HHI B
EsponeiicKHHc CbIO3


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLEHRCOH HeCETHRCOH


232











2.3.12R. I~rou Hua rpyna xopa B EubrapanI, KOIITO TB'bpan, Ye npeACTaBJEMBa MaKeAOHCKO
ManmHHCTBO, TOBS e TIIXHO npaBO H TO TpcI6BS Aa HOnysaTr ogupwmanHO pH3HaHHe OT
6tanrapcKHITO BRacTH

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


2.3.13R. TpcI6BS Aa Ce AOnycHe KaTeoTpusc "MaKepOHCKO ManmHHCTBO" B npe6pOcRBRHOTO Ha
6tanrapcKOTO HaCOBOHHHe

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


2.3.14R. EubrapHEI HcIMa 38HlO Aa ce c~rpaxyBS OT npe6pocHBRHe Ha Te3H, KOHTO CO OcIMBcMBT 38
MaKepOHCKO ManmHHCTBO, 3autlolo Te ca cLbBCOM ManKS sacT OT HaCOBOeHHOTO B nHpHHCKa
MaKepOHHHc

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


2.3.15R. Eubrapore TpcIs6B Aa HaysaT HOBese 38 HO3HHHHTO Ha nmHepa~re Ha MaKeAOHCKOTO
ManmHHCTBO B EurJIapant

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


2.3.16R. AKO EBponejitcKHHT CbIO3 HaCTOIIBa Aa npH3HROM CLU(OlCTByBRHOTO Ha MaKepOHCKO
ManrHmHCTBO y HaC, TpcI6BS Aa rO HanpaBHM

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


2.3.17R. B'bnpoc'T sa npIc'bcTBHOTOO Ha MaKeAOHCKO ManpH1HCTBO y HaC e sHCTrO aKapeMHlrCH
cnop, KOHTO HcIMa npaKTHrOCKO 3HseCHlle

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


233












2.3.18. 3anaAybT He pas6mpa HamuaTa HCTOpus a saTOBS e CKnHOHH Aa HOAKpenm Tesala sa
npIC'bcTBHOTOO Ha MaKeAOHCKO ManpH1HCTBO B EubrapanI

1 2 3 4 5
.. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ..
A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


2.3.19R. 3anaAHa EBpona m CbeALHeHHHTe HraRTH MOral Aa HHI HaysaT KaK Aa npllemaMe
CHOKOHHO CbrlHcCTByBRHOTO Ha ManQHHCTB8 KaTO MaKeAOHCKOTO Ha HRERa TepuLopusR

1 2 3 4 5
.. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ..
A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


KCpaii HR YacT 2. MoJIH HpeMHHeTe Kh'M YacT 3.


















































234












YacT 3




113HOn3BRAKHI ARACHRTa 5-creHOHHR cKRaR, MOnrH Aa orpaAHTe cTHOHTa CHl HR chfrnCHle c
BCHKIO OT CneAHHTe TshppeHHH.. BREIHO e KRKBcO BHOe, nH9HO, MHcn HTe .


3.1. A~nrapcKHITO MepHH TpcI6BS Aa HOasepla~aT HOCTOcHHHO H~qmaanHT QbnrapcKa
HO3HqHI HO sB~npoca sa MaKepOHCKO ManmHHCTBO y HaC

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH



3.2R. MaKepOHCKHTO MepHH TpcIs6B Aa HMaT HLEHRa CBO60pa Ha pasnpocTpaHeH~le B
EubrapaI, He38BHCHMO OT TlOBa KaKBH HO3HQHH11 3auLu aBRT

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH



3.3 A~nrapcKHITe MepHH HO B'3MOXKHOCT TpII6Ba Aa H36cFBa T MHeHHOTO Ha MaKepOHCKH
HOnmHTHqH H A'pxKaBHHlqH KOraTo claBR B~bnpoc sa HanHHHOTO Ha MaKepOHCKO Man mHHCTBO y
HaC

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


3.4. PasnpocTpaHcMBRHOTO Ha QibnrapcKHI BOCTHHQHl, CHHCaHHH H KHHTH B Peny~nHKa
MaKepOH H~l I Cl AOBOAC AO OCL3HaBRHOTO Ha MaKepOHnHTO KaTO sacT oT 6tanrapcKaTa HarlHE

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


3.5R OpowlanHaTa MaKepOHCKaTa Te38 3a nponsxopa m cLU(rHOCTTa Ha MaKepOHCKaTa HanmHE H
e3H1K TpcI6BS Aa HOnysH HOBOse TERCHOCT B QibnrapcKHITO MepHH

1 2 3 4 5
.. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ... .. .. ..
A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


235





















~-----------------------~---------------


~-----------------------~---------------


3.6. A~nrapcKITe MepHHm HO B'b3MOXHOCT TpII6Ba AS OrpaHHErBaT AaBRHOTO Ha Ayma Ha OHe3H,

KOHTO TB'bpaIT, Ye MaKeAOHCKaTa HapHEt HI e3HK CA HerIMO pasnmHMHH OT 6tarapcKHI


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


3.7. A~nrapcKITe MepHHm HO B'b3MOXHOCT TpI6Ba AS OrpaHHEraT AaBRHOTO Ha Ayma Ha OHe3H,

KOHTO TB'bpaIT, Ye y HaC C'LIMOCTByBa MaKeAOHCKO ManpH1HCTBO


3

...........*....
He Mora
Aa npeneHH


4

............*...

Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


5

..............*
A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


3.8R. MaKepOHCKHITO MepHH H nLHTepa~rypa TpcI6Ba Aa ce pasnpocTpaHcMB8T CBO60AHO B

UnpHHCKa MaKepOHHHc


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


3.9R. MeAnnmTe B Eubrapanc TpcIs6B AS OCmrypstI cBO60AHO H13pa3c2BRHe Ha MHeHHOeTO Ha

npeAcTaBHTCHHTO Ha MaKeAOHCKOTO ManpH1HCTBO


e.......................*.........................*.........................*.........................*


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


3.10R. A~nrapcKHITO MepHHm TpcI6Ba Aa npeAcTcIBcT BCHMYKH CLIMOlCTByBarrlH HO3HQHH11 B CHOpa

3a MaKeAOHCKOTO ManpH1HCTBO y HaC, KaTO OCTaBIIT LHTaTCHHLTO HI CnIymaTenHLTe cannI Aa

npeneHcIT K'bpe e HCTLHHRTa


e.......................*.........................*.........................*.........................*


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


3.11. B'bnpoc'T sa npIc'bcTBHOeTO Ha MaKeAOHCKO ManpH1HCTBO B EubrapmcI e Texa, KOIITO

MeAnHmTe y HaC TpcIs6B HO B'b3MOXKHOCT Aa us6csrBRT


e.......................*.........................*.........................*.........................*


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


236











3.12. anrapcKHITe MenlHHTO OCllrypssaT HOCTbSHO OieKTHBHR HI 6e3npacTpacTHa
HH ~OpwapHE B CHOpa sa TOBs HIMa HHI HIIMa MaKepOHCKO Man91HHCTBO y HSIC

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


3.13R. ~anrapcKHITO MenHH Tprr6Ba na npencT~sBET BCHM9KH CbLHCCTByBan(H H03H1qHHI B CHOpa
3a nponsxopa Ha MaKepOHCKaTa HanmHE H e3HK, KaTO OCTaBEIT sLHTaTCHTO H cnymuaaenmnre ca~n
Aa nperleHET K'bpe e HCTHHRTa

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


3.14. FanrapcKHTOe MeAHHI TpR6Ba Aa HOaseplasaT HOCTOrHHHO 6tarapcKOTo pas6llpaHe 38 TOBs
KaKBH Ca HO nponsxOn Ha MaKepOHCKaTa HanmHE H e3HK

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


3.15. anrapcKHI MeAIHH, KOHTO He 3aLH(HTaBaT O ,IHQanHRaTa 6anrapcKaTa HO3HQHEr HO
Banpoca sa npalcacTBHe~oT Ha MaKenOHCKO ManqlHHCTBO y HaC, Tprrs6B na GbyaT HaKa3aHH HO
HtIKaK'bB HRSHH

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


K~paii HR YacT 3. MOJIH, HpeMuHHOTe KaM YacT 4.


237











YacT 4




CUra IMe BHl HOMOnHM AR OTrO~opHTe KRK~ Cnopen BRc MHCJIHT 6harapHTe KRaTO nrHMO.
L03HOn3BaKHcl ARACHRTa 5-creHOHHR ccKaRa, Orpapere Hqllpara, Iorro CnopeA BRc Haii-
BIIpHO 6H1 O~p333BaRa HRcTpoeHHHrTR, MHcn HTe H3Hn 9yBCTBaTa HR HOBeMOTO 6harapHl 3
BCHKIO OT H36poeHHTe TBhbppeHHHI. MOnrH, CHOROMOeTe BarHITO MHeHHe 33 HRarCHalTe HR
ObHapoAHHql HTe CH, 6e3 AR Ce BAHHOrTe OT TOBR, KRKBcO B~e nH9HO cMHITaTe 33 HpaBHAHO HO
Bhnpoca. C APyrH AyMH, 9eTeTe BCHKIO OT HO-AoOSHHTe TshppeHHHr KaTO 33HOsMBrIO Oca
"CnopeA MeH, nHOBOMOTO 6hrapHn CMHITaT, q,...


4.1. A~nrapcKHITO MepHH TpcI6BS Aa HOasepla~aT HOCTOcHHHO H~qmaanHT QbnrapcKa
HO3HqHI HO sB~npoca sa MaKepOHCKO ManmHHCTBO y HaC

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


4.2R. MaKepOHCKHTO MepHH TpcIs6B Aa HMaT HLEHRa CBO60pa Ha pasnpocTpaHeH~le B
EubrapaI, He38BHCHMO OT TlOBa KaKBH HO3HQHH11 3auLu aBRT

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH



4.3 A~nrapcKHITe MepHH HO B'3MOXKHOCT TpII6Ba Aa H36cFBa T MHeHHOTO Ha MaKepOHCKH
HOnmHTHqH H A'pxKaBHHlqH KOraTo claBR B~bnpoc sa HanHHHOTO Ha MaKepOHCKO ManmHHCTBO y
HaC

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH

4.4. PasnpocTpaHcMBRHOTO Ha QibnrapcKHI BOCTHHQHl, CHHCaHHH H KHHTH B Peny~nHKa
MaKepOHH~lIrl II ~A e OBAC MOOCL3HaBRHOTO Ha MaKepOHnHTO KaTO sacT oT 6tanrapcKaTa HarlHE

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


238











4.5R -Opows~anHaTa MaKenOHCKaTa Te3a 3a nponsxona II cLaHsOCTra Ha MaKenOHCKaTa HannHE H
e3HK TpR6BS1 Aa HOnyslH HOBOse TRCHOCT B GanrapcKHTO MeALHH

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


4.6. ~anrapcKHITe MeALHH HO Bb3MOXHOCT TpR6Ba AS OrpaHHERB8aT naBRHOTO Ha nyma Ha OHe3H,
KOHTO TB~paRT, Ye MaKepOHCKaTa HaqpHE HI e3HK CA HeHIO pasnHMrHH OT 6tarapcKH

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


4.7. ~anrapcKHITe MeALHH HO Bb3MOXHOCT TpR6Ba AS OrpaHHERaT naBRHOTO Ha nyMa Ha OHe3H,
KOHTO TB'bpaIT, Ye y HaC C'LU(OCTByBa MaKeAOHCKO ManpH1HCTBO

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


4.8R.- MaKeAOHCKHTO MeAHHI HI nHTepaTypa Tpas6a Ha ce pasnpocTpaHrrB8T CBO60AHO B
UnpHHC~a MaKepOHHHc

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


4.9R. -MeanllTe B Eunrapan Tprrs6B nS OClryprrT cBO60AHO 13pa13RBaHe Ha MHeHHOeTO Ha
nIpeAC'aBHITCHHITO Ha MaKeAOHCKOTO ManpH1HCTBO

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


4.10R. ~anrapcKHITO MenHH Tprr6Ba na npencT~sBET BCHM9KH CbLU(OCTByBan(H H03H1qHHI B CHOpa
3a MaKeAOHCKOTO ManpH1HCTBO y HaC, KaTO OCTaBIIT LHTaTCHHLTO HI CnIymaTenHLTe cannI Aa
npeneHcIT K'bpe e HCTLHHRTa

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH






239
























4.12. A~nrapcKITe MepHHmTO OCmrypcHsaT AOCT'bHO OieKTHIBHa HI 63npacTpacTHa
mHHOpwapHEI B CHOpa sa TOBS HMa HRH HcIMa MaKepOHCKO ManmHHCTBO y HaC

1 2 3 4 5


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLErnCeH HeCaTrnCeH


4.13R. A~nrapcKHITO MepHH TpcI6Ba Aa npeAcTcIBcT BCHMYKH C'bHICCTByBan(H HOn3HQHH11 B CHOpa
3a nponsxopa Ha MaKepOHCKaTa HapHEI H e3HK, KaTO OCTaBEIT sLHTaTCHTO H cnymua~enmHre cannI
Aa nperleHET K'bpe e HCTLHHRTa


4. 11. B'bnpoc'T sa npIc'bcTBHOeTO Ha MaKeAOHCKO ManpH1HCTBO B EubrapmcI e Texa, KOIITO
MCAHHmTe y HaC TpcIs6B HO B'b3MOXKHOCT Aa us6csrBRT


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo He Mora Ho-CKopo A~coHIOTHO
carnaceH CaTrnCeH Aa npeneHH HeCLEHRCOH HeCETHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH ChfHRCOH


He Mora
Aa upeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HechfHRCeH


A~coHIOTHO
HechfHRCeH


4.14. A~nrapcKHITO MepHHm TpcI6BS Aa HOasepla~aT HOCTOcHHHO 6tarapcKOTo pas6mpaHe 38 TOBS
KaKBHI Ca HO nponsxOn Ha MaKepOHCKaTa HapHEI H e3HK


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


He Mora
Aa npeneHH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


4.15. A~nrapcKHI MepHHm, KOHTO He 38H(HmTa~aT O HqmaaaanHT QbnrapcKaTa HO3HQHEc HO
B~bnpoca sa npacabcTBHeTO Ha MaKepOHCKO ManrlHHCTBO y HaC, TpIs6B Aa 6'byaT HaKa3a HHI HO
HtIKaK'bB HaYLHH


3
...........*....
He Mora
Aa npeneHH


A~coHIOTHO nO-CKopo
carnaceH CLTHRCOH


Ho-CKopo
HeCLEHRCOH


A~coHIOTHO
HeCETHRCOH


K~paii HR YacT 4. Monsr, HpeMHHeTe Kh'M YacT 5.


(End of Part 1-4 of questionnaire.)


240









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253









BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Christopher Karadjoy lived as a child near Moscow in the former Soviet Union, where he

started school. He still counts Russian as his second language, even though today he uses

professionally English almost exclusively. Karadjoy went on to become a journalist in his native

Bulgaria at the time when the Berlin Wall fell (1989), and the country, along with the rest of the

Eastern Europe, went into a rapid and unprecedented transition from totalitarianism to

democracy, and from a state-run economy to free market.

Karadjoy completed his master' s degree in journalism/mass communication in Sofia

University (Sofia, Bulgaria) in 1994-1995, with a thesis on the birth and development of

professional public relations in his country. By that time, he was already working full time in

Bulgaria's largest daily, 24 Hours, becoming a senior government reporter for the publication.

As a part of his professional duties, Karadjoy traveled extensively with various government

officials and witnessed some high-stakes negotiations, including the talks with Russia's then

Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin and Gazprom's Rem Vyahirev, both of whom he

interviewed.

In 1995, Karadjoy assumed the position of domestic news editor for Standartdd~~~~~ddddd~~~~ News, another

Sofia-based daily. He coordinated the newspapers coverage of Bulgarian political and social

developments.

Karadjoy received a Washington-based fellowship as an international journalist in June

1996 and spend the next six months working as a reporter for The Dalla~s M~orning News. Even

though he concentrated his efforts on learning the routines of U.S. journalists, Karadjoy still

accomplished a number of stories related to Eastern Europe. In November 1996 he interviewed

Baylor University's Dr. DeBakey, who had just overseen Boris Yeltsin's heart surgery; he also

talked to Poland's anti-communist legend Lech Valesa.


254










Upon his return from the United States in late 1996, Karadjoy accepted a job with Sega -

a renowned weekly political magazine in Sofia becoming its deputy editor-in-chief in charge of

reporting. He oversaw numerous stories related to Bulgarian, Eastern European and world

politics. At the time, Bulgaria was starting negotiations to join the European Union, all the same

trying to maintain mutually beneficial relationships with traditional partners like Russia. By

virtue of his professional duties, Karadjoy followed closely the developments in the region,

traveling extensively and interviewing officials, business representatives and common people,

who took the brunt of hardships during this transitional period.

Karadjoy quit full-time journalism and began a doctorate in mass communications at the

University of Florida in August 1997. He completed his course work in August 2001. During this

period, he continued to be an active contributor to Bulgarian media, but also worked for

international outlets such as BBC 's World Service and Prague-based magazine Transitions

Online. Karadjov' maintained his active interest in Eastern European and Russian developments.

Research projects he accomplished at this time were also almost exclusively devoted to studying

Eastern European media.

Karadjoy attended numerous research conferences to present his papers and commenced

scholarly publishing of his work while still in graduate school. He also worked on various

research projects, such as Florida Kids Against Tobacco (1999-2000), and as an outside survey

analyst for Georgia governor Roy Barnes (2001).

In 2001, Karadjoy was appointed as an assistant professor of journalism at the State

University of New York at Oswego. He taught numerous reporting and writing classes, creating

new courses in global news media, and media and politics. Karadjoy maintained his research


255










interest in Eastern Europe. He received grants to study Bulgarian journalism practices and

established cooperation with Eastern European and Russian scholars.

Karadjoy joined the Journalism Department at California State University, Long Beach,

in August 2005 as an assistant professor. He teaches Global News Media, Reporting and

Information Gathering, Investigative Reporting, Mass Communication Research Methods, Mass

Communication Theory, Media Ethics, as well as Opinion and Editorial Writing. He continues

his involvement with studying Eastern European media through lectures, grants, conference

papers and publications. A particular interest of Karadjov' s are comparative studies that

juxtapose journalism practices and media influences in Eastern Europe with those in other parts

of the world.

Karadjoy is actively involved in the International Communication Association, especially

its Journalism Division; he is a member of AEJMC and several other professional organizations,

including American Association for Public Opinion Research, which reflects his interest in

surveys and political communication.


256





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