<%BANNER%>

Cross-Dressed Poetics

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0021089/00001

Material Information

Title: Cross-Dressed Poetics Lessons and Limits of Gender Transgressions in Brazilian Popular Music
Physical Description: 1 online resource (147 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Monteiro, Luciana C
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2007

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: bethania, brazil, buarque, caetano, carnivalesque, carnivalized, chico, closet, counterculture, cross, culture, dressing, female, femininity, feminism, gal, gender, gil, gilberto, heteronormativity, homosexuality, identity, latin, lesbian, male, masculinity, matogrosso, mpb, music, ney, performance, performativity, popular, queer, sexuality, singer, songs, songwriter, subjectivity, subversion, transgression, tropicalia, tropicalism, unspeakable, veloso
Latin American Studies -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Latin American Studies thesis, M.A.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: This thesis examines manifestations and implications of gender transgression in Brazilian popular music from c. 1966 until c. 2006. In late twentieth-century MPB (M?sica Popular Brasileira) sexually ambiguous performances destabilize fixed gender identities, question established notions of masculinity and femininity and provide a site where artists and audiences can challenge heteronormativity. Focusing on verbal and non-verbal aspects of musical discourse of select contemporary singers and songwriters, I investigate the ways in which their works subvert and/or assert Brazilian society?s hegemonic (hetero)sexist ideas. Influenced by the international counterculture movements, young Brazilian music-makers were committed to fighting a double source of oppression: the moral traditions of Brazilian society, as well as the repression posed by the authoritarian military dictatorship (1964?1985). Successive generations followed the artistic lead of Chico Buarque and Tropicalist Caetano Veloso and have consistently defied hegemonic discursive practices in relation to gender and sexuality. Analysis of performances and lyrics produced over the past forty years reveals how the practice of cross-dressed poetics and the creation of ambiguous stage personae have contributed to the questioning of patriarchal values, female submission, masculine and feminine standards and the exclusivity of heterosexuality. Nevertheless, exhaustive repetition within commodity culture and social dynamics pose a limit to the subversive potential of such artistic utterances. The fact that those defiant experiences occur in a select, carnivalized public space means that they do not necessarily translate into acceptance of personal gender transgressions or into sexual politics, and the preference in Brazil continues to be to keep unconventional sexuality as the unspeakable.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Luciana C Monteiro.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.)--University of Florida, 2007.
Local: Adviser: Perrone, Charles A.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2007
System ID: UFE0021089:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0021089/00001

Material Information

Title: Cross-Dressed Poetics Lessons and Limits of Gender Transgressions in Brazilian Popular Music
Physical Description: 1 online resource (147 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Monteiro, Luciana C
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2007

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: bethania, brazil, buarque, caetano, carnivalesque, carnivalized, chico, closet, counterculture, cross, culture, dressing, female, femininity, feminism, gal, gender, gil, gilberto, heteronormativity, homosexuality, identity, latin, lesbian, male, masculinity, matogrosso, mpb, music, ney, performance, performativity, popular, queer, sexuality, singer, songs, songwriter, subjectivity, subversion, transgression, tropicalia, tropicalism, unspeakable, veloso
Latin American Studies -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Latin American Studies thesis, M.A.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: This thesis examines manifestations and implications of gender transgression in Brazilian popular music from c. 1966 until c. 2006. In late twentieth-century MPB (M?sica Popular Brasileira) sexually ambiguous performances destabilize fixed gender identities, question established notions of masculinity and femininity and provide a site where artists and audiences can challenge heteronormativity. Focusing on verbal and non-verbal aspects of musical discourse of select contemporary singers and songwriters, I investigate the ways in which their works subvert and/or assert Brazilian society?s hegemonic (hetero)sexist ideas. Influenced by the international counterculture movements, young Brazilian music-makers were committed to fighting a double source of oppression: the moral traditions of Brazilian society, as well as the repression posed by the authoritarian military dictatorship (1964?1985). Successive generations followed the artistic lead of Chico Buarque and Tropicalist Caetano Veloso and have consistently defied hegemonic discursive practices in relation to gender and sexuality. Analysis of performances and lyrics produced over the past forty years reveals how the practice of cross-dressed poetics and the creation of ambiguous stage personae have contributed to the questioning of patriarchal values, female submission, masculine and feminine standards and the exclusivity of heterosexuality. Nevertheless, exhaustive repetition within commodity culture and social dynamics pose a limit to the subversive potential of such artistic utterances. The fact that those defiant experiences occur in a select, carnivalized public space means that they do not necessarily translate into acceptance of personal gender transgressions or into sexual politics, and the preference in Brazil continues to be to keep unconventional sexuality as the unspeakable.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Luciana C Monteiro.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.)--University of Florida, 2007.
Local: Adviser: Perrone, Charles A.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2007
System ID: UFE0021089:00001


This item has the following downloads:


Full Text
xml version 1.0 encoding UTF-8
REPORT xmlns http:www.fcla.edudlsmddaitss xmlns:xsi http:www.w3.org2001XMLSchema-instance xsi:schemaLocation http:www.fcla.edudlsmddaitssdaitssReport.xsd
INGEST IEID E20101129_AAAAAE INGEST_TIME 2010-11-29T20:27:01Z PACKAGE UFE0021089_00001
AGREEMENT_INFO ACCOUNT UF PROJECT UFDC
FILES
FILE SIZE 25271604 DFID F20101129_AAADBE ORIGIN DEPOSITOR PATH monteiro_l_Page_099.tif GLOBAL false PRESERVATION BIT MESSAGE_DIGEST ALGORITHM MD5
e32b7ce4286b5763666653b74bdc0aec
SHA-1
098a481a9a4001bd2cd97ad229eb7c9d4b3a63dc
F20101129_AAADAP monteiro_l_Page_080.tif
3927c2d69163c59bd60d13e8038511fd
351298240b5939f5eec2d7164351ccca133311a4
F20101129_AAACYG monteiro_l_Page_001.tif
42b4d4b8c83731c16442d0c0c526011d
e031ba91c111e45ac618c059d14a770d908e9512
1051983 F20101129_AAACXS monteiro_l_Page_129.jp2
5b8f04a34d8ff5290c7c8220a7cae9fb
bf18e634ca91c37e60455f32394f8cd37bb6ddfc
F20101129_AAADBF monteiro_l_Page_100.tif
a447c0e414a462f4479c1e5938575bf0
7c93c6b0cc228337ae37bdde82d6c4dd0afbe392
F20101129_AAADAQ monteiro_l_Page_081.tif
3dab79b453d356387452ff78efae52c7
f0c3a099faf7333b77d16f034d6422026051f15e
F20101129_AAACYH monteiro_l_Page_002.tif
b26c236739055266be0c71704c49434e
deaadabae11af3d10b39f7298df21fadf37522e3
F20101129_AAACXT monteiro_l_Page_130.jp2
3eba283c11aec9fdb97c88b8e7df0cba
0f4359baff0c9d3e3e681fa5957c59d28b2a31f7
F20101129_AAADBG monteiro_l_Page_102.tif
74a4c476b247651bc67731a568b9beec
f4f89106adaf43474397dc4c9b141d4362aa30da
F20101129_AAADAR monteiro_l_Page_082.tif
724e88086fbae1d95da54dd62f04c2bc
d616b20b24082beed982df92eec7e52e44e905db
F20101129_AAACYI monteiro_l_Page_003.tif
e8bbf9bdeef9643f00c591ede392199d
5efee3a554be392890810b626e34cc67ce870f3a
1051967 F20101129_AAACXU monteiro_l_Page_132.jp2
73c597a0824ca759b4fbb876bec2f907
e254b066126264184e47190983f98e7c9ec3dd39
F20101129_AAADBH monteiro_l_Page_104.tif
a034c33ca592786808907639c7448b9e
e336e8b3ddec5d7287c48e5b0d3465ae359a8254
F20101129_AAADAS monteiro_l_Page_083.tif
0d379301caeda0de9dd759095264d887
bad1604fce87b3f942f02f2e5e7829b9e1175e73
F20101129_AAACYJ monteiro_l_Page_004.tif
3671bd7b65501cc68f72a403ceca8221
96070497993a543b18b3e961a68b4ab279b4fe57
1051962 F20101129_AAACXV monteiro_l_Page_133.jp2
1f5099d5774d0beb17ea369b8d7ffbd3
31b6128335c9df506bf8e5d9d99514f472ba734f
F20101129_AAADBI monteiro_l_Page_108.tif
2a406700111b5c81d5f20b6edebfaa8e
f1631e688ccf99a8c28a3b677bc86ab6cb60a59e
F20101129_AAADAT monteiro_l_Page_084.tif
9f40dfc4be34e3aeeedf5c30088ca964
69ee996a591f6907e8a06c393716dc9ce961c08e
F20101129_AAACYK monteiro_l_Page_007.tif
5f5841a9367c5cb4de3c6150204b20fc
064cc04c2dab0428df0daefbc4217f9286e2b15c
1051925 F20101129_AAACXW monteiro_l_Page_135.jp2
d5f3fd8e985bde7fca5f338553bd709c
ab3beb0998c824583a8caf22a329c00c1480823f
F20101129_AAACZA monteiro_l_Page_028.tif
3afae3c71cd7eeff71804348342609c0
682d51d74108a0d2e181a18f0a2443bf4c63a3e4
F20101129_AAADAU monteiro_l_Page_086.tif
292f3cd0e3a7b3c4638695e23195cebb
07654ffc1c234d5c9a246ef9e4abf7f296c32473
F20101129_AAACYL monteiro_l_Page_009.tif
f90cb85316aacb3558aafa40bb7fb46e
c1f24c9345a646e7a3dae43de244be89c03d4012
994168 F20101129_AAACXX monteiro_l_Page_137.jp2
ff464cd13561327aad0a54080e2f49fa
8dcab5ac887623404d6d77469807b785cb04242c
F20101129_AAADBJ monteiro_l_Page_109.tif
c5aa3356c0e9b561639bdd92f2127204
1adceeaad4446c87d89e26825aab2e004dc990a0
F20101129_AAACZB monteiro_l_Page_029.tif
1040fd3efaae80ee84056b93f8a4d2a3
05d07c2cf66afc5b0c54b55d25c89036a2324340
F20101129_AAADAV monteiro_l_Page_088.tif
bf12bfb5b820fd60fafdbd403b755836
90edb0d63e4f9a66aa79766e62ef2a561987f0e7
F20101129_AAACYM monteiro_l_Page_010.tif
c700bcf6e6add0869654683267c67436
6aa77ed4bf104100997623e06d09d07bb473f1e6
827677 F20101129_AAACXY monteiro_l_Page_138.jp2
8dc7c7074791faa776ce5cd9d880e270
2fc5eb69fdba1b5b316685e9225555062ed30dce
F20101129_AAADBK monteiro_l_Page_110.tif
f753d5dd418fcd13a5a264b45b69a615
1616a8d00be69d49ebebeebe3886252f1289acb8
F20101129_AAADAW monteiro_l_Page_089.tif
89f275613061e07ecaee442e646fe12f
463226832002dc1be5d60562474396bc2ffcdfa0
F20101129_AAACYN monteiro_l_Page_011.tif
b9d89364303e88cf3b4b90270301724b
02d998da7142d6059e8a896816b79517b2d4b1f3
871093 F20101129_AAACXZ monteiro_l_Page_139.jp2
4fe04e0c9f0415ac7af07105ecfee77e
4b589d705c95baadb9b7b52d77c4d7977e362ad6
F20101129_AAADBL monteiro_l_Page_111.tif
22c63c7ee2663f79a248695daac89f27
4a360b1681b3a5f90a5c1653ea0d7f6c9d6eeb97
F20101129_AAACZC monteiro_l_Page_030.tif
4e98f1c95895a350006088ceac3fc1be
0a8133634e32e2d80541beb75e95f0f952578f07
F20101129_AAADAX monteiro_l_Page_090.tif
a5b30b5c65ec16ed9ec9a7f127988caf
7ff9c432fbdac2dee385b0e92db0857bdb92e621
F20101129_AAACYO monteiro_l_Page_012.tif
90055865923b734fc268a57cab5f43c9
dcee3d2266215085e9c6d3e658a33f84e528d07e
F20101129_AAADCA monteiro_l_Page_135.tif
056fb0340f2336cf2c3b88f701b08fff
e012a07818a5c30c10eb0f0603f4094203f8cda8
F20101129_AAADBM monteiro_l_Page_114.tif
c24942e21fb31a4310b3f462b380ac3c
409e71e9315c269d2e529f905540a6f0273f9a2b
F20101129_AAACZD monteiro_l_Page_031.tif
7681987a0779438cd4662198baa9caf0
c57b6e3a456ee4ceddf182e9c13d94352c5a6e3d
F20101129_AAADAY monteiro_l_Page_091.tif
7c5acece3aeaa8dd6cb51b7690386664
229e99b752034ca13edfdc5e3e77606d3bba0ddb
F20101129_AAACYP monteiro_l_Page_014.tif
841fc89863e3c03645ad833fedc38c49
f9f9b448d926f97015395bfc44d33bae2ae3b76b
F20101129_AAADCB monteiro_l_Page_138.tif
dde4294e47fa0eb1f6afdbf8fbd87b78
c29bcadc2ccae24ec0491fe616ba4708d5966568
F20101129_AAADBN monteiro_l_Page_115.tif
69b8c29822d2a4a8261233227a4c75f0
30dcbbaaf23ad379fca3ba391a8235c2462bc681
F20101129_AAACZE monteiro_l_Page_033.tif
96cf2687381acece8755314b929b75cc
44892c2ee865a2b1b3de98d90653e2db3930a871
F20101129_AAADAZ monteiro_l_Page_092.tif
1b09bac620bf56f91b7649de9481a01d
2a5effd9cb7cd3ebcfbbdfcb0d09ec9a8e301d5b
F20101129_AAACYQ monteiro_l_Page_015.tif
618c93ecc3018945841a0f9d6afc8300
5256bb4569da4fd95decac4d5bcd8bf6f9a0be8a
F20101129_AAADCC monteiro_l_Page_140.tif
b95295a5dbff4c4a629424e8e3f768f1
ee957866985bfbfc7f5e984d78ec1969edc56904
F20101129_AAADBO monteiro_l_Page_116.tif
65484bb49d46a175d74b14bfc80c0ce1
5aecaf460d7131573eb6bff1a9d42c31d431182b
F20101129_AAACZF monteiro_l_Page_034.tif
a2af3440bd4440edd8edfbabf97efa7b
600a46e9531ffb3cfae02bbcd8a9937a43c72330
F20101129_AAACYR monteiro_l_Page_016.tif
f3ce59d14405eaf10170f5a37d78c969
3b0eca773b8667e3b18722d485020d0c66a9e8f6
F20101129_AAADCD monteiro_l_Page_141.tif
2dfb23a7f12876bb8dade7f80a11d06d
4378f37c84dc14716d0af8f8c776af6f6649890d
F20101129_AAADBP monteiro_l_Page_117.tif
dac3935700f24380df6481e6d4894646
98bfa2022baf397cd16ad53443a68b0d41320947
F20101129_AAACZG monteiro_l_Page_035.tif
6c555cdefa1606ecc9553788e4ccaeb6
85cf409e6825b7740b2d79475b22f840773d064e
F20101129_AAACYS monteiro_l_Page_017.tif
cc10d5907977086e6fd824cb5fe71395
8eaa59ad9823c0c10ddf281ad9f41b8e6b600877
F20101129_AAADCE monteiro_l_Page_142.tif
0bb1b6e0a497ef9fd1af81cf428fdea4
4fe1e9245446a1bc1de872ef1dd0c1eb9ef9fefb
F20101129_AAADBQ monteiro_l_Page_119.tif
530b5fd800dfc11fb0e22afd3b5e72c6
3d0f630b3b98a03c59f2e538f9b60020c3b9ae6f
F20101129_AAACZH monteiro_l_Page_038.tif
7b1f364690ba861c2f5b2163e75a2ede
cc86260b11f2d6f519ba508b0ab298c848a8b9e8
F20101129_AAACYT monteiro_l_Page_018.tif
884c78e2a3f2c032fc852862fcc69cd8
b8b69ecc8a7a66d1b3eb1b2c2e380e3b0a3bc498
F20101129_AAADCF monteiro_l_Page_143.tif
2bc87614a402a20fc21a4c24bf0e9c13
040a005918927fc74dda0d5a5db8fb0d2daa4542
F20101129_AAADBR monteiro_l_Page_121.tif
4fbe99559542d62c8c6f289a72fed28a
5bef0b79f5b4af6b4d635215ea6e4c1bdbee8265
F20101129_AAACZI monteiro_l_Page_042.tif
e029600ef809d71e22a2b04169af792a
0ff54b29668f9e6329a89499f54fc710d4661d4d
F20101129_AAACYU monteiro_l_Page_020.tif
878669e6f183e9f57b885e6d2411d7d3
c1e6c70d92a002b95505cff0ad2ef5215f8666a8
F20101129_AAADCG monteiro_l_Page_144.tif
b952bf4bf3ee00b4b6f41e1405da9c15
2282f61849b3afb69ea63464cefe603c93768588
F20101129_AAADBS monteiro_l_Page_122.tif
df3c62c874fef2f03059cb685e82c295
297925b4d62a5029bb23c8063d4e7e3f46618fe2
F20101129_AAACZJ monteiro_l_Page_043.tif
3841afdf03c11377561cfe966cc3bc83
b5ad040ffa59aed0bcf1179b9f2d4a7e7c464682
F20101129_AAACYV monteiro_l_Page_021.tif
ede5b0eaf2ea0d47f6e4df1e4e4f3b6b
a62e49fb93c3517242026244592924af49368af6
F20101129_AAADCH monteiro_l_Page_145.tif
149060e51d42730214bb11efc4d27002
b3cf8f39406250002bd7b7708d4465fe63d4efe9
F20101129_AAADBT monteiro_l_Page_123.tif
0d3d48cd2eb64134f1c32723b6511cfb
5c20a01e781d8deeb283d60dc72c79e70cfe5a39
F20101129_AAACZK monteiro_l_Page_044.tif
f31b37e48a6b882d875268a7d9392e96
605bdfdd8c385dfa81e26067451fd91bf91b466c
F20101129_AAACYW monteiro_l_Page_023.tif
d0fb9c2cbd1de62553eb5cf302dd2adb
2f49b47cefc68bf5eb84e919bd4d7d1c505628e5
8343 F20101129_AAADCI monteiro_l_Page_001.pro
0020421e65fbc62e4e681ebf2cda96ca
971015131c3ed37cd1437df84e48d8f2739861f8
F20101129_AAADBU monteiro_l_Page_124.tif
103fde4cd8e8b4bbe806ab2f42483b6d
97abb3219541f8b5454bdc53bf80ae242e9de1af
F20101129_AAACZL monteiro_l_Page_045.tif
d1ebf1c0fbd0f9264ef284bd149f5319
ab81b6ecff23d7aad2e2a01642080f4f0ec0b6c9
F20101129_AAACYX monteiro_l_Page_024.tif
237343d21f6b302908fe73878e8f8d67
362c39eb3cd737d19f673916235b15f98179d88c
967 F20101129_AAADCJ monteiro_l_Page_002.pro
54ca22bf7c413f14a8340c533809ecdf
4691e0380850a167661d4e32590fbb3748afa167
F20101129_AAADBV monteiro_l_Page_126.tif
db153f93432aa82da0cc282d2151b890
452f4fdef9cb031d4edcadf23fa8269b786c166b
F20101129_AAACZM monteiro_l_Page_046.tif
cc69b497e9cd4e50cef6bac2d4a3c4d7
2a7b3ba70fcf9f2a7e76885436a3a409aba1e710
F20101129_AAACYY monteiro_l_Page_026.tif
11fffce0ada5d8b97e4524a8d3ff4d8b
939e5b146ae03e063e4faf581aeb3d462f6ef6e1
F20101129_AAADBW monteiro_l_Page_127.tif
1bcc24c1de0609968a2969ac72672406
b0827fdd351f70ce45faf630aabad52f09fb84a7
F20101129_AAACZN monteiro_l_Page_047.tif
c1c6f5d7c223764a171c8461bd2439e9
39883c68e25f795e8610f72b03b4cb867cc33614
F20101129_AAACYZ monteiro_l_Page_027.tif
ef32e04c5e26cfa1839a3af1096589fe
e368774684d4688d368dea5f3f760578c5ed60d2
1121 F20101129_AAADCK monteiro_l_Page_003.pro
8a22c474cf3f9e94a51321702b1c26b4
a7c874ff95cc56f139277c74ee488caef4c781ac
F20101129_AAADBX monteiro_l_Page_129.tif
32d5acb6f31cd47b38c8a96d8ab4210d
f26721cb37f15d9100b177d470950c7779ba4cc5
F20101129_AAACZO monteiro_l_Page_048.tif
ca658f750f8561406b77b0eb90082ee7
548537f465dd860c744f79155ee703fbf4c8fc06
53682 F20101129_AAADDA monteiro_l_Page_021.pro
ebcaaa47e8a99fc91ac6252aed70cdfe
42c46c68e0008d94dab7e1aceac30ccee267b6bf
55725 F20101129_AAADCL monteiro_l_Page_004.pro
d2dc23aa1ce94fa9970c8e4dbd34b58c
74f297ef6a117ed8aa2154a72b0832d0779523f5
F20101129_AAADBY monteiro_l_Page_131.tif
e1622042582a415b908d4fbce23cb693
44598ebe7c1d9019f6157301ea9a3575443b52c2
F20101129_AAACZP monteiro_l_Page_049.tif
f1831efe70ada74a22d873a55f63fc07
5d463c6ec5e87d9f8e52110d046965132574de62
59321 F20101129_AAADDB monteiro_l_Page_023.pro
d47196c12cc553e309680a96dc447b05
e43227ff4c37f95ac1fdd8bc020e99f872aa843b
45772 F20101129_AAADCM monteiro_l_Page_006.pro
528954267f44ee92fa1cb9a1593ff875
b64e5bda574ba4fb7caef6576ce1961be69cf892
F20101129_AAADBZ monteiro_l_Page_132.tif
2491232541ef9bcd7bcafece15ace740
89424cb8c4eced625818967dc02f2c330af0f0c6
F20101129_AAACZQ monteiro_l_Page_050.tif
1775c2cc665f6f727ad7ff8913b861e8
610e26358634a73192e16633d298a16e97c2362f
47307 F20101129_AAADDC monteiro_l_Page_025.pro
f657590ed08644ece39d3113a8ab053d
34606af394578fa0140fcf95d819de620286ab42
13234 F20101129_AAADCN monteiro_l_Page_007.pro
e270e9278ae7bb5ac4896f52f0fe8934
0ad2b5ef055c343a0500145912c322b1f070de96
F20101129_AAACZR monteiro_l_Page_051.tif
bad331ec79afdbcf45806e328c34640b
6eec5ae0a4a0ed55b39d42625be505e8165701e4
51625 F20101129_AAADDD monteiro_l_Page_027.pro
5524121a924910731b99597607f50bd3
a77d91c1c9f4a8a5a7c4d25233004abb69a9a580
56418 F20101129_AAADCO monteiro_l_Page_008.pro
db142d02f2292210cc48ebe7368b004b
b31af5dc3b61dbadc3459ce37a7a59db7e632263
F20101129_AAACZS monteiro_l_Page_052.tif
4fdac29b65bc2754f95767bb170f4314
2c2ae7cc7016ea51e86fb36423e7d35851b580aa
52239 F20101129_AAADDE monteiro_l_Page_028.pro
a9d947bb45c82e0b0ef83ab3ba931c2d
f2c85ec02f38eebd38d400de9cba1f362cfb4069
57537 F20101129_AAADCP monteiro_l_Page_009.pro
53f52c7d85deb9831bb5cb18a12ca8b2
659c158b07fc11645abc86f5d7979e9ff7a61b78
F20101129_AAACZT monteiro_l_Page_053.tif
2a59a6b754018634e954fe0621b3b476
106fa6f44690ccfebb03c2ae1f21ccc5883a0ad2
55853 F20101129_AAADDF monteiro_l_Page_029.pro
efd2e946dec9a645d1108fe9a5f998e5
704d2450e6fa5f0a215e57f9af070aa339f15bd7
56262 F20101129_AAADCQ monteiro_l_Page_010.pro
e647e2fd1d10d668e0a9a48e3707a269
ba56755c20876bfd13f52d9f8a99d53a9429a51b
F20101129_AAACZU monteiro_l_Page_055.tif
41de64c53a04531bb4ae39807499790c
f05df239d578b224fec5b07a3445631fe7204db4
55905 F20101129_AAADDG monteiro_l_Page_030.pro
1339f151422e73517691a49733566262
d5242e611ffba296425d45e26ed2d57c722a3c0e
55510 F20101129_AAADCR monteiro_l_Page_011.pro
414b349b787e7abc064cd5b4b028a3c9
6ca194d305f57b1002a7ac85848df7061f24c6db
F20101129_AAACZV monteiro_l_Page_056.tif
f806871de4fa07316d560ad8460f8095
bc86f3fda0aa620674dcf01825657ff16d780cf0
47341 F20101129_AAADDH monteiro_l_Page_031.pro
3e58a01e20e5b64bdb07498c411987a8
7b729872b898a3f85a8f715632f9205f8aec3305
54859 F20101129_AAADCS monteiro_l_Page_012.pro
f3a37b319c1ab2d2f121a0881a0da56e
ba9a3b2d025aa9df51d983f5978798653d0af2cb
F20101129_AAACZW monteiro_l_Page_057.tif
7f951347ad6646cab03835d035b54757
d3fcc25a18202475de86d24ab7d8838ee5f5cd31
55111 F20101129_AAADDI monteiro_l_Page_032.pro
f7d022048600a244e8a91be0a0837ecc
cdc713d9af5a527000a10909861573ce3c0d1bc7
55712 F20101129_AAADCT monteiro_l_Page_014.pro
1dd03c2e838ee47071ead67f46291c86
ace55c86c21c52a062c2dc3da6073045b6a3f9b9
F20101129_AAACZX monteiro_l_Page_058.tif
750d7c0bdc92d34bd122aa1a2392ccbb
a8f579560cb672d4db548ef5cc14509d11f9f652
53264 F20101129_AAADDJ monteiro_l_Page_033.pro
f33fad841bc8f57eecbc1705e2a41af1
7887ff94fd8265ade724d028b8f4dd8de9a834f0
56548 F20101129_AAADCU monteiro_l_Page_015.pro
3ebd430d31085833972e6cef01ac2612
c28ef8567b76b54ffd465a5b121d9668e71276cb
F20101129_AAACZY monteiro_l_Page_059.tif
7bd7fe1f8f3884d0b1fa33c99323caf7
39d6331b08de3bb86389c68acd091ef9b02a0c63
53273 F20101129_AAADDK monteiro_l_Page_034.pro
c7cf60781dd77566eac6659b34ec6d13
309459982f236347046791aef79558f396f5ee5c
53974 F20101129_AAADCV monteiro_l_Page_016.pro
e38948a240cf04864921219f4054fefe
a316d6bbed566e5c43d5fd1cf60adee8d4d96011
F20101129_AAACZZ monteiro_l_Page_060.tif
394fa14f79306ebe0bc112947da97a99
7d6cbab1074cb4af552f3ee5d7a063ded9db8989
55121 F20101129_AAADCW monteiro_l_Page_017.pro
02a147cc48da7a3ede169a2afb82ef0d
b3cb47d0d58c266bf9528f3c65101cd67cad27e0
42782 F20101129_AAADEA monteiro_l_Page_053.pro
1bd4aa562322cbd2640ddee48534ad4a
80fda7e23558f6cbd90ce441cee0c77f578955d1
50495 F20101129_AAADDL monteiro_l_Page_035.pro
8711a1314834851d88e7109d55add54b
5f7c39a8248128f4e0b1c85d10710fa29b7720cb
51810 F20101129_AAADCX monteiro_l_Page_018.pro
eaefa120b9b8fe4a8efb878156238db8
aebc45b8a8f7244a5b8db98bca5c4e6e850272da
40118 F20101129_AAADDM monteiro_l_Page_036.pro
8e2fe9955b0ec70ef667d2b567198e2d
5996e8fa25976fb3a935ee0d3594ef377f8f361e
52238 F20101129_AAADCY monteiro_l_Page_019.pro
8a85b3b25edf18862fb365c3aafd012a
5e5c5369631ab2c5565eb909550b48c37a2e0547
48747 F20101129_AAADEB monteiro_l_Page_055.pro
a2f3a61d189daa4ad3239bf1e61b7e30
93e22c4ccd7cb1dde2ac7b0e03edc72bc3ac2f0c
48790 F20101129_AAADDN monteiro_l_Page_038.pro
95749b9deea8f5f376f2fc6a69130e20
f24ee63bc5cad94771c978834557bd571f0a50d1
39946 F20101129_AAADCZ monteiro_l_Page_020.pro
b64d86380ebd8086f50fd3ff3dc4de08
d6b64167497a7bb582117ddb84b79b90f7b6b213
52737 F20101129_AAADEC monteiro_l_Page_056.pro
c87275688c8bb149013bd25dd3c655d2
b983b92f05325e45950883febc83a6bf2f366920
42906 F20101129_AAADDO monteiro_l_Page_039.pro
8c8389666fb8e8c9184eccd422aa18db
f309f7d17be7200137d36d875fa180f4a393a8ac
53398 F20101129_AAADED monteiro_l_Page_059.pro
c025f54e8d1a112190871e4ede7eb939
8ced2d36870efb1f4787f4f6d97b1144f9235c6d
34667 F20101129_AAADDP monteiro_l_Page_040.pro
da09dde5a0deef32c546024701e1798c
172a6cdd9e57a8e835ded97f15062139e886cdb3
53310 F20101129_AAADEE monteiro_l_Page_060.pro
cc11179252629e4eccf455c9fb5523d5
2688d87b59ec6234bd4c2153a3ba1046958addfd
45320 F20101129_AAADDQ monteiro_l_Page_041.pro
91eb65ee04be7c5b0ea74829b2bbcf46
caa08565c95f63db7e04cc0dfa21570257f0655d
58693 F20101129_AAADEF monteiro_l_Page_061.pro
9af9fe408ebfe76b1ae4a4eb05d2c570
65ae13f863fb6420afacc25e7c9f58272775a394
51631 F20101129_AAADDR monteiro_l_Page_042.pro
40026699bd67f89f34dd9685b5e460e3
73953b8713ec82edee12017f591cb78355ea7e8b
48735 F20101129_AAADEG monteiro_l_Page_064.pro
41c55a7e9e140b2b610b364852d72962
8fda43b02a700d0b96327ad7e0962aece7d8425f
35846 F20101129_AAADDS monteiro_l_Page_043.pro
b045d480508f19cc8b2591d1c1612e58
924028c48ad654159869aa305bf78bdf85887d41
57103 F20101129_AAADEH monteiro_l_Page_065.pro
cf3191764dca440e33b11264d6080055
2801ffd9e3b601824eb365cfeb9045885efd74e7
40984 F20101129_AAADDT monteiro_l_Page_044.pro
b24738c9d4e9879460b679c14ddb5390
cee836827497ca4ffe11feb374920c636ae34eac
50548 F20101129_AAADEI monteiro_l_Page_067.pro
91885dcfa43929b34e8dafe7b3f3a7b7
7c48a0aca8a1bf9679d4432d4aa3f57bfe1d6ffe
49090 F20101129_AAADDU monteiro_l_Page_045.pro
f3d2365bfecb2ed93ae55c08905696da
a9723c11bf863434bc178c7a71ed42412925bd45
60149 F20101129_AAADEJ monteiro_l_Page_070.pro
43b0544f2e6b3d9cb5b130f830b415c2
a27f99eccb6c1acede2b14fcdaf3eff6903e5728
46932 F20101129_AAADDV monteiro_l_Page_046.pro
c6b4d83468ef68ea63f7d4eb928cabcf
30be1788e1e1043c0ff4d39dc17036e00f3a2f74
55904 F20101129_AAADEK monteiro_l_Page_071.pro
e942a22da7245c7f5f775a9f693a73ae
e56b83698888699044e844d4361324dfa5344d89
47319 F20101129_AAADDW monteiro_l_Page_049.pro
4ac38d1e3281b6b8a890b9cc59331fa4
c06acccd47013dc8afb3640aada4fa71bac122d4
56957 F20101129_AAADEL monteiro_l_Page_072.pro
0694fd9895a93e9fe097079f30d1d497
4bcb47aec0393666e7f2ecebacc0223acb8cef63
49354 F20101129_AAADDX monteiro_l_Page_050.pro
c305b90c42bfbd3cd920054e55c846ec
d16c9bbf7934dd4256ee9a7e119485234fcdd5f3
55943 F20101129_AAADFA monteiro_l_Page_089.pro
652a13e1a3f14b9dcb4eece3d6a02502
27d850d7f6f7691f42a6c72656a0b4f762803e59
45903 F20101129_AAADDY monteiro_l_Page_051.pro
7d6ed0ed5423c1ada85ab31f7b59dc9e
ad597c446a2b90b55a4492f67122d6bc95a14924
55221 F20101129_AAADFB monteiro_l_Page_090.pro
053ddbbb6d1181a63cdc14a2a0a77bdd
10e3ed79e354bd1ccbbc4d0d2c94b812bf100edc
70164 F20101129_AAADEM monteiro_l_Page_074.pro
c312d16977e5a43f54d838a8fd22d791
67f3498b29aa0fec49291d8735af7077319d1c8f
45489 F20101129_AAADDZ monteiro_l_Page_052.pro
5e574911930bbd008be41a880947289e
84a8facd093f218561e41bf8f5abed90e2165bd8
60152 F20101129_AAADFC monteiro_l_Page_091.pro
a4083332a56e226a32f36304116c903f
20a821a78387dedc5266204a8b396e04b4aefa08
51959 F20101129_AAADEN monteiro_l_Page_075.pro
0ff0d6d77c7ac7f269378926e57500c8
a2f17d5b8e752e5a6a3bfe37754a382fd3c6f73b
55324 F20101129_AAADFD monteiro_l_Page_092.pro
9d945cb85c82b29a6d9b5d86cc1dfc7c
5d11bc020856e95c3c48fc5ba43f6e90ead1c58a
60186 F20101129_AAADEO monteiro_l_Page_076.pro
864cba36f64aca94987c71eb17475ef0
1a868bf0cf1a10cc0c0b47c796b27770423009de
59509 F20101129_AAADFE monteiro_l_Page_095.pro
ea4f44a3a2e6d2cb37e9668c03dfb974
09cbca0d3cce209c9bfc012076ca6c6654dc7c24
61667 F20101129_AAADEP monteiro_l_Page_077.pro
992b8b759fce721e5d07d4debdefe70c
c80291b5dfbf636b49dbb3459ae743452a5abd8b
63606 F20101129_AAACFA monteiro_l_Page_068.pro
7110b3f25a91c7c23eccd28fef4cdcfe
8099b77f045ce670b4f5cbe6bffca315e068642d
48671 F20101129_AAADFF monteiro_l_Page_097.pro
527b9b8b69cd745bd17801d0b115b3a9
4717098d7b7bffe22378b95f17a7023e6750fe87
60131 F20101129_AAADEQ monteiro_l_Page_078.pro
9f10881caab9f1e46af1d454ec185ba8
58b342f7134608f999d3fe2ce28bf5f4c939a3c9
84392 F20101129_AAACFB monteiro_l_Page_033.jpg
6e9429473fc43ba49e962fc2721f69fb
117c5dd2ea764a5f9647e58d30ae9cbc8390d39f
57963 F20101129_AAADFG monteiro_l_Page_098.pro
e99e1cb578130e4b1393285172049ec9
80a0c478482d286061d3f112d43dba365cee66fc
54928 F20101129_AAADER monteiro_l_Page_079.pro
1c964d1a87a47e17844247bc018279ea
be736593a5cd6a9bafcd4a02014ec80dd5a7d082
6082 F20101129_AAACFC monteiro_l_Page_137thm.jpg
a6fb3ee84d15e62fd5ec49a54da81d05
6d2228b0a93198c22e1c5a61244dfd351f057e3b
56410 F20101129_AAADFH monteiro_l_Page_100.pro
697131f5c9da907bb72413da951a080a
3e2b3b648d53af675e6d9817d11f6abcd319dc52
88730 F20101129_AAACEN monteiro_l_Page_101.jpg
11d1ba094b78a0d6f21b8b3eb94cfd50
ef13d0ebdbf8c5d75fe70919a9f9c90526ebb633
56016 F20101129_AAADES monteiro_l_Page_080.pro
dbb95af16e2c648392357c514c6d7293
5431d1ec4748b1f3f83ee191726f1079f1907471
30765 F20101129_AAACFD monteiro_l_Page_003.jp2
9b80405737880a5f439dd32667992f94
09deaa7881f76357fc824e3329eba3fd4582b901
56782 F20101129_AAADFI monteiro_l_Page_101.pro
e3598f48467b9d937b1441b27c7382f8
9d0da1b5f807f7796096ab656536dc47d8a86adc
1009477 F20101129_AAACEO monteiro_l_Page_051.jp2
3e633ea635417937480b04511c165ae4
627987c952274de3195a82a85e29dc585cb4a447
57436 F20101129_AAADET monteiro_l_Page_081.pro
e693e92582446e564f3e29f06f0c95bb
ab261b1f0ca78997fe3a767ddde7993d0fbb116c
2087 F20101129_AAACFE monteiro_l_Page_075.txt
befbca4dd053b2cc9aa9e51453840274
6d2c79131d359822d20ca2af496cfe6f4f58ae0f
15875 F20101129_AAADFJ monteiro_l_Page_102.pro
eab658d0eecdce5c79c47654d00dadeb
1e23ac7f3eed8322d7e5bd79123141798fe792c8
F20101129_AAACEP monteiro_l_Page_106.tif
47f2e107bdc45ffb3ca624c067772b5f
461a98dda103346b8e3e6425dd2117c3f81d7ae1
65394 F20101129_AAADEU monteiro_l_Page_082.pro
c2fd6d816d82c11fc28a7df0892b2170
608e809c18d2e99a46e0c6c0ca29bc3716fef0bd
88668 F20101129_AAACFF monteiro_l_Page_098.jpg
7d762bb7794b9a9f153c4c3c9fd84cc0
205ce5dbe1550440cc0ed2f5add452a9b8e33730
54315 F20101129_AAADFK monteiro_l_Page_103.pro
005db3ea3207ff24d7d52e8d5b38240c
b48580b4867a9284b6e83fc31ed4833ddabf634d
20301 F20101129_AAACEQ monteiro_l_Page_036.QC.jpg
1f0cb31f845bf7cf9902c08a975dd9f3
d3b03e87216da8b4fb9e82f057e456b66f4bfeff
58405 F20101129_AAADEV monteiro_l_Page_083.pro
5ae862db9a56811185aeb6c71010bce9
9f5ac5db4e9e407f58e94f5e1140119a00d632a2
6696 F20101129_AAACFG monteiro_l_Page_094thm.jpg
bb17989bfb44510a45bfc58cdd00e52b
eff387039b22334916410b33256167cd13a2fa91
59422 F20101129_AAADFL monteiro_l_Page_104.pro
3983e7d6c3e9fa6481f5db6c06f003b6
6d4b1576027dbf7ca938e6b024c5eb029853b1a8
85609 F20101129_AAACER monteiro_l_Page_021.jpg
e10d6e6ac697afc1b9db81d509cf1d49
8fdecd67784d58722f2b0f3424bed3eb441ad825
66616 F20101129_AAADEW monteiro_l_Page_084.pro
bf4e1f91f48c9f3f24b441461bedaaa4
0d9391a1ce098e43245ac1802e480c37c13b3595
49355 F20101129_AAADGA monteiro_l_Page_124.pro
ceaba2a259634d457a58dcca93021e67
0a05cda3f282b78815fbca35310eabc5535b1a36
1902 F20101129_AAACFH monteiro_l_Page_046.txt
f9b0e098966013fa295215d7755edd56
ca577a45886b341b41d8c11a120588dee0e68975
59112 F20101129_AAADFM monteiro_l_Page_105.pro
d5b9f7036c626e28d01e33d83985fa03
6f899df2b9a1d4cf7391d9f4de6404f0e265c102
2332 F20101129_AAACES monteiro_l_Page_142.txt
488a3eb363498e708973d2b5aa46cb29
7975f23ff5f86a3509e752fb73fdb8435ba5205f
57653 F20101129_AAADEX monteiro_l_Page_086.pro
90da6437138ccf5e5805ba288f3ca091
b6fd492f61c2fcd19a7a2c9182999955b437c820
44141 F20101129_AAADGB monteiro_l_Page_126.pro
a86ba4dbc2bbab651237389994407339
191cc8940c4e10335494e842df54f651c9d49815
25950 F20101129_AAACFI monteiro_l_Page_093.QC.jpg
5c499c4d1a94a0aac6453897dc7780b5
cb860ec36b755605a0d0c5a2a7237be2354a4962
87549 F20101129_AAACET monteiro_l_Page_057.jpg
d6c3aca9f07f35d71ea08d5b50e36168
6e529b845eef316920139c61dca1acacd556d0b9
48198 F20101129_AAADEY monteiro_l_Page_087.pro
47bc6ba05132394765b7dbb1b31697a4
d1b1badfddba73cc332bb340b78fd630ac7e4eb5
56252 F20101129_AAADGC monteiro_l_Page_127.pro
caa1f7065f48162612aa871d52759913
bb708314d42e6877555d10d5e794b16c4a1f8ea5
13868 F20101129_AAACFJ monteiro_l_Page_058.QC.jpg
f916314b491a0126f4938f1dd616c0b0
19c09f71b041379219fb565e70d9f1995aa0d961
55070 F20101129_AAADFN monteiro_l_Page_107.pro
080ed8892eb91b30785fd89c30f33cff
637c3586e8489b85c748134e94083273654ac75d
F20101129_AAACEU monteiro_l_Page_128.tif
daa10a75f20f0a53ed748b4b5ebd2a8b
0cfc4938d037b66323b8324d66e4322d39716e2e
53990 F20101129_AAADEZ monteiro_l_Page_088.pro
6dc6ab0a22c3c81b933a3b1d558d6502
04de851d5a11f6e5e8d373194e61e43e2afa2e8f
11711 F20101129_AAADGD monteiro_l_Page_128.pro
8369285e520c83e22139d066d1ab3b61
c2be1d7cf2fba78d04bf11553f0ff8667f527a81
1051974 F20101129_AAACFK monteiro_l_Page_131.jp2
6e19812d6ecaa9daffcf91faaffe4a7f
3bd150ae619c735e36930cf7f7596e9f6eb8251d
55373 F20101129_AAADFO monteiro_l_Page_108.pro
dae90e625953b9f46c0ad7ff8d653c55
b6634ba215894533a9a0299a09ac790906e266f0
5840 F20101129_AAACEV monteiro_l_Page_044thm.jpg
1a2620ee528c6418a2877e103512506a
68a02fd995dcd11c87b4161382edf260bf28818c
53328 F20101129_AAADGE monteiro_l_Page_130.pro
fe7ff4c4dc9174d5ff3fd7d4098da8bd
e3e7d8bc7bf02c00c00a0629cc9746d144502a53
1051935 F20101129_AAACFL monteiro_l_Page_103.jp2
2e01c7701573ab6f42d0d9811f416200
a44ac85b8c8940897a7c29f8c14e1d40b70f33bf
53517 F20101129_AAADFP monteiro_l_Page_109.pro
c13124041c91649f71d48d96a2db464a
ce2ec231b5d1bfefba04a8d9b85240d01647ea7e
44188 F20101129_AAACEW monteiro_l_Page_058.jpg
ed711f1865a09da544a91f18d923b1d4
1dd68571abbd2af43fee0dc9032e6fef60e60b85
2188 F20101129_AAACGA monteiro_l_Page_071.txt
9368ec0ea39e8f3ff19a404fff786538
ad3db4217a50afa913a66713c6a354b59c77c652
52212 F20101129_AAADGF monteiro_l_Page_131.pro
1a1b580fec7c442577ba800b3218dd28
d5341876daba8ce1e8b93b8727cd54aff70253a9
25100 F20101129_AAACFM monteiro_l_Page_067.QC.jpg
c5977cfafbbd274203466514108aed67
be698a46138b780392abc0aebf4b8e836155bf44
40929 F20101129_AAADFQ monteiro_l_Page_111.pro
79ce76fd920cecece2f1940eb4666c0e
b4b9cd406b8592cdbfabf3155aca635b702b5899
27874 F20101129_AAACEX monteiro_l_Page_011.QC.jpg
46d5a3069b741d3c0d8d41859e260b0b
98f02d2fb1afe28326865591487008fcf44b92c2
60379 F20101129_AAADGG monteiro_l_Page_132.pro
73085c4e25b5b0723126ba347bc520b1
12579d77af2d48f7fd55ef505824a3556e572a0c
6377 F20101129_AAACFN monteiro_l_Page_126thm.jpg
1fbfc6591ebe05810a59714a9585fe72
6d96c01399ff301c8723f27edc60de58bfaa5b56
55441 F20101129_AAADFR monteiro_l_Page_112.pro
5556c084aa8e29ded91662f82e87be83
b89f5ccc1f353cbcb9d4e07d5b60f68b6fd90751
27292 F20101129_AAACEY monteiro_l_Page_098.QC.jpg
e3797e947e8d08a101cee4a810af2d60
5852841a024d78be2d278333357f71c325e0a3b0
7235 F20101129_AAACGB monteiro_l_Page_096thm.jpg
0fd27ed3106957bbcdeba51afa45a5d4
36581691072297a7118d98a048426ab9a75d8c00
56383 F20101129_AAADGH monteiro_l_Page_133.pro
c7dfded50920474e1519635ace2ac772
bbfb0b6dc99fca8be6390e4e5ff228da6340a15d
56874 F20101129_AAADFS monteiro_l_Page_113.pro
7c1f18e8d2bbb24350c0c719ece32beb
ae32e1eda978b59a47b7184964a48c1c33310c43
84960 F20101129_AAACEZ monteiro_l_Page_130.jpg
bebef47f9b69fc08feb3ca594f6f276d
f738f9667838f41e3701c80ec3a5b828c2a9568d
55327 F20101129_AAACGC monteiro_l_Page_057.pro
4a993e4ee730c9f22a5704aca6a75f81
43750cf2e1904dd5270d779ab72ab21354bf7ea6
55155 F20101129_AAADGI monteiro_l_Page_134.pro
e6149c166e4678fdb26468609d771b47
7303770dff3f557002b8158efe3c5b8ec8b7f408
999117 F20101129_AAACFO monteiro_l_Page_052.jp2
b67dda93220eb63fb87963f5be3d09ef
a4fe6de7ed337a924457f2819037610e17143c96
58653 F20101129_AAADFT monteiro_l_Page_115.pro
25c690a168fa6404e234a74de7d67294
a7f8c973baea53b8629257f2ab64eaaa50a2e4a1
F20101129_AAACGD monteiro_l_Page_019.tif
713117a3cfb7db1f1242c14ccf1183a7
56d6888af994afcb58ab8d89df925c1ce84f0d32
56712 F20101129_AAADGJ monteiro_l_Page_135.pro
758d3539753cef5642ee75fef4357324
37c8208c1dd76a12fab19ca0488ba4a4ae9aed50
28977 F20101129_AAACFP monteiro_l_Page_084.QC.jpg
7f2e2fef1ec3dfe8f81d1d75ceb29533
6d983364e9458de91c99b6ce4cbd12100185059e
57508 F20101129_AAADFU monteiro_l_Page_116.pro
14c3a91c353c5c9c14ad5550f047c9e5
4de7a02075fa8278f0809144693ddfac18f2faa1
988720 F20101129_AAACGE monteiro_l_Page_039.jp2
a443ea2831b2892178956f3a2512925e
70926d71945db8ad2470f63d768d5c345eca0428
36536 F20101129_AAADGK monteiro_l_Page_138.pro
cb3e25e1551212a0ddb6fd5432f263f5
f4183622850301c42ed31801dc6ae21f1b0871e4
2193 F20101129_AAACFQ monteiro_l_Page_080.txt
adf7a4959fcd3fb732af89d546a46750
ea892fcf3b517209e49bc5ff8e41a43baa3a34bc
63201 F20101129_AAADFV monteiro_l_Page_117.pro
4920fcd6b00d7b5063c779a9c02d21e6
503628c4e29676f97ce984e19a4c83e0d12ed67b
87670 F20101129_AAACGF monteiro_l_Page_080.jpg
13c25c83d6cf84e92e6d118565f069cf
7fddba73c848a9861f3d810cd627ec44c7c7e9e7
31875 F20101129_AAADGL monteiro_l_Page_140.pro
71bd433ad644afbe435ee7f6e0028516
4742e06814e0d9fcc0173a3d42f3b28fe502115e
92906 F20101129_AAACFR monteiro_l_Page_132.jpg
12781f4a03c20382e5c305be37b3e8a3
8fa8d5cbd6c9771859c858af43a8475c1786a382
47816 F20101129_AAADFW monteiro_l_Page_118.pro
406623c3711f8768db68654bf2b40fa2
0127edb2edf1fb5e2a09c1c365b0f0106142c087
3276 F20101129_AAACGG monteiro_l_Page_002.QC.jpg
87fb3d38cfa94b91502a6e1eec184c53
53211cf90760488f27488df2b6b8358ecace2d48
16417 F20101129_AAADGM monteiro_l_Page_141.pro
681b13674877dfad2ab5487c74d2c1ba
4948c94c030884f65efc1700d16dcf558dc8e833
75762 F20101129_AAACFS monteiro_l_Page_118.jpg
123d904ab038e7dbee68676a7668af6d
9121582a0fe85c4ee912d700340d05a02f01e9aa
57172 F20101129_AAADFX monteiro_l_Page_121.pro
ad4d3c59cdb1e14442e88beb218c16c9
e98e657465961fec889440985798a0eda7e4c89d
2173 F20101129_AAADHA monteiro_l_Page_011.txt
2229ec6f32040757cb40b28f83f1a83c
75bc0f76c704e16bb1517f72a17986c4680b0788
4081 F20101129_AAACGH monteiro_l_Page_058thm.jpg
43855222f7c08fe124ab03f43a6cd79b
70bf8ac8d9b2178fa88a8f8f102cfd69e38c4d2b
56332 F20101129_AAADGN monteiro_l_Page_142.pro
4f0be01e164634104b2112ed1dca83ff
643223a0aac809a7682ac48a6e157c4ae320ccd2
F20101129_AAACFT monteiro_l_Page_071.tif
beea906e7fdd4f2c03cb587ed4b9e5c3
138308c6d1f37edd944edb3b722053976224b85d
48973 F20101129_AAADFY monteiro_l_Page_122.pro
f98bf962b193f90afcb4f71ccf2c32d4
d665117563a0f22731e465e9f8242043e4833100
2148 F20101129_AAADHB monteiro_l_Page_012.txt
473997fd14b22290a50f32b7315f2ca3
a98999a4f866b78f5e394e1f92da3a0e6a6cecb5
28036 F20101129_AAACGI monteiro_l_Page_015.QC.jpg
834865717f2e739944e8fd4ce896b8dc
f0031f381803d66b2f08cb04a8dc520852c0672b
1051982 F20101129_AAACFU monteiro_l_Page_018.jp2
7826840959e4c7978f52d2c87136719e
b4a38b849f42c67c347e9c1be28583bfa97ab832
56066 F20101129_AAADFZ monteiro_l_Page_123.pro
37aebba460bd7f9bfec0f519b6f5f56f
5cad32c3000c827bf525e2cc8a2ffdf54ee46e2c
2262 F20101129_AAADHC monteiro_l_Page_013.txt
150dab37f3f884554955dd646d4a2571
576ea3ecc5425332c8c68ce07807c02488d29674
1979 F20101129_AAACGJ monteiro_l_Page_118.txt
4c66d06c55697c3d48e39c1996c21673
6acefcf0e5fc9acdb3e6286ab7b37de4178666c0
54853 F20101129_AAADGO monteiro_l_Page_143.pro
5811983d31557ecde277abde79f32ea8
e2b28f56d519f25c17a104d057b93129b57024a0
2572 F20101129_AAACFV monteiro_l_Page_084.txt
d185b72132a0d0851cf9be1e540efe03
dfe25a638cffbc2705e87e96efd929f13d5a1987
2181 F20101129_AAADHD monteiro_l_Page_014.txt
19e5ae4364dfc32ecbad9daffe6d8174
6d686912e3bcf859d88d5a90adc2fbb40465b7bb
F20101129_AAACGK monteiro_l_Page_112.tif
878a6a6954fcf99664873e77d5ff161a
9a06a0234ea393056a1b088ccc11ae99acab3092
60504 F20101129_AAADGP monteiro_l_Page_144.pro
ae0f61d2cf02476ed019c4a46e0e62e6
5393e87ec741f68934e8315339d0bff18b69fdfa
1051978 F20101129_AAACFW monteiro_l_Page_011.jp2
fb21c248bc118970f66727fa255814d8
b2fa1863758744ee4ed4fc64198153c84035aab3
2213 F20101129_AAADHE monteiro_l_Page_015.txt
a44c22cb61265cbaf092384b93eaa1a2
ba032561b47e4d194a048b9a4d9e86a4103fa1fa
55824 F20101129_AAACGL monteiro_l_Page_099.pro
baedb8e8b961fe37b6756c70378e01cd
f98fd008e4162f08b2b951e91ab47dc7d82c2eb5
55354 F20101129_AAADGQ monteiro_l_Page_145.pro
da27cd028233897afbe02441d9ba2a62
ccfe378037fd550e8ed2139fdad404fc123976a0
F20101129_AAACFX monteiro_l_Page_146.tif
7358168678ebc2142f6919cfcc28b179
89286d267bfe9e8087ae3d3d7317eb8f08b96701
1004078 F20101129_AAACHA monteiro_l_Page_125.jp2
286ae6881b33a567917ac47ec80c6ace
4b91b343d09cf9bee2b4f6bcc1e6255cc7af1df5
2124 F20101129_AAADHF monteiro_l_Page_016.txt
014c64a1772152b24d205e55d6c6d065
2234fcb3dcff24ff8f9cc9a4bbbd6660f3482651
1051968 F20101129_AAACGM monteiro_l_Page_105.jp2
9a31933b96041ae1d9f5872422054e13
be6c7902f0fd69174f84d3162e57225cb0bbba5b
25876 F20101129_AAADGR monteiro_l_Page_146.pro
11cae1937c54feec1b5a73d3bca5b25b
891692f1665eed1f90c6379dd33269e65ce2c73a
F20101129_AAACFY monteiro_l_Page_036.tif
95207efee516d2ee0eb1ccd4f6c502bd
88c56ac0a8aaeb326999e5d844f30674046f76d8
7595 F20101129_AAACHB monteiro_l_Page_065thm.jpg
7128a08711603697bb33e18ac4853923
995d2ee4982a6c6a4362772e2d79cdf587b50f7a
2159 F20101129_AAADHG monteiro_l_Page_017.txt
164e717f49e1ccb240a85b22a8d060f2
500c1edfe462c0cadc9009e4e78cb99ed45ba183
1989 F20101129_AAACGN monteiro_l_Page_124.txt
f1b4f076f8db88c8b10a0ade24ab13f8
640728efae24064ef09ec6a25e0111010e45478f
29200 F20101129_AAADGS monteiro_l_Page_147.pro
2157db1e5feb95472c43715b5d46faf3
480a99915bfddcbe9fa186d9f756246bf19bb91c
2254 F20101129_AAACFZ monteiro_l_Page_072.txt
d78bfd023436f190985a57a4852fe54e
60a1f75bdfab7160a37f60d01c23eebf617af06f
2095 F20101129_AAACHC monteiro_l_Page_060.txt
939f933c5e1d511820408b2fd311c0e5
61a99a983e090cacd9e2e20cebc5fa6c79d19a7d
2043 F20101129_AAADHH monteiro_l_Page_018.txt
fbf600a3a07949d4b30d8a1952f8dc7b
34a75f2c028cc2e31cb31519fabd829d871fc850
54414 F20101129_AAACGO monteiro_l_Page_047.pro
e00fd9ee87f445018e674417150ff19e
2f8858a4815e289e336077b11ba0e2bb784d744d
93 F20101129_AAADGT monteiro_l_Page_002.txt
44a33044767cb2a69d5e2bfbca3cc1da
ef0099bac310ee86c62c8e17217a56e1dd6526db
7376 F20101129_AAACHD monteiro_l_Page_069thm.jpg
d339b84afe661677761e376733b31798
ef02d7460d5e965c109f3cb34b54a1cfc2f3c7b3
2051 F20101129_AAADHI monteiro_l_Page_019.txt
9eed4c16e46f7e11e398231207120454
fad8395b42a228ced4649d69f5c0ec98c35f3007
97 F20101129_AAADGU monteiro_l_Page_003.txt
039546f4569ce28b85a513d314a2f669
fc1a18595866efdc6dbf5425149e170c32f31c44
1048754 F20101129_AAACHE monteiro_l_Page_031.jp2
d05fb9a0848cd406eec31fbfeb5442de
dd1692217b32af367cb723418c4a79f7e75409c4
1595 F20101129_AAADHJ monteiro_l_Page_020.txt
acd0676bde2285e41438b36da453c5ca
01a93ab2240f7bd06f4fdfc64325bcbc398f6e4a
52621 F20101129_AAACGP monteiro_l_Page_069.pro
33962a3ec678d34f197fcac215585b38
0c787ecac69a1788230172e87a4bef58bd5201eb
2231 F20101129_AAADGV monteiro_l_Page_004.txt
4dab18e4612b86a841f751d19c1fee8f
3673e1ff79a2365be1b9196e850090e75703a2c3
55279 F20101129_AAACHF monteiro_l_Page_066.pro
d5337a8bb6d140504cdbcc2f5910e418
3bd2b1ff120258270238419f4aeca977f832b52f
2334 F20101129_AAADHK monteiro_l_Page_022.txt
34c0d66c78f7b3132bcb09a4aa917950
6ec5fffb8b317bf19c6521e5b8bcd8fa73577f74
7499 F20101129_AAACGQ monteiro_l_Page_135thm.jpg
e82371a44d2abfbbf4db4435584af7b1
c5a2f591b9cc0eb5219bb888ec8ef18deb6a5535
2016 F20101129_AAADGW monteiro_l_Page_006.txt
2596c86c684d6a09e4363d040afb3f5a
fc825e1ddacb75ab77f1a36c018d0fff6610afa6
56014 F20101129_AAACHG monteiro_l_Page_136.pro
fc8ee2e9ed6a9b84a6285c8d350bbfac
2cb679252a6ab225dbb05ca870322ddace8a70b3
2369 F20101129_AAADHL monteiro_l_Page_023.txt
3649257a31a41366e66179cc6a0aec1d
386376dd257501e73a2e9f799b67442d5d6fd96a
F20101129_AAACGR monteiro_l_Page_040.tif
528971ddc0d67ac291d074e3ce30c113
43af56c0b304ee5a98cfcd46bc38efc926726278
527 F20101129_AAADGX monteiro_l_Page_007.txt
306f90aabeb8948346f871580901ae6c
34005d7acbaa5c3f2bcf1d310b2c99f197704d35
2132 F20101129_AAADIA monteiro_l_Page_047.txt
200f3a438997575d00b7be69688ecf30
6aed75ab5d9986e3f8e07ce3f4d360f971015a37
55015 F20101129_AAACHH monteiro_l_Page_140.jpg
8ff35ef2c4aa86dcb6bca68fd7fb9194
a73ee74b759848fea42c5c328bdac43522a45b3a
2259 F20101129_AAADHM monteiro_l_Page_026.txt
e7bbfd9b9e72826c8cb1e79b43aa4547
d15a34061eb5e66a34c008c6eb20c263343646fb
90166 F20101129_AAACGS monteiro_l_Page_145.jpg
25c0de83a1722d938155cd1c17b901bb
11023b3018dab897de0450f275ec48a40c062d96
2244 F20101129_AAADGY monteiro_l_Page_009.txt
16496e1caf8de33800fd596eeb3149ea
43c89cdf35ae83cf5a15a46e593dbd5ac57a4eb6
2166 F20101129_AAADIB monteiro_l_Page_048.txt
c1afff7e94b5ce6428e562deae569315
54eb578d3eca3c8429041175413258f5a3152a1c
27901 F20101129_AAACHI monteiro_l_Page_063.QC.jpg
864994c6afd93830408984bb49d2c6dc
b9c888a2bdc0151cffc6495256a8ab7d73e878c7
2255 F20101129_AAADHN monteiro_l_Page_029.txt
0d4ec849931ce2964229802dc2886f13
11c0afefc4b6f814a459847018e74830460687b2
1051948 F20101129_AAACGT monteiro_l_Page_100.jp2
1f8f9656529491e646716a39c3b6d69f
a083394e37e31a24166bebe7e89bd7c300c543d6
1912 F20101129_AAADIC monteiro_l_Page_051.txt
5df67cb74f16f8021a5217ed699f0c5a
adae4afc526beff322f55ff592b257378176f344
56257 F20101129_AAACHJ monteiro_l_Page_054.pro
6dd6a66f7671c6f59b74f00d178e06ad
2d7823dd4165c5d4480da9560e2a7d49a223e583
2191 F20101129_AAADHO monteiro_l_Page_030.txt
4c38d3743cc05cdb1f3286e8ffcedbaf
b65a1fc881fb5dbb645447c586d268e848f67e17
2200 F20101129_AAACGU monteiro_l_Page_062.txt
ec969f1b7bcc8a2532c9b096d5943b54
e745552cb6c0d5bdd41740e9878233b3d2ee3e9e
2203 F20101129_AAADGZ monteiro_l_Page_010.txt
906b87ba448600eab02787bb88278f88
ed41fabc2899509ef54e60218495b417d6e0d2ed
1894 F20101129_AAADID monteiro_l_Page_052.txt
677a6a074499183b84634041c2a34db4
da40b5ee72cc9632c24ab2d2e3c04e1c8a2ea7b1
88720 F20101129_AAACHK monteiro_l_Page_133.jpg
a7769cd71e24e7d81476871593a6cb44
dcaac33d28b68e2692a230a4c471071af1291f70
7485 F20101129_AAACGV monteiro_l_Page_144thm.jpg
65c6ba44e6aca68e62212e7522b7b175
b4f4b363c28cb7001ac8937b842fb1113f9182eb
1778 F20101129_AAADIE monteiro_l_Page_053.txt
4e5c3186d872177a8f051e8e8ae9d721
f87473354d8bf45789b580f90488eb46f1e65f49
2576 F20101129_AAACHL monteiro_l_Page_082.txt
171aa2d1167290f41dd017cf70dca3ab
9dc38adf8b75845792be468df4a794669469800d
2186 F20101129_AAADHP monteiro_l_Page_032.txt
f6f573e6ba50cc94623319c474978ce4
85b5716d36e722761695c0401b181bfc6b410b99
6339 F20101129_AAACGW monteiro_l_Page_118thm.jpg
1171a294405a08b7c6debe6d121bdf1f
8d15ff80542872207859c3255c93dffd152e8fc5
6920 F20101129_AAACIA monteiro_l_Page_029thm.jpg
cae6c2b6209eb8d365a449cc77a036fc
8a77e0a69ab0904e627cae740318950d0ce925cf
2074 F20101129_AAADIF monteiro_l_Page_056.txt
e59422d435294f2449ec2dfb281cff77
86f0a6ba76b351b8a57ac9fc70585a0711796ed1
59086 F20101129_AAACHM monteiro_l_Page_063.pro
85d6193996193084da1c3dc0ee18e71a
46dbf831d22ec4e2d974fbec374caed7f758f70b
2127 F20101129_AAADHQ monteiro_l_Page_033.txt
3887dcd0e0e43b5a0c0b5707d7dfc4ee
b157f6868d078ab17b3a0801797430db015c1dae
5019 F20101129_AAACGX monteiro_l_Page_040thm.jpg
fe802c19883e873b45c1179e5c548113
a34c22fa98cc49b4712fb2c214c15e74e95ea694
84806 F20101129_AAACIB monteiro_l_Page_093.jpg
a9604634e48b3ce8d0189a4fa5c2cf91
6e92d6f83e9f2e5ea67d5152bd40f1dc71b91935
983 F20101129_AAADIG monteiro_l_Page_058.txt
826ad57ec585b90888d63c09c140af52
65b90ee4604534e9879e350c236205d1ffa3ac86
1051973 F20101129_AAACHN monteiro_l_Page_110.jp2
d5e69b3fac6e8d860ea80a3cf644ca10
0bd2c8b16f1dfa5be7179e351ce5d5eb82f8c58d
2131 F20101129_AAADHR monteiro_l_Page_034.txt
29708f274a6f5b14ce0152a657e45ce3
60fbe55fccf05fd749277108494e5041fa83b7a6
85546 F20101129_AAACGY monteiro_l_Page_047.jpg
c9ebfb54dd724130bb08a61eabb8b517
d8d4879755ea8b58b0f5b8c77559d5587dd92de6
2219 F20101129_AAACIC monteiro_l_Page_113.txt
9110ee16dde2ea01070403a33501209c
ed33bd7293365fa197b68a2da32f1ca28b613df4
2160 F20101129_AAADIH monteiro_l_Page_059.txt
e0e3f7af3575a74478e83bda27505901
0fb73abb0d1a93e28e034a73a2386edc76a601b0
2019 F20101129_AAACHO monteiro_l_Page_038.txt
b90d4dd5f9be2a1f6163225f42ec9f1c
1bd64800ab6f5285669a57010ccb0f344d5ccb19
2048 F20101129_AAADHS monteiro_l_Page_035.txt
4da8ea8d0445c5b3c5197c77c644690b
bb6e33c4503d23e59251fce0799265dd3c4dfdc4
F20101129_AAACGZ monteiro_l_Page_136.jp2
97f1232ae9e030ba0f52639b8c129f33
bede423c310e19b679b7d26bc745250c362f0890
2185 F20101129_AAACID monteiro_l_Page_092.txt
631abc4927e70a4b42c009dd4353297f
363bf33dd32006e254742ddbc3097a803abcc276
2361 F20101129_AAADII monteiro_l_Page_061.txt
69df0902287baf3f7ac904ee5aae8499
d62ec472d8dbbde8842b77062630d37744ae4cea
F20101129_AAACHP monteiro_l_Page_075.tif
976be05b24b67c61021d4258d62217dc
6d123799bba5d9563cda4e644f5ca17c2e769510
1707 F20101129_AAADHT monteiro_l_Page_036.txt
8a28fecda44aab065435b96596220aee
6f8d6e9a9bcb503211b6d5b4e0b1d92d748e7ac0
7749 F20101129_AAACIE monteiro_l_Page_121thm.jpg
cc747c5fb5a924edd0bb348c27f075b5
3ec4551930f6ab2fe330199d5711779da4f096e1
F20101129_AAADIJ monteiro_l_Page_063.txt
780a6b49a9b812eeeeee45029f6fa3a5
a1cace577973cdd16473492fa8f70bead4c811e8
1773 F20101129_AAADHU monteiro_l_Page_039.txt
b8dc7e7cb00fa4842da0018c467e63cb
85f499518936512152814509a7c9f96f18f3baed
6615 F20101129_AAACIF monteiro_l_Page_064thm.jpg
2718b2e73e5319100ae8faecec0c3945
443128822767f634daf615c172475961cf8099eb
2235 F20101129_AAADIK monteiro_l_Page_065.txt
075c7bc223d53f32c8493c2582734757
364c8ef684ec148c446e472ff72dda3f6288666c
23393 F20101129_AAACHQ monteiro_l_Page_006.QC.jpg
8dcb86ced45614930f70754dd986f276
055215309a2600a9a17d2cb00aeea5759c738248
1515 F20101129_AAADHV monteiro_l_Page_040.txt
94702d6682f1d881b9eb76eb3e6c28da
a2644d32fb03a982d1e68986f149554f0aba0924
87406 F20101129_AAACIG monteiro_l_Page_004.jpg
67aca0bcd3d7ebc0da868fdb9b7d832d
b72d3b2339db3e4cafc971ef92834b7ca80a9e6b
2177 F20101129_AAADIL monteiro_l_Page_066.txt
9d591521da1cd00f001dd31c7b9a7c3e
c8b31e377e0485e809914de5ff3c8d05124af332
22641 F20101129_AAACHR monteiro_l_Page_118.QC.jpg
0fcd15939a62fb6c06bad014f5949a29
4044f01f976d192c24459f481090021c03b8c462
1847 F20101129_AAADHW monteiro_l_Page_041.txt
81ff3233a69d92e93d44337eab5a6f6c
0dfe54fd6463ee4e1e0ee36f34a321bb845882ac
2347 F20101129_AAADJA monteiro_l_Page_091.txt
4faed654674a25cf9cc1785686a99e1c
ac4a5a269648d73cde2f46a5a6540e0fd50599b6
1677 F20101129_AAACIH monteiro_l_Page_111.txt
be6586fa6031a9a19bf0f2dabe4a715d
14756ca78baddd114e7ba04a70d99d45544b6d9e
2042 F20101129_AAADIM monteiro_l_Page_067.txt
99cb928b1bbf66c65f61678273ee04cb
d19484343cba10404a01d63004b71fc67e8b6f7a
2257 F20101129_AAACHS monteiro_l_Page_123.txt
c3e84190d3f137978e3b4dddec5670b1
17ded2e2c49acbf7bdc0e6700b348913fe94e8ee
2035 F20101129_AAADHX monteiro_l_Page_042.txt
9418b0d77307a3160165d9bffe5eb0bf
ce06e0dfc2ba73e410090de929d6375782771c3d
2138 F20101129_AAADJB monteiro_l_Page_093.txt
f60cbf74ed7a4ba468a1213c5d3cae5c
f34abc758efe700a65c7965e2055c7dcc4179989
F20101129_AAACII monteiro_l_Page_054.tif
05cd87586976fd0e8778265f15fd0c93
2ce122fdad4ca388474f7339cad9cffe7c0f0fdc
2061 F20101129_AAADIN monteiro_l_Page_069.txt
b4ee1ab47655d3c0b6ea0f772df77b74
5cde2e0e4e798f0caf9e1fedc54fe8a592ad5faa
26881 F20101129_AAACHT monteiro_l_Page_069.QC.jpg
4d4badf42e3d6a676096aaf2559c3c0c
034f2dc57ac7bb62a419d021be02870bb86f7ed9
1571 F20101129_AAADHY monteiro_l_Page_043.txt
6adfd1119ce3f6dbe4eada7fbee73a09
ebc31bf4cdaffc9ca4f3c661d036007a50649f9f
2353 F20101129_AAADJC monteiro_l_Page_095.txt
4950088d4596cf367cd01854fc734c0d
e15d943450ba4017a8d6839e6ef4e66acd7b3a93
2081 F20101129_AAACIJ monteiro_l_Page_027.txt
12f598ac8f05c56c0fabac344b4ce166
11868668deacb2c02081451efd61e196a46fde56
2346 F20101129_AAADIO monteiro_l_Page_070.txt
f3acc16d1395cad8b3b248570f38dbf9
acad261ba52574ae34c1ed3800846abd3e154b87
F20101129_AAACHU monteiro_l_Page_022.tif
e6f5eb826871f4da9db2c980062fc863
3e931522b8384347c8356fd42972d7955c2bcc92
1719 F20101129_AAADHZ monteiro_l_Page_044.txt
53eeb343c04b5d75901dad334bbf5cd0
d888b64b1e38ab02518a008d195975c118cf691c
2012 F20101129_AAADJD monteiro_l_Page_097.txt
2dd757180a4f7969e606647f3121964a
c4024e7c2515c8465f834fe5af08f83fb5c09672
2247 F20101129_AAACIK monteiro_l_Page_081.txt
7f3c8f05fd5e6d3ec15149185aed5893
ace454e48dc4ef90f52d8a1e64dbdd3eefec280d
2442 F20101129_AAADIP monteiro_l_Page_073.txt
82d3d10e0ff2c0c3d7d9e70112b08a31
dc6af3c25ad3f4d2e4f85bbca493b53718d70c73
F20101129_AAACHV monteiro_l_Page_008.tif
e0bfe2e32a824f00523bebc7184ac102
4da5bf193585f072a562434d82a5b69f1bf8fe4e
2243 F20101129_AAADJE monteiro_l_Page_101.txt
cf5395f059b46d3cd383c67cf1ad3289
6ede78bcd25f5bb8b799e9d685097c03a7028956
44697 F20101129_AAACIL monteiro_l_Page_137.pro
794ef07ca2809fcb33dfdb5c51654318
335b87f6a985df52010f2468c66cb13e267cbc21
F20101129_AAACHW monteiro_l_Page_041.tif
8ed881a98d8eec2326bbbeabc08b87f3
8bc9bcbd5925515d5eccf4d90aacf135fc7da91f
631 F20101129_AAADJF monteiro_l_Page_102.txt
f1dfcc19c8900dc3ac1c80eb33540bcd
62bcf0e666e0f92dd03c37f0c494518e795bcd21
7416 F20101129_AAACIM monteiro_l_Page_066thm.jpg
574149784bb7e124b2698328a77596a1
ecf28b16ec861d84d46bced893d60c956fb805f5
2422 F20101129_AAADIQ monteiro_l_Page_076.txt
d20715fa29bf7b3e7a9d20a355bf579f
06e16c40901a73f5a4b82c71dbb3584f34714e99
52428 F20101129_AAACHX monteiro_l_Page_129.pro
a1c1be9d8f7cfaf813ccd50fa086687b
e91d4798596c3a312f975e7c31334557e6aa4013
1051985 F20101129_AAACJA monteiro_l_Page_087.jp2
ee0d7b1c57c05944306e4af3e1612525
accc335400cb64689c4ea658ee4d3b87ee1e6e0b
2209 F20101129_AAADJG monteiro_l_Page_103.txt
ee88deffe33cb8ced51f1f39ff65f5ec
99c9a29eebb7ce212b2673b4482f7e8dc73b3727
48229 F20101129_AAACIN monteiro_l_Page_110.pro
04bd27758c247580d73bbd27d25cb101
31cdd09efae19d34bed4ccec9eaa19b00acbd670
2501 F20101129_AAADIR monteiro_l_Page_077.txt
304df53ed1ed8d2b8031f977e2138858
244352578d8e28901bb5e08a0ec768cc2955680f
27242 F20101129_AAACHY monteiro_l_Page_134.QC.jpg
0000a356fbcf386cc8fe41d484fd0249
c2817aecb3bf862fa8829b582899cc6d4e1742ee
28530 F20101129_AAACJB monteiro_l_Page_091.QC.jpg
2f9459f5d228cc621ab2279805220e00
8a9aaa5d425f74a963f941c9cee4a755c012a5c3
2350 F20101129_AAADJH monteiro_l_Page_105.txt
a15d3458a708c38f2dee158e7baf2a43
d4759667912d10bb16734aec14cd835157d9f4a7
F20101129_AAACIO monteiro_l_Page_032.tif
b57382b29705a2793cba2bc269aa1041
30431ae37d55549864801c3b882a1b96335cc5fe
2377 F20101129_AAADIS monteiro_l_Page_078.txt
5d25231216801f58f254e9bda0a9854b
fa1543b8aeda86e5d5faac6cf06522f8ea52aa50
1804 F20101129_AAACHZ monteiro_l_Page_005.txt
02c4c2d28428374ff670334834388d8d
3ead0e901f8f8f6bae3d8946221cfa564d389190
6914 F20101129_AAACJC monteiro_l_Page_107thm.jpg
95d93aba219265fff26901fbeef78a5d
e6ba5b71b9594a214e4fed225daf66ccf67623d5
2371 F20101129_AAADJI monteiro_l_Page_106.txt
cd861f2428ad85f383332e4c677d032a
d7209af52022cee1fcbdad6185a6fe7971bce31b
2179 F20101129_AAADIT monteiro_l_Page_079.txt
b15e28ffa852a7f9d13345a9c35e9237
3b42a870f6ee132f91b64cbd7e662386a8a69657
2559 F20101129_AAACIP monteiro_l_Page_068.txt
6cd1a84853df643f5f4afa51af550a2f
6c388e920392ae33b379164bdfd252ad89012364
7454 F20101129_AAACJD monteiro_l_Page_088thm.jpg
a13e6bd34e46160d68a15e4bbc5339e7
14ac0eeba60921313cb204a6b4ea45e1ac8078bd
2205 F20101129_AAADJJ monteiro_l_Page_107.txt
e5e1d19a3883900e5e0e555bfa2c3e38
243211260c39a0779f49d1f34157c7efebd1e1c8
2311 F20101129_AAADIU monteiro_l_Page_083.txt
81a881d7454b57485a2d875e2a484c86
5934550cddc60fe16c4745c70abe92c673af05f2
26326 F20101129_AAACIQ monteiro_l_Page_129.QC.jpg
d4a44e161dfae39b95264e35c01fb88e
1700ea1da7c8cd1fc507d1d1432df3a372eed6ee
25135 F20101129_AAACJE monteiro_l_Page_124.QC.jpg
1820ba8d0f3b2ff2b57fe0821cca3099
6219400655f8e264c6f2b80edc0b7cb89d19de09
2112 F20101129_AAADJK monteiro_l_Page_109.txt
6f324981d8bbaa5317ecab04adba1dc2
c8e0da6de4587c47b592c508ba3887ba263c7ce4
1966 F20101129_AAADIV monteiro_l_Page_085.txt
845f10d31b06eb8216ac5d9c054fcf77
9918bf063b346a288a0377cd9ff8ecae7cbf7cd4
2114 F20101129_AAACJF monteiro_l_Page_096.txt
6af6bff83f74e2f0f111f0d5e028b183
56781bee8d6c17cf965910b91a625cc9d29fe646
F20101129_AAADJL monteiro_l_Page_112.txt
cece192dbb436793405453901118fcd0
c80320dcb5b9703d545ee12878cea194d5201804
1997 F20101129_AAADIW monteiro_l_Page_087.txt
546be0e3db65f383b1060a3e01adc45d
2a578d074f21cf7c0e1cf6655240ebd6c8ce410f
55260 F20101129_AAACIR monteiro_l_Page_048.pro
cb3064b9b410148301740396bdec360c
cd45fe5f563e72964ce601723999aa6915220409
2229 F20101129_AAACJG monteiro_l_Page_100.txt
957f2b87719c9400a42a84fa8dd37e5c
7ebe1455d0bcd1a7cfe88c402c456d156a930577
2417 F20101129_AAADKA monteiro_l_Page_132.txt
6d518c63e36ccbf147fcfc63c0e1b5ad
2648cf5371e296352090796d8b8b1dcb8edc6830
2006 F20101129_AAADJM monteiro_l_Page_114.txt
67a82dfa6be14e2abff9828e3ac70919
6c93c8991f40bb02acd5aff172f302b4ba30270a
2116 F20101129_AAADIX monteiro_l_Page_088.txt
1bf3732fa253b0ddb53d2170502f44c2
3e04c56123d2d05ab638151943b1aef8c4942fba
6018 F20101129_AAACIS monteiro_l_Page_052thm.jpg
b37b16f7310533e731081a1b21e04766
85945a637a04a3eaceee2a17fe39f9424bb82eab
1051958 F20101129_AAACJH monteiro_l_Page_048.jp2
828cd50924e8156f66eb72475a122c11
2822f60a3c2a98c87490ec001d9213bf9007f6f8
2207 F20101129_AAADKB monteiro_l_Page_133.txt
59f4695740559defa038ddd86e4b7b16
3f22b6733f79eea610db7616fa1c58806935343d
2333 F20101129_AAADJN monteiro_l_Page_115.txt
4219aa4a5fc04c660607331e826e5a68
4e018f40b3f4bae43b558fa23ca4256e574b0e63
2221 F20101129_AAADIY monteiro_l_Page_089.txt
2e1083d9eb07c66b7f4ccf140fae438b
eb4b0b07a16b4c39f9c03ff272db263c3472cb6c
7486 F20101129_AAACIT monteiro_l_Page_132thm.jpg
c0cd58dbc7a7aa6e15cfc1ddb216e1ec
b63bdb7ba698a88af321ef5b025f4c2b1fe7a2f4
25271 F20101129_AAACJI monteiro_l_Page_107.QC.jpg
362bce4524f5aed3607587402e836023
cb029998adc26af3a2b6c20ec935f297710797ed
2167 F20101129_AAADKC monteiro_l_Page_134.txt
4072d63c23a41784578b902cfd1d1000
075f81b91b579f79882898e77c58dc6255c5bdd9
2250 F20101129_AAADJO monteiro_l_Page_116.txt
6b301cb7c043cfaa2881b40efefd280d
427c9fa550e72ec71a2aaa8b7b5bc32ed2eaacb5
2171 F20101129_AAADIZ monteiro_l_Page_090.txt
ecddeb531fc186923108b6b3770f3fb8
c1569bce0679fd7b336d59429ca23f0bcb17da4f
1051912 F20101129_AAACIU monteiro_l_Page_113.jp2
b6560f77eb8382097841672a21308ccc
6753caa180a97b61c99f7d183f73ae46b95fc8ee
91537 F20101129_AAACJJ monteiro_l_Page_070.jpg
86eef6905c4f2dbd7ede23ce6c0f4507
a86ac07168ed84b9906f371e8dff86ac4664ba29
2218 F20101129_AAADKD monteiro_l_Page_135.txt
8119b163200fc2a8564d7fba7df25ac2
18fb856d5a9c0d7ff133ea43bb167aee22e9863f
2489 F20101129_AAADJP monteiro_l_Page_117.txt
cfc94feeef8fd0d28bb3acee839ea422
72524380e12b49be9fad78bf64a927b87ecb846d
7478 F20101129_AAACIV monteiro_l_Page_113thm.jpg
14a223e76cf39d257c560c71140f464e
232d28bfacab197381af35fbe46ea8dea055f506
1981 F20101129_AAACJK monteiro_l_Page_037.txt
983258f860ccd0b975ecb8ddcfbcc066
38a70b93038081468c695ee4e3389baceb29c1a1
F20101129_AAADKE monteiro_l_Page_136.txt
8351e29e2775a15a2a7adb7d94a38ded
29277dc4cb6522d2fc72ac3b9fd10bfd50d444a3
2122 F20101129_AAADJQ monteiro_l_Page_119.txt
efb00820edbeedada6a0a43ef310ea87
34455f6df2ddd4b844654a7b6428fbd4057f5990
55272 F20101129_AAACIW monteiro_l_Page_062.pro
97b57e84372b84f892118ac313482355
05c92d37b3474fd62d6eda03b332a3c80c5d4350
90477 F20101129_AAACJL monteiro_l_Page_091.jpg
0a2ef5454503efadeb6774f825166bc2
c017cdd0ae97d18859c6daa4677bbde853e56d24
1800 F20101129_AAADKF monteiro_l_Page_137.txt
386987220fd6099a608b07aa15754d1a
a27d6218786ad9f31454b70a2946a0b9d773796e
7840 F20101129_AAACIX monteiro_l_Page_070thm.jpg
35d97df875bc23a2c848bc98af1344fb
47b63ef00311b3c1b073c6943424b35c362be087
84281 F20101129_AAACKA monteiro_l_Page_107.jpg
6eb8984bc789ea2f74ccadb9853e8de0
441f507e98086eb10191595d0b21d9bae0b87c2a
61059 F20101129_AAACJM monteiro_l_Page_106.pro
311a88c33f1022ded54804eb83448dbd
bbd8d4cbfcdec184bd855f9111552fc7b1e57e08
1582 F20101129_AAADKG monteiro_l_Page_138.txt
5cfacfe524bdc6eadfe9380373254c49
6b3206a6a4d554138deb5e9f68378b68876ebaa5
2025 F20101129_AAADJR monteiro_l_Page_120.txt
ffc918044f66df91578d3af87f48de70
1fb1a74d87386171b8b53979db2d4fdba84594d9
1695 F20101129_AAACIY monteiro_l_Page_024.txt
505e04f809fe1ad933cfc56bb519d9ba
09d83d5d7f75ad011d7f20dddb93e4197cc07901
25535 F20101129_AAACKB monteiro_l_Page_034.QC.jpg
f2c4a6f6b5fbf30284bfcae834812aa8
03865de3773b31eedc10e2074aa1b286dfa55ce3
100363 F20101129_AAACJN monteiro_l_Page_074.jpg
12de97d1003670d235a86cdb86ef9800
cc7a74fbaa889998cd05e702fbc4a3fd437efa46
1567 F20101129_AAADKH monteiro_l_Page_139.txt
2cc3ce829b86a70f65ede4045c996095
5cf0b651e6bb3eb6ab4528fea0bd02ab09b7f741
2251 F20101129_AAADJS monteiro_l_Page_121.txt
54c04fe394a485c2eeb5121bd1365bcf
bab2716f507b6337b1a7bf400a8ccc3af4c7029d
23597 F20101129_AAACKC monteiro_l_Page_037.QC.jpg
98dc89fd6bdd52c459bc47e3e6405b6f
d6943548a287e2d6a575d5ccf1b682bd5bfaf67a
1051980 F20101129_AAACJO monteiro_l_Page_068.jp2
1fa3310ce3af6132f85dec97bdddd7a7
03753277aa425b8c230e49502549f763f6a97a14
1906 F20101129_AAACIZ monteiro_l_Page_025.txt
dcac7f504ee520569c1d072ac61b3318
bbb0de75f63dd8fa659bbef78a5aa57a869f85db
1337 F20101129_AAADKI monteiro_l_Page_140.txt
5af21e3ffb9d8431fef9d445313d5d1c
756c52f8fc4ba30f046f64f138a03d1759e86817
1762 F20101129_AAADJT monteiro_l_Page_125.txt
c8936e3dcc1b8ed49a4ff7a5a5a4bab9
2b81dc91db60e66f11b76ab687c936b7499dc793
27772 F20101129_AAACKD monteiro_l_Page_012.QC.jpg
5f4abb47cfa987746618d67e803d6cbe
b61c16653be1aaded8e1b8378e74b55f49c8b449
1051945 F20101129_AAACJP monteiro_l_Page_090.jp2
0711ef37d4b41562a22f52583a52a5c6
b510bad44966ec77e8bf33e15587dba5dbe3ce3d
702 F20101129_AAADKJ monteiro_l_Page_141.txt
85e35b6b3a2750b4fa37f7a1d30643b0
eeb6355261671f510244ecfb0769b3fdb1130df6
1793 F20101129_AAADJU monteiro_l_Page_126.txt
1275c4abd424faaa2a6a61c453b68564
c2a005de43f21b8f7b559293465a7d128981b103
89598 F20101129_AAACKE monteiro_l_Page_117.jpg
680dfb9d7d2551670d659986083190e3
cb03642e15c9911eced458e55ee12b28bdc91f75
91763 F20101129_AAACJQ monteiro_l_Page_073.jpg
77ccc20b1d56ed46324ff442d63faff4
8032d0526daf3a48b45e104984df3b4b00295984
2224 F20101129_AAADKK monteiro_l_Page_143.txt
a00f9f22a65335bc55f7c6c07c878c25
49353ee1a2d9ad649d0af26535d20cfdca73d7eb
F20101129_AAADJV monteiro_l_Page_127.txt
d4d794493e165ae9d897d426942a3eec
b17e2fa193c1561d91a5ecf700512bcdda530cf3
1051957 F20101129_AAACKF monteiro_l_Page_063.jp2
ab7251d108e13e91441d9796760061a2
33b93ba149a4884bc6e5af07124b91dd50f33c8e
F20101129_AAACJR monteiro_l_Page_062.tif
2bc5331c45cb17796721ea006d4aeb30
b2c8e94e51ba6c7b79109098396197c803d6c595
2446 F20101129_AAADKL monteiro_l_Page_144.txt
c511619f6e15e579c8a45f59982e7263
0f14bf7f5c98ef6132b3b26090221b74ded2c757
466 F20101129_AAADJW monteiro_l_Page_128.txt
38a9b763420c9fafa901c7143833c68c
d61493f2a50d32d649bf0f2c7cc90ef3fc542b8c
78423 F20101129_AAACKG monteiro_l_Page_114.jpg
7c66c62319d21bcca76454614928a8df
1ea08b60134c84b53458719788db20d78e96296e
21780 F20101129_AAADLA monteiro_l_Page_052.QC.jpg
740792930e6760c2d3e30a9db79bd2af
c39df256b1729d529d689d96937063afdc20665a
2246 F20101129_AAADKM monteiro_l_Page_145.txt
ae4798ee276b3a81b5f237c625a2c8ac
e475f0c968f3575988379af291497773e2e5616c
2140 F20101129_AAADJX monteiro_l_Page_129.txt
cdd48da79556705b85d8cb359b646db8
4f430030a339d40244b1320e75ff04418d69c008
1051979 F20101129_AAACKH monteiro_l_Page_005.jp2
62f128d7be9ddf1085fa754295cde0dd
d905f43ee4167da05911d65a455efca733349265
1051976 F20101129_AAACJS monteiro_l_Page_109.jp2
db828c588d963ee3b3070af8ee0429eb
7bb59822967a30b540936fa5a5684914d611cc19
26975 F20101129_AAADLB monteiro_l_Page_132.QC.jpg
c73e8ed6406186d835098e66148f64ab
fc11d4f26f2ee94b765e25f59948f6cd38fb18dd
1070 F20101129_AAADKN monteiro_l_Page_146.txt
f60e93150ce8b2443025fa32dd93dcd5
3622b241d9ed1cbd1e741dc959b6302c329033df
2094 F20101129_AAADJY monteiro_l_Page_130.txt
58964ad9103547e95bf6ed6d612861b5
bb5c6f35ce8c32a0648d8faaca7a17066e5f296e
27573 F20101129_AAACKI monteiro_l_Page_014.QC.jpg
b05d52d03defd45a39eaaa39935ee2f1
073591effc75e62929f23d0e5d3eb1b49684650f
1051960 F20101129_AAACJT monteiro_l_Page_028.jp2
15b5e8a4481440496966237e144fb7e8
07e0b8185770777011f7229a6db48fa4cdb5dcb0
7132 F20101129_AAADLC monteiro_l_Page_028thm.jpg
3941f48a10f6a1c46bfb53b5cf3d73db
f2e7843d9ae34444958bb74d004df01f5c5cd556
1195 F20101129_AAADKO monteiro_l_Page_147.txt
d7dac14878145430b8b2ed9bd0cd6a94
ba64daba15df2af54234623d6042f0447dc8ddf3
2058 F20101129_AAADJZ monteiro_l_Page_131.txt
361b5a86380e43c2ea6f22d1ab32ac66
5c4b34958ac26ae4f3adc22915c7448967302cc5
1051970 F20101129_AAACKJ monteiro_l_Page_082.jp2
e4bc8bdd991e02eca4e832d50ee9bb59
e969115ed5cb57cd2502edbb4385ac323a74c492
F20101129_AAACJU monteiro_l_Page_005.tif
8c54ab93c5db69a4325a16db307d0f7e
fefb7ead0b0eaa12285cda1ed9526ebacf95df8f
7434 F20101129_AAADLD monteiro_l_Page_016thm.jpg
fb9eef73fb7584b6f24c6815f129bec3
bb6a1ff1d1f50326223b821fdfba16929dd08157
25543 F20101129_AAADKP monteiro_l_Page_027.QC.jpg
c34f5b1f6cf607480de366df1919f3fd
8b7c9a0b65c82cd4031eb915bd1d40e93f05fb16
89746 F20101129_AAACKK monteiro_l_Page_013.jpg
2a2a00ff4bc1bfcbfd08e1a5a24e2e10
2101373d3aacfbafd1f2ca9b2a5970c356790273
2298 F20101129_AAACJV monteiro_l_Page_086.txt
c2656292ba67d58e13795b510c36caa5
54d01e19b2fbd601cd428cded846950afd3f58ae
7304 F20101129_AAADLE monteiro_l_Page_061thm.jpg
8cddd0fe03189d2b3f568bb324cffb48
3735f5c3e3f448c78c853f81f2cf6b3febe6cd1d
7385 F20101129_AAADKQ monteiro_l_Page_010thm.jpg
6a1f212438501f00def8fb1696987049
7798a126c5d6fb6a08dfa49744b576c271e48802
91156 F20101129_AAACKL monteiro_l_Page_105.jpg
0eac3472680d44154ce0dccb67bb7c40
668bce191c364dcf0747253b287ca1d0d6c5ccdb
F20101129_AAACJW monteiro_l_Page_107.jp2
746bb2b197dd5542f0677767deb4496a
eb80bc54b5d669a57fd4b31d9c54ee44e307454c
7390 F20101129_AAADLF monteiro_l_Page_108thm.jpg
979381be0a124d4e6a69dff25c9233ae
97812ded489f9e0a0fa9dcd2f2de653e4a6fc2aa
29677 F20101129_AAADKR monteiro_l_Page_095.QC.jpg
75116823b9e78cbb2325510acf6dd5fe
585c60cd9bcef1101f7a7aabd92faac546874d6e
1985 F20101129_AAACKM monteiro_l_Page_050.txt
9c7296fa109d4e1d0d83c9307b8fdc44
26ad26a85c26fedbb3bfc3a24466fe61f701264e
2276 F20101129_AAACJX monteiro_l_Page_008.txt
d6502a32a36473a360fc673fbdb4a450
1a4eadc0ada59e13503bc19b7bec2a06fa344a86
2756 F20101129_AAACLA monteiro_l_Page_074.txt
922ea3ee6c49c8b1109991a160e50698
a9b98574831d5eacfa2e25bf4ac872066205d187
27497 F20101129_AAADLG monteiro_l_Page_112.QC.jpg
feec154b8e7824768d45ab01f28018bd
fa29afe7cc35bed54e7de2bdb542c89591b648e2
F20101129_AAACKN monteiro_l_Page_077.tif
656b37843cd4cb1c00d1c33e09da77e6
17269b0ac37c3e75f6e193e1af6e3705b0aa7859
75953 F20101129_AAACJY monteiro_l_Page_006.jpg
0ad0e9cbc7f4f8aa3e0350ad26e6047a
3e32f847f03f87a6180e81283dc7ae3edbd7feac
F20101129_AAACLB monteiro_l_Page_134.tif
aa0a1e28fe314c86a64051880e5cb9ea
acb4e36942236c156a68e5bc7f918fdf50f04d6e
24521 F20101129_AAADLH monteiro_l_Page_120.QC.jpg
79ca37f65fe80482e18905fb55b357f5
96d275b15533905c31e9114517118812e1c3024a
7313 F20101129_AAADKS monteiro_l_Page_134thm.jpg
0703c5aee843ba81fd398eb1c092ad3b
5e7d88cd890c858fa58a6dcb5161becd58cbf2a2
52812 F20101129_AAACKO monteiro_l_Page_096.pro
126981f252ca6310343139abe7e47f31
69d541be56ca4c82a519150d4283974f530f46d7
720606 F20101129_AAACJZ monteiro_l_Page_146.jp2
ea7d509d2ad530452a842b4172dd29df
37576e51173541f0216a88b4a99e4dfd59e2a53b
27669 F20101129_AAACLC monteiro_l_Page_017.QC.jpg
bd5d7077c6b6a2c376927bb9952dcc28
0ee3a918a3e5be91a0b17f5f3af48103d22d91ab
4477 F20101129_AAADLI monteiro_l_Page_140thm.jpg
971bb367f23fdff4a0a9525e98ce9a27
a1d5362d6d93eda45f81e551e62a3d89ae001360
7480 F20101129_AAADKT monteiro_l_Page_057thm.jpg
bc715e7f2be5f223133939de5edec0cf
69108508d13a209a2b10be2301ed981f99a550b8
60278 F20101129_AAACKP monteiro_l_Page_073.pro
a6dedf9a64601013870f7f074dabbe38
2b069ed171c7b93af07a3197501f377d98bc3dc9
81036 F20101129_AAACLD monteiro_l_Page_120.jpg
30464f5e14ae098d652af8afeff3dbe6
8cf4ab59e1a662ebae12ba3548ba0c1a13adac8b
7053 F20101129_AAADLJ monteiro_l_Page_034thm.jpg
c466795cd2c6fc2629677be699ac2a20
74389fc21250aabc3eac8b7bb56e8752170b53ef
27803 F20101129_AAADKU monteiro_l_Page_081.QC.jpg
d17a98204203b3ef89c33401f50d3a3b
2a0d839b3d7107dec153da22f0fc6890a3b3c7cb
40490 F20101129_AAACKQ monteiro_l_Page_024.pro
8c23037d231624b1e3684bd196e5d0f8
1346415aa856eb6b3a0f61ae574493729ba32ff7
6806 F20101129_AAACLE monteiro_l_Page_120thm.jpg
addd96253cdce7f33a8ffd1442b1cdf7
f9d926d304c5de93143a45c5c597bb78490b4d9e
7056 F20101129_AAADLK monteiro_l_Page_123thm.jpg
6339d8a4b4e294212938fad1df558397
3452690f2debcd27ef8b52e92a4091cd6b09c597
7103 F20101129_AAADKV monteiro_l_Page_018thm.jpg
66a2c6d321253ba73b8c4b3ef5a46b77
60962ce31515d53f9c8c5db1da6fac62025a88c1
F20101129_AAACKR monteiro_l_Page_118.tif
ee53f481733e30cc41435b96222a5f0a
197e022b60a4f84406371ee31f036d0a49926675
76230 F20101129_AAACLF monteiro_l_Page_037.jpg
77c853d050de0280ea6612e3a8c57551
48983bc60327632bd8ff666a146d75d0ad0dfc20
26900 F20101129_AAADLL monteiro_l_Page_089.QC.jpg
7d878f266080dad85ba0df67e3847f8c
d93e9e315e4b315124ef15a8ac94a587e06ca2e5
7128 F20101129_AAADKW monteiro_l_Page_145thm.jpg
7d2de79c4fac6fd177be32bb42607089
976efb23ab430e00c5852daa7783e872ae70a3c2
87692 F20101129_AAACKS monteiro_l_Page_108.jpg
8817a43406c91882eaeaa51fe86916ed
b63fb80cad168d649bbfeffaf717756a1ab141b5
F20101129_AAACLG monteiro_l_Page_085.tif
2909836fdc5ecbc09f74ae0302e87254
6cdd43fc534d5518bb2cdddecc4ae01592a6c700
26705 F20101129_AAADMA monteiro_l_Page_021.QC.jpg
5da9f146b8ce8653832ae7cfebf97462
1ac94dc240cd97e082717134d9f4fca39640b6ee
20981 F20101129_AAADLM monteiro_l_Page_044.QC.jpg
7707e8450f5436bd5f5c6681e974675e
62e3968526d7f542c3801c71df01b554600cff5c
7352 F20101129_AAADKX monteiro_l_Page_060thm.jpg
4e16369393a460afdcbe4d184349ccce
75cc9f3823a60cb9cb3213727aa21c92803f4bae
7686 F20101129_AAACLH monteiro_l_Page_078thm.jpg
dd007b2bff472f6d2d7650366da86a49
9336e651cbd67d53b8471902ad924523ee678f08
28151 F20101129_AAADMB monteiro_l_Page_065.QC.jpg
5d1ac5ac19a6fbbc9159366dfde1a2a2
e11d76866e3342424884a376b3e4fd2c5ec2f48b
27175 F20101129_AAADLN monteiro_l_Page_115.QC.jpg
87ae6266480606495ee7b1c3faa2b117
f13419ce17a1f0a51bb4cfcf5c37978d4d9499d9
26387 F20101129_AAADKY monteiro_l_Page_123.QC.jpg
68bc66edadfa59c3ccbedc28702f097e
42d1c4af3f53f3b0579724452125315e95af4a46
26768 F20101129_AAACKT monteiro_l_Page_086.QC.jpg
eeab657ce610164c4c179e454eeaa99f
ae5039767b7e875542fbfe5e13c060e1e35495cf
37588 F20101129_AAACLI monteiro_l_Page_139.pro
70b04089e7d942ebb224d03e73f56a5f
cf3ddb70342ebf10481d6fba227050f886908d6a
6657 F20101129_AAADMC monteiro_l_Page_124thm.jpg
28466f8d2052e81a85c4ea9d9486ea29
c68c93ecc21b3a8787fa54c5b0c7e531ab4ad302
7490 F20101129_AAADLO monteiro_l_Page_109thm.jpg
98b20497da3c45d5e58cf68a00931013
c330f426abbf02c2b663d22611c3aad26d4a1315
7736 F20101129_AAADKZ monteiro_l_Page_026thm.jpg
937ddc093e49ca62958fffc8c16fee0d
8407e16d68f1d7f8bdcb78607578c41924c3e152
59032 F20101129_AAACKU monteiro_l_Page_022.pro
d7e5538dfa5dafdfbc91f42c93ea4735
2ce398653fd6bcd091071418c721fa27d51de619
2206 F20101129_AAACLJ monteiro_l_Page_099.txt
bf02282a1b46f89ad4e34ccc6024584a
5153f814e924ec854cf734b696fa26c09d97f1a0
28527 F20101129_AAADMD monteiro_l_Page_104.QC.jpg
8f073f2d807c03b6c9fdf72812895c29
7f21f81841aaa51dbc6b4007284c59640ec9c61d
7529 F20101129_AAADLP monteiro_l_Page_011thm.jpg
0e68000354c9c199a6b81cc69d4ad6a3
c4452ba1618dc64a1b1781820bf6c19e00ef5f07
6319 F20101129_AAACKV monteiro_l_Page_049thm.jpg
3613e011d4ea982b84e6072bd681909f
4f8258f77573d24cf489c9a7426062f8ee6ccccc
1994 F20101129_AAACLK monteiro_l_Page_045.txt
fb707da3c269fdbfc7302ef8c39789fe
940451179d68a125c2d57c54a2e5bd5cd0a0f744
7155 F20101129_AAADME monteiro_l_Page_129thm.jpg
00ad27085c16f84d3778fdb6572ee5e4
1c41272c524beff20381275fc9809016653fc709
25078 F20101129_AAADLQ monteiro_l_Page_094.QC.jpg
7354b6f6183c8d2ea0da76778fae4eb1
6a7ee6fe679ad719f0633dd24d83159f2a3a7373
2364 F20101129_AAACKW monteiro_l_Page_104.txt
36eb588fcd49a53b14d2f366167d20ae
c76253726f7440bc9060b27ff34386e30e863915
F20101129_AAACLL monteiro_l_Page_113.tif
ff635476dcad365d62e9187bbc3e1168
30b85022765393cd70d0e2befac1e68441c3171b
24109 F20101129_AAADMF monteiro_l_Page_085.QC.jpg
94cb4cf43ce0f382f12335d68b5dcce2
3705eac866f6ee95b7d9b3faf9ff59fb901f693c
6517 F20101129_AAADLR monteiro_l_Page_045thm.jpg
217fe201712bf5c96f5bb8aaf83b631b
39e4a4cef2ab3175b60aa07d0b10f77bcab69005
F20101129_AAACKX monteiro_l_Page_137.tif
53abd373486a7f1648dcd986259b2f8f
11aa8b53182838d05172f25bdc8f8a2c2f6301e6
28301 F20101129_AAACMA monteiro_l_Page_023.QC.jpg
fa4ef7c9a657fa9ceb8596912bbe64f7
8d0c7e13860b22e51ad6a3ff7e1e766e6017ed90
F20101129_AAACLM monteiro_l_Page_039.tif
779632431a3cfbdeac270c00745772ca
0c028d8600054096543df7c4da393472334f2e47
27131 F20101129_AAADMG monteiro_l_Page_060.QC.jpg
ce1dd9d74fe52e4d5753614c3dffc651
9c99e8aa72e6e7a92673da295de1ceb921d1200f
4595 F20101129_AAADLS monteiro_l_Page_138thm.jpg
7e983a44589ce6be05426384311a2d38
88cdde82da90e0b2eaa01f19cc24280fe595bc86
2238 F20101129_AAACKY monteiro_l_Page_054.txt
7fa3a1793488e8c84441d2ba51b57c06
30f7d0719ab2c3f359deaf83680d7e8d9c72353f
52641 F20101129_AAACMB monteiro_l_Page_147.jpg
c4b8f26295ecbb4d1687800a5d840661
f7aeae1840a6030530e5595ff3f68185544ca4f2
57599 F20101129_AAACLN monteiro_l_Page_026.pro
dbe298af069a0f046070da4ea22c98d7
9952d466357e3d6ae5401ed0e2f8ec14f7490654
7656 F20101129_AAADMH monteiro_l_Page_001.QC.jpg
939461a5a9fa23a784bfd00a0ed0d0fd
e8b9e0a283d366c04fd645f13a5d27a2f57a1611
F20101129_AAACKZ monteiro_l_Page_087.tif
5675ac7ceeaa1048eb81861cf5836c1e
a80ad4caff3dd9756c54949cb22e02ac2dc3029a
1051943 F20101129_AAACMC monteiro_l_Page_121.jp2
b98115621e7b30920c7026401544cb49
07b36522e8dfdc0baf014f199e79916efca42332
7371 F20101129_AAACLO monteiro_l_Page_004thm.jpg
3915a78b0f6ab316d1db68726ad2eeff
7f7e7c3149da505ab9013f578d10dbe58b203b87
27951 F20101129_AAADMI monteiro_l_Page_026.QC.jpg
627ba65456088699cd359e82e183b131
56d6877bb5fc3efc6f22e74673d5aecdc0d601b5
7144 F20101129_AAADLT monteiro_l_Page_047thm.jpg
4d4da5c0bffab7c1cda63feb405d7cc3
8d04781ebcf2d58bc0fbe9e77f14a0cb464d6dbd
74076 F20101129_AAACMD monteiro_l_Page_046.jpg
af458b8d1be97daf6d0693a9c99df96a
20796085abff8c9e4a5f71c23746486fd20d1294
1051938 F20101129_AAACLP monteiro_l_Page_081.jp2
9153fd371b4dd0a06c249e921984ec06
46d9d0d3df46794951f0d3aee05227c465b04128
28043 F20101129_AAADMJ monteiro_l_Page_105.QC.jpg
2771b5ff0dd599134be777bcf071b2c2
7b6c381ef45c2a7e2956a7e40d812ec04efdb78a
28535 F20101129_AAADLU monteiro_l_Page_013.QC.jpg
b971936b66edbf3887ab1f2d42f415a0
ec941a8547d194cd0f320172346c946d5a8a4f38
23341 F20101129_AAACME monteiro_l_Page_049.QC.jpg
ab3afe61631372aaa718e81a4d7881ba
a23dce51cfeb261301d0bd328666d28ffed57d0a
F20101129_AAACLQ monteiro_l_Page_106.jp2
f0244fe20dc1545dc8f299c07605f02e
3e0357f72bbcc709152d667167e480312cde087f
21995 F20101129_AAADMK monteiro_l_Page_039.QC.jpg
80351b93cdfbcd28a636a99b4c0726ca
62089ea799c6a0a310f8fd3f4f29319e364e1daf
6285 F20101129_AAADLV monteiro_l_Page_087thm.jpg
c4eace1a1962b78802141aed4c262241
ee32354cbf2366bd9d4906f29ebf329a1cf09e6b
88221 F20101129_AAACMF monteiro_l_Page_103.jpg
bc943d15c02d773f53aea7bf94e5eafb
8f7d4342584020e6afaa57353e78f9b1892843e0
50779 F20101129_AAACLR monteiro_l_Page_114.pro
f35983b172a95e6f12fa244fe1b16efa
b21c491859299e2ae2c8919b16ea0abdb86f5786
28354 F20101129_AAADML monteiro_l_Page_121.QC.jpg
0a720c97a321964314bd781bc5b5eccc
f5b26b34b92ef2343671e5abdaeab67b31911d16
7387 F20101129_AAADLW monteiro_l_Page_073thm.jpg
900fb14764ca4597213716fb95d8aa4c
9b24535fd5067a1822e5a4bb6b0af861de4e0df8
496 F20101129_AAACMG monteiro_l_Page_001.txt
31f29571d75a574ebb7fe5e9fb5374ee
c41d1062376b46fb433db4d59ba0c6c54a230eb1
27492 F20101129_AAACLS monteiro_l_Page_016.QC.jpg
8d33a79c5d5ceddc386bafd6a1b55f2b
3836b09ed3e79f17312c7287853a7d7accf1b128
22798 F20101129_AAADNA monteiro_l_Page_125.QC.jpg
2935f1fb58baea29cc931bbeb991ab87
f4f8a6cccec14aa93e0c8add22ddb04a0dccfaea
21724 F20101129_AAADMM monteiro_l_Page_126.QC.jpg
657d5a3c6478bbf2c9801b5765d7e989
f155a77aeb8b335488b8d2426226e83558f28a67
25815 F20101129_AAADLX monteiro_l_Page_042.QC.jpg
4187f367ec76ddc770593ead43c79de8
ed8c300c49db4a349552583220f282b6d5079882
48917 F20101129_AAACMH monteiro_l_Page_085.pro
094790acd3fbf60dbe32b70a236bd9ec
45af4ebbf706a5c94cec735536e53ff004b59eab
24810 F20101129_AAACLT monteiro_l_Page_122.QC.jpg
2ffae5c8cae6504b6f878fbb0f21d70e
7ef03b5703864fef30673eef119fe799bc8188df
23508 F20101129_AAADNB monteiro_l_Page_097.QC.jpg
f75bc9533ac08da754f32c3d856c0423
934e173431980a2e3e798506580f419d1050afde
6310 F20101129_AAADMN monteiro_l_Page_037thm.jpg
c100d240b4ed4c824258e61a713db99b
71fb5fd3ef8ffec0545a940145ab6583ef0fd69e
2372 F20101129_AAADLY monteiro_l_Page_001thm.jpg
2f07c5cce2c2f86c9a587c173bf6d0f5
51a0e993cbd31f4836043e42d7fe2e485fa3d0cb
F20101129_AAACMI monteiro_l_Page_074.jp2
712f068d0789e18a68296189e793bc77
e55cc1693c99ae8ef9e283f06427bea7552b5af6
6086 F20101129_AAADNC monteiro_l_Page_097thm.jpg
b0d1c2da0e0690e75712c7b9313f6bc7
559ffeb8de3d8eeefb609f0ab2768a618a5112f7
26204 F20101129_AAADMO monteiro_l_Page_142.QC.jpg
27757669ca2f7a807c445b6e29c92d1e
73500886803db254b2639314e922c04ca5866a1f
6488 F20101129_AAADLZ monteiro_l_Page_046thm.jpg
cc24e70e6869f3c7b0696ccbd6ec8185
8dc5769fce644a8ddc326412caea8542ab91cea0
2624 F20101129_AAACMJ monteiro_l_Page_007thm.jpg
66d8b02e77e1b1f11e9beea7e1e38aed
fdd07fe90b966605acaed19f8d13f2644bd93d6d
1051966 F20101129_AAACLU monteiro_l_Page_134.jp2
d15cfeb422f4566d7dbed30462c1ce2c
0b61e465d36085b0e781831165d51cb5c1346fca
15396 F20101129_AAADND monteiro_l_Page_140.QC.jpg
c6b4c2d964f325277ddc013fcf586532
c081b95291228fe2aebd87026abf347f4cf72e20
7186 F20101129_AAADMP monteiro_l_Page_143thm.jpg
b99eab844d4c8ab7e7ebaa173d3e4b18
96cfde2ce15eccc6d93faa13e97fd462759b5509
F20101129_AAACMK monteiro_l_Page_026.jp2
346019f2bf5d23687ca7b0763f4f9790
1a10bc8015d7f8dd0ca3fcad2566c591baaedace
24839 F20101129_AAACLV monteiro_l_Page_058.pro
9356c03ecae0ca054d120a9dead95140
5caa750a80ade51299fdf567275b6504523f771a
7351 F20101129_AAADNE monteiro_l_Page_127thm.jpg
25c0d975ac5a5f1ec687d81e4630d63c
cf6a7361443473bdacb6e4052d824dccf13642c1
27289 F20101129_AAADMQ monteiro_l_Page_059.QC.jpg
f185c2d11f18464c12ddc7476ff59f1f
8bf0ebfb804896426e68be71a8a4accf9011c319
731527 F20101129_AAACML monteiro_l_Page_140.jp2
cc2755f04dabde1c5006aa57d143c992
b4b97029ba5bc4f9524e53de57d4fd7a9a193feb
89258 F20101129_AAACLW monteiro_l_Page_089.jpg
034aef2deaa4667f6d4f01a476e1b145
1e1ba61ff4bcf8b7e9ae0a45fb11b0cfa1d871fd
5883 F20101129_AAADNF monteiro_l_Page_051thm.jpg
e34c1a7018e4778a13deb5044a97e5f2
7266cf3bf8cb622160574929a1baa9023594e8f3
2557 F20101129_AAADMR monteiro_l_Page_128thm.jpg
4485351bb7cde41c7ff6a650392d662f
bcd11eebc4c96bd830e4c7f3eb8f6ed588e7f22c
F20101129_AAACNA monteiro_l_Page_133.tif
8e480c7547b4ca74f45ccaf2aaa89804
b506b358c94f3a75fd8fbd03041307b046eafbb6
2004 F20101129_AAACMM monteiro_l_Page_094.txt
803e46f1226ef72f5968945149be13d8
0e0906ec82e6d7c45f207a997d56f5d6bdab575c
76597 F20101129_AAACLX monteiro_l_Page_025.jpg
d2ab154c64bdaa0ed6f5362743b11ad0
7de49d2106b6157d74e35355cdeac8adc005ad27
7317 F20101129_AAADNG monteiro_l_Page_105thm.jpg
cdadec8b0242a0c5f630d3c929d02fbe
f5779279c6928eb43f7bf76f2a3cfe8f6377d2a8
1345 F20101129_AAADMS monteiro_l_Page_002thm.jpg
9d9176761367ab27d8c518d8ef62663b
d37ffda1c0c70ee3f8163d8b0352ff5e5cf7c6d4
1051921 F20101129_AAACNB monteiro_l_Page_057.jp2
67371dcd70a079af7d1b2c9481de9dc1
78e29dce87c62c991f9e404fd7e2e7e832ba1e13
26376 F20101129_AAACMN monteiro_l_Page_109.QC.jpg
eb4dba3e1b29f353507153733dcdb94b
d4027dc115827c0a846dd9acb76b76750ff533d2
5859 F20101129_AAACLY monteiro_l_Page_024thm.jpg
bf345d40a7064d9ef16b4413ccd1c999
8da4a09df46cd5a774c2c428362d16663560bae9
7152 F20101129_AAADNH monteiro_l_Page_019thm.jpg
d5d55d90ecc1bb1bdf131d7c4957dfcf
d0c9491a0f45a822cb79749b9d0ee18e15223e98
26011 F20101129_AAADMT monteiro_l_Page_096.QC.jpg
eac157fb17a60e8f881d972bb39277ad
77022f635f92007b599f3590eaa74849b0ff0188
1944 F20101129_AAACNC monteiro_l_Page_122.txt
620a04939016af1da022e9ae463e9342
d6139388dc2a20ed4059b8355d831105c901c105
F20101129_AAACMO monteiro_l_Page_042.jp2
739234a39555c1866150903977a73814
358ec3199da8838bc014b8faa2b074d4dd63edd5
67559 F20101129_AAACLZ monteiro_l_Page_024.jpg
0d751240c6ac93ced2a540df752e90cb
698a816480e484efd15d9fa6c374c04db7080700
28201 F20101129_AAADNI monteiro_l_Page_008.QC.jpg
1156d4129e349f9a5e1e46cade9bbf48
bb583bd7c9338e5bf0e16826fccb1cf6258699a6
7468 F20101129_AAACND monteiro_l_Page_048thm.jpg
fdb35ea0584a57a83804d214ee51d566
8c9032f75f9ed05d2a2ea9dc24b81a06dc015f3c
2055 F20101129_AAACMP monteiro_l_Page_028.txt
37bff3cff0971ce20cce587a25a65da0
4ea4232b902977a80d3e0766be6cffce07818e28
23968 F20101129_AAADNJ monteiro_l_Page_045.QC.jpg
5b187d9db0471692e9e957a0d009dc5c
8c3faa54ab6f7267030080accb6122c7fd0c82f7
7263 F20101129_AAADMU monteiro_l_Page_131thm.jpg
c21add2851930abdeba16a935d791828
800e392f6ca058753e92135f9f0212fbab644366
992766 F20101129_AAACNE monteiro_l_Page_126.jp2
7993e573d60a9c2639634be89fe1b8c2
640ac5120e70befa8ca64cacac3df6d773dc208e
27549 F20101129_AAACMQ monteiro_l_Page_088.QC.jpg
6d696298986e43b02f116b83ba7e9b21
f008e19d94a48981bee7ba88a81406cd86eb2f61
23466 F20101129_AAADNK monteiro_l_Page_038.QC.jpg
07291adcc5deb2e4f303020f8195154e
ba8f00db6c1bc86e55e2b5a7537d58f9a9fa5738
25358 F20101129_AAADMV monteiro_l_Page_035.QC.jpg
56c432b3f6c6654f2cebaf7bef324367
6d216f38f23c3326104f4b3d6732059a5c31f52e
F20101129_AAACNF monteiro_l_Page_037.tif
d5d8d60715d8056e5d098d6fda12b872
0cb76918668aa1579a169c6cb6673f645b7f8f78
F20101129_AAACMR monteiro_l_Page_025.tif
d8c8407d7a2b0436f1e8172432f31d7d
1ac804241feea80157927ca7f2871b9d7824a6a9
7503 F20101129_AAADNL monteiro_l_Page_068thm.jpg
75ffa835f5775515d34e1557525c006a
bd646508e1d67e20402b376ded7db4ddd8a0f24e
F20101129_AAADMW monteiro_l_Page_080thm.jpg
fa54ee12a71d295e1a1548bebade7bcd
f6b08317f591279517d9c97ed5870cd01a5c3e94
3914 F20101129_AAACNG monteiro_l_Page_146thm.jpg
24c9bef4e650fa9028333d9139a84c88
1cf6e9b15bdb4a2725622a1325bc2b0f0bc417be
72973 F20101129_AAACMS monteiro_l_Page_125.jpg
68603b9670f39fb1473417c36d148969
8d72482a970b74330770cd53e4ef6d01ce39e311
6472 F20101129_AAADOA monteiro_l_Page_125thm.jpg
f7cd1a7a751f21e75733cc0fca6fb0ee
19e192fc011c1c3afea4a347ffe3ad6e53b16a29
7805 F20101129_AAADNM monteiro_l_Page_084thm.jpg
2a880caf138e4b7392c071fc9f624283
65044d131f5bf569cbaea6077c826791f2d3f271
8457 F20101129_AAADMX monteiro_l_Page_007.QC.jpg
cf32e0587b7f34cdbce2704f2123a258
792fb786fbe5fc106a2d20bbdbcb6e1d3049a40a
1051955 F20101129_AAACNH monteiro_l_Page_114.jp2
38c80dd1141533146fdfedde3d1cd6d2
bbca93a6255c556c7762d8d2e28353fe2afb3afd
1051977 F20101129_AAACMT monteiro_l_Page_061.jp2
ec1caa995570db3435449ec7ca117e72
72f76b108b286568a8585a41eae7efdf30ee3578
26702 F20101129_AAADOB monteiro_l_Page_062.QC.jpg
23629d80eb9fa02295b1d8aedfc651c9
85da3fabeedba66a917399008ee7feaedca8bf52
7682 F20101129_AAADNN monteiro_l_Page_074thm.jpg
b95a6d173b0c6b1d882393cd1a329148
e674c94de90cfb70d31b7163424f4c7b0c8e6c0d
7596 F20101129_AAADMY monteiro_l_Page_009thm.jpg
b5e5da2894c62d86dfea990075b9470e
720e39f267eabba0814bb8085b2ecf6252d57005
49343 F20101129_AAACNI monteiro_l_Page_094.pro
d9e49743fe98f31edb1a4d72cb3a138a
592925f88c5f2f353582205f9f797d9a49dd0d13
2966 F20101129_AAACMU monteiro_l_Page_141thm.jpg
f7a96ae46d29c071cbf48ac4c4e9306a
fa8e2f22913df9f9d7b65ad1b9fee7c71863ecc4
28025 F20101129_AAADOC monteiro_l_Page_083.QC.jpg
dc7a0048b33a52b62ea4c4a384c4bdf2
30294b74f779e2c73444b6650f3e80159fa12af6
7500 F20101129_AAADNO monteiro_l_Page_059thm.jpg
6230848f28273d4bc3fbaeb06fd8e0be
d71fc55babc895054a1b8d67718778de4fb230c3
6232 F20101129_AAADMZ monteiro_l_Page_031thm.jpg
3e77aff0302e4ed54c27984db390ea18
a53188da7c6889b462d14318e9e12181847de449
10117 F20101129_AAACNJ monteiro_l_Page_003.jpg
8357c3f14101e9a05693ba91828d301a
b098d54baad732f22bd7876ec9ed471eb2bde222
7510 F20101129_AAADOD monteiro_l_Page_030thm.jpg
99d925486184129b3da0e547c834248e
ffa9275338bb43a46af90158d093675d7f97ddc1
7311 F20101129_AAADNP monteiro_l_Page_014thm.jpg
0e7d454f918862e0dcbec947ac4cb748
626b5c2f093fe81a50c719e6542481d51c731593
88145 F20101129_AAACNK monteiro_l_Page_099.jpg
9dfd903c8f6c278c7ff45a244b4d68fe
85ca7e29783c7ab6071c7b9adf753a96e682d5b1
1935 F20101129_AAACMV monteiro_l_Page_110.txt
372c55ddde7e001f41c55fbff83b7f7f
496c8696df18159377c7ab95166740858cf84674
27507 F20101129_AAADOE monteiro_l_Page_101.QC.jpg
89726d194421bf38b0436eac3e19de69
14e88fa2845a254e449cec3a466b7713c3698ce3
7610 F20101129_AAADNQ monteiro_l_Page_100thm.jpg
b12285d62710d6fe6cf94631ea2e7c06
6646f6b10ef33c905cbd05cd863492a94d6d60f2
F20101129_AAACNL monteiro_l_Page_095.jp2
10cc1474558f7e59359a8b1996c1f436
65bee7005704cf0e037ecaaff8924d48d2fad93b
F20101129_AAACMW monteiro_l_Page_013.tif
32beb0a793a0c9e9d262d6b51ca6a730
09404009d45187fa943d86631bd403abe6a545c6
26899 F20101129_AAADOF monteiro_l_Page_117.QC.jpg
51386615bb568b2899740d58050d5ad1
2f50f77ef8262d9cb80ef4f5ebd32dfbf09c6e97
28223 F20101129_AAADNR monteiro_l_Page_116.QC.jpg
e1aedd7526d1b2f11d21aab850c5645c
64de8da03836c3db0ee70ce8cea98ac28a061327
26939 F20101129_AAACNM monteiro_l_Page_145.QC.jpg
cfde183aa55dcf40212c0a8067bc4e73
7c53de35995e36dd06036a2e06669ef6210ba5ba
28054 F20101129_AAACMX monteiro_l_Page_057.QC.jpg
437003b2b5dde64e028d31b4f42ec876
d5c10becfeaf27b7cdd737aadf29ccb3cdf86273
1051954 F20101129_AAACOA monteiro_l_Page_047.jp2
7d11756da61c3d66050cd5c64fd710aa
582b8788a04d344fa0f568963c739a3081e00d24
27764 F20101129_AAADOG monteiro_l_Page_135.QC.jpg
33786bc7e0ef659bfa0917865b15e39c
754db6867d8603001c4138f97bf37edd795950eb
18135 F20101129_AAADNS monteiro_l_Page_139.QC.jpg
4c4f00778fb77bcb3cb67489c338ca76
d7bd2ede258629713f7541382dd2016b1fb836b3
F20101129_AAACNN monteiro_l_Page_130.tif
df799006eb1c947a2696cb80465a4fa6
821ae499cea98071c633a5dc29fd29a25c08704d
85961 F20101129_AAACMY monteiro_l_Page_066.jpg
a70cef88be8d4c6c34fce9c561378e41
aeeced9e7fbf6960edcdd753b933aace4bbd330f
F20101129_AAACOB monteiro_l_Page_103.tif
21b3b4488e791a859c1bd05c46353cca
dc6fa8404690acaab02c9e754541e3f24f11419c
28386 F20101129_AAADOH monteiro_l_Page_073.QC.jpg
33b8514dddb4da0cb6976d70dcf49602
966f12630389386f43d0a8cf21a75e31628b781e
7199 F20101129_AAADNT monteiro_l_Page_062thm.jpg
46c9fe70b4f082387900ffdc66033c3a
d25b4faa0bd57ff416042c12a3095bf93c871859
F20101129_AAACNO monteiro_l_Page_125.tif
5a3574b475758af56d3316874e55c918
661bd1b59316ca11c412bbe09c447686bbe727fd
53900 F20101129_AAACMZ monteiro_l_Page_119.pro
3f3c1c0256f72a561d1c1102f8514afe
47eafa195b30ca6cb17f6ae6717790292d1d42e8
F20101129_AAACOC monteiro_l_Page_098.tif
477e208c145f2d2ea1e512145e33b7ee
c7478965e5b37539e1d13fca77f7a415d43db1e6
26004 F20101129_AAADOI monteiro_l_Page_131.QC.jpg
42b57d64c13928f2ebc69894d987ae0f
c47938e9110bcb1e7a9b993d2bb0efe7e33a35d7
25324 F20101129_AAADNU monteiro_l_Page_055.QC.jpg
e64f15695f3d937b0a1368bc8679bcde
e33443555226b4e98502a95d2f34a4e945754f1d
29758 F20101129_AAACNP monteiro_l_Page_074.QC.jpg
7d5635a66672abe86a613e01f622eb61
1864d0e413941b09b261582e01960a024f91994d
923696 F20101129_AAACOD monteiro_l_Page_044.jp2
aa3de926e484dc4e0343c836b4c71cb3
92e0ec7e79f3967812ef15b3556d1de612a4e740
16840 F20101129_AAADOJ monteiro_l_Page_138.QC.jpg
d73c726a5ec7fd5dc15200ebc4f909f9
2a196c96ace8cb0cfec547b8c35968cf34754b41
F20101129_AAACNQ monteiro_l_Page_107.tif
473fe63e6907bc4518761e1d89d734c8
fd93feb4458fab9991168bd795e99198b8fbd65a
1967 F20101129_AAACOE monteiro_l_Page_064.txt
3dac609c4cf963083af0c9d84c7cca9f
bffa9db46dbba1039a1c6180c68d03bde40adcc3
6891 F20101129_AAADOK monteiro_l_Page_035thm.jpg
8b56248be07e540a2586e85207ab14c1
7a9af7ecd4398e5662dc5742d81189b771a8ee48
7429 F20101129_AAADNV monteiro_l_Page_112thm.jpg
366062cd0ab8be682d5488054aee0939
cef1d3d123b8e6525dec399044c40abaa20083af
26430 F20101129_AAACNR monteiro_l_Page_079.QC.jpg
054b77fd18afaa0447618396125a1114
a16d2acd861db73942ff473682eff78ee4167c7a
28801 F20101129_AAACOF monteiro_l_Page_078.QC.jpg
2410df252fb6cf8c7b8acf8745aaeab4
ea4fe9af24ac8dcc8d561c744a02b8d68f9d217b
7406 F20101129_AAADOL monteiro_l_Page_077thm.jpg
724591eb153bb871c76144602bdce3f0
6c7861f7597e1b6c397cfaca2094f975d5b29f5b
6805 F20101129_AAADNW monteiro_l_Page_110thm.jpg
0599569f055cde621404950b36a42b42
78a09fb68ca7b0074f957cba5273629a99559240
28297 F20101129_AAACNS monteiro_l_Page_070.QC.jpg
22e8dbdbccd3b72f57861073acfed058
ca32183189ba1ad4bc10f0176c4fc38e68dc69a7
6821 F20101129_AAACOG monteiro_l_Page_050thm.jpg
11c4d3a0d4599a3fe8dd0e9ac137bc26
db6d03537d966ed46ab8e698918f149ee431f78f
28021 F20101129_AAADPA monteiro_l_Page_030.QC.jpg
9d52f0f3d8a82f0e0d15e53797eabe14
18d0b3a9cfadb40c35f4dad7be613dcae7648625
26791 F20101129_AAADOM monteiro_l_Page_018.QC.jpg
5c1572181c0541512a004d6ad9f3fbff
73867b48b8a8bc4c1dbeced7c6829924728b5ee4
7240 F20101129_AAADNX monteiro_l_Page_117thm.jpg
ba09658dc3056750a43b860b44f5b70b
44c4c7a9b7e32728c8ca1534dd54c3dd09a82ae2
85850 F20101129_AAACNT monteiro_l_Page_071.jpg
512caddebbbc95f3137df95106fc4fd0
8e181884370cbf45e589604b2433dd68c5c0d9e9
1929 F20101129_AAACOH monteiro_l_Page_049.txt
c660d826c4ad09a091b17946e6a5c96c
3e3c7aa5b7fc982d8bff5082388bf3991df96899
7193 F20101129_AAADPB monteiro_l_Page_092thm.jpg
3947334e2e586cb5f8030db4f1da43f6
f6ff9bb481911270296abb1deeb5e621f47dfa32
7530 F20101129_AAADON monteiro_l_Page_022thm.jpg
2e45d6aee1312f1fde4ba61956bf3f3d
f32dd9cfc434649c88ddd3d7860b3e1bf69494b0
27814 F20101129_AAADNY monteiro_l_Page_010.QC.jpg
f0cb75cf01f337a2bfaca6faae4d9e48
536e025b088291f7b6c23a19206399542f4f360b
6989 F20101129_AAACNU monteiro_l_Page_042thm.jpg
b8d0d643156da144ab773e0beb363e52
6c812fccf46a9e1476b925935d6e56e36ee29818
74018 F20101129_AAACOI monteiro_l_Page_031.jpg
ba3869b92085fc96eee551ee6f98912f
55c17daf4dce31680388003a97bb0c3759df1cc9
27178 F20101129_AAADPC monteiro_l_Page_047.QC.jpg
667b75d11c54acd6bf500daa9e7a54e0
bbdf0664cbce01986e8b9a629496726727f228f7
6864 F20101129_AAADOO monteiro_l_Page_055thm.jpg
452ee147e6794c2315edd52394828a99
3a003c64e4de347df703ec421bdc186b8f3e2a5a
F20101129_AAADNZ monteiro_l_Page_133thm.jpg
13c5cc885bbb67fdb74856740ec454bd
9cbf97de828843882028a6777d92680a206f1847
70865 F20101129_AAACNV monteiro_l_Page_137.jpg
7914c66caf5e46b8f255d408d1b61730
338be628a135c8e86419a176f3c69e9d0896b85b
86635 F20101129_AAACOJ monteiro_l_Page_060.jpg
92ad96f57f8278ea0e3f14ba08047f09
3addacb366ebc80dae4642a91cee34569f23ccbf
27976 F20101129_AAADPD monteiro_l_Page_133.QC.jpg
7ea75ba9346d99a9d38e971a8f74d8fd
b7d19bfc7b5bf1ca822732cf486a0b88741d70a8
7375 F20101129_AAADOP monteiro_l_Page_063thm.jpg
85bae153fd0e964a333cefe230472e7d
7555f0d1ffdd9834141871454bbcfc898838d115
82714 F20101129_AAACOK monteiro_l_Page_028.jpg
8dc0a839e5216a3d9fd640b0077fdb27
179a523514e1b4b2c95b2306dbc5135169ee8977
29016 F20101129_AAADPE monteiro_l_Page_082.QC.jpg
4196c10b2316fd6db8f8269de9f2bf52
72529ee6e9199fbbd7e2d06dd272bc75db89bcad
6835 F20101129_AAADOQ monteiro_l_Page_075thm.jpg
e29f1c58f0241c34183a82befab69c19
57cd8651f9dd333c574e4c8f3fd2b5b45d3ad539
6531 F20101129_AAACOL monteiro_l_Page_085thm.jpg
6a4148e54eb27c77fe88e78a54c579fe
dbbd4cf4c660898d32f7baf26d8b51a2451ae353
43626 F20101129_AAACNW monteiro_l_Page_125.pro
885386cb8766a80b54730fe23866b251
9ffbd5fc684854046e694dd1472e9224ce709f5b
21705 F20101129_AAADPF monteiro_l_Page_137.QC.jpg
93e580724751aef22cf70dd422a2c2f9
4ca58f4ce187a8074747fac6c1207c5ae3678f3b
7175 F20101129_AAADOR monteiro_l_Page_115thm.jpg
bea6965587981d177d982210146ba5ac
43bcbd615a8d851c9391f6ac38f07e186c1193d9
87218 F20101129_AAACPA monteiro_l_Page_010.jpg
7820a2bf7614ea25d70a84464500c6cb
6c64bde0cd93d81610f7c5d7adca294853b2498a
2175 F20101129_AAACOM monteiro_l_Page_057.txt
0a98be17d9d93211b68bee4764bcbf62
798156a51e551f18312c5d5b426d74cca267128d
26538 F20101129_AAACNX monteiro_l_Page_033.QC.jpg
6bf3f70d085ed9355b138389256f43f2
744cc87f4935a653807cae2ab5a9798a1096b7b7
22186 F20101129_AAADPG monteiro_l_Page_031.QC.jpg
6df4fdf52bbec3069a2c3855371abc75
b52b5d0d5ee1fa05a6b2651ef1bc3e1d5d8a5b94
28239 F20101129_AAADOS monteiro_l_Page_113.QC.jpg
03205f720def7630bd5a45e883d16751
d36b7332097f1cb01d4a58f5d277d867c744e639
27219 F20101129_AAACPB monteiro_l_Page_119.QC.jpg
f48b4684c89d22b2c1e63ddcdc4076a7
4bf54ff34a4124fec438940e8f9dda788e6e7c8e
88474 F20101129_AAACON monteiro_l_Page_030.jpg
e976ac851b4f736592cf0e964ea46cd9
20c101a0733a0554cc248bb78f3d18708d54f2a8
2309 F20101129_AAACNY monteiro_l_Page_098.txt
0418f4290393fe04913879f7efaeff02
ba3e91605feb4ca1f1d317d39dc32f50ce87e38b
7575 F20101129_AAADPH monteiro_l_Page_104thm.jpg
54ce38e87fe92021a6ea745ca4d5f2cf
5dcd777940593955923244eb8d7f9b721f0246c5
28208 F20101129_AAADOT monteiro_l_Page_106.QC.jpg
9d8b41b4d5a9c0bfe4c989d9482602c8
a57597ebce709220d0035a0ac395985b4225ee2f
92211 F20101129_AAACPC monteiro_l_Page_023.jpg
b35d814ab9764115d7c0b92d4ca4883a
a83608bab5284a0787925a5e9628c13abed8085f
28307 F20101129_AAACOO monteiro_l_Page_072.QC.jpg
add900ed961f6e712594b16dfbbf3836
f1713b23372f992d165db14bba14fd03e51117a3
6031 F20101129_AAACNZ monteiro_l_Page_039thm.jpg
a1bdf262b0acfc06b88121f98b86a9ca
6ee20800bbf3559dbf1ced9794103eef02ae12b2
26433 F20101129_AAADPI monteiro_l_Page_103.QC.jpg
2bf9a002e706509e39eee795ae7c560a
908de6386ef609d3da3982397a68dbde0e7c579f
26527 F20101129_AAADOU monteiro_l_Page_130.QC.jpg
0a2183f0fa62fe17b056299ec7e7bc3f
2880901e5ae4e7ed017db1c5274d1ef7747d8fef
28588 F20101129_AAACPD monteiro_l_Page_077.QC.jpg
8743762b40e4811feadc1f1eae7666ae
70ea286bb4031c2e5276060d01cf7d4681713ef8
2178 F20101129_AAACOP monteiro_l_Page_108.txt
a0613480dae4264342019638f8c709fa
b19b95cd2ebed346ab4d92ebde19525a331ffd67
5733 F20101129_AAADPJ monteiro_l_Page_020thm.jpg
03144d4cc6c837bee5cc3429ad1ac168
c0917530b56277c1376f912f582f2748e42bc3ef
7750 F20101129_AAADOV monteiro_l_Page_095thm.jpg
de292837afbe9ec21f256164c105292e
3731f8a77d8a2837f2ca9ca99635ca192a2e8c90
53645 F20101129_AAACPE monteiro_l_Page_093.pro
62579c21759196961b485a356307671e
07622d48a4a9c7d1c27e16c61dd461f88eb9a568
59683 F20101129_AAACOQ monteiro_l_Page_138.jpg
e58bb751d496773ca0237a0064314e6e
3922db98510851a037cfc9ece511211ce5ec23b7
15238 F20101129_AAADPK monteiro_l_Page_005.QC.jpg
e4c1ce564a069dce540565aa971bb213
6a86454b2c08a875619a4dd2ff28911844bbce5a
1373 F20101129_AAACPF monteiro_l_Page_003thm.jpg
b53f32b276d77371cc2933a1e7bc02e8
d2a62b6620e2c4db5e549b36b8c2e60eee811b24
F20101129_AAACOR monteiro_l_Page_120.tif
796d392b74239517df67427c7d4b912d
8865ff4c0afeb01ee0007acae7259ab691faa5e2
7121 F20101129_AAADPL monteiro_l_Page_103thm.jpg
757e2a3bc9686e0c4df8b82d8299f387
bcc3f254a8c3e4219a7e1b5461b7450472cb0975
27194 F20101129_AAADOW monteiro_l_Page_066.QC.jpg
85030f48d450922c24aeb978fbc3fe97
8d30ab119ff682e1203f9a566ee224e052349cd8
80284 F20101129_AAACPG monteiro_l_Page_067.jpg
49f0857f65b375791ea513fc261104c1
32c812f03fe05aca5979f680e7ac51c29c0f4e93
F20101129_AAACOS monteiro_l_Page_116thm.jpg
09ef5a4d2c6fc5e170ba63a4b5c2a64d
da7e1cb5fff8ffb9e5b242810dfd19179cd4f516
28122 F20101129_AAADQA monteiro_l_Page_108.QC.jpg
eeae4ba669385a378068a825494e0613
d0d9a1de08f423883ea542ece8da7509a871b003
7344 F20101129_AAADPM monteiro_l_Page_076thm.jpg
5429f2be6cc43920546fbb5f3212ba7c
e56abd25faaaa4c7c45174dc2b06a582e775634c
6860 F20101129_AAADOX monteiro_l_Page_122thm.jpg
e6887ae7557db3a75f2ee2612a038321
ed658992f60adfc36d74b009bd511c311e8c42fd
7586 F20101129_AAACPH monteiro_l_Page_013thm.jpg
9623c0231b46d9377f129a58bfc8d8cb
3d19eab92770f985194bdc5826bfc890b2e78382
7183 F20101129_AAACOT monteiro_l_Page_071thm.jpg
94f02fce585ace5ea1b229fad7cad2ed
23244475df45977eb336a9e478124b9be42af643
27590 F20101129_AAADQB monteiro_l_Page_136.QC.jpg
57d1571e25b738fe994facde1d3c58e6
c4d8cfc2ca137bb4dfacd402ba1845ab857a1ecc
21309 F20101129_AAADPN monteiro_l_Page_051.QC.jpg
e28b53305d2d2cfd53aea2ae64770e7f
0954bdb186f68f9a7bb8c88572871b3f8c480e7d
27038 F20101129_AAADOY monteiro_l_Page_071.QC.jpg
3f6cc29803d31fe82dc6a13c81f87ae3
f1e9607a0aaa21fd5d3bd59d8c77428aaf9b0776
27058 F20101129_AAACPI monteiro_l_Page_032.QC.jpg
3cf0584c0119a5884ffb951e64a97589
610a6ba3a08e78b79f38b58adfd09812f9b4cb04
F20101129_AAACOU monteiro_l_Page_139.tif
58a7adf9e0b65aef397e97aa93b104ec
1352dc16845d99d755a7f11d17f6ecaf6538684e
26603 F20101129_AAADQC monteiro_l_Page_019.QC.jpg
ffc7c3b62801c5edcce573fefd007e0f
bbf85f2408f3aac6d4ddfcf7fa1fb81ecd52f3bc
5765 F20101129_AAADPO monteiro_l_Page_053thm.jpg
45f45bce091e98d61d13b1696d94660a
8752fc1c1b550537f2dd14da75be58f53b758858
24618 F20101129_AAADOZ monteiro_l_Page_050.QC.jpg
8804ea579aa82316268f143e1a878c2f
56c085daca179d95f14c443246738141431933be
10200 F20101129_AAACPJ monteiro_l_Page_102.QC.jpg
496aa694556cd9c919e2d76453bcb8cb
90caf1d51ec136b52b37d06ea1f5ce00e532645b
F20101129_AAACOV monteiro_l_Page_031.txt
ae78c949ae9f87f3b2e59745f882a4e7
32b3b1751bf49dc63d689e0390b1bf0b5ff982c9
24166 F20101129_AAADQD monteiro_l_Page_064.QC.jpg
da4bb4b0256f76d16e5ee320485ff6ff
f44994bf0b219734f085daef22d72c146673b7dd
7275 F20101129_AAADPP monteiro_l_Page_098thm.jpg
cf84a896f74f18a514b68325d74b16e6
f6f488583d323176f9e4989dbfa490bbe51295b6
F20101129_AAACPK monteiro_l_Page_147.tif
2379d6e858edcc57b3c55348e70c9cb7
04f74fe2921378bb662fda75d95177c5a0a366f7
90017 F20101129_AAACOW monteiro_l_Page_106.jpg
988c78584a843b6fb7454688c1591622
54813a9d8fd92a8f8e73a73d8304df4ae5df6f0e
26505 F20101129_AAADQE monteiro_l_Page_056.QC.jpg
3bee112390670335344df10888a76367
1b06c820cb8f50013e9caea80c1b0f8e4b2ebcc6
5683 F20101129_AAADPQ monteiro_l_Page_036thm.jpg
9bf862e054532fc8a57b237714a1a59a
86ac69aff575efa8271efca52bd55bc55bdd1f33
7430 F20101129_AAACPL monteiro_l_Page_015thm.jpg
23859495841075bd543114352ce352cc
a97c7706b4fd6f3be488a45512a21538b8016efd
21093 F20101129_AAADQF monteiro_l_Page_053.QC.jpg
fd5f7e58651207e818852a9e4ca16882
4933cb55bd668467fd2b027a0ffc88f155403677
28619 F20101129_AAADPR monteiro_l_Page_144.QC.jpg
b16f6885ff6504be59de9192c5e43c0f
3e232d3e82a700fc71d067f74e166c7fc36fff5b
5112 F20101129_AAACPM monteiro_l_Page_139thm.jpg
81d64b4729dfc87dbb8ebde2bfe630ff
8cdb444bff824fc395a1ca9c57cdbd5a555f6031
43609 F20101129_AAACOX monteiro_l_Page_005.pro
7df9a68468ade9cbbba70573cb1a0af6
c3df9ee3a2bcdad5b3f9a0d7a8410619c4289670
100179 F20101129_AAACQA monteiro_l_Page_144.jpg
016d5d5df94663b93df5e5333b7f6b2d
7cb04b3cad3c837672bdc0c95a6aa78d12ca1456
7853 F20101129_AAADQG monteiro_l_Page_091thm.jpg
ee65e1b1db884913b3c95b67cfee2ee5
e3ff730ef2c19612721e27ae03cfe5dbe4f77369
7601 F20101129_AAADPS monteiro_l_Page_082thm.jpg
ebdf627e7c59c194f021836bbe683b42
0503afbe472bb616494e92ebd1a7644c208f6a1f
2163 F20101129_AAACPN monteiro_l_Page_021.txt
ec35c25a79c4f8a7478418fd67da5ac4
6a5770027ffc1ac30954b398c165a85d3848d7d3
48003 F20101129_AAACOY monteiro_l_Page_037.pro
07445844ebcd12fc4215c4b96e6c48b8
a68a14db70412df239dc5bd48e294e0e74ba141e
F20101129_AAACQB monteiro_l_Page_006.tif
1423c0f7fa5fc77f071a570ff2008e56
ac45fecc38220f21c1d292dd77144f0b03c00d7f
7691 F20101129_AAADQH monteiro_l_Page_101thm.jpg
0927a8ea1d8323e704127e65b32e510f
6dc89f120e95f4af3c46f54a91e364494f71ce30
24817 F20101129_AAADPT monteiro_l_Page_110.QC.jpg
0f94052c7f29618a3546031d48c21408
7def8440e3c6cbff981bccd112185d7601894e18
7181 F20101129_AAACPO monteiro_l_Page_027thm.jpg
c96f01997c9536478a4d426a29338e1e
44515872688b5c1ddfbbd77e0770b7a1d8179317
27700 F20101129_AAACOZ monteiro_l_Page_080.QC.jpg
5d4e2eae1f25760f02c64169e221bcee
44a0ec70d59ce74b021ce2cb1220648f6820e0b0
57672 F20101129_AAACQC monteiro_l_Page_013.pro
dade22e2240b001c2d87fdb8218a543e
df1bbc83229131e4ddc31d18c4604c3422759e5e
6387 F20101129_AAADQI monteiro_l_Page_006thm.jpg
d6abe8109a1cc8cf7b0f30d3cb8515d8
c5bac750040cea4bc9af9c7989d8d7a22c3b84e1
7249 F20101129_AAADPU monteiro_l_Page_056thm.jpg
b01cce17d4fc02d0e8890388540f614f
9c7fa82f762e8af60945892acb6b492b866a563a
F20101129_AAACPP monteiro_l_Page_101.tif
3b668f900762dfc0699ed5b2c3348c4c
9834d4fe5f2fea4bfeaad8e5b929f906759e527b
F20101129_AAACQD monteiro_l_Page_136.tif
e5e54945c5b81d6240e1e39b1957b8b9
50b5ac5a51a08bb76d553190fc0649629b0bd27e
4284 F20101129_AAADQJ monteiro_l_Page_005thm.jpg
83e92913fa6a933f222fb9112888d243
7f5372e6caf5f53afe095e762debf25dd1ec1dda
7178 F20101129_AAADPV monteiro_l_Page_054thm.jpg
eb3f213899268dfe028c800b3ae61fca
99c6b6605f5c4321f9c9d5df64a01f79b4be88bc
50000 F20101129_AAACPQ monteiro_l_Page_120.pro
f82b3180a672bcd4cdea74773d194896
b926588d68c3462d0781244b067eec5e51403057
6669 F20101129_AAACQE monteiro_l_Page_067thm.jpg
7b917c4d8e031e52426b45a9db0752b7
79441fe6d3043f3d03ceb5549f796bfabadf8c16
4670 F20101129_AAADQK monteiro_l_Page_147thm.jpg
814ad6736045fa6f4c8d6afec70a9eba
5ef7686d0f3d65791efe076d0af0b159ae5c4d15
27861 F20101129_AAADPW monteiro_l_Page_090.QC.jpg
1a6b9be5a6601a2c0f49e49be27683b6
65317e2ca81c69b1fd32c9b70a95956c38f6b80a
7783 F20101129_AAACPR monteiro_l_Page_072thm.jpg
90a282bad504dc97efc3f50c9037c21c
0a9c040f30c957f76935d7d6569ae6f78408ef88
358878 F20101129_AAACQF monteiro_l.pdf
d0380b08c7f90428822b7162c690a1bc
186e3a1904019a0623d25b9000864f504b541cc0
7242 F20101129_AAADQL monteiro_l_Page_079thm.jpg
b313054e4769ad5568b002b6de7563d6
0a4fc6a372dfc69274d136192b1026514d144eb7
6925 F20101129_AAACPS monteiro_l_Page_114thm.jpg
c8989beef0a20cc5b453dab01be29a21
7877e7e148cf9c720a2871af59941b90f1e7d09f
1051972 F20101129_AAACQG monteiro_l_Page_072.jp2
f149b0fa20eaca44a8ffbd5313a87623
defa10fdd7d824bd357ff5db6687c9b6217acbbd
7580 F20101129_AAADRA monteiro_l_Page_083thm.jpg
c4bf87597ea77bb33392dc6826cc4d52
3dd640828d49132fe9981b5063a237aa9e100136
27371 F20101129_AAADQM monteiro_l_Page_004.QC.jpg
1df32212d951c2d8cfbdb9a5b2576204
9368b3f61ac29a19fc64502d213653156a626b7a
F20101129_AAADPX monteiro_l_Page_021thm.jpg
88e65ff4e3f8213fdff6b99d75365a92
2f852f8508f8a23985871c2201eb6f1273faa701
27148 F20101129_AAACPT monteiro_l_Page_054.QC.jpg
bea61a1f63e285fffae47ade0424e41a
2d19beacd37f50fe55903512dc3f231cd597c906
1932 F20101129_AAACQH monteiro_l_Page_055.txt
6e23c18d83d0947fae4d517b4dd7276e
33a4ff53bd0ddb7a673b58a03d0f4017dfb8c740
7920 F20101129_AAADRB monteiro_l_Page_128.QC.jpg
533a1350ed74070fb56153ca70ba0f10
11b18a523b2cdf08e838b1de0ea44eef737dda00
7341 F20101129_AAADQN monteiro_l_Page_119thm.jpg
e21b128b005996bde275a7c9be1f0c62
2458d43033beb2a90e1ae97d4b611e4c975c699c
23208 F20101129_AAADPY monteiro_l_Page_046.QC.jpg
5da540e858df329b9df6bb596e9ac675
717f48068b5c2868fc31b64a39c27942e49725a8
F20101129_AAACPU monteiro_l_Page_017.jp2
58a21a9a1f862b7a8de5b86644db762b
3c55a8eb2e8d29d1b087f153f644cdeac8971b63
F20101129_AAACQI monteiro_l_Page_105.tif
8bc3527cdf98dce8a9b65bf11fc4b0ab
706f4c332a7fac34fff4d78ace8bdf0226e376b4
26605 F20101129_AAADRC monteiro_l_Page_028.QC.jpg
165e4afd73fa72116abbe9e431c7ff41
f6cf92e453114a0ca263fe6ba33bf8d5e9dc1280
13365 F20101129_AAADQO monteiro_l_Page_146.QC.jpg
571ded6cb7cd96964d87b18473e9e810
7dddd5f88868c2738d11b1228445c5a5e51f2da7
26957 F20101129_AAADPZ monteiro_l_Page_092.QC.jpg
486ebf3a123809dfe0828f1795099af9
29c7d95bd7faa86edf42afd8da894f74cadad928
252179 F20101129_AAACPV monteiro_l_Page_001.jp2
1e0a3da486312009eb3a4d4d08717a65
a70f6a47b674bed3d6fd381771cdb9cfbb822e11
7162 F20101129_AAACQJ monteiro_l_Page_142thm.jpg
1e3599b6560853ef430069d3c34421f5
0815c9ed7e387049698f6cf1184b0d8d1db0010c
4925 F20101129_AAADRD monteiro_l_Page_043thm.jpg
2646e03c4b401b3e69b5947542ce05f6
79ca2133f64c524b6b0a254d8e7dc2f224fd0869
7477 F20101129_AAADQP monteiro_l_Page_032thm.jpg
961566904c03b2fcbf0ef9a3da9c23ad
32364fa72319b202f23bdf8a6e3af5de43f0e58b
27288 F20101129_AAACPW monteiro_l_Page_048.QC.jpg
514ec80e44ef8d185b8f7e364acab63f
f104f06da4d5d568eca47832d1b170e3a0bbb1fc
7307 F20101129_AAACQK monteiro_l_Page_017thm.jpg
d9d3a30285eae8d1feea1967678bcfc5
82f129db41ed97477187e2ce4a1f7e650b351a34
23273 F20101129_AAADRE monteiro_l_Page_041.QC.jpg
0e01f2fabfa1b3d9d97fafab5dbce392
b1855b71c12c873c9f2793aa8f9c57e2afbe3be4
5842 F20101129_AAADQQ monteiro_l_Page_111thm.jpg
949b39c41aa03516a475570d32a7da3a
b2a6d1a722c7cbd329a7d02c39e33907ffe6b909
69319 F20101129_AAACPX monteiro_l_Page_053.jpg
92603d6169785779cf90b8900825aab8
7dd23d4a14e4ea55480afa48d309e9c32c2d2bdf
F20101129_AAACQL monteiro_l_Page_094.tif
b862017024f5fcf765c2e82f8b82c96b
b4a1b94e8ebbb89287a63ab6682bee7466e6f9ea
7706 F20101129_AAADRF monteiro_l_Page_106thm.jpg
f0ee35997796a5dbd5813113f56bbf93
0b035b2336ffd8a41b3416338bf8f159f1e60c0e
6471 F20101129_AAADQR monteiro_l_Page_025thm.jpg
a9619de2d00ed1fc5359e59181c05f71
84bf14b015ace97fe2b11c32132658b8be0fdb3a
87112 F20101129_AAACRA monteiro_l_Page_014.jpg
3aa87f8cbe1dcc3186d50287481cc3bc
22e9b99888ba49f9fe7a3acb412a973c45b8fbac
92908 F20101129_AAACQM monteiro_l_Page_077.jpg
cd435ecf41770a889a05340c79a0bb3a
4d5f79f1630d83d1830d4a0e6fa5d631acc0593e
7625 F20101129_AAADRG monteiro_l_Page_023thm.jpg
b2c698722cc1b3cf5c45a2111197fc4d
bb9b085bbc759187b5e39e8e66c9b18045f5e2d7
F20101129_AAADQS monteiro_l_Page_136thm.jpg
8caa2f5009b8c64345a3e121e5fc2ead
b848a8239ce7006f12edc89868b3ce60e47dead1
25595 F20101129_AAACPY monteiro_l_Page_075.QC.jpg
6766ae27bc33f69d15cf0d73c97e4134
a7ccc78c6b3d958a1f0ca3b3edafdbffff7e9419
88224 F20101129_AAACRB monteiro_l_Page_015.jpg
478f7c659e23a3ad4f08b36f9ba36148
0ae4f4ad170c4fb9d030004f2d400b96b64a0845
7604 F20101129_AAACQN monteiro_l_Page_012thm.jpg
9335e710a6340d0c78f34011fe763a2e
1cbd1604b70032d583a79f1fa1266e511fbca42b
27840 F20101129_AAADRH monteiro_l_Page_099.QC.jpg
e09ce9eb9f73212a3eb2849ff804bd50
6c8a21f30e307656c2660afb9fe92615cbcf9cc1
21022 F20101129_AAADQT monteiro_l_Page_024.QC.jpg
e5af206028b5a395156416d80dcc0303
35f08793a08d71987661da86ec977f2bfbc2d565
60074 F20101129_AAACPZ monteiro_l_Page_043.jpg
08ce7f25b6222b394e0accd628b79090
61ab14f66d7baa3067d46f2715f9c43f94483853
85430 F20101129_AAACRC monteiro_l_Page_016.jpg
91d76b8ce61d3e896b7e33f115af3927
74a9bced065c695c5fcb3f2570dbe53494246c50
28911 F20101129_AAACQO monteiro_l_Page_068.QC.jpg
431d1faa896f22c93a425960054a8e5e
4aa526c148f65a322ac28b0030c7c49b2df0c023
20491 F20101129_AAADRI monteiro_l_Page_020.QC.jpg
ea224fa393e83c776da7d7cbf37be9cf
0eddb1042786cbd9b2110d3f438f49f8c7a53a28
6432 F20101129_AAADQU monteiro_l_Page_041thm.jpg
9cb6866e136f064f3634a112b3e6b048
039c74f2c982c91ca96978cf78585aff24081435
86709 F20101129_AAACRD monteiro_l_Page_017.jpg
5e74b92f12d0c327621a8e76ba270db7
41f5d2fbb5c346c0d91a6cda94f563c7167195a0
171329 F20101129_AAACQP UFE0021089_00001.mets FULL
4562a3e89ef31f7c8feb3998dd4796d4
a938756d28a6f74b6c2105aba2147cb7456bd233
23046 F20101129_AAADRJ monteiro_l_Page_087.QC.jpg
4f4c39a7d4dc358ccfccfa1bbff072b5
1dc690c6568615acb3dcedc8791dbe8713b1273d
F20101129_AAADQV monteiro_l_Page_081thm.jpg
dd23c8fc2ee5d12c600c3fcbd3c16c5e
3bc8183ce1550b9e83a083d11a5fede86b2ed80a
84410 F20101129_AAACRE monteiro_l_Page_018.jpg
2920b577047b3962444f5b662fb46841
ee61bef23bb5b99dc5826017e0dbd8e432afbd6d
7623 F20101129_AAADRK monteiro_l_Page_099thm.jpg
e97ac6db8ac22c2494e1704358197bdf
883ce17c4810c57d3088425cd02cd99a5919f5aa
28076 F20101129_AAADQW monteiro_l_Page_100.QC.jpg
572039df2cb95e66c74eff82e9cc7f0a
7665aaecfade5e2e840da865f562f1ef7d574753
84106 F20101129_AAACRF monteiro_l_Page_019.jpg
f0a05427977e7f9882e5616c4086b954
69e0446c5da19761ff64bc9edfea2bbde05b28d2
3319 F20101129_AAADRL monteiro_l_Page_003.QC.jpg
a224523ef6ba53ccb54a3c0fc3396d70
72c997281024ae3a4c34ce30dd72652b867f0385
9821 F20101129_AAADQX monteiro_l_Page_141.QC.jpg
201a8c1aa58bd045c52538039179bc69
fa6a68f1c513303580fe3c1f5cce47c5109cb274
65461 F20101129_AAACRG monteiro_l_Page_020.jpg
4f798b9c488423a8a29ac1419eed2987
5a9dd235dce6661ab72da70990738ba528f15717
25035 F20101129_AAACQS monteiro_l_Page_001.jpg
3c926fbfbe9bbbc9faab6e2afeb11209
efb9f4e1beda8c47dd623b3167c8cbff47102536
27544 F20101129_AAADSA monteiro_l_Page_076.QC.jpg
9e298aeeb1e92c23ed1013c41d2b9825
5f753b637e6e8041260911733de11bb511e2557f
7404 F20101129_AAADRM monteiro_l_Page_089thm.jpg
6628b51408948f0eeaf2e3fb8ec8312b
725558888e5bb897ddbb82d92ed30f11a9ca7517
92102 F20101129_AAACRH monteiro_l_Page_022.jpg
34a4cfe2c3e0cca1b3270c10c4bba027
12a78c9345765f870d6f3a09027259a759c97366
10076 F20101129_AAACQT monteiro_l_Page_002.jpg
6bb08bdaa5ef5aaf2207b817f8edd660
e571bebdf435399cbe34b861c5945fc80680df67
7192 F20101129_AAADSB monteiro_l_Page_093thm.jpg
a091cff4d8873a56f5eee32d4da9bfb4
d2b14c7712139f9a163cfc01cb3f6c78c4171ef1
20557 F20101129_AAADRN monteiro_l_Page_111.QC.jpg
98387c31f410d5d4a3c9c5efb2c214a0
9374711c7ca77e29195573330a16ebb6f81049a1
28579 F20101129_AAADQY monteiro_l_Page_022.QC.jpg
79f881424e587760f587c6633384e16f
f50c8fc9df6c51072c0af3d3704b698f440a5114
88150 F20101129_AAACRI monteiro_l_Page_026.jpg
86206d82f7873e51fcaf141f1220f694
1f8dc53c479451bab001fc56c68891f0ace2c10b
54638 F20101129_AAACQU monteiro_l_Page_005.jpg
bd4e7fed01cc1e4baad652f5f1ac341f
49682f85bad80115e3e0c0ce7fdc6288e52e6c5d
3029 F20101129_AAADSC monteiro_l_Page_102thm.jpg
c857ac9996a18fd2c2226af420edb251
b2f5f8929c30ba0273587d4c57e871f4a78527b1
25570 F20101129_AAADRO monteiro_l_Page_029.QC.jpg
2300b0323322777cac62af9efb6ff74e
28a158e339c6ce1ad3a59fe3d615d3a1cdaf3189
6349 F20101129_AAADQZ monteiro_l_Page_038thm.jpg
9f6a629c16e11ca28e81dc603d992a46
b9472de1215f9e240853956581370d1467b851f8
82270 F20101129_AAACRJ monteiro_l_Page_027.jpg
3d4fb7e2ac9c734da670b7b530d4cb87
cba9c566e74a3fb9e4b9645e8a8a3ba50acb3626
26443 F20101129_AAACQV monteiro_l_Page_007.jpg
5888084b0e5fe7757e6a36b9fd239f59
2ece02edbc54923fcbc61b4f728cbcdb8b674d5e
24663 F20101129_AAADSD monteiro_l_Page_114.QC.jpg
cf2daf769ee8079336f171259ee9058b
5fc7542f20943d64eac48e8097be94afd2f2d986
F20101129_AAADRP monteiro_l_Page_086thm.jpg
e902001c578c2a4b0a1010cc9e83fe24
124468c006c452a09098ca1f9da0b04c75c6ccfe
87363 F20101129_AAACRK monteiro_l_Page_029.jpg
1c87b8a05e245193d61597885e2b29a8
a3ba39bcaf47d0a6619d605a89a2bf1e1d96bf27
89443 F20101129_AAACQW monteiro_l_Page_008.jpg
80455cbb955dbd11fb7bcf183e793f9f
07bd153069106dfdbafc95eeeb4c8cd423855f14
27820 F20101129_AAADSE monteiro_l_Page_127.QC.jpg
a6e1c8c39c9ada7ec681587cbc021121
63a4cc2f8f1e2d662bfda6eb0fff7c9e829534d6
7367 F20101129_AAADRQ monteiro_l_Page_090thm.jpg
743e6b195f48c3ed5a061fedf84c7d43
299b600f50902efc2d7fe4d571517268e55fcdf7
85919 F20101129_AAACRL monteiro_l_Page_032.jpg
60a9126d571e3c69f19721c0522f3242
e153545ae0eb81421855b4adcbe9fce3a577cb9b
88519 F20101129_AAACQX monteiro_l_Page_009.jpg
fd5698829ba41284dc66dd84aded312d
e0cfaee1164aae7d3b7cbf53560c601d8fb81d3f
7266 F20101129_AAADSF monteiro_l_Page_130thm.jpg
f10d10336e3733d0caef50bcba7c68ea
d6df7ff31bc1a8b379a21c575f9cc7accd068f0c
7541 F20101129_AAADRR monteiro_l_Page_008thm.jpg
f466ca12faf344e62ef9d095ad891800
557423a0cf6d758b25037bdf3165b94914079995
71331 F20101129_AAACSA monteiro_l_Page_052.jpg
09645c79aec6b1e124bd20e4259c721f
c39109e746aadce9bfd34a2168f2a3ae56555f0e
83603 F20101129_AAACRM monteiro_l_Page_034.jpg
8a92e723d2e75c3af2e1c555dd9d942d
4a25756404f4d2f0faf08301a3fc14b42d3f43fe
87396 F20101129_AAACQY monteiro_l_Page_011.jpg
38c7ef034e9766ec4ec64183f2099970
f151142ed723367e48c3cc0d1abbee98b8879f52
26941 F20101129_AAADSG monteiro_l_Page_143.QC.jpg
6127aa652c44efa3e79041cf974389a6
ba0790944b1f7a761107402a37c1ffd625c24080
16434 F20101129_AAADRS monteiro_l_Page_147.QC.jpg
11c51150c13dacf7dfd0c3f8f9732c66
47836bc72c95832b3f7368cb61a9fa5e931e8805
87160 F20101129_AAACSB monteiro_l_Page_054.jpg
7351ed43a3305cce04eacdbf4f0237fa
d20ac27ad5b66ba71b1392bda3fa8da09f085330
80686 F20101129_AAACRN monteiro_l_Page_035.jpg
c64c76f4cba4fdeece8a1f8e7bab917f
3cb58ac19dd1f7f427b4292fff42f5a6a9cf436d
23220 F20101129_AAADRT monteiro_l_Page_025.QC.jpg
c530dd50778f1e4127440d66ee908ae1
a6914a4d15b999f1a8875e7827014111805b98be
79870 F20101129_AAACSC monteiro_l_Page_055.jpg
265f990ad3e524547af1aa64df4888cf
d41e1dc0f4d166f6cda642f55223cac10baf0958
66304 F20101129_AAACRO monteiro_l_Page_036.jpg
0c1f8027c4543c421f049700708ccc38
db6d49364fcdd60af68fa64240314b7d0175f805
86035 F20101129_AAACQZ monteiro_l_Page_012.jpg
a857f887fab597d73a1d1e42f85d5fd7
430c77fb326bc7336e55a7bba841e1e87520e680
28020 F20101129_AAADRU monteiro_l_Page_009.QC.jpg
bbeabb5a656746ad20d70a724be7d2ba
175017a557cc8530f63aa17660a8d2a2b05cd047
84321 F20101129_AAACSD monteiro_l_Page_056.jpg
f298f02d971220a0e6cf98497b73f791
cef017a1a4ee92ef8f19367dbb4e032a9e545ea4
78536 F20101129_AAACRP monteiro_l_Page_038.jpg
a3d638456e0f2edafeac9bc70b6a2182
b1ec2840c4d1eefa7fee2ece1258ec879fa78e49
17005 F20101129_AAADRV monteiro_l_Page_040.QC.jpg
f1fe3370357ce7a3c1749cd17ab1f39d
168a426f8a858787e702e5ebcf7661f34be7ba5f
87797 F20101129_AAACSE monteiro_l_Page_059.jpg
67361841362b01b7f7baac9c8d533ede
82e31398533e3f7beed2ee038788f77221a800ba
71374 F20101129_AAACRQ monteiro_l_Page_039.jpg
0311faae529f68f05c9122cd33570452
6422fbea3ef90254bf3d72e534eff296376e07bd
222151 F20101129_AAADRW UFE0021089_00001.xml
732ae12c02e0a47cf21b359e01ac0bf9
03a44db96ec4f130c95f8d817bab5d1dd1671fff
93045 F20101129_AAACSF monteiro_l_Page_061.jpg
ec6c6a6089cb6c93c1ae743f9942e32d
834993ca75b1e32699469077d669c8aea8f59def
58125 F20101129_AAACRR monteiro_l_Page_040.jpg
b178db9467eae5c44f58a9278c197cca
88c553be1a2c0c3b092fe95922157c8ae4fdac1b
7388 F20101129_AAADRX monteiro_l_Page_033thm.jpg
fc0c69d6ddaabcc3e429a05a8417a7eb
6ed12218e36be062943d17359425e4c9e0d41b50
86169 F20101129_AAACSG monteiro_l_Page_062.jpg
6eda89d179961ec85ba88409475919b9
fc87e03ef040fbd80cfb00c65f73ac830bc019b3
75199 F20101129_AAACRS monteiro_l_Page_041.jpg
2a513567026e85a6421fd55d45cc1a1a
e6daea24cec4050f74f7f816243dd29034f28cad
17772 F20101129_AAADRY monteiro_l_Page_043.QC.jpg
4877a9dfbabfa6688e2888386c9d3254
36243cb494c96f05766a90996b32ed8780f97ff7
90524 F20101129_AAACSH monteiro_l_Page_063.jpg
9810e465d9a5a0957f4248ad0aad7365
291e87db90b4ea6317b54eeda7f378b4f43b642c
81082 F20101129_AAACRT monteiro_l_Page_042.jpg
ac24bbcf0237436bc239d8e79c8ee4e6
9790c22324260e0665d314c2d1c8cd979dc9a989
78085 F20101129_AAACSI monteiro_l_Page_064.jpg
201e7525cc7bef4079b3ba990fd7036a
62600a2d1808734dfb80f25187a9097ab4c2a4f8
67249 F20101129_AAACRU monteiro_l_Page_044.jpg
d26c859ad0ecb9352b558e586f36ded1
ff8f2af4dde9dee272916885dba608e5ac9ede5b
27528 F20101129_AAADRZ monteiro_l_Page_061.QC.jpg
8dbd044ec336d487a9658da42aab4142
e26a06524db86e4f61b7ae77ea3023c25d9db28e
88331 F20101129_AAACSJ monteiro_l_Page_065.jpg
6df2ad94813542c068829bf88404ab54
4c7c77fba24cfb74e11bb6c143276a6b4fb74d30
77873 F20101129_AAACRV monteiro_l_Page_045.jpg
75b32a6a24ae40422056a8a5a13bacd7
6a39aa6b2a7c061ca3c25e193efd801a9769f4b3
96024 F20101129_AAACSK monteiro_l_Page_068.jpg
26e06b0db82a8d13ead36de346bcd81e
63e9ae935cc2fdf80a1345a31957bfc7b9b344e4
86601 F20101129_AAACRW monteiro_l_Page_048.jpg
0949581eb670f8a9134c4fdcfb0b001b
8c05739a498943328babae273c93944fdcc84a61
84601 F20101129_AAACSL monteiro_l_Page_069.jpg
8923574537c0aaa849c69245bf62c3d4
aa3635b4aa982c5606270a4168bf289498c5f7c7
76401 F20101129_AAACRX monteiro_l_Page_049.jpg
773a7b3ef33a8602dece8c58ea329a6a
670275d49d46183bc810d2f4339a98eb51aa9f9e
89721 F20101129_AAACSM monteiro_l_Page_072.jpg
ef1da7976ba1a8b06d8d85322df522df
3ef9e6305ed20ac1ed5c114386aa39df0341d729
79332 F20101129_AAACRY monteiro_l_Page_050.jpg
eeb6ed2d0ac6db7504904b2e8352806c
6700816914df7196d0bf42f5a4fac35490a008c1
86840 F20101129_AAACTA monteiro_l_Page_092.jpg
f157675c4b27932eb62192b9b6b827e4
0b4b6dab1aca8c1fa69312560e1b5ec496b4ac66
80749 F20101129_AAACSN monteiro_l_Page_075.jpg
bbb9b8e6595608269360d6bf184dea26
01912161e5a613e793abd616f44e77155bad7c11
73309 F20101129_AAACRZ monteiro_l_Page_051.jpg
219f386990bf67a612b5e069046d5719
a5e67aaead83c24cce3ce636416069333f37bdbc
77926 F20101129_AAACTB monteiro_l_Page_094.jpg
1b5a8e5e4e3e609c97abfe99f854228d
312b2b55135c472dffd0f53bfd0db490237276c7
93831 F20101129_AAACSO monteiro_l_Page_076.jpg
e7251cae1b60da80c5af174218d7d225
8fda8fe453b8e8a7bf11417b5a807f879881f2f4
93986 F20101129_AAACTC monteiro_l_Page_095.jpg
7d209279619dc385343dd7ec219fbc0b
90de1bd47c54e11805ba828d50ff16cad85f8b1b
93409 F20101129_AAACSP monteiro_l_Page_078.jpg
cb9160cf6f6916163d6ad918a7a93680
282c606026683574ea742a98eaedf710a18e6b0f
84010 F20101129_AAACTD monteiro_l_Page_096.jpg
6909bc6685c36acc5f24853bfa47bdbe
753aa9114c366dfcc7d58516c87fc662caff9404
85749 F20101129_AAACSQ monteiro_l_Page_079.jpg
12ec9a72daec9480b3b23be4a17f11e0
08b320a841cb37b7e26add05c7c74f7bbf3642ce
79526 F20101129_AAACTE monteiro_l_Page_097.jpg
d04b314b18793e67e0d528ff00fc3ec0
9a91ae2c698643b8176c2c65849d9afdc12eeb66
88766 F20101129_AAACSR monteiro_l_Page_081.jpg
a9c291e03c39975d7725576b4720b03e
7fcaeaa6e6a42b8de2b098f21ca7ce7fda858734
88111 F20101129_AAACTF monteiro_l_Page_100.jpg
b57df590500d0b99cf9c9a73c39285d4
c51218f6d9782a48abff191e6329d74055f14fd2
96235 F20101129_AAACSS monteiro_l_Page_082.jpg
1c23fb0e25b217ea8d01b3a16ab90def
801a2cc07e2f6eedf1719f4fe6fad066d31f9917
31067 F20101129_AAACTG monteiro_l_Page_102.jpg
9fadd496234088accd02536663f1951a
95778954be3aba189a2b4fb83dbc6e57b4a0c812
91590 F20101129_AAACST monteiro_l_Page_083.jpg
5e9250283e1c728d73affaaa7348b9ad
c8e7d70c49d8d125c958364fb680891b0f3e6258
93377 F20101129_AAACTH monteiro_l_Page_104.jpg
a6ca274b990ad2ec926ae51d45481e65
2c0987d275c6e39798b2e9635193e0d4433e3d7a
84666 F20101129_AAACTI monteiro_l_Page_109.jpg
461a9140a82a0116374ce8b23cae082f
ba9129e8f6ebc2cd8546a88e8491a67aeec3124e
95480 F20101129_AAACSU monteiro_l_Page_084.jpg
68e8a9cc02a09d6768aa6133b2bc0964
10a5b186338f47d2ff3c6c4dac7ca36e806e63ed
79577 F20101129_AAACTJ monteiro_l_Page_110.jpg
8dbe310237c1df0898e2f88f947221b0
9f08fdf512ef555c081cfe67c4d1cdfb27ec7d09
78081 F20101129_AAACSV monteiro_l_Page_085.jpg
00707587074b6b7e61548695ab01fdf9
c4ef911b3d47d5652e384aa1c5dd9628cb41fcc9
69108 F20101129_AAACTK monteiro_l_Page_111.jpg
13a2a2d8ce13b4ffda9b2e44a099fb5b
c322bbb9772333300943a6232e7abfc7e6aa0234
89007 F20101129_AAACSW monteiro_l_Page_086.jpg
b88d95e5bc7f6d37ae03869a55a958eb
99b0153eca39c0dfcb48790ce2f9534d2877301c
87522 F20101129_AAACTL monteiro_l_Page_112.jpg
3ef868e56b36cba91a367d7c0303772d
3af1fe2b501e8d5c1c300844e5b44056b2d63c87
77566 F20101129_AAACSX monteiro_l_Page_087.jpg
d0f9d287b5dcf475c439eaba480c5f64
0c5a55e2a6db54a3a46a0aab9a58537a45876330
86795 F20101129_AAACUA monteiro_l_Page_135.jpg
85ce83177e970c4ecf81d5603a97b2d2
d5cb2e926892a9e2f90d2a58358ef1968cf590c1
89000 F20101129_AAACTM monteiro_l_Page_113.jpg
b4f1a1a9d217f0d7e58f41b5cf503747
b8602111c564c033536683a8820ff1df82669632
85727 F20101129_AAACSY monteiro_l_Page_088.jpg
ef18d86e58406eed55f2a70c1a7f3246
2d20227c68f32451d054cff8dc0c2ca6b86318a7
86815 F20101129_AAACUB monteiro_l_Page_136.jpg
7a682627be7000637412b1fe98ab594d
472b612b61f6b870bff886e1a59ae1b4e04856e9
90255 F20101129_AAACTN monteiro_l_Page_115.jpg
5bbbf5c1a25f8a6ace411ea7d4e324b8
b8cbfb0c44e45bcf0cdbabc01f55f4c2515782dd
87792 F20101129_AAACSZ monteiro_l_Page_090.jpg
1e749791f5a9723d628051c615013ec1
de43fbfc87d2d4debe480a3492d733d9808b98a6
63047 F20101129_AAACUC monteiro_l_Page_139.jpg
ff281b65cb327dbc427ef6888b61dbbf
df19c6978240c1ac7882e38c9c3a25e646ae80c0
88453 F20101129_AAACTO monteiro_l_Page_116.jpg
4b93fb20348b408e83cfb9606be10a9c
5c3b8e69914c6ef33ce298a77ba6044445f99ad3
32408 F20101129_AAACUD monteiro_l_Page_141.jpg
855bb8ca7212d5302a113856bd9ebcdf
f03048bc26a4356b9aa142fce0d3a545dc7b3bb3
83832 F20101129_AAACTP monteiro_l_Page_119.jpg
84709c4f1a61bb53dd8e9f660c708934
0d9a67472b22b0e27e0c0e5dba54d5f47e5a5fd9
90738 F20101129_AAACUE monteiro_l_Page_142.jpg
30185464ff4b7fcd119ec521eb8fabf2
a0e40a25352a9ad116a68803c15bc5415c9bc756
89957 F20101129_AAACTQ monteiro_l_Page_121.jpg
6dbe6bc9e818a101d2c2b68be8e5fd6f
24d6e56b726c634a760b09c3beadcdb5ee5f2690
90168 F20101129_AAACUF monteiro_l_Page_143.jpg
40f2e871c847e760a14b28f90e610c1a
57acd322ed8f506fd0a6604c3fdfcd1c731fdb1f
77051 F20101129_AAACTR monteiro_l_Page_122.jpg
18b3531cb583c55d4a1d5573aabef43c
0d624c2d2ce3573d3e7ad44d18aa20d35cac224c
46584 F20101129_AAACUG monteiro_l_Page_146.jpg
9d1bea28208fb8a0d98198c10e50b118
63707076f418d923a6066799278277eb851cf6b2
89744 F20101129_AAACTS monteiro_l_Page_123.jpg
106bdc14a9a04573b96c3766a143fa79
c9a03c95a821b0901b767ce095251ed4c8ff43ba
27693 F20101129_AAACUH monteiro_l_Page_002.jp2
84f72c06449f2de4cc2b59310a1c1ce2
dc0f61bbcd5f0a82b88fe3c104084817195b5d8b
80656 F20101129_AAACTT monteiro_l_Page_124.jpg
bac343974817a169f9061557b3cdd02e
57f2e2afb6840a4655dbce9d6104f4a242f7609f
F20101129_AAACUI monteiro_l_Page_004.jp2
02f229ffa3c71f9e0a9e40be9f5a05c9
8d8b899c43aafa933cb448c4d8117b58a98776e8
72057 F20101129_AAACTU monteiro_l_Page_126.jpg
837a78b6e30796b6863f30c0ef782ef4
5ad3190020e8c7dd6169dd39795c1f92df22beea
1049122 F20101129_AAACUJ monteiro_l_Page_006.jp2
3cbf3389975161f439bea234db7f9744
11ae05be2af85fcd031c8cf72e6ed2548c27806f
87264 F20101129_AAACTV monteiro_l_Page_127.jpg
e46b5fd3ec5a617a249aaba64942becb
956d7c1f8fc5bc0c359ad7fc32f7e18b0071e51f
296674 F20101129_AAACUK monteiro_l_Page_007.jp2
d343485952cc9453bec8de1436e60991
58dfa6be416800195c7667ac450a983a2fdefabd
24670 F20101129_AAACTW monteiro_l_Page_128.jpg
860e5581cbe70fb72cb8ecdd11643053
25511e3456c1fc288b80e9ba727c32db8b669e03
F20101129_AAACUL monteiro_l_Page_008.jp2
53fecf9732610186cdc47f7de299e897
a238b7930652280b78748dbb7c34e6ff347dea80
83982 F20101129_AAACTX monteiro_l_Page_129.jpg
1650f5f39f2066397e43ad1db6cda5ba
bde8e106bc55ee25900f7c689f77419f1a96bec5
F20101129_AAACUM monteiro_l_Page_009.jp2
ba2c7c91776e7b2f314b230dd77fea20
1d87af5343712fd95253ec0b82f98452b28c13f1
83809 F20101129_AAACTY monteiro_l_Page_131.jpg
1b3cf1c5eaed318b2fb56962d44716ea
9e518684ef2c2886f57517ca514403fb7642cd9f
F20101129_AAACVA monteiro_l_Page_027.jp2
3a8e206e9ef146d28cf82e45ea2d72ba
13ce770092e982e266d8d0acaa28359217725c89
F20101129_AAACUN monteiro_l_Page_010.jp2
401e787bbd954857dc65f65fc373d9ac
0bcda620632192d29d8efb78994ece0a9d436dc2
84863 F20101129_AAACTZ monteiro_l_Page_134.jpg
1b522debf627717e637f2fc8b310cf95
e3c9b83209b4cb2d2c1a6e21aa9cafe21c4e8a08
F20101129_AAACVB monteiro_l_Page_029.jp2
d7f3fd3ed8175d7c643241b0aded4d1e
d7e3b7cbf7065b167c2c2cd16d985fea6d6e40ae
1051959 F20101129_AAACUO monteiro_l_Page_012.jp2
a58c561b65d26ffe804add010969c51d
97fa834d8a2e47774cdeb741787eb7fd4dfcb4a9
F20101129_AAACVC monteiro_l_Page_030.jp2
d6d72c3a554378c65d24ead258052f6a
a9d89150790d5b90e39891119a003972dfe0c26a
F20101129_AAACUP monteiro_l_Page_013.jp2
48a6c5276b553ce55e19fd97c972958f
83bd36902ba6390a1326e3b15325da6888da7c36
1051952 F20101129_AAACVD monteiro_l_Page_032.jp2
b1d6fe46d32513183ea43130b30bdd29
af01c8cea374263a063ca8b5766d11bbaaa9a470
1051914 F20101129_AAACUQ monteiro_l_Page_014.jp2
b35f8c564481ea62a658218f47bfb980
3bba49fad8089cf487e892c1314171a9d99486cb
1051986 F20101129_AAACVE monteiro_l_Page_033.jp2
150370deddaaa68afc39b4ff4674f6ba
c8bca734615ffc7e0ab934b716327159b8a5f405
1051963 F20101129_AAACUR monteiro_l_Page_015.jp2
2e6b79d614c1cee538c7789aa90a2574
3c8d7a0f7940b0053d648ccd0c17fbcd63587e02
1051975 F20101129_AAACVF monteiro_l_Page_034.jp2
982a8e0489013f598e8d060177b87947
16e81e4902c6f71548469b89b14129cbb5b008cf
1051920 F20101129_AAACUS monteiro_l_Page_016.jp2
ed2577b855727c75108c407012b9f5ec
92052f976dc152c338e9c6093d0078e760bdea45
1051953 F20101129_AAACVG monteiro_l_Page_035.jp2
9a0291f95e7dc0a8e2117c829418d97c
82091fd5cd553e69648b2f297d248d1b33124e08
1051937 F20101129_AAACUT monteiro_l_Page_019.jp2
9083dc73f43ea8ef279c0b712a071a9e
898ea759b05fe394652f1cd14c53bd152be65f2f
927428 F20101129_AAACVH monteiro_l_Page_036.jp2
68ddc8ed7b732eeb58bf8fe491f426ed
885e06b725a0ff4dc59c56601850508687927e3d
900007 F20101129_AAACUU monteiro_l_Page_020.jp2
3217d19eea4302ab32bdd37784f0c4e2
b44803a5f03ba8323473e2334cfea46256de08f7
F20101129_AAACVI monteiro_l_Page_037.jp2
7888165fcfbb3da01dab194cfeb05631
179c9d8869db4789a64adb2bec4c3847d354a103
1051934 F20101129_AAACUV monteiro_l_Page_021.jp2
1cb9b768540a91d42dcf845082fd8d81
342a97696b9addb64968304a3f599572ddda7bb4
F20101129_AAACVJ monteiro_l_Page_038.jp2
2d6b78cf6e84b4a0fb340b741ec92f9a
b19f67e0434152f3aa4bc826cf5c1ee885bed24d
1051949 F20101129_AAACUW monteiro_l_Page_022.jp2
b877313ccf76e267d69c1f7453bb5c20
89712ff595fe696e04faca819f9d4c30c8f14e81
779650 F20101129_AAACVK monteiro_l_Page_040.jp2
fb78dcd2e2f70685760a52e32c66dfa3
cf999f8db5869828e91cd2aa76652ed1bf28d6a6
F20101129_AAACUX monteiro_l_Page_023.jp2
91902270a17a347306a3150608f27c65
5820d34a1d1bc19ebee9a90ab8b6a7a206f19231
1035696 F20101129_AAACVL monteiro_l_Page_041.jp2
52a0a08340a43c738e1cea38f3288d9b
e283e65798b0a2d904f0bfc69c7a11a0739d1f2f
942707 F20101129_AAACUY monteiro_l_Page_024.jp2
9dd36ec4370b1ca6645b75a66cfdeaff
e511b03a78dfd1f96f081e3355bed0d71b544d21
1051894 F20101129_AAACWA monteiro_l_Page_065.jp2
4d0ee200656ad6959e188a29accb4ffa
988192771e67e08da8c390adab853dc8621545be
803655 F20101129_AAACVM monteiro_l_Page_043.jp2
baa23acf1f0922c1aa959de5710ef1e0
d6cf6e00ec33685dfa0cc3be8e7b8d1a2612621b
F20101129_AAACUZ monteiro_l_Page_025.jp2
798407812bc9e62bdedb5c1dfc8beffb
019e9e1270d13616349dcc3d548c783051d6dea2
F20101129_AAACWB monteiro_l_Page_066.jp2
058a75e700c6fb34c42f51b149c90792
14466916f102c74c76b8d6fc1354d6f7a74a341d
F20101129_AAACVN monteiro_l_Page_045.jp2
7c7261780513fb1601371cd4c0575b77
f9c911ff0a950f23bb8f50d586c7ddf19dae42ab
F20101129_AAACWC monteiro_l_Page_067.jp2
90cb9ff90c9997761b2cef57f8645c0c
aee6cd52ebb82d142f8d14e8a2c8cccf7c3f3024
1030684 F20101129_AAACVO monteiro_l_Page_046.jp2
68e224ca59bc2dce1fbb055c1f7c8479
f2f8978b093b789b434d47083f2c898bf2273db7
F20101129_AAACWD monteiro_l_Page_069.jp2
ca9dce499a2fe67bd1521fa7cd478cf0
cf5c10e16fae0e588761601b74de80f0ff427481
1051961 F20101129_AAACVP monteiro_l_Page_049.jp2
b065735266b255efb751e76ae40a94d0
7e08dcca9b4efe59c2ad055def33c622c79eb6d2
1051984 F20101129_AAACWE monteiro_l_Page_070.jp2
d28168ea338ef7f51a2690d996d8e1cd
95b24cb03f4e30b26fa6d24ad3693486b6467952
1051969 F20101129_AAACVQ monteiro_l_Page_050.jp2
5f5f58d31dc298a92561c6ddb562819b
03ff6dcc5e2c581b8bba1a1bf1e2fbc0c50d7ea9
1051950 F20101129_AAACWF monteiro_l_Page_071.jp2
8b2e2db39090b4a0b9fdf0b08a63b3c0
d2c6d45a85e6eecf000460cb2735a952f75f85ff
955180 F20101129_AAACVR monteiro_l_Page_053.jp2
6cbe2423be5780584cd9923f0fd53a12
f5268ca28a964bd39b0bb487ddbef943cd9de7c2
F20101129_AAACWG monteiro_l_Page_073.jp2
981a4fd5beff246e4837e849fc1e4760
63e46c872cc4584bf42e9fde2ca6d40fbe7691b7
1051930 F20101129_AAACVS monteiro_l_Page_054.jp2
ba998be7413a2e0bdcc387c0e66480fc
4434a010b31a7260baedff75ba5274f2cdc4dac5
1051926 F20101129_AAACWH monteiro_l_Page_075.jp2
36ee6487c614522a3f987226ba507405
9ab4d343665655133f5d7f1c6888b7870f3d3937
F20101129_AAACVT monteiro_l_Page_055.jp2
c4e3ca510843d09b658f049dd5f40944
d9fabe3bb3763ac1104c1e4fdf28b4116470fa5e
F20101129_AAACWI monteiro_l_Page_076.jp2
21c7015cb232b543ef6516fd989470e9
e638f34813ab32c33fb654988b3941ac6782edf1
F20101129_AAACVU monteiro_l_Page_056.jp2
dfb8a8803d054ea49860a419f5afcc9a
d366d75b27d4aac4c74542602ae91e60147ed21e
F20101129_AAACWJ monteiro_l_Page_077.jp2
4c094ff5ed51e0845d3fd4d8f65f073c
9578914f8e2476d956dedc02692269c99166797c
565560 F20101129_AAACVV monteiro_l_Page_058.jp2
bfb5aab93bb703ccc479807d83534158
562d424a15ec8c182fbf4f870f4d89fd274ac344
F20101129_AAACWK monteiro_l_Page_078.jp2
46e2b456c87bf62c81c8adc39bcf7f6f
66baab3c2705b24acab4a370fa6d7012a184816d
1051931 F20101129_AAACVW monteiro_l_Page_059.jp2
2133f5e143fccd797e0481fa4710fcaa
ff309f6048e7e0a652b305f955916134b6ad3d53
F20101129_AAACWL monteiro_l_Page_079.jp2
94b71e32919bea6a5f13d0da428e2595
caf6c9a349cfff75b215715be78f8309656399f8
F20101129_AAACVX monteiro_l_Page_060.jp2
153e95783db349ed936130c5b66a598a
9c0fa17d577d800f2862d935c4757adc19f5cd45
F20101129_AAACXA monteiro_l_Page_099.jp2
6cc48f31657809f290a0176687f5de46
8e95383720a74df49f96ea6b29846bcd9c2ffd8c
F20101129_AAACWM monteiro_l_Page_080.jp2
73718b0b563348a2575663e8add39703
774cbae577b3a54fec20b494312a7c429f4eb490
F20101129_AAACVY monteiro_l_Page_062.jp2
ce99adc7cdcaaeff1b0efa2cf4a4abf1
30be3450242996cc9e1968f6052b79cac344df31
F20101129_AAACXB monteiro_l_Page_101.jp2
445c9ba0c8d1ee9ab2aadec2c63c430b
70871f5a697bb8d8986b2dccb307ac91859e643c
1051964 F20101129_AAACWN monteiro_l_Page_083.jp2
f64277c139a80c1dfc913d5c2da8542f
7eb863b06aa19dbe300c33d4d9a360ecbbf2f909
1051924 F20101129_AAACVZ monteiro_l_Page_064.jp2
ac5a0b60cca4571a307af26ad3d29054
8141b2d6e522618de3614bd7811c466f0ff6cc62
371103 F20101129_AAACXC monteiro_l_Page_102.jp2
4cda78ac821582bd59a861655c61723c
59573fe8da323b68a4c4bb374323d53a1bc91d24
1051965 F20101129_AAACWO monteiro_l_Page_084.jp2
985ed41a655d4b9246ea190b1557d43a
ca78300e1ae871fdeb9a2f4d6c1fe51cfad7ea54
F20101129_AAADAA monteiro_l_Page_061.tif
05c5c57c40ddf2dbf99c661fdb2b6f3a
7497e628a8494ddd2fcfef3da597394458e74874
F20101129_AAACXD monteiro_l_Page_104.jp2
599dab0f8a3643c557bf46e36bf4adfc
75d1765c26b9835b4dfb70ea2f1e0bf0e7ae11f0
F20101129_AAACWP monteiro_l_Page_085.jp2
6410b0caff46f1217c56564772e70c31
0e8cc9bd877a0ab401e0dbd615ac9cc80e856c14
F20101129_AAADAB monteiro_l_Page_063.tif
e9c42cd83a2cebbaede1cc9d8f51f9ca
ffd471c8f5dd3173a956c0550d615c2779bd250e
F20101129_AAACXE monteiro_l_Page_108.jp2
89959ead264b5c28f577a5d132fe3a5e
103cb164e57d280938e9afdca41de07b4975e05a
F20101129_AAACWQ monteiro_l_Page_086.jp2
e2792825ffe7734140cb1bcf68bb0bd1
be47b866d42e9d1b24a58fc9bc389998a6da6272
F20101129_AAADAC monteiro_l_Page_064.tif
ca1ccac0bf1f2c4755372ff56352e4a9
c0fd9385f3cd431f3b177e0067d4203eba5f3bc2
954360 F20101129_AAACXF monteiro_l_Page_111.jp2
fe4a4e2155f8db0fd0c8e98dc50f9479
99fbc339aee04682e4408f47d52d22b8ac80d0e6
F20101129_AAACWR monteiro_l_Page_088.jp2
e17afe1577d1c1b18e36649db727e719
b0a2768a162907dab10accb78b8ffa798454d755
F20101129_AAADAD monteiro_l_Page_065.tif
9e748b475ca31b7369b24d663d921785
51ccb7c60e3d029de878a3b7e0bbab12aa204360
F20101129_AAACXG monteiro_l_Page_112.jp2
63b7e38b4c71818abaf703b310737f4c
53538c4e5d8250c3d19670afdd9be4c24cab7c4c
F20101129_AAACWS monteiro_l_Page_089.jp2
bc65b9d957b5d0f875425e7d88b72fb9
ba62507caf3d791dbfebb73deac72369e24061d0
F20101129_AAADAE monteiro_l_Page_066.tif
43f99cd000a1e6e6ba6b2bfb17600716
b4f76299c931c9431b67328022f1759efbad28b8
1051981 F20101129_AAACXH monteiro_l_Page_115.jp2
a894ef86a6225c1453802a366ad6b11e
f1038d623cb5b263db6b5fc1986f612d56ab5bae
F20101129_AAACWT monteiro_l_Page_091.jp2
102c8bef55c20ff95d77d67cab84709d
40572e36204e978d79e0f4ccf9344978235bd83c
F20101129_AAADAF monteiro_l_Page_067.tif
a3c3132fbedf786ed4efd898f26fa84b
3d02ebc54d86ba79f93bf7c62e45c9446889946f
1051919 F20101129_AAACXI monteiro_l_Page_116.jp2
5bb2b30740f5dbe599a007e62434ea55
ac4f369ab7345df1b15f2411b4932dd729425a69
F20101129_AAACWU monteiro_l_Page_092.jp2
36d37e8035bd171e139aa3bfa8599725
c98b96c4cfda0dd10e19e6db5dfa3c1f7eea2563
F20101129_AAADAG monteiro_l_Page_068.tif
ce1bc603ee0dfac754866b0e6b337ca6
ae9bcf548a35040641d0c26acd67be8ab5cf1177
F20101129_AAACXJ monteiro_l_Page_117.jp2
8027215e187c20ce0b90e10ffc91dc1d
b6e2e9e6903007b60b14ffd39ba0ada169ba277b
1051932 F20101129_AAACWV monteiro_l_Page_093.jp2
1fb2d5ce9864f63c6477b18d62de2c78
074b977703141e429fa12e709c25b51fb8c67d96
F20101129_AAADAH monteiro_l_Page_069.tif
7b628ae2a19b68e66ee7a21948bc92fe
d88e16ebd4ba680ed5751987d555d2d25a5ef8ef
F20101129_AAACXK monteiro_l_Page_118.jp2
8e9e9200e75f8fb70fdbdc6d87a0f505
76e30e52ebd580f9ef264c293cf09a5682727cf0
F20101129_AAACWW monteiro_l_Page_094.jp2
ec308a11cc399e5581e9088d62f9b83b
24a373c4c44fdf490eaa66e5a6806fa27dc5e21d
F20101129_AAACXL monteiro_l_Page_119.jp2
1f477bb3ddb70a5436ebeae6e579e77b
fe280f8cd2af66b472c3490fa6585d14589c3542
F20101129_AAACWX monteiro_l_Page_096.jp2
2fd17e3ac0296ad2e751124e4c75b94a
ccc6b2c70ffe802ea0df0d54b917cd725b574ed1
F20101129_AAADAI monteiro_l_Page_070.tif
4bd17b1175ebb3eb520fb2e36f25c368
6f22797931b3c690909368ee16b575abfb530e94
379575 F20101129_AAACYA monteiro_l_Page_141.jp2
e52aa5ac097284453b82dedc9be433f0
13d6f0c17cef6b3338701d9f82f873f6bcad1ebb
F20101129_AAACXM monteiro_l_Page_120.jp2
da20071b19192a37afd00d33d86b80fd
d6deac80f51558545feb40fb358b10b92654d356
1051947 F20101129_AAACWY monteiro_l_Page_097.jp2
d7b65c3e82d12c085eaf8debda7b2718
e6a5f56ebdcc817262eadd287ef8ff9cd623f6f2
F20101129_AAADAJ monteiro_l_Page_072.tif
88f8f444d41ae9aa20cb8922efbbcb60
5351c190b1fe4accc46c3ef393c46419e47abcfc
1051936 F20101129_AAACXN monteiro_l_Page_122.jp2
f4ae50395ed5945af55197c9c76d91cc
6e50e4af2f044b35dcc987206573df7db0f8f5c9
1051940 F20101129_AAACWZ monteiro_l_Page_098.jp2
9309e6412cd7b58740444fa9427c3df8
0202f1670c8e7ada91810c49431e16cfb5bb37d4
F20101129_AAADAK monteiro_l_Page_073.tif
72b11c2cf87ed854fb1e3f7442b9a023
44d5c37090b8ce77f2de68f46546522abaa40185
F20101129_AAACYB monteiro_l_Page_142.jp2
0afc502d32c040a4ab1fe2265000fe0a
dc84f532cfa033872ee8d280438447085afe1807
F20101129_AAACXO monteiro_l_Page_123.jp2
8aadf7e7e70fde36462d6c9a4aba2457
c76cb074b4fa47c0cbb2ac74d2eb812fd1662510
F20101129_AAADBA monteiro_l_Page_093.tif
dca9192894f0dbb1d20a71656a575080
6304c230f664af7bb57384ff4218f0c227e52d33
F20101129_AAADAL monteiro_l_Page_074.tif
242a1ceacf38d38928bff3a30addd42a
b21ba73a0aafa6ca41f01785b5fa044803dfc21c
F20101129_AAACYC monteiro_l_Page_143.jp2
e0236b2856917be7aa49ea7eb99ce1f1
892ff3c1dd2b79acfd08807416398fb04e82aeb1
1051911 F20101129_AAACXP monteiro_l_Page_124.jp2
39a39dfd7fe35d69fd0186e1995051db
6ea2aecef3051e14aae33a62900bbdc79b9772b9
F20101129_AAADBB monteiro_l_Page_095.tif
11733ded97c596cd552ca89f59c076d6
6735a9d670fc7169684e9606c3f5df821f1a1b85
F20101129_AAADAM monteiro_l_Page_076.tif
600262d0559a224e89f095c8bd66e302
3463ff878224a9a2d430386ed7efe7860426b850
F20101129_AAACYD monteiro_l_Page_144.jp2
7e1f30e74060a4ead67c4f637b98b92e
694d557af4692447187798f305a088c3452ef498
1051971 F20101129_AAACXQ monteiro_l_Page_127.jp2
f38bc20e22e62727cfa62584b1366fe9
bf0bb5de1aa689e799a2082f48d2afcc90ca1539
F20101129_AAADBC monteiro_l_Page_096.tif
e7331512c7046d7bc25d17000ea07fa4
fd494e4458987a6e40ee112fb377f271ef36ccd2
F20101129_AAADAN monteiro_l_Page_078.tif
825b6e5d29b7133bcb316a060e92b305
3857e5b4b60fb80ad010d29a43beae6ed2ec78e4
F20101129_AAACYE monteiro_l_Page_145.jp2
4b1e8e32819fe479f00d62288421bdd9
2583f8cd84779ccd18b61a7ad9a16c42fe4b2a91
F20101129_AAADBD monteiro_l_Page_097.tif
599eeffec8274c102e90ac7ccf971bf0
d9e364be688d0a28e74d1c438fd15ab33073184b
F20101129_AAADAO monteiro_l_Page_079.tif
c393125aa8af0751fe69346b47d32e4d
eeaa7f8fc3fc9de1ef7ab2f13ba14ecb204b00a1
688150 F20101129_AAACYF monteiro_l_Page_147.jp2
6519cbe75d3f85c7cc706017e7d40682
1253db599658e53bf3874a159d526bd0a6d31824
267214 F20101129_AAACXR monteiro_l_Page_128.jp2
c9e6f2183de4cb3d65c7b90329a9d06b
122caf4ce36367fd1dafc51c3602aff7bdf6e954







CROSS-DRESSED POETICS: LESSONS AND LIMITS OF GENDER TRANSGRESSIONS
IN BRAZILIAN POPULAR MUSIC





















By

LUCIANA C. MONTEIRO


A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

2007

































2007 Luciana C. Monteiro

































To my parents, Sylvio and Marisa









ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

First, I would like to thank my committee members, Dr. Efrain Barradas and Dr. Tace

Hedrick, for their kind guidance and for their comprehension in dealing with my last-minute

Brazilian timing. I also thank them for making me vulnerable to the Cultural and Gender Studies

bug. I thank Dr. Elizabeth Ginway and Dr. David Pharies for the opportunity to be a Teaching

Assistant in Romance Languages and Literatures, and for supporting me throughout these past

years, making it possible for me to complete this degree.

I thank Sunni for giving me incentive to join UF and to expand my intellectual horizons,

and for being a shining light throughout this adventure. I thank her for the infinite patience she

had in listening to my research findings over and over, in proof reading my writings, and

understanding the fact that I may never use the right prepositions. I am grateful to the loving

Goddess who gave the two of us a chance to be here today and to have hopes for tomorrow.

Above all, I need to thank my parents, Sylvio and Marisa, for their unconditional support

and their pride, their endless love and caring, and for infusing me with self-confidence and

freedom of thinking. I thank my brother Sylvio for my two adorable little nephews and for being

such a loving and affectionate man. I thank my friend Monica who, despite the physical distance,

provided me emotional and spiritual support when I most needed it, and for lending me her ears

by staying on the phone line for hours. "Gracias a Belkis por ser mi hermanita aqui." Thanks to

this family, I was never alone and always had a life filled with love.

My last word, and the most important, must go to my advisor, "meu chefe," Dr. Charles

Perrone. I could not have asked for a more generous, relentless and dedicated mentor. "Carlo" is

my intellectual guru, my beer friend, my joke partner and one of the most bighearted persons I

have ever met. "Obrigada ao Carlos" for letting me in, and I hope he sticks around because there

is still a lot of fun for us to share. "E agora, 'vai trabalhar vagabund(a)'!"









TABLE OF CONTENTS

page

A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S ..............................................................................................................4

ABSTRAC T .......................................................................... 6

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION AND LITERATURE REVIEW .............................................................8

2 SHIFTING GENDER AND SEXUAL IDENTITY PARADIGMS ....................................21

Representations of Women in Mid-Century Brazilian Popular Music...............................23
Chico Buarque: Fem ale Poetic Personae.................................................................... ...... 32

3 DEFYING MASCULINITY: A DIFFERENT KIND OF MAN.......................................59

Caetano Veloso: Gender Ambiguity and Sexually Ambivalent Stage Personae ..................59
Ney Matogrosso: a Master of Cross-Dressing and Masquerades................ ..................73
Gilberto Gil: M mythical and Poetical Androgyny ........................................ .....................94

4 DEFYING FEMININITY: A DIFFERENT KIND OF WOMAN ............... ...............103

5 C O N C L U S IO N .............................................................................. ........................ .. 12 9

A PPEN D IX D ISC O G R A PH Y ................................. ................................... ..........................138

L IST O F R E FE R E N C E S ...................................................... ............................................. 142

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ....................................................... 147









Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Master of Arts

CROSS-DRESSED POETICS: LESSONS AND LIMITS OF GENDER TRANSGRESSIONS
IN BRAZILIAN POPULAR MUSIC

By

Luciana C. Monteiro

August 2007

Chair: Charles A. Perrone
Major: Latin American Studies

This thesis examines manifestations and implications of gender transgression in Brazilian

popular music from c. 1966 until c. 2006. In late twentieth-century MPB (Mufsica Popular

Brasileira) sexually ambiguous performances destabilize fixed gender identities, question

established notions of masculinity and femininity and provide a site where artists and audiences

can challenge heteronormativity. Focusing on verbal and non-verbal aspects of musical discourse

of select contemporary singers and songwriters, I investigate the ways in which their works

subvert and/or assert Brazilian society's hegemonic (hetero)sexist ideas.

Influenced by the international counterculture movements, young Brazilian music-makers

were committed to fighting a double source of oppression: the moral traditions of Brazilian

society, as well as the repression posed by the authoritarian military dictatorship (1964-1985).

Successive generations followed the artistic lead of Chico Buarque and Tropicalist Caetano

Veloso and have consistently defied hegemonic discursive practices in relation to gender and

sexuality. Analysis of performances and lyrics produced over the past forty years reveals how the

practice of cross-dressed poetics and the creation of ambiguous stage personae have contributed

to the questioning of patriarchal values, female submission, masculine and feminine standards









and the exclusivity of heterosexuality. Nevertheless, exhaustive repetition within commodity

culture and social dynamics pose a limit to the subversive potential of such artistic utterances.

The fact that those defiant experiences occur in a select, carnivalized public space means that

they do not necessarily translate into acceptance of personal gender transgressions or into sexual

politics, and the preference in Brazil continues to be to keep unconventional sexuality as the

"unspeakable."









CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION AND LITERATURE REVIEW

This thesis examines manifestations and implications of gender transgression in a central

field of expressive culture in Brazil. In late twentieth-century Brazilian popular music sexually

ambiguous performances destabilize fixed gender identities, question established notions of

masculinity and femininity and provide a site where artists and audiences can challenge

heteronormativity, which will be defined fully below. Focusing on verbal and non-verbal aspects

of musical discourse-lyrics, sound structure, and artistic performance, live / recorded-of select

contemporary Brazilian singers and songwriters, I investigate in which ways their works subvert

and/or assert Brazilian society's hegemonic (hetero)sexist ideas. The verbal discourses contained

in the songs examined in this investigation are readily accessible, as vocals are clear and

understandable. Musical arrangements never interfere with aural comprehension (as it can in

certain genres, such dance music, heavy rock and others). The analysis of relevant artistic cases

during a forty-year span, from c.1966 until c.2006, intends to demonstrate how a cross-dressed

poetics manifest itself in composition and performance. Once established, each case of critique

will be complemented by discussion of its impact on society on a broader level, according to the

period of occurrence. A guiding hypothesis for the present investigation is that despite the

significant gains in proposing new and less rigid notions of gender and sexuality, the traditional

way Brazilian society operates poses a limit on the subversive potential of such artistic

utterances, which often tend to be confined to and understood as part of a carnivalized space.

Several key terms are introduced in this preamble and will be used throughout the

chapters to follow. Most have been incorporated into discourses of gender and queer studies over

the last several decades. Heteronormativity should be understood as those punitive rules (social,

familial, and legal) that compel individuals to conform to dominant hegemonicc) heterosexual









standards for identity. The term is a short version of normative heterosexuality.

Heteronormativity is strictly correlated to gender conformity and rigid boundaries that separate

feminine from masculine. The common-sense notion is that gender is a sign of sexual

orientation, and policing gender functions as a way to secure heterosexuality. Sexist refers to

having strict definitions of what pertains to female and male, often with implied bias. In the

binary opposition between feminine and masculine, the latter tends to enjoy a privileged

position. Heterosexist is, in turn, a similar rigid and hierarchical separation of heterosexual and

homosexual. The terms carnivalized and carnivalesque derive from the Russian theorist Mikhail

Bakhtin. They will be used here in regards to artistic expression that incorporates aspects of the

rituals of carnival, such as eccentricity, role inversions, and violations of generally accepted

behaviors. When referring to Brazilian society, carnivalization also incorporates Roberto da

Matta's idea that social life embodies the ambivalences symbolized in the rituals of carnival, as

well as double moral and behavioral standards that separate public conduct from private life. As

for patriarchy, the term is here taken to mean a social system established on the basis of the

difference between masculinity and femininity, where men's power stands in opposition to

women's subjection. A conventional patriarchal relationship should be understood as having

clear definitions of gender roles; both men and women are supposed to obey these rules. The

adjective androcentric does not refer to human in general, rather it is used as applied in feminist

theory and criticism, as a synonym for male-centered, i.e., with respect to notions or discourses

created by men which presuppose male intellectual authority, denying female articulation.

Gender trouble, which is the title of Judith Butler's most influential publication, refers to

identities that do not conform to the established notions of feminine and masculine. Although the

term queer has been adopted for political purposes as referring to gay people, in the present









study it is being used in a broader sense as identities that defy labeling and project attributes of

both genders and distinct sexualities, not necessarily in a linear correlation. A distinction must

also be made between performativity and performance: according to Butler, while the latter

presupposes a subject and is volitional, the former denies the subject and is a compulsory

repetition of established behavioral codes that ends up creating the category which it names.

Gender performativity follows society's conventions and, through an exhaustive and controlled

repetition, creates and solidifies gender categories themselves. These terms will occur in what

follows with respect to composition (of music and/or lyrics), public presentation of songs, and

reception of the same, by audiences and critics alike.

Among the innovations introduced in Brazilian popular music in the 1960s was a

challenge to traditionally stable gender identities. Noted artists essayed a new poetics with

license for sexual ambiguities. With such modifications, those involved in music-making as well

as their audiences carved out a socially acceptable space for gender transgressions that could

permit destabilization of fixed identities and of the exclusivity of heterosexist discourses. In the

late 1960s and early 1970s in Brazil, urban middle-class popular music was a site for major

cultural transformations. With the emergence of the trend known by the acronym MPB (Mfisica

Popular Brasileira) c. 1966 several shifts in musical expression were consolidated. Changes

were inspired both by political activism, prominent since 1962, and by international ideas of

counterculture, which began to arrive in Brazil soon after their emergence abroad, primarily in

the United States and England. For its part, MPB first developed under a nationalist flag,

embracing "authentic" Brazilian popular music; acoustically-based songs were composed in

opposition to romantic pop and rock 'n' roll. Such an approach was held by some to comprise a

rejection of cultural imperialism. A strict distinction between "committed" and "alienated"









production did not last long in the late 1960s, years of vibrant creativity and reinvention. The

musical movement known as Tropicalia (which burst upon the scene in late 1967) played a major

role in the blurring of lines between supposedly opposing musical camps. Since the early 1960s,

Brazilian youth had been expressing desires for social, political and behavioral change, and the

work of young Tropicalist artists spoke to such a situation. This avant-garde within MPB was

marked by an overall strategy to query and to challenge received cultural values. The group

broadened the meaning of MPB with the incorporation of elements of rock 'n' roll and other

unaccustomed material, establishing a hybridism that would become a significant aspect of

Brazilian popular music. With sexually ambiguous performances and adoption of androgynous

motifs, the movement's leading artists also played major roles in defying traditional notions of

gender through art. In the development of alternative gender approaches in popular music, Chico

Buarque, for most the leading figure of MPB, and Tropicalist Caetano Veloso stand as the most

relevant names. Each artist projects a distinctive kind of gender trouble, and they still serve as

models for successive generations of artists. Their main innovations were the adoption of a

different gender point of view, thematic paradigm changes, and the construction of sexually

ambivalent stage personae.

Recognizing the centrality of his contributions, Chapter 2 examines Chico Buarque's

creation of female poetic personae and offers an analysis of the ways in which the artist

challenged gender thematic patterns, confronting the androcentric canon of popular music. Since

as early as 1965 Buarque has made original compositions adopting a woman's point of view and

exploring new subject matters. He questioned patriarchal attitudes and expressed a variety of

female subjectivities through such personae as the mother, the lover, the prostitute, and the

lesbian. He subverted the established strict co-relation in popular music between the gender of









the singer and the poetic "I." Buarque not only composed songs from a woman's point of view,

he performed them from a female perspective as well. The singer-songwriter established an

inspiring example for new generations, and the most relevant cases will be examined in the

following chapters.

Chapter 3 covers male singers and songwriters who were encouraged by Buarque's

artistic lead, and, through the incorporation of international countercultural ideas, projected new

models of masculinity. In this regard, Caetano Veloso can be considered the most productive

name in MPB. As co-leader of tropicalismo, with Gilberto Gil, he contributed to an overall

renovation of themes and also adopted a female point of view as singer/songwriter. More

uniquely, Veloso brought to Brazilian popular music the concept of a sexually-ambivalent stage

persona. He should be noted as the artist responsible for queering the MPB scenario. Since 1968,

he has consistently assumed publicly a personal image that resists fixed gender identities and

labeling, and, distinct from Buarque, his artistic persona is frequently associated with his private

life. Sexually-ambiguous stage personae have also been adopted by other noted male artists,

especially vocalist Ney Matogrosso and singer-songwriter Gilberto Gil. The use of stage

personae to challenge heterosexism gained full expression in the work of Matogrosso, who began

performing in the early 1970s and would become the first singer of mainstream MPB to discuss

openly his homosexuality. He mocked heterosexual and homophobic discourses through original

gay and drag performances. His ever-changing masquerades were creative hybrids of emerging

androgynous aesthetics with iconography from Brazilian nature, which served his purpose of

contesting the perception of homosexuality as "unnatural." For his part, Gil explored androgyny

and spiritual fusion of masculine-feminine principles through lyrics and musical vehicles. Along

with Veloso, Gil also played a major role in challenging the privileges of heterosexuality.









Chapter 4 deals with the innovations achieved by select female vocalists and songwriters.

Increased general interest in women's issues in MPB, along with a more progressive social and

political context, helped to create opportunities for a new generation of female music-makers. In

the late 1970s and the 1980s women songwriters found space to challenge patriarchy, and to

probe diverse female subjectivities, not necessarily constructed in relation to men or to their roles

as romantic partners. Talented songsmiths such as Joyce, Ana Terra, Fatima Guedes and Angela

R6 R6 dealt with themes such as motherhood, domestic violence, and lesbianism. Mainstream

female vocalists also contributed to the projection of new models of femininity. Tropicalists

Maria Bethdnia and Gal Costa gained acceptance for performances that included maintenance of

masculine poetic "I" of the original compositions. In the years to come, more radical alternatives

would be explored. In the 1980s artists such as Simone, Marina Lima, Sandra de Sa and Angela

R6 R6 suggested lesbianism or bisexuality, forcefully projecting sexual ambivalence. They also

subverted hegemonic discourses through the provocative performance of traditional machista or

homophobic songs. The works of younger artists such as Adriana Calcanhoto and others prove

that gender subversions continued to take place within MPB from the 1990s until the mid 2000s.

Singer-songwriter Ana Carolina constitutes an interesting case of gender-role inversion, as she

has consistently adopted an unusual masculine poetic "I" in composition and performance alike.

Having determined the practice of cross-dressed poetics over the final decades of the

twentieth century, the concluding chapter discusses musical activity in broader social

perspective. Assuming that the artistic practice of unconventional gender and sexuality does not

necessarily translate into sexual politics, questions are raised about the subversive potential of

sexually-ambiguous performances. In this regard, it is important to consider the ways in which

artists deal with public and personal boundaries, by adopting attitudes that confront or reinforce









heteronormativity. In the analysis of the social and political limitations of deviating

performances, it is also essential to bear in mind their carnivalesque nature, which informs the

way they are culturally absorbed. The carnivalizing tradition of Brazilian society, where double

moral standards prevail, sets limits on these defiant discourses, which may be accepted as

transient hierarchical and behavioral inversions. In this sense, general theories of the

development of Brazilian society also help to put gender issues in music into perspective and to

bring into relief the limited effects of such performances.

This thesis concerns in a general way two areas of inquiry within which there are

substantial resources: Brazilian popular music and gender studies. As for the much more specific

angle of investigation that orients the present work-the intersection of popular-music and

gender studies in the case of one nation-extant materials are relatively limited. There is an

extensive bibliography on the contemporary Brazilian popular music known as MPB, which

garnered special attention during its emergence in the sixties and became a defined area of

interest for both national and international scholars from a variety of disciplines. Along with

theses and other scholarly works, popular-press publications are also widely available:

songbooks with studies, biographies, memoirs, periodical interviews and articles, and, since the

mid-1990s, websites. One non-academic source should be highlighted for its extensive research

on sexuality and gender representations in popular music: Hist6ria sexual da MPB: a evoluado

do amor e do sexo na canqdo brasileira (2006) by journalist Rodrigo Faour. This volume

contains close to six hundred pages of musical examples dealing with related themes since the

1920s. The book also provides numerous interviews with artists, topically-organized lists of

songs and pages dedicated to album-cover illustrations since the 1950s. As for scholarly

publications per se, there are few specific sources that tackle gender issues head on and/or focus









on the sexually transgressive nature of some prominent singer-songwriters' performances.

Scattered references are largely superficial or limited in scope, continuing to emphasize more

celebrated aspects of Brazilian popular music, such as political impact and the appropriation of

foreign material. It is fair to say that a gap exists in critical coverage. Major publications that

deal with homosexuality in Brazil, such as Devassos noparaiso (2000) by Jodo Silverio Trevisan

and James Green's Beyond Carnival: Male Homosexuality in Tii einieit-Century Brazil (1999)

do in fact look at unconventional musical expressions and their contributions toward defying

hegemonic heterosexual discourses on a broader social level.

As a general overview of the history of Brazilian popular music, Jose Ramos Tinhordo's

Pequena hist6ria da mu'sica popular: da modinha at cancdo de protest (1978) is useful, as it

provides explanations of the origins and development of the main genres of popular music within

social and cultural contexts, although there is no specifically relevant information on issues of

gender. In the fifth revised edition (1986), Tinhordo, known as one of the most prolific and

rigorous investigators of the field, goes beyond the seventies and includes coverage of genres

that had gained more widespread popularity, such as country music, though gender is still

scarcely considered. In the recent scholarly literature produced in Brazil, the collection

Decantando a Reptiblica: inventdrio hist6rico e politico da cancdo popular modern brasileira

(Cavalcante et al., ed., 2004) exemplifies different disciplinary approaches to popular music,

offering historical, political, and sociological perspectives, including gender angles. Maria Celia

Paoli's essay "Os amores citadinos e a ordenacgo do mundo paria: as mulheres, as cancges e seus

poetas" examines how male songwriters have presented the everyday life of ordinary people,

mostly in regards to love and intimacy. The author explores the ways in which popular song

lyrics illustrate how men dealt with women's changing roles in the Brazilian society. Another









recent multidisciplinary compilation, Ao encontro dapalavra cantada -poesia, musica e voz

(Matos et al., ed., 2001) tackles popular songs as cultural artifacts that can be analyzed from a

variety of theoretical perspectives, from musicology and ethnomusicology, to anthropology,

history, literature, and semiotics. In "Dicc5es malandras do samba," Claudia Matos develops the

theme of gender relations within urban samba and presents the most frequent female stereotypes

depicted in this musical genre. Manoel Berlinck's article "Sossega leoo! Algumas considerac9es

sobre o samba como forma de cultural popular" (1976) was a landmark study in this regard; it

was the first academic study to analyze the roles of women in early urban samba (from the 1920s

to the early 1960s).

As for Anglophone studies, Brazilian Popular Music and Globalization (2001), edited by

Charles A. Perrone and Christopher Dunn, is a valuable source of general information, especially

about contemporary musical movements in the Brazilian Northeast, including Bahia. Various

articles therein, whether concerned with Tropicalia or more current musical phenomena such as

Funk, are sensitive to gender articulations. With respect to the generation of Buarque, Veloso,

Gil per se, Perrone's seminal study Masters of Contemporary Brazilian Song: MPB 1965-1985

(1989) follows in many ways lines established by Brazilian critics Augusto de Campos and

Affonso Romano de Sant'anna, crossing the bridge between literature and popular culture and

analyzing popular songs as artifacts with both general cultural and specifically literary

significance. Masters contains significant analysis of social and political conjuncture, and

specifically with regards to gender, there are two pivotal references: Buarque's creation of

female lyrical personae and Gil's poetic motif of gender fusion.

In the late 1960s and early 1970s Brazilian countercultural movements made serial

reflections on Brazilian popular music, as studied by Christopher Dunn. His definitive account









Brutality Garden: Tropicalia and the Emergence of a Brazilian Counterculture (2001) covers

this specific musical movement, its interrelations with other arts, its Afro-Diasporic connections,

and its broad cultural legacy. Among the attitudes that emerged in the late 1960s, Dunn

specifically notes an insubordination with respect to the rigidity of categories of gender and

sexuality, which was instigated by North American and European youth movements. He

illustrates how Veloso and Gil expressed gender ambiguity, androgyny and homosociability. The

author believes that the presence of homoeroticism in their works opened debates and criticized

the Brazilian construction of masculinity.

Within the international academy since 1990s there has been an increased interest in

gender and sexuality as represented in popular culture. For the purposes of the present research,

the most useful items are those that illustrate approaches to gender transgressions per se. Sheila

Whiteley, who has been one of the most consistent investigators in this field, authored Women

and Popular Music: Sexuality, Identity and Subjectivity (2000), in which she examines examples

of alternative gender-identity constructions, androgyny, and sexual ambivalence in the

performances of Annie Lennox and k.d. lang. While Whiteley's approach is largely

musicological and technical (with a proliferation of notated musical excerpts), it is accessible to

non-musically trained readers. Whiteley also edited Sexing the Groove: Popular Music and

Gender (1997), a compilation that covers a broad range of disciplinary perspectives concerned

with the analysis of gender, mainly in British and North American pop, rock, and folk. Essays

focused on some sort of gender trouble, such as sexual ambivalence in Mick Jagger's

performance and androgyny in k.d. lang's stage personae, generate special interest by offering

examples of theoretical approaches for the analysis of unconventional constructions of

"femininity" and "masculinity." A clear indication of the vitality of these themes is the special









issue of Popular Music (Bradby and Laing, 2001) dedicated to Gender and Sexuality, with

articles addressing such themes as homosexuality and homosociality in pop and rock music,

sexual ambivalence, and feminism in the performances of various groups. Within English-

language academic discourse, the work of Frances Aparicio innovates by focusing on Latin

American and U.S. Latino popular music. Her Listening to Salsa: Gender, Latin Popular Music,

andPuerto Rican Cultures (1998) details the representation of women in songs produced by

Puerto Ricans or for this community. Through a feminist "close reading" of the lyrics, along with

the analysis of musical performance, the author investigates dominant discourses on gender in

genres such as bolero, merengue, and salsa. She proposes to reveal the articulation of gender

issues and the ways by which some prominent female singers and songwriters may subvert

prevailing stereotypical imaginaries. Much of what she does can be brought to bear on other

Latin American music.

Urban anthropologist Ruben George Oliven conducted research on malandragem,

comprising the lifestyle and values of urban hustlers, a main feature of modern citified

comportment (principally) in Rio de Janeiro. Oliven studied its expression in mid-century

Brazilian popular music, and gender relations within this subject. He has offered insightful

information on the traditions of male and female representations in the samba. His articles "A

malandragem na musica popular brasileira" (1984), "The Production and Consumption of

Culture in Brazil" (1984) and "'The Woman Makes (And Breaks) the Man': The Masculine

Imagery in Brazilian Popular Music" (1988) are valuable resources in any investigation that

seeks to unravel webs of gender intrigue.

As for gendered angles on late twentieth-century Brazilian popular music, four sources

are particularly valuable: Severino Jodo Medeiros Albuquerque, Tentative Transgressions:









Homosexuality, AIDS, and the Theater in Brazil (2004); Cesar Braga-Pinto, "Supermen and

Chiquita Bacana's Daughters: Transgendered Voices in Brazilian Popular Music" (2002); Maria

Helena Sansdo Fontes, Semfantasia: masculino-feminino em Chico Buarque (2003); and Adelia

Bezerra de Meneses, Figuras dofeminino na canc o de Chico Buarque (2000). Albuquerque

deals with theatrical representations, yet he offers an extremely useful framework to understand

gender, sexuality, and transgressive discourses in the realms of the expressive arts. In particular,

the author highlights aspects of Brazilian culture or society that should be taken into

consideration in the evaluation of the limited effects of unconventional representations.

Albuquerque also refers to different genres, including popular music, giving special emphasis,

for instance, to the theatricality ofNey Matogrosso's stage performances. Fontes dedicated a

monograph to the examination of Chico Buarque's unusual lyrical approach to gender and of the

ways he subverted the traditions of male-dominated Brazilian songwriters. She details how the

singer-songwriter established a new poetic stance by assuming women's point of view and by

challenging common female stereotypes. Meneses is recognized for her extensive research on

Chico Buarque, and she can be considered the songwriter's best critic. The volume Figuras do

Feminino is entirely dedicated to the examination of Buarque's poetic motifs in regards to female

characters. The critic notes the songwriter's rupture with traditional gender representation in

Brazilian popular music. Her approach gives special attention to affective aspects, the analysis of

Buarque's romantic lyricism, and the ways in which male and female characters and narrators

are represented within this theme. Both Meneses and Perrone emphasize the songwriter's

exceptional psychological and emotional insight in regards to gender relations, and more

uniquely, to the feminine.









Braga-Pinto's insightful essay "Supermen and Chiquita Bacana's Daughters:

Transgendered Voices in Brazilian Popular Music" is the first publication to ponder together the

experiences of prominent Brazilian popular musical artists, from the late sixties and younger

generations alike, who defied hegemonic and rigid gender identities while promoting the

establishment of sexual ambivalence. Braga-Pinto develops this theme from a cultural-studies

perspective, adding concepts from queer and gender theories in his analysis of those

performances. The author points out that the instability of gender presentations in Brazilian

popular music reveals the performative and provisional nature of gender and sexual identity

categories. Braga-Pinto also tries to think beyond the stage and extract social meaning from these

unusual artistic utterances.

Among the artists investigated in this thesis, Chico Buarque is the one about whom exists

the widest range of information and scholarly analysis. About Caetano Veloso and other gender

or sexually transgressive singers-songwriters the only significant source available is the article

by Braga-Pinto. It is thus necessary to show a consistent pattern of artistic expression in multiple

artists during the past forty years to verify a trend. In the chapters that follow, we look at Chico

Buarque, Caetano Veloso and a series of male and female singer-songwriters and performers to

illuminate the particular phenomena and to evaluate their roles in generating gender trouble.









CHAPTER 2
SHIFTING GENDER AND SEXUAL IDENTITY PARADIGMS

In the subversion of traditional gender approaches in popular music, Chico Buarque, the

foremost figure of MPB, and Tropicalist leader Caetano Veloso, stand out as the most prominent

names. Each artist conveys a distinct kind of gender trouble, while both destabilize the cultural

matrix of gender and sexuality. In this regard both singer-songwriters still inspire new

generations of artists. The main contributions of Buarque have been the adoption of different

points of view vis-a-vis gender, the creation of female poetic personae and thematic paradigm

changes. Chico Buarque's adoption of diverse lyrical personae followed directly from the

political commitment he assumed in the aftermath of the military coup of 1964. He represented

voices of subaltern and socially marginalized groups, and in his most innovative compositions,

from 1966 forward, he frequently adopted a woman's point of view to explore new thematic

territory. He regularly questioned patriarchal attitudes and expressed a variety of female

subjectivities through characters such as the wife, the mother, the lover, the prostitute and the

lesbian.

Scholars have debated Buarque's motivation for assuming women's voices, yet there is a

consensus on his attention to female oppression as an expression of his overall sympathy for

subaltern groups: "Buarque is noted for his creation of female lyric voices ... and of personae

drawn from the marginalized sectors of Brazilian society: the socioeconomically

disenfranchised, the exploited proletariat, and the inhabitants of thefavelas" (Perrone, Masters

38). However, different hypotheses have been formulated to explain better his poetic motifs and

expressive modes. Steven Butterman (84) proposes that Buarque used allegorical representations

and the carnivalesque to defy the military regime and society's oppressive attitudes towards

marginalized groups; inverting Brazilian society's rigid hierarchies and questioning the status









quo. The songwriter gave space to traditionally excluded sectors and brought their daily lives to

the center in a more sophisticated manner than did the second wave of Bossa Nova and cantdo

de protest. His approach to gender is remarkable, and he created female characters like no other

before. Maria Helena Sansdo Fontes defends the position that in Buarque's work, beyond his

social commitment, there is also the unconscious presence of the "Grand Feminine" archetype,

which informs his major creative output, marked by "as imagens arquetipicas do feminine que se

manifestam em seus aspects duais, incluindo a figure acolhedora, maternal, sedutora e sua

contraparte devoradora, persecut6ria e aprisionante" (176). From Fontes' point of view, to those

archetypes, the artist adds a concrete perspective based on his own personal experiences. The

present analysis of Buarque's lyrics intends to show that even though the songwriter was

innovative in the depth and breadth of female representation, and in the portrayal of women's

subjectivities beyond androcentric stereotypes, his work reflects a social imaginary with ideas of

women as powerful and mysterious beings. Buarque's own words confirm this fascination with

women:

A mulher e um grande misterio, tenho uma grande curiosidade em relacgo a mulher, a
alma feminine, de como ela pensa, age. Sou um voyeur ... Gosto de ver como elas se
movem, raciocinam, reagem. E sempre uma surpresa ... Sou um curioso exatamente por
desconhecer, querer saber e entender, e ndo entender nunca. (qtd. in Faour 148)

The examination of the considerable material produced by Buarque using female voices

indicates an extraordinary sophistication in the construction of identities. His songs are marked

by "a depth of perception of emotional, psychological, and social phenomena" (Perrone, Masters

1) and "his particular use of feminine voice distinguished his uncommon psychological insight"

(Perrone, Seven 97). In this sense, his artistic creations in the feminine demonstrate that he has an

unusual ability to assume women's points of view, and differently from previous generations of

male songwriters, he indeed portrays diverse female subjectivities. He complexities gender









issues in song like no one else. Prior to the analysis of Buarque's compositions, a brief review of

representation of female types in Brazilian popular songs in the generations preceding MPB is

being offered in order to understand better the singer-songwriter's main contributions in the

subversion of gender representations, of androcentric discourses on women and based on

established notions of masculinity.

Representations of Women in Mid-Century Brazilian Popular Music

The majority of studies related to gender representation in Brazilian popular music take

the samba as the starting point since it represents the first fully articulated manifestation of vocal

urban popular music. Richard Parker asserts that the creative environment for samba has been

predominantly male dominated, tending to convey androcentric and sexist discourse, to portray

women in a negative manner, according to masculine perspectives:

Samba itself ... is created within a fundamentally male space: the popular bars where the
predominantly male composers spend their free time, and where women who wish to
avoid being labeled asputas orpiranhas are unlikely to venture. Even the language, the
poetry of samba is a kind of male discourse, which often focuses on the suffering and
injustice imposed, it is claimed, upon men by women. (154)

Manoel Berlinck's article "Sossega leoo! Algumas consideraces sobre o samba como

forma de cultural popular" (1976) was the first academic study that attempted to map the role of

women in early urban samba (c. 1920s-c. 1960s). The author found that there were three basic

female stereotypes prevailing in this tradition: "a domestica" "a piranha" and "a onirica."

Women characters were stereotypically divided first by their proper ("home-makers") or

improper behavior ("sluts"). The third model was an idealized figure ("dreamboat"), the

unreachable muse that inspired the songwriter. The first type-"a mulher domestica"-

represented the dedicated housewife, concerned above all with the home and the well-being of

the husband. She was the ideal woman for marriage, submissive and passive, but also a strong

maternal figure who had the necessary stability for the maintenance of an ordered life. Ruben









Oliven concludes that "what characterizes this type of woman, besides her self-sacrifice, is her

capacity to provide emotional security for men" ("Woman" 95).

Two emblematic characters became the icons for the "domestic" woman: Emilia and

Amelia. The song "Emilia" (1941) composed by Haroldo Lobo and Wilson Batista, illustrated a

male ideal of the perfect housewife; the song concludes treating her essentially as a synonym for

the category of woman:

Eu quero uma mulher
Que saiba lavar e cozinhar
Que, de manhd cedo
Me acorde na hora de trabalhar

Ninguem sabe igual a ela
Preparar o meu cafe
Ndo desfazendo das outras
Emilia e mulher.... (qtd. in Berlinck 102)

Using these two characters as examples, Maria Celia Paoli claims that the ideal woman

was the one who made men's life easier: "Os primeiros grandes tipos de mulher que se tornaram

populares sdo o oposto da que tem desejos: e aquela que facility as coisas" (79). The

representation of women found in twentieth-century urban popular music was defined by male

composers: it naturally addressed men's needs and did not intend to portray female subjectivity.

The level of resignation of the character in "Ai que saudades da Amelia" (1942) by Ataulfo

Alves and Mario Lago was so exemplary that she was referred to as a "true woman." The aspect

of emotional security was also emphasized in the line where she addressed the partner in a

maternal way ("meu filho"):


Voc6 s6 pensa em luxo e riqueza

Ai, meu Deus, que saudades da Amelia

As vezes passava fome ao meu lado









E achava bonito nao ter o que comer
E quando me via contrariado, dizia:
"meu filho que se ha de fazer?"
Amelia nao tinha a menor vaidade
Amelia e que era mulher de verdade. (qtd. in Berlinck 102)

The song became one of the top ten hits of 1942 (Mello and Severiano). It also became

part of the repertoire standards. The two songs established "a comparison with other women who

cannot be equal to these two mythical figures" (Oliven, "Woman" 95). This kind of

representation was typical of the 1940s and reflected men's needs in order to survive the hard

times of World War II: "A prova de que os tempos tinham mudado, e que os homes sabiam

final avaliar ... a importdncia de uma boa companheira disposta a enfrentar corajosamente a seu

lado as dificuldades da vida" (Tinhordo, "Musica" 8). "Se acaso voc6 chegasse" (1938) by

Lupicinio Rodrigues and Felisberto Martins summarizes a man's expectations about the ideal

woman for these times-"De dia (me) lava a roupa / De noite (me) beija a boca...." (qtd. in

Berlinck 103). She was the one ready to perform the domestic service and to provide physical

affection.

According to Paoli these songs reflect the decline from the 1930s on of the romantic

lyricism typical of the first three decades of the twentieth-century. Urban development was the

main factor that contributed to a more pragmatic perspective on gender relations. As the cities

grew and life became more complex, the ideal woman frequently turned out to be the one

capable of providing security in a potentially dangerous environment: "A figure da mulher

cantada pelo compositor popular e o caminho pelo qual se reflete sobre o amor e ... sobre a

possibilidade do lar como um lugar reconhecido de intimidade a partir do qual se pode habitar a

cidade modern" (Paoli 77).









The second stereotype defined by Berlinck was the opposite of the ideal housewife: "a

piranha" ("the slut"). As the author analyses, this kind of representation complements masculine

needs under the patriarchal system-the necessity of structural organization and the desire to

escape it: "a 'mulher domestic' e a 'mulher piranha' tem necessariamente que coexistir numa

sociedade machista ... Coexistindo, possibilitam a liberdade masculina e o duplo padrdo moral

da sociedade machista" (Berlinck 111). The "slut" was therefore constructed as the binary

opposite to the domestic woman: "a fidelidade se op6e a infidelidade; a submissdo se opoe nao a

igualdade, mas a traicgo; a pureza se op6e ao pecado" (Berlinck 106). In samba repertories, the

theme of female betrayal was one of the most common, and song texts tended to emphasize

men's loyalty and sincerity, in contrast to women's dishonesty. "Infidelidade" (1947) by Ataulfo

Alves and Americo Seixas offers a typical example: "Sdo falsas na maioria / E quando o home

confia / Em tudo o que a mulher diz / Eis a traicgo consumada / Uma vida desgracada...." (qtd.

in Berlinck 106). Sometimes the woman would show remorse for her actions, thus giving the

man the chance to disdain her, as for example in "Pecadora" by Jair Costa and Jodo da Portela:

"Vai pecadora arrependida / Vai tratar da tua vida / ... / Eu quero um amor perfeito / Pra aliviar o

meu peito...." (qtd. in Berlinck 107).1

As pointed out by Paoli, this type of woman was frequently associated with danger in

songs that depicted fear, suffering, abandonment, and deception. The most dangerous woman

was the one who could even interfere in the songwriter's work and his artistic creation: "[Ela] faz

o poeta perder-se em paix6es estereis, subjugado aos caprichos femininos" (Paoli 83). Lupicinio

Rodrigues became known for his insistence on this theme. His songs illustrated what Oliven



1 Recording information on this composition is scarce. Berlinck makes reference to the 1965 recording by the group
Conjunto A voz do morro (Roda de samba; VM 1). Singer Elizeth Cardoso also recorded the song in the same year
(Elizeth sobe o morro; EC 1).









refers to as the other side of the "powerful" woman: "If it is the woman who makes the man, she

also has the power to break him and it is here that the danger lies" ("Woman" 96). With "Nervos

de aco" (1947) the songwriter started a series of compositions focusing on dor de corno ("the

pains of the cuckold"): "Voc6 sabe o que e ter um amor / Meu senhor? / Ter loucura por uma

mulher / E depois encontrar esse amor / ... / Nos bracos de outro qualquer...." (qtd. in Oliven,

"Woman" 104). The song "Vinganca" (1951) although first recorded by a female singer, Linda

Batista, also dealt with the same issues, and the best vengeance imagined by Rodrigues was to

throw her back in the streets, thus denying her patriarchal "protection:"

Eu gostei tanto
Tanto quando me contaram
Que lhe encontraram
Chorando e bebendo
Na mesa de um bar

Mas enquanto houver forca em meu peito eu ndo quero mais nada
S6 vinganca, vinganca, vinganca aos santos clamar
Voc6 ha de rolar como as pedras que rolam na estrada
Sem ter nunca um cantinho de seu pra poder descansar (qtd. in Oliven, "Woman" 105)

Finally in "Nunca" (1952) he dramatically refused to give an offending woman a second chance

ever: "Nunca / Nem que o mundo caia sobre mim / Nem se Deus mandar / Nem mesmo assim /

As pazes contigo eu farei...." (qtd. in Oliven, "Woman" 106). Several of his songs later became

a fertile terrain for female singers to reverse the machista discourse by inverting the gender

positions.

The third representation, "a mulher onirica," belonged to the world of imagination. She

was the adored and idealized muse, impossible to attain. Berlinck remarks that this female

character lacked individuality or any subjective elements. By being inaccessible, she inspired

themes such as solitude and endless search, and because she was never a figure in the present,

songs in this paradigm tended to take place in a projected future or a nostalgic past. In this group









the author includes the famous "Garota de Ipanema" (1962) because it illustrates a platonic

passion. In fact, this representation was the most frequent in the Bossa Nova movement during

the late 1950s and 1960s, showing a return to some of the romantic lyricism of the beginning of

the century.

Another important element to bear in mind for the analysis of gender representations in

urban samba is the character of the Brazilian malandro ("rogue, urban hustler, trickster") and the

values associated with living his lifestyle (malandragem). Oliven provides a summary of the

roots of malandragem: "[Esta] se constituiu simultaneamente em estrategia de sobrevivencia e

conceppco de mundo atraves das quais alguns segments das classes subaltemas se recusam a

aceitar a discipline e a monotonia associadas ao universe do trabalho assalariado"

("Malandragem" 70). Several samba composers were malandros, whose lyrics reflected their

values.

Claudia Matos states that even though malandros are still present in samba imagination

today, its apex was in the 1930s, a time that she considers "sua fase aurea e mais tipica" (62).

After that, the typical malandro changed in order to adapt to the efforts at social control of the

dictatorship of Getulio Vargas (1937-1945), and to the economic difficulties of the 1940s and

1950s. The analysis conducted by Oliven of gender representations from the perspective of

malandragem led to the stereotypes presented by Berlinck. Prior to the late 1930s, the ideal

woman should be able to earn a living for the couple, since the malandro still sought to refrain

from engaging in a working routine. This kind of woman would be the one to evolve to the

model of the "domestic woman" in the following decades, becoming the perfect housewife for

the redeemed malandro then under pressure to become part of the labor force to survive in the

new economic scenario. It is also important to remark that the Vargas regime exercised very









significant control over the country's radio stations, and, highly influenced by Positivism, tried

"to eliminate the tendency of the sambistas to praise malandragem. Thus, on one hand, it

encouraged composers to exalt labor and, on the other hand, to abandon eulogies to

malandragem" (Oliven, "Production" 109). It was in this conjuncture that songs praising the

qualities of the ideal housewife, the kind of woman who helped man to adapt to the new

structure, were composed.

Her opposite, like Berlinck's "mulher piranha," was an ambivalent figure, a source of

pleasure, but also of a danger represented by the potential of betrayal. Oliven describes the

domestic woman as belonging to the orderly structure, while the second was the one who

addressed the malandro's desire for escaping the monotony of the daily routine. In this sense,

there is a convergence with Berlinck's point of view in that they constituted the two sides of the

same patriarchal system:

A figure feminine e essencial e ... ambivalente, representando, por um lado, uma fonte
potential de prazer na condicgo de amante, mas significando tambem, na mesma
condicgo, a mulher piranha que, ao abandonar o malandro, o transform em otario. Num
p6lo oposto, a mulher represent menos o prazer e mais a instituicgo da familiar enquanto
aparelho ideol6gico de estado. (Oliven, "Malandragem" 80)

In typical malandro songs the female character similar to the "mulher piranha" is both his

partner and his antagonist, and the configuration of gender relations are not based on an

opposition between men's loyalty and women's dishonesty:

Ao contrario do sujeito do samba lirico-amoroso, que se prop6e como essencialmente
sincereo", em contraposigco maniqueista a falsidade da mulher, o discurso malandro e
basicamente "mentiroso", resultando numa especie de paridade (a)moral entire o her6i e
sua parceira/antagonista: a mulher malandra. (Matos 70)

However, because some of the main attributes associated with malandragem are machismo and

manhood, along with cleverness, women's betrayal represents a potential for men to lose their

status.









With respect to point of view, in the traditions of popular music up to the late 1960s there

was a strict correlation between the gender of a singer and the one expressed in the lyrics.

Almost all compositions were created by men using a masculine poetic "I", but many songs were

created in the feminine to be performed by female singers, especially during the boom of the

radio singers in the 1940s and 1950s. Nevertheless, songs generally expressed the typical

imagery discussed above, and women might have to perform misogynous and machista songs. In

the 1930s, reflecting malandro values, violence against women was a frequent theme; Faour lists

an entire page of examples of songs dealing with battery (503). Even female singers such as

Carmen Miranda sometimes performed songs with violent content that ended up leading the

listener to believe that "they liked it." Miranda recorded Andre Filho's "Mulato de qualidade"

(1932), in which the female voice lists the qualities of her lover, among them the beating he gave

her: "Vivo feliz, no meu canto sossegada / Tenho amor, tenho carinho, oi / Tenho tudo ate

pancada / ... / Eu gosto dele porque ele e um mulato de qualidade" (qtd. in Faour 105). Several

of these compositions that established a presence on the radio or on record reinforced, or even

defended, the existence of double moral standards for men and women. Carmem Costa, for

example, performed "Sacode a lapela" (1955), composed by Mirabeau and Jorge Goncalves: "0

home sacode a lapela / ta tudo bem / A poeira cai / A mulher quando perde a linha / Pode lavar

que a mancha nao sai" (qtd. in Faour 103). Dircinha Batista in Klecius Caldas' and Armando

Cavalcanti's "A mulher que e mulher" (1954) ratified these values, and stated that a "real

woman" should always forgive man's faults: "A mulher que e mulher / Nao quer saber de intriga

/ ... / Nao deixa o lar a toa / A mulher que e mulher / Se o home errar perdoa" (qtd. in Faour

101). Angela Maria recorded a song by Cyro Monteiro and Dias da Cruz whose title projected

her as man's property: "Meu dono, meu rei" (1952; Faour 106).









Such attitudes, although prevalent, were not absolutely dominant in mid-century

repertories. There is one especially notable exception: "Errei, sim" (1950) composed by

Herivelto Martins and recorded by Dalva de Oliveira. The song is somewhat progressive for its

time due to the songwriter's unusual sympathy for the transgressive female character. Although

the woman admitted her infidelity as a mistake and a source of shame for her partner, alluding to

a comparison with Mary Magdalene, she blamed the man for her act:

Errei, sim
Manchei o teu nome
Mas foste tu mesmo o culpado
Deixavas-me em casa
Me trocando pela orgia
Faltando sempre com a tua companhia
Lembro-te agora
Que nao e s6 casa e comida
Que prende por toda vida
O coracgo de uma mulher
As j6ias que me davas
Nao tinham nenhum valor
Se o mais caro me negavas
Que era todo o teu amor
Mas se existe ainda quem queira me condenar
Que venha logo a primeira pedra atirar (MB 3)2

Eliane Moraes, who extended the period of analysis of female representation from 1964

until 1979, reached similar conclusions to the previous studies of Berlinck and Oliven, proving

the resilience of these stereotypes. According to the author, song lyrics tended to portray women

with no individuality. They were objectified, homogenized into a "noun" ("mulher no

substantive"): "nem sempre tem contornos definidos, e muitas vezes sua unica identidade e seu

sexo" (57). In this sense, women came to "exist" through the male gaze and their identities were

defined solely by men's sentiments towards them. Moraes claims that a vast majority of popular

songs leads to the dichotomy of the woman as a saint or a prostitute, and belonging to one or

2 Codes refer to recordings as listed in the discography included in the Appendix.









another category is determined by whether they inspire love or desire. It is against this backdrop

that the MPB generation of Buarque begins to compose.

Chico Buarque: Female Poetic Personae

Chico Buarque-Francisco Buarque de Hollanda (b. 1944)-has a vast list of songs that

innovatively deal with gender relations, masculinity and femininity, either from a masculine or a

neutral perspective. The present analysis will be limited to the songs that involve gender

transgressions as conveyed in the creation and/or performance of female poetic personae. Songs

created for dramas and films are examined detached from their original contexts, mainly because

such was the typical reception scenario. Moreover, as Charles Perrone states, "Several of the

songs Buarque wrote ... are sufficiently unified in themselves to be taken as autonomous lyric

texts. The language and allusions of many songs is non-specific enough to allow individual

consideration despite dramatic intentions" (Lyric 176). Exceptions will be made when the

dramatic intentions may help explain lyrical contents and symbolisms or create specific

performance utterances.

In "Com acucar, com afeto" (1966) Buarque inaugurated his creation of female personae.

The lyrics depict the efforts and frustration of a housewife who craves the attention of her

indifferent husband: "Com acucar, com afeto, fiz seu doce predileto / Pra voc6 parar em casa,

qual o que / Com seu terno mais bonito, voc6 sai, ndo acredito...." (CB 6). With this portrayal of

a relationship operating under traditional patriarchal values, the songwriter denounces women's

submission to men's will. The song reveals a passive and resigned woman, restricted to the

domestic sphere, whose role was to wait for the husband while he explored the outside world. As

Adelia Bezerra de Meneses indicates: "Esse [e o] tipo de mulher, que de uma perspective

masculina fica em casa 'descansando' ... Seu campo de acgo se estende ate onde vdo as

paredes de sua casa, enquanto o dominio do home e a rua" (46). Behaving properly as a "good









wife," she receives him back home with no anger. She shows compassion for the harsh ways the

streets have treated the husband and offers nourishment through cooking and affection: "E ao lhe

ver assim cansado, maltrapilho e maltratado / Quando for me aborrecer, qual o que / Logo vou

esquentar seu prato, dou um beijo em seu retrato / E abro os bracos pra voce" (CB 6).

The situation depicted here by Buarque is typical of conventional popular songs and

relates to the stereotype of the "domestic woman." However, as emphasized by Meneses, his

change of perspective and the adoption of the female point of view, reflected his solidarity with

women. By generating sympathy for the victim of this kind of imbalanced relationship, the song

ultimately denounced the oppression under patriarchy. Another gender representation that would

become a consistent element in Buarque's works appeared in this song-the contrast of childish

and weak men with strong and powerful women, capable of rescuing them: "Quando a noite

enfim lhe cansa, voc6 vem feito crianca / Pra chorar o meu perdo ...." (CB 6). The song "Joana

Francesa" (1973) illustrates this aspect, but adds another dimension to women's power: they can

be both fascinating and fearful, a source of pleasure and fear: "Geme de prazer e de pavor / ... /

Vem molhar meu colo / Vou te consolar / Vem, mulato mole...." (CB 14).

In "Sem fantasia" (1967) the songwriter offers a similar approach, and the woman

addressed her male lover as a foolish and weak boy:

Vem, meu menino vadio, vem, sem mentir pra voc6
Vem, mas vem sem fantasia, que da noite pro dia
Voc6 ndo vai crescer

Vem que eu te quero fraco, vem que eu te quero tolo
Vem que eu te quero todo meu.... (CB 8)

The song evolves into an interesting dialogue in which the male character explains the efforts he

made to become a grown up man in order to conquer her. The situation evokes a classic

manhood initiation rite, common in fairy tales, in which the desire for the woman implies facing









and defeating the father: "o impele a ir contra o pai, para a conquista da mulher" (Meneses 103).

The last lines are a clear allusion to the myth of Oedipus: "Eu quero te mostrar as marcas que

ganhei nas lutas contra o rei / Nas discusses cor Deus, e agora que cheguei eu quero a

recompensa / Eu quero a prenda imensa dos carinhos teus" (CB 8). These three songs exemplify

the songwriter's inspiration for creating female characters that resemble the maternal figure: in

the first she desires the husband as a child ("vem feito crianca"); in the second, she invites him to

"molhar meu colo;" and in the last, she calls him "meu menino."

In "Sem acucar" (1975), Buarque returned to the theme of female oppression under

patriarchy, and illustrated how women became objects and victims of men's fleeting desires:


Dia impar tem chocolate, dia par eu vivo de brisa
Dia util ele me bate, dia santo ele me alisa
Longe dele eu tremo de amor, na presence dele me calo
Eu de dia sou sua flor, eu de noite sou seu cavalo
A cerveja dele e sagrada, a vontade dele e a mais just
A minha paixdo e piada, sua risada me assusta.... (CB 8)

The lyrics call attention to women's passive role in traditional relationships; throughout the song

the female narrator does not take any action, merely reacting to the man's attitudes and wills: "A

vida da mulher e reativa as attitudes masculinas ... dependent, exclusivamente, da soberana

vontade do macho" (Meneses 51). Showing his commitment to denouncing female frustration,

Buarque left a more direct critique for the final lines, in which he exposed her loneliness, the

unsatisfied sexual needs, and the lack of communication: "Sua boca e um cadeado e meu corpo e

uma fogueira / Enquanto ele dorme pesado eu rolo sozinha na esteira...." (CB 8). The man's

ignorance of her hidden desires is implicit-"Ou nem me desmancha o vestido, ou nem me

adivinha os desejos...."-and emphasized in the performance by a final repetition of the last line

("e nem me adivinha os desejos").









Both "Cor acucar, com afeto" and "Sem acucar" illustrate how Buarque inverted a

typical male perspective on gender relations and called attention to women's dissatisfaction with

the traditional model of relationship. In "Cotidiano" (1971), Buarque presented, from a man's

point of view, how the wife embodied the monotony of the daily routine, supporting the model

discussed by Berlinck and Oliven. Nevertheless, instead of praising the model as established in

songs like "Emilia" and "Ai que saudades da Amelia," Buarque's lyrics discover an ambivalence

or alternative way to interpret a common situation. Perpetuated to satisfy men's needs, traditional

relationships end up imprisoning them in a monotonous routine. Even though the male narrator

of"Cotidiano" expresses a profound unhappiness, he could not imagine a different way of living,

especially because it would mean giving up the gains and the security provided by patriarchy:

"Todo dia eu s6 penso em poder parar / Meio-dia eu s6 penso em dizer ndo / Depois penso na

vida pri levar / E me calo com a boca de feijdo ...." (CB 9). In both "sugar" songs written from

the female perspective, Buarque reiterates this theme, depicting women's dissatisfaction under

the same system. There was also a sense of evolution to be noted in these songs. If in "Com

acucar, com afeto" (1967) Buarque was merely exposing the reality, then later in "Sem acucar"

(1975), he went one step further, openly pointing to women's frustrations. Composed in the same

time period, "Gota d'agua" (1975) would finally reflect a sort of female ultimatum-the woman

announces that the party may be over and men's abuses will not be tolerated anymore:

Ja lhe dei meu corpo, minha alegria
Ja estanquei meu sangue quando fervia
Olha a voz que me resta
Olha a veia que salta
Olha a gota que falta
Pro desfecho da festa

Deixa em paz meu coracgo
Que ele e um pote ate aqui de migoa









E qualquer desatencgo, faca nao
Pode ser a gota d'agua (CB 8)

"Tatuagem" (1972), composed in collaboration with Ruy Guerra, offered an ambivalent

representation of women. At first glance, the woman seems to be completely submissive to the

man and his will, even proposing to become his slave. At the same time, she threatens him with a

powerful presence that could not be erased, therefore becoming an integral part of his body, like

a tattoo. Playing with ambiguity, it proposes that beneath her feigned subservience, the woman

was in fact in control, able to inflict both pleasure and pain:

Quero ficar no teu corpo feito tatuagem

E tambem pra me perpetuar em tua escrava
Que voc6 pega, esfrega, nega, mas nao lava

Quero pesar feito cruz nas tuas costas
Que te retalha em postas mas no fundo gostas
Quero ser a cicatriz risonha e corrosiva
Marcada a frio, ferro e fogo
Em care viva.... (CB 3)

"Palavra de mulher" (1985) was direct in exposing woman's power over man's emotions

and in expanding her domain beyond the domestic universe. She could come and go as she

wished, claiming back her place in his life whenever she wanted:


Vou chegar
A qualquer hora ao meu lugar
E se uma outra pretendia um dia te roubar
Dispensa essa vadia

Meu amor, eu vou partir
De novo e sempre, feito viciada
Eu vou voltar.... (CB 13)

The song confirms a commonplace of the social imaginary, the competitiveness for men among

women, thus reinforcing an important aspect of the patriarchal system. According to Helene









Cixous, androcentric discourses have undermined solidarity among women, maintaining the

ideal conditions for perpetuating men's power and domination over women:

Men have committed the greatest crime against women. Insidiously, violently, they have
led them to hate women, to be their own enemies, to mobilize their immense strength
against themselves ... They have made for women an antinarcissism [and] have
constructed the infamous logic of antilove. (349)

Nevertheless, "Palavra de mulher" also offered an original possibility for transgressing gender

norms. Through an innovative role inversion, the woman gained the streets, and could travel the

world experimenting with things traditionally perceived as men's prerogative: "Posso ate / Sair

de bar em bar, falar besteira / E me enganar / Com qualquer um deitar...." (CB 13).

The pain of broken relationships has been one of the most frequent themes in Buarque's

compositions, depicted from the perspectives of both male and female. "Atras da porta" (1972) is

an early example of a song from a woman's point of view. The central tone is dramatic, with

lyrics reflecting profound despair:

Quando olhaste bem nos olhos meus
E teu olhar era de adeus
Juro que ndo acreditei

E me arrastei e te arranhei
E me agarrei nos teus cabelos
Nos teus pelos, teu pijama
Nos teus pes ao pe da cama
Sem carinho, sem coberta
No tapete atras da porta
Reclamei baixinho.... (CB 2)

Feelings of despair involved in separation, of course, are not exclusive to songs written from a

woman's point of view, Fontes emphasizes them as a prominent characteristic of Buarque's

poetics. "Retrato em branco e preto" (1968; CB 7), "Trocando em miudos" (1978; CB 5) and

"Eu te amo" (1980; CB 14) are just a few examples of compositions that reflected men's

profound suffering.









If in "Atras da porta" the woman was shown in a defeated position, later in "Olhos nos

olhos" (1976), Buarque would offer a contrasting image, depicting a woman who had regained

her forces and even enjoyed a taste of revenge:


Quis morrer de ciume, quase enlouqueci
Mas depois, como era de costume, obedeci

Olhos nos olhos
Quero ver o que voc6 faz
Ao sentir que sem voc6 eu pass bem demais
Tantas aguas rolaram
Quantos homes me amaram
Bem mais e melhor que voce

Quero ver o que voc6 diz
Quero ver como suporta me ver tdo feliz.... (CB 10)

As noted by Meneses, "Olhos nos olhos" could be considered a later representation of the same

character depicted in "Atras da porta," since the woman's physical movements reflected a

continuation of the actions portrayed in the earlier song:

A mulher no inicio [de "Atras da porta"] esta no mesmo nivel que o home, olhos nos
olhos; quando se instaura o adeus, ela comeca a baixar ... e vai caindo ... ela esta
literalmente no chao. Aniquilada ... Mas vamos encontrar essa mesma personagem como
protagonista de uma cangco posterior, Olhos nos Olhos, em que, levantada do chao, ela
esta de novo no mesmo nivel do home, olhos nos olhos. (95)

The pain of separation reached an extreme in "Pedaco de mim" (1977), and its intensity

was compared to losing a body part. The allusion to a mother's loss of her child enhanced the

dramatic content: "Que a saudade e o reves de um parto / A saudade e arrumar o quarto / Do

filho que ja morreu...." (CB 13). By capturing the sentiments involved in motherhood, Buarque

showed his commitment to portraying situations from a female subject position. The fear of

separation becomes so intense that there is a projected desire of communion after death: "O

apelo final que configura a entrega do ser que ndo quer ser mutilado e em lugar da separagco ...









existe a fusdo propiciada pela morte" (Fontes 43): "Leva os olhos meus / Que a saudade e o pior

castigo / E eu ndo quero levar comigo / A mortalha do amor / Adeus" (CB 13).

Another song that offered the female perspective on the pains of a broken relationship

was "Bastidores" (1980), in which Buarque depicted dramatic and contrasting feelings, from

despair to relief, from sadness to anger. As pointed out by Fontes, the songwriter explored

contrasting sides of the same situation, using backstage as a metaphor for "destruction," and the

stage for "construction:" "Dicotomicamente, ha a presence da mesma dor que destr6i (nos

bastidores) e constr6i (no palco) ... O poeta enfatiza os paradoxes das situac6es geradas pela

mesma dor" (45). This song reinforces the critical perspective of Buarque when dealing with

prototypical situations and the ways by which he moves beyond common sense, adding

emotional complexity when depicting female subjectivity:


Chorei, chorei
Ate ficar com d6 de mim
E me tranquei no camarim
Tomei o calmante, o excitante
E um bocado de gim.... (CB 14)

After an initial desperation, when the crying is followed by ingestion of alcohol and drugs, the

woman expresses her anger and resolution to move on, enjoying the pleasure of being the one to

control men when performing on the stage. The song thus refers to an archetypical situation-

the empowerment of the performer-in which the aspect of seduction is highlighted for her being

a woman presenting to a masculine audience:


Amaldicoei
O dia em que te conheci
Com muitos brilhos me vesti
Depois me pintei, me pintei
Me pintei, me pintei









Nao me troquei
Voltei correndo ao nosso lar
Voltei pra me certificar
Que tu nunca mais vais voltar
Vais voltar, vais voltar

Cantei, cantei
Jamais cantei tdo lindo assim
E os homes la pedindo bis
Bebados e febris
A se rasgar por mim.... (CB 14)

Later in "Anos dourados" (1986) Buarque adopted a different tone from the previous

works, and offered a mature woman's perspective on old love affairs. The tone of desperation of

the earlier songs was replaced by nostalgic sentiments and the realization of the impossibility of

recovering emotions that belong to the past as memory:


Na fotografia
Estamos felizes

Me vejo a teu lado
Te amo?
Nao lembro
Parece dezembro
De um ano dourado
Parece bolero
Te quero, te quero
Dizer que ndo quero
Teus beijos nunca mais (MB 2)

"Mil perd6es" (1983) should be considered a major breakthrough in the typical

heterosexual love discourse. Buarque explored women's transgressive behavior, in an unusual

inversion of values, where the man was blamed for the woman's infidelity, resembling the

approach of Herivelto Martins in "Errei, sim." Nevertheless, unlike that song, the man in "Mil

perd6es" was not criticized for his lack of attention. Instead it was his obsession with controlling

the woman and his jealousy that ended up impelling her to lie:









Te perd6o
Por fazeres mil perguntas

Por me amares demais

Te perd6o por ligares
Pra todos os lugares
De onde eu vim

Por quereres me ver
Aprendendo a mentir (te mentir, te mentir)

Te perd6o
Por te trair.... (CB 4)

"Mil perd6es" was composed for Braz Chediak's movie Perdoa-me por me traires

(1983), based on Nelson Rodrigues' controversial play of 1957. Adopting the sarcastic tone of

the playwright, Buarque mocks Brazilian society's bourgeois family values, and the song

proposes an overall inversion of common sense ethics: "0 avesso da conceppco do perdoo ...

que ironicamente se destina ao traido e ndo ao traidor" (Fontes 56). Nelson Rodrigues' plays

were consistently characterized by a sharp criticism of traditional family values. His emphasis on

clandestine sexually transgressive behaviors practiced by apparently "normal" members of the

society, associated with a dark, and sometimes perverse, sense of humor, gave the author a

reputation as a "poeta maldito" (Prado, Decio 53). Rodrigues' plays are known for their

insistence on controversial issues; Severino Albuquerque lists among the favored themes:

"incest, prostitution, infidelity, false morality, the meaning of obscenity, and chastity as

inseparable from depravity" (70). As Rodrigues himself declared: "Sdo obras pestilentas, fetidas,

capazes por si s6s, de produzir o tifo e a malaria na plateia" (qtd. in Prado, Decio 136). In

contrast with Buarque's earlier compositions, the woman in "Mil perd6es" is anxious to escape

routine and to explore the outside world, while the man was left to wait: "Te perd6o / Quando

anseio pelo instant de partir / E rodar exuberante e me perder de ti /... / Te perd6o / Por contares









minhas horas / Nas minhas demoras por ai...." (CB 4). Her response to the lover's suffering was

almost sadistic and she laughed while he cried: "Te perd6o porque choras / Quando eu choro de

rir...." (CB 4). Although the female subject is not explicit, the context leads to this portrayal in at

least two lines: in "por bateres em mim," which showed the subject as the victim of physical

violence; and in "[eu] anseio ... por rodar exuberante" that alluded to the movement of a

provocative skirt or dress.

Buarque has confirmed that he has always refrained from adopting a judgmental attitude

towards women, even when dealing with transgressions: "Com um amigo que faca uma coisa

terrivel, voc6 rompe. Mas a mulher fazendo, voc6 releva um pouco, porque pode haver algum

motivo de mulher que talvez voc6 nao entenda, alguma coisa por tras" (qtd. in Faour 148). The

songwriter provides an opportunity to question the male's contribution to female behaviors, and

more importantly, he suggests the impossibility for men to capture fully the nuances of female

subjectivity.

In "Sob media" (1979), Buarque depicts another woman who has transgressed the

norms and plays with the inversion of traditional gender values. Mocking the machista popular-

music discourses that establish the model of the ideal woman based on resignation and

submission, the perfect woman, as defined in this song by the female subject, was the one who

matched the man in his "misbehavior:" "Eu sou sua alma g6mea / Sou sua f6mea / Seu par, sua

irma / Eu sou seu incesto / Seu jeito, seu gesto / Sou perfeita porque / Igualzinha a voc6 / Eu nao

presto...." (SO 5). In his innovative characterization of the perfect woman (indicated in the title

meaning "custom/tailor-made"), Buarque alludes to some of the typical attributes of the

malandro established in the golden age of samba-treacherous, vulgar, mischievous, with the

necessary abilities to survive in the streets:










Traicoeira e vulgar
Sou sem nome e sem lar
Sou aquela
Eu sou filha da rua
Eu sou cria da sua
Costela
Sou bandida
Sou solta na vida
E sob media
Pros carinhos seus
Meu amigo
Se ajeite comigo
E de gragas a Deus

Voc6 ter o amor
Que merece (SO 5)

This woman ties in with what was mentioned by Matos in regards to female characters that

match the malandro-"a mulher malandra"-the one who antagonizes men for having the same

mischievous abilities. Nevertheless, because Buarque adopted the woman's perspective in a non-

judgmental way, instead of demonizing her, the lyrics conveyed an assertion of the female's right

to enjoy the same lifestyle.

"0 meu amor" (1978) broke with traditional discourses in a different way, by dealing

with explicit erotic content, still unusual for that time. Meneses underlines the bodily criteria:

"Uma dispute entire duas mulheres que amam o mesmo home as exibe medindo o grau de

envolvimento amoroso pelo criterio exclusive do prazer fisico proporcionado pelo amado" (71):

O meu amor tem um jeito manso que e s6 seu
De me deixar maluca quando me roca a nuca
E quase me machuca com a barba malfeita
E de pousar as coxas entire as minhas coxas
Quando ele se deita, ai
O meu amor tem um jeito manso que e s6 seu
De me fazer rodeios, de me beijar os seios
Me beijar o venture e me deixar em brasa.... (CB 5)









Even though the song again invokes the theme of female competition, it conveys a rupture with

traditional gender approaches by openly dealing with women's sexuality from their own

perspective. It shows an appropriation of their own bodies and the right to receive sexual

pleasure: "Eu sou sua menina, viu? E ele e o meu rapaz / Meu corpo e testemunha do bem que

ele me faz...." (CB 5).

"Sentimental" (1985) offered an interesting contrast between masculine and feminine

principles: "De um lado as forcas de aniquilacgo e da guerra; de outro um canto feminine

reivindicando com urg&ncia seu quinhdo de felicidade" (Meneses 54). A superficial reading

could simply point to a sexist perspective in which women are associated with sentimentalism,

but there is a defiance of oppressive modes associated with men: "E naquilo que uma leitura

apressada poderia nao vislumbrar sendo alienagdo, na realidade pode-se detectar uma ruptura

com a situacgo, uma recusa radical a opressao, uma forma de resistencia" (Meneses 54). In this

sense, the lyrics question ruling the world in accordance with masculine values, the

meaningfulness of violence and wars, especially when compared to the individual and urgent

needs and hopes of a sixteen-year old girl:

Ah, eu hei de ser
Terei de ser

Que se o mundo acabar
Eu ainda nao fui feliz
Atrapalhem os pes
Dos exercitos, dos pelot6es
Eu nao fui feliz
Desmantelem no cais
Os navios de guerra
Eu ainda nao fui feliz
Paralisem no ceu
Todos os avi6es
E urgente, eu nao fui feliz
Tenho dezesseis anos.... (CB 13)









Another innovation introduced by Buarque was the female perspective on motherhood,

an infrequent theme, especially among male-authored songs. In "O meu guri" (1981) he

"impersonated" a mother whose love and pride for her son made her blind to his criminal life:


Chega suado e veloz do batente
E traz sempre um present pra me encabular
Tanta corrente de ouro, seu mogo
Que haja pescoco pra enfiar
Me trouxe uma bolsa j com tudo dentro
Chave, caderneta, terco e patua
Um lenco e uma penca de documents
Pra finalmente eu me identificar, olha ai
Olha ai, ai o meu guri, olha ai.... (CB 1)

Adopting his typical sympathy for society's marginalized individuals, the songwriter denounced

the difficulties of a poor single mother: "Ja foi nascendo com cara de fome / E eu nao tinha nem

nome pra lhe dar." Perrone suggests that Buarque used irony as a tool for social criticism: "The

limited perspective of the fictive voice generates a strong dramatic irony" (Masters 39). Through

the mother's expressions of admiration, "the narrator unwittingly denounces the adversity of life

in shantytowns and discloses the narrowness of her own perspective" (Perrone, Masters 40). On

the other hand, it could be argued that Buarque, from his socially privileged position,

characterizes the subaltern subject as helpless, naive and ignorant. Yet, it does not diminish his

importance in bringing these individuals and their problems to the center, giving space to the

representation of the "silenced subaltern." As noted by Gayatri Spivak (The Spivak Reader),

because the subaltern's attempts to self-represent are not understood within the institutional

conditions of representation, they can only be heard through the elite. In this sense, Buarque

played an important role at this time in "translating" their speeches, even if biased by his

privileged point of view.









Two passages in this song are especially relevant to demonstrate Buarque's sensitivity

and his interest in female subjectivity when depicting the emotional bond between mother and

son. In the first-"Como fui levando, nao sei lhe explicar / Fui assim levando ele a me levar...."

(CB 1)-he explores the boy's double role as the target and the source of the woman's

protection. In the second-"Eu console ele, ele me consola / Boto ele no colo pra ele me

ninar...." (CB 1)-he shows the reciprocal nourishment of mother and son. As Fontes points out,

these lines also denounce the social abandonment of both, "nivelando-os pela carencia afetiva e

social" (106).

In "Uma cancgo desnaturada" (1979) Buarque captured the ambivalent emotions

involved in the relationship between mother and daughter:

Por que cresceste, curuminha
Assim depressa e estabanada?

Se fosse permitido
Eu revertia o tempo

Te recolher pra sempre
A escuriddo do venture, curuminha
De onde nao deverias
Nunca ter saido.... (CB 13)

Contrary to the previous song, the word desnaturada in the title alludes to an opposition in

typical views on motherhood: the Portuguese word conveys a double meaning, literally the

"unnatural;" figuratively, "inhumane" or "perverse." Realizing the impossibility of reversing

time and having her child back in the womb, the mother's frustration and her sense of loss turned

into anger: "E eu te negar meu colo / ... / Ignorar teu choro ... / Deixar-te arder em febre,

curuminha / ... / Quebrar tua boneca, curuminha / ... / Tornar azeite o leite / ... / No chdo que

engatinhaste, salpicar / Mil cacos de vidro...." (CB 13). Both Fontes and Meneses argue that the

songwriter's intention was to propose a troubling question about patriarchal society's values









associated with motherhood and to portray the ambiguous sentiments involved with it. The

emotional gains of having a child may be accompanied by the realization of the missed

opportunities as a woman: "A constatacgo do crescimento da filha para o mundo traz a mde a

consciencia da vida que ndo viveu, dai o dilaceramento e a certeza tardia do equivoco com que

direcionou seus cuidados" (Fontes 104). In this sense, Buarque dealt with a delicate topic

proposing to deconstruct one of society's main myths about women and offering a more complex

perspective on female subjectivities. The song was originally created for the play Opera do

Malandro (1978), which itself was inspired by both Bertold Brecht's The Threepenny Opera

(1928) and John Gay's Beggar's Opera (1728). The lyrics satisfied the production's overall

objective to criticize and defy Brazilian bourgeois society's values. Without taking the dramatic

text into consideration, attention can be drawn to the songwriter's decision to evoke problematic

sentiments within the mother/daughter relationship. None of his several compositions that deal

with motherhood within a mother/son context alludes to such ambivalent feelings. Another

relevant aspect to be noted is the portrayal of a subjective competition between mother and

daughter, again invoking the stereoptype of rivalry among women. In the first stanza, the girl's

transition from childhood is figuratively indicated by the fact that she is wearing her mother's

dress: "Saiste maquilada / Dentro do meu vestido...." (CB 13). In this sense, the mother's

realization of her daughter's adulthood is accompanied by negative fantasies about being

replaced as a woman.

Buarque also depicted several prostitutes or women whose behavior traditional society

would consider transgressive. In such songs, he once more reflects his sympathy for

marginalized groups, and his lyrics became a tool to expose society's hypocritical values. In

"Ana de Amsterdam" (1972) a prostitute narrates her life story, first introducing herself in an









intentionally impersonal way. Instead of a family name, she only mentions her given name

followed by the places where she belongs and her trade activities: "Sou Ana do dique e das docas

/ Da compra, da venda, da troca de pernas / Dos bracos, das bocas, do lixo, dos bichos, das

fichas...." (CB 3). Ana later reveals her youthful hopes-"Eu cruzei um oceano / Na esperanga

de casar...." (CB 3); and the irreversible loss of these hopes-"Arrisquei muita bracada / Na

esperanca de outro mar / Hoje sou carta marcada / Hoje sou jogo de azar...." (CB 3). Meneses

notes that the cynical approach to the violence of her reality was intermingled with fragments of

dreams, indicating a profound sadness about the turns her life has taken: "Entremeando essa

auto-identificacgo brutal, jactando-se numa mistura de franqueza e cinismo, entram retalhos de

um projeto pessoal de vida, fiapos dos sonhos e esperancas da moca" (75).

Although the song above deals with prostitution in a typical manner, as a social ill,

Buarque brought a different perspective to the issue in other compositions. In "A Hist6ria de

Lilly Braun" (1985), composed with Edu Lobo, the possibility of being "rescued" from

prostitution turns into a nightmare. At first, the character exhibits the common ideal of finding

her "prince charming:" "Como num romance / O home de meus sonhos / Me apareceu no

dancing / ... / Como no cinema / Me mandava as vezes / Uma rosa e um poema...." (CB 11).

The man's proposal, however, instead of representing the "happily ever after," means the loss of

romance: "Disse ele que agora / S6 me amava como esposa / Ndo como star / Me amassou as

rosas / Me queimou as fotos / Me beijou no altar...." (CB 11). In the end, the "protection" of the

patriarchal system represents the impossibility of ever finding happiness: "Nunca mais romance /

Nunca mais cinema / ... / Uma rosa nunca / Nunca mais feliz" (CB 11). "Tango de Nancy"

(1985), also composed in collaboration with Edu Lobo, ends up in a more optimistic way as the

woman expresses her decision to take back control over her life:









Quem sou eu para falar de amor
Se de tanto me entregar nunca fui minha

Homens, eu nem fiz a soma
De quantos rolaram no meu camarim

Eles gozando depressa
E cheirando a gim
Eles querendo na hora
Por dentro, por fora
Por cima e por tras
Juro por Deus, de pes juntos
Que nunca mais (CB 11)

"Folhetim" (1979) depicts an ambiguous woman that could be understood as a prostitute,

a gold digger or simply a malandra. Yet, one notes the absence of moral judgments and even

mockery of men's need to reassure manhood, which is conveyed through the woman's fake

submission. The character makes evident the use of artifices to manipulate men to her own

benefit, first by making them believe in their superiority and then by emphasizing their

masculinity: "E eu te farei as vontades / Direi meias verdades / Sempre a meia luz / E te farei,

vaidoso, supor / Que es o maior e que me possuis...." (CB 13). In the following stanza, she

reveals her control over the situation and the ways in which she strategically used him: "Mas na

manha seguinte / Ndo conta ate vinte / Te afasta de mim / Pois ja ndo vales nada / Es pagina

virada / Descartada do meu folhetim...." (CB 13). Different from the previous songs, in this one

there was not an obvious commitment to denouncing social ills or in placing women as victims

of the system. The character is ambiguous, since she was not depicted as a typical prostitute, and

some of her exchanges were not based on straightforward commercial trade: "Se acaso me

quiseres / Sou dessas mulheres / Que s6 dizem sim / Por uma coisa a toa / Uma noitada boa / Um

cinema, um botequim...." (CB 13). On the other hand, she did not deny taking advantage of

these sexual encounters, even if only through the acceptance of inexpensive gifts: "E, se tiveres









renda / Aceito uma prenda / Qualquer coisa assim / Como uma pedra falsa / Um sonho de valsa /

Ou um corte de cetim...." (CB 13).3 This song offers an example of the creation of more

complex identities that do not easily fit into stereotypes.

Lesbianism was also one of Buarque's themes in relation to female transgressions. In

"Barbara" (1972) there occurs a proposition for a sexual encounter with another woman, subtly

suggested only by the feminine plural in "n6s duas" ("the two of us"):


Vamos ceder enfim a tentacgo
Das nossas bocas cruas
E mergulhar no poco escuro de n6s duas
Vamos viver agonizando uma paixdo vadia
Maravilhosa e transbordante, feito uma hemorragia.... (CB 3)

The song was released at the most repressive time of the military dictatorship in Brazil and was a

target for censorship. This helps to explain the usage of such a subtle approach. In a 1972

recording in which Buarque performed an intriguing duet with Caetano Veloso, the line

mentioned above that made clear the gender of the two subjects, was muffled by studio-effect

applause to satisfy the censors (CB 2). Despite the need to obscure the lesbian theme, Buarque

incorporated a series of metaphors of the female body and sexuality, such as in the invitation to

"dive into our dark wells." In addition to the homoerotic content, the comparison of their passion

with a "wonderful and overflowing hemorrhage" defies patriarchal discourses by touching on the

taboo of a woman's menstrual cycle, and by reversing the traditional negative ideas with which it

tended to be associated. This song was later recorded with its original lyrics by several different

artists, including Maria Bethdnia, Gal Costa, Simone, Angela R6 R6, and even Buarque himself.





3 "Sonho de valsa" is a traditional Brazilian brand of chocolate candies, popular and inexpensive, largely sold by the
unit.









Although "Mar e lua" (1980) was not written from a female perspective, taking the form

of a narrative in a neutral third person, this song should be included in this analysis for its

transgressive nature. The title refers to two women involved in a lesbian relationship, and even

though the sea ("mar") in Portuguese is a masculine word, along with the moon, they constitute

relevant feminine symbols associated with birth, motherhood and fertility:

Amaram o amor urgente
As bocas salgadas pela maresia

Amaram o amor serenade
Das noturnas praias
Levantavam as saias
E se enluaravam de felicidade

Todo mundo conta
Que uma andava tonta
Gravida de lua
E outra andava nua
Avida de mar.... (CB 15)

As Buarque's best critic points out, the lyrics were constructed to suggest a powerful mutual

attraction:

O poema se constroi ... na polarizacgo e posterior inter-relacgo do MAR e da LUA. A
lua, inequivocamente feminine ... o mar, masculine enquanto genero gramatical [e] em
sua figuracgo simb6lica poderosamente feminine [ja que] as aguas sdo maternas ... Mas
se nas suas aguas poderosas o mar sofre a atracgo da lua, ele por sua vez a reflete. E esse
mar feminine fica "gravid(a) de lua". E a lua, "avida de mar". (Meneses 83)

The song also has a measure of social criticism regarding prejudices against homosexuality. In a

city with no space for romance (it was distant from the ocean and had no moonlight), they lived a

passion portrayed by the songwriter as "o amor urgente", "o amor serenade", and finally, "o

amor proibido." Social exclusion is obvious in sentences that refer to gossips ("todo mundo

fala") and to the population's reaction to their love: "E foram ficando marcadas / ouvindo

risadas.... (CB 15).









Another song that was not created in the feminine but should be cited as an example of

Buarque's support of individuals marginalized because of their gender or sexuality is "Geni e o

zepelim" (1977). Composed for the play Opera do malandro, the song was the theme for the

transgendered character Genivaldo, known as Geni. The lyrics are structured around the

opposition between good and evil, with an ironic inversion of traditional values, where Geni's

goodness is exemplified in her transgressive behavior:

De tudo que e nego torto
Do mangue e do cais do porto
Ela j foi namorada
O seu corpo e dos errantes
Dos cegos, dos retirantes
E de quem ndo tem mais nada
Da-se assim desde menina
Na garage, na cantina
Atras do tanque, no mato
E a rainha dos detentos
Das loucas, dos lazarentos
Dos moleques do intemato
E tambem vai amiuide
Com os velhinhos sem saude
E as viuvas sem porvir
Ela e um poco de bondade.... (CB 13)

On the other hand, the population's evil is conveyed in their prejudices against her. The song

also pointed to society's hypocrisy: Geni was included or excluded depending on her usefulness

for the citizens. Before realizing that their future relied on her agreeing to have sex with the

leader of the invasion, people scorned her: "Joga pedra na Geni / ... / Ela e feita pra apanhar /

Ela e boa de cuspir / Ela da pra qualquer um / Maldita Geni...." (CB 13). When begging for her

to save them, from "maldita" she turned into "bendita:" "Voc6 pode nos salvar / Voc6 vai nos

redimir / Voc6 da pra qualquer um / Bendita Geni...." (CB 13). In contrast to the regular

citizens' dual moral standards, Geni proved to be true to her values expressed in her rejection of

the powerful man:










O guerreiro tao vistoso
Tao temido e poderoso
Era dela, prisioneiro
Acontece que a donzela
e isso era segredo dela
Tambem tinha seus caprichos
E a deitar com home tao nobre
Tao cheirando a brilho e a cobre
Preferia amar com os bichos

A cidade em romaria
Foi beijar a sua mro
O prefeito dejoelhos
O bispo de olhos vermelhos
E o banqueiro com um milhho.... (CB 13)

After agreeing to attend to the demands of the population and having saved the city, spared by

the intruders, Geni again becomes useless and the insults start anew, even more intensely with

the additional line: "Joga bosta na Geni." As Albuquerque remarks, the song was a commentary

on the common violence against transgendered individuals. More importantly, it called attention

to society's ambivalence towards transgression: "This allegorical comment on the extremes of

inclusion and exclusion that transgendered people encounter in Brazil also points to shifts in

transgression's registers, that is, the relative status and changing limits of 'transgressiveness'"

(106).

Buarque also subverted the established, strict correlation in popular music between the

gender of the singer and the poetic "I" on stage. The influential songwriter not only composes

songs from a woman's point of view, he performs them from a female perspective as well. Since

the late 1960s he has recorded and performed some of his own compositions retaining the female

point of view, and at least twice along side with Caetano Veloso, he formed an intriguing

feminine duet: in "Barbara" and later, "Anos dourados." Nevertheless, his publicly transgendered









artistic voice has always been accepted as a kind of poetic license that has not interfered with the

audience's perception of his own conventional identity:

His heterosexual image is seldom questioned. Because he has constantly displayed
conventional signs of a heterosexual marriage and a "masculine" lifestyle (he likes to
play soccer, for example), the content of his songs hardly affects the way in which his
personal life is perceived. (Braga-Pinto 193)

Creating diverse personae has been a consistent element of Buarque's work, and women are just

some of the characters he has impersonated. In an interview given in 1979 he stressed character

creation in itself: "Trata-se unicamente de encarnar personagens" (qtd. in Faour 148). The fact

that many of his songs were composed for theater or film also ratifies a limit between reality and

fiction. However, the songwriter has definitively contributed to the questioning of received

notions of gender.

The audience's reaction to his new approach toward masculinity and to the consistent

inclusion of female subjectivity, as well as to the solidarity with women expressed in his work,

has certainly been positive. Early in his career, Buarque was adored by female fans, and he

became a sex symbol and a cultural hero: "A sensualidade desconcertante da mulher e seus

desejos mais secrets passaram tambem a permear suas letras, transformando o compositor num

simbolo sexual, num mito e no guru musical de 9 entire 10 mulheres brasileiras de classes media

ou alta e intellectual" (Faour 207). In reality, Buarque has never seemed to be invested in

affirming his manhood or his sexual preferences (and this has probably made him even more

attractive to his fans). In the previously cited interview given in 1979, responding to the

journalist's insistence on a rational explanation for his female personae, Buarque said

humorously: "Escreve ai que eu sou bicha" (qtd. in Faour 148).

If on one hand Buarque has been comfortable with performing female characters, he has

also expressed his embarrassment about adopting typical macho attitudes. In a video recording of









Geraldo Pereira's "Sem compromisso" in 1978, Buarque made a caricature of the possessive and

violent man who threatened the woman for disrespecting him by dancing with another man.4 It is

worth noting that soon after, the songwriter would create a response to this song, "Deixe a

menina" (1980) in which he criticized a man's behavior and asked him to let the girl have some

fun in peace: "Ndo sei se e pra ficar exultante / Meu querido rapaz / Mas aqui ninguem / O

agtienta mais / Sdo tr6s horas, o samba ta quente / Deixe a morena content / Deixe a menina

sambar em paz...." (CB 14).

Taking the song "Anos dourados" as an example, there are two contrasting live

recordings that prove the originality of Chico Buarque and Caetano Veloso with respect to

gender approach. During the first performance in 1990, a duet between Buarque and Ant6nio

Carlos Jobim, Buarque comfortably smiles and articulates the feminine: "pareco tao linda."

Jobim kindly corrects him from the piano: "tao lindo." Later, in a tribute concert for Jobim

(1995), Veloso greets Buarque with a tender kiss and they perform the song as a pair of female

voices.5

The innovations brought by Buarque concerning common misogynous and stereotypical

portrayals of women were later followed by other songwriters. Singer-songwriter

Gonzaguinha-Luis Gonzaga do Nascimento Junior (1945-1991)-released a number of songs

in which he depicted complex female characters, and in some he adopted a woman's point of

view. In "Explode Coracgo" (1978) and "Infinito Desejo" (1979), both recorded by Maria

Bethdnia (MB 1; MB 6), he openly explored the themes of female pleasure and sexual desire.

"Eu apenas queria que voc6 soubesse" (1981), which Gonzaguinha recorded himself, sings of the



4 Dvd recording: Buarque, Chico. Chico Buarque especial: Anos dourados (vol. 4).

5 Ibidem.









pride in being a woman: "Que esta menina hoje e uma mulher / E que esta mulher e uma menina

/ Que colheu seu fruto / ... / Eu apenas queria dizer a todo mundo que me gosta / Que hoje eu me

gosto muito mais...." (GJ 2). He composed and recorded "Mulher, e dai?" (1980) again

expressing pride and proposing liberation from men's control (GJ 1). As declared by Bethania,

these late 1970s compositions made a significant difference in the musical representation of

women: "A partir dai as mulheres passaram a ser muito bem representadas na musica popular,

com muita naturalidade e firmeza" (qtd. in Faour 217).

Another lyricist known for adopting female perspective and confronting patriarchal

discourse is Vitor Martins. He wrote the text for "Mudanca dos ventos," music by Ivan Lins-

Ivan Guimardes Lins (b. 1945)-, for singer Nana Caymmi, depicting an older woman who had a

love affair with a younger man: "Ah! Vem ca meu menino / Pinta e borda comigo / Me revista,

me excita / Me deixa mais bonita / ... / Me tira uns vinte anos / Deixa eu causar inveja ...." (NC

1). Simone recorded two other relevant compositions by Lins and Martins. The first and most

memorable, "Comecar de novo" (1979), portrays a woman rejoicing her separation from her

husband, enjoying her freedom and the chance to start a new life: "Vai valer a pena ter

amanhecido / Ter me rebelado, ter me debatido / ... / Sem as tuas garras sempre tdo seguras /

Sem o teu fantasma / ... / Sem o teu dominio / Sem tuas esporas...." (SO 5). "Atrevida" (1980)

is another celebratory song about women's independence and the possibility of taking sexual

initiative (SO 6). These are just a few examples that illustrate how the musical community

followed the lead provided by Buarque in terms of shifting the paradigm with respect to gender.

The key role played by his contemporary Caetano Veloso and the Tropicalia movement in

broadening the scope for the themes of gender and sexuality will be discussed in the next

chapter.









Conclusions: The representation of women in urban popular music of Brazil over the

past seventy years could be divided in two periods: before and after Chico Buarque. The

influential songwriter contested the tendency of male composers to portray women in

stereotypical, superficial and misogynous ways. Adopting on numerous occasions an unusual

female point of view, Buarque's lyrics from the late 1960s on reflected his solidarity with

women and consistently questioned gender paradigms, even "writing back" to traditional

machista songs. His lyrics frequently empowered female characters or inverted typical male-

centered discourses by "demonizing" men instead or revealing frustrations behind conservative

relationships under patriarchy. Buarque expanded gender thematic scope and depicted complex

female subjectivities like no other songwriter. His psychological insight into women's emotions

may be exemplified in his sensitive portrayal of motherhood, capturing nuances of mother/son

and mother/daughter relationships. When writing about commonly-experienced situations, such

as failed relationships, Buarque proved his poetic sophistication by going beyond the superficial

and adding multifaceted perspectives. After a first phase when his compositions were more

invested in denouncing women's oppression, from 1975 on, many of his songs evolved to show

possibilities for females to liberate themselves and to gain control over their own lives. In his

range of female characters there are transgressive women-prostitutes, lesbians and

adulteresses-whom he depicted in a non-prejudicial way, often to defy society's strict (and

double) moral standards. Even a male transvestite gained space among Buarque's characters and

served the purpose of denouncing social marginalization and hypocritical values.

Some of Buarque's female characters still carried typical Western ideologemes about

women, such as the idealization of females as powerful and mysterious creatures, nurturing

figures for infantilized men, or the notion of competition for men among women. Nevertheless,









his role in opening up space for female themes and in challenging the male-centered canon

remains uncontested. Buarque's artistic creations not only inspired new generations of male

composers, they also stimulated female songwriters to enter into a traditionally masculine arena.

Because Buarque also performed many of his composition preserving the feminine voice, along

with his sensitivity for female matters and his dissociation from established codes of manhood,

he projected a new model of masculinity to be followed by others. All these innovations came

about in changing times. With the gradual decrease in social control by the military dictatorship,

and the process of re-democratization (1978 ff), the rise of feminist and social-rights

movements, and a more progressive social and political environment, there emerged a favorable

context for original gender approaches to be developed in the last part of the twentieth century.









CHAPTER 3
DEFYING MASCULINITY: A DIFFERENT KIND OF MAN

Following the lead of Chico Buarque in the creation of a new discourse on gender in

popular music and seeking to incorporate new ideas developed by the counterculture, young

Brazilian singers and songwriters continued to question established notions of masculinity and

femininity. Tropicalists Caetano Veloso and Gilberto Gil, as well as singer Ney Matogrosso,

played a major role in proposing new models of masculinity from the 1970s on. Their main

gender-related objectives, pursued through different approaches in songwriting and performance,

were to defy the conventional binary opposition male-female and to challenge heteronormativity

by projecting androgynous poetic and/or stage personae.

Caetano Veloso: Gender Ambiguity and Sexually Ambivalent Stage Personae

The musical movement known as Tropicalia or tropicalismo emerged in 1967 with

Caetano Veloso and Gilberto Gil at the fore. While blurring lines between supposedly opposing

musical camps-one nationalistic and committed, the other internationally-oriented and

(supposedly) alienated-this avant-garde movement within MPB was marked by an overall

strategy to challenge cultural values. Christopher Dunn illustrates the relevance of Tropicalia in

defying hegemonic discourses: "At the time when the opponents of the military regime were

raising questions about intellectual authority, racial privilege, gender identity, and sexual

orientation, the tropicalist movement was a key point of reference" (181). With sexually

ambiguous performances, and "songs that expressed ... homosociability that intervened directly

in debates concerning sexuality in Brazil" (Dunn 181), the movement's leading artists played

major roles in challenging traditional notions of gender through art. In his memoirs, Veloso

explains the centrality of homosexuality in the movement's overall objective to expand

individual freedom and to question society's values: "A causa da superaco da hipocrisia sexual









nao podia deixar de ocupar posicao privilegiada para mim entire os temas da onda libertaria dos

anos 60. E a instdncia da homossexualidade nao pode deixar de desempenhar ai um papel

central" (Verdade 475).

Caetano Veloso-Caetano Emanuel Vianna Telles Veloso (b. 1942)-brought to

Brazilian popular music the very idea of a sexually ambivalent stage persona, and he should be

recognized as the artist responsible for queering the MPB scenario. Since 1968, he has

consistently assumed a public image that blurs fixed gender identities and resists labeling, and

his superstar status has guaranteed considerable attention to his ideas. Moreover, distinct from

Chico Buarque, his artistic persona frequently extrapolates the stage to his personal life. Upon

returning from his exile in London in 1972, Veloso shocked Brazilian audiences with his most

experimental (and worst selling) album Araqd azul (CV 1), where he printed the ambiguous

words "um disco para entendidos" ("a record for people in the know"). The artist has confirmed

his intention to generate controversy: "Mandei estampar na parte interior da capa dupla a frase

'UM DISCO PARA ENTENDIDOS', jogando com a dubiedade do termo entendido, que

tambem designava o que hoje se chama de 'gay'" (Verdade 486). At this point, he started to

explore ambiguity through visual elements: "Although the recordings make no explicit

references to sexuality, the album cover photo of Veloso's scrawny and pale body in front of a

mirror suggests gender and sexual ambiguity" (Dunn 172).

Veloso's stay in London and contact with burgeoning rock culture inspired him to create

his sexually ambiguous artistic persona. On different occasions he has expressed his admiration

for Mick Jagger's stage performance ("uma paixdo artistica; qtd. in Lucchesi and Dieguez 313),

and he held a special interest in the use Jagger made of his body and its effect on young crowds.

Sheila Whiteley states that Jagger projects an "essential androgyneity" ("Little" 75) and an









identity that affirms bisexuality. According to this critic, although his material conveyed a

mostly heterosexual content, Jagger's image was informed by both male and female sexuality:

The songs may imply a heterosexual mode of address. There is generally an emphasis on
the penis as the absolute insignia of maleness, but live performances disrupt any notion of
"normative" masculinity. Rather, they involve a self-presentation which is ... both
masculine and feminine ... Jagger promised fantasy gratification to both the heterosexual
and the homosexual. ("Little" 67)

The homoerotic appeal and the ambivalent sexuality of Jagger's persona were pointed out by

Veloso as a positive example of the kind of subversion typical of the late 1960s:

No final dos anos 60 era considerado mais progressista dificultar a definigio do que
dizer-se homosexual: Mick Jagger sobre o palco negava a pertin6ncia daquilo que hoje
se chama outing, pois sugeria a liberacgo do potential homoer6tico latente em todos e em
cada um. (Verdade 479)

Veloso does not deny his own latent homosexual desires-"Sei que nem a mulher nem o home

sdo, em principio, antier6ticos para mim" (Verdade 476)-and Cesar Braga-Pinto suggests that

he was personally touched by Jagger's homoeroticism: "When a reporter asked him [Veloso] if

he was homosexual, he simply responded that he would not kick Mick Jagger out of his bed"

(189). It can be argued that Veloso was being sarcastic in his response to the journalist by

quoting this famous line of the musical Hair (1968).

Whether the statement is true or just one more of the rumors surrounding Veloso's

unconventional identity, the artistic inspiration is undeniable. Veloso made use of iconography

similar to that of Jagger's stage persona in order to suggest female sexuality, such as the veiled

face the British rock star had on the front cover of the album Goat's Head Soup (1973; RR 1).1

Even though Veloso believes that a significant portion of these artistic utterances later ended up

being assimilated within hegemonic discourses and translated into reiterations of



1 Veloso can be seen using a veil to cover his face in the booklet of the recording Caetano: Serie grande nomes.
(CV 6).









heteronormativity, he still believes in the potentially subversive power of identities that defy

labeling: "As sugesties de androginia, poliformismo, indefiniio, que coloriam a atmosfera da

music popular p6s-Beatles ... seguem sendo uma ameaca a estabilidade das convencoes que

sustentam muitos atos opressivos" (Verdade 478).

Although Jagger's innovation was highly influential in opening up space for sexual

ambivalence and for the defiance of existing gender norms, the similarities to Veloso are limited.

The British singer's image and his songs revealed "an obsession with dominance, power and

aggressive sexuality" (Whiteley, "Little" 73). Even when projecting female sexuality, Jagger

expressed it in terms of power and pleasure. On the other hand, Veloso's work is not marked by

maleness per se or aggressive sexuality. On the contrary, the artist has always insisted that on a

personal level, he has identified primarily with female gender and conventionally associated

attributes. Veloso believes that his "femininity" ("minha consideravel feminilidade"; Verdade

195) is a result of his intense socialization with women since childhood: "Eu tenho uma

identificacgo feminine. Quando eu nasci, ja havia 15 mulheres morando na minha casa. Eu cresci

assim, cercado de muitas mulheres. E natural que haja uma identificacgo" (qtd. in Lucchesi and

Dieguez 348).

In terms of national icons, Veloso explored the image of Carmen Miranda, who in his

opinion, epitomized Brazilian camp and fulfilled the Tropicalist objective of questioning the

performance of national and gender identities:

Ela [Carmen Miranda] exercia sobre alguns brasileiros o mesmo fascinio que vinha
exercendo sobre tantos estrangeiros ... com sua imagem camp ... 0 aspect travesti da
sua imagem ... importava muito para o tropicalismo, uma vez que tanto o submundo
urban noturno quanto as trocas clandestinas de sexo, por um lado, e, por outro, tanto a
homossexualidade enquanto dimensdo existencial quanto a bissexualidade na forma de
mito do andr6gino eram temas tropicalistas. (Verdade 269)









Veloso created and impersonated the character "A filha da Chiquita Bacana" both as a tribute to

Carmen Miranda and as a parody of her act. An unprecedented drag performance of The

Brazilian Bombshell by Veloso generated the debates he intended: "Caetano provocou furor

quando ... na decada de 1970, subiu aos palcos brasileiros de busti6 e batom nos labios,

requebrando com os trejeitos campy de Carmen Miranda" (Trevisan, Devassos 286). The

performance offered Veloso an opportunity to call attention to the issue of authenticity and its

relationship to homosexuality: "Oferecendo o modelo ideal do conflito entire autenticidade e

dissimulacao ... a homossexualidade provou ser o ponto crucial da questao referente a liberdade

do individuo" (Verdade 475). As expressed in the above quotes, Veloso was preoccupied with

defying heteronormativity in its multiple dimensions: in the notion of authenticity, in the rigid

concepts and boundaries of femininity and masculinity, in the dichotomy of male and female

gender, and in the exclusivity of heterosexuality. Strict definitions of gender and sexuality did

not resonate with Veloso's beliefs: "Nao aceito totalmente a divisao dos sexos. Nao acho legal

uma pessoa ser s6 home ou so mulher, tenho tend6ncia para uma coisa assim mais difusa ... a

heterossexualidade mesclada de homossexualidade e vice-versa" (qtd. in Lucchesi and Dieguez

350). In this sense, drag served as a means to contest the notion of heterosexuality as "the

original" and to reveal its "phantasmatic" nature. According to Judith Butler, drag brings into

relief the constructive nature of gender identities and points to the ways by which such categories

are created and solidified through the compulsory repetition of performative acts:

Drag constitutes the mundane way in which genders are appropriated, theatricalized,
worn, and done; it implies that all gendering is a kind of impersonation and
approximation ... There is no original or primary gender that drag imitates, but gender is
a kind of imitation for which there is no original; in fact, it is a kind of imitation that
produces the very notion of the original as an effect and consequence of the imitation
itself. ("Imitation" 313)









In the mid seventies, Veloso also introduced homosociability in his concerts by exhibiting

physical affection towards men: "Ainda mais provocador em seus shows posteriores-

verdadeiros festivals de desmunhecagco-, Caetano costumava beijar insistentemente a boca de

cada um de seus musicos ... diante do public que urrava de delirio" (Trevisan, Devassos 286).

In later works, Veloso would continue to explore unconventional gender and sexuality

not only through visual signs, but also through sound and lyrics. From the late 1970s on, some of

Veloso's compositions explored androgyny, same-sex desire, unconventional gender and sexual

identities. In "Menino do Rio" (1979) he made a tribute to the sensuality of the surfer boys of

Rio de Janeiro. The softness of the tune, a romantic ballad, fits with the affective dimension:


Adoro ver-te
Menino vadio
Tensdo flutuante do Rio

Pois quando eu te vejo eu desejo o teu desejo
Menino do Rio
Calor que provoca arrepio
Toma esta cangco como um beijo (CV 7)

Sexual desire is implied in words such as "tensdo" (so close to tesdo), "calor" and "arrepio," and

the affection is expressed through a final kiss dedicated to the male "muse." The line that

explicitly talks about desire is kept ambiguous as we are not clearly informed of what or who is

the object of his desire: "because when I see you I desire your desire." However, the

performance emphasizes the boy as the songwriter's target through pauses that end up splitting

the sentence into three parts ("pois quando eu te vejo / eu desejo / (o) teu desejo"). The last part,

"teu desejo," then stands alone and sounds almost like te desejo.

"Ele me deu um beijo na boca" (1982) is a long quasi-recitative song. It does not deal

outright with sexual themes; it refers instead to the possibility of physical affection between men









in a non-eroticized encounter. The kiss works as a metaphor for mental connection: "Era um

moment sem medo e sem desejo / Ele me deu um beijo na boca / E eu correspond aquele beijo"

(CV 7). In "Leaozinho" (1977), Veloso alludes to an attraction between androgynous figures, not

clearly identified as male or female, as they form a pair of loving lions. The lyrics depict the love

between equals and they also contain a narcissistic reference since the astrological sign of Veloso

himself is Leo: "Um filhote de ledo raio da manha / Arrastando meu olhar como um imd / ... /

Gosto de ver ao sol leaozinho / De te ver entrar no mar / Tua pele tua luz tua juba / Gosto de

ficar ao sol leaozinho / De molhar minha juba / De estar perto de voc6 e entrar numa" (CV 2). In

1986 the artist recorded "Totalmente demais," by Arnaldo Branddo, Roberio Rafael and Tavinho

Paes, expressing desire for a sexually ambiguous woman: "Linda como um nenen / Que sexo

tem? / ... / Namora sempre com gay / Que nexo faz / Tdo sexy gay...." (CV 11).

"Vaca Profana," first recorded by Gal Costa in 1984 (GC 6) and later performed by

Veloso in 1986, at first reveals a rejection of "straight" people: "Dona das divinas tetas /

Derrama o leite bom na minha cara / E o leite mau na cara dos caretas...." (CV 11). It is worth

noting that the word careta has a double meaning here: regularly used to refer to "square" people

or ideas, in homosexual argot it means non-gay individuals. As the song progresses, there is a

proposal to overcome the resentments of the past: "Caretas de Paris e New York / Sem magoas,

estamos ai / ... / Dona das divinas tetas / Quero teu leite todo em minha alma / Nada de leite mau

para os caretas...." (CV 11). Towards the end, there is a suggestion of a denial of dichotomous

identities, constructed as "pure" and stable, and the narrator declares living what could be

sometimes called a conventional life: "Mas eu tambem sei ser careta / De perto, ninguem e

normal / As vezes, segue em linha reta / A vida, que e 'meu bem, meu mal....'" (CV 11). Veloso

plays with common-sense notions by inverting the meaning of the saying de perto, ninguem e









normal, and suggests that his "abnormality" resides in eventually following social conventions.

In ordinary contexts this saying is used to point out that any person may hold eccentric secrets-

taking a closer look, nobody can be really classified as "normal." For Veloso's persona in this

tune, his "eccentricity" is defined by the opposite: he sometimes lives a "normal" life.

"Eu sou neguinha?" (1987) is another long discursive tune, in which the character adopts

a contemplative attitude and describes what he sees, developing a kind of existentialist

monologue. Veloso dealt with topics central to his critique of social discrimination in Brazil:

race, gender, sexuality and sexual orientation. The word neguinha which literally translates as

"little black woman" is often used in Salvador da Bahia, the capital of Veloso's state of origin, as

a term of endearment and as slang for effeminate gay man. The interrogation of the title is open

to different interpretations in this song. In a broader sense, it illustrates the issue of representing

marginalized identities-queer and black-within hegemonic discourses: "Eu era um enigma,

uma interrogacgo / ... / Tava por acaso ali, ndo era nada / Bunda de mulata, muque de peo ...."

(CV 3). By stating "I was nothing" Veloso alludes to the "abject" identities that cannot exist

within what is culturally intelligible: "The construction of gender operates through exclusionary

means, such that the human is not only produced over and against the inhuman, but through a set

of foreclosures, radical erasures, that are strictly speaking, refused the possibility of cultural

articulation" (Butler, Bodies 8). The character identity dilemma is presented by his transgendered

body: a black female butt ("bunda de mulata"), and a worker's muscular arm ("muque de peao").

The exclusion of queer identities is also used as a metaphor for a wider questioning of

Brazil's subaltern position, frequently based on racial determinism. The song affirms:

"Totalmente terceiro sexo totalmente terceiro mundo...." (CV 3). Veloso refers to an impasse









that calls for self-definition and the impossibility of translating unusual identities within existing

signifying modes. He also points to a violent exclusion along the way:


Eu nao decifrava, eu nao conseguia

Mas via outras coisas: via o moco forte
E a mulher macia dentro da escuriddo
Via o que e visivel, via o que nao via

E que o mesmo signo que eu tento ler e ser
E apenas um possivel ou impossivel
Em mim em mim em mil em mil em mil
E a pergunta vinha: / Eu sou neguinha?.... (CV 3)

The lyrics allude to the endless multiplication of signs and to the overflow of "thousands"

of possibilities: "E que o mesmo signo que eu tenho ler e ser / E apenas um possivel ou

impossivel em mim ... em mil...." (CV 3). However, as pointed out by Jacques Derrida in

regards to language as system, the moment of closure, be it through writing or speaking, finds a

"necessarily restricted passageway" (9). In this sense, language implies violence, an epistemic

violence, for every concept gains meaning through an exclusionary process. The insufficiency of

language is reiterated in the lyrics of Veloso's song via play with a popular saying-uma luz no

fim do tfunel-commonly used to imply hope for a positive outcome in a difficult situation and

for solving a complicated matter. In Veloso's distorted version of this saying, there is no light at

the end of the tunnel, but a dead-end: "Cruz no fim do tunel, becos sem saida...." (CV 3).The

limits of logocentrism are also expressed through the reference to some of renowned Portuguese

author Fernando Pessoa's (1888-1935) motifs. The poet is known for his conceits and

philosophical paradoxes. Veloso's song illustrates how the efforts of representation within

existing systems lead to inevitable mistakes: "O que a poesia e a profecia nao viem/ Mas veem

... / I o que parecia / Que as coisas conversam coisas surpreendentes / Fatalmente erram, acham









soluco ...." (CV 3). A similar approach was adopted by Pessoa in this short poem: "O espelho

reflete certo / Ndo erra porque ndo pensa / Pensar e essencialmente errar / Errar e essencialmente

estar cego e surdo" (179). Veloso, "the literary pop composer" (Perrone, Masters 83), is

recognized by the use of intertextuality and the incorporation of literary ideas in his lyrics, and at

least three other songs were inspired by and/or alluded to greatest modern Portuguese poet-"Os

Argonautas" (1969), "Peter Gast" (1983), and "Lingua" (1984).

The question "Eu sou neguinha?" alludes therefore to a broader problem about an identity

that cannot be translated in a way that is culturally comprehensible. According to Butler those

are the kind of identities that are denied existence (Gender 24). It could also be argued that there

is a personal reflection of Veloso's own issues of identity implied in the reference to the 1970s, a

time when he began to experiment with gender bending: "Eu me perguntava: era um gesto

hippie...." (CV 3). According to an interview given by Veloso in 1993, throughout his life he has

experienced sexual and gender ambiguity:

A possibilidade da experiencia sexual diversificada inclusive quanto ao sexo do
parceiro -, o reconhecimento de sua legitimidade para mim e para os outros, sempre
esteve na base da organizagco da minha vida pessoal. E, o que quer que hoje se diga, de
mau sobre as indefiniges de genero que vieram no bojo das propostas de transformagco
surgidas na segunda metade dos anos 60, toda a solidez da respeitabilidade que construi
em minhas relaces com meus pais, meus filhos e minhas mulheres sempre inclui
claramente esse complicador. (qtd. in Lucchesi and Dieguez 356)

In contrast to Buarque, Veloso is not known for the creation of female voices, yet this

does not diminish the complexity with which women are portrayed in his songs:

A mulher na obra do baiano Caetano Veloso esta long de ser "plana" ... Como em
Chico Buarque, ha uma complexidade no tratamento do feminine ... Em Caetano Veloso,
a problematizacgo nas relaces talvez esteja mais na natureza do eu-masculino que
dialoga com as personagens femininas. (Fontes 170)

Still, there are at least three examples of songs written from a woman's point of view, and they

are consistent in their criticism of patriarchy. "Esse cara" (1972), a slow ballad, first recorded by









Maria Bethania, adopts a similar approach to Buarque's early phase-that of "Cor acucar, com

afeto" and "Sem acucar"-and denounces women's subjection to men's volition. The male

character is an ambivalent figure who, through his childish yet seductive eyes, ends up

"consuming" the woman and "stealing" her hopes. The song begins: "Ah, que esse cara tem me

consumido / A mim e a tudo que eu quis / Com seus olhinhos infants / Como os olhos de um

bandido...." (MB 4). The power of men over women becomes clear in the conclusion: "Ele esta

na minha vida porque quer / Eu estou pra o que der e vier / Ele chega ao anoitecer / Quando vem

a madrugada ele some / Ele e quem quer / Ele e o home / Eu sou apenas uma mulher" (MB 4).

Among others, Ivo Lucchesi and Gilda Dieguez (91-92) note that feminist discourse in Brazil in

the 1970s was still relatively taboo, and the above song created controversy in a still

predominantly conservative society. According to the critics "Esse cara" was part of the

Tropicalist movement's overall objective of subverting social values: "A cancgo reaviva um dos

aspects do movimento tropicalista: a transformacgo dos costumes, as mudancas

comportamentais, que subliminarmente conduziam a reflexdo sobre as relac6es de poder em

todos os niveis" (92). In this sense, the song could also be viewed as a metaphor for a broader

defiance of oppression under a repressive dictatorship. Later, the song became a means by which

to convey a different kind of gender trouble through its performance by male artists, such as

Cazuza in 1989 (CZ 1), and Veloso himself in 1999 (CV 9), thus instilling homosexual

meanings. The stage interpretation and recording by pop rock singer Cazuza-Agenor de

Miranda Araujo Neto (1958-1990)-were especially meaningful, as he had publicly admitted

being gay and to having contracted HIV. By asserting that the man's seductive eyes had been

"consuming him and all his hopes," Cazuza turned the male character's power into something









even more perverse, dangerous, deadly. The recording was made when Cazuza was extremely

debilitated from his disease, and he died of AIDS shortly thereafter.

With regards to feminist discourse, Veloso proclaimed the changing of the times in the

carnival tune "A filha da Chiquita Bacana" (1977), as the character celebrates her participation in

the international feminist movement: "Eu sou a filha da Chiquita bacana /... / Entrei para

'Women's Liberation Front'" (CV 5). "Dom de iludir," first recorded by Gal Costa in 1982 (GC

5), offers a response to the machista discourse of Noel Rosa's "Pra que mentir?"2 Rosa-Noel de

Medeiros Rosa (1910-1937)-is considered by many to be the top Brazilian songwriter of all

times. In his short but prolific career, he composed around 250 songs, many of them memorable

sambas heading of the repertoire standards. In "Pra que mentir?" the songwriter portrayed the

typical deceptive woman who stands in opposition to a sincere man, and the song reproaches her

behavior: "Pra que mentir / Se tu ainda nao tens / Esse dom de saber iludir?" (AA 1). Veloso's

character, in contrast, after making a self-affirmation of her female identity, refuses to be judged

and criticized by men: "Nao me venha falar da malicia de toda mulher / Cada um sabe a dor e a

delicia de ser o que e / Nao me olhe como se a policia andasse atras de mim...." (GC 5). Later, a

series of short enunciations denounce men's notion of superiority and their exclusive rights, even

the most basic one of simply being: "Voc6 sabe explicar / Voc6 sabe entender tudo bem / Voc6

esta / Voc6 e / Voc6 faz / Voc6 quer / Voc6 tem ...." (GC 5). The last two lines constitute a direct

response to Rosa's song and the man's "truth" is inverted to mean hypocrisy, which leaves the

woman no alternative but "to lie:" "Voc6 diz a verdade e a verdade e o seu dom de iludir / Como

pode querer que a mulher va viver sem mentir" (GC 5). Veloso confirmed the design of this song

as contestation and the contrast between these two discourses by performing the songs in


2 According to Diciondrio Cravo Albin da MiAsica Popular Brasileira, the song composed by Noel Rosa and Vadico
was first recorded in 1938 by Silvio Caldas: Pra que mentir /Cessa tudo (Victor 78, 1938).









sequence in the 1986 concert Totalmente demais (CV 11), for which there is a recording under

the same title.

Veloso has often been pushed to assume a homosexual or bisexual identity because of his

appeal to gay audiences who have seen in him a vehicle by which to increase visibility and to

question prejudicial attitudes. His insistence on ambiguity has also been problematic for the

general audience who cannot easily absorb his denaturalization of the heterosexual matrix-what

may comprise what Butler points out as "certain illusions of continuity between sex, gender, and

desire" ("Imitation" 317). This lack of definition may help explain the constant rumors about his

sexuality. As Braga-Pinto points out, "Caetano still refrains from even provisionally situating

himself in relation to any particular name. Identity categories sometimes appear as something

foreign, fixed, artificial, and, not surprisingly, associated with (North) American identities"

(200). "Americanos" (1992), another long discursive song, illustrates Caetano's criticism of

foreign dichotomous identity constructions: "para os americanos branco e branco, preto e preto /

... / bicha e bicha e macho e macho / mulher e mulher e dinheiro e dinheiro...." (CV 8). For

Veloso such categories operate as artificial constructions that counteract possibilities for

individual expression: "Por que haveria de me definir? Isso nao resolve nada. Quando voc6 nao

se define, nao se rotula, e muito mais facil se desvencilhar das verdades ou mentiras" (qtd. in

Lucchesi and Dieguez 349). In this sense, his thought confirms Butler's-if queer is to remain a

site for defying the reduction of the subject, it must continue to be unstable and contingent:

"Although the political discourses that mobilize identity categories tend to cultivate

identifications in the service of a political goal, it may be that the persistence of disidentification

is equally crucial to the rearticulation of democratic contestation" (Bodies 4). Yet, this does not

mean that Veloso, like Butler, is not aware of the political risks implied by the lack of









definitions. In the same song "Americanos," the artist contrasts the dangers posed by the

secretive way Brazilian society operates ("Enquanto aqui em embaixo a indefinico e o regime /

E dancamos com uma graca cujo segredo / Nem eu mesmo sei / Entre a delicia e a desgraca /

Entre o monstruoso e o sublime...."; CV 7), with North-Americans gains in terms of civil rights

("Concedem-se, conquistam-se direitos...."; CV 7).

Even though Veloso's ambivalent identity may prove to be a source of anxiety to society,

he insists that on an inner level, personal categorization has never been clear to him: "A

dubiedade que ja intrigava os garotos no ginasio e que eu pr6prio tematizei em minha figure

public a partir dos anos 60 express conteudos profundos relatives tanto a natureza dos meus

desejos quanto a escolha de papeis" (Veloso, Verdade 475). The case of Veloso illustrates one of

Eve Sedgwick's "axioms," by showing that there is no obvious model that may explain how

individuals perceive their own sexuality: "Some people, homo-, hetero-, and bisexual, experience

their sexuality as deeply embedded in a matrix of gender meanings and gender differentials.

Others of each sexuality do not" (26). In an interview given in 1984, Veloso questioned the

existence of any materiality that could help explain sexuality, and any attempt to self-categorize

implied to him an imprisonment:

Eu nao quero ser condenado a nada, nem a ser home, nem a nada ... Eu quero saber em
que lugar misterioso esta escondido o segredo da definico sexual. Se nao e na anatomia,
se nao e no comportamento, e em nenhuma das aparencias, onde e? (qtd. in Lucchesi and
Dieguez 351)

Therefore, for Veloso, sexual definition is an unsolvable mystery that finds no explanation in any

apparent sign. Butler asserts that sexuality itself cannot be explained or deduced by any other

existing term: "There are no direct casual lines between sex, gender, gender presentation, sexual

practice, fantasy and sexuality. None of those terms captures or determines the rest" ("Imitation"

315). Veloso's articulation of his own indeterminacy subverts any notion that an inner core









identity exists or that physical sex may determine one's gender or sexuality. His decision to

refrain from adopting a fixed identity is a result of finally coming to terms with this

impossibility, and the self-allowance not to be part of any established classification, according to

what he stated in his memoir in 1997:

Poderia dizer, a esta altura da vida, que me defini como heterosexual. Mas que nada. De
todo modo, nao ha por que obstinar-se na busca de uma nitidez na orientacgo sexual se
ela nao se apresenta como evid6ncia espontdnea. O que importa e ter os caminhos para o
sexo rico e intense abertos dentro de si. (Verdade 478)

The contribution of Veloso in the contestation of heteronormativity and the questioning

of traditional gender values is remarkable. As James Green reminds us, along with the overall

impact the tropicalistas had in Brazilian society, they also opened up space for other artists to go

even further in the subversion of hegemonic discourses:

Singers such as Caetano Veloso, Maria Bethania, and Gal Costa ... projected unabashed
sensuality in their performances and were rumored to have had homosexual affairs. All of
these developments helped to create a climate favorable to the questioning of traditional
notions of gender. In the early 1970s, the unisex images that Caetano Veloso and others
had popularized in 1968 were taken much further by other artists, the most notable being
the group Dzi Croquettes, and the singer Ney Matogrosso. (256)

Ney Matogrosso: a Master of Cross-Dressing and Masquerades

The use of stage personae to question heterosexism gained full expression in the work of

Ney Matogrosso-Ney de Souza Pereira (b. 1941). He mocked heterosexual and homophobic

discourses through gay and drag performances, first as the vocalist for the group Secos e

Molhados in the early 1970s, and later in his solo career. Matogrosso was a pioneer when he

spoke openly about his homosexuality in 1978, and his case has attracted notable academic

attention. The singer's stage personae were hybrids of androgynous aesthetic trends, both

internationally-more evident at that time in the works of David Bowie and Alice Cooper-and

nationally, as first developed by Caetano Veloso, and later expressed by the theatrical group Dzi









Croquettes.3 His personae became more complex through their use of native Brazilian motifs.

Paying homage to his state of origin, the singer adopted his grandfather's surname, Matogrosso.

His choice for this artistic name pointed to a consistent element in his projected image:

references to the region's exuberant fauna and flora, and to the legacy of indigenous people,

portrayed in the way he dressed, as well as in songs that alluded to native Brazilian legends and

mythology. In this sense, much of Matogrosso's artistic image followed the path opened by the

Tropicalists: the re-stylization of international pop aesthetics of the 1960s and 1970s through a

creative hybridization with local references, mainly related to Brazil's multiple tribal and ethnic

heritages and to the tropical landscape. The singer frequently declared his admiration for Caetano

Veloso and admits taking him as a model for artistic contestation of accepted behaviors:

Quando eu vi o Caetano Veloso ... com aquele cabelo enorme e cacheado, todo vestido
de cor-de-rosa num show ... Eu, aquele garoto ... cheio de sonhos na decada de 60...
Aquela imagem me provocou uma coisa que eu nao sei te dizer o que era, mas disse pra
mim mesmo: "Se eu fosse artist, eu queria ser alguma coisa assim, provocar nas pessoas
o que ele me provocou". Eu nao queria ser o Caetano Veloso. Prestava muita atencgo
nele e no Tropicalismo ... Para mim era uma questdo comportamental. (qtd. in Fonteles
157)

Matogrosso expanded the possibilities opened up by the Tropicalists in terms of creating

gender trouble. The artist became a master of cross-dressing and his unusual drag performances

stimulated debates on established notions of masculinity and femininity, as well as on the

privileges of heteronormativity. The artist again credits Veloso for making it possible to depict

male sexuality on stage: "Nada disso me teria sido permitido se nao existisse antes o Caetano,

que abriu o caminho para eu j chegar escancarando e transbordando sexualidade. Sou


3 According to both Green and Trevisan, the group Dzi Croquettes of the 1970s made performances intended to
create gender trouble. Inspired by the San Francisco group The Cockettes, the Brazilian artists explored parodic
gender performances, defying both heterosexual and homosexual behavior norms: "Os Dzi Croquettes colocaram
nos palcos brasileiros uma ambiguidade de virulencia in6dita entire n6s ... Homens de bigode e barba apresentavam-
se com vestes femininas e cilios posticos ... sutiAs em peitos peludos ... nem homes nem mulheres (ou
exageradamente homes e mulheres"; Trevisan, Devassos 288).









eternamente grato ao Caetano por ele ter possibilitado minha manifestacgo artistic nessa

encarmaco" (qtd. in Vaz 105). Matogrosso's creative combination of Brazilian iconography with

emerging androgynous aesthetics ultimately contests the perception of homosexuality as

"unnatural" and illustrates the kind of drag performance Butler qualifies germanely: "Drag is

subversive to the extent that it reflects on the imitative structure by which hegemonic gender is

itself produced and disputes heterosexuality's claim on naturalness and originality" (Bodies 125).

Matogrosso's first successful hit, performed with the band Secos e Molhados, was "0

vira" (Jodo Ricardo-Luli, 1973). Half-naked, wearing only feather ornaments, the singer

explored double entendres that alluded to the strangeness of "the other" who does not conform to

established identity categories: "Vira, vira home, vira, vira / Vira, vira lobisomem" (SM 1).

The song is an ironic statement about Portuguese heritage and the ways by which this legacy was

locally assimilated and translated. Vira, a traditional folk music style in Portugal, is here

performed by Matogrosso in a provocative, "effeminate" way of dancing, while native Brazilian

elements were included both in the lyrics and in his looks. The verb virar 'to turn' describes the

original folk expression: the music is danced in small jumps turning the body into different

directions. However, virar also means "to become" or "to turn into" something, and in

Matogrosso's performance it could be understood as a transvestite act:

Bailam corujas e pirilampos
Entre os sacis e as fadas
E la no fundo azul na noite da floresta
A lua iluminou
A danca, a roda e a festa
Vira, vira, vira home, vira, vira
Vira, vira lobisomem, vira, vira.... (SS 1)

The forest thus became a metaphor for the gay urban scene, a place where, in the darkness of the

night, the unexpected could take place. The werewolf is a vehicle of the figurative:









O lobisomem, no caso, referia-se ironicamente a esses an6nimos habitantes da grande
cidade, que ap6s a meia-noite deixam seu cansativo papel de ab6boras para se
transformar em atrevidas cinderelas; nas boates gueis, esse sentido ficou evidence: a
cancgo se tornou quase um debochado hino dos homossexuais de entdo. (Trevisan,
Devassos 289)

In this song and others, Matogrosso's voice has been an essential element in conveying

gender trouble, and he fully explored its uniqueness. This element, along with provocative and

eccentric dressing, heavy make-up and sensual hip dancing, helped Matogrosso become a master

of masquerade: "Ora de rosto maquiadissimo, peito nu e longas saias, ora cheio de penas, com

chifres enormes na cabeca e minusculo tapa-sexo, ele se notabilizou pelo rebolado frenetico e

pela voz de contralto [sic]" (Trevisan, Devassos 289). As Jodo Silverio Trevisan remarks,

Matogrosso's "feminine" voice, wrongly perceived by some as a falsetto, is in fact a rare case of

a true counter-tenor voice, and the singer sometimes uses falsetto to achieve even higher notes.

Before joining a choral group, Matogrosso had an emotional complex about his voice, which he

perceived negatively. The choral conductor finally helped him understand the value of his rare

voice: "[Eu] achava que era um defeito. E nesse coral, um dia, o maestro parou o ensaio para me

dizer que eu tinha uma voz rara, que aquilo era uma voz que, antigamente, castravam as criancas

para terem. Era um registro rarissimo de um home ter" (qtd. in Fonteles 88). Only after this

episode did Matogrosso gain confidence and start to take full advantage of something that was a

source of shame in his childhood:

Eu tive uma garantia ... Existia naquilo uma qualidade que podia ate ndo ser considerada
assim pelas outras pessoas, mas ... ja havia o respaldo de uma pessoa id6nea o maestro
... que me tirou um problema. Pois quando eu era crianca, falava fininho e as pessoas
pegavam no meu pe. O que foi um motivo de zombaria quando eu era crianca passou a
ser motivo de orgulho. (qtd. in Fonteles 89)

In his performances, Matogrosso takes advantage of his high-pitched voice, which he

contrasts purposefully with the exhibition of male physical attributes-muscular body and hairy









chest- to create sexually ambiguous personae. In the beginning of his career Matogrosso

shocked audiences and provoked debates and discussion about terminology. Brazilian journalists

were unsure how to classify him and others followed the leads:

The media finally settled on the term 'androgyny.' Dzi Croquettes played with these
journalistic inventions by responding: 'Deep down [the terms] are the same things: a
travesti is a bicha from the lower classes; now an androgynous person is the son of
someone in the military.'" (Green 258)

The sarcastic response from Dzi Croquettes played with issues of social class in relation to

homosexuality. Because Matogrosso was the son of a military man, the media would not dare to

call him by the same names used to refer to lower-class gay men. Matogrosso himself believed

that the press was refraining from calling him names, but later, after understanding the meaning

of the term androgynous, he used the term to help him classify his own artistic development:

Em algumas publicaces, eu sentia nitido que eles queriam mesmo era me chamar de
veado, mas como nao tinham coragem optavam pelo andr6gino ... Acabou virando uma
palavra da moda. Alias, a primeira vez que eu li, nao sabia o que ela queria dizer ...
Quando descobri o significado, percebi que a imprensa havia descoberto talvez a unica
palavra para definir, sob um certo aspect, o que eu buscava com o meu trabalho. (qtd. in
Vaz 104)

In 1978, Matogrosso put an end to the controversy by declaring his homosexuality to

journalists Vdnia Toledo and Nelson Motta. The article was published in Interview, under the

title "Ney fala sem make-up:"

Eu me exponho dessa maneira, inclusive me arriscando a tomar um tiro na testa porque
de repente um macho nao gosta de veado... Pra mim isso e uma missdo, acabar com
essa coisa de que homosexual e uma coisa triste, sofrida, que tem que ficar se
escondendo. (qtd. in Green and Polito 150)

In a period of still somewhat severe repression by the military dictatorship, Matogrosso risked

being persecuted. In fact, government agents investigated the publication in order to determine

whether the article offended "morality and propriety." Although the singer occasionally received

hostile treatment from some crowds in his concerts in the late 1970s, he insisted on pushing









society's limits and became a successful mainstream artist. Even heterosexual audiences became

captivated by Matogrosso's audacious performances:

His shows ... also attracted a large number of open-minded heterosexuals who were
intrigued by the singer's falsetto voice and his shows' daring originality. A master of
ambiguity, Ney brought to his performances a theatricality seldom seen before in
Brazilian music halls ... to create a striking celebration of androgyny. (Albuquerque 34)

One of Matogrosso's goals was to challenge the notion of homosexuality as something

melancholic. In this sense, he frequently made use of humor, mostly with a sarcastic tone. In

some of his performances he made ironic references to discourses of national representation and

cultural identity that relied on Brazil's tropical landscapes and abundant flora and fauna. He

explored the motif in an innovative way, questioning the perceptions of homosexuality as

"unnatural," as well as mocking the notion of Brazilians as highly sexualized people. His careful

selection of repertoire included the comic songs "Folia no matagal" (1981) and "'Tarzan'... 'O

rei das selvas'" (1984), both composed by Eduardo Dusek and Luis Caldas G6es. Matogrosso's

theatricality gained its full expression even in the studio recordings by the inclusion of dramatic

elements such as dialogues between different characters and special sound effects. The co-

songwriter, Eduardo Gabor Dusek (b. 1958), a multi-talented artist (singer, composer, pianist,

musical director, actor and thespian) is known for his frequently provocative sense of humor-

um "estilo satirico e bem-humorado" (Diciondrio Cravo Albin). "Folia no matagal," a typical

marchinha (a fundamental genre of Rio carnival), portrays nature as voluptuously erotic. The

moon, for example, is characterized as a cynical woman who takes pleasure in having oral sex

with the sea: "0 mar passa saborosamente a lingua na areia / Que bem debochada, cinica que e /

Permite deleitada esses abusos do mar...." (NM 7). As heard in Chico Buarque's song "Mar e

lua," although the grammatical gender of the sea, in Portuguese is masculine, it belongs to

feminine symbolism, like the moon, therefore the pair mar-lua may be read as a lesbian couple.









In "Folia no matagal" homosexuality resides more directly in sex acts between different kinds of

trees, some masculine, some feminine. Lesbianism is implied in an act between palm trees

(palmeiras), while coconut trees (coqueiros) symbolize gay men: "Palmeiras se abracam

fortemente / Suspiram, ddo gemidos, soltam ais / Um coqueirinho pergunta docemente / A outro

coqueiro que o olha sonhador: / Voc6 me amara eternamente?...." (NM 7). Male homosexuality

is implied through the use of the adverb "docemente" ("sweetly") to describe the coconut tree's

"effeminate" tone of voice, as well as by the diminutive ("coqueirinho") which suggests

"delicacy." This song explores one of the contradictions Butler observes in relation to

homosexuality: "Paradoxically, homosexuality is almost always conceived within the

homophobic signifying economy as both uncivilized and unnatural" (Gender 168). The

performed lyrics question prejudices against same-sex relationships by literally inviting the

audience to observe how homosexuality happens in the natural world: "Olha a natureza se

amando ao leu...." (NM 7). The use of the informal imperative ("olha") works here as a

command to pay closer attention and for rethinking preconceived notions about the natural and

the unnatural.

Another artist who appeared in the same period as Matogrosso, and who also recorded

"Folia no matagal" was Maria Alcina. Her case illustrates the conservative scenario in which

both defied established gender categories by making evident their performative nature. In the

early 1970s, Maria Alcina explored drag in a very unusual manner, and Rodrigo Faour considers

her and Matogrosso the most sexually provocative artists of this period:

Apareceram dois artists malditos para os padres estabelecidos. A primeira delas, surgiu
em 72. Maria Alcina que ate hoje muita gente pensa que e travesti ... apresentava uma
postura incomum para uma mulher: voz grossa e ao mesmo tempo um jeito meio gay,
espalhafatoso, com muita fantasia e rebolados ... Foi censurada por comportamento.
(384)









Maria Alcina created a stage persona that resembled a drag queen, exaggerating the "female act"

to the point of puzzling the audiences about her "real" sex, and most believed she was a cross-

dressed man. The Brazilian artist illustrates what would happen later to Scottish singer Annie

Lennox in the 1980s, when she also explored cross-dressing to question gender identities: "MTV

initially assumed her [Lennox] to be a male transvestite. The metamorphosis from woman to

man, as Lennox pulled off her wig to reveal her cropped hair, was too convincing and she was

forced to provide documentation to prove her true identity" (Whiteley, Women 129). Maria

Alcina performances were so extravagant that the government's censors banned her from

television, radio stations and live concerts, alleging that she violated the law protecting moral

and family values. Interestingly, Maria Alcina's repertoire did not contain any elements that

could be perceived as politically subversive, and bottom line, her "crime" was to disobey the

rules for performing gender. Her case illustrates society's need to control gender as a way of

preserving heteronormativity: "Under conditions of heterosexuality, policing gender is used

sometimes as a way to securing heterosexuality" (Butler, Gender xii).

Making a similar satirical reference to sexuality and nature, Matogrosso recorded

"'Tarzan'... 'O rei das selvas'" (1984), using the legendary character of fiction and film as a

means to mock manhood and masculinity. Tarzan is portrayed as a gay icon who makes his

crowd of "homosexual jungle creatures" go crazy: "E entdo aparece o astro moreno / Suas coxas

suando / Igual ao sereno / Da o seu uivo / Dos grandes macacos / E os bichos loucos / Caem

todos de quatro...." (NM 4). The lyrics are replete with double entendres that imply male

homosexuality. The words "os bichos loucos," for example, literally "the crazy animals," derive

from a common, often pejorative, expression for an effeminate man: bicha louca. The animals,

who "get down on their hands and knees" ("caem de quatro"), in a superficial reading may be









just amazed by Tarzan's figure, one of the possible meanings of this expression. On the other

hand, this physical position hints at anal intercourse. The allusion to the phallus is illustrated by

the "snakes" ("cobras"), a common symbol of male genitalia: "Mais de mil cobras criadas /

Gritam: 'Quero ele pra mim!'...." (NM 4).

The examples above were composed as intentional provocations of which Matogrosso

took advantage in his theatrical performance. Nevertheless, the singer did not rely only on songs

created with this objective in mind. He also creatively appropriated diverse repertoires to convey

gender trouble. Ednardo's "Pavao misterioso" (1974), based on a fantastic folkloric chap-book

narrative (folheto de cordel), gained a whole new meaning through Matogrosso's performance

(1993). The peacock because of the colorful feathers which it proudly exhibits to seduce its mate,

is used in Brazil, as elsewhere, as a symbol of vanity, to describe people who enjoy showing off

or have exaggerated and extravagant looks. In this sense, it fits Matogrosso's objective of

conveying double meaning, implying cross-dressing and alluding to gay men: "Pavao misterioso,

passaro formoso, tudo e misterio / nesse teu voar...." (NM 1). The adjective "formoso" further

emphasizes a delicate type of beauty, and the "mystery" suggests hidden identities. This song

reinforces some of the symbols Matogrosso had explored in "0 vira" offering a parallel between

the mysteries of the forests with its inhabitants and the urban gay scene. It is worth noting that by

picking animal themes, Matogrosso ends up emphasizing the sexual connotations of his work.

Brazilians frequently use animal names in relation to sexuality, especially in references to gay

men (a bicha, o veado), male or female genitalia (a aranha, a cobra, o pinto, o peru), slutty

women (a galinha, apiranha), promiscuity (galinhagem), or even as a collective of people with

unusual looks or behavior (uma fauna).4


4 References to these words can be found in Glauco Mattoso's Dicionarinho de palavroes e correlates and Aurelio
Buarque de Holanda Ferreira's Novo dicion6rio da lingua portuguesa.









Since his childhood, Matogrosso was fascinated by the mysteries of the forests and felt a

profound identification with nature: "A minha total integracgo com a natureza e o que veio de

Mato Grosso, o lugar onde nasci ... Me embrenhava dentro de uma floresta com mata bem

fechada ... e comecei a observer os ciclos da natureza" (qtd. in Fonteles 165). The most

traumatic experience of his childhood was witnessing a hunt, he was shocked by the violence he

witnessed against animals with which he used to share his time. In his adulthood he engaged in

ecological campaigns and made investments to protect nature. It could be argued that

Matogrosso shares with nature the experience of otherness, and that he sympathizes with those

excluded from the "civilized" world, thus projecting some of his own sentiments related to

violence and marginalization. The interest of Matogrosso in Brazilian legends and myths is

related to his own family experiences and the stories he was told: "hist6rias magicas e fantasticas

na infancia e na adolescencia de Ney ... Alem da figure lendaria do bisav6 [existia a] pessoa do

av6" (Vaz 200). His first artistic inspiration for exploring the themes of nature in an exotic and

erotic manner came from performer Elvira PagS5:

Foi com a mre ... a uma estacgo de radio e deu de cara com Elvira Paga, linda e quase
nua, coberta apenas com umas peles de onca e umas micangas. "Pirei com aquela mulher,
que parecia ter said do meio da mata. Aquilo era tudo que eu carregava na minha
cabeca, como simbolos da floresta, e sintonizou com um lado meu ex6tico. Nunca mais
esqueci aquela image e, de certo modo, a reproduzi muitos anos depois." (Vaz 109)

The paradigmatic view of Brazil as a highly sexualized tropical paradise, contained in

numerous discovery narratives, was also taken by Matogrosso as an opportunity to explore the

links between nature and homosexuality. The Portuguese conquistadors frequently expressed

their amazement at the licentious customs they encountered among indigenous people: "When


5 Elvira Paga (Elvira Cozzolino, 1920-2003) was a singer, actress and vedette. One of her major hits, "A rainha da
mata," explains Matogrosso's interest in her performances involving exotic natural ornaments. She became
notorious as a performer in theatrical shows (teatro de revista), and was considered one of the most beautiful women
of her time, from the 1940s until the early 1960s (Dicionario Cravo Albin).









Brazil's discoverer, Pedro Alvares Cabral, and his Portuguese squadron made port in Brazil in

1500, its members were awed before the beauty of the country and fertility of its land, but also

aghast at the nudity and laxity of its native inhabitants sexual practices" (Trevisan, "Tivira" 3).

Colonial writings on the practice of sodomy among natives were central for establishing the

image of Brazil as a "land of sin:"

Nothing was more shocking to the Christians of the time than the practice of the 'pecado
nefando' [nefarious sin], 'sodomia' [sodomy] or 'sujidade' filthinesss], the names given
to sexual acts between males that, according to the chaste historian Abelardo Romero
"grassava ha seculos entire os brasis como uma doenca contagiosa." (Trevisan, "Tivira" 4)

As Trevisan remarks the old accounts of homosexual practices among natives were later

confirmed by prestigious contemporary anthropologists, such as Gilberto Freyre, Claude Levi-

Strauss, Darcy Ribeiro, and Florestan Femandes, among others. The lush natural environment

and tropical climate were frequently blamed, along with the looseness of the natives' customs,

for the seduction of the Portuguese settlers. In the words of historian Paulo Prado: "O ardor dos

temperamentos, a amoralidade dos costumes e toda a continue tumesc6ncia da natureza virgem

era um convite a vida solta em que tudo era permitido" (159). Historian Sergio Buarque de

Holanda published an entire volume dedicated to the analysis of paradigm views of Brazil as a

tropical paradise (Visdo doparaiso, 1958).

Matogrosso developed this theme in his performance of Chico Buarque's and Ruy

Guerra's "Nao existe pecado ao sul do equador" (1978). The title refers to the colonial proverb

"'infra equinoxialem nihil peccari' below the Equator, there is no sinner" (Trevisan, "Tivira" 7).

The lyrics mock this kind of stereotypical image and invite Brazilians to enjoy fully the erotic

pleasures they cannot avoid, for they are part of their "nature." In this context, everything is

permitted and all sins should then be forgiven: "Nao existe pecado do lado de baixo / Do

Equador / Vamos fazer um pecado, rasgado / Suado a todo vapor...." (NM 5). The words









"suado" ("sweaty") and "vapor" ("steam") hint at climate-based determinist theories that

describe Brazilians' licensed sexuality as a consequence of the tropical weather. The lyrics also

play with references to food, and eating is used as a metaphor for sex: "Vem comer / me jantar /

... / Vem me usa, me abusa, lambusa...." (NM 5). The focus on ethnic, spicy foods-"Sarapatel,

caruru, tucupi, tacaca...." (NM 5)-plays a double role, implying both the climatic heat and

racial stereotypes. Allusion to inter-racial relationships is also clear since the first female

character is referred to as a "cafusa" (a term created to designate the offspring of black and

indigenous people). The seduction of the Europeans and consequent miscegenation appear in the

last section of the song when another woman is presented as Dutch ("holandesa"). The inclusion

of the Dutch instead of the Portuguese may relate to Chico Buarque's own ancestry, which is

represented by his family name-de Hollanda.6 There is a specific historical account from the

seventeenth century by French traveler Pierre Moreau about the licentious habits of

Pernambuco's inhabitants at the time of the Dutch colonization (Trevisan, "Tivira" 7).

Shortly after declaring his coming out, Matogrosso recorded Joyce's composition

"Ardente" (1979), which affirmed his sexual orientation, first by mentioning his openness for

any kind of love: "Aprecio qualquer paixo ...." (NM 12). Gay sex appears in a metaphorical

reference to penetration: "Meu corpo e que nem farol / Indicando que pode entrar...." (NM 12).

The song also portrays the narrator as having an "effeminate" disposition ("singelo"), looking for

a partner with the same qualities, someone like him, who is not afraid of living his

homosexuality: "Procuro alguem tdo singelo como eu / Que ndo se esconda das coisas naturais /

... / Pois, final, os elements sdo todos iguais...." (NM 12). References to God claim the natural

6 The Dutch invaded the Northeast region of Brazil in the first quarter of seventeenth century. They controlled the
state of Pernambuco for 24 years before finally being expelled in 1654. These rebellion movements are considered
by some historians to be the first expressions of Brazilian nationalism because the main battles were led and fought
by local armies, composed of whites, Africans and indigenous people. This explains the unique blend of ethnicities
that exist in some parts of the Northeast including those with Dutch heritage.









condition of homosexuality. Matogrosso, who has always emphasized his empathy with nature,

understands it as a manifestation of the God he believes in: "Sempre tive uma relacgo profunda

com a natureza, derivada de uma total identificacgo ... Nunca tive uma religido, no sentido

traditional da palavra, mas sempre vi na natureza uma manifestacgo de Deus, da qual n6s

fazemos parte" (qtd. in Vaz 214). The character then exhibits pride in being the way he is, even

if called "crazy" by society:


A natureza quer apenas lhe fazer aproveitar
E mostrando que eu sou ardente como voc6
Sou demente, mas quem ndo e?

Sonhador desses sonhos meus
Amoroso e fatal demais
Louco e solto, gracas a Deus
Quero arder sempre mais (NM 12)

It is worth noting the social critique behind the words "demente" and "louco" due to the

fact that homosexuality in Brazil was frequently classified as a mental disorder until the 1960s.

During the first three decades of the twentieth century, many gay men remained imprisoned in

psychiatric institutions for years because of their "sexual deviance," and some even endured

routine shock treatments. As pointed out by James Green and Ronald Polito, there was an

alliance between jurists, criminologists and doctors to control unwanted behaviors, and even

families made use of the medical apparatus to isolate gay members: "Procuravam ... causes ...

hereditarias, psicanaliticas, biotipol6gicas ou endocrinol6gicas. E extensa a aproximagco entire

medicos e o aparato juridico-policial, cabendo a policia capturar homossexuais considerados

delinqtentes e entrega-los a pesquisadores do campo da medicine para 'estudos'" (21).

Homosexuals could be either sent to jail or to hospitals, depending on the "diagnosis." This case

illustrates the mobilization of systems Michel Foucault describes in Discipline andPunish









(1977) as the "disciplinary institutions" organized to control society. Repression of homosexuals

increased in the years of the Vargas regime (1930-1945), and eugenic theories were used to

justify the need to eliminate such deviant behavior:

The positivist tradition in Brazil, which emphasized applying science to further social
progress while at the same time maintaining an orderly society, supported the state's
intervention in solving socials ills ... This philosophy ... legitimized the role of
physicians, jurists, and criminologists. [It] also served as a backdrop to debates about
race, eugenics, gender roles, the place of women in Brazilian society, and the causes of
homosexual degeneration. (Green 109)

Matogrosso insisted on exploring this theme and in 1986 he recorded "Balada do louco"

composed by Amaldo Batista: "Dizem que sou louco por pensar assim / Se eu sou muito louco

por eu ser feliz / Mais louco e quem me diz / E nao e feliz /... / Eu juro que e melhor / Nao ser o

normal / Se eu posso pensar que Deus sou eu...." (NM 3).

"Ardente" is one of the rare cases of this kind of gender-role inversion where a female

composer created a song to be performed by a male singer. Joyce wrote the song at Matogrosso's

special request, and as the songwriter affirms, it intentionally depicted his sexual orientation:

"Gay mesmo foi uma musica que fiz por encomenda pro Ney ... Me senti um pouco como

aqueles caras que compoe 'como mulher', com fala feminine, fiquei com medo que soasse falso

... Mas o Ney aprovou, entdo acho que a tentative deu certo" (qtd. in Faour 411). This was not

the only time that Joyce composed a song about masculinity or instigated debates about male

homosexuality. In "Diga ai, companheiro" (1983) the female songwriter describes a woman's

conversation with her husband as she tries to understand how to read his increasing "femininity:"

"Voc6 me pede o batom e eu empresto / Empresto a sombra pra passar nos cilios / Voc6 tem que

me dizer, amor / O que e que eu vou dizer aos nossos filhos?...." (JC 1). Joyce explains that the

lyrics did not deal with homosexuality, but rather, they were an ironic note on the 1980s trend for









men to display a "fake gay" attitude, inspired in the behavior model established by Caetano

Veloso:

Ao contrario do que parece, o sujeito em questdo ndo e gay ... E uma brincadeira com
uma personagem muito comum no inicio dos anos 80 no Rio de Janeiro, o falso gay -
aquele cara de tanguinha, postura meio feminine, falando igual ao Caetano, fita no
cabelo, e na hora H, casado e pai de familiar. Tudo "s6 attitude (qtd. in Faour 411)

Another innovative approach Matogrosso adopted in regards to gender and sexuality was

a kind of double parody in which he mocked all sorts of performativities, be they controlled by

heterosexual or homosexual codes. In "Homem com H" (Ant6nio Barros, 1981) the singer

played with macho discourses by contrasting his drag figure with a vocal performance in which

he would force a lower-pitched tone to state his "masculinity:" "Porque eu sou e home / Sou

home com H...." (NM 7). In this kind of utterance, Matogrosso takes full advantage of what

Butler would call the subversive potential of parodic gender repetitions by implying a "failure to

repeat, a de-formity ... that exposes the phantasmatic effect abiding identity as a politically

tenuous construction" (Gender 179). As the author reminds us, although parodic repetitions

originate from models established by hegemonic culture, they denaturalize those models for

being replicated out of context and for failing to mimic "the original." The song, in the

northeasterforr6 style, depicts a male character who, to his mother's delight, exhibits all the

attributes expected of a "real macho:"


Quando eu estava pra nascer
De vez em quando eu ouvia
Eu ouvia a mde dizer
Ai meu Deus como eu queria
Que essa cabra fosse home
Cabra macho pra danar
Ah! Mamae aqui estou eu
Mamae aqui estou eu
Sou home com H
E como sou.... (NM 7)









According to Faour, the song generated controversy among tradition-consciousforr6 artists and

it didn't take long for them to react to Matogrosso's parody of the common northeastern figure of

cabra macho ("tough guy"). One year later, Genival Lacerda recorded "'H' sem home"

(Cecilio and Rubelito, 1982). Although unsuccessful, it represented the machista and

homophobic attitudes that prevailed within this musical tradition. Lacerda's song questions

Matogrosso's manhood and even threatens him with physical violence if one day he moves to the

north region: "Tem um sujeito por ai / Dizendo pra todo mundo que e home com H / Que ja

virou ate lobisomem / Mas tem gente que afirma que esse h nao e de home / E se for morar no

Norte pode crer que o couro come" (qtd. in Faour 402).

"Calunias (Telma eu nao sou gay)" (Leo Jaime-Leandro-Selvagem Big Abreu, 1983)

portrays a man's comic appeal to convince the woman with whom he is involved of his (current)

heterosexuality: "Telma eu nao sou gay / o que falam de mim sdo calunias / meu bem eu

parei...." (NM 11). The song is considered by its authors as a parody of "Tell me once again" by

B. Anderson. Created to tease closeted homosexuals, when performed by Matogrosso, it gained a

whole new meaning. The contrast between his sexually ambiguous costume persona and the

lyrics serves to invert what could be translated in a heterosexual context as a homophobic

making fun of gay men. The performance by an openly gay artist questions society's notions

about homosexuality as a matter of "personal choice." While the character declares having

abandoned his old "lifestyle"-"Eu deixei aquela vida de lado / E nao sou mais um

transviado...."(NM 11)-Matogrosso's gestures are delivering exactly the opposite message.

The words also mock heterosexual gender norms, and "traditional" codes are referred to as

"modern:" "Vamos ser um casal modern / Voc6 de bobs e eu de terno...." (NM 11). The lyrics

point to the unspoken social agreements that control the performance of gender under









heteronormativity, while also playing with the stereotypes associated with gay men through a

reference to cross-dressing: "Nao e meu esse baby-doll...." (NM 11). Matogrosso always

emphasized that despite including elements considered feminine in his performances, he does not

identify himself as a transvestite precisely because he rejects prototypical femininity-

"exaggerated female act:" "N. o vou ficar atacando [certas mulheres], assim como nao vou sair

por ai matando travesti, s6 porque os dois tem um lado em comum que eu detesto: essa coisa

excessive de mulher. Que a mulher nao precisa ter" (qtd. In Vaz 184). Confirming his

repudiation of established gender codes, he also criticizes the need for men to exhibit typical

signs of manhood:

Porque se tem gente babaca nesse mundo e home ... que nao pode ter sensibilidade e
precisa desnecessariamente ser um troglodita, numa attitude machista e preconceituosa.
No fundo, a raca humana ainda esta muito atrasada, deixando de ver o essencial e
vivendo na superficie de uma bobagem. (qtd. in Vaz 184)

In contrast, he proposes to deconstruct radical and stable notions about being a woman, a man or

a gay person. The sarcastic songs above illustrate how Matogrosso avoids becoming an avatar

for any given category: "By exposing the limits of closeted identity, Ney Matogrosso can thus

affirm his own homosexuality without essentializing it. In other words, he discloses his

homosexuality by representing it always under erasure, or as a (mock) heterosexuality" (Braga-

Pinto 193). Indeed, Matogrosso has expanded his rejection of identities when taken as a way to

"label" people: "Em primeiro lugar, acho uma grande bobagem a necessidade que a sociedade

tem de colocar r6tulos nas pessoas: bissexual, heterosexual ou homosexual. Tudo e apenas

sexualidade" (qtd. in Vaz 181).

Presenting "Por debaixo dos panos" (Ceceu, 1982), Matogrosso again evoked "closeted-

ness" and portrayed a critique of the secretive ways Brazilian society operates: "0 que a gente

faz / E por debaixo dos panos / Pra ninguem saber / E debaixo dos panos / Que a gente esconde









tudo / E nao se fica mudo / E tudo quer fazer...." (NM 6). Even though the main idea behind the

lyrics was to denounce widespread corruption, the performance by Matogrosso conveyed an

additional message about hidden sexualities and identities. The song text points to Roberto da

Matta's concept of Brazil as a society in which double moral and behavioral standards prevail

informed by the dialectics between public conduct ("rua") and private life ("casa") (70). A

similar dichotomy is represented in Sedgwick's definition of the closet dynamics, where the

performance of silence contrasts with existing common knowledge, and "same-sex desire is still

structured by its distinctive public/private status, as the open I' i i'i" (22). The song thus

illustrates the unspoken social contracts that operate in Brazil with respect to moral codes and

which end up making those codes somewhat more elastic: deviant behaviors may even be

acceptable, if they are kept in secret and do not openly confront norms of society.

Matogrosso's repertoire selection was often guided by ambiguities in song titles. Some

alluded to prohibitions and secret identities: "Pecado," "Amor proibido," "Segredo," "Por

debaixo dos panos," "Nao existe pecado ao sul do Equador" and "As aparencias enganam."

Others suggested an "effeminate" nature or female identity: "Balada da arrasada," "Belissima,"

"Boneca cobicada," "Fe menino," "Fruta boa" and "Maria escandalosa." A number of titles

could be understood as queer-"Balada do louco," "Desfigurado," "Exagerado," "Sujeito

estranho," "Metamorfose ambulante"-while others simply suggest a distinct kind of man or

way of loving: "Jeito de amar," "Seu tipo," "Mesmo que seja eu," "Faco de tudo" and "Por que a

gente e assim?". Some of these suggestive titles gave names to Matogrosso's albums: Pecado

(1977), Seu tipo (1979), Sujeito estranho (1980) and As aparencias enganam (1993).

Early in his career, Matogrosso suggested that his intentions were to become the

"chameleon" of Brazilian popular music and to exercise an ability to impersonate ambiguous









characters similar to that of David Bowie in 1972 with his Ziggy Stardust.7 The recording of

Raul Seixas' "Metamorfose ambulante" (1977) suggested Matogrosso's rejection of fixed

identities and ideas: "Eu prefiro ser / Essa metamorfose ambulante / Do que ter aquela velha

opinido formada sobre tudo...." (NM 9). The words "Eu sou um ator...." (NM 9) imply the

construction of stage personae. As the artist explained, more than singing about distinct kinds of

people, he treated concerts' performances of songs as acting and impersonating different

characters: "Cada um formou um arquetipo diferente. E e uma energia tdo diferente que eu tenho

de me adequar para cantar aquele repert6rio ... Eu tenho que exercitar o meu aparelho fisico para

aquele personagem, para aquelas palavras, para aqueles conceitos" (qtd. in Fonteles 230).

Matogrosso's ever-changing identity has been reflected in his looks and the examination

of his album covers shows that he became a master of masquerade. The heavy make-up and

sexually ambivalent image of his early albums would later give way to the impersonation of

typical heterosexual men. Dressed in a suit for the photo album ofPescador de Perolas (1986),

he recorded only classics by traditional male composers, such as Ary Barroso and Herivelto

Martins. He posed covered with balangandas ("trinkets") for Batuque (2001), an album entirely

dedicated to Carmen Miranda. For the following record, Matogrosso dressed as an ordinary

middle-class man in a tribute to a venerable samba composer-Ney Matogrosso interpret

Cartola (2002). Interestingly, Matogrosso did not perceive his "male" performances as acting,

but instead as a difficult career shift when he decided to depict himself without a mask: "Fui

coerente o tempo todo; ate quando rompi com essa forma de expressao, com o show 'Pescador

de Perolas', que era o contrario de tudo isso. Era eu vestido de terno, cantando. Era s6 a voz que



7 The word chameleon has been frequently used to describe David Bowie ever-changing masquerades: "The cliche
about David Bowie says he's a musical chameleon, adapting himself according to fashion and trends" ("David
Bowie"). See also "Bowie, David" in Britannica Online. In 1979 the artist released the album Bowie! Chameleon.









importava" (qtd. in Fonteles 159). Nevertheless, he was still performing gender and his choice of

conventional male dress to perform such classics of MPB ultimately reveals the constructive

nature of identities. It could also be argued that considering his past ambiguous projected

identity, Matogrosso was creating even more trouble by posing as a man in a "male drag." As the

artist comments, the stage became a place for personal catharsis in which he could deal with the

existence of multiple identities: "Sempre temi a loucura ... Eu acho que a arte me fez ultrapassar

esse temor ... A arte me provocou varias catarses, que me permitiram ver a mim mesmo e

entender que eu ndo era um esquizofrenico. Durante muito tempo, pensei que eu fosse dois" (qtd.

in Fonteles 229).

Matogrosso's case evokes the analysis conducted by Georges-Claude Guilbert on the

personae created by Madonna. The author compares the North-American pop star to David

Bowie vis-a-vis their ever-changing masquerades. Both can be compared to Matogrosso's work

and raise similar questions to the ones made by Jean Baudrillard about Madonna's projected

identities:

[She] has a fantastic identity, an authenticity that can resist anything, or she has none at
all. [Maybe] she plays with that absence of identity ... or maybe she has at the same time
a solid nucleus and the possibility to dislocate, in every sense. (qtd. in Guilbert 111)

Matogrosso's "sincere" statement about removing the mask to perform a conventional man could

be understood as one more disguising gesture, equivalent to the ones performed by Madonna:

"[She] regularly pretends to pretend to her public that she is taking off the mask and showing her

true face, when all she is doing is moving from one disguise to the next" (Guilbert 112). By

constantly intriguing the audience, both the international pop star and Matogrosso have

maintained the interest of their fans. They both could also be considered as having a gift pointed

out by Baudrillard: the ability to "incarnate all the possibilities of difference or sexual deviance'"









(qtd. in Guilbert 112). Matogrosso cannot be compared, however, to David Bowie or Madonna in

terms of their status as commodities or their capacity to generate trendy transnational aesthetics.

Nevertheless, the Brazilian artist has been using similar artistic artifices to maintain his

successful career for more than thirty years.

Matogrosso's contribution to the expansion of society's limits on gender norms and to

acceptance of same-sex desire is undeniable: "While [his] stage persona did not meet with

universal acceptance, his audacious behavior was one of an array of cultural manifestations that

helped expand toleration for homosexuality" (Green 260). As Green emphasizes, the artist

offered a new model for homosexual men by publicly discussing his sexual orientation and by

questioning stereotypes of gay men. His insistence on affirming his subjectivity as essentially

masculine brought into question fantasies about male homosexuality as a failed copy of

femininity: "Minha energia e essencialmente masculina, e jamais pretend emitir alguma energia

feminine; gosto de ser masculine, e apesar das brincadeiras sexuais, nunca fui para a cama com

um home me sentindo uma mulher" (qtd. in Vaz 187). Matogrosso's intention was neither to

copy, nor to reject the feminine, but instead, to embrace what was considered women's

exclusivity on certain modes of expression, especially regarding sexuality:

Acrescentei a isso tudo uma carga de sexualidade explicit, que um home nao podia
exercitar. Aquilo que eu explicitamente mostrava era permitido apenas as mulheres.
Homem nao podia ter sexualidade ... Eu vim com o feminine tambem, embora fosse
home gostando de ser home. Em nenhum moment eu quis ser mulher. (qtd. in
Fonteles 158)

As Green concludes, Matogrosso changed "conceptions of appropriate masculine behavior in

Brazil in the early 1970s" (258), and "projected a new androgynous sexuality that appealed as

much to women as it did to homosexual men" (259). In this sense, the artist mobilized desires in









both sexes, which in his opinion was exactly because he was a homosexual man, and therefore

not afraid of exploring sexuality in different and more pleasurable ways.

Gilberto Gil: Mythical and Poetical Androgyny

Following the path opened by Chico Buarque and Caetano Veloso with regards to

embracing the feminine, other male artists such as Gilberto Gil also found room to question

gender stereotypes, writing and/or recording songs in which they expressed a "feminine soul"

and a distinct kind of masculinity. Co-founder of the Tropicalist movement along with Veloso,

Gilberto Passos Gil Moreira (b. 1942), wrote a number of songs where he clearly opposes given

notions of manhood. According to Perrone, Gil's "fascination with androgynous self-integration

as a poetic theme and as a concept of self" (Masters 111) is reflected in songs that adopt a

Jungian anima/animus complementary view of masculinity and femininity, such as in "Super-

homem-A Cancgo" (1979):

Um dia
Vivi a ilusdo de que ser home bastaria
Que o mundo masculine tudo me daria

Que nada!
Minha porcgo mulher
que ate entdo se resguardara
E a porcgo melhor
que trago em mim agora.... (GG 2)

While this kind of essentialist approach, pointing to the woman as "the best part of me," could

today be subject to feminist critique, it played an important role at the time of the songs' release

because it questioned strict gender constructions. Through the sarcastic reference to Superman-

The Movie Gil defied the idealization of men as heroes, the superiority of male attributes, and the

notion of masculinity based on power and strength: "Allusions to the comic-book and film hero

are ironic, for the lyric challenges the idea that physical strength is the essence of masculinity.

True superiority-the psychic, spiritual union of anima and animus-is vested in a divine and









historical dimension" (Perrone, Masters 111). Self-integration is also approached by using

Seasonal archetypes-male as Summer, female as Spring-and women are then associated with

the principle of life: "0 poeta sustenta a masculinidade (verao) como conseqiuncia da vivencia

do feminine (primavera), sendo esse ultimo a razdo de ser do masculine ... Ao consagrar o

feminine, Gilberto Gil reafirma a masculinidade, resgatando-lhe a essencia hermafrodita"

(Fontes 174). In this sense, Gil places women as the reason for men's existence and by evoking

the mother, reinforces aspects such as fertility and the origins of life: "Quem dera / Pudesse todo

home compreender, oh, mre, quem dera / Ser o verao o apogeu da primavera / E s6 por ela

ser...." (GG 2). The song also became a major point of reference for the gay community by

challenging pejorative views of effeminate men. Gil argues that this was not his intention and

explains that his suggestion of androgyny was meant to question the male-female dichotomy:

Muita gente confunde essa musica como uma apologia ao homossexualismo, e ela e o
contrario ... E sem duvida uma insinuacgo de androginia ... masculine e feminine como
duas qualidades essenciais ao ser human ... A ideia central e de que ... todo home e
mulher (e toda mulher e homem. (Todas 225)

In the 1978 song "Fe menino" (which translates as "faith boy" and may be a homophone

of feminine, feminino), Gil incorporates ambivalent sentences that allude to the possibility of

bisexuality and androgyny: "Bela menina, minha sina, cada vez / Belo menino, meu destino,

cada vez mais...." (NM 1). The suggestion of bisexuality was further heightened by the fact that

the song was never recorded by Gil himself, but instead by Ney Matogrosso, who at this time

was already openly gay. In turn, Gil's "Pai e mae" (1975) focuses on overcoming the prejudices

against physical affection between men: "Eu passei muito tempo / aprendendo a beijar outros

homes / como beijo meu pai...." (GG 3). The lyrics address the narrator's mother and contain

an appeal for her to intercede on his behalf: "Meu pai, como vai? / Diga a ele que ndo se

aborreca comigo...." (GG 3). In the subsequent lines, the lyrics provide the father an explanation









for the son's public exhibition of affection towards other men. They challenge the father-son

relationship as the only socially acceptable site for men to exhibit emotions perceived as

"feminine." Male friends, as well as the father, can contain both "masculine's" strength and

protection, along with "feminine's" nourishment and comfort:


Quando me vir beijar outro home qualquer
Diga a ele que eu quando beijo um amigo
Estou certo de ser alguem como ele e
Alguem com sua forca pra me proteger
Alguem com seu carinho pra me confortar
Alguem com olhos e coracgo bem abertos
Para me compreender.... (GG 3)

As Perrone notes "the father-son relationship becomes an emblem for authenticity of

interpersonal contact" (Masters 111), an aspect confirmed by Gil: "Uma confissdo de afeto

profundo pelos pais, colocando todos os homes queridos como sendo um prolongamento do pai

e de todas as mulheres amadas como um prolongamento da mae" (Todas 170).

In "Logunede" (1979) Gil again treats the son as a product of the parents who carries the

qualities of both. In this homage to his own Afro-Brazilian oricha, Gil emphasizes the

androgynous nature of this entity, who is associated with the mother's (Oxum) tenderness and the

father's (Ox6ssi) skillfulness as a hunter and fisherman: "E de Logunede a docura / Filho de

Oxum, Logunede / Mimo de Oxum, Logunede ede, ede / Tanta ternura / ... / Sabido, puxou aos

pais / Astucia de cacador / Paci6ncia de pescador...." (GG 2). The lyrics comprise a tribute to the

parents similar to that conveyed in "Pai e mae", but they also contain an added element of

potential bisexuality as represented in the African mythology: "Seu carter [e] bissexual [e] na

refer6ncia a Oxum e Oxossi, seus pais [sdo] igualmente homenageados" (Gil, Todas 227). This

song reflects Gil's gradual and consistent distance from the symbols of Christianity and Western

discourses, and the affinity he maintains with his African ancestry and with systems of belief less









androcentric and sexist. Ant6nio Riserio notes the coincidence of mythological androgyny with

Gil's oricha and its relationship with the counterculture ideas he supported:

E pela via mistica que vamos esclarecer ainda o fundamento do "androginismo" ... de Gil
... na tradicgo mitol6gica do Andr6gino, fazendo-o coincidir ... com teses caras as
vanguardas politico-existenciais contempordneas. Gil reivindica ... a superacgo filos6fica
dos contrarios, em direcgo a totalidade simb6lica da potencia dos sexos ... Curioso e que
Gil, no Camdomble, e "filho" de Logunede, Orixa seis meses home ... seis meses
mulher. (269)

Earlier, "Tradicgo" (1973) suggests the possibility that men can notice other men and

confronts the prejudices surrounding the act of pointing out another man's beauty:


Menino que eu era e vej a que eu j a reparava
Numa garota do Barbalho
Reparava tanto que acabei ja reparando
No rapaz que ela namorava
Reparei que o rapaz era muito inteligente

E diferente pelo tipo

Sempre rindo e sempre cantando
Sempre lindo.... (GG 2)

Gil explains that the song had no homosexual suggestion, but rather illustrates his aspiration for

social inclusion, since the young man he depicted in the song had access to everything that was

considered desirable at this time, even imported North American jeans: "De camisa aberta e certa

calga americana / Arranjada de contrabando...." (GG 2). In this sense, both the boy and the girl

were objects of his desire, but for different reasons: "Ela [era] meu objeto de desejo sexual. E

ele, meu objeto do desejo cultural" (Gil, Todas 145). Despite his original intention, Gil's lyrics

leave room for doubts, and like "Super-homem," the song offered an opportunity for homosexual

identification: the shift of his attention to the woman's boyfriend could be interpreted as sexual

attraction.









"0 Veado" (1983) has remained the artist's most controversial song due to the fact that

its title refers to an often pejorative slang term for homosexual men. Literally meaning "the

deer," the word is used as an equivalent for "fag":

O fator estimulante da cancgo foi a minha fantasia infantil com o animal bonito e
demasiadamente arisco, dificil de ser cacado, fugidio, agil, lepido ... associado a visdo do
estere6tipo do homosexual assumido, a bicha-louca ... como um modo de dar ao t6rax e
a bunda ... uma proemin6ncia que ... nao teriam. (Gil, Todas 268)

There is a parallel between the delicate moves of the animal and the female qualities of

homosexuals: "0 veado / Como e lindo / Escapulindo pulando / ... / Evaporante / Eva

pirante...." (GG 1). As the songwriter reminds us, at this time artists like him were being

perceived as homosexuals because of their adoption of androgynous aesthetics, which often

included the use of female ornaments. Gil explains that he personally engaged, along with other

artists of his generation, in a defiance of heteronormativity in order to expand individual

freedom, fighting the historical persecution and social intolerance of homosexuals. Gil does not

personally identify himself as gay, but claims the need to incorporate "gayness" in his life:

"Necessidade que eu sentia de aproximacgo e compreensdo da homossexualidade ... Nao sou

homosexual (poderia ser, mas nao sou), nao foi algo necessario na minha vida; mas da

veadagem eu faco questdo" (Todas 268). It is his belief that artistic creation itself requires the

embracing of "gay aesthetics:" "Se voc6 e artist tem que aprender a ser veado. E o meu caso: eu

sou aprendiz" (Todas 268). The lyrics evoke the image of Greta Garbo as a symbol of androgyny

and camp: "0 veado / Greta Garbo / Garbo, a palavra mais just / ... / Garbo esplendor de uma

dama / Das camelias...." (GG 1). His identification with camp shows his appreciation for the

baroque, an aspect frequently reflected in his speech and writing:

Uma elaboracgo que tem a ver com a veadagem ... com a costura, o bordado, o brocado,
o barroco ... as palavras brotam como volupia ... E com garbo de Greta Garbo, ela









mesma uma figure andr6gina, uma das grandes deusas da veadagem planetaria. (Gil,
Todas 268)

Gil had already made a reference to this kind of "gay aesthetics" earlier in 1979. The

song "Realce" encourages the use of more glitter and appreciates the beauty of velvet colors:

"Quanto mais purpurina melhor / Realce, realce / ... / Com a cor do veludo / Com amor, com

tudo / De real teor de beleza...." (GG 2). It is worth noting that this song was released

simultaneously with the disco boom in Brazil, propelled by the extraordinary success of Gilberto

Braga's soap opera, Dancin' Days (1978-1979). The television drama itself contained references

that could be captured by gay audiences, such as the inclusion in the soundtrack of the Village

People hit "Macho Man." Gilberto Braga is himself openly homosexual, and has been one of

telenovelas scriptwriters to push for the inclusion of gay themes and characters in the so-called

prime-time soap operas, televised by Rede Globo, Brazil's dominant network.

Gil along with his Tropicalist fellows helped to question established notions of

masculinity, embracing so-called feminine attributes, showing affection towards other men and

projecting an androgynous figure. The singer-songwriter created a model to be followed by

younger artists. In the 1980s pop singer Pepeu Gomes-Pedro Anibal de Oliveira (b. 1952)-

made use of similar articulations in "Masculino e feminine" (1983), created in collaboration with

Baby Consuelo (his wife at the time), and Didi Gomes. The song proclaimed men as the creation

of a dual-sex God, resembling Gil's approach to "cosmic" androgyny: "Ser um home feminine

/ Ndo fere o meu lado masculine / Se Deus e menino e menina / Sou o masculine e o

feminino...." (PG 1). At this time androgynous aesthetics gained attention, and other male

artists, such as the pop-rock singer Lulu Santos-Luis Mauricio Pragana dos Santos (b. 1953)-

explored gender bending. Santos can be seen on the front cover of his compact Gosto de batom

(1980; LS 1) using red lipstick. More than a decade later, in the song "Mulher eu sei" (1995),









Chico Cesar-Francisco Cesar Goncalves (b. 1964)-declares that a past female existence

explains his understanding of women's feelings: "Eu sei como pisar no coracgo de uma mulher /

ja fui mulher eu sei...." (CC1). Although personally identified as a heterosexual man, the

influential Gil has represented a positive voice regarding bisexuality and homosexuality as viable

forms of sexuality worthy of respect, and he has supported gay-rights movements.

Conclusions: Tropicalist leaders Caetano Veloso and Gilberto Gil, along with singer Ney

Matogrosso, represented a major paradigm shift in regards to notions of masculinity. Veloso

projected an identity that consistently resisted labeling. His artistic persona has often been

associated with his personal identity, and at all levels, Veloso has insisted on gender and

sexuality ambivalence. The artist calls attention to the potential imprisonment represented by

strict categories. He invites challenges to society's need to classify individuals, which may

reinforce dichotomous constructions and the lines that separate normative and marginal

identities. Gil proposed blurring feminine and masculine categories, projecting a mythical

androgyny, which embraces the possibility for men to portray female attributes. In turn, Ney

Matogrosso offers an example of radical confrontation of established ideas of gender and

sexuality. His drag performances projected a sexuality seldom seen in the mainstream Brazilian

artistic scene. Because he never gave up display of his male physical attributes, the artist

revealed the performative nature of identities. By creating parodies of machista and homophobic

discourses, as well as of closeted homosexuals, the openly gay Matogrosso took full advantage

of the subversive potential of unusual gender performances.

This generation as a whole opened up space for the articulation of non-normative gender

and sexual identities within Brazilian popular music:

Seus expoentes criaram algo como uma teia de vasos comunicantes, com contemporineos
e antecessores ligados a uma expressed cultural homo, para compor um ruido subterrineo









que comeca em Caetano Veloso, prossegue com Ney Matogrosso e vai tomando corpo
ate se tornar um grito ... na voz de Cazuza. (Trevisan, Devassos 319)

Reference is made here to artists not included in discussion above, such as rock singer-

songwriter Cazuza, who expanded the proposals of earlier generations. Both Cazuza and fellow

rock luminary Renato Russo-Renato Manfredini Junior (1960-1996)-should be noted for

discussing their homosexuality and for calling attention to AIDS, as they were both infected and

perished due to HIV. Singer Cassia Eller-Cassia Rejane Eller (1962-2001)- mentioned by

both Trevisan and Albuquerque as one of the few females to explore visual gender bending, also

gained popularity in the late 1980s. Eller made public her lesbianism and her stable relationship

with a woman. After her early death in 2001, her spouse became the first notorious case of a

lesbian to obtain legal guardianship of the partner's son.

Despite all these gains, clear limits remain. Although Veloso has suggested that adopting

a fixed identity may replicate categorization and constitute a denial of complex subjectivities, it

may also undermine the possibility of appropriation of such categories as political tools. The lack

of personal commitment may induce the perception of such non-normative identities as restricted

to artistic expressions, acceptable only on stage, which ends up serving as a metaphor for the

carnival. Cross-dressing and gender bending can be understood as an artistic license, where the

"extraordinary" is temporarily allowed, reinforcing then what is the "ordinary." Even Ney

Matogrosso, who had a bold attitude in the 1970s by making public his homosexuality, has

constantly refrained from becoming a gay icon or an activist.

Trevisan believes that the verifiable conservative backlash in customs of the late 1980s

and the 1990s was attributable to the AIDS endemic and to the initial negative perception of the

disease as a gay male "plague;" this perception helps to explain artists' efforts to distance

themselves from homosexual or bisexual identification. The author exemplifies some of the









malicious campaigns that took place during this time, such as bumper stickers in Sdo Paulo

saying "Extermine um Paulo Ricardo hoje para evitar um Ney Matogrosso amanha", or the

media "terrorism:" "A maldosa e sensacionalista manchete na capa da revista Amiga, em agosto

de 1990: a AIDS de Ney Matogrosso, Caetano Veloso e Milton Nascimento'" (Devassos 318). In

this sense, even though these artists have carved out a space for identification of non-

heterosexual audience, this success did not translate in the same proportion into open social

debates or the strengthening of political movements.









CHAPTER 4
DEFYING FEMININITY: A DIFFERENT KIND OF WOMAN

During the 1970s the participation of women increased in the domain of songwriting,

previously almost exclusively male. In the late 1970s and early 1980s women songwriters would

find an arena to challenge patriarchy and to probe diverse subjectivities, not necessarily

constructed in relation to men or to their roles as romantic partners. Female singers also

contributed for the defiance of prototypical ideas about women. They appropriated male

composers' repertoire in order to question the androcentric popular music canon through gender-

role inversions, sarcastic performance of misogynous lyrics, or the maintenance of the masculine

point of view, thus suggesting lesbianism.

As seen in Chapter Two, female roles in popular music tended to be limited almost

exclusively to performance of songs composed by men, most of them stereotypical and machista.

Many female singers enjoyed the status of superstars, including Carmen Miranda, Emilinha

Borba, Dalva de Oliveira and Angela Maria, among many others, especially in the era of radio.

As in the traditions of the medieval troubadours, it was common for men to write lyrics adopting

women's perspective, although differently from cantigas de amigo, contemporary songwriters

would have their works performed by female artists.1 This practice undoubtedly contributed to

the reinforcement of the social imaginary with respect to patriarchy and gender values. Ana

Paula Ferreira, in her analysis of the Portuguese medieval troubadours' tradition, suggests the

pervasive effects of male-centered speech in the creation of supposedly female identities:

Cantigas d'amigo constitute an ideologically invested, male appropriation of female
voice that functioned to support the status quo by confirming women's dependence on
the sexual love of men. The image of a desiring female subject could thus have



1 Cl,,,,,, de amigo are Galician-Portuguese medieval troubadour songs written and performed by men adopting a
female perspective.









contributed to keep real women from imposing their own alternative voices not only as
"writing", but first and foremost as "speaking" subjects. (37)

In contemporary songs the fact that women assumed the role of singers to perform male-authored

lyrics can, therefore, be considered even more prejudicial because it enhances verisimilitude and

illusion of "truthfulness" behind such lyrics. As Frances Aparicio suggests, the restriction of

Latinas in popular music to the role of vocalists ends up reinforcing the exclusivity of male

discourse and inhibiting the articulation of female subjectivity:

The fact that Latinas have historically achieved more prominence as vocalist than in other
music roles suggests a process of containment in their professional development and
opportunities. Women singers are allowed to perform as long as they sing the words of
others and ... in some cases, they play to desires and fantasies of a male audience. (173)

Both Jose Ramos Tinhordo and Charles Perrone point out that only in the late 1970s did

women songwriters gain a more relevant role in MPB. Prior to these years, only few notable

examples can be found, mainly Maysa Matarazzo and Dolores Duran in the 1950s. As discussed

in the previous chapters, Chico Buarque and Caetano Veloso played major roles in broadening

thematic scope in the portrayal of female experience and in questioning stereotypical gender

notions. Increased general interest in women's perspectives in MPB, in addition to the influence

of international civil-rights and women's-liberation movements, helped to create opportunities

for a new generation of female music-makers. The slow decrease in censorship by the military

dictatorship which would lead to the re-establishment of democracy in 1985 also created a

positive scenario for social movements in general. It was in this context that such songwriters as

Joyce-Joyce Silveira Moreno (b. 1948)-, Ana Terra-Ana Maria Terra Borba Caymmi (b.

1950), Fatima Guedes (b. 1958) and Angela R6 R6-Angela Maria Diniz Goncalves (b. 1949)-

authored and performed songs that defined new profiles, as they dealt with themes such as

motherhood, domestic violence, and lesbianism. It is important to consider the relevance of the









creation of a body of women-authored lyrics for the articulation of more diverse female

subjectivities:

Women singers have been inverting the object of men's discursive terrorism as an initial
strategy of resistance against misogyny and patriarchy. Nonetheless, this recourse fails to
elucidate or to articulate a discourse that illuminates the multiple modes of constituting
female subjectivity ... It leaves no aperture for new and radical ways ... for blurring
those rigid [gender] boundaries and for discussion of not only gender roles but also
multiple forms of sexuality and sexual orientation. (Aparicio 167)

Examination of Brazilian popular music proves to be different in some ways from Aparicio's

analysis. Female singers have indeed explored the maintaining of the masculine poetic "I" as a

means to convey more radical gender trouble. Since the late 1960s, they have also counted on

repertoire composed by Chico Buarque, which depicted non-normative sexuality. Yet the critic

has a valid point concerning the importance of women songwriters for a full and more diverse

articulation of female subjectivity.

Following the artistic lead of Chico Buarque, prominent female vocalists of his

generation, such as Maria Bethania-Maria Bethania Vianna Telles Veloso (b. 1946)-and Gal

Costa-Maria da Graca Costa Penna Burgos (b. 1945)-both participants in the Tropicalia

movement, achieved acceptance of alternative utterances, notably the performative maintenance

of the masculine poetic "I" of original compositions. Traditional gender approaches in popular

music correlate the gender of the singer to the poetic "I," and for the most part, the composer

expresses his own sexual identity. Prior to the 1960s, when interpreting a song originally

composed by a masculine voice, female singers used to adapt the lyrics, even with the eventual

sacrifice of the rhymes. This was a frequent situation as songwriters were almost all men. The

practice of gender adjustment is still the accepted standard in mainstream international popular

music, and when recording for another market Brazilian artists have tended to confirm to this

convention. Recordings of the 1962 hit "The Girl from Ipanema" (Tom Jobim and Vinicius de









Moraes; English lyrics by Norman Gimbel) offer good examples of adaptations made for

international audiences. In the United States both Ella Fitzgerald and Crystal Waters changed the

object of desire and recorded "The Boy from Ipanema." On the other hand, Brazilian singer

Astrud Gilberto kept the original song title, but modified the speaking subject, who became a

third person who assumed the neutral position of a narrator.2 The first female vocalist to record a

song preserving the masculine point of view was Aracy de Almeida in the 1950s, whose

interpretation of Noel Rosa's "Pra que mentir?" shocked the audience and was surrounded by

"rumors [that she] was a lesbian" (Braga-Pinto 188). Although Cesar Braga-Pinto locates the

scandal involving Almeida in the 1950s, she had been recording Noel Rosa's repertoire

preserving the masculine point of view since the late 1930s and she was actually the composer's

favorite singer (Diciondrio Cravo Albin).

In both Gal Costa's and Maria Bethdnia's repertoires, there are numerous romantic songs

whose lyrics address another woman. The two vocalists, who are two of the most prolific and

successful interpreters of MPB, recorded many songs dedicated to the muses of Bossa Nova.

Their recordings of older compositions by Lupicinio Rodrigues, Herivelto Martins, Ary Barroso,

and Adoniran Barbosa, for example, articulated new meanings to traditional sexist discourses,

and could be taken as ironic commentaries. "Nega Manhosa" (1957) by Herivelto Martins

illustrates the machista content conveyed in most of those male-authored songs, in which the

character demands the woman take care of domestic service: "Levanta nega manhosa / deixa de

ser preguicosa / ... / prepare minha marmita...." (GC 3). Aparicio defends the position that the

appropriation of male compositions is one of the strategies female singers have been using to


2 In the original lyrics the poetic voice is established as first person singular by the conjugation of the verb "estar"
and the gender by the masculine form of the adjective: "Por que estou tio sozinho?" ("Why am I so lonely?"). In the
English version the singer becomes an outsider, a neutral witness to the romantic situation: "He watches her so sadly
/ How can he tell her he loves her?" (SJ 1).









give new meanings to misogynous lyrics. The author illustrates the point with a sarcastic

performance of"La tirana" by Cuban singer La Lupe: "The song begins by underlining the

perspective that informs these social constructs via an irony masterfully uttered in the sarcastic

smirks that La Lupe interjects at precise instances" (179). Gal Costa also recorded earlier songs

that were innovative for their time (1950s) and broke with this kind of normative discourse, such

as "Teco-Teco" (1988).3 In the lyrics the woman states growing up as a different kind of girl

who took pleasure in playing with boys' games:

Teco, tete, teco, teco, teco
Na bola de gude era o meu viver
Quando crianca no meio da garotada
Com a sacola do lado
S6 jogava pra valer
Ndo fazia roupa de boneca nem tdo pouco convivia
Com as garotas do meu bairro que era natural
Subia em postes, soltava papagaio
Ate meus quatorze anos era esse meu mal.... (GC 4)

Moreover, songs like the sensuous "Tigresa" (1977) composed by Caetano Veloso,

became in the voice of Gal Costa the expression of homoerotic desire by explicit sexual

reference. In this specific case other binary constructions are inverted, including racial values,

blackness is compared to gold, and goodness is represented as evil and cruel: "Uma tigresa de

unhas negras e iris cor de mel / Uma mulher, uma beleza que me aconteceu / Esfregando sua pele

de ouro marrom do seu corpo contra o meu / Me falou que o mal e bom e o bem cruel...." (GC

1). Exploring similar thematic territory, Costa recorded Luiz Melodia's composition "Perola

Negra" (1971) which also alludes to lesbianism and to black beauty: "Tente me amar pois estou

te amando / ... / Tente entender tudo mais sobre o sexo / Peca meu livro / Querendo te empresto /

... / Perola negra te amo, te amo...." (GC 2). Gal Costa played such a major role in the 1970s in

3 "Teco-teco" composed by Pereira da Costa and Milton Villela was first recorded in 1950 by Ademilde Fonseca
(AF 1)-Ademilde Fonseca Delfim (b. 1921)-one of the radio divas (Dicionario Cravo Albin).









opening up space to female homoeroticism that she became a lesbian icon: "Apontada como

'icone lesbico' de sua adolescencia pela ex-cantora e ativista homosexual Vange Leonel, gracas

ao seu papel vanguardista em terms de attitude cenica, musical e verbal durante a decada de 70,

aberto inclusive a todas as formas de amor" (Faour 191). Confirming the singer's interest in

exploring the theme of same-sex desire, in 1981 she recorded Chico Buarque's controversial

"Barbara" in a duet with Simone (SO 1), replicating the dialogue between the two women

original to the play Calabar (1972), and giving it its full lesbian meaning.

In the early years of Tropicalia, Maria Bethania would make an intriguing pair with her

brother Caetano, as they explored their physical resemblance to blur established visual signs of

"real" sex and gender identities. More than once they have posed side by side, wearing similar

clothing and long hair, questioning the authenticity of gender representations and adopting

androgyny as a central motif, as reflected on the cover of the 1978 Maria Bethdnia e Caetano

Veloso ao vivo (MB 5). She and her fellow female vocalist were the first women artists to

replicate in the late 1970s the same-sex on-stage kiss inaugurated by Caetano: "As ja famosas

cantoras de musica popular, Maria Bethania e Gal Costa, deixaram-se fotografar, ao final de um

show, dando-se um terno beijo na boca o que, de certo modo, veio quebrar o gelo entire as

mulheres" (Trevisan, Devassos 287). Later in 2001, when celebrating 35 years of career with the

show Maricotinha in Rio de Janeiro, Maria Bethania kissed younger singer-songwriter Adriana

Calcanhoto on the lips, so grabbing the media's attention that the incident appeared on the first

page of the city's best selling newspaper, O Globo (Faour 428).

As for song lyrics, Maria Bethania has become the main interpreter of her brother's

compositions, and she always maintains the female subject as the object of desire. In 1993, the

singer recorded As canoes que voc fezpra mim (MB 2), an album wholly dedicated to Erasmo









and Roberto Carlos' romantic songs.4 In most of the songs on this album, she maintained the

male-female utterance, especially in the ones where gender modification would imply loss of the

rhymes, such as in "Detalhes," "Fera ferida," and "Seu corpo."

The practice of performing as written would open up further possibilities in later female

generations. At present (2007) not only is it perfectly "natural" for women to preserve the

masculine "I," several singers have adopted this mode as a political tool to defy misogyny. In the

1980s artists such as Marina Lima, Sandra de Sa, Simone and Ana Carolina alluded to

lesbianism and subverted hegemonic discourses through the provocative performance of

traditional machista songs. In "Mesmo que seja eu" (1984), composed by Erasmo and Roberto

Carlos, Marina Lima-Marina Correia Lima (b. 1955)-proposed being the man a woman

"needs:" "Voc6 precisa de um home pra chamar de seu / mesmo que este home seja eu...."

(ML 1). At this time, she also experimented with gender bending through visual elements:

"Brincando com a inversdo, Marina, ja nos anos 1980, chegou a apresentar-se de cabelos curtos,

terno e gravata, fazendo o tipo de um rapazinho atrevido, enquanto cantava" (Trevisan, Devassos

287). Songwriter Erasmo Carlos was surprised to realize that his song had become an important

reference for some lesbian groups: "Fiquei sabendo que esta musica virou o hino das sapatas ...

S6 me dei conta disso quando fui ao presidio do Carandiru fazer um show para a ala feminine e

as detentas todas a cantaram em massa, era o hino delas" (qtd. in Faour 415).

Marina Lima's repertoire has several songs alluding to lesbianism and bisexuality, such

as "Dificil" (1986), with text by her brother Ant6nio Cicero: "Ela e bela / Por que nao com

ela?...." (ML 4). "Nao estou bem certa" (1991), version of "Sign your name" (Terence D'Arby)




4 Roberto Carlos is considered the major icon of Brazilian romantic pop music, and has been the national best selling
artist for decades.









created in collaboration with Pedro Pimentel, offers two possible readings-the dilemma of a

bisexual woman or the search for "masculine" attributes in female lovers:


Penso na menina e fico atenta aos bracos do rapaz
Vai ver que eu quero alguem diferente

Sera que voc6 sera a dama que me complete
Sera que voc6 sera o home nao estou bem certa

Procurar Ricardos em Solanges nunca me fez mal.... (ML 2)

The artist also recorded Gilberto Gil's "Coraces a mil" (1980), which explores bisexuality and

confronts conventional monogamous relationships: "Minhas ambicges sdo dez /Dez coracges de

uma vez / Pra eu poder me apaixonar / ... / Toda gente fina, toda perna grossa / Todo gato, toda

gata, toda coisa linda que passar...." (ML 3).

Tim Maia's "Vale tudo" (1982), generally perceived as an anti-gay song, when

performed by Sandra de Sa-Sandra Christina Frederico de Sa (b. 1955)-in 1983, gained new

meanings due to the singer's open lesbianism: "Vale tudo / S6 nao vale dancar home com

home / e nem mulher com mulher...." (SS 4). Rodrigo Faour asserts that Tim Maia's intention

was probably ambiguous, even though the audience perceived his original recording as a

negative message about homosexuality. In an exclusive interview given to the journalist in 1997,

Maia declared his belief in bisexuality as a natural characteristic of human beings: "Todo ser

human e bissexual e ele s6 nao assume isso. Todo ser human pensa na morte e na sua

bissexualidade a toda hora" (qtd. in Faour 409). Nevertheless, the irony implied in the song's last

line-"Atencgo! Cuidado com a nova ordem! / Liberou geral! Agora vale tudo!"(SS 4)-only

became a liberating commentary when performed by Sandra de Sa, who, differently than Tim

Maia, was not identified as heterosexual. This reinforces Judith Butler's point that parodies of









heterosexist discourses only gain full subversive power when they take place in non-heterosexual

context.

In the beginning of her career, Sandra de Sa composed "Bandeira" (1980), in

collaboration with Faffy Siqueira, in which she suggested gaining enough courage to flirt openly

with another woman: "Essa menina um dia ainda acaba comigo / Mas ainda perco a minha e fago

a cabeca dela / ... / Um dia desses / Me chego na careta / E dou bandeira...." (SS 1). Since then,

Sandra de Sa has turned into an icon for gays and lesbians especially for her openness in stating

her homosexuality. Lesbianism was also suggested in her recording of"Eu amo voce" (Cassiano-

Rochael, 1998), where she preserved the female love object: "eu amo voce, menina...." (SS 2).

The title of the album in which this song was included already suggested gender trouble for the

inflection to the masculine: Eu semprefui sincere, voce sabe muito bem (SS 2). Sandra de Sa

included in her repertoire the aggressive "Picadinho de macho" (1995), by Tavito and Aldir

Blanc, which defied traditional images of virility and proposed a violent castration of the

Brazilian macho:

Vamos deixar esses caras de quatro
Mostrar que esses ratos ndo passam de patos

Vamos dizer que sdo bichas, brochas

Que a meta e se vingar
Malhar o Judas
Vou la capar o macho
Sangue e salada no almoco e jantar

Vamos armar picadinho de macho.... (SS 3)

The song became a hit after being included in the soundtrack of a soap opera broadcast by the

country's largest television network Rede Globo.









Nevertheless, Sandra de Sa own composition "Dem6nio colorido" (1980) was somewhat

ambiguous regarding women's imagery. The lyrics relive the common theme of thefemmefatale

who breaks everyone's heart: "Mas eu vou lhe guardar com a forca de uma camisa / me despir do

pavor / lhe chamar de amiga / 24 horas por dia / tentando o meu juizo / foi unanimamente eleita /

meu dem6nio colorido...." (SS 1). Even though alluding to an unusual context of lesbianism, the

song replicated traditional heterosexual discourse, making use of words that reinforced the

stereotypical vision of women as dangerous creatures, who can be compared to the devil.

Sandra de Sa is also a relevant case for illustrating the limits imposed by the music

industry, the efforts made to restrain subversive attitudes and to contain them on stage, as "mere"

performative acts. Taking the artist as an example, Braga-Pinto hypothesizes about the

acceptable limits of unconventional sexuality:

The case of Sandra de Sa may prove that in fact there is somewhat of a limit between the
public display of sexuality in and outside someone's work. Whereas sexual ambivalences
are acceptable in songs, they are not always tolerated in the artist's "real life." (203)

According to the author, after announcing her homosexuality (in her words, "a woman who loves

women") in an interview given to the gay magazine Sui Generis, the singer was actually

reprimanded by her recording company (WEA). Severino Albuquerque, in his analysis of cross-

dressing in Brazilian mainstream entertainment, adds that there are stricter limits on women's

transgressive performances: "What has been so far permissible is a certain measure of gender

bending-teasing instances of gender play involving mostly popular entertainers and singers"

(23). In this sense, there is a suggestion that society is less tolerant in relation to women that

disobey gender and sexuality norms.

Another example that illustrates the replication of heterosexist discourse in a lesbian

context is Simone's-Simone Bittencourt de Oliveira (b. 1949)-recording of"Mulheres"









(Toninho Geraes, 1997). The composition became famous in the very masculine voice of

sambista Martinho da Vila as a celebration of male sexual conquests. The lyrics explored a full

list of the different kinds of women the narrator had seduced (or possessed, as the verb ter

literally translates, "to have"): "Ja tive mulheres do tipo atrevida / Do tipo acanhada do tipo

vivida / Casada carente, solteira feliz / Ja tive donzela e ate meretriz / Mulheres cabeca e

desequilibradas / Mulheres confusas de guerra e de paz...." (SO 2). The derogatory words,

exposed in a series of prejudicial binary representations of women, including the typical saint-

prostitute dichotomy, may have been rearticulated in Simone's voice due to the allusion of

lesbianism. Yet, the lack of any obvious stance of parody in her recording invites questioning

and postulating a possible reinforcement of misogynous discourse. Also problematic are

Simone's recordings of two songs that made reference to women as "property" and implied the

use of violence against the ones who "misbehave." In the beginning of her career in the 1970s

she performed "Se essa mulher fosse minha" (Geraldo Gomes-Haroldo Torres, 1946): "Se essa

mulher fosse minha / Eu tirava do samba j i, j / Dava uma surra nela / Que ela gritava: -chega!"

(qtd. in Faour 106). Later in 2002, she recorded the already mentioned classic by Geraldo

Pereira, "Sem compromisso:" "Voc6 s6 danca com ele e diz que e sem compromisso / E bom

acabar com isso / Nao sou nenhum pai Jodo / Quem trouxe voc6 fui eu, nao faca papel de louca /

Pra nao haver bate-boca dentro do salo ...." (SO 4). This song was performed by Simone in a

duet with samba-singer Zeca Pagodinho as a parody of the original lyrics: they replaced the

threat of verbal violence ("bate-boca") by physical aggression: "se nao te arrebento a boca dentro

do salo ...." (SO 4). Although their intention is obviously to mock machista discourses, it is hard

to determine if they achieve this objective or if they end up reinforcing conventional ideas.

Because the performance lacks a sign of more explicit subversion, it could be argued that









Simone, instead of questioning, is adopting, as a lesbian character, the same misogynous male

attitudes. As Aparicio points out (173), for full re-articulation to take place there must be an

instance of parody or discourse appropriation by gender role inversion, for example. This is what

Cuban singer Celia Cruz did when she recorded a version of the Brazilian hit "Voc6 abusou"

("Usted abus6"), in which she assumed the role of the speaking subject and denounced the

abuses of her male lover.

More confrontational was Simone's recording of"Agua na boca" (1985), by Tunai and

Abel Silva, one of the several songs in which she addressed a female lover: "Por ela eu vivo

nessa aflicgo / Por ela dispara meu coracgo...." (SO 3). The singer added a provocative last line,

absent in the original lyrics, making explicit the sexual connotation: "Por ela eu vivo com esse

tesdo" (SO 3).

In the works of some successful younger female songwriters, such as Adriana Calcanhoto

and Ana Carolina, there is a tendency to prefer the adoption of a neutral gender for both the

subject position and the love object addressed. The absence of clear gender markers could hardly

be considered something unintentional and should not be disregarded. As in all romance

languages, in Portuguese this implies deliberate avoidance since nouns and adjectives are

inflected for gender, masculine or feminine. The alternative is to replace nouns like man and

woman by neutral terms, such aspessoa 'person' or amor 'love', in order to refrain from

gendering other words.

This option is not exclusive to Brazilian popular music. Aparicio notes the frequent use

of this scheme by female songwriters from other Latin American countries. As the critic

observes, the only concrete element in this semiotic openness is the presence of the singer

herself, and performance becomes central in the analysis of meanings conveyed by the lyrics:









Women-authored boleros [show] a larger degree of gender "aperture" (ambiguity) than in
men's texts ... What is significant is the centrality of the singer's sexual identity and of
the act of singing through which the text is gendered with his/her voice and body. The
presence of the audience, the listener or receptor, in this semiotic triangle further
complicates fixing gender values on to these texts. (138)

Still, as previously discussed, in Brazilian popular music the physical presence of the singer does

not necessarily mean adopting a woman's perspective. Because female artists have tended since

the late 1960s to preserve original lyrics despite of the gender, creating a license for the

performance of male personae, I would argue that the centrality of the singer's sexual identity in

the semiotic process is dislocated to the listener. It is only through reception that the text is

firmly gendered, and audiences with distinct sexual orientations may find space to articulate their

own subjectivities. Moreover, as Aparicio suggests, "listening, like consumption, is not merely a

passive behavior, an ideological consent, but rather constitutes a potential instance for rewriting

culture" (123).

Singer-songwriter Adriana Calcanhoto-Adriana Calcanhotto (b. 1965)-also explored

gender ambiguity through visual elements in the album A fdbrica dopoema (1994). The booklet

contains an ID format photo (3x4) in which a moustache and a beard were later drawn with a pen

on the singer's face (AC 1). Because of the artist's short hair, this artifice questions conventional

readings of drag: the notion of an existing "true" sex hidden behind a "false" gender

representation. It is also troubling due to its revelation of the performative nature of gender

through the production of an obviously distorted copy of masculinity.

For the 2002 album Cantada, Adriana Calcanhoto recorded two complementary songs by

Pericles Cavalcanti in an intriguing sequence: "Sou sua" and "Intimidade (sou seu)." Playing

with the cacophony of exhaustive repetition of the "s" words, both songs end up with the same

conclusion that reiterates the titles-"I am yours," inflected in one for a male subject, in the other,









for a female. In the first, the artist offers a list of female prototypes she may represent to her

lover: "Sou sua Amelia / Sou sua Ofelia / ... / Sou sua chita / Sua criptonita / Sou sua Lois...."

(AC 2). Some of the references are explicit in mocking traditional women's representations, such

as Amelia and Ofelia, both submissive and idealized characters portrayed in Brazilian machista

songs of the 1940s. The new song is also satirical by proposing to assume Hollywood or comic-

book female characters, such as Superman's Lois Lane, or even the chimpanzee Chita of Tarzan.

In the second song, through a parallel inversion, she proposes to represent alternative male

identities to her lover, some odd like Tarzan and Frankestein; some romantic like Romeo; or

perverse, like Hitler: "Eu sou seu Hitler / Seu Peter Pan / Seu Joao Batista / Seu Tarzan / ... / Seu

Frankestein / ... / Sou seu Romeu / Seu labirinto / Eu sou seu Teseu...." (AC 2). On the same

disc, her composition "A mulher barbada" questions bizarre otherness by speculating on the

subjectivity of a bearded woman circus character: "Com o que sera que sonha a mulher barbada?

/ ... / O que sera que, hein? / O que sera que tem a perder a mulher barbada?...." (AC 2).

Ana Carolina-Ana Carolina Souza (b. 1974)-has stretched the possibilities of lyrical

gender inversions. In the late 1990s, she adopted an unusual masculine poetic "I" in both

composition and performance. The artist refers to her album Ana Rita Joana Iracema Carolina

(2001) as a tribute to Chico Buarque, and the names included in its title are some of the female

characters created by him. In the liner notes, she states her intention of replicating his poetic

approach by exploring multiple female subjectivities. While Chico composed several songs

adopting a female point of view, in this album and subsequent ones, many of Ana Carolina's

compositions do the reverse with the creation of male personae, and the portrayal of themes

typically perceived as belonging to the masculine universe. "Implicante" (2001) illustrates this

kind of utterance, where there is a rhythmical and vocal reiteration of an aggressive content.









Adopting an embolada style, a folk-song form usually played by men, Ana Carolina beats the

pandeiro strongly, alluding to a challenge to fight: "Hoje eu levantei com sono, com vontade de

brigar / Eu t6 manero pra bater pra revidar provocacgo / ... / V6 se nao enche, nao me encosta /

T6 bravo que nem leo ...." (AS 2).5 The song "Vox Populi" (2003) on her third album has a

similar approach, and again beating strongly thepandeiro, Ana Carolina presents herself as

associated with a series of marginalized male identities-street thugs, petty criminals and

troublemakers: "arruaceiro, barraqueiro, batuqueiro, parceiro, maloqueiro, macumbeiro,

funkeiro" (AS 4).

In her analysis of Janis Joplin, Sheila Whiteley discusses the forces that impel the female

artist to adopt a "masculine" attitude:

Joplin was confronted by the problems inherent in a musical style which took on the
blues tradition of sexual affirmation and sexist conservatism, but which harnessed it to a
performance style which valued hardness, virtuosity and control. Her solution was both
confrontational and conforming: lead with arrogance, project toughness and be "one of
the boys." (Women 57)

This assessment may help explain Ana Carolina's adoption of male personae, which can be

considered both "confrontational and conforming" because it reinforces men's authority in

certain thematic territories. Journalist Marcelo Zorzanelli questioned the songwriter about the

contradiction in claiming the strong influence of Chico Buarque's poetics in her works: while he

is known for his sensitivity in depicting women's emotions, she reflects "virility" in her own

compositions. Ana Carolina confirmed adopting a "masculine" perspective in these songs, using



5 Gerard B6hague defines embolada as "a musical-poetic form often associated with northern dances such as the
cocos, [which] alternates a fixed refrain with stanzas (sometimes improvised). It consists of a recitative-like melody
... The text, often comic and satirical, stresses onomatopoeia and alliteration which, with a fast tempo, enhance the
rhythm of the song ... The embolada is also frequently associated with other contexts ... such as the desafio." When
it takes the form of desafio, literally a 'challenge,' singers compete in their ability to improvise and text
improvisation becomes central, while the melody is subordinate.









one of her latest works, "Eu comi a Madonna" (2006), composed in collaboration with Mano

Melo, Totonho Villeroy and Alvin L., as an example. The lyrics project a male identity and

include a suggestion of an erect penis ("nervo rigido"):

Me esquenta com o vapor da boca
E a fenda mela
Imprensando minha coxa
Na coxa que e dela
Dobra os joelhos e implora
O meu liquid
Me quer, me quer, me quer e quer ver
Meu nervo rigido

E me pediu que lhe batesse, lhe arrombasse, lhe chamasse
De cafona, marafona, bandidona

Me apertou, me provocou e perguntou:
Quem e tua dona?.... (AS 3)

The artist believes that her masculine personae address contemporary women's desire for a more

direct approach to sexuality, rather than for traditional romantic poetry:

Sim e tudo muito viril ... Nessa hora eu sou o cara. E completamente masculine ... Eu
quero ficar com pecha de tarado. Eu adoro ... O compositor home da uma volta
desnecessaria. Dizem que as mulheres gostam de poesia ... Elas nao gostam tanto assim,
nao (risos). (qtd. in Zorzanelli)

Even though in this statement Ana Carolina defends an approach against conventional

romantic style, her compositions also include a number in the so-called pop romdntico style,

some that present a clear intertext with MPB classics, replicating typical heterosexual situations.

In the rhythm of samba bossa, "Vestido Estampado" (2003) depicts a man's broken heart during

the carnival festivities. The lyrics have no specific gender markers, but the loved one's "flower

dress" indicates being a woman: "Seu vestido estampado, dei a quem pudesse servir...." (AS 4).

Moreover, the allusion to a prototypical theme of popular music, leads the listener to "normalize"

the gender roles. Nevertheless, the possibility for a lesbian relationship is kept open by the









physical presence of the female singer and by the adoption of the masculine only in the plural

form ("como velhos desconhecidos"), which in the romance languages is the common

grammatical structure for the expression of generic ideas: "Como velhos desconhecidos se voce

nao me escuta / Eu nao vou te chamar...." (AS 4). The song "Trancado" (1999) offers an unusual

kind of gender trouble since both the narrator and the loved one are referred to as male and the

singer herself is female. Although for the most part the subjects are only referred to as "I" and

"you," in the last strophe Ana Carolina introduces a complex situation in which both are

inflected in the masculine: "Sera que eu t6 trancado aqui dentro? / sera que voc6 ta trancado la

fora?...." (AS 1).

Gender ambiguity has been a consistent element of Ana Carolina's projected image, and

it has also been visually explored. The back cover of Ana Rita Joana Iracema Carolina portrays

a manicurist's box full of beauty products, which contrasts with the toughness implied in other

pictures on the lyric sheet: close ups of the singer's fist punching her other hand, and of her arms

dressed in a leather jacket. Although she claimed that this record was produced in "a moment of

extreme femininity" (qtd. in Neves), neither the lyrics, nor the images, conform to what is

perceived as being typically "feminine." Her approach to "femininity" indicates a concern with

delivering a feminist message, an invitation for women to be liberated from the domestic

universe and from traditional role in patriarchal society: "Uso ha cinco anos um anel que, na

verdade, sdo bracadeiras de fogao ... Costumo dizer que a mulher tem que sair do fogao, botar o

anel no dedo e ir em frente" (qtd. in Neves).

Inaugurating a more provocative phase in relation to sexuality, the release of the album

Estampado (2003) was marked by a controversial concert in which Ana Carolina performed the

machista song "Eu gosto de mulher," first recorded in 1987 by the band Ultraje a Rigor (UR 1):










Voc6 sabe que eu adoro um peito
Peito pra dar de mamar
E peito s6 pra enfeitar

Mulher faz bem pra vista
Tanto faz se ela e machista ou se e feminist

Se eu fico sem mulher eu fico ate doente
Mulher que lava roupa, mulher que guia carro
Mulher que tira a roupa, mulher pra tirar sarro.... (Letras de mfusicas)

According to Faour, this song was composed by Roger Moreira as an ironic response to the gay

community that accused him of homophobia. In August 1985 the newspaper Folha de Sao Paulo

published an interview with the band, in which one of its members declared "A AIDS veio pra

acabar com a viadagem," while another one complemented, "Viado devia ser camicase" (qtd. in

Trevisan, Devassos 445). The group leader, Roger Moreira, denies being the author of such

statements, and claims that the song was initially offered to a female artist-singer Gal Costa-

who never recorded it. Almost twenty years later, it became a major hit in Ana Carolina's voice:

"Essa musica virou um hino, e obrigat6ria nos meus shows," declared the artist to the newspaper

0 Globo (qtd. in Faour 427).

Despite Ana Carolina's intention to generate controversy by recording a song with

implicit reference to same-sex desire, the singer's reaction to its success can be considered

somewhat ambivalent. At that time, responding to the media attention that was being focused on

her personal sexual orientation, she publicly assumed a bisexual identity, which gained enough

relevance to be put on the cover of Brazil's most popular weekly magazine, Veja. Questioned

about the controversy, the songwriter declared that she was surprised by the fact that some

lesbian artists still refrain from assuming their sexual orientation:

Comecei a perceber que haviam muitas cantoras gays que ndo gostavam de falar sobre
isso, tinham verdadeira aversdo quase brigavam com os rep6rteres quando alguem









insinuava algo ... A gente ta no ano 2006, e as pessoas ainda acham que isso e um tipo de
coragem ... Eu acho isso tudo tdo antigo. (qtd. in Zorzanelli)

The artist later affirmed being "contra essa postura de levantar bandeiras para defender o

homossexualismo, pois fica parecendo doenca ... Posso ate estar saindo cor uma mulher, mas se

eu me apaixonar por um home e decidir casar cor ele na igreja, de veu e grinalda, ninguem vai

impedir" (qtd. in Faour 435). Besides insisting on statements that mark "the lesbian singers" as

"the others," in a distant third-person reference, she repeatedly showed deep concern with

emphasizing her bisexuality. As pointed out by Faour, even though her attitude may represent a

liberating form of self-representation that defies labeling, she ended up provoking an angry

reaction from gay activists. Having had a major opportunity to stimulate an open debate on

homosexuality after being on the cover of the best-selling Brazilian magazine, she refrained from

adopting a more clear position and from becoming a spokesperson for important social issues,

which was resented by activist groups.

At that time, Ana Carolina's look underwent a major transformation as reflected on the

album Estampado front cover. The previous image of the tough, pop-rock rebel, was replaced

with a more femme look (make up, jewelry, and high heels), thus preserving ambiguity as a

central motif (in a very "Caetano way"). It is interesting to note that the "feminine" dressing was

adopted only for the album cover: in live performances of Estampado the artist preserved gender

neutral clothing, and photographs of the singer with similar looks to that cover (in a dress, skirt

or high-heels) are hard to find. Bearing in mind the case of Sandra de Sa, and both

Alburquerque's and Braga-Pinto's comments on the stricter limits for the acceptance of female

gender transgressions, one can legitimately ask if there was any influence from her recording

label to sustain an ambiguous identity. In her analysis of Cuban singer-songwriter Albita

Rodriguez, Aparicio refers to the forces of containment exerted by the cultural industry to









impose limits to the explicit articulation of lesbian identities. For this reason, in Albita's lyrics

references to same-sex desire are kept implicit: "[Albita's] songs reveal the necessary

compromises and containments that popular musicians have to make in order to be 'acceptable'

by larger audiences" (243).

Months after the media controversy, still uncomfortable with what she classified as a

"unilateral" portrayal of her identity, Ana Carolina released a new song "Homens e mulheres," to

"counterbalance" the effects of the previous recording: "Homens vestindo sobretudo / Mulheres

melhor sem sutia / ... / Homens de amar tdo de repente / Mulheres de amar pra sempre / ... / Eu

gosto de homes e de mulheres / E voc6 o que prefere?...." (AS 3). A close listening of the song

lyric reveals that it in fact betrays her objective of portraying a "balanced" sexual orientation

identity, even though it does refer to bisexuality: while men are to be admired wearing an

overcoat and to be loved occasionally; women are better without bras and to be loved forever.

Ana Carolina's overall preoccupation with distancing herself from a lesbian identity, and with

visually projecting a more "feminine" image, may be related to what Butler points out as "the

fear of losing gender:" "Some of the terror and anxiety that some people suffer in 'becoming

gay,' the fear of losing one's place in gender or of not knowing who one will be if one sleeps

with someone of the ostensibly 'same' gender" (Gender xi). On the other hand, the author

reminds us of the risks in denying the possibility of bisexuality, advocating a sort of

"purification" of homosexuality, which ends up replicating binary constructions by opposing gay

to straight (Gender 154).

Also provocative was the recording of"O beat da beata" (2003), composed and

performed in a duet with Seu Jorge:










Tem beata, tem sapata, tem frei pegando gay
Tem puta loirinha e tem mulata, paraiba surdo e japones
Na boate, o bate-estaca, preconceito nao tem vez
Vale tudo, e tudo certo, porque a razdo e do fregues

A preta alisou, p6s silicone, amanhd vai querer botar caralha
E todo mundo vai no beat, seja qual for a sua praia.... (AS 4)

Dealing with a series of negative stereotypes, the song presents the discotheque as a space free of

prejudices, where even unexpected transgendered identities may appear: the black woman who

had silicon implants, and may someday wish to have penis prosthesis.

Singer-songwriter Angela R6 R6 comprises a different case that invites questioning of the

accepted limits of gender bending and of the ways by which society deals with outspoken

homosexual artists. R6 R6 has been considered the most openly lesbian artist of mainstream

MPB. She defied society's prejudices early in the 1980s and talked about her sexual orientation

to the magazine IstoE in 1981: "O problema e que sou mulher e homosexual" (qtd. in Trevisan,

Devassos 323). The artist landed on the newspapers' front pages on several occasions for

allegedly committing violent acts against different female lovers. As she declared in distinct

interviews, those were hard times in her life, when she faced problems related to drug

dependency and alcoholism. Nevertheless, the artist resents being demonized by the media. Even

though her love affairs were involved in turmoil, she believes this did not justify stereotyping her

as a violent person: "Bati e apanhei muito, tambem. Mas nao sou essa mulher violent que dizem

por ai. Ja bebi muito" (qtd. in Mesquita and Guimardes). Faour confirms the media's prejudice,

offering the headline of one important magazine to illustrate the point:

[Angela R6 R6] foi a unica a realmente causar rebulico ao ir parar nas manchetes dos
jornais em abril de 1981, quando terminou um conturbado romance com a tambem
talentosa Zizi Possi com direito a muito preconceito da imprensa. Uma prestigiada
revista, por exemplo, tascou o titulo "Virilidade" para falar da confused. (396)









By using the word "virility" to refer to the situation, the media ended-up labeling R6 R6 as a

"masculine woman," thus reinforcing common sense notion of lesbians, especially butch, as a

failed attempt to replicate men. As Butler emphasizes, in a context of heteronormativity, those

who "fail" to perform gender appropriately are perceived as "bad copies" of an idealized

"original" ("Imitation" 310), leading to the "homophobic charge that queens and butches and

femmes are imitation of the heterosexual real" ("Imitation" 313).

As described in the biography published on the website CliqueMusic, R6 R6 ended up

being treated as "uma artist maldita," and would serve as a consolidation of society's myths on

the "evil lesbian" cliche. The media's emphasis on her so-called "masculine" attitudes reveals

the kind of gender prejudice that Butler differentiates from sexual discrimination: "Gay people

... may be discriminated against ... because they fail to 'appear' in accordance with accepted

gender norms" (Gender xiii). In the heat of the gossip involving the break-up with singer Zizi

Possi, R6 R6 released an album resembling a newspaper front page with the provocative title

E\ iJulhtl (1981), in which she recorded the song of the same name composed by Caetano

Veloso, raising the issue of social prejudice:


Todas as coisas lindas dessa vida eu sempre soube amar
Ndo quero quebrar os bares como um vdndalo
Voc6 que traz o escandalo irma luz

Dou gargalhada, dou dentada na maca da luxuria, pra que?
Se ninguem tem d6, ninguem entende nada
O grande escandalo sou eu
Aqui s6 (AR 4)

From the same album, her compositions "Fraca e abusada"-with the lines "Nem precise rogar

praga de madrinha / Pra saber que brevemente estara mal e sozinha...." (AR 4)-and

"Coitadinha, bem feito!" (AR 4) both address a former female lover using derogatory words and









claiming revenge. In later works, the artist would continue to adopt failed relationships as a

theme, in most of them making use of a bitter sense of humor. In "Fila de ex-mulher" (created in

collaboration with Ricardo Mac Cort, in 2000) she complained about her numerous annoying ex-

lovers:

Tem fila de ex-mule batendo em mim, ai

Tem fila de ex-mule me apurrinhando

Dizendo que por minha causa a vida e uma luta
Que a vida de puta nao e facil nao

E eu me aprimorando na arte de driblar
Tanta mulher junta, querendo se vingar (AR 1)

With "Blues do arranco" (AR 4), R6 R6 transgressed female songwriters' accepted boundaries

for the development of sexual themes: "Deu uma de cafajeste numa trepada, confessando com

todas as letras: 'Sem a minima vergonha / Ponho a fronha no teu rosto / E vou me amar' versos

que nenhuma outra mulher na MPB teria coragem de escrever, nem que fosse mera provocacgo"

(Faour 463).

The major innovation in R6 R6's compositions was the adoption of a female-female

utterance, such as in "A vida e mesmo assim" (1984): "Voc6 feliz long de mim / Passeia toda

emperiquitada / Alheia a que eu fique abandonada...." (AR 3). The reception for the unusual

approach was positive as reflected in the success of the 1979 song "Tola foi vocF" (AR 2) which

became one of her major hits. In "Gata, moleque, ninfa" (1984) R6 R6 dealt with gender

ambiguity and queer identities, depicting a female lover who presents both butch and femme

attributes: "Gata nova nao para, me arranhou a cara / E me sujou o chdo / Moleque atrevidinho

me deu um sorrisinho / E me deixou na mao...." (AR 3). In "Cheirando a amor" (1979) she









explored the theme of social prejudice, and made reference to people who, for this reason, prefer

to stay "locked" in the closet:

Ja pus de lado o tormento
De um mundo atento a ndo perdoar
Amantes sem fingimento
Delirantes formas de amar

Trancada com medo da rua
Se isso e pecado me puna
A culpa de amar livre e nua
Que preconceito barato.... (AR 2)

The case of R6 R6 points to the secretive ways of Brazilian society in dealing with transgression.

As previously discussed with respect to Ney Matogrosso, all sorts of "scandal," whether unusual

sexuality or the infringement of the "morality and propriety," should be kept "por debaixo dos

panos."

Conclusions: From the 1970s on, different generations of women singers and songwriters

have challenged the androcentric canon of Brazilian popular music. Prominent vocalists, such as

Tropicalists Maria Bethdnia and Gal Costa, and later Simone, Marina Lima and Sandra de Sa,

have adopted strategies to interrogate traditional gender values, as well as to combat misogyny

and the exclusivity of heterosexuality. In the role of songwriters, women created space for the

full articulation of female subjectivity and developed songs that dealt with themes not

necessarily related to their position as romantic partners for men. A first wave of female

songwriters appeared in the late 1970s and early 1980s-most notably Joyce, Ana Terra, Fatima

Guedes and Angela R6 R6, instituting models for future colleagues. Since then, younger artists,

such Adriana Calcanhoto and Ana Carolina, have stretched the possibilities for transgressing

gender norms, creating male personae and projecting bisexuality or lesbianism.









At the time of this writing (2007) it is perfectly acceptable for female to adopt men's

perspective, be it through performance or composition. In fact, it is hard to find examples of

female vocalists who have never recorded songs preserving the masculine "I" of original

compositions. It can be argued that the repetition of this performative mode ended up being

assimilated by hegemonic culture and naturalized, losing some of the subversive power it had in

past. Moreover, because it is not possible to identify clearly an instance of parody in the

recordings of some machista or sexist lyrics, their role as insubordination acts is questionable.

Preserving the masculine point of view has been converted into an artistic license, which does

not necessarily translate into a significant expansion of social acceptance of non-heterosexual

identities. Being understood as the impersonation of characters, with no unambiguous signs of

critique or deviance, the artifices fail as a full tool of contestation. When the singer projects the

identity of a lesbian lover delivering misogynous discourse it may even reinforce some of the

same paradigms established by heteronormativity.

Nevertheless, the contributions of those unusual utterances have helped to expand

thematic boundaries, to question the meaning of "femininity" and to establish new models of

what is to be a woman. There is no doubt that their works have played a part in expanding

society's limits with regards to non-normative gender and sexuality. They offered a space for the

articulation and the identification of non-heterosexual audiences. Still, with respect to broader

effect in social dynamics, the result of their efforts can be considered somewhat limited. Artists

who have openly spoken about their lesbianism (Angela R6 R6 and Sandra de Sa notably) have

faced prejudice from the media and been restricted by the cultural industry. Others have opted

not to disclose their sexual orientation or as in the case of Ana Carolina, have shown a level of

discomfort with being pointed to as lesbian icons. Both Braga-Pinto and Albuquerque remark









upon the stricter limits for female gender and sexuality transgression, and their innovations have

tended to be contained as stage performative acts. All these aspects have inhibited the formation

of a strong body of sexual politics. To a certain degree, the new gender and sexuality

articulations have been taken as a carnivalesque expression, in which role inversions and

empowerment of marginalized identities have a transient effect.









CHAPTER 5
CONCLUSION

The late 1960s and 1970s were years of vibrant creativity in Brazilian popular music.

Influenced by national developments and international counterculture, youth began to challenge

established social and cultural values. The most important event was the 1964 military coup,

leading to a dictatorship in Brazil that would last for twenty-one years. Many young artists were

committed to struggle against a double source of oppression: restrictive moral traditions of

Brazilian society and the control exerted by the authoritarian regime. At this time an

exceptionally creative new generation of music-makers arose, headed by Chico Buarque and

Caetano Veloso.

With specific respect to gender issues, through the practice of cross-dressed poetics and

the invention of ambiguous stage personae, the generation of Buarque and Veloso defied

patriarchal values, female submission, masculine and feminine standards, and the exclusivity of

heterosexuality. In 1966 Buarque started to adopt female poetic personae, which shifted the

typical representation of women in popular music. As depicted by previous generations of male

composers, female characters were, in a stereotypical ways, dichotomously constructed as

"home-makers" or "sluts." If they escaped one of the type castings, women might then be

idealized muses who had no real attributes. Buarque portrayed alternative female subjectivities,

and by taking their position, the songwriter projected a discourse of solidarity. He complexified

gender themes; and writing back to the androcentric canon, he changed typical notions about

transgressive women, showing them in a non-prejudicial manner and denouncing society's

hypocritical values. The songwriter consistently pointed to the failure of relationships under the

patriarchal system, exposing mutual unhappiness, with an emphasis on female oppression.

Because Buarque also assumed the female point of view to perform, he subverted the strict









correlation between the gender projected in the lyrics and the singer's. In this sense, more than

expanding the thematic scope for female subjectivities, he also questioned notions of manhood,

proposing a new model of man that appealed to the crowds that made of him a sex-symbol for

decades. Nevertheless, Buarque's lyrics still reflected some aspects of the Western imaginary on

women, sometimes reinforcing ideas about female manipulation, seduction, nourishment, and

competition for men. The generations to follow Buarque would then propose more radical

ruptures with gender constructions.

Following his artistic lead and the overall intention of Tropicalia to break with

established values, Veloso incorporated international androgynous aesthetics and went further in

defying values of gender and sexuality, queering the MPB scenario. He blurred the lines between

feminine and masculine, and throughout his career consistently refused to accept labeling.

Veloso projected homoeroticism in his stage and lyrical personae, and in more controversial

compositions he questioned the status of "abject" identities that cannot be represented within the

cultural matrix. Challenging heteronormativity in its multiple dimensions, Veloso created gender

trouble by exposing the lack of necessary connections between sex, gender, sexuality and sexual

orientation. In the twenty-first century, Veloso declared that even though the transnational phase

of artistic androgyny had come to an end, he still believed in the subversive potential of non-

normative gender representations and in identity categories as a form of imprisonment that

denies the subject. Tropicalist co-leader Gilberto Gil projected a mythical androgyny through

performed lyrics that proposed the fusion of masculine and feminine principles. He and Veloso

have consistently confronted the exclusivity and privileges of heterosexuality. Even though the

three artists mentioned above have been mainly identified as heterosexuals, they proposed new









gender standards and modes of relationship, and more importantly, they carved out space for the

articulation of non-normative gender and sexuality.

Ney Matogrosso has been more radical in his approach. He became a master of cross-

dressing and masquerades. Throughout his successful career, the singer created multiple stage

personae that questioned gender performtivity and revealed its imitative nature. Parodying

manhood and homophobic discourses, and exhibiting both male and female attributes,

Matogrosso's creations were intentional "failed" copies that ultimately denounced the notion of

normative heterosexuality as the original. The artist's adoption of motifs of Brazilian nature

defied the idea of homosexuality as unnatural. Declaring himself to be gay in the late 1970s

Matogrosso also challenged stereotypes related to homosexual men. In this sense, he mocked

typical perceptions of effeminate men and made fun of closeted homosexuals.

Female artists, on the other hand, have appropriated misogynous songs, and by

maintaining the original masculine "I," offered possibilities for lesbian readings. Throughout the

past three decades, popular music has also become a space for women songwriters to break with

androcentrism and to broaden female thematic scope. In the generation of Tropicalists Maria

Bethdnia and Gal Costa, it became perfectly natural for women to perform retaining the

masculine voice. Mainstream artists such as Simone, Sandra de Sa and Marina Lima also alluded

to lesbianism and bisexuality by performing male-authored songs. Singer-songwriter Angela R6

R6 spoke about her lesbianism early in her career and created numerous songs addressing female

lovers. Younger generations would stretch the possibilities of cross-dressed poetics. Adriana

Calcanhoto played with drag in one of her album photo covers and recorded songs that projected

both masculine and feminine identities. Singer-songwriter Ana Carolina has frequently adopted









an unusual male perspective both to write and to perform. She has defied accepted notions of

femininity by exploring what she calls a "virile" approach in some of her compositions.

Having verified the practice of cross-dressed poetics over the past four decades, one

should also consider artistic activity within a broader social perspective. Bearing in mind Judith

Butler's insistence that not every drag or parodic performance is necessarily subversive, a first

aspect that should be taken into account is the repetition of these artistic artifices in mass-

mediated vehicles, which may end up naturalizing the concepts it initially intended to

denaturalize:

Just as metaphors lose their metaphoricity as they congeal through time into concepts, so
subversive performances always run the risk of becoming deadening cliches through their
repetition, and most importantly, through their repetition within commodity culture where
"subversion" carries market value. (Gender xxi)

With regards to the subversive effects of such sexually ambiguous performances, it is also

important to consider the ways in which artists deal with public and personal boundaries. When

artists' public performances have generated rumors of personal homosexuality, most have chosen

to insist on privacy or ambiguity. Thus it should not be assumed that recent social gains and

increased visibility for homosexuals in Brazil have been strongly influenced by discussions

brought up by celebrities' "coming out" stories. Cesar Braga-Pinto summarizes the ways by

which most artists have dealt with questions pertaining to personal sexuality:

Transgendered voices have been present in Brazilian music for many decades ... And
rumor has never ceased to circulate concerning the homosexuality of the most important
figures who have subsequently entered the Brazilian popular music scene ... Most of
these artists have consistently refused to open the door to their closets, but have kept their
windows open. (189)

The secretive way in which most artists have chosen to react with regards to their personal sexual

orientation, especially in light of the incessant rumors circulating in the general public, resembles

the mechanics of the "open secret" as conceptualized by Sedgwick, and is typical of









"closetedness." As Eve Sedgwick proposes, society's choice for silence/silencing belongs to

powerful dynamics put in place to "enforce discursive power" through a pretense of ignorance

(Epistemology of the Clhe,,). In this sense, Brazilian society has tended to deal with

unconventional sexuality as the "unspeakable." Artists who broke with the silence and talked

about their homosexuality, such as Angela R6 R6 and Sandra de Sa, suffered prejudice from the

media or were contained by the cultural industry. Ana Carolina after declaring her bisexuality

has invested in attempts to distance herself from lesbianism and to emphasize her heterosexual

experiences. Ney Matogrosso who had maintained a bold attitude discussing his homosexuality

in the late 1970s has refrained from engaging in gay political activism.

General theories of the development of Brazilian society may also help to put gender

issues in music into perspective, and to bring into relief the limited effects of such artistic

innovations. Such aspects are emphasized by Severino Albuquerque in explaining why stage

transgression in Brazil should always be "tentative" (Tentative Transgressions: Homosexuality,

AIDS, and the Theater in Brazil.) A basic denial of social inequalities reinforces the tendency to

push back the matter of sexuality to the private, individual level, comprising a force of resistance

to the formation of a body of sexual politics and undermining claims for specific policies. The

case of racial relations offers a relevant example of how the nation has chosen to cope with

"otherness" and with social discrepancies. The concept of "ethnic democracy" introduced by

Gilberto Freyre in Casa-grande e senzala (1933) gives rise to myths of racial and social

democracy, the vision of Brazil as a harmonious melting pot where there is a peaceful acceptance

of minorities. In the first English edition (The Masters and the Slaves, 1945), Freyre emphasized

his optimistic view of the Brazilian future and the ways by which society was being shaped:

"Our social history ... is undergoing a process whose direction is that of a broad









democratization. A democratization of interhuman relationships" (xiv); "a society that is

democratic in its ethnic, social, and cultural composition" (xv). Extrapolations on those

statements, loaded with generalizations such as "a certain fondness that the Brazilian has for

honoring differences" (xv), would lead to a mystified view of Brazilian social dynamics.

Common misinterpretations of Sergio Buarque de Holanda's idea of cordialidade

("cordiality") also reinforce rejection of open confrontation and conflicts in Brazilian society.

His definition of the key term (Raizes do Brazil, 1936) has tended to be associated with a lack of

violent urges, avoidance of confrontations, and a peaceful disposition. In fact, Buarque de

Holanda's notion of cordiality included all emotions (affective positions related to the heart),

including "unkind" ones. His governing idea was that Brazilians felt anxiety about impersonal

relationships, replicating in the social and political sphere the intimate character of family life

and projecting emotions into the public spaces. For Buarque de Holanda, such an attitude was in

reality, a way for traditional aristocratic families in Brazil to perpetuate their privileges,

dismissing the hierarchies of public institutions and the supposed neutrality of a liberal state. In

this sense, the "cordial man" became another Brazilian myth equivocally drawn from the works

of Buarque de Holanda, who was in fact calling the attention to the highly hierarchical nature of

the society.

In terms of limits of cross-dressed performances, another relevant aspect is their

carnivalesque nature, whereby transgressions of social norms end up confined to the category of

the "exceptional." According to Mikhail Bakhtin (Problems ofDostoevsky's Poetics, 1929),

artistic carnivalization incorporates several aspects of the rituals of carnival, including

eccentricity, role inversions, and violations of generally accepted behaviors. Peter Stallybrass

and Allon White, approaching the carnivalesque in literature, consider the politics involved in









the rituals of carnival that also permeate artistic representations. These authors emphasize that, in

contrast to Bakhtin's utopian vision of carnival as a locus for society's hierarchical inversions:

politicallyly thoughtful commentators wonder, like [Terry] Eagleton, whether the 'licensed

release' of carnival is not simply a form of social control of the low by the high and ... serves the

interests of that very official culture which it apparently opposes" (13). From this perspective,

that which could be considered subversive in seasonal festivities is in fact a reinforcement of

traditional social practices. Carnival existing as a licensed and limited space for transgressions

functions as a catharsis for the socially disempowered and further represses potential for

insurgence.

Brazilian society, as conceptualized by anthropologist Roberto da Matta, is carnivalizing

in nature (Carnavais, malandros e her6is: para uma sociologia do dilema brasileiro, 1979). Da

Matta argues that every society has its own "extraordinary" locus where the world of ordinary

life, through rites such as the carnival, provides a space to envision an alternative way of living.

Social life embodies the ambivalences symbolized in the rituals of carnival, as well as the double

moral and behavioral standards that separate public conduct (rua) from private life (casa), a

similar dichotomy proposed by Sedgwick in regards to the closet's dynamics. Da Matta's

approach to the carnival is drawn from Bakhtin's theory and shares some of his utopian vision

about its subversive potential. For Da Matta, carnival temporarily suspends all class lines and is a

privileged locus of inversion that allows counter-hegemonic discourses. By adopting this

optimistic view of the carnival, Da Matta is relativizing one of the critical points of his approach,

the fact that the festivity is an exceptional space with a clear time limit and that the general

understanding is that once it is over, society must return to its traditional dynamics. Even though

carnival carries a potential to expose and reveal society's open wounds, and to suspend the need









of "social masks," its real power in producing any long-term change is highly questionable.

Another political nuance that Albuquerque notes is the carnival's "uncritical populism ... which

is of particular consequence to issues of marginality and inversion" (14). According to

Stallybrass and White "carnival often violently abuses and demonizes weaker, not stronger social

groups ... in a process of displaced abjection" (19). It can be added that carnival also presents a

clear contrast of what is acceptable in daily life and what is exceptional, thus reinforcing

hegemonic discourses. In this regard, artistic cross-dressing may serve to ratify dominant

acceptable behaviors, and the stage could be then understood as a metaphor for the carnival

festivities, where the extravagant is temporarily allowed.

The existence of unconventional cultural expressions of gender and sexuality in popular

music contrasts with at-large views in Brazilian society of sexual ambiguity and homosexuality.

Even with all its advances, the popular-music scenario itself is still one of pervasive heterosexist

attitudes. Moreover, if attitudes and awareness have been affected by music, society's continuing

prejudices against gays, lesbians and transgendered individuals translates into a lack of

consistent public policies. Brazil shows a shockingly ambivalent reality in relation to

homosexuality: it simultaneously holds records for the world's largest gay pride parade and for

violent crimes against homosexuals (Luiz Mott, "The Gay Movement and Human Rights in

Brazil.") Although relevant civil and human rights gains have been obtained in the past two

decades, they have been implemented mostly through jurisprudence, not legislation, and then

through individual state laws, not national. At the federal level, James Green stresses that the

action of conservative coalitions have been blocking legislative proposal for same-sex domestic

partnerships for the past twelve years (Beyond Carnival: Male Homosexuality in Tii enieith-

Century Brazil). The inclusion of an amendment to the Constitution concerning anti-









discrimination of sexual orientation has also been constantly postponed. Green summarizes some

of Brazil's cultural paradigms and social ambivalences, establishing their link to the theme of

homosexuality:

The contradictory images of permissive Carnival festivities and murderous brutality are
startling ... Just as the pervasive myth that Brazil is a racial democracy obfuscates deep-
seated patterns of racism and discrimination, so too the notion that "there is no sin below
the equator" obscures widespread cultural anxiety about same-sex activity. (5)

The value of the contributions of select artistic performances in MPB is, again,

undeniable. Since the late 1960s, some prominent Brazilian singers-songwriters have used the

mainstream scenario of popular music to identify and to defy heterosexism, homophobia,

misogyny, and gender stereotypes. MPB became a space where artists and their audiences could

publicly experience as never before gender transgressions. Moreover, they have played a role in

opening possibilities for articulation of more fluid definitions of self. Nevertheless, exhaustive

repetition within commodity culture and social dynamics pose a limit to the subversive potential

of such artistic utterances. The analysis of this topic has shown how problematic, still, are the

traditional ways Brazilian society deals with the boundaries of public and private spheres. The

fact that those defiant experiences occur in a select, carnivalized public space means that they do

not necessarily translate into acceptance of personal gender transgressions or into sexual politics,

and the preference in Brazil continues to be to keep unconventional sexuality as the

"unspeakable."









APPENDIX
DISCOGRAPHY

Ademilde Fonseca AF
1. Brasileirinho/Teco-teco. Continental 78, 1950.

Adriana Calcanhoto AC
1. A fbrica dopoema. Sony Music, 1994.
2. Cantada. BMG Brasil, 2002.

Ana Carolina AS
1. Ana Carolina. BMG Brasil, 1999.
2. Ana Rita Joana Iracema Carolina. BMG Brasil, 2001.
3. Dois quartos. Sony BMG, 2006.
4. Estampado. BMG Brasil, 2003.

Angela R6 R6 AR
1. Acertei no milknio. Jam Music, 2000.
2. Angela RoRo. Polydor, 1979.
3. A vida e mesmo assim. Polydor, 1984.
4. E\ lJu il, tl. Polydor, 1981.
5. S6 nos resta viver. Polydor, 1980.

Aracy de Almeida AA
1. Pra que mentir/Sil;ulL i,, de um minute. Continental 78, 1951.
2. Eu sei Itfi 'e 0 maior castigo que eu te dou. Victor 78, 1937.

Caetano Veloso CV
1. Aracg azul. Phonogram, 1972.
2. Bicho. Polygram, 1977.
3. Caetano. Polygram, 1987.
4. Caetano e Chico juntos e ao vivo. Polygram, 1972.
5. Caetano... muitos carnavais... Polygram, 1977.
6. Caetano: Serie grandes nomes. Polygram, 1994.
7. Cinema transcendental. Polygram, 1979.
8. Circulad6 vivo. Polygram, 1992.
9. Cores, nomes. Polygram, 1982.
10. Prenda minha. Polygram, 1999.
11. Totalmente demais, ao vivo. Polygram, 1986.

Cazuza CZ
1. Burguesia. Polygram, 1989.

Chico Buarque CB
1. Almanaque. Ariola, 1982.
2. Caetano e Chico juntos e ao vivo. Polygram, 1972.
3. Calabar, o elogio da n ai, i). Phonogram, 1973.









4. Chico Buarque. Barclay, 1984.
5. Chico Buarque. Polygram, 1978.
6. Chico Buarque de Hollanda Vol. 2. RGE, 1967.
7. Chico Buarque de Hollanda Vol. 3. RGE, 1968.
8. Chico Buarque e Maria Bethdnia ao vivo. Phonogram, 1975.
9. Culu ti i,,. Phonogram, 1971.
10. Meus caros amigos. Phonogram, 1976.
11. 0 corsdrio do Rei Trilha sonora do musical -Chico Buarque e Edu Lobo. Som Livre,
1985.
12. O grande circo mistico Trilha sonora do ballet Guaira -Chico Buarque e Edu Lobo.
Som Livre, 1983.
13. Opera do Malandro. Polygram, 1979.
14. Umapalavra. BMG Ariola, 1995.
15. Vida. Polygram, 1980.

Chico Cesar CC
1. Aos vivos. Velas, 1995.

Conjunto A voz do morro VM
1. Roda de samba. Musidisc, 1965.

David Bowie DB
1. Bowie! Chameleon. Starcall Records (New Zealand), 1979.
2. The Rise and Fall ofZiggy Stardust and the Spiders from Mars. RCA, 1972.

Elizeth Cardoso EC
1. Elizeth sobe o morro. Copacabana, 1965.

Gal Costa GC
1. Caras e bocas. Universal. 1977.
2. Fa-tal Gala todo vapor. Phonogram, 1971.
3. Gal: Serie grandes nomes. Polygram, 1994.
4. Meu nome e Gal: o melhor de Gal Costa. Polygram, 1988.
5. Minha voz. Polygram, 1982.
6. Profana. RCA Victor, 1984.

Genival Lacerda GL
1. Genival Lacerda. Copacabana, 1982.

Gilberto Gil GG
1. Extra. Warner Music, 1983.
2. Realce. Warner Music, 1979.
3. Refazenda. Warner Music, 1975.

Gonzaguinha GJ
1. De volta ao comeco. EMI-Odeon, 1980.









2. Geral. EMI-Odeon, 1987.


Joyce JC
1. Tardes cariocas. Polygram, 1983.

Lulu Santos LS
1. Gosto de batom. Polygram, 1980.

Maria Bethinia MB
1. Alibi. Polygram, 1978.
2. As canoes que voc fezpra mim. Polygram, 1993.
3. Dezembros. RCA Victor, 1986.
4. Drama Anjo Exterminado. Phonogram, 1972.
5. Maria Bethdnia e Caetano Veloso ao vivo. Phonogram, 1978.
6. Mel. Polygram, 1979.

Marina Lima ML
1. Fullgds. Polygram, 1984.
2. Marina Lima. EMI-Odeon, 1991.
3. Olhos Felizes. Ariola, 1980.
4. Todas. Polygram, 1986.

Nana Caymmi NC
1. Mudanqa dos ventos. EMI-Odeon, 1980.

Ney Matogrosso NM
1. As aparencias enganam. Polygram, 1993.
2. Batuque. Universal, 2001.
3. Bugre. Polygram, 1986.
4. Destino de aventureiro. Polygram, 1984.
5. Feitico. Warner Music, 1978.
6. Matogrosso. Ariola, 1982.
7. NeyMatogrosso. Ariola, 1981.
8. NeyMatogrosso interpret Cartola. Universal, 2002
9. Pecado. Continental, 1977.
10. Pescador de prolas. CBS, 1986.
11. Pois e. Polygram, 1983.
12. Seu tipo. Warner Music, 1979
13. Sujeito estranho. Warner Music, 1980.
14. Vivo. Polygram, 2000


Pepeu Gomes PG
1. Masculino efeminino. CBS, 1983.

Sandra de Sa SS
1. Dem6nio colorido. RGE, 1980.









2. Eu semprefui sincere, voce sabe muito ben. Warner, 1998.
3. Olhos coloridos. Som Livre, 1995.
4. Vale tudo. RGE, 1983.

Secos e Molhados SM
1. Secos e Molhados. Continental, 1973.

Silvio Caldas SC
1. Pra que mentir/Cessa tudo. Victor 78, 1938.

Simone SO
1. Amar. Polygram, 1981.
2. Brasil "O show ". Polygram, 1997.
3. Cristal. CBS, 1985.
4. Feminino. Universal Music, 2002.
5. Pedacos. EMI-Odeon, 1979.
6. Simone. EMI-Odeon, 1980.

Stan Getz and Jodo Gilberto SJ
1. Getz Gilberto. MGM Records, 1964.

The Rolling Stones RS
1. Goat's Head Soup. Atlantic, 1973.

Ultraje a Rigor UR
Sexo!. WEA, 1987.









LIST OF REFERENCES

Albuquerque, Severino Joao Medeiros. Tentative Transgressions: Homosexuality, AIDS, and the
Theater in Brazil. Madison: U of Wisconsin P, 2004.

Aparicio, Frances R. Listening to Salsa: Gender, Latin Popular Music, and Puerto Rican
Cultures. Hanover: Wesleyan U P, 1998.

Bakhtin, Mikhail. Problems ofDostoevsky's Poetics. Trans. Caryl Emerson. Minneapolis: U of
Minnesota P, 1984. 1929.

Behague, Gerard. "Brazil, 3 (iv): Traditional music: Luso-Brazilian folk music traditions:
Song genres." Grove Music Online. Ed. L. Macy. 12 June 2002. Oxford U P. 24 May
2007. .

Berlinck, Manoel Tosta. "Sossega leao! Algumas considerac6es sobre o samba como forma de
cultural popular." Contexto 1 (1976): 101-114.

Bethdnia, Maria. Maria Bethdnia Home Page. 2007. 15 May 2007.
.

"Bowie, David." Encyclopcedia Britannica. 2007. Encyclopaedia Britannica Online. 30 May 2007
.

Bradby, Barbara, and Dave Laing, eds. Gender and Sexuality. Special issue of Popular Music
20.3 (2001): 295-477.

Braga-Pinto, Cesar. "Supermen and Chiquita Bacana's Daughters: Transgendered Voices in
Brazilian Popular Music." Lusosex: Gender and Sexuality in the Portuguese Speaking
World. Ed. Susan Canty Quinlan and Fernando Arenas. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P,
2002. 187-207.

Buarque, Chico. Chico Buarque Especial: Anos dourados (vol. 4). Rio de Janeiro: EMI, 2005.

---. Chico Buarque Home Page. 2007. 8 Apr. 2007. .

Butler, Judith. Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of "Sex". New York: Routledge,
1993.

--. Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion ofIdentity. New York: Routledge, 1990.

--. "Imitation and Gender Insubordination." The Lesbian and Gay Studies Reader. Ed. Henry
Abelove, Michele Aina Barale, and David M. Halperin. New York: Routledge, 1993.
307-320.

Butterman, Steven F. "O charme chique da cancao de Chico Buarque: taticas camavalescas de
transcender a opressao da ditadura." Latin American Music Review 22.1 (2001): 83-97.









Cixous, Helene. "The Laugh of the Medusa." Feminisms: An Anthology ofLiterary Theory and
Criticism. Ed. Robyn R. Wahrol and Diane Price Herndl. Rutgers: Rutgers U P, 1997.
347-362.

CliqueMusic: a mfusica brasileira estd aqui. 2007. CliqueMusic Editora Ltda. 27 May 2007.
.

Costa, Gal. Gal Costa Home Page. 2007. 15 May 2007. .

Da Matta, Roberto. Carnavais, malandros e her6is: para uma sociologia do dilema brasileiro.
Rio de Janeiro: Zahar Editores, 1979.

"David Bowie." MTV Online. 2007. MTV Networks. 27 May 2007.
.

Derrida, Jacques. Writing and Difference. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1978.

Diciondrio Cravo Albin da Mufsica Popular Brasileira. Ed. Ricardo Cravo Albin. 2007. 30 May
2007. .

Dunn, Christopher. Brutality Garden: Tropicdlia and the Emergence of a Brazilian
Counterculture. Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina P, 2001.

Faour, Rodrigo. Hist6ria sexual da MPB: a evolucdo do amor e do sexo na cancdo brasileira.
Rio de Janeiro: Record, 2006.

Ferreira, Ana Paula. "Telling Woman What She Wants: The Cantigas d'amigo as Strategies of
Containment." Portuguese Studies 9 (1993): 23-38.

Ferreira, Aurelio Buarque de Holanda. Novo diciondrio da lingua portuguesa. Rio de Janeiro:
Editora Nova Fronteira, 1975.

Fonteles, Bene. Ney Matogrosso: ousar ser. Sao Paulo: Imprensa Oficial do Estado SESC, 2002.

Fontes, Maria Helena Sansdo. Semfantasia: masculino-feminino em Chico Buarque. Rio de
Janeiro: Graphia, 2003.

Foucault, Michel. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. New York: Pantheon Books,
1977.

Freyre, Gilberto. Casa-grande e senzala. 1933. Madrid: Allca XX, 2002.

--. The Masters and the Slaves: A Study in the Development ofBrazilian Civilization. 1945.
Trans. Samuel Putnam. 2nd ed. Berkeley: U of California P, 1986.

Gil, Gilberto. Gilberto Gil Home Page. 2007. 30 Apr. 2007. .

---. Todas as letras. Sao Paulo: Companhia das letras, 1996.









Guilbert, Georges-Claude. Madonna as Postmodern Myth: How One Star's Self-Construction
Rewrites Sex, Gender, Hollywood and the American Dream. North Carolina: McFarland
& Company, Inc. Publishers, 2002.

Green, James Naylor. Beyond Carnival: Male Homosexuality in Ti ei'iei/t-Century Brazil.
Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1999.

Green, James Naylor, and Ronald Polito. Frescos tr6picos:fontes sobre a homossexualidade
masculina no Brasil (1870-1980). Rio de Janeiro: Jose Olympio, 2006.

Holanda, Sergio Buarque de. Raizes do Brasil. 1936. 8th ed. Rio de Janeiro: Jose Olympio, 1969.

---. Visdo doparaiso. 1958. 2nd. ed. Sao Paulo: Editora da Universidade de Sao Paulo, 1969.

Letras de mfusicas. 2007. Letras.mus.br. 27 May 2007. .

Lucchesi, Ivo, and Gilda Korff Dieguez. Caetano. Por que ndo?: uma viagem entire a aurora e a
sombra. Rio de Janeiro: Leviata Publicaces, 1993.

Matogrosso, Ney. Ney Matogrosso Home Page. 2007. 8 May 2007.
.

Matos, Claudia Neiva. "Dicqces malandras do samba." Ao encontro dapalavra cantada: poesia,
mufsica e voz. Ed. Claudia Neiva de Matos, Elizabeth Travassos, and Fernanda Teixeira
de Medeiros. Rio de Janeiro: 7 Letras, 2001. 61-76.

Mattoso, Glauco. Dicionarinho dopalavrdo e correlatos. Rio de Janeiro: Record, 1990.

Mello, Zuza Homem de, and Jairo Severiano. A cancdo no tempo: 85 anos de muisicas
brasileiras (vol. 1: 1901-1957). Sao Paulo: Editora 34, 1997.

Meneses, Adelia Bezerra de. Figuras dofeminino na canc o de Chico Buarque. Sao Paulo:
Ateli6 Editorial, 2000.

Mesquita, A. and Joao Paulo Guimardes. Homepage de Angela RoRo. 30 Mar. 2000. 20 May
2007. .

Moraes, Eliane Robert. "A musa popular brasileira." Mulher mulheres. Ed. Albertina Oliveira
Costa and Carmem Costa. Sao Paulo: Cortez Editora, 1983. 55-72

Mott, Luiz R.B. "The Gay Movement and Human Rights in Brazil." Latin American Male
Homosexualities. Ed. Stephen Murray. Albuquerque: U of New Mexico P, 1995. 221-30.

Neves, Jose Roberto. "Todas as Mulheres." PapelFuleiro. 21 Apr. 2001. 11 Mar. 2007
.

Oliven, Ruben George. "A malandragem na musica popular brasileira." Latin American Music
Review 5.1. (1984): 66-96.









--. "The Production and Consumption of Culture in Brazil." Latin American Perspectives 11.1
(1984): 103-115.

-"'The Woman Makes (And Breaks) the Man': The Masculine Imagery in Brazilian Popular
Music." Latin American Music Review 9.1 (1988): 90-108.

Paoli, Maria Celia. "Os amores citadinos e a ordenacgo do mundo paria: as mulheres, as canc6es
e seus poetas." Decantando a repiblica, v.3: inventdrio hist6rico e politico da cancdo
popular modern brasileira. Ed. Berenice Cavalcante, Heloisa Starling and Jose
Eisenberg. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira, 2004. 67-92.

Parker, Richard G. Bodies, Pleasures, and Passions: Sexual Culture in Contemporary Brazil.
Boston: Beacon Press, 1991.

Perrone, Charles A. Lyric and Lyrics: The Poetry of Song in Brazil. Diss. U of Texas at Austin,
1985. Ann Arbor: UMI, 1989.

--. Masters of Contemporary Brazilian Song: MPB 1965-1985. Austin: U of Texas P, 1989.

--. Seven Faces: Brazilian Poetry Since Modernism. Durham: Duke U P, 1996.

Perrone, Charles A., and Christopher Dunn, eds. Brazilian Popular Music and Globalization.
Gainesville: U. P. of Florida, 2001.

Pessoa, Fernando. O euprofundo e os outros eus. Rio de Janeiro: Editora Nova Aguilar, 1978.

Prado, Decio de Almeida. O teatro brasileiro modern: 1930-1980. Sao Paulo: Editora
Perspective, 1988.

Prado, Paulo. Retrato do Brasil. Rio de Janeiro: Jose Olimpio, 1972.

Riserio, Ant6nio, ed. Expresso 2222 Gilberto Gil. Salvador: Corrupio, 1982.

Sedgwick, Eve Kosofsky. Epistemology of the Closet. Berkeley: U of California P, 1990.

Simone. Simone: website official. 2007. 27 May 2007. .

Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty. The Spivak Reader. New York: Routledge, 1996.

Stallybrass, Peter, and Allon White. The Politics andPoetics of Transgression. New York:
CornellU P, 1986.

Tinhordo, Jose Ramos. "Musica popular brasileira, mulher e trabalho." Sao Paulo: SENAC.
Unpublished manuscript, 1981.

--. Pequena hist6ria da mfisica popular: da modinha a cancdo de protest. Sao Paulo: Art
Editora, 1986.

Trevisan, Joao S. Devassos noparaiso. Rio de Janeiro: Record, 2000.









--. "Tivira, the Man with the Broken Butt: Same-Sex Practices among Brazilian Indians."
Lusosex: Gender and Sexuality in the Portuguese Speaking World. Ed. Susan Canty
Quinlan and Fernando Arenas. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 2002. 3-11.

Vaz, Denise Pires. NeyMatogrosso: um cara meio estranho. Rio de Janeiro: Rio Fundo Ed.,
1992.

Veloso, Caetano. Caetano Veloso Home Page. 2007. 15 Apr. 2007.
.

--. Verdade tropical. Sdo Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1997.

Whiteley, Sheila. "Little Red Rooster v. The Honky Tonk Woman: Mick Jagger, sexuality, style
and image." Sexing the Groove: Popular Music and Gender. Ed. Sheila Whiteley. New
York: Routledge, 1997. 67-99.

--. Women and Popular Music: Sexuality, Identity and Subjectivity. New York: Routledge,
2000.

Zorzanelli, Marcelo. "Isso e tudo tdo antigo..." Revista Epoca online 11 Dec. 2006. 10 Apr.
2007.










BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Luciana Monteiro was born in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, on January 9, 1967. She graduated

from Colegio Andrews' High School in 1984, and she attended the Pontificia Universidade

Cat6lica of Rio de Janeiro (PUC-Rio), where she received a B.A. in social communications in

1990. She made a career in corporate business as a Brand Manager and Market Research

Specialist from 1990 until 2003. She received a post-baccalaureate in marketing also from PUC-

Rio in 1994. She entered the Graduate School at the University of Florida-Gainesville in 2004,

where she taught Portuguese in the Department of Romance Languages and Literatures from

2004 until 2007. There she received a certificate for Outstanding Academic Achievement from

the Center for International Students and was the recipient of Grinter fellowships and book

scholarships. She was awarded the Master of Arts in Latin American studies with a concentration

in Brazil/Portuguese and Spanish America/Spanish in August of 2007. She was admitted to

Tulane University in August of 2007 to begin work on the PhD in Spanish and Portuguese.





PAGE 1

1 CROSS-DRESSED POETICS: LESSONS AND LI MITS OF GENDER TRANSGRESSIONS IN BRAZILIAN POPULAR MUSIC By LUCIANA C. MONTEIRO A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2007

PAGE 2

2 2007 Luciana C. Monteiro

PAGE 3

3 To my parents, Sylvio and Marisa

PAGE 4

4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First, I would like to tha nk my committee me mbers, Dr. Efran Barradas and Dr. Tace Hedrick, for their kind guidance and for their co mprehension in dealing with my last-minute Brazilian timing. I also thank them for making me vulnerable to the Cultur al and Gender Studies bug. I thank Dr. Elizabeth Ginway and Dr. David Pharies for the opportunity to be a Teaching Assistant in Romance Languages and Literature s, and for supporting me throughout these past years, making it possible for me to complete this degree. I thank Sunni for giving me incentive to join UF and to expand my intellectual horizons, and for being a shining light thr oughout this adventure. I thank her for the infinite patience she had in listening to my research findings over and over, in proof reading my writings, and understanding the fact that I may never use the right prepositions. I am grateful to the loving Goddess who gave the two of us a chance to be here today and to have hopes for tomorrow. Above all, I need to thank my parents, Sylv io and Marisa, for their unconditional support and their pride, their endless love and caring, and for infusing me with self-confidence and freedom of thinking. I thank my brother Sylvio fo r my two adorable little nephews and for being such a loving and affectionate man. I thank my friend Monica who, despite the physical distance, provided me emotional and spiritual support when I most needed it, and for lending me her ears by staying on the phone line for hours. Gracias a Belkis por ser mi hermanita aqu. Thanks to this family, I was never alone and always had a life filled with love. My last word, and the most important, must go to my advisor, meu chefe, Dr. Charles Perrone. I could not have asked fo r a more generous, relentless and dedicated mentor. Carlo is my intellectual guru, my beer friend, my joke pa rtner and one of the most bighearted persons I have ever met. Obrigada ao Carlos for letting me in, and I hope he sticks around because there is still a lot of f un for us to share. E agora, vai trabalhar vagabund(a)!

PAGE 5

5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...............................................................................................................4 ABSTRACT.....................................................................................................................................6 CHAP TER 1 INTRODUCTION AND LITERATURE REVIEW................................................................8 2 SHIFTING GENDER AND SEXUAL IDENTITY PARADI GMS...................................... 21 Representations of Women in MidCentury Brazilian Popular Music ................................... 23 Chico Buarque: Female Poetic Personae................................................................................32 3 DEFYING MASCULINITY: A DIFFERENT KIND OF MAN........................................... 59 Caetano Veloso: Gender Ambiguity and Sexually Am bivalent Stage Personae.................... 59 Ney Matogrosso: a Master of Cross-Dressing and Masquerades ...........................................73 Gilberto Gil: Mythical and Poetical Androgyny.................................................................... 94 4 DEFYING FEMININITY: A DIFFE RENT KIND OF WOM AN....................................... 103 5 CONCLUSION..................................................................................................................... 129 APPENDIX DISCOGRAPHY.............................................................................................. 138 LIST OF REFERENCES............................................................................................................. 142 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.......................................................................................................147

PAGE 6

6 Abstract of Thesis Presen ted to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Master of Arts CROSS-DRESSED POETICS: LESSONS AND LI MITS OF GENDER TRANSGRESSIONS IN BRAZILIAN POPULAR MUSIC By Luciana C. Monteiro August 2007 Chair: Charles A. Perrone Major: Latin American Studies This thesis examines manifestations and imp lications of gender tran sgression in Brazilian popular music from c. 1966 until c. 2006. In late twentieth-century MPB ( Msica Popular Brasileira ) sexually ambiguous performances destabilize fixed gender id entities, question established notions of masculinity and femininity and provide a si te where artists and audiences can challenge heteronormativity. Focusing on verbal and non-verbal aspects of musical discourse of select contemporary singers and songwriters, I investigate the ways in which their works subvert and/or assert Brazilian societ ys hegemonic (hetero)sexist ideas. Influenced by the international countercult ure movements, young Brazilian music-makers were committed to fighting a double source of oppression: the moral trad itions of Brazilian society, as well as the repression posed by the authoritarian military dictatorship (1964). Successive generations followed the artistic lead of Chico Buarque and Tropicalist Caetano Veloso and have consistently defied hegemonic discursive practices in relation to gender and sexuality. Analysis of performances and lyrics produced over the past forty years reveals how the practice of cross-dressed poetics and the creation of ambiguous st age personae have contributed to the questioning of patriarchal values, female submission, masculine and feminine standards

PAGE 7

7 and the exclusivity of heterose xuality. Nevertheless, exhaustive repetition within commodity culture and social dynamics pose a limit to the su bversive potential of such artistic utterances. The fact that those defiant experiences occur in a select, carnivalized public space means that they do not necessarily translate into acceptance of personal gender transgressions or into sexual politics, and the preference in Br azil continues to be to keep unconventional sexuality as the unspeakable.

PAGE 8

8 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION AND LITERATURE REVIEW This thes is examines manifestations and imp lications of gender transgression in a central field of expressive culture in Brazil. In late twentieth-century Brazilian popular music sexually ambiguous performances destabilize fixed gender identities, question established notions of masculinity and femininity and provide a site where artists and audiences can challenge heteronormativity, which will be defined fully be low. Focusing on verbal and non-verbal aspects of musical discourselyrics, sound structure, and artistic performance, live / recordedof select contemporary Brazilian singers a nd songwriters, I investigate in which ways their works subvert and/or assert Brazilian societys hegemonic (hetero)sexist ideas. The verb al discourses contained in the songs examined in this investigation are readily accessible, as vocals are clear and understandable. Musical arrangemen ts never interfere w ith aural comprehension (as it can in certain genres, such dance music, heavy rock and others). The analysis of relevant artistic cases during a forty-year span, from c.1966 until c.2006, intends to demonstrate how a cross-dressed poetics manifest itself in composition and performa nce. Once established, each case of critique will be complemented by discussion of its impact on society on a broader level, according to the period of occurrence. A guiding hyp othesis for the present inves tigation is that despite the significant gains in proposing ne w and less rigid notions of gende r and sexuality, the traditional way Brazilian society operates poses a limit on the subversive potential of such artistic utterances, which often tend to be confined to and understood as part of a carnivalized space. Several key terms are introduced in this preamble and will be used throughout the chapters to follow. Most have been incorporated into discourses of gender and queer studies over the last several decades. Heteronormativity should be understood as those punitive rules (social, familial, and legal) that compel individuals to conform to dominant (hegemonic) heterosexual

PAGE 9

9 standards for identity. The te rm is a short version of normative heterosexuality Heteronormativity is strictly corre lated to gender conformity and rigid boundaries that separate feminine from masculine. The common-sense notion is that gender is a sign of sexual orientation, and policing gender functions as a way to secure heterosexuality. Sexist refers to having strict definitions of what pertains to female and male, often with implied bias. In the binary opposition between feminine and masculin e, the latter tends to enjoy a privileged position. Heterosexist is, in turn, a similar rigid and hier archical separation of heterosexual and homosexual. The terms carnivalized and carnivalesque derive from the Russian theorist Mikhail Bakhtin. They will be used here in regards to artistic expression that incorporates aspects of the rituals of carnival, such as eccentricity, role i nversions, and violations of generally accepted behaviors. When referring to Brazilian societ y, carnivalization also in corporates Roberto da Mattas idea that social life embodies the ambivale nces symbolized in the rituals of carnival, as well as double moral and behavioral standards that separate public conduct from private life. As for patriarchy the term is here taken to mean a soci al system established on the basis of the difference between masculinity and femininit y, where mens power stands in opposition to womens subjection. A conventional patriarchal relationship should be understood as having clear definitions of gender role s; both men and women are suppos ed to obey these rules. The adjective androcentric does not refer to human in general, rather it is used as applied in feminist theory and criticism, as a synonym for male-cente red, i.e., with respect to notions or discourses created by men which presuppose male intellec tual authority, denying female articulation. Gender trouble which is the title of Judith Butlers most influential publication, refers to identities that do not conform to the established notions of feminine and masculine. Although the term queer has been adopted for political purposes as referring to gay people, in the present

PAGE 10

10 study it is being used in a broader sense as identities that defy la beling and project attributes of both genders and distinct sexualities, not necessar ily in a linear correlation. A distinction must also be made between performativity and performance : according to Butler, while the latter presupposes a subject and is volitional, the form er denies the subject and is a compulsory repetition of established behavior al codes that ends up creating the category which it names. Gender performativity follows societys conventions and, through an exhaustiv e and controlled repetition, creates and solidifies gender categories themselves. These terms will occur in what follows with respect to composition (of music a nd/or lyrics), public pr esentation of songs, and reception of the same, by audiences and critics alike. Among the innovations introduced in Brazili an popular music in the 1960s was a challenge to traditionally stable gender identi ties. Noted artists essayed a new poetics with license for sexual ambiguities. With such modifi cations, those involved in music-making as well as their audiences carved out a socially accep table space for gender transgressions that could permit destabilization of fixed identities and of th e exclusivity of heterosexist discourses. In the late 1960s and early 1970s in Brazil, urban middle-class popular music was a site for major cultural transformations. With the emergence of the trend known by the acronym MPB (Msica Popular Brasileira ) c. 1966 several shifts in musical expression were consolidated. Changes were inspired both by political activism, prominent since 1962, and by in ternational ideas of counterculture, which began to ar rive in Brazil soon after their emergence abroad, primarily in the United States and England. For its part, MPB first developed under a nationalist flag, embracing authentic Brazilian popular music; ac oustically-based songs were composed in opposition to romantic pop and rock 'n' roll. Such an approach was held by some to comprise a rejection of cultural imperialism. A strict di stinction between "committed" and "alienated"

PAGE 11

11 production did not last long in the late 1960s, years of vibrant creativity and reinvention. The musical movement known as Tropiclia (which burst upon the scene in late 1967) played a major role in the blurring of lines between supposed ly opposing musical camps. Since the early 1960s, Brazilian youth had been expressi ng desires for social, political and behavioral change, and the work of young Tropicalist artists spoke to such a situation. This avan t-garde within MPB was marked by an overall strategy to query and to challenge received cu ltural values. The group broadened the meaning of MPB with the incorpor ation of elements of rock 'n' roll and other unaccustomed material, establishing a hybridism that would become a significant aspect of Brazilian popular music. With sexually ambi guous performances and adoption of androgynous motifs, the movements leading ar tists also played major roles in defying traditional notions of gender through art. In the devel opment of alternative gender appr oaches in popular music, Chico Buarque, for most the leading figure of MPB, an d Tropicalist Caetano Velo so stand as the most relevant names. Each artist projects a distinctiv e kind of gender trouble, and they still serve as models for successive generations of artists. Their main innovations were the adoption of a different gender point of view, thematic paradigm changes, and the construction of sexually ambivalent stage personae. Recognizing the centrality of his contribut ions, Chapter 2 examines Chico Buarques creation of female poetic person ae and offers an analysis of the ways in which the artist challenged gender thematic pattern s, confronting the androcentric canon of popular music. Since as early as 1965 Buarque has made original compositions adopting a womans point of view and exploring new subject matters. He questioned patr iarchal attitudes and ex pressed a variety of female subjectivities through such personae as the mother, the lover, the prostitute, and the lesbian. He subverted the estab lished strict co-relati on in popular music between the gender of

PAGE 12

12 the singer and the poetic I. Buarque not only composed songs from a womans point of view, he performed them from a female perspectiv e as well. The singer-songwriter established an inspiring example for new generations, and the mo st relevant cases will be examined in the following chapters. Chapter 3 covers male singers and songwr iters who were encouraged by Buarques artistic lead, and, through the incorporation of intern ational countercu ltural ideas, projected new models of masculinity. In this regard, Caetano Veloso can be considered the most productive name in MPB. As co-leader of tropicalismo with Gilberto Gil, he contributed to an overall renovation of themes and also adopted a female point of view as si nger/songwriter. More uniquely, Veloso brought to Braz ilian popular music the concept of a sexually-ambivalent stage persona. He should be noted as the artist responsible for queer ing the MPB scenario. Since 1968, he has consistently assumed publicly a personal image that resists fixe d gender identities and labeling, and, distinct from Buarque, his artistic persona is frequently associated with his private life. Sexually-ambiguous stage personae have also been adopted by other noted male artists, especially vocalist Ney Matogr osso and singer-songwriter Gilb erto Gil. The use of stage personae to challenge heterosexism gained full ex pression in the work of Matogrosso, who began performing in the early 1970s and would become th e first singer of main stream MPB to discuss openly his homosexuality. He mocked heterosexual and homophobic discourses through original gay and drag performances. His ever-changing masquerades were creative hybrids of emerging androgynous aesthetics with iconography from Brazi lian nature, which served his purpose of contesting the perception of homo sexuality as unnatural. For his part, Gil explored androgyny and spiritual fusion of masculine-feminine princi ples through lyrics a nd musical vehicles. Along with Veloso, Gil also played a major role in challenging the privileges of heterosexuality.

PAGE 13

13 Chapter 4 deals with the innovations achieved by select female vocalists and songwriters. Increased general interest in womens issues in MPB, along with a more progressive social and political context, helped to create opportunities for a new generation of female music-makers. In the late 1970s and the 1980s women songwrite rs found space to challe nge patriarchy, and to probe diverse female subjectivities, not necessarily constructed in relation to men or to their roles as romantic partners. Talented songsmiths such as Joyce, Ana Terra, Ftima Guedes and ngela R R dealt with themes such as motherhood, do mestic violence, and lesbianism. Mainstream female vocalists also contribute d to the projection of new mode ls of femininity. Tropicalists Maria Bethnia and Gal Costa gained acceptance fo r performances that included maintenance of masculine poetic I of the original compositions. In the years to come, more radical alternatives would be explored. In the 1980s artists such as Simone, Marina Lima, Sandra de S and ngela R R suggested lesbianism or bisexuality, forcefully projecting sexual ambivalence. They also subverted hegemonic discourses through the provocative performa nce of traditional machista or homophobic songs. The works of younger artists such as Adriana Calcanhoto and others prove that gender subversions continued to take pl ace within MPB from the 1990s until the mid 2000s. Singer-songwriter Ana Carolina constitutes an intere sting case of gender-role inversion, as she has consistently adopted an unusual masculine poe tic I in composition and performance alike. Having determined the practice of cross-dr essed poetics over the final decades of the twentieth century, the concluding chapter discusses musi cal activity in broader social perspective. Assuming that the artistic practice of unconventiona l gender and sexuality does not necessarily translate into sexual politics, questions are raised a bout the subversiv e potential of sexually-ambiguous performances. In this regard, it is important to consider the ways in which artists deal with public and pe rsonal boundaries, by adopting attitude s that confront or reinforce

PAGE 14

14 heteronormativity. In the analysis of the social and political limitations of deviating performances, it is also essential to bear in mind their carnivalesque nature, which informs the way they are culturally absorbed. The carniva lizing tradition of Brazilian society, where double moral standards prevail, sets limits on these defiant discourses, which may be accepted as transient hierarchical and beha vioral inversions. In this se nse, general theories of the development of Brazilian society also help to pu t gender issues in music into perspective and to bring into relief the limited e ffects of such performances. This thesis concerns in a general way two areas of inquiry within which there are substantial resources: Brazilian popu lar music and gender studies. As for the much more specific angle of investigation that or ients the present workthe in tersection of popular-music and gender studies in the case of one nationextant materials are re latively limited. There is an extensive bibliography on the contemporary Brazilian popular music known as MPB, which garnered special attention during its emergen ce in the sixties and became a defined area of interest for both national and international scho lars from a variety of disciplines. Along with theses and other scholarly works, popular-pre ss publications are also widely available: songbooks with studies, biographies, memoirs, periodical interviews and ar ticles, and, since the mid-1990s, websites. One non-academic source should be highlighted for its extensive research on sexuality and gender repres entations in popular music: Histria sexual da MPB: a evoluo do amor e do sexo na cano brasileira (2006) by journalist Rodrigo Faour. This volume contains close to six hundred pages of musical examples dealing with related themes since the 1920s. The book also provides numerous interviews w ith artists, topically-organized lists of songs and pages dedicated to album-cover illu strations since the 1950s. As for scholarly publications per se, there are few specific sources that tackle gende r issues head on and/or focus

PAGE 15

15 on the sexually transgressive nature of some prominent singer-songwriters performances. Scattered references are largely superficial or limited in scope, continuing to emphasize more celebrated aspects of Brazilian popu lar music, such as political im pact and the appropriation of foreign material. It is fair to say that a gap exists in critical coverage. Major publications that deal with homosexuality in Brazil, such as Devassos no paraso (2000) by Joo Silvrio Trevisan and James Greens Beyond Carnival: Male Homosexuality in Twentieth-Century Brazil (1999) do in fact look at unconventiona l musical expressions and their contributions toward defying hegemonic heterosexual discourse s on a broader social level. As a general overview of the history of Br azilian popular music, Jos Ramos Tinhoros Pequena histria da msica popular: da modinha cano de protesto (1978) is useful, as it provides explanations of the orig ins and development of the main genres of popular music within social and cultural contexts, although there is no specifically relevant information on issues of gender. In the fifth revised ed ition (1986), Tinhoro, known as one of the most prolific and rigorous investigators of the fi eld, goes beyond the seventies and includes coverage of genres that had gained more widespread popularity, su ch as country music, though gender is still scarcely considered. In the recent scholarly literature produced in Brazil, the collection Decantando a Repblica: inventrio histrico e poltico da cano popular moderna brasileira (Cavalcante et al., ed., 2004) ex emplifies different disciplinary approaches to popular music, offering historical, political, and sociological perspectiv es, including gender angles. Maria Clia Paolis essay Os amores citadinos e a ordenao do mundo pria: as mulheres, as canes e seus poetas examines how male songw riters have presented the everyday life of ordinary people, mostly in regards to love and intimacy. The author explores the ways in which popular song lyrics illustrate how men dea lt with womens changing roles in the Brazilian society. Another

PAGE 16

16 recent multidisciplinary compilation, Ao encontro da palavra cantada poesia, msica e voz (Matos et al., ed., 2001) tackles popular songs as cultural artifacts that can be analyzed from a variety of theoretical perspectives, from mu sicology and ethnomusicology, to anthropology, history, literature, and semiotics. In Dices malandras do samba, Cludia Matos develops the theme of gender relations within urban samba and presents the most frequent female stereotypes depicted in this musical genre. Manoel Berlincks article Sossega leo! Algumas consideraes sobre o samba como forma de cultura popular (1976) was a landmark study in this regard; it was the first academic study to analyze the roles of women in early urba n samba (from the 1920s to the early 1960s). As for Anglophone studies, Brazilian Popular Music and Globalization (2001), edited by Charles A. Perrone and Christophe r Dunn, is a valuable source of general information, especially about contemporary musical movements in the Br azilian Northeast, including Bahia. Various articles therein, whether concer ned with Tropiclia or more current musical phenomena such as Funk, are sensitive to gender articulations. With respect to the generation of Buarque, Veloso, Gil per se, Perrones seminal study Masters of Contemporary Brazilian Song: MPB 1965-1985 (1989) follows in many ways lines established by Brazilian critics Augusto de Campos and Affonso Romano de Santanna, cr ossing the bridge between liter ature and popular culture and analyzing popular songs as arti facts with both gene ral cultural and spec ifically literary significance. Masters contains significant analysis of so cial and political conjuncture, and specifically with regards to ge nder, there are two pivotal refe rences: Buarques creation of female lyrical personae and Gil s poetic motif of gender fusion. In the late 1960s and early 1970s Brazilia n countercultural move ments made serial reflections on Brazilian popular music, as studied by Christopher Dunn. His definitive account

PAGE 17

17 Brutality Garden: Tropiclia and the Em ergence of a Braz ilian Counterculture (2001) covers this specific musical movement, its interrelations with other arts, its Af ro-Diasporic connections, and its broad cultural legacy. Among the attitudes that em erged in the late 1960s, Dunn specifically notes an insubordina tion with respect to the rigidi ty of categories of gender and sexuality, which was instigated by North Am erican and European youth movements. He illustrates how Veloso and Gil expressed gende r ambiguity, androgyny and homosociability. The author believes that the presence of homoerotic ism in their works opened debates and criticized the Brazilian construc tion of masculinity. Within the international academy since 1990s th ere has been an incr eased interest in gender and sexuality as represented in popular cu lture. For the purposes of the present research, the most useful items are those that illustrate a pproaches to gender transgressions per se. Sheila Whiteley, who has been one of the most consis tent investigators in this field, authored Women and Popular Music: Sexuality, Identity and Subjectivity (2000), in which she examines examples of alternative gender-identity constructi ons, androgyny, and sexual ambivalence in the performances of Annie Lennox and k.d. lang. While Whiteleys approach is largely musicological and technical (with a proliferation of notated musical excerpts), it is accessible to non-musically trained readers. Whiteley also edited Sexing the Groove: Popular Music and Gender (1997), a compilation that covers a broad ra nge of disciplinary perspectives concerned with the analysis of gender, mainly in Britis h and North American pop, rock, and folk. Essays focused on some sort of gender trouble, such as sexual ambivalence in Mick Jaggers performance and androgyny in k.d. lang's stage pers onae, generate special interest by offering examples of theoretical approaches for the analysis of unconventional constructions of femininity and masculinity. A clear indication of the vitality of these themes is the special

PAGE 18

18 issue of Popular Music (Bradby and Laing, 2001) dedicated to Gender and Sexuality, with articles addressing such themes as homosexuality and homosociality in pop and rock music, sexual ambivalence, and feminism in the perf ormances of various groups. Within Englishlanguage academic discourse, the work of Fr ances Aparicio innovates by focusing on Latin American and U.S. Latino popular music. Her Listening to Salsa: Gender, Latin Popular Music, and Puerto Rican Cultures (1998) details the representati on of women in songs produced by Puerto Ricans or for this community. Through a fe minist close reading of the lyrics, along with the analysis of musical performance, the author investigates dominant discourses on gender in genres such as bolero, merengue, and salsa. She proposes to reveal the articulation of gender issues and the ways by which some prominent female singers and songwriters may subvert prevailing stereotypical imaginaries. Much of wh at she does can be brought to bear on other Latin American musics. Urban anthropologist Ruben George Oliven conducted research on malandragem comprising the lifestyle and values of urban hustlers, a main featur e of modern citified comportment (principally) in Rio de Janeiro. Oliven studied its expression in mid-century Brazilian popular music, and gender relations w ithin this subject. He has offered insightful information on the traditions of male and female representations in the samba. His articles A malandragem na msica popular brasileira ( 1984), The Production and Consumption of Culture in Brazil (1984) and The Woman Makes (And Breaks) the Man: The Masculine Imagery in Brazilian Popular Music (1988) are valuable resources in any investigation that seeks to unravel webs of gender intrigue. As for gendered angles on late twentieth-century Brazilian popular music, four sources are particularly valuable: Severino Joo Medeiros Albuquerque, Tentative Transgressions:

PAGE 19

19 Homosexuality, AIDS, and the Theater in Brazil (2004); Csar Braga-Pinto, Supermen and Chiquita Bacanas Daughters: Transgendered Voi ces in Brazilian Popular Music (2002); Maria Helena Sanso Fontes, Sem fantasia: masculinofeminino em Chico Buarque (2003); and Adlia Bezerra de Meneses, Figuras do feminino na cano de Chico Buarque (2000). Albuquerque deals with theatrical representati ons, yet he offers an extremely useful framework to understand gender, sexuality, and transgressive discourses in the realms of the expressive arts. In particular, the author highlights aspects of Brazilian culture or societ y that should be taken into consideration in the evaluation of the limited effects of unconventional representations. Albuquerque also refers to diffe rent genres, including popular mu sic, giving special emphasis, for instance, to the theatricality of Ney Matogr ossos stage performances. Fontes dedicated a monograph to the examination of Chico Buarques unusual lyrical approach to gender and of the ways he subverted the traditions of male-domin ated Brazilian songwrite rs. She details how the singer-songwriter established a new poetic stance by assuming womens point of view and by challenging common female stereotypes. Meneses is recognized for her extensive research on Chico Buarque, and she can be considered the songwriters best critic. The volume Figuras do Feminino is entirely dedicated to the examination of Buarques poetic motifs in regards to female characters. The critic notes the songwriters ru pture with traditional gender representation in Brazilian popular music. Her approach gives special attention to affective aspects, the analysis of Buarques romantic lyricism, and the ways in which male and female characters and narrators are represented within this theme. Both Meneses and Perrone emphasize the songwriters exceptional psychological and emotional insight in regards to gender relations, and more uniquely, to the feminine.

PAGE 20

20 Braga-Pintos insightful essay Supermen and Chiquita Bacanas Daughters: Transgendered Voices in Brazilian Popular Musi c is the first publicatio n to ponder together the experiences of prominent Brazilia n popular musical artists, fro m the late sixties and younger generations alike, who defied hegemonic a nd rigid gender identities while promoting the establishment of sexual ambivalence. Braga-Pint o develops this theme from a cultural-studies perspective, adding concepts from queer and gender theories in his analysis of those performances. The author points out that the in stability of gender pres entations in Brazilian popular music reveals the performative and provi sional nature of gender and sexual identity categories. Braga-Pinto also trie s to think beyond the stage and extract social meaning from these unusual artistic utterances. Among the artists investigated in this thesis, Chico Buarque is the one about whom exists the widest range of information and scholarly analysis. About Caetano Veloso and other gender or sexually transgressive singers-s ongwriters the only significant s ource available is the article by Braga-Pinto. It is thus necessary to show a cons istent pattern of artistic expression in multiple artists during the past forty year s to verify a trend. In the chapte rs that follow, we look at Chico Buarque, Caetano Veloso and a series of male a nd female singer-songwriters and performers to illuminate the particular phenomena and to eval uate their roles in generating gender trouble.

PAGE 21

21 CHAPTER 2 SHIFTING GENDER AND SEXUAL IDENTITY PARADIGMS In the subversion of trad itional gender approaches in popular music, Chico Buarque, the foremost figure of MPB, and Tropicalist leader C aetano Veloso, stand out as the most prominent names. Each artist conveys a di stinct kind of gender trouble, while both destabilize the cultural matrix of gender and sexuality. In this rega rd both singer-songwriters still inspire new generations of artists. Th e main contributions of Buarque ha ve been the adoption of different points of view vis--vis gender, the creation of fema le poetic personae and thematic paradigm changes. Chico Buarques adoption of diverse lyrical personae followe d directly from the political commitment he assumed in the aftermath of the military coup of 1964. He represented voices of subaltern and socially marginalized groups, and in his most innovative compositions, from 1966 forward, he frequently adopted a woma ns point of view to explore new thematic territory. He regularly questioned patriarchal attitudes and expressed a variety of female subjectivities through charac ters such as the wife, the mother, the lover, the pr ostitute and the lesbian. Scholars have debated Buarques motivation for assuming womens voices, yet there is a consensus on his attention to female oppression as an expression of his overall sympathy for subaltern groups: Buarque is noted for his crea tion of female lyric voices and of personae drawn from the marginalized sectors of Brazilian society: the socioeconomically disenfranchised, the exploited prolet ariat, and the inhabitants of the favelas (Perrone, Masters 38). However, different hypotheses have been formulated to expl ain better his poetic motifs and expressive modes. Steven Butterman (84) propose s that Buarque used allegorical representations and the carnivalesque to defy the military regi me and societys oppressive attitudes towards marginalized groups; inverting Brazilian society s rigid hierarchies and questioning the status

PAGE 22

22 quo. The songwriter gave space to traditionally excluded sectors and brought their daily lives to the center in a more sophisticated manner than did the second wave of Bossa Nova and cano de protesto His approach to gender is remarkable, and he created female characters like no other before. Maria Helena Sanso Fontes defends the position that in Buarques work, beyond his social commitment, there is also the unconsci ous presence of the Grand Feminine archetype, which informs his major creative output, marked by as imagens arquetpicas do feminino que se manifestam em seus aspectos duais, incluindo a figura acolhedora, maternal, sedutora e sua contraparte devoradora, persecutri a e aprisionante (176). From Fontes point of view, to those archetypes, the artist adds a concrete perspe ctive based on his own personal experiences. The present analysis of Buarques lyrics intends to show that even though the songwriter was innovative in the depth and breadth of female representation, a nd in the portrayal of womens subjectivities beyond androcentric st ereotypes, his work reflects a social imaginary with ideas of women as powerful and mysterious beings. Buarques own words c onfirm this fascination with women: A mulher um grande mistrio, tenho uma grande curiosidade em relao mulher, alma feminina, de como ela pensa, age. S ou um voyeur Gosto de ver como elas se movem, raciocinam, reagem. sempre uma surpresa Sou um curioso exatamente por desconhecer, querer saber e entender, e n o entender nunca. (qtd. in Faour 148) The examination of the consid erable material produced by Buarque using female voices indicates an extraordinary sophist ication in the construction of id entities. His songs are marked by a depth of perception of emotional, psyc hological, and social phenomena (Perrone, Masters 1) and his particular use of feminine voice distinguished his uncomm on psychological insight (Perrone, Seven 97). In this sense, his arti stic creations in the feminine demonstrate that he has an unusual ability to assume womens points of view, and differently from previous generations of male songwriters, he indeed portrays diverse female subjectivities. He complexifies gender

PAGE 23

23 issues in song like no one else. Prior to the analys is of Buarques compositions, a brief review of representation of female types in Brazilian popul ar songs in the generations preceding MPB is being offered in order to understand better the singer-songwriters main contributions in the subversion of gender representations, of andr ocentric discourses on women and based on established notions of masculinity. Representations of Women in Mid-Century Brazilian Popular Music The m ajority of studies related to gender re presentation in Brazilian popular music take the samba as the starting point since it represents the first fully articulated manifestation of vocal urban popular music. Richard Parker asserts that the creative environment for samba has been predominantly male dominated, tending to convey androcentric and sexist discourse, to portray women in a negative manner, according to masculine perspectives: Samba itself is created within a fundament ally male space: the popular bars where the predominantly male composers spend their free time, and where women who wish to avoid being labeled as putas or piranhas are unlikely to venture. Even the language, the poetry of samba is a kind of male discour se, which often focuses on the suffering and injustice imposed, it is cl aimed, upon men by women. (154) Manoel Berlincks article Sossega leo! Algumas consideraes sobre o samba como forma de cultura popular (1976) was the first acad emic study that attempted to map the role of women in early urban samba (c. 1920sc. 1960s). Th e author found that there were three basic female stereotypes prevailing in this tradi tion: a domstica, a piranha and a onrica. Women characters were stereotypically divide d first by their proper (home-makers) or improper behavior (sluts). The third model was an idealized figure (dreamboat), the unreachable muse that inspired the songwrite r. The first typea mulher domstica represented the dedicated housewife, concerned above all with the home and the well-being of the husband. She was the ideal woman for marriag e, submissive and passive, but also a strong maternal figure who had the necessary stability for the maintenance of an ordered life. Ruben

PAGE 24

24 Oliven concludes that what characterizes this ty pe of woman, besides her self-sacrifice, is her capacity to provide emotional security for men (Woman 95). Two emblematic characters became the icons for the domestic woman: Emlia and Amlia. The song Emlia (1941) composed by Ha roldo Lobo and Wilson Batista, illustrated a male ideal of the perfect housewife; the song co ncludes treating her essentially as a synonym for the category of woman : Eu quero uma mulher Que saiba lavar e cozinhar Que, de manh cedo Me acorde na hora de trabalhar .................................................. Ningum sabe igual a ela Preparar o meu caf No desfazendo das outras Emlia mulher. (qtd. in Berlinck 102) Using these two characters as examples, Mari a Clia Paoli claims that the ideal woman was the one who made mens life eas ier: Os primeiros grandes tipos de mulher que se tornaram populares so o oposto da que tem desejos: aquela que facilita as coisas (79). The representation of women found in twentieth-century urban popular music was defined by male composers: it naturally addressed mens needs an d did not intend to portray female subjectivity. The level of resignation of th e character in Ai que saudade s da Amlia (1942) by Ataulfo Alves and Mrio Lago was so exempl ary that she was referred to as a true woman. The aspect of emotional security was also emphasized in the line where she addressed the partner in a maternal way (meu filho): ............................................................... Voc s pensa em luxo e riqueza ............................................................... Ai, meu Deus, que saudades da Amlia ............................................................... s vezes passava fome ao meu lado

PAGE 25

25 E achava bonito no ter o que comer E quando me via contrariado, dizia: meu filho que se h de fazer? Amlia no tinha a menor vaidade Amlia que era mulher de ve rdade. (qtd. in Berlinck 102) The song became one of the top ten hits of 1942 (Mello and Severiano). It also became part of the repertoire standard s. The two songs established a comparison with other women who cannot be equal to these two mythical fi gures (Oliven, Woman 95). This kind of representation was typical of the 1940s and reflected mens needs in order to su rvive the hard times of World War II: A prova de que os tempos tinham mudado, e que os homens sabiam afinal avaliar a importncia de uma boa compa nheira disposta a enfrentar corajosamente a seu lado as dificuldades da vida (Tinhoro, Ms ica 8). Se acaso voc chegasse (1938) by Lupicnio Rodrigues and Felisberto Martins summ arizes a mans expectations about the ideal woman for these timesDe dia (me) lava a roupa / De noite (me) beija a boca. (qtd. in Berlinck 103). She was the one ready to perfor m the domestic service and to provide physical affection. According to Paoli these songs reflect the decline from the 1930s on of the romantic lyricism typical of the first three decades of the twentieth-century. Urban development was the main factor that contributed to a more pragmatic perspective on gender relations. As the cities grew and life became more complex, the ideal woman frequently turned out to be the one capable of providing security in a potentiall y dangerous environment: A figura da mulher cantada pelo compositor popular o caminho pelo qual se reflete sobre o amor e sobre a possibilidade do lar como um luga r reconhecido de intimidade a pa rtir do qual se pode habitar a cidade moderna (Paoli 77).

PAGE 26

26 The second stereotype defined by Berlinck was the opposite of the ideal housewife: a piranha (the slut). As the auth or analyses, this kind of repr esentation complements masculine needs under the patriarchal system the necessity of structural organization and the desire to escape it: a mulher domstica e a mulher piranha tm necessariamente que coexistir numa sociedade machista Coexistindo, possibilitam a liberdade masculina e o duplo padro moral da sociedade machista (Berlinck 111). The slu t was therefore constructed as the binary opposite to the domestic woman: fidelidade se ope a infidelidade; submisso se ope no a igualdade, mas a traio; a pureza se ope ao pe cado (Berlinck 106). In samba repertories, the theme of female betrayal was one of the most common, and song texts tended to emphasize mens loyalty and sincerity, in contrast to womens dishonesty. Infidel idade (1947) by Ataulfo Alves and Amrico Seixas offers a typical exampl e: So falsas na maioria / E quando o homem confia / Em tudo o que a mulher diz / Eis a tr aio consumada / Uma vida desgraada. (qtd. in Berlinck 106). Sometimes the woman would s how remorse for her actions, thus giving the man the chance to disdain her, as for example in Pecadora by Jair Costa and Joo da Portela: Vai pecadora arrependida / Vai tratar da tua vida / / Eu quero um amor perfeito / Pra aliviar o meu peito. (qtd. in Berlinck 107).1 As pointed out by Paoli, this type of woman was frequently associated with danger in songs that depicted fear, suffering, abandonmen t, and deception. The most dangerous woman was the one who could even interfere in the songwr iters work and his artistic creation: [Ela] faz o poeta perder-se em paixes es treis, subjugado aos caprichos fe mininos (Paoli 83). Lupicnio Rodrigues became known for his insistence on this theme. His songs illustrated what Oliven 1 Recording information on this composition is scarce. Berlinck makes reference to the 1965 recording by the group Conjunto A voz do morro (Roda de samba ; VM 1). Singer Elizeth Cardoso also recorded the song in the same year ( Elizeth sobe o morro ; EC 1).

PAGE 27

27 refers to as the other side of the powerful woman: If it is the woma n who makes the man, she also has the power to break him and it is here that the danger lies (Woman 96). With Nervos de ao (1947) the songwriter started a series of compositions focusing on dor de corno (the pains of the cuckold): Voc sabe o que te r um amor / Meu senhor? / Ter loucura por uma mulher / E depois encontrar esse amor / / No s braos de outro qualque r. (qtd. in Oliven, Woman 104). The song Vingana (1951) alth ough first recorded by a female singer, Linda Batista, also dealt with the same issues, and the best vengeance imagined by Rodrigues was to throw her back in the streets, thus denying her patriarchal protection: Eu gostei tanto Tanto quando me contaram Que lhe encontraram Chorando e bebendo Na mesa de um bar ..................................................................................................... Mas enquanto houver fora em meu peito eu no quero mais nada S vingana, vingana, vi ngana aos santos clamar Voc h de rolar como as pedras que rolam na estrada Sem ter nunca um cantinho de seu pra poder de scansar (qtd. in Oliven, Woman 105) Finally in Nunca (1952) he dramatically refu sed to give an offending woman a second chance ever: Nunca / Nem que o mundo caia sobre mim / Nem se Deus mandar / Nem mesmo assim / As pazes contigo eu farei. (qtd. in Oliven, Woman 106). Several of his songs later became a fertile terrain for female singers to reverse the machista discourse by inverting the gender positions. The third representation, a mulher onrica, belonged to the world of imagination. She was the adored and idealized muse, impossible to attain. Berlinck remarks that this female character lacked individuality or any subjective elements. By be ing inaccessible, she inspired themes such as solitude and endless search, and because she was never a figure in the present, songs in this paradigm tended to take place in a pr ojected future or a nosta lgic past. In this group

PAGE 28

28 the author includes the famous Garota de Ipanema (1962) because it illustrates a platonic passion. In fact, this representation was the most frequent in the Bossa Nova movement during the late 1950s and 1960s, showing a return to some of the romantic lyricism of the beginning of the century. Another important element to bear in mind for the analysis of gende r representations in urban samba is the character of the Brazilian malandro (rogue, urban hustler, trickster) and the values associated with living his lifestyle ( malandragem ). Oliven provides a summary of the roots of malandragem : [Esta] se constituiu simultaneamente em estratgia de sobrevivncia e concepo de mundo atravs das quais alguns segm entos das classes suba lternas se recusam a aceitar a disciplina e a monotonia associadas ao universo do trabalho assalariado (Malandragem 70). Several samba composers were malandros whose lyrics reflected their values. Cludia Matos states that even though malandros are still present in samba imagination today, its apex was in the 1930s, a time that she considers sua fase urea e mais tpica (62). After that, the typical malandro changed in order to adapt to the efforts at social control of the dictatorship of Getlio Vargas (1937), and to the economic di fficulties of the 1940s and 1950s. The analysis conducted by Oliven of gender representations from the perspective of malandragem led to the stereotypes presented by Be rlinck. Prior to the late 1930s, the ideal woman should be able to earn a living for the couple, since the malandro still sought to refrain from engaging in a working routine. This kind of woman would be the one to evolve to the model of the domestic woman in the following decades, becoming the perfect housewife for the redeemed malandro then under pressure to become part of the labor force to survive in the new economic scenario. It is also important to remark that the Vargas regime exercised very

PAGE 29

29 significant control over the countrys radio stations, and, highly influenced by Positivism, tried to eliminate the tendency of the sambistas to praise malandragem Thus, on one hand, it encouraged composers to exalt labor and, on the other hand, to abandon eulogies to malandragem (Oliven, Production 109). It was in th is conjuncture that songs praising the qualities of the ideal housewife, the kind of woman who helped man to adapt to the new structure, were composed. Her opposite, like Berlincks mulher piranha, was an ambivalent figure, a source of pleasure, but also of a danger represented by th e potential of betrayal Oliven describes the domestic woman as belonging to the orderly structure, while the second was the one who addressed the malandros desire for escaping the monotony of the daily routine. In this sense, there is a convergence with Berlinck s point of view in that they constituted the two sides of the same patriarchal system: A figura feminina essencial e ambivale nte, representando, por um lado, uma fonte potencial de prazer na condio de aman te, mas significando tambm, na mesma condio, a mulher piranha que, ao abandonar o malandro, o transfor ma em otrio. Num plo oposto, a mulher representa menos o prazer e mais a instituio da famlia enquanto aparelho ideolgico de esta do. (Oliven, Malandragem 80) In typical malandro songs the female character similar to the mulher piranha is both his partner and his antagonist, and the configuration of gender re lations are not based on an opposition between mens loyalty and womens dishonesty: Ao contrrio do sujeito do samba lrico-amor oso, que se prope como essencialmente sincero, em contraposio maniquesta falsidade da mulher, o discurso malandro basicamente mentiroso, resultando numa esp cie de paridade (a)moral entre o heri e sua parceira/antagonista: a mu lher malandra. (Matos 70) However, because some of the main attributes associated with malandragem are machismo and manhood, along with cleverness, womens betrayal re presents a potential for men to lose their status.

PAGE 30

30 With respect to point of view in the traditions of popular music up to the late 1960s there was a strict correlation between the gender of a singer and the one expressed in the lyrics. Almost all compositions were created by men using a masculine poetic I, but many songs were created in the feminine to be performed by fema le singers, especially during the boom of the radio singers in the 1940s and 1950s. Neverthe less, songs generally expressed the typical imagery discussed above, and women might have to perform misogynous and machista songs. In the 1930s, reflecting malandro values, violence against women was a frequent theme; Faour lists an entire page of examples of songs dealing wi th battery (503). Even female singers such as Carmen Miranda sometimes performed songs with violent content that ended up leading the listener to believe that they liked it. Miranda recorded Andr Filhos Mulato de qualidade (1932), in which the female voice lists the qualities of her lover, among them the beating he gave her: Vivo feliz, no meu canto sossegada / Tenho amor, tenho carinho, oi / Tenho tudo at pancada / / Eu gosto dele porque ele um mu lato de qualidade (qtd. in Faour 105). Several of these compositions that established a presence on the radio or on record reinforced, or even defended, the existence of double moral standa rds for men and women. Carmem Costa, for example, performed Sacode a lapela (1955), co mposed by Mirabeau and Jorge Gonalves: O homem sacode a lapela / t tudo bem / A poeira cai / A mulher quando perde a linha / Pode lavar que a mancha no sai (qtd. in Faour 103). Di rcinha Batista in Klecius Caldas and Armando Cavalcantis A mulher que mulher (1954) ra tified these values, and stated that a real woman should always forgive mans faults: A mulher que mulher / N o quer saber de intriga / / No deixa o lar toa / A mulher que mulh er / Se o homem errar perdoa (qtd. in Faour 101). ngela Maria recorded a song by Cyro Montei ro and Dias da Cruz whose title projected her as mans property: Meu dono, meu rei (1952; Faour 106).

PAGE 31

31 Such attitudes, although prevalent, were not absolutely dominant in mid-century repertories. There is one especially notabl e exception: Errei, sim (1950) composed by Herivelto Martins and recorded by Dalva de Oliv eira. The song is somewhat progressive for its time due to the songwriters unusual sympathy for the transgressive female character. Although the woman admitted her infidelity as a mistake and a source of shame for her partner, alluding to a comparison with Mary Magdalene, she blamed the man for her act: Errei, sim Manchei o teu nome Mas foste tu mesmo o culpado Deixavas-me em casa Me trocando pela orgia Faltando sempre com a tua companhia Lembro-te agora Que no s casa e comida Que prende por toda vida O corao de uma mulher As jias que me davas No tinham nenhum valor Se o mais caro me negavas Que era todo o teu amor Mas se existe ainda quem queira me condenar Que venha logo a primeira pedra atirar (MB 3)2 Eliane Moraes, who extended th e period of analysis of fema le representation from 1964 until 1979, reached similar conclusions to the prev ious studies of Berlinck and Oliven, proving the resilience of these stereotypes. According to the author, song lyrics tended to portray women with no individuality. They were objectif ied, homogenized into a noun (mulher no substantivo): nem sempre tem contornos defi nidos, e muitas vezes sua nica identidade seu sexo (57). In this sense, women came to exist through the male gaze and their identities were defined solely by mens sentiments towards them. Moraes claims that a vast majority of popular songs leads to the dichotomy of the woman as a saint or a prostitute, and belonging to one or 2 Codes refer to recordings as listed in the discography included in the Appendix.

PAGE 32

32 another category is determined by whether they insp ire love or desire. It is against this backdrop that the MPB generation of Buarque begins to compose. Chico Buarque: Female Poetic Personae Chico BuarqueFrancisco Buarque de Hollanda (b. 1944)has a vast list of songs that innovatively deal with gender relations, m asculinity and femininity, either from a masculine or a neutral perspective. The present analysis will be limited to the songs that involve gender transgressions as conveyed in the creation and/or performance of female poetic personae. Songs created for dramas and films are examined detached from their original contexts, mainly because such was the typical reception sc enario. Moreover, as Charles Pe rrone states, Several of the songs Buarque wrote are suffici ently unified in themselves to be taken as autonomous lyric texts. The language and allusions of many s ongs is non-specific enough to allow individual consideration despite dramatic intentions ( Lyric 176). Exceptions will be made when the dramatic intentions may help explain lyrical contents and symbolisms or create specific performance utterances. In Com acar, com afeto (1966) Buarque in augurated his creation of female personae. The lyrics depict the efforts and frustration of a housewife who craves the attention of her indifferent husband: Com acar, com afeto, fi z seu doce predileto / Pr a voc parar em casa, qual o qu / Com seu terno mais bonito, voc sai, no acredito. (CB 6). W ith this portrayal of a relationship operating under traditional patria rchal values, the songwriter denounces womens submission to mens will. The song reveals a pa ssive and resigned woman, restricted to the domestic sphere, whose role was to wait for the husband while he explored the outside world. As Adlia Bezerra de Meneses indi cates: Esse [ o] tipo de mulh er, que de uma perspectiva masculina fica em casa descansando Se u campo de ao se estende at onde vo as paredes de sua casa, enquanto o domnio do homem a rua (46). Behaving properly as a good

PAGE 33

33 wife, she receives him back home with no anger. She shows compassion for the harsh ways the streets have treated the husband and offers nourishment through c ooking and affection: E ao lhe ver assim cansado, maltrapilho e maltratado / Qu ando for me aborrecer, qual o qu / Logo vou esquentar seu prato, dou um beijo em seu retr ato / E abro os braos pra voc (CB 6). The situation depicted here by Buarque is typical of conventional popular songs and relates to the stereotype of the domestic wo man. However, as emphasized by Meneses, his change of perspective and the adoption of the fema le point of view, reflected his solidarity with women. By generating sympathy for the victim of this kind of imbalanced relationship, the song ultimately denounced the oppression under patriarc hy. Another gender representation that would become a consistent element in Buarques works a ppeared in this songthe contrast of childish and weak men with strong and powerful women, capable of rescuing them: Quando a noite enfim lhe cansa, voc vem feito criana / Pra chor ar o meu perdo. (CB 6). The song Joana Francesa (1973) illustrate s this aspect, but adds another di mension to womens power: they can be both fascinating and fearful, a source of pleas ure and fear: Geme de prazer e de pavor / / Vem molhar meu colo / Vou te consol ar / Vem, mulato mole. (CB 14). In Sem fantasia (1967) the songwriter o ffers a similar approach, and the woman addressed her male lover as a foolish and weak boy: Vem, meu menino vadio, vem, sem mentir pra voc Vem, mas vem sem fantasia que da noite pro dia Voc no vai crescer .................................................................................... Vem que eu te quero fraco, vem que eu te quero tolo Vem que eu te quero todo meu. (CB 8) The song evolves into an interest ing dialogue in which the male ch aracter explains the efforts he made to become a grown up man in order to conquer her. The situ ation evokes a classic manhood initiation rite, common in fairy tales, in which the desire for the woman implies facing

PAGE 34

34 and defeating the father: o impele a ir contra o pai, para a conquista da mulher (Meneses 103). The last lines are a clear allusi on to the myth of Oedipus: Eu quero te mostrar as marcas que ganhei nas lutas contra o rei / Nas discusses com Deus, e agora que cheguei eu quero a recompensa / Eu quero a prenda imensa dos car inhos teus (CB 8). These three songs exemplify the songwriters inspiration for creating female char acters that resemble the maternal figure: in the first she desires the husband as a child (vem feito criana); in the second, she invites him to molhar meu colo; and in the la st, she calls him meu menino. In Sem acar (1975), Buarque returned to the theme of female oppression under patriarchy, and illustrated how women became object s and victims of mens fleeting desires: ........................................................................................ Dia mpar tem chocolate, dia par eu vivo de brisa Dia til ele me bate, dia santo ele me alisa Longe dele eu tremo de amor, na presena dele me calo Eu de dia sou sua flor, eu de noite sou seu cavalo A cerveja dele sagrada, a vontade dele a mais justa A minha paixo piada, sua risada me assusta. (CB 8) The lyrics call attention to wome ns passive role in traditional relationships; throughout the song the female narrator does not take any action, merely reacting to the mans attitudes and wills: A vida da mulher reativa s atitudes masculin as dependente, exclusivamente, da soberana vontade do macho (Meneses 51). Showing his co mmitment to denouncing female frustration, Buarque left a more direct critique for the final lines, in which he exposed her loneliness, the unsatisfied sexual needs, and th e lack of communication: Sua boca um cadeado e meu corpo uma fogueira / Enquanto ele dorme pesado eu rolo sozinha na esteira. (CB 8). The mans ignorance of her hidden desire s is implicitOu nem me de smancha o vestido, ou nem me adivinha os desejos.and emphas ized in the performance by a final repetition of the last line (e nem me adivinha os desejos).

PAGE 35

35 Both Com acar, com afeto and Sem acar illustrate how Buarque inverted a typical male perspective on gender relations and ca lled attention to women s dissatisfaction with the traditional model of relati onship. In Cotidiano (1971), Buarque presented, from a mans point of view, how the wife embodied the mono tony of the daily routine, supporting the model discussed by Berlinck and Oliven. Nevertheless, instead of praising the m odel as established in songs like Emlia and Ai que saudades da Am lia, Buarques lyrics discover an ambivalence or alternative way to interpret a common situatio n. Perpetuated to satisfy mens needs, traditional relationships end up imprisoning them in a monot onous routine. Even though the male narrator of Cotidiano expresses a profound unhappiness, he could not imagine a different way of living, especially because it would mean giving up the gains and the security provided by patriarchy: Todo dia eu s penso em poder parar / Meio-dia eu s penso em dizer no / Depois penso na vida pr levar / E me calo com a boca de feijo (CB 9). In both sugar songs written from the female perspective, Buarque reiterates this theme, depi cting womens dissatisfaction under the same system. There was also a sense of evol ution to be noted in these songs. If in Com acar, com afeto (1967) Buarque was merely e xposing the reality, then later in Sem acar (1975), he went one step further, openly pointing to womens frustr ations. Composed in the same time period, Gota dgua (1975) would finally re flect a sort of female ultimatumthe woman announces that the party may be over and men s abuses will not be tolerated anymore: J lhe dei meu corpo, minha alegria J estanquei meu sangue quando fervia Olha a voz que me resta Olha a veia que salta Olha a gota que falta Pro desfecho da festa ............................................................... Deixa em paz meu corao Que ele um pote at aqui de mgoa

PAGE 36

36 E qualquer desateno, faa no Pode ser a gota dgua (CB 8) Tatuagem (1972), composed in collaboration with Ruy Guerra, offered an ambivalent representation of women. At first glance, the woman seems to be completely submissive to the man and his will, even proposing to become his slav e. At the same time, she threatens him with a powerful presence that could not be erased, ther efore becoming an integral part of his body, like a tattoo. Playing with ambiguity, it proposes that beneath her fe igned subservience, the woman was in fact in control, able to inflict both pleasure and pain: Quero ficar no teu corpo feito tatuagem ..................................................................... E tambm pra me perpetuar em tua escrava Que voc pega, esfrega, nega, mas no lava ..................................................................... Quero pesar feito cruz nas tuas costas Que te retalha em postas mas no fundo gostas Quero ser a cicatriz risonha e corrosiva Marcada a frio, ferro e fogo Em carne viva. (CB 3) Palavra de mulher (1985) was direct in exposing womans power over mans emotions and in expanding her domain beyond the domes tic universe. She could come and go as she wished, claiming back her place in his life whenever she wanted: .................................................................. Vou chegar A qualquer hora ao meu lugar E se uma outra pretendia um dia te roubar Dispensa essa vadia ................................................................... Meu amor, eu vou partir De novo e sempre, feito viciada Eu vou voltar. (CB 13) The song confirms a commonplace of the social imaginary, the competitiveness for men among women, thus reinforcing an important aspect of the patriarchal system. According to Hlne

PAGE 37

37 Cixous, androcentric discourses have undermin ed solidarity among women, maintaining the ideal conditions for perpetuating mens power and domination over women: Men have committed the greatest crime agains t women. Insidiously, violently, they have led them to hate women, to be their own enemies, to mobilize their immense strength against themselves They have made for women an antinarcissism [and] have constructed the infamous logic of antilove. (349) Nevertheless, Palavra de mulher also offered an original possibility for transgressing gender norms. Through an innovative role inversion, the woman gained the streets, and could travel the world experimenting with things traditionally perceived as mens prerogative: Posso at / Sair de bar em bar, falar besteira / E me e nganar / Com qualquer um deitar. (CB 13). The pain of broken relationships has been one of the most frequent themes in Buarques compositions, depicted from the perspectives of both male and female. Atrs da porta (1972) is an early example of a song from a womans point of view. The central to ne is dramatic, with lyrics reflecting profound despair: Quando olhaste bem nos olhos meus E teu olhar era de adeus Juro que no acreditei ........................................................... E me arrastei e te arranhei E me agarrei nos teus cabelos Nos teus pelos, teu pijama Nos teus ps ao p da cama Sem carinho, sem coberta No tapete atrs da porta Reclamei baixinho. (CB 2) Feelings of despair involved in separation, of course, are not exclusive to songs written from a womans point of view, Fontes emphasizes them as a prominen t characteristic of Buarques poetics. Retrato em branco e preto (1968; CB 7), Trocando em midos (1978; CB 5) and Eu te amo (1980; CB 14) are just a few exam ples of compositions that reflected mens profound suffering.

PAGE 38

38 If in Atrs da porta the wo man was shown in a defeated position, later in Olhos nos olhos (1976), Buarque would offe r a contrasting image, depict ing a woman who had regained her forces and even enjoyed a taste of revenge: ........................................................................ Quis morrer de cime, quase enlouqueci Mas depois, como era de costume, obedeci .................................................................... Olhos nos olhos Quero ver o que voc faz Ao sentir que sem voc eu passo bem demais Tantas guas rolaram Quantos homens me amaram Bem mais e melhor que voc ......................................................................... Quero ver o que voc diz Quero ver como suporta me ver to feliz. (CB 10) As noted by Meneses, Olhos nos olhos could be considered a later representation of the same character depicted in Atrs da porta, since the womans physical movements reflected a continuation of the actions por trayed in the earlier song: A mulher no incio [de Atrs da porta] est no mesmo nvel que o homem, olhos nos olhos; quando se instaura o adeus, ela co mea a baixar e va i caindo ela est literalmente no cho. Aniquilada Mas vamo s encontrar essa mesma personagem como protagonista de uma cano posterior, Olhos nos Olhos em que, levantada do cho, ela est de novo no mesmo nvel do ho mem, olhos nos olhos. (95) The pain of separation reached an extreme in Pedao de mim (1977), and its intensity was compared to losing a body part. The allusion to a mothers loss of her child enhanced the dramatic content: Que a saudade o revs de um parto / A saudade arrumar o quarto / Do filho que j morreu. (CB 13). By capturing th e sentiments involved in motherhood, Buarque showed his commitment to portraying situations from a female subject position. The fear of separation becomes so intense that there is a projected desire of communion after death: O apelo final que configura a entrega do ser que no quer ser mutilado e em lugar da separao ...

PAGE 39

39 existe a fuso propiciada pela morte (Fontes 43) : Leva os olhos meus / Que a saudade o pior castigo / E eu no quero levar comigo / A mortalha do amor / Adeus (CB 13). Another song that offered the female pers pective on the pains of a broken relationship was Bastidores (1980), in which Buarque depict ed dramatic and contrasting feelings, from despair to relief, from sadness to anger. As pointed out by Fontes, the songwriter explored contrasting sides of the same situation, using ba ckstage as a metaphor for destruction, and the stage for construction: Dicotomicamente, h a presena da mesma dor que destri (nos bastidores) e constri (no palco) O poeta en fatiza os paradoxos das situaes geradas pela mesma dor (45). This song reinforces the critic al perspective of Buar que when dealing with prototypical situations and the ways by which he moves beyond common sense, adding emotional complexity when depicting female subjectivity: ............................................... Chorei, chorei At ficar com d de mim E me tranquei no camarim Tomei o calmante, o excitante E um bocado de gim. (CB 14) After an initial desperation, when the crying is followed by ingestion of alcohol and drugs, the woman expresses her anger and re solution to move on, enjoying the pleasure of being the one to control men when performing on the stage. The s ong thus refers to an archetypical situation the empowerment of the performerin which the as pect of seduction is hi ghlighted for her being a woman presenting to a masculine audience: ............................................... Amaldioei O dia em que te conheci Com muitos brilhos me vesti Depois me pintei, me pintei Me pintei, me pintei ...............................................

PAGE 40

40 No me troquei Voltei correndo ao nosso lar Voltei pra me certificar Que tu nunca mais vais voltar Vais voltar, vais voltar ................................................ Cantei, cantei Jamais cantei to lindo assim E os homens l pedindo bis Bbados e febris A se rasgar por mim. (CB 14) Later in Anos dourados (1986) Buarque adop ted a different tone from the previous works, and offered a mature womans perspective on old love affairs. The tone of desperation of the earlier songs was replaced by nostalgic sentimen ts and the realization of the impossibility of recovering emotions that bel ong to the past as memory: ...................................... Na fotografia Estamos felizes ...................................... Me vejo a teu lado Te amo? No lembro Parece dezembro De um ano dourado Parece bolero Te quero, te quero Dizer que no quero Teus beijos nunca mais (MB 2) Mil perdes (1983) should be consider ed a major breakthrough in the typical heterosexual love discourse. Buarque explored womens transgressive be havior, in an unusual inversion of values, where the man was blamed for the womans infidelity, resembling the approach of Herivelto Martins in Errei, sim. Nevertheless, unlike that song, the man in Mil perdes was not criticized for his lack of attention. Instead it was his obsession with controlling the woman and his jealousy that ended up impelling her to lie:

PAGE 41

41 Te perdo Por fazeres mil perguntas .. Por me amares demais ... Te perdo por ligares Pra todos os lugares De onde eu vim ................................................................... Por quereres me ver Aprendendo a mentir (te mentir, te mentir) ................................................................... Te perdo Por te trair. (CB 4) Mil perdes was composed for Braz Chediaks movie Perdoa-me por me trares (1983), based on Nelson Rodrigues controversial play of 1957. A dopting the sarcastic tone of the playwright, Buarque mocks Brazilian societys bourgeois family values, and the song proposes an overall inversion of common sense ethics: O avesso da concepo do perdo que ironicamente se destina ao trado e no ao traidor (Fontes 56). Nelson Rodrigues plays were consistently characterized by a sharp criticism of traditional family values. His emphasis on clandestine sexually transgressiv e behaviors practiced by apparent ly normal members of the society, associated with a dark, and sometimes perverse, sense of humo r, gave the author a reputation as a poeta maldito (Prado, Dci o 53). Rodrigues plays are known for their insistence on controversial issues; Severino Albuquerque lists among the favored themes: incest, prostitution, infidelity, false moralit y, the meaning of obscenity, and chastity as inseparable from depravity (70). As Rodrigues himself declared: So obras pestilentas, ftidas, capazes por si ss, de produzir o tifo e a mal ria na platia (qtd. in Prado, Dcio 136). In contrast with Buarques earlier compositions, the woman in Mil perdes is anxious to escape routine and to explore the outside world, while the man was left to wait: Te perdo / Quando anseio pelo instante de partir / E rodar exuberant e e me perder de ti / / Te perdo / Por contares

PAGE 42

42 minhas horas / Nas minhas demoras por a. ( CB 4). Her response to the lovers suffering was almost sadistic and she laughed while he cried: Te perdo porque choras / Quando eu choro de rir. (CB 4). Although the female subject is not explicit, the contex t leads to this portrayal in at least two lines: in por bateres em mim, which showed the subject as the victim of physical violence; and in [eu] anseio por rodar e xuberante that alluded to the movement of a provocative skirt or dress. Buarque has confirmed that he has always re frained from adopting a judgmental attitude towards women, even when dealing with tran sgressions: Com um amigo que faa uma coisa terrvel, voc rompe. Mas a mulher fazendo, voc releva um pouco, porque pode haver algum motivo de mulher que talvez voc no entenda, algu ma coisa por trs (qtd. in Faour 148). The songwriter provides an opportunity to question the males contribution to female behaviors, and more importantly, he suggests the impossibility for men to capture fully the nuances of female subjectivity. In Sob medida (1979), Buarque depicts another woman who ha s transgressed the norms and plays with the inversion of traditional gender values. Mocking the machista popularmusic discourses that establ ish the model of the ideal woman based on resignation and submission, the perfect woman, as defined in th is song by the female subject, was the one who matched the man in his misbehavior: Eu sou sua alma gmea / Sou sua fmea / Seu par, sua irm / Eu sou seu incesto / Seu jeito, seu gesto / Sou perfeita porque / Igualzinha a voc / Eu no presto. (SO 5). In his innovative characterization of the pe rfect woman (indicated in the title meaning custom/tailor-made), Buarque alludes to some of the typical attributes of the malandro established in the golden age of samba treacherous, vulgar, mischievous, with the necessary abilities to survive in the streets:

PAGE 43

43 ....................................... Traioeira e vulgar Sou sem nome e sem lar Sou aquela Eu sou filha da rua Eu sou cria da sua Costela Sou bandida Sou solta na vida E sob medida Pros carinhos seus Meu amigo Se ajeite comigo E d graas a Deus ....................................... Voc tem o amor Que merece (SO 5) This woman ties in with what was mentioned by Matos in regards to female characters that match the malandroa mulher malandrathe one who an tagonizes men for having the same mischievous abilities. Nevertheless, because Bu arque adopted the womans perspective in a nonjudgmental way, instead of demonizing her, the lyrics conveyed an assertion of the females right to enjoy the same lifestyle. O meu amor (1978) broke with traditional discourses in a different way, by dealing with explicit erotic content, still unusual for that time. Meneses underlines the bodily criteria: Uma disputa entre duas mulheres que amam o mesmo homem as exibe medindo o grau de envolvimento amoroso pelo critrio exclusivo do prazer fsico proporcionado pelo amado (71): O meu amor tem um jeito manso que s seu De me deixar maluca quando me roa a nuca E quase me machuca com a barba malfeita E de pousar as coxas entre as minhas coxas Quando ele se deita, ai O meu amor tem um jeito manso que s seu De me fazer rodeios, de me beijar os seios Me beijar o ventre e me deixar em brasa. (CB 5)

PAGE 44

44 Even though the song again invokes the theme of female competition, it conveys a rupture with traditional gender approaches by openly dealing with womens sexuality from their own perspective. It shows an appr opriation of their own bodies a nd the right to receive sexual pleasure: Eu sou sua menina, viu? E ele o meu rapaz / Meu corpo testemunha do bem que ele me faz. (CB 5). Sentimental (1985) offered an interesting contrast between masculine and feminine principles: De um lado as foras de aniquil ao e da guerra; de outro um canto feminino reivindicando com urgncia seu quinho de felicidade (Meneses 54). A superficial reading could simply point to a sexist perspective in which women are associated with sentimentalism, but there is a defiance of oppressive modes associated with me n: E naquilo que uma leitura apressada poderia no vislumbrar seno alienao, na realidade pode-se detectar uma ruptura com a situao, uma recusa radical opresso, uma fo rma de resistncia (Meneses 54). In this sense, the lyrics question ruling the worl d in accordance with masculine values, the meaningfulness of violence and wars, especially when compared to the individual and urgent needs and hopes of a sixteen-year old girl: Ah, eu hei de ser Terei de ser ............................................ Que se o mundo acabar Eu ainda no fui feliz Atrapalhem os ps Dos exrcitos, dos pelotes Eu no fui feliz Desmantelem no cais Os navios de guerra Eu ainda no fui feliz Paralisem no cu Todos os avies urgente, eu no fui feliz Tenho dezesseis anos. (CB 13)

PAGE 45

45 Another innovation introduced by Buarque wa s the female perspective on motherhood, an infrequent theme, especially among male -authored songs. In O meu guri (1981) he impersonated a mother whose love and pride fo r her son made her blind to his criminal life: ...................................................................... Chega suado e veloz do batente E traz sempre um presente pra me encabular Tanta corrente de ouro, seu moo Que haja pescoo pra enfiar Me trouxe uma bolsa j com tudo dentro Chave, caderneta, tero e patu Um leno e uma penca de documentos Pra finalmente eu me identificar, olha a Olha a, ai o meu guri, olha a. (CB 1) Adopting his typical sympathy for societys marginalized individuals, the songwriter denounced the difficulties of a poor single mother: J foi nascendo com cara de fome / E eu no tinha nem nome pra lhe dar. Perrone suggest s that Buarque used irony as a t ool for social criticism: The limited perspective of the fictive voi ce generates a strong dramatic irony ( Masters 39). Through the mothers expressions of admiration, the narrator unwittingly denounces the adversity of life in shantytowns and discloses the narrown ess of her own perspective (Perrone, Masters 40). On the other hand, it could be argue d that Buarque, from his so cially privileged position, characterizes the subaltern subjec t as helpless, nave and ignorant Yet, it does not diminish his importance in bringing these individuals and thei r problems to the center, giving space to the representation of the silenced subalt ern. As noted by Gayatri Spivak ( The Spivak Reader ), because the subalterns attempts to self-represent are not under stood within the institutional conditions of representation, they can only be he ard through the elite. In this sense, Buarque played an important role at this time in tra nslating their speeches, even if biased by his privileged point of view.

PAGE 46

46 Two passages in this song are especially relevant to demonstrate Buarques sensitivity and his interest in female subjectivity when depicting the emotional bond between mother and son. In the firstComo fui levando, no sei lhe explicar / Fui assim levando ele a me levar. (CB 1)he explores the boys double role as the target a nd the source of the womans protection. In the secondEu consolo ele, el e me consola / Boto ele no colo pra ele me ninar. (CB 1)he shows the reci procal nourishment of mother and son. As Fontes points out, these lines also denounce the soci al abandonment of both, nivelandoos pela carncia afetiva e social (106). In Uma cano desnaturada (1979) Buar que captured the ambivalent emotions involved in the relationship between mother and daughter: Por que cresceste, curuminha Assim depressa e estabanada? ................................................. Se fosse permitido Eu revertia o tempo ................................................. Te recolher pra sempre escurido do ventre, curuminha De onde no deverias Nunca ter sado. (CB 13) Contrary to the previous song, the word desnaturada in the title alludes to an opposition in typical views on motherhood: the Portuguese wo rd conveys a double meaning, literally the unnatural; figuratively, inhumane or perverse. Realizing the impossibility of reversing time and having her child back in the womb, the mothers frustration and her sense of loss turned into anger: E eu te negar meu colo / / I gnorar teu choro / Deix ar-te arder em febre, curuminha / / Quebrar tua boneca, curuminha / / Tornar azeite o leite / / No cho que engatinhaste, salpicar / Mil cacos de vidro. ( CB 13). Both Fontes and Meneses argue that the songwriters intention was to propose a troubling question about patriarchal societys values

PAGE 47

47 associated with motherhood and to portray the ambiguous sentiments involved with it. The emotional gains of having a child may be accompanied by the realization of the missed opportunities as a woman: A constatao do cr escimento da filha para o mundo traz me a conscincia da vida que no vi veu, da o dilaceramento e a certe za tardia do equvoco com que direcionou seus cuidados (Fontes 104). In this sense, Buarque dealt with a delicate topic proposing to deconstruct one of societys main myths about women and offering a more complex perspective on female subjectivities. The song was originally created for the play pera do Malandro (1978), which itself was inspir ed by both Bertold Brechts The Threepenny Opera (1928) and John Gays Beggars Opera (1728). The lyrics satisfied the productions overall objective to criticize and defy Br azilian bourgeois societys values Without taking the dramatic text into consideration, attenti on can be drawn to the songwriters decision to evoke problematic sentiments within the mother/da ughter relationship. None of his several compositions that deal with motherhood within a mother/son context all udes to such ambivalent feelings. Another relevant aspect to be noted is the portrayal of a subjective competition between mother and daughter, again invoking the stereoptype of rivalry among women. In the first stanza, the girls transition from childhood is figuratively indicated by the fact that she is wearing her mothers dress: Saste maquilada / Dentro do meu ves tido. (CB 13). In this sense, the mothers realization of her daughters adulthood is accompanied by negative fantasies about being replaced as a woman. Buarque also depicted several prostitutes or women whose behavior traditional society would consider transgressive. In such s ongs, he once more reflects his sympathy for marginalized groups, and his lyrics became a tool to expose societys hypocritical values. In Ana de Amsterdam (1972) a pros titute narrates her life story, fi rst introducing herself in an

PAGE 48

48 intentionally impersonal way. Inst ead of a family name, she only mentions her given name followed by the places where she belongs and he r trade activities: Sou Ana do dique e das docas / Da compra, da venda, da troca de pernas / Dos braos, das bocas, do lixo, dos bichos, das fichas. (CB 3). Ana later re veals her youthful hopesEu cruz ei um oceano / Na esperana de casar. (CB 3); and the irreversible loss of these hopesArrisquei muita braada / Na esperana de outro mar / Hoje sou carta marcad a / Hoje sou jogo de azar. (CB 3). Meneses notes that the cynical approach to the violence of her reality was intermingled with fragments of dreams, indicating a profound sadness about the turns her life has taken: Entremeando essa auto-identificao brutal, jactando-se numa mistur a de franqueza e cinismo, entram retalhos de um projeto pessoal de vida, fiapos dos sonhos e esperanas da moa (75). Although the song above deals with prostitution in a typical manner, as a social ill, Buarque brought a different perspective to the is sue in other compositions. In A Histria de Lilly Braun (1985), composed with Edu Lobo, the possibility of being rescued from prostitution turns into a nightmare. At first, th e character exhibits th e common ideal of finding her prince charming: Como num romance / O homem de meus sonhos / Me apareceu no dancing / / Como no cinema / Me mandava s vezes / Uma rosa e um poema. (CB 11). The mans proposal, however, instead of representi ng the happily ever after, means the loss of romance: Disse ele que agora / S me amava como esposa / No como star / Me amassou as rosas / Me queimou as fotos / Me beijou no altar. (CB 11). In th e end, the prote ction of the patriarchal system represents the impossibility of ever finding happiness: Nunca mais romance / Nunca mais cinema / / Uma rosa nunca / Nunca mais feliz (CB 11). Tango de Nancy (1985), also composed in collaboration with E du Lobo, ends up in a more optimistic way as the woman expresses her decision to ta ke back control over her life:

PAGE 49

49 Quem sou eu para falar de amor Se de tanto me entregar nunca fui minha ................................................................. Homens, eu nem fiz a soma De quantos rolaram no meu camarim ................................................................. Eles gozando depressa E cheirando a gim Eles querendo na hora Por dentro, por fora Por cima e por trs Juro por Deus, de ps juntos Que nunca mais (CB 11) Folhetim (1979) depicts an ambiguous woman that could be understood as a prostitute, a gold digger or simply a malandra. Yet, one notes the absence of moral judgments and even mockery of mens need to reassure manhood, which is conveyed through the womans fake submission. The character makes evident the use of artifices to manipulate men to her own benefit, first by making them believe in thei r superiority and then by emphasizing their masculinity: E eu te farei as vontades / Direi meias verdades / Sempre meia luz / E te farei, vaidoso, supor / Que s o maior e que me po ssuis. (CB 13). In the following stanza, she reveals her control over the situa tion and the ways in which she st rategically used him: Mas na manh seguinte / No conta at vinte / Te afasta de mim / Pois j no vales nada / s pgina virada / Descartada do meu folhet im. (CB 13). Different from the previous songs, in this one there was not an obvious commitment to denouncing social ills or in placing women as victims of the system. The character is ambiguous, since sh e was not depicted as a typical prostitute, and some of her exchanges were not based on stra ightforward commercial trade: Se acaso me quiseres / Sou dessas mulheres / Que s dizem sim / Por uma coisa toa / Uma noitada boa / Um cinema, um botequim. (CB 13). On the othe r hand, she did not deny taking advantage of these sexual encounters, even if only through the acceptance of inexpensive gifts: E, se tiveres

PAGE 50

50 renda / Aceito uma prenda / Qualquer coisa assim / Como uma pedra falsa / Um sonho de valsa / Ou um corte de cetim. (CB 13).3 This song offers an example of the creation of more complex identities that do not easily fit into stereotypes. Lesbianism was also one of Buarques themes in relation to female transgressions. In Brbara (1972) there occurs a proposition for a sexual encounter with another woman, subtly suggested only by the feminine plural in ns duas (th e two of us): ................................................................................ Vamos ceder enfim tentao Das nossas bocas cruas E mergulhar no poo escuro de ns duas Vamos viver agonizando uma paixo vadia Maravilhosa e transbordante, feito uma hemorragia. (CB 3) The song was released at the most repressive time of the military dictatorship in Brazil and was a target for censorship. This help s to explain the usage of such a subtle approach. In a 1972 recording in which Buarque performed an intriguing duet with Caetano Veloso, the line mentioned above that made clear the gender of the two subjects, was muffled by studio-effect applause to satisfy the censors (CB 2). Despite the need to obsc ure the lesbian theme, Buarque incorporated a series of metaphors of the female body and sexuality, such as in the invitation to dive into our dark wells. In addition to the ho moerotic content, the comparison of their passion with a wonderful and overflowing hemorrhage de fies patriarchal discourses by touching on the taboo of a womans menstrual cycle, and by revers ing the traditional negative ideas with which it tended to be associated. This song was later recorded with its original lyrics by several different artists, including Maria Bethnia, Gal Costa, S imone, ngela R R, and even Buarque himself. 3 Sonho de valsa is a traditional Brazilian brand of chocolat e candies, popular and inexpensive, largely sold by the unit.

PAGE 51

51 Although Mar e lua (1980) was not written fro m a female perspective, taking the form of a narrative in a neutral third person, this song should be included in this analysis for its transgressive nature. The title refers to two wome n involved in a lesbian relationship, and even though the sea (mar) in Portuguese is a mascu line word, along with the moon, they constitute relevant feminine symbols associated with birth, motherhood and fertility: Amaram o amor urgente As bocas salgadas pela maresia .................................................. Amaram o amor serenado Das noturnas praias Levantavam as saias E se enluaravam de felicidade .................................................. Todo mundo conta Que uma andava tonta Grvida de lua E outra andava nua vida de mar. (CB 15) As Buarques best critic points out, the lyrics were constructe d to suggest a powerful mutual attraction: O poema se constri na polarizao e posterior inter-relao do MAR e da LUA. A lua, inequivocamente feminina o mar, ma sculino enquanto gnero gramatical [] em sua figurao simblica poderosamente femini no [j que] as guas so maternas Mas se nas suas guas poderosas o mar sofre a atrao da lua, ele por sua vez a reflete. E esse mar feminino fica grvid(a) de lua. E a lua, vida de mar. (Meneses 83) The song also has a measure of social criticism regarding prejudices against homosexuality. In a city with no space for romance (it was distant fro m the ocean and had no m oonlight), they lived a passion portrayed by the songwriter as o amor ur gente, o amor serenado, and finally, o amor proibido. Social exclusi on is obvious in sentences that refer to gossips (todo mundo fala) and to the populations reaction to th eir love: E foram ficando marcadas / ouvindo risadas. (CB 15).

PAGE 52

52 Another song that was not created in the femi nine but should be cited as an example of Buarques support of individuals ma rginalized because of their gend er or sexuality is Geni e o zepelim (1977). Composed for the play pera do malandro the song was the theme for the transgendered character Genivaldo, known as Geni. The lyrics are structured around the opposition between good and evil, with an ironic i nversion of traditional values, where Genis goodness is exemplified in he r transgressive behavior: De tudo que nego torto Do mangue e do cais do porto Ela j foi namorada O seu corpo dos errantes Dos cegos, dos retirantes de quem no tem mais nada D-se assim desde menina Na garagem, na cantina Atrs do tanque, no mato a rainha dos detentos Das loucas, dos lazarentos Dos moleques do internato E tambm vai amide Com os velhinhos sem sade E as vivas sem porvir Ela um poo de bondade. (CB 13) On the other hand, the population s evil is conveyed in their prej udices against her. The song also pointed to societys hypoc risy: Geni was included or ex cluded depending on her usefulness for the citizens. Before realizing that their futu re relied on her agreeing to have sex with the leader of the invasion, people scor ned her: Joga pedra na Geni / / Ela feita pra apanhar / Ela boa de cuspir / Ela d pra qualquer um / Maldita Geni. (CB 13). When begging for her to save them, from maldita she turned into bend ita: Voc pode nos salvar / Voc vai nos redimir / Voc d pra qualquer um / Bendita Ge ni. (CB 13). In contrast to the regular citizens dual moral standards, Geni proved to be tr ue to her values expres sed in her rejection of the powerful man:

PAGE 53

53 ..................................................... O guerreiro to vistoso To temido e poderoso Era dela, prisioneiro Acontece que a donzela e isso era segredo dela Tambm tinha seus caprichos E a deitar com homem to nobre To cheirando a brilho e a cobre Preferia amar com os bichos A cidade em romaria Foi beijar a sua mo O prefeito de joelhos O bispo de olhos vermelhos E o banqueiro com um milho. (CB 13) After agreeing to attend to the demands of th e population and having saved the city, spared by the intruders, Geni again becomes useless and the insults start an ew, even more intensely with the additional line: Joga bosta na Geni. As Albuquerque remarks, the song was a commentary on the common violence against transgendered indi viduals. More importantly, it called attention to societys ambivalence towards transgression: This allegorical comment on the extremes of inclusion and exclusion that tran sgendered people encounter in Br azil also points to shifts in transgressions registers, that is, the relative status and changing limits of transgressiveness (106). Buarque also subverted the established, strict correlation in popul ar music between the gender of the singer and the poeti c I on stage. The influentia l songwriter not only composes songs from a womans point of vi ew, he performs them from a female perspective as well. Since the late 1960s he has recorded and performed some of his own co mpositions retaining the female point of view, and at least twice along side with Caetano Veloso, he formed an intriguing feminine duet: in Brbara and later, Anos dourados. Neverthe less, his publicly transgendered

PAGE 54

54 artistic voice has always been accepted as a kind of poetic license that has not interfered with the audiences perception of his own conventional identity: His heterosexual image is seldom questioned. Because he has constantly displayed conventional signs of a heterosexual marriag e and a masculine lifes tyle (he likes to play soccer, for example), the content of hi s songs hardly affects the way in which his personal life is perceive d. (Braga-Pinto 193) Creating diverse personae has been a consistent element of Buarques wo rk, and women are just some of the characters he has impersonated. In an interview given in 197 9 he stressed character creation in itself: Trata-se unicamente de encarnar personag ens (qtd. in Faour 148). The fact that many of his songs were composed for theater or film also ratifies a limit between reality and fiction. However, the songwriter has definitivel y contributed to the questioning of received notions of gender. The audiences reaction to his new approach toward masculinity and to the consistent inclusion of female subjectivity, as well as to the solidarity with women expressed in his work, has certainly been positive. Early in his career Buarque was adored by female fans, and he became a sex symbol and a cultural hero: A se nsualidade desconcertante da mulher e seus desejos mais secretos passaram tambm a perm ear suas letras, transformando o compositor num smbolo sexual, num mito e no guru musical de 9 entre 10 mulheres brasileiras de classe mdia ou alta e intelectual (Faour 207). In reality, Buarque has never seemed to be invested in affirming his manhood or his sexu al preferences (and this has probably made him even more attractive to his fans). In the previously cited intervie w given in 1979, responding to the journalists insistence on a rational explanation for his female personae, Buarque said humorously: Escreve a que eu sou bicha (qtd. in Faour 148). If on one hand Buarque has been comfortable with performing female characters, he has also expressed his embarrassment about adopting typical macho attitudes. In a video recording of

PAGE 55

55 Geraldo Pereiras Sem compromisso in 1978, Bu arque made a caricature of the possessive and violent man who threatened the woman for di srespecting him by dancing with another man.4 It is worth noting that soon after, the songwriter wo uld create a response to this song, Deixe a menina (1980) in which he criticized a mans behavior and asked him to let the girl have some fun in peace: No sei se pra ficar exultante / Meu querido rapaz / Mas aqui ningum / O agenta mais / So trs horas, o samba t quent e / Deixe a morena contente / Deixe a menina sambar em paz. (CB 14). Taking the song Anos dourados as an ex ample, there are tw o contrasting live recordings that prove the orig inality of Chico Buarque and C aetano Veloso with respect to gender approach. During the first performan ce in 1990, a duet between Buarque and Antnio Carlos Jobim, Buarque comfortably smiles and articulates the feminine : pareo to linda. Jobim kindly corrects him from the piano: to lindo. Later, in a tri bute concert for Jobim (1995), Veloso greets Buarque with a tender kiss and they perform the song as a pair of female voices.5 The innovations brought by Buarque concer ning common misogynous and stereotypical portrayals of women were later followed by other songwriters. Singer-songwriter GonzaguinhaLuis Gonzaga do Nascimento Jni or (1945-1991)release d a number of songs in which he depicted complex female characters and in some he adopted a woman's point of view. In Explode Corao (1978) and Infinito Desejo (1979), both recorded by Maria Bethnia (MB 1; MB 6), he ope nly explored the themes of fe male pleasure and sexual desire. Eu apenas queria que voc soubesse (1981), which Gonzaguinha recorded himself, sings of the 4 Dvd recording: Buarque, Chico. Chico Buarque especial: Anos dourados (vol. 4). 5 Ibidem.

PAGE 56

56 pride in being a woman: Que esta menina hoje uma mulher / E que esta mulher uma menina / Que colheu seu fruto / / Eu apenas queria dizer a todo mundo que me gosta / Que hoje eu me gosto muito mais. (GJ 2). He composed a nd recorded Mulher, e da? (1980) again expressing pride and proposing lib eration from mens control (GJ 1). As declared by Bethnia, these late 1970s compositions made a significan t difference in the musical representation of women: A partir da as mulh eres passaram a ser muito bem representadas na msica popular, com muita naturalidade e firmeza (qtd. in Faour 217). Another lyricist known for adopting female perspective and conf ronting patriarchal discourse is Vitor Martins. He wrote the text for Mudana dos ventos, music by Ivan Lins Ivan Guimares Lins (b. 1945), for singer Nana Caymmi, depicting an older woman who had a love affair with a younger man: Ah! Vem c me u menino / Pinta e borda comigo / Me revista, me excita / Me deixa mais bonita / / Me tira uns vinte anos / Deixa eu causar inveja. (NC 1). Simone recorded two other relevant compos itions by Lins and Martin s. The first and most memorable, Comear de novo (1979), portray s a woman rejoicing her separation from her husband, enjoying her freedom and the chance to start a new life: Vai valer a pena ter amanhecido / Ter me rebelado, ter me debatido / / Sem as tuas garras sempre to seguras / Sem o teu fantasma / / Sem o teu domnio / Sem tuas esporas. (S O 5). Atrevida (1980) is another celebratory song about womens i ndependence and the possibility of taking sexual initiative (SO 6). These are just a few exampl es that illustrate how the musical community followed the lead provided by Buarque in terms of shifting the paradigm with respect to gender. The key role played by his contemporary Caet ano Veloso and the Tropiclia movement in broadening the scope for the themes of gender and sexuality will be discussed in the next chapter.

PAGE 57

57 Conclusions : The representation of women in ur ban popular music of Brazil over the past seventy years could be di vided in two periods: before and after Chico Buarque. The influential songwriter contested the tendency of male composers to portray women in stereotypical, superficial and misogynous ways Adopting on numerous occasions an unusual female point of view, Buarques lyrics from the late 1960s on reflected his solidarity with women and consistently questioned gender para digms, even "writing back" to traditional machista songs. His lyrics frequently empowered fe male characters or inverted typical malecentered discourses by demonizing men instead or revealing frustrations behind conservative relationships under patriarchy. Buarque expanded gender thematic scope and depicted complex female subjectivities like no other songwriter. His psychological insight into womens emotions may be exemplified in his sensitive portrayal of motherhood, capturing nuances of mother/son and mother/daughter relationships. When writing about commonly-experienced situations, such as failed relationships, Buarque proved his poe tic sophistication by goi ng beyond the superficial and adding multifaceted perspectives. After a fi rst phase when his compositions were more invested in denouncing womens oppression, from 1975 on, many of his songs evolved to show possibilities for females to liberate themselves and to gain control over th eir own lives. In his range of female characters there are tr ansgressive womenprostitutes, lesbians and adulteresseswhom he de picted in a non-prejudicial way, ofte n to defy societys strict (and double) moral standards. Even a male transvesti te gained space among Buarques characters and served the purpose of denouncing social marginalization and hypocritical values. Some of Buarques female ch aracters still carried typica l Western ideologemes about women, such as the idealization of females as powerful and mysterious creatures, nurturing figures for infantilized men, or the notion of competition for men among women. Nevertheless,

PAGE 58

58 his role in opening up space for female themes and in challenging the male-centered canon remains uncontested. Buarques artistic creations not only inspired new generations of male composers, they also stimulated female songwriters to enter into a tradi tionally masculine arena. Because Buarque also performed many of his co mposition preserving the feminine voice, along with his sensitivity for female matters and hi s dissociation from established codes of manhood, he projected a new model of masculinity to be followed by others. All these innovations came about in changing times. With the gradual decrease in social control by the military dictatorship, and the process of re-democra tization (1978 ff.), the rise of feminist and social-rights movements, and a more progressive social and political environment, there emerged a favorable context for original gender approaches to be developed in the last part of the twentieth century.

PAGE 59

59 CHAPTER 3 DEFYING MASCULINITY: A DI FFERENT KIND OF MAN Following the lead of Chico Buarque in th e creation of a new di scourse on gender in popular music and seeking to incorporate new ideas developed by the counterculture, young Brazilian singers and songwriters continued to question establis hed notions of masculinity and femininity. Tropicalists Caetano Veloso and Gilberto Gil, as well as singer Ney Matogrosso, played a major role in proposing new models of masculinity from the 1970s on. Their main gender-related objectives, pursued through different approaches in songwriting and performance, were to defy the conventional binary opposition male-female and to challenge heteronormativity by projecting androgynous poetic and/or stage personae. Caetano Veloso: Gender Ambiguity and Se xually Ambivalent Stage Personae The m usical movement known as Tropiclia or tropicalismo emerged in 1967 with Caetano Veloso and Gilberto Gi l at the fore. While blurring lines between supposedly opposing musical campsone nationalistic and committed, the other internationally-oriented and (supposedly) alienatedthis avant-garde moveme nt within MPB was marked by an overall strategy to challenge cultural values. Christophe r Dunn illustrates the relevance of Tropiclia in defying hegemonic discourses: At the time when the opponents of the military regime were raising questions about intellectual authority, racial privilege, gender identity, and sexual orientation, the tropicalist movement was a key point of reference (181). With sexually ambiguous performances, and songs that expressed homosociability that intervened directly in debates concerning sexuality in Brazil (D unn 181), the movements leading artists played major roles in challenging traditional notions of gender through art. In his memoirs, Veloso explains the centrality of homosexuality in the movements overall objective to expand individual freedom and to question societys values: A causa da superao da hipocrisia sexual

PAGE 60

60 no podia deixar de ocupar posio privilegiada para mim entre os temas da onda libertria dos anos 60. E a instncia da homossexualidade no pode deixar de desempenhar a um papel central (Verdade 475). Caetano VelosoCaetano Emanuel Vianna Telles Veloso (b. 1942)brought to Brazilian popular music the very idea of a sexua lly ambivalent stage pe rsona, and he should be recognized as the artist responsible for queering the MPB scenario. Since 1968, he has consistently assumed a public image that blur s fixed gender identities and resists labeling, and his superstar status has guaranteed considerable attention to his ideas. Mo reover, distinct from Chico Buarque, his artistic persona frequently extrapolates the stage to his personal life. Upon returning from his exile in London in 1972, Veloso shocked Brazilian audiences with his most experimental (and worst selling) album Ara azul (CV 1), where he printed the ambiguous words um disco para entendidos (a record for people in the know). The artist has confirmed his intention to generate contr oversy: Mandei estampar na part e interior da capa dupla a frase UM DISCO PARA ENTENDIDOS, j ogando com a dubiedade do termo entendido que tambm designava o que hoje se chama de gay ( Verdade 486). At this point he started to explore ambiguity through visual elements : Although the recordings make no explicit references to sexuality, the album cover photo of Velosos scrawny and pale body in front of a mirror suggests gender and sexual ambiguity (Dunn 172). Velosos stay in London and contact with burgeoning rock culture inspired him to create his sexually ambiguous artistic persona. On differe nt occasions he has expressed his admiration for Mick Jaggers stage performance (uma paixo artstica; qtd. in Lu cchesi and Dieguez 313), and he held a special interest in the use Jagger made of hi s body and its effect on young crowds. Sheila Whiteley states that Jagger projects an essential androgyneity (Little 75) and an

PAGE 61

61 identity that affirms bisexuality. According to this critic, although hi s material conveyed a mostly heterosexual content, Jaggers image wa s informed by both male and female sexuality: The songs may imply a heterosexual mode of address. There is generally an emphasis on the penis as the absolute insignia of maleness, but live performances disrupt any notion of normative masculinity. Rather, they i nvolve a self-presentation which is both masculine and feminine Jagger promised fant asy gratification to both the heterosexual and the homosexual. (Little 67) The homoerotic appeal and the ambivalent sexuality of Jaggers persona were pointed out by Veloso as a positive example of the kind of subversion typical of the late 1960s: No final dos anos 60 era considerado mais progressista dificultar a definio do que dizer-se homossexual: Mick Jagger sobre o palc o negava a pertinncia daquilo que hoje se chama outing, pois sugeria a liberao do poten cial homoertico latente em todos e em cada um. ( Verdade 479) Veloso does not deny his own la tent homosexual desiresSei que nem a mulher nem o homem so, em princpio, antierticos para mim ( Verdade 476)and Csar Braga-Pinto suggests that he was personally touched by Jaggers homoerotici sm: When a reporter asked him [Veloso] if he was homosexual, he simply responded that he would not kick Mick Jagger out of his bed (189). It can be argued that Ve loso was being sarcastic in hi s response to the journalist by quoting this famous line of the musical Hair (1968). Whether the statement is true or just one more of the rumors surrounding Velosos unconventional identity, th e artistic inspiration is undeniable. Veloso made use of iconography similar to that of Jaggers stage persona in order to suggest female sexuality, such as the veiled face the British rock star had on the front cover of the album Goats Head Soup (1973; RR 1).1 Even though Veloso believes that a significant por tion of these artistic utterances later ended up being assimilated within hegemonic discourse s and translated into reiterations of 1 Veloso can be seen using a veil to cove r his face in the booklet of the recording Caetano: Srie grandes nomes (CV 6).

PAGE 62

62 heteronormativity, he still believ es in the potentially subversive power of id entities that defy labeling: As sugestes de androginia, poliformi smo, indefinio, que coloriam a atmosfera da msica popular ps-Beatles seguem sendo uma ameaa estabilidade das convenes que sustentam muitos atos opressivos ( Verdade 478). Although Jaggers innovation was highly in fluential in opening up space for sexual ambivalence and for the defiance of existing gender norms, the similarities to Veloso are limited. The British singers image and his songs reveal ed an obsession with dominance, power and aggressive sexuality (Whiteley, Little 73). Ev en when projecting female sexuality, Jagger expressed it in terms of power a nd pleasure. On the other hand, Ve losos work is not marked by maleness per se or aggressive sexuality. On the c ontrary, the artist has al ways insisted that on a personal level, he has identified primarily with female gender and conventionally associated attributes. Veloso believes that his femininity (minha considervel feminilidade; Verdade 195) is a result of his inte nse socialization with wome n since childhood: Eu tenho uma identificao feminina. Quando eu nasci, j havi a 15 mulheres morando na minha casa. Eu cresci assim, cercado de muitas mulheres. natural que haja uma identificao (qtd. in Lucchesi and Dieguez 348). In terms of national icons, Veloso explored the image of Carmen Miranda, who in his opinion, epitomized Brazilian camp and fulfilled the Tropicalist objective of questioning the performance of national and gender identities: Ela [Carmen Miranda] exercia sobre alguns brasileiros o mesmo fascnio que vinha exercendo sobre tantos estrangeiros com sua imagem camp O aspecto travesti da sua imagem importava muito para o tr opicalismo, uma vez que tanto o submundo urbano noturno quanto as trocas clandestinas de sexo, por um lado, e, por outro, tanto a homossexualidade enquanto dimenso existencia l quanto a bissexualidade na forma de mito do andrgino eram temas tropicalistas. ( Verdade 269)

PAGE 63

63 Veloso created and impersonated the character A filha da Chiquita Bacan a both as a tribute to Carmen Miranda and as a parody of her act. An unprecedented drag performance of The Brazilian Bombshell by Veloso generated the debates he intended: Caetano provocou furor quando na dcada de 1970, subiu aos palcos brasileiros de busti e batom nos lbios, requebrando com os trejeitos campy de Carmen Miranda (Trevisan, Devassos 286). The performance offered Veloso an opportunity to call attention to the issue of authenticity and its relationship to homosexuality: Oferecendo o mode lo ideal do conflito entre autenticidade e dissimulao a homossexualidade provou ser o pont o crucial da questo referente liberdade do indivduo (Verdade 475). As expressed in the above quot es, Veloso was preoccupied with defying heteronormativity in its multiple dimensi ons: in the notion of au thenticity, in the rigid concepts and boundaries of femininity and mascu linity, in the dichotomy of male and female gender, and in the exclusivity of heterosexualit y. Strict definitions of gender and sexuality did not resonate with Velosos beli efs: No aceito totalmente a diviso dos sexos. No acho legal uma pessoa ser s homem ou s mulher, tenho tend ncia para uma coisa assim mais difusa ... a heterossexualidade mesclada de homossexualidade e vice-versa (qtd. in Lucchesi and Dieguez 350). In this sense, drag served as a means to contest the notion of heterosexuality as the original and to reveal its pha ntasmatic nature. According to J udith Butler, drag brings into relief the constructive nature of gender identitie s and points to the ways by which such categories are created and solidified through the compulso ry repetition of performative acts: Drag constitutes the mundane way in which genders are appropriated, theatricalized, worn, and done; it implies that all ge ndering is a kind of impersonation and approximation There is no original or primar y gender that drag imitates, but gender is a kind of imitation for which there is no origin al; in fact, it is a kind of imitation that produces the very notion of th e original as an effect a nd consequence of the imitation itself. (Imitation 313)

PAGE 64

64 In the mid seventies, Veloso also introduced homosociability in his concerts by exhibiting physical affection towards men: Ainda mais provocador em seus shows posteriores verdadeiros festivais de desmunhecao, Caetano costumava beijar insistentemente a boca de cada um de seus msicos diante do pb lico que urrava de delrio (Trevisan, Devassos 286). In later works, Veloso would continue to explore unconventional gender and sexuality not only through visual signs, but also through sound and lyrics. From the late 1970s on, some of Velosos compositions explored androgyny, same -sex desire, unconventional gender and sexual identities. In Menino do Rio ( 1979) he made a tribute to the sens uality of the surfer boys of Rio de Janeiro. The softness of the tune, a roman tic ballad, fits with the affective dimension: ....................................................................... Adoro ver-te Menino vadio Tenso flutuante do Rio ....................................................................... Pois quando eu te vejo eu desejo o teu desejo Menino do Rio Calor que provoca arrepio Toma esta cano como um beijo (CV 7) Sexual desire is implied in words such as tenso (so close to teso ), calor and arrepio, and the affection is expressed through a final kiss dedicated to the male muse. The line that explicitly talks about desire is kept ambiguous as we are not clearly informed of what or who is the object of his desire: because when I see you I desire your desire. However, the performance emphasizes the boy as the songwriter s target through pauses that end up splitting the sentence into three parts (pois quando eu te vejo / eu desejo / (o) teu desejo). The last part, teu desejo, then stands alone and sounds almost like te desejo Ele me deu um beijo na boca (1982) is a long quasi-recitative song. It does not deal outright with sexual themes; it refers instead to the possibility of physical affection between men

PAGE 65

65 in a non-eroticized encounter. The kiss works as a metaphor for mental connection: Era um momento sem medo e sem desejo / Ele me deu um beijo na boca / E eu correspondi quele beijo (CV 7). In Leozinho (1977), Veloso alludes to an attraction between androgynous figures, not clearly identified as male or female, as they form a pair of loving lions. The lyrics depict the love between equals and they also contain a narcissistic reference since the astrological sign of Veloso himself is Leo: Um filhote de leo raio da manh / Arrastando meu olhar como um im / / Gosto de ver ao sol leozinho / De te ver entrar no mar / Tua pele tua lu z tua juba / Gosto de ficar ao sol leozinho / De molhar minha juba / De estar perto de voc e entrar numa (CV 2). In 1986 the artist recorded Totalmente demais, by Arnaldo Brando, Robrio Rafael and Tavinho Paes, expressing desire for a sexually ambiguous woman: Linda como um nenn / Que sexo tem? / / Namora sempre com gay / Que nexo faz / To sexy gay. (CV 11). Vaca Profana, first recorded by Gal Costa in 1984 (GC 6) and later performed by Veloso in 1986, at first reveal s a rejection of straight peopl e: Dona das divinas tetas / Derrama o leite bom na minha cara / E o leite ma u na cara dos caretas. (CV 11). It is worth noting that the word careta has a double meaning here: regularly used to refer to square people or ideas, in homosexual argot it means non-gay individuals. As th e song progresses, there is a proposal to overcome the resentments of the pas t: Caretas de Paris e New York / Sem mgoas, estamos a / / Dona das divinas tetas / Quero te u leite todo em minha alma / Nada de leite mau para os caretas. (CV 11). Towards the end, there is a suggestion of a denial of dichotomous identities, constructed as pure and stable, and the narrator de clares living what could be sometimes called a conventional life: Mas eu tambm sei ser careta / De perto, ningum normal / s vezes, segue em linha reta / A vida, que meu bem, meu mal. (CV 11). Veloso plays with common-sense notions by inverting the meaning of the saying de perto, ningum

PAGE 66

66 normal and suggests that his abnormality resides in eventually following social conventions. In ordinary contexts this saying is used to poi nt out that any person may hold eccentric secrets taking a closer look, nobody can be r eally classified as normal. For Velosos persona in this tune, his eccentricity is defi ned by the opposite: he sometimes lives a normal life. Eu sou neguinha? (1987) is another long discursive tune, in which the character adopts a contemplative attitude and describes what he sees, developing a kind of existentialist monologue. Veloso dealt with topics central to hi s critique of social di scrimination in Brazil: race, gender, sexuality and sexual orientation. The word neguinha which literally translates as little black woman is often used in Salvador da Bahia, the capital of Velosos state of origin, as a term of endearment and as slang for effeminate gay man. The interrogation of the title is open to different interpretations in this song. In a broader sense, it illustrates the issue of representing marginalized identitiesqueer and blackwithi n hegemonic discourses: Eu era um enigma, uma interrogao / / Tava por acaso ali, no era nada / Bunda de mulata, muque de peo. (CV 3). By stating I was nothing Veloso allude s to the abject identities that cannot exist within what is culturally intelligible: The construc tion of gender operates through exclusionary means, such that the human is not only produced over and against the inhuman, but through a set of foreclosures, radical erasures, that are strictly speaking, refu sed the possibility of cultural articulation (Butler, Bodies 8). The character identity dilemm a is presented by his transgendered body: a black female butt (bunda de mulata), and a workers muscular arm (muque de peo). The exclusion of queer identities is also us ed as a metaphor for a wider questioning of Brazils subaltern position, frequently based on racial determinism. The song affirms: Totalmente terceiro sexo totalmente terceiro mundo. (CV 3). Veloso refers to an impasse

PAGE 67

67 that calls for self-definition a nd the impossibility of translatin g unusual identities within existing signifying modes. He also points to a violent exclusion along the way: ...................................................................... Eu no decifrava, eu no conseguia ...................................................................... Mas via outras coisas: via o moo forte E a mulher macia dentro da escurido Via o que visvel, via o que no via ...................................................................... E que o mesmo signo que eu tento ler e ser apenas um possvel ou impossvel Em mim em mim em mil em mil em mil E a pergunta vinha: / Eu sou neguinha?. (CV 3) The lyrics allude to the endl ess multiplication of signs and to the overflow of thousands of possibilities: E que o mesmo signo que eu tenho ler e ser / apenas um possvel ou impossvel em mim em mil. (CV 3). Howe ver, as pointed out by Jacques Derrida in regards to language as system, the moment of cl osure, be it through writing or speaking, finds a necessarily restricted passageway (9). In this sense, language implies violence, an epistemic violence, for every concept gains meaning through an exclusionary process. The insufficiency of language is reiterated in the lyrics of Ve losos song via play with a popular saying uma luz no fim do tnel commonly used to imply hope for a positive outcome in a difficult situation and for solving a complicated matter. In Velosos dist orted version of this saying, there is no light at the end of the tunnel, but a dead-end: Cruz no fim do tnel, becos sem sada. (CV 3).The limits of logocentrism are also expressed through the reference to some of renowned Portuguese author Fernando Pessoas (1888) motifs. The poet is known for his conceits and philosophical paradoxes. Velosos song illustrates how the efforts of representation within existing systems lead to inevitable mistakes: O que a poesia e a profecia no vem/ Mas vem / o que parecia / Que as coisas conversam co isas surpreendentes / Fatalmente erram, acham

PAGE 68

68 soluo. (CV 3). A similar approach was adopt ed by Pessoa in this short poem: O espelho reflete certo / No erra porque n o pensa / Pensar essencialmente errar / Errar essencialmente estar cego e surdo (179). Veloso, the literary pop composer (Perrone, Masters 83), is recognized by the use of intertextua lity and the incorporation of litera ry ideas in his lyrics, and at least three other songs were in spired by and/or alluded to gr eatest modern Portuguese poetOs Argonautas (1969), Peter Gast (1983), and Lngua (1984). The question Eu sou neguinha? alludes theref ore to a broader problem about an identity that cannot be translated in a way that is cu lturally comprehensible. According to Butler those are the kind of identities that are denied existence (Gender 24). It could also be argued that there is a personal reflection of Velosos own issues of identity implied in th e reference to the 1970s, a time when he began to experiment with gende r bending: Eu me perguntava: era um gesto hippie. (CV 3). According to an interview given by Veloso in 1993, throughout his life he has experienced sexual and gender ambiguity: A possibilidade da experincia sexual di versificada inclusive quanto ao sexo do parceiro o reconhecimento de sua legitimidade para mim e para os outros, sempre esteve na base da organizao da minha vida pessoal. E, o que quer que hoje se diga, de mau sobre as indefinies de gnero que vieram no bojo das propostas de transformao surgidas na segunda metade dos anos 60, toda a solidez da respeitabilidade que constru em minhas relaes com meus pais, meus filhos e minhas mulheres sempre inclui claramente esse complicador. (qtd. in Lucchesi and Dieguez 356) In contrast to Buarque, Veloso is not known for the creation of fema le voices, yet this does not diminish the complexity with which women are portrayed in his songs: A mulher na obra do baiano Caetano Veloso est longe de ser plana Como em Chico Buarque, h uma complexidade no tr atamento do feminino Em Caetano Veloso, a problematizao nas relaes talvez este ja mais na natureza do eu-masculino que dialoga com as personagens femininas. (Fontes 170) Still, there are at least three ex amples of songs written from a womans point of view, and they are consistent in their criticism of patriarchy. Esse cara (19 72), a slow ballad, first recorded by

PAGE 69

69 Maria Bethnia, adopts a similar approach to Bu arques early phasethat of Com acar, com afeto and Sem acarand denounces womens subjection to mens volition. The male character is an ambivalent figure who, thr ough his childish yet seductive eyes, ends up consuming the woman and stealing her hopes. The song begins: Ah, que esse cara tem me consumido / A mim e a tudo que eu quis / Com seus olhinhos infantis / Como os olhos de um bandido. (MB 4). The power of men over women b ecomes clear in the conclusion: Ele est na minha vida porque quer / Eu estou pra o que der e vier / Ele chega ao anoitecer / Quando vem a madrugada ele some / Ele quem quer / Ele o homem / Eu sou apenas uma mulher (MB 4). Among others, Ivo Lucchesi and Gilda Dieguez (9192) note that feminist discourse in Brazil in the 1970s was still relatively taboo, and the above song created controversy in a still predominantly conservative society. According to the critics Esse cara was part of the Tropicalist movements overall objective of subver ting social values: A cano reaviva um dos aspectos do movimento tropicalista: a tran sformao dos costumes, as mudanas comportamentais, que subliminar mente conduziam reflexo sobre as relaes de poder em todos os nveis (92). In this sense, the song c ould also be viewed as a metaphor for a broader defiance of oppression under a repr essive dictatorship. Later, th e song became a means by which to convey a different kind of gender trouble through its performa nce by male artists, such as Cazuza in 1989 (CZ 1), and Veloso himself in 1999 (CV 9), thus instilling homosexual meanings. The stage interpretation and reco rding by pop rock singe r CazuzaAgenor de Miranda Arajo Neto (1958)were especially meaningful, as he had publicly admitted being gay and to having contract ed HIV. By asserting that th e mans seductive eyes had been consuming him and all his hopes, Cazuza turned the male characters power into something

PAGE 70

70 even more perverse, dangerous, deadly. The recording was made when Cazuza was extremely debilitated from his disease, and he died of AIDS shortly thereafter. With regards to feminist discourse, Veloso proclaimed the changing of the times in the carnival tune A filha da Chiquita Bacana (1977), as the character celebrat es her participation in the international feminist movement: Eu sou a filha da Chiquita bacana / / Entrei para Womens Liberation Front" (CV 5). Dom de iludir, first re corded by Gal Costa in 1982 (GC 5), offers a response to the machista discourse of Noel Ro sas Pra que mentir?2 RosaNoel de Medeiros Rosa (1910)is considered by many to be the top Brazilian songwriter of all times. In his short but prolific career, he composed around 250 songs, many of them memorable sambas heading of the repertoire standards. In Pra que mentir? the songwriter portrayed the typical deceptive woman who stands in opposition to a sincere man, and the song reproaches her behavior: Pra que mentir / Se tu ainda no tens / Esse dom de saber il udir? (AA 1). Velosos character, in contrast, after making a self-affirmation of her female identity, refuses to be judged and criticized by men: No me venha falar da ma lcia de toda mulher / Cada um sabe a dor e a delcia de ser o que / No me olhe como se a polcia andasse atrs de mim. (GC 5). Later, a series of short enunciations denounc e mens notion of superiority a nd their exclusive rights, even the most basic one of simply being: Voc sabe explicar / Voc sabe entender tudo bem / Voc est / Voc / Voc faz / Voc quer / Voc tem. (GC 5). The last two lines constitute a direct response to Rosas song and the mans truth is inverted to mean hypocrisy, which leaves the woman no alternative but to lie: Voc diz a verdade e a verdade o seu dom de iludir / Como pode querer que a mulher v viver sem mentir (G C 5). Veloso confirmed the design of this song as contestation and the contrast between th ese two discourses by performing the songs in 2 According to Dicionrio Cravo Albin da Msica Popular Brasileira the song composed by Noel Rosa and Vadico was first recorded in 1938 by Slvio Caldas: Pra que mentir / Cessa tudo (Victor 78, 1938).

PAGE 71

71 sequence in the 1986 concert Totalmente demais (CV 11), for which there is a recording under the same title. Veloso has often been pushed to assume a homosexual or bisexual identity because of his appeal to gay audiences who have seen in him a vehicle by which to increase visibility and to question prejudicial attitudes. His insistence on ambiguity has al so been problematic for the general audience who cannot easily absorb his de naturalization of the he terosexual matrixwhat may comprise what Butler points out as certain illusions of continuity between sex, gender, and desire (Imitation 317). This l ack of definition may help explai n the constant rumors about his sexuality. As Braga-Pinto points out, Caetano st ill refrains from even provisionally situating himself in relation to any particular name. Id entity categories sometimes appear as something foreign, fixed, artificial and, not surprisingly, associated with (North) American identities (200). Americanos (1992), anot her long discursive song, illust rates Caetanos criticism of foreign dichotomous identity constructions: para os americanos branco branco, preto preto / / bicha bicha e macho macho / mulher mulher e dinheiro dinheiro. (CV 8). For Veloso such categories operate as artificial constructions that counteract possibilities for individual expression: Por que haveria de me definir? Isso no resolve nada. Quando voc no se define, no se rotula, muito mais fcil se desvencilhar das verdades ou mentiras (qtd. in Lucchesi and Dieguez 349). In this sense, his thought confirms Bu tlersif queer is to remain a site for defying the reduction of the subject, it must continue to be unstable and contingent: Although the political discourses that mobiliz e identity categories tend to cultivate identifications in the service of a political goal, it may be that the persistence of disidentification is equally crucial to the rearticula tion of democratic contestation (Bodies 4). Yet, this does not mean that Veloso, like Butler, is not aware of the political risks implied by the lack of

PAGE 72

72 definitions. In the same song Americanos, the artist contrasts the dangers posed by the secretive way Brazilian society operates (Enquan to aqui em embaixo a indefinio o regime / E danamos com uma graa cujo segredo / Nem eu mesmo sei / Entre a delcia e a desgraa / Entre o monstruoso e o sublime.; CV 7), with North-Americans gains in terms of civil rights (Concedem-se, conquistam-se direitos.; CV 7). Even though Velosos ambivalent identity may prove to be a source of anxiety to society, he insists that on an inner level, personal ca tegorization has never b een clear to him: A dubiedade que j intrigava os garotos no ginsi o e que eu prprio tematizei em minha figura pblica a partir dos anos 60 expressa contedos profundos relativos tanto natureza dos meus desejos quanto escolha de papis (Veloso, Verdade 475). The case of Veloso illustrates one of Eve Sedgwicks axioms, by showing that ther e is no obvious model that may explain how individuals perceive their own sexuality: Some pe ople, homo-, hetero-, and bisexual, experience their sexuality as deeply embe dded in a matrix of gender meanings and gender differentials. Others of each sexuality do not (26). In an interview given in 1984, Veloso questioned the existence of any materiality that could help explain sexuality, and any attempt to self-categorize implied to him an imprisonment: Eu no quero ser condenado a nada, nem a ser homem, nem a nada Eu quero saber em que lugar misterioso est escondido o segredo da definio sexual. Se no na anatomia, se no no comportamento, e em nenhuma das aparncias, onde ? (qtd. in Lucchesi and Dieguez 351) Therefore, for Veloso, sexual definition is an uns olvable mystery that find s no explanation in any apparent sign. Butler asserts that sexuality itself cannot be explained or deduced by any other existing term: There are no direct casual lines between sex, gender, gend er presentation, sexual practice, fantasy and sexuality. None of those te rms captures or determines the rest (Imitation 315). Velosos articulation of his own indeterm inacy subverts any notion that an inner core

PAGE 73

73 identity exists or that physic al sex may determine ones gender or sexuality. His decision to refrain from adopting a fixed identity is a re sult of finally coming to terms with this impossibility, and the self-allowance not to be part of any established cla ssification, according to what he stated in his memoir in 1997: Poderia dizer, a esta altura da vida, que me defini como heterosexual. Mas que nada. De todo modo, no h por que obstinar-se na busca de uma nitidez na orientao sexual se ela no se apresenta como evidncia espontn ea. O que importa ter os caminhos para o sexo rico e intenso abertos dentro de si. ( Verdade 478) The contribution of Veloso in the contesta tion of heteronormativ ity and the questioning of traditional gender values is remarkable. As James Green reminds us along with the overall impact the tropicalistas had in Brazilian society, they also opened up space for other artists to go even further in the subversion of hegemonic discourses: Singers such as Caetano Veloso, Maria Beth nia, and Gal Costa projected unabashed sensuality in their performances and were rumored to have had homosexual affairs. All of these developments helped to create a climate favorable to the questi oning of traditional notions of gender. In the early 1970s, the unise x images that Caetano Veloso and others had popularized in 1968 were taken much further by other artists, the most notable being the group Dzi Croquettes, and the singer Ney Matogrosso. (256) Ney Matogrosso: a Master of Cross-Dressing and Masquerades The use of stage personae to question heterose xism gained full expression in the work of Ney MatogrossoNey de Souza Pereira (b. 1941). He m ocked heterosexual and homophobic discourses through gay and drag performances, first as the vocalist for the group Secos e Molhados in the early 1970s, and later in his solo career. Mato grosso was a pioneer when he spoke openly about his homosexuality in 1978, and his case has attrac ted notable academic attention. The singers stage personae were hybrids of androgynous aesthetic trends, both internationallymore evident at that time in the works of David Bowie and Alice Cooperand nationally, as first developed by Caetano Veloso, and later expressed by the theatrical group Dzi

PAGE 74

74 Croquettes.3 His personae became more complex through their use of native Brazilian motifs. Paying homage to his state of orig in, the singer adopted his gra ndfathers surname, Matogrosso. His choice for this artistic name pointed to a consistent element in his projected image: references to the regions exubera nt fauna and flora, and to the legacy of indigenous people, portrayed in the way he dressed, as well as in so ngs that alluded to nati ve Brazilian legends and mythology. In this sense, much of Matogrossos artistic image followed the path opened by the Tropicalists: the re-styliz ation of international pop aesthe tics of the 1960s and 1970s through a creative hybridization with local references, mainly related to Brazils multiple tribal and ethnic heritages and to the tropical la ndscape. The singer frequently declared his admiration for Caetano Veloso and admits taking him as a model for artistic contestation of accepted behaviors: Quando eu vi o Caetano Veloso com aquele cabelo enorme e cacheado, todo vestido de cor-de-rosa num show Eu, aquele garo to cheio de sonhos na dcada de 60 Aquela imagem me provocou uma coisa que eu no sei te dizer o que era, mas disse pra mim mesmo: Se eu fosse artista, eu queria ser alguma coisa assim, provocar nas pessoas o que ele me provocou. Eu no queria ser o Caetano Veloso. Prestava muita ateno nele e no Tropicalismo Para mim era uma que sto comportamental. (qtd. in Fonteles 157) Matogrosso expanded the possi bilities opened up by the Tropical ists in terms of creating gender trouble. The artist became a master of cr oss-dressing and his unusual drag performances stimulated debates on established notions of masculinity and femininity, as well as on the privileges of heteronormativity. The artist again credits Veloso for making it possible to depict male sexuality on stage: Nada disso me teria sido permitido se no existisse antes o Caetano, que abriu o caminho para eu j chegar es cancarando e transbordando sexualidade. Sou 3 According to both Green and Trevisan, the group Dzi Croquettes of the 1970s made performances intended to create gender trouble. Inspired by the San Francisco group The Cockettes, the Brazilian artists explored parodic gender performances, defying both heterosexual and homos exual behavior norms: Os Dzi Croquettes colocaram nos palcos brasileiros uma ambiguidade de virulncia indita entre ns Homens de bigode e barba apresentavamse com vestes femininas e clios postios sutis em peitos peludos nem homens nem mulheres (ou exageradamente homens e mulheres; Trevisan, Devassos 288).

PAGE 75

75 eternamente grato ao Caetano por ele ter pos sibilitado minha manifestao artstica nessa encarnao (qtd. in Vaz 105). Mato grossos creative combination of Brazilian iconography with emerging androgynous aesthetics ultimately cont ests the perception of homosexuality as unnatural and illustrates the kind of drag pe rformance Butler qualifies germanely: Drag is subversive to the extent that it reflects on the imitative structure by which hegemonic gender is itself produced and disputes heterosexuality s claim on naturalness and originality ( Bodies 125). Matogrossos first successful hit, performed with the band Secos e Molhados, was O vira (Joo Ricardo-Luli, 1973). Ha lf-naked, wearing only feather ornaments, the singer explored double entendres that alluded to the st rangeness of the other who does not conform to established identity categories: Vira, vira homem, vira, vira / Vira, vira lobisomem (SM 1). The song is an ironic statement about Portuguese he ritage and the ways by which this legacy was locally assimilated and translated. Vira a traditional folk music style in Portugal, is here performed by Matogrosso in a provocative, effe minate way of dancing, while native Brazilian elements were included both in the lyrics and in his looks. The verb virar to turn describes the original folk expression: the mu sic is danced in small jumps turning the body into different directions. However, virar also means to become or t o turn into something, and in Matogrossos performance it could be understood as a transvestite act: Bailam corujas e pirilampos Entre os sacis e as fadas E l no fundo azul na noite da floresta A lua iluminou A dana, a roda e a festa Vira, vira, vira homem, vira, vira Vira, vira lobisomem, vira, vira. (SS 1) The forest thus became a metaphor for the gay urban scene, a place where, in the darkness of the night, the unexpected could ta ke place. The werewolf is a vehicle of the figurative:

PAGE 76

76 O lobisomem, no caso, referia-se ironicamente a esses annimos habitantes da grande cidade, que aps a meia-noite deixam seu cansativo papel de abboras para se transformar em atrevidas cinderelas; nas boa tes gueis, esse sentido ficou evidente: a cano se tornou quase um debochado hino dos homossexuais de ento. (Trevisan, Devassos 289) In this song and others, Matogrossos voice has been an essential element in conveying gender trouble, and he fully explored its uniquen ess. This element, along with provocative and eccentric dressing, heavy make-up and sensual hip dancing, helped Matogrosso become a master of masquerade: Ora de rosto maquiadssimo, peito nu e longas saias, ora cheio de penas, com chifres enormes na cabea e minsculo tapa-sexo, ele se notabilizou pelo rebolado frentico e pela voz de contralto [sic] (Trevisan, Devassos 289). As Joo Silvrio Trevisan remarks, Matogrossos feminine voice, wrongly perceived by some as a falsett o, is in fact a rare case of a true counter-tenor voice, and the singer sometimes uses falsetto to achieve even higher notes. Before joining a choral group, Matogrosso had an emotional complex about his voice, which he perceived negatively. The choral conductor finall y helped him understand the value of his rare voice: [Eu] achava que era um defeito. E nesse cora l, um dia, o maestro parou o ensaio para me dizer que eu tinha uma voz rara, que aquilo era uma voz que, antigamente, castravam as crianas para terem. Era um registro rarssimo de um ho mem ter (qtd. in Fonteles 88). Only after this episode did Matogrosso gain confidence and start to take full a dvantage of something that was a source of shame in his childhood: Eu tive uma garantia Existia naquilo uma qualidade que podia at no ser considerada assim pelas outras pessoas, mas j havia o respaldo de uma pessoa idnea o maestro que me tirou um problema. Pois quando eu era criana, falava fininho e as pessoas pegavam no meu p. O que foi um motivo de zombaria quando eu era criana passou a ser motivo de orgulho. (qtd. in Fonteles 89) In his performances, Matogrosso takes adva ntage of his high-pitc hed voice, which he contrasts purposefully with th e exhibition of male physical attributesmuscular body and hairy

PAGE 77

77 chest to create sexually ambi guous personae. In the beginni ng of his career Matogrosso shocked audiences and provoked de bates and discussion about term inology. Brazilian journalists were unsure how to classify him and others followed the leads: The media finally settled on the term a ndrogyny. Dzi Croquettes played with these journalistic inventions by responding: Deep down [the terms] are the same things: a travesti is a bicha from the lower classe s; now an androgynous person is the son of someone in the military. (Green 258) The sarcastic response from Dzi Croquettes played w ith issues of social class in relation to homosexuality. Because Matogrosso was the son of a military man, the media would not dare to call him by the same names used to refer to lower-class gay men. Matogrosso himself believed that the press was refraining fr om calling him names, but later, after understanding the meaning of the term androgynous he used the term to help him cl assify his own artistic development: Em algumas publicaes, eu sentia ntido que eles queriam mesmo era me chamar de veado, mas como no tinham coragem optav am pelo andrgino Acabou virando uma palavra da moda. Alis, a pr imeira vez que eu li, no sa bia o que ela queria dizer Quando descobri o significado, percebi que a imprensa havia descoberto talvez a nica palavra para definir, sob um certo aspecto, o que eu buscava com o meu trabalho. (qtd. in Vaz 104) In 1978, Matogrosso put an end to the cont roversy by declaring his homosexuality to journalists Vnia Toledo and Nelson Motta. The article was published in Interview under the title Ney fala sem make-up: Eu me exponho dessa maneira, inclusive me arriscando a tomar um tiro na testa porque de repente um macho no gosta de vea do Pra mim isso uma misso, acabar com essa coisa de que homossexual uma coisa triste, sofrida, que tem que ficar se escondendo. (qtd. in Green and Polito 150) In a period of still somewhat severe repression by the military dictatorship, Matogrosso risked being persecuted. In fact, government agents inve stigated the publication in order to determine whether the article offended morality and proprie ty. Although the singer occasionally received hostile treatment from some crowds in his con certs in the late 1970s, he insisted on pushing

PAGE 78

78 societys limits and became a successful mainstr eam artist. Even heterosexual audiences became captivated by Matogrossos audacious performances: His shows also attracted a large number of open-minded heterosexuals who were intrigued by the singers fals etto voice and his shows da ring originality. A master of ambiguity, Ney brought to his performances a theatricality seldom seen before in Brazilian music halls to create a stri king celebration of androgyny. (Albuquerque 34) One of Matogrossos goals was to challenge the notion of homosexuality as something melancholic. In this sense, he frequently made use of humor, mostly w ith a sarcastic tone. In some of his performances he made ironic referen ces to discourses of national representation and cultural identity that relied on Brazils tropical landscapes and abundant flora and fauna. He explored the motif in an i nnovative way, questioning the per ceptions of homosexuality as unnatural, as well as mocking the notion of Brazi lians as highly sexuali zed people. His careful selection of repertoire included the comic songs Folia no mataga l (1981) and Tarzan O rei das selvas (1984), both composed by Edua rdo Dusek and Luis Caldas Ges. Matogrossos theatricality gained its full expression even in the studio recordings by th e inclusion of dramatic elements such as dialogues between different characters and special sound effects. The cosongwriter, Eduardo Gabor Dusek (b. 1958), a multi-talented artist (singer, composer, pianist, musical director, actor and thes pian) is known for his frequently provocative sense of humor um estilo satrico e bem-humorado ( Dicionrio Cravo Albin ). Folia no matagal, a typical marchinha (a fundamental genre of Rio carnival), por trays nature as voluptuously erotic. The moon, for example, is characterized as a cynical woman who takes pleasure in having oral sex with the sea: O mar passa sa borosamente a lngua na areia / Que bem debochada, cnica que / Permite deleitada esses abusos do mar. (NM 7). As heard in Chico Buarques song Mar e lua, although the grammatical gender of the sea in Portuguese is ma sculine, it belongs to feminine symbolism, like the moon, therefore the pair mar-lua may be read as a lesbian couple.

PAGE 79

79 In Folia no matagal homosexuality resides more directly in sex acts between different kinds of trees, some masculine, some feminine. Lesbiani sm is implied in an act between palm trees ( palmeiras ), while coconut trees ( coqueiros) symbolize gay men: Palmeiras se abraam fortemente / Suspiram, do gemidos, soltam ais / Um coqueirinho pergunta docemente / A outro coqueiro que o olha sonhador: / Voc me amar eternamente?. (NM 7). Male homosexuality is implied through the use of the adverb docemen te (sweetly) to descri be the coconut trees effeminate tone of voice, as well as by the diminutive (coqueir inho) which suggests delicacy. This song explores one of the c ontradictions Butler obs erves in relation to homosexuality: Paradoxically, homosexuality is almost always conceived within the homophobic signifying economy as both uncivilized and unnatural ( Gender 168). The performed lyrics question prejud ices against same-sex relations hips by literally inviting the audience to observe how homosexuality happens in the natural world: Olha a natureza se amando ao lu. (NM 7). The use of the inform al imperative (olha) works here as a command to pay closer attention and for rethinking preconceived notions about the natural and the unnatural. Another artist who appeared in the same pe riod as Matogrosso, and who also recorded Folia no matagal was Maria Alcina. Her case i llustrates the conservative scenario in which both defied established gender categories by ma king evident their performative nature. In the early 1970s, Maria Alcina explored drag in a ve ry unusual manner, and Rodrigo Faour considers her and Matogrosso the most sexually provocative artists of this period: Apareceram dois artistas malditos pa ra os padres estabelecidos. A primeira delas, surgiu em 72. Maria Alcina que at hoje muita ge nte pensa que travesti apresentava uma postura incomum para uma mulher: voz gro ssa e ao mesmo tempo um jeito meio gay, espalhafatoso, com muita fantasia e rebol ados Foi censurada por comportamento. (384)

PAGE 80

80 Maria Alcina created a stage pe rsona that resembled a drag qu een, exaggerating the female act to the point of puzzling the audiences about he r real sex, and most be lieved she was a crossdressed man. The Brazilian artist illustrates what would happen later to Scottish singer Annie Lennox in the 1980s, when she also explored cros s-dressing to question ge nder identities: MTV initially assumed her [Lennox] to be a male tr ansvestite. The metamorphosis from woman to man, as Lennox pulled off her wig to reveal he r cropped hair, was too convincing and she was forced to provide documentation to prove her true identity (Whiteley, Women 129). Maria Alcina performances were so extravagant that the governments censors banned her from television, radio stations and liv e concerts, alleging th at she violated the law protecting moral and family values. Interestingly, Maria Alcinas repertoire did not contain any elements that could be perceived as politically subversive, and bottom line, her crime was to disobey the rules for performing gender. Her case illustrates societys need to control gender as a way of preserving heteronormativity: Under conditions of heterosexuality, policing gender is used sometimes as a way to securi ng heterosexuality (Butler, Gender xii). Making a similar satirical reference to se xuality and nature, Matogrosso recorded Tarzan O rei das selvas (1984), using the legendary char acter of fiction and film as a means to mock manhood and masculinity. Tarzan is portrayed as a gay icon who makes his crowd of homosexual jungle creatures go crazy: E ento aparece o astro moreno / Suas coxas suando / Igual ao sereno / D o seu uivo / Dos grandes macacos / E os bichos loucos / Caem todos de quatro. (NM 4). The lyrics are re plete with double entend res that imply male homosexuality. The words os bichos loucos, for example, literally the crazy animals, derive from a common, often pejorative, ex pression for an effeminate man: bicha louca The animals, who get down on their hands and knees (caem de quatro), in a superficial reading may be

PAGE 81

81 just amazed by Tarzans figure, one of the possi ble meanings of this expression. On the other hand, this physical position hints at anal intercourse. The allusion to the phallus is illustrated by the snakes (cobras), a common symbol of ma le genitalia: Mais de mil cobras criadas / Gritam: Quero ele pra mim!. (NM 4). The examples above were composed as intentional provocations of which Matogrosso took advantage in his theatrical performance. Neve rtheless, the singer did not rely only on songs created with this objective in mind. He also creatively appropriated diverse repertoires to convey gender trouble. Ednardos Pavo misterioso (1974), based on a fantastic folkloric chap-book narrative ( folheto de cordel ), gained a whole new meaning through Matogrossos performance (1993). The peacock because of the colorful feathe rs which it proudly exhibits to seduce its mate, is used in Brazil, as elsewhere, as a symbol of vanity, to describe peop le who enjoy showing off or have exaggerated and extravag ant looks. In this sense, it fits Matogrossos objective of conveying double meaning, implying cross-dressing a nd alluding to gay men: Pavo misterioso, pssaro formoso, tudo mistrio / nesse teu vo ar. (NM 1). The adjec tive formoso further emphasizes a delicate type of b eauty, and the mystery suggests hidden identities. This song reinforces some of the symbols Matogrosso had e xplored in O vira offe ring a parallel between the mysteries of the forests with its inhabitants a nd the urban gay scene. It is worth noting that by picking animal themes, Matogrosso ends up emph asizing the sexual connot ations of his work. Brazilians frequently use animal names in relation to sexuality, especially in references to gay men ( a bicha o veado), male or female genitalia ( a aranha, a cobra o pinto, o peru ), slutty women ( a galinha, a piranha ), promiscuity ( galinhagem ), or even as a collective of people with unusual looks or behavior (uma fauna).4 4 References to these words can be found in Glauco Mattosos Dicionarinho de palavres e correlatos and Aurlio Buarque de Holanda Ferreiras Novo dicionrio da lngua portuguesa

PAGE 82

82 Since his childhood, Matogrosso was fascinated by the mysteries of the forests and felt a profound identification with nature: A minha tota l integrao com a natureza o que veio de Mato Grosso, o lugar onde nasci Me embre nhava dentro de uma floresta com mata bem fechada e comecei a observar os ciclos da natureza (qtd. in Fonteles 165). The most traumatic experience of his chil dhood was witnessing a hunt, he was shocked by the violence he witnessed against animals with which he used to share his time. In his adulthood he engaged in ecological campaigns and made investments to protect nature. It could be argued that Matogrosso shares with nature the experience of othern ess, and that he sy mpathizes with those excluded from the civilized world, thus projec ting some of his own sentiments related to violence and marginalization. The interest of Matogrosso in Brazilian legends and myths is related to his own family experiences and the stor ies he was told: histrias mgicas e fantsticas na infncia e na adolescncia de Ney Alm da figura lendria do bisav [existia a] pessoa do av (Vaz 200). His first artistic inspiration for e xploring the themes of na ture in an exotic and erotic manner came from performer Elvira Pag5: Foi com a me a uma estao de rdio e de u de cara com Elvira Pag, linda e quase nua, coberta apenas com umas peles de ona e umas miangas. Pirei com aquela mulher, que parecia ter sado do meio da mata. A quilo era tudo que eu carregava na minha cabea, como smbolos da floresta, e sintonizou com um lado meu extico. Nunca mais esqueci aquela imagem e, de certo m odo, a reproduzi muitos anos depois. (Vaz 109) The paradigmatic view of Brazil as a highly sexualized tropical pa radise, contained in numerous discovery narratives, was also taken by Matogrosso as an oppor tunity to explore the links between nature and homosexuality. The Po rtuguese conquistadors frequently expressed their amazement at the licentious customs they encountered among indigenous people: When 5 Elvira Pag (Elvira Cozzolino, 19202003) was a singer, actress and vedette. One of her major hits, A rainha da mata, explains Matogrossos interest in her performances involving exotic natural ornaments. She became notorious as a performer in theatrical shows ( teatro de revista ), and was considered one of the most beautiful women of her time, from the 1940s until the early 1960s ( Dicionrio Cravo Albin ).

PAGE 83

83 Brazils discoverer, Pedro lvare s Cabral, and his Portuguese squadron made port in Brazil in 1500, its members were awed before the beauty of the country and fertility of its land, but also aghast at the nudity and laxity of its native inhabitants sexual practices (Trevisan, Tivira 3). Colonial writings on the practi ce of sodomy among natives were central for establishing the image of Brazil as a land of sin: Nothing was more shocking to the Christians of the time than the practice of the pecado nefando [nefarious sin], sodom ia [sodomy] or sujidade [filthiness], the names given to sexual acts between males that, according to the chaste historian Abelardo Romero grassava h sculos entre os brasis como um a doena contagiosa. (Trevisan, Tivira 4) As Trevisan remarks the old accounts of homosexual practi ces among natives were later confirmed by prestigious contempor ary anthropologists, such as Gilberto Freyre, Claude LviStrauss, Darcy Ribeiro, and Flor estan Fernandes, among others. The lush natural environment and tropical climate were freque ntly blamed, along with the loosen ess of the natives customs, for the seduction of the Portuguese settlers. In the words of historian Paulo Prado: O ardor dos temperamentos, a amoralidade dos costumes e toda a contnua tumescncia da natureza virgem era um convite vida solta em que tudo era pe rmitido (159). Historia n Srgio Buarque de Holanda published an entire volume dedicated to th e analysis of paradigm views of Brazil as a tropical paradise (Viso do paraso 1958). Matogrosso developed this theme in his performance of Chico Buarques and Ruy Guerras No existe pecado ao sul do equador ( 1978). The title refers to the colonial proverb infra equinoxialem nihil peccari below the Equa tor, there is no sinner (Trevisan, Tivira 7). The lyrics mock this kind of stereotypical imag e and invite Brazilians to enjoy fully the erotic pleasures they cannot avoid, for th ey are part of their nature. In this co ntext, everything is permitted and all sins should then be forgiven: No existe pecado do lado de baixo / Do Equador / Vamos fazer um pecado, rasgado / Suado a todo vapor. (NM 5). The words

PAGE 84

84 suado (sweaty) and vapor (steam) hint at climate-based determinist theories that describe Brazilians licensed sexua lity as a consequence of the trop ical weather. The lyrics also play with references to food, and eating is used as a metaphor for sex: Vem comer / me jantar / / Vem me usa, me abusa, lambusa. (NM 5) The focus on ethnic, spicy foodsSarapatel, caruru, tucupi, tacac. (NM 5)plays a double role, implying both the climatic heat and racial stereotypes. Allusion to inter-racial relationships is also clear since the first female character is referred to as a caf usa (a term created to designate the offspring of black and indigenous people). The se duction of the Europeans and conseque nt miscegenation appear in the last section of the song when a nother woman is presented as Du tch (holandesa). The inclusion of the Dutch instead of the Portuguese may relate to Chico Buarques own ancestry, which is represented by his family namede Hollanda.6 There is a specific historical account from the seventeenth century by French traveler Pier re Moreau about the licentious habits of Pernambucos inhabitants at the time of th e Dutch colonization (Trevisan, Tivira 7). Shortly after declaring his coming out, Matogrosso recorded Joyces composition Ardente (1979), which affirmed his sexual or ientation, first by mentioning his openness for any kind of love: Aprecio qua lquer paixo. (NM 12). Gay se x appears in a metaphorical reference to penetration: Meu corpo que nem farol / Indicando que pode entrar. (NM 12). The song also portrays the narrat or as having an effeminate di sposition (singelo), looking for a partner with the same qualities, someone like him, who is not afraid of living his homosexuality: Procuro algum to singelo como eu / Que no se esconda das coisas naturais / / Pois, afinal, os elementos so todos iguais. (NM 12). References to God claim the natural 6 The Dutch invaded the Northeast region of Brazil in the first quarter of seventeenth century. They controlled the state of Pernambuco for 24 years before finally being expelled in 1654. These rebellion movements are considered by some historians to be the first expressions of Brazilian nationalism because the main battles were led and fought by local armies, composed of whites, Africans and indige nous people. This explains the unique blend of ethnicities that exist in some parts of the Northeast including those with Dutch heritage.

PAGE 85

85 condition of homosexuality. Matogrosso, who has always emphasized his empathy with nature, understands it as a manifestation of the God he believes in: S empre tive uma relao profunda com a natureza, derivada de uma total identificao Nunca tive uma religio, no sentido tradicional da palavra, mas sempre vi na natureza uma manifestao de Deus, da qual ns fazemos parte (qtd. in Vaz 214). Th e character then exhibits pride in being the way he is, even if called crazy by society: ...................................................................... A natureza quer apenas lhe fazer aproveitar E mostrando que eu sou ardente como voc Sou demente, mas quem no ? ...................................................................... Sonhador desses sonhos meus Amoroso e fatal demais Louco e solto, graas a Deus Quero arder sempre mais (NM 12) It is worth noting the social critique behi nd the words demente and louco due to the fact that homosexuality in Brazil was frequently classified as a mental disorder until the 1960s. During the first three decades of the twentieth century, many gay men remained imprisoned in psychiatric institutions for years because of th eir sexual deviance, and some even endured routine shock treatments. As pointed out by James Green and Ronald Polito, there was an alliance between jurists, criminologists and docto rs to control unwanted behaviors, and even families made use of the medical apparatus to isolate gay members: Procuravam causas hereditrias, psicanalticas, bi otipolgicas ou endocrinolgicas. extensa a aproximao entre mdicos e o aparato jurdico-policial, cabendo polcia capturar homossexuais considerados delinqentes e entreg-los a pesquisadores do campo da medicina para estudos (21). Homosexuals could be either sent to jail or to hospitals, depend ing on the diagnosis. This case illustrates the mobilization of syst ems Michel Foucault describes in Discipline and Punish

PAGE 86

86 (1977) as the disciplinary institutions organized to control society. Repression of homosexuals increased in the years of the Vargas regime (1930), and eugenic theories were used to justify the need to eliminate such deviant behavior: The positivist tradition in Brazil, which empha sized applying science to further social progress while at the same ti me maintaining an orderly society, supported the states intervention in solving soci als ills This philosophy legitimized the role of physicians, jurists, and criminologists. [It] also served as a backdrop to debates about race, eugenics, gender roles, the place of women in Brazilian society, and the causes of homosexual degeneratio n. (Green 109) Matogrosso insisted on explor ing this theme and in 1986 he recorded Balada do louco composed by Arnaldo Batista: Dizem que sou l ouco por pensar assim / Se eu sou muito louco por eu ser feliz / Mais louco quem me diz / E n o feliz / / Eu juro que melhor / No ser o normal / Se eu posso pensar que Deus sou eu. (NM 3). Ardente is one of the rare cases of this kind of gender-ro le inversion where a female composer created a song to be performed by a ma le singer. Joyce wrote th e song at Matogrossos special request, and as the songwriter affirms, it intentionally depicted his sexual orientation: Gay mesmo foi uma msica que fiz por enco menda pro Ney Me senti um pouco como aqueles caras que compe como mulher, com fa la feminina, fiquei com medo que soasse falso Mas o Ney aprovou, ento acho que a tentativa deu certo (qtd. in Faour 411). This was not the only time that Joyce composed a song about masculinity or in stigated debates about male homosexuality. In Diga a, companheiro (1983) the female songwriter describes a womans conversation with her husband as she tries to und erstand how to read his increasing femininity: Voc me pede o batom e eu empresto / Empresto a sombra pra passar nos clios / Voc tem que me dizer, amor / O que que eu vou dizer aos no ssos filhos?. (JC 1). J oyce explains that the lyrics did not deal with homosexuality, but rather they were an ironic note on the 1980s trend for

PAGE 87

87 men to display a fake gay attitude, inspired in the behavior model established by Caetano Veloso: Ao contrrio do que parece, o sujeito em questo no gay uma brincadeira com uma personagem muito comum no incio dos anos 80 no Rio de Janeiro, o falso gay aquele cara de tanguinha, postura meio feminina, falando igual ao Caetano, fita no cabelo, e na hora H, casado e pai de famlia. Tudo s atitude. (qtd. in Faour 411) Another innovative approach Matogrosso adopted in regards to gender and sexuality was a kind of double parody in which he mocked all so rts of performativities, be they controlled by heterosexual or homosexual codes. In Hom em com H (Antnio Barros, 1981) the singer played with macho discourses by contrasting his drag fi gure with a vocal performance in which he would force a lower-pitched tone to state his masculinity: Porque eu sou homem / Sou homem com H. (NM 7). In this kind of utteran ce, Matogrosso takes full advantage of what Butler would call the subversive pote ntial of parodic gender repetiti ons by implying a failure to repeat, a de-formity that exposes the phantasma tic effect abiding iden tity as a politically tenuous construction ( Gender 179). As the author reminds us, although parodic repetitions originate from models established by hegemonic culture, they denaturalize those models for being replicated out of context and for faili ng to mimic the original. The song, in the northeastern forr style, depicts a male character who, to his mothers delight, exhibits all the attributes expected of a real macho: .............................................. Quando eu estava pra nascer De vez em quando eu ouvia Eu ouvia a me dizer Ai meu Deus como eu queria Que essa cabra fosse homem Cabra macho pra danar Ah! Mame aqui estou eu Mame aqui estou eu Sou homem com H E como sou. (NM 7)

PAGE 88

88 According to Faour, the song generated controversy among tradition-conscious forr artists and it didnt take long for them to react to Matogros sos parody of the common northeastern figure of cabra macho (tough guy). One year later, Geniva l Lacerda recorded H sem homem (Ceclio and Rubelito, 1982). Althou gh unsuccessful, it represented the machista and homophobic attitudes that prevailed within th is musical tradition. Lacerdas song questions Matogrossos manhood and even threatens him with physical violence if one day he moves to the north region: Tem um sujeito por a / Dize ndo pra todo mundo que homem com H / Que j virou at lobisomem / Mas tem gente que afirma que esse h no de homem / E se for morar no Norte pode crer que o couro come (qtd. in Faour 402). Calnias (Telma eu no sou gay) (Leo Jaime-Leandro-Selvagem Big Abreu, 1983) portrays a mans comic appeal to convince the woma n with whom he is in volved of his (current) heterosexuality: Telma eu no sou gay / o que falam de mim so calnias / meu bem eu parei. (NM 11). The song is considered by its authors as a parody of Tell me once again by B. Anderson. Created to tease cl oseted homosexuals, when perfor med by Matogrosso, it gained a whole new meaning. The contrast between his sexually ambiguous costume persona and the lyrics serves to invert what could be translated in a heterosexual context as a homophobic making fun of gay men. The performance by an op enly gay artist questions societys notions about homosexuality as a matter of personal choice. While the character declares having abandoned his old lifestyleEu deixei aque la vida de lado / E no sou mais um transviado.(NM 11)Mat ogrossos gestures are deliver ing exactly the opposite message. The words also mock heterosexual gender norms, and traditional codes are referred to as modern: Vamos ser um casal moderno / Voc de bobs e eu de terno. (NM 11). The lyrics point to the unspoken social agreements th at control the performance of gender under

PAGE 89

89 heteronormativity, while also playing with the stereotypes associated with gay men through a reference to cross-dressing: No meu esse baby-doll. (NM 11) Matogrosso always emphasized that despite including elements consider ed feminine in his performances, he does not identify himself as a transvestite precisely because he rejects prot otypical femininity exaggerated female act: No vou ficar atacando [certas mulheres], assim como no vou sair por a matando travesti, s porque os dois tm um lado em comum que eu detesto: essa coisa excessiva de mulher. Que a mulher no prec isa ter (qtd. In Vaz 184). Confirming his repudiation of established gender co des, he also criticizes the n eed for men to exhibit typical signs of manhood: Porque se tem gente babaca nesse mundo homem que no pode ter sensibilidade e precisa desnecessariamente ser um troglodita, numa atitude machista e preconceituosa. No fundo, a raa humana ainda est muito atrasada, deixando de ver o essencial e vivendo na superfcie de um a bobagem. (qtd. in Vaz 184) In contrast, he proposes to dec onstruct radical and stable notions about being a woman, a man or a gay person. The sarcastic songs above illustra te how Matogrosso avoids becoming an avatar for any given category: By exposing the limits of closeted identity, Ne y Matogrosso can thus affirm his own homosexuality without essentia lizing it. In other words, he discloses his homosexuality by representing it always under erasur e, or as a (mock) he terosexuality (BragaPinto 193). Indeed, Matogrosso has expanded his rejection of identities when taken as a way to label people: Em primeiro lugar, acho uma grande bobagem a necessidade que a sociedade tem de colocar rtulos nas pe ssoas: bissexual, heterossexual ou homossexual. Tudo apenas sexualidade (qtd. in Vaz 181). Presenting Por debaixo dos panos (Ceceu, 1982), Matogrosso again evoked closetedness and portrayed a critique of the secretive ways Brazilian society operates: O que a gente faz / por debaixo dos panos / Pra ningum sabe r / debaixo dos panos / Que a gente esconde

PAGE 90

90 tudo / E no se fica mudo / E tudo quer fazer. (NM 6). Even though the main idea behind the lyrics was to denounce widespre ad corruption, the performance by Matogrosso conveyed an additional message about hidden sexualities and id entities. The song text points to Roberto da Mattas concept of Braz il as a society in which double mora l and behavioral standards prevail informed by the dialectics between public conduct (rua) and private life (casa) (70). A similar dichotomy is represented in Sedgwicks definition of the closet dynamics, where the performance of silence contrasts with existing common knowledge, and sam e-sex desire is still structured by its distinctive public/private status, as the open secret (22). The song thus illustrates the unspoken social contracts that opera te in Brazil with respect to moral codes and which end up making those codes somewhat more elastic: deviant behaviors may even be acceptable, if they are kept in secret a nd do not openly confront norms of society. Matogrossos repertoire sele ction was often guided by ambiguities in song titles. Some alluded to prohibitions and s ecret identities: Pecado, A mor proibido, Segredo, Por debaixo dos panos, No existe pecado ao su l do Equador and As aparncias enganam. Others suggested an effeminate nature or female identity: Balada da arrasada, Belssima, Boneca cobiada, F menino, Fruta boa a nd Maria escandalosa. A number of titles could be understood as queerBalada do l ouco, Desfigurado, Exagerado, Sujeito estranho, Metamorfose ambulantewhile others simply suggest a distinct kind of man or way of loving: Jeito de amar, Seu tipo, Mes mo que seja eu, Fao de tudo and Por que a gente assim?. Some of these suggestive titles gave names to Matogrossos albums: Pecado (1977), Seu tipo (1979), Sujeito estranho (1980) and As aparncias enganam (1993). Early in his career, Matogro sso suggested that his inten tions were to become the chameleon of Brazilian popular music and to exercise an ability to impersonate ambiguous

PAGE 91

91 characters similar to that of Davi d Bowie in 1972 with his Ziggy Stardust.7 The recording of Raul Seixas Metamorfose ambulante (1977) suggested Matogrossos rejection of fixed identities and ideas: Eu prefiro ser / Essa me tamorfose ambulante / Do que ter aquela velha opinio formada sobre tudo. (NM 9). The wo rds Eu sou um ator. (NM 9) imply the construction of stage personae. As the artist explained, more than singing about distinct kinds of people, he treated concerts performances of songs as acting and impersonating different characters: Cada um formou um arqutipo diferent e. E uma energia to diferente que eu tenho de me adequar para cantar aquele repertrio Eu tenho que exercitar o me u aparelho fsico para aquele personagem, para aquelas palavras, para aqueles conceitos (qtd. in Fonteles 230). Matogrossos ever-changing identity has been reflected in his looks and the examination of his album covers shows that he became a master of masquerade. The heavy make-up and sexually ambivalent image of his early albums would later give way to the impersonation of typical heterosexual men. Dressed in a suit for the photo album of Pescador de Prolas (1986), he recorded only classics by traditional male composers, such as Ary Barroso and Herivelto Martins. He posed covered with balangands (trinkets) for Batuque (2001), an album entirely dedicated to Carmen Miranda. For the following record, Matogrosso dressed as an ordinary middle-class man in a tribute to a venerable samba composer Ney Matogrosso interpreta Cartola (2002). Interestingly, Matogrosso did not perceive his male performances as acting, but instead as a difficult career sh ift when he decided to depict himself without a mask: Fui coerente o tempo todo; at quando rompi com essa forma de expresso, com o show Pescador de Prolas, que era o contrrio de tudo isso. Era eu vestido de terno, cantando. Era s a voz que 7 The word chameleon has been frequently used to describe David Bowie ever-changing masquerades: The clich about David Bowie says he's a musical chameleon, adapting himself according to fashion and trends (David Bowie). See also Bowie, David in Britannica Online. In 1979 the artist released the album Bowie! Chameleon

PAGE 92

92 importava (qtd. in Fonteles 159). Nevertheless, he was still performing gender and his choice of conventional male dress to perform such classi cs of MPB ultimately reveals the constructive nature of identities. It could also be argue d that considering his past ambiguous projected identity, Matogrosso was creating even more trouble by posing as a man in a male drag. As the artist comments, the stage became a place for persona l catharsis in which he could deal with the existence of multiple identities: Sempre temi a loucura Eu acho que a arte me fez ultrapassar esse temor A arte me provocou vrias catarses, que me permitiram ver a mim mesmo e entender que eu no era um esqui zofrnico. Durante muito tempo, pe nsei que eu fosse dois (qtd. in Fonteles 229). Matogrossos case evokes the analysis c onducted by Georges-Claude Guilbert on the personae created by Madonna. The author compares the North-American pop star to David Bowie vis--vis their ever-changi ng masquerades. Both can be compared to Matogrossos work and raise similar questions to the ones made by Jean Baudrillard about Madonnas projected identities: [She] has a fantastic identity, an authenticity that can resist anything, or she has none at all. [Maybe] she plays with that absence of id entity or maybe she has at the same time a solid nucleus and the possibili ty to dislocate, in every se nse. (qtd. in Guilbert 111) Matogrossos sincere statement about removing the mask to perform a conventional man could be understood as one more disguising gesture, equivalent to the ones performed by Madonna: [She] regularly pretends to pret end to her public that she is taking off the mask and showing her true face, when all she is doing is moving from one disguise to the next (Guilbert 112). By constantly intriguing the audience, both the in ternational pop star and Matogrosso have maintained the interest of their fans. They both c ould also be considered as having a gift pointed out by Baudrillard: the ability to incarnate all th e possibilities of differenc e or sexual deviance

PAGE 93

93 (qtd. in Guilbert 112). Matogrosso cannot be compared, however, to David Bowie or Madonna in terms of their status as commodities or their capac ity to generate trendy tr ansnational aesthetics. Nevertheless, the Brazilian artist has been using similar artistic artifices to maintain his successful career for more than thirty years. Matogrossos contribution to the expansion of societys limits on gender norms and to acceptance of same-sex desire is undeniable: W hile [his] stage persona did not meet with universal acceptance, his audacious behavior was one of an array of cultur al manifestations that helped expand toleration for homosexuality (G reen 260). As Green emphasizes, the artist offered a new model for homosexual men by public ly discussing his sexual orientation and by questioning stereotypes of gay me n. His insistence on affirming his subjectivity as essentially masculine brought into question fantasies about male homosexuality as a failed copy of femininity: Minha energia essencialmente masculina, e jamais pretendi emitir alguma energia feminina; gosto de ser masculino, e apesar das brincadeiras sexuais, nunca fui para a cama com um homem me sentindo uma mulher (qtd. in V az 187). Matogrossos intention was neither to copy, nor to reject the feminine, but instea d, to embrace what was considered womens exclusivity on certain modes of expre ssion, especially regarding sexuality: Acrescentei a isso tudo uma carga de sexua lidade explcita, que um homem no podia exercitar. Aquilo que eu e xplicitamente mostrava era permitido apenas s mulheres. Homem no podia ter sexualidade Eu vi m com o feminino tambm, embora fosse homem gostando de ser homem. Em nenhum mo mento eu quis ser mulher. (qtd. in Fonteles 158) As Green concludes, Matogrosso changed concep tions of appropriate masculine behavior in Brazil in the early 1970s (258), and projected a new androgynous sexuality that appealed as much to women as it did to homosexual men (259). In this sense, the artis t mobilized desires in

PAGE 94

94 both sexes, which in his opinion was exactly be cause he was a homosexual man, and therefore not afraid of exploring sexuality in different and more pleasurable ways. Gilberto Gil: Mythical and Poetical Androgyny Following the path opened by Chico Buarque and Caetano Veloso with regards to em bracing the feminine, other male artists such as Gilberto Gil also found room to question gender stereotypes, writing and/or recording so ngs in which they expressed a feminine soul and a distinct kind of masculin ity. Co-founder of the Tropicalist movement along with Veloso, Gilberto Passos Gil Moreira (b. 1942), wrote a number of songs where he clearly opposes given notions of manhood. According to Perrone, Gils fascination with andr ogynous self-integration as a poetic theme and as a concept of self ( Masters 111) is reflected in songs that adopt a Jungian anima/animus complementary view of ma sculinity and femininity, such as in SuperhomemA Cano (1979): Um dia Vivi a iluso de que ser homem bastaria Que o mundo masculino tudo me daria ............................................................ Que nada! Minha poro mulher que at ento se resguardara a poro melhor que trago em mim agora. (GG 2) While this kind of essentialist approach, pointing to the woman as the best part of me, could today be subject to feminist cri tique, it played an important role at the time of the songs release because it questioned strict gender constr uctions. Through the sarcastic reference to SupermanThe Movie Gil defied the idealization of men as heroes the superiority of ma le attributes, and the notion of masculinity based on power and streng th: Allusions to the co mic-book and film hero are ironic, for the lyric challenges the idea that physical strength is th e essence of masculinity. True superioritythe psychic, spiritual union of anima and anim usis vested in a divine and

PAGE 95

95 historical dimension (Perrone, Masters 111). Self-integration is also approached by using Seasonal archetypesmale as Summer, female as Springand women are then associated with the principle of life: O poeta sustenta a mascu linidade (vero) como conseqncia da vivncia do feminino (primavera), sendo esse ltimo a razo de ser do masculino Ao consagrar o feminino, Gilberto Gil reafirma a masculinidade, resgatandolhe a essncia hermafrodita (Fontes 174). In this sense, G il places women as the reason fo r mens existence and by evoking the mother, reinforces aspects such as fertility and the origins of life: Quem dera / Pudesse todo homem compreender, oh, me, quem dera / Ser o vero o apogeu da primavera / E s por ela ser. (GG 2). The song also became a major point of reference for the gay community by challenging pejorative views of effeminate men. Gil argues that this was not his intention and explains that his suggestion of androgyny was meant to question th e male-female dichotomy: Muita gente confunde essa msica como um a apologia ao homossexualismo, e ela o contrrio sem dvida uma insinuao de androginia masculino e feminino como duas qualidades essenciais ao ser humano A idia central de que todo homem mulher (e toda mulher homem). ( Todas 225) In the 1978 song F menino (which translates as faith boy and may be a homophone of feminine, feminino ), Gil incorporates ambivalent sentence s that allude to the possibility of bisexuality and androgyny: Bela menina, minha sina, cada vez / Belo menino, meu destino, cada vez mais. (NM 1). The suggestion of bisexua lity was further heightened by the fact that the song was never recorded by G il himself, but instead by Ney Matogrosso, who at this time was already openly gay. In turn, Gils Pai e me (1975) focuses on overcoming the prejudices against physical affectio n between men: Eu passei muito tempo / aprendendo a beijar outros homens / como beijo meu pai. (GG 3). The lyri cs address the narrators mother and contain an appeal for her to intercede on his behalf: Meu pai, como vai? / Diga a ele que no se aborrea comigo. (GG 3). In the subsequent lines, the lyrics provi de the father an explanation

PAGE 96

96 for the sons public exhibition of affection to wards other men. They challenge the father-son relationship as the only socially acceptable si te for men to exhibit emotions perceived as feminine. Male friends, as well as the father can contain both mas culines strength and protection, along with feminines nourishment and comfort: ....................................................................... Quando me vir beijar outro homem qualquer Diga a ele que eu quando beijo um amigo Estou certo de ser algum como ele Algum com sua fora pra me proteger Algum com seu carinho pra me confortar Algum com olhos e corao bem abertos Para me compreender. (GG 3) As Perrone notes the father -son relationship becomes an emblem for authenticity of interpersonal contact ( Masters 111), an aspect confirmed by Gil: Uma confisso de afeto profundo pelos pais, colocando todos os homens queridos como sendo um prolongamento do pai e de todas as mulheres amadas como um prolongamento da me ( Todas 170). In Loguned (1979) Gil again treats the son as a product of the parents who carries the qualities of both. In this homage to his ow n Afro-Brazilian oricha, Gil emphasizes the androgynous nature of this entity, who is associated with the mothers ( Oxum ) tenderness and the fathers ( Oxssi ) skillfulness as a hunter and fisherman: de L oguned a doura / Filho de Oxum, Loguned / Mimo de Oxum, Loguned ed, ed / Tanta ter nura / / Sabido, puxou aos pais / Astcia de caador / Pacincia de pescador. (GG 2). The lyrics comprise a tribute to the parents similar to that conveyed in Pai e me, but they also contain an added element of potential bisexuality as represen ted in the African mythology: S eu carter [] bissexual [e] na referncia a Oxum e Oxossi, seus pais [so] igualmente homenageados (Gil, Todas 227). This song reflects Gils gradual and consistent distance from the symbols of Ch ristianity and Western discourses, and the affinity he maintains with hi s African ancestry and with systems of belief less

PAGE 97

97 androcentric and sexist. Antni o Risrio notes the coincidence of mythological androgyny with Gils oricha and its relationship with the counterculture ideas he supported: pela via mstica que vamos esclarecer ainda o fundamento do androginismo de Gil na tradio mitolgica do Andrgino, f azendo-o coincidir com teses caras s vanguardas poltico-existenciais contemporneas. Gil reivindica a superao filosfica dos contrrios, em direo totalidade sim blica da potncia dos sexos Curioso que Gil, no Camdombl, filho de Loguned, Orix seis meses homem seis meses mulher. (269) Earlier, Tradio (1973) suggests the possi bility that men can notice other men and confronts the prejudices su rrounding the act of pointing ou t another mans beauty: ....................................................................... Menino que eu era e veja que eu j reparava Numa garota do Barbalho Reparava tanto que acabei j reparando No rapaz que ela namorava Reparei que o rapaz era muito inteligente ....................................................................... E diferente pelo tipo ....................................................................... Sempre rindo e sempre cantando Sempre lindo. (GG 2) Gil explains that the song had no homosexual suggestion, but rather illustrates his aspiration for social inclusion, since the young man he depicted in the song had access to everything that was considered desirable at this time, even imported North American jeans: De camisa aberta e certa cala americana / Arranjada de c ontrabando. (GG 2). In this sense, both the boy and the girl were objects of his desire, but for different reas ons: Ela [era] meu objet o de desejo sexual. E ele, meu objeto do desejo cultural (Gil, Todas 145). Despite his original intention, Gils lyrics leave room for doubts, and like Super-homem, the song offered an opportunity for homosexual identification: the shift of his attention to the womans boyfriend could be interpreted as sexual attraction.

PAGE 98

98 O Veado (1983) has remained the artists mo st controversial song due to the fact that its title refers to an often pejorative slang term for homosexual men. Literally meaning the deer, the word is used as an equivalent for fag: O fator estimulante da cano foi a minha fantasia infantil com o animal bonito e demasiadamente arisco, difcil de ser caado, fugidio, gil, lpido associado viso do esteretipo do homossexual assumido, a bicha-l ouca como um modo de dar ao trax e bunda uma proeminncia que no teriam. (Gil, Todas 268) There is a parallel between the delicate move s of the animal and the female qualities of homosexuals: O veado / Como lindo / Es capulindo pulando / / Evaporante / Eva pirante. (GG 1). As the songwriter reminds us at this time artists like him were being perceived as homosexuals because of their adoption of androgynous aesthetics, which often included the use of female ornaments. Gil explains that he personally engaged, along with other artists of his generation, in a defiance of heteronormativity in orde r to expand individual freedom, fighting the historical persecution and social intolera nce of homosexuals. Gil does not personally identify himself as gay, but claims th e need to incorporate gayness in his life: Necessidade que eu sentia de aproximao e compreenso da homossexualidade No sou homossexual (poderia ser, mas no sou), no foi algo necessrio na minha vida; mas da veadagem eu fao questo ( Todas 268). It is his belief that artistic creati on itself requires the embracing of gay aesthetics: S e voc artista tem que aprender a ser veado. o meu caso: eu sou aprendiz ( Todas 268). The lyrics evoke the image of Greta Garbo as a symbol of androgyny and camp: O veado / Greta Garbo / Garbo, a pala vra mais justa / / Garbo esplendor de uma dama / Das camlias. (GG 1). His identifica tion with camp shows his appreciation for the baroque, an aspect frequently refl ected in his speech and writing: Uma elaborao que tem a ver com a veadagem com a costura, o bordado, o brocado, o barroco as palavras brotam como vol pia E com garbo de Greta Garbo, ela

PAGE 99

99 mesma uma figura andrgina, uma das grande s deusas da veadagem planetria. (Gil, Todas 268) Gil had already made a refere nce to this kind of gay aes thetics earlier in 1979. The song Realce encourages the use of more glitter and appreciates the beauty of velvet colors: Quanto mais purpurina melhor / Realce, real ce / / Com a cor do veludo / Com amor, com tudo / De real teor de beleza. (GG 2). It is worth noting that this song was released simultaneously with the disco boom in Brazil, pr opelled by the extraordinary success of Gilberto Bragas soap opera, Dancin Days (1978). The television drama itself contained references that could be captured by gay audiences, such as the inclusion in the soundtrack of the Village People hit Macho Man. Gilberto Braga is hims elf openly homosexual, and has been one of telenovelas scriptwriters to push for the inclusion of gay themes and characters in the so-called prime-time soap operas, televised by Rede Globo, Brazils dominant network. Gil along with his Tropicalis t fellows helped to questi on established notions of masculinity, embracing so-called feminine attrib utes, showing affection towards other men and projecting an androgynous figure. The singer-so ngwriter created a model to be followed by younger artists. In the 1980s pop singer Pepeu GomesPedro An bal de Oliveira (b. 1952) made use of similar articulations in Masculino e feminino (1983), created in collaboration with Baby Consuelo (his wife at the time), and Didi Gomes. The song proclaimed men as the creation of a dual-sex God, resembling Gils approach to cosmic androgyny: Ser um homem feminino / No fere o meu lado masculino / Se Deus menino e menina / Sou o masculino e o feminino. (PG 1). At this time androgynous ae sthetics gained attention, and other male artists, such as the pop-rock singer Lulu Sant osLus Maurcio Pragana dos Santos (b. 1953) explored gender bending. Santos can be seen on the front cover of his compact Gosto de batom (1980; LS 1) using red lipstick. More than a decade later, in the song Mulher eu sei (1995),

PAGE 100

100 Chico CsarFrancisco Csar Gonalves (b. 19 64)declares that a past female existence explains his understanding of wo mens feelings: Eu sei como pisar no corao de uma mulher / j fui mulher eu sei. (CC1). Although pers onally identified as a heterosexual man, the influential Gil has represented a positive voice regarding bisexuality and homosexuality as viable forms of sexuality worthy of respect, and he has supported gay-rights movements. Conclusions : Tropicalist leaders Caetano Veloso and Gilberto Gil, along with singer Ney Matogrosso, represented a major paradigm shift in regards to notions of masculinity. Veloso projected an identity th at consistently resisted labeling. His artistic persona has often been associated with his personal identity, and at all levels, Veloso ha s insisted on gender and sexuality ambivalence. The artist calls attenti on to the potential impr isonment represented by strict categories. He invites challenges to so cietys need to classify individuals, which may reinforce dichotomous constructions and the lines that separate normative and marginal identities. Gil proposed blurring feminine and masculine categories, projecting a mythical androgyny, which embraces the possibility for men to portray female attributes. In turn, Ney Matogrosso offers an example of radical conf rontation of established ideas of gender and sexuality. His drag performances projected a sexu ality seldom seen in the mainstream Brazilian artistic scene. Because he never gave up disp lay of his male physical attributes, the artist revealed the performative nature of identities. By crea ting parodies of machista and homophobic discourses, as well as of closeted homosexuals the openly gay Matogrosso took full advantage of the subversive potential of unusual gender performances. This generation as a whole opened up space for the articulation of non-normative gender and sexual identities within Brazilian popular music: Seus expoentes criaram algo como uma teia de vasos comunicantes, com contemporneos e antecessores ligados a uma expresso cultura l homo, para compor um rudo subterrneo

PAGE 101

101 que comea em Caetano Veloso, prossegue com Ney Matogrosso e vai tomando corpo at se tornar um grito na voz de Cazuza. (Trevisan, Devassos 319) Reference is made here to artists not include d in discussion above, such as rock singersongwriter Cazuza, who expanded the proposals of earlier generations. Both Cazuza and fellow rock luminary Renato RussoRenato Manfre dini Jnior (1960) should be noted for discussing their homosexuality and for calling atten tion to AIDS, as they were both infected and perished due to HIV. Singer Cssia Eller Cssia Rejane Eller (1962) mentioned by both Trevisan and Albuquerque as one of the few females to explore visual gender bending, also gained popularity in the late 1980 s. Eller made public her lesbiani sm and her stable relationship with a woman. After her early death in 2001, her spouse became the first notorious case of a lesbian to obtain legal guardi anship of the partners son. Despite all these gains, clear limits remai n. Although Veloso has suggested that adopting a fixed identity may replicate categorization and constitute a denial of complex subjectivities, it may also undermine the possibility of appropriation of such categories as political tools. The lack of personal commitment may induce the perception of such non-normative identities as restricted to artistic expressions, acceptable only on stage, which ends up serving as a metaphor for the carnival. Cross-dressing and ge nder bending can be understood as an artistic license, where the extraordinary is temporarily allowed, reinforc ing then what is the ordinary. Even Ney Matogrosso, who had a bold attitude in the 1970s by making public his homosexuality, has constantly refrained from becomi ng a gay icon or an activist. Trevisan believes that the ve rifiable conservative backlash in customs of the late 1980s and the 1990s was attributable to the AIDS ende mic and to the initial negative perception of the disease as a gay male plague; this perception helps to explain artists efforts to distance themselves from homosexual or bisexual identif ication. The author exem plifies some of the

PAGE 102

102 malicious campaigns that took place during this tim e, such as bumper stickers in So Paulo saying Extermine um Paulo Ricardo hoje para evitar um Ney Matogrosso amanh, or the media terrorism: A maldosa e sensaci onalista manchete na capa da revista Amiga, em agosto de 1990: a AIDS de Ney Matogrosso, C aetano Veloso e Milton Nascimento ( Devassos 318). In this sense, even though these artists have carved out a space for identification of nonheterosexual audience, this success did not transl ate in the same proportion into open social debates or the strengtheni ng of political movements.

PAGE 103

103 CHAPTER 4 DEFYING FEMININITY: A DI FFE RENT KIND OF WOMAN During the 1970s the participation of wome n increased in the domain of songwriting, previously almost exclusively male. In the la te 1970s and early 1980s women songwriters would find an arena to challenge patr iarchy and to probe diverse subjectivities, not necessarily constructed in relation to men or to their roles as romantic partners. Female singers also contributed for the defiance of prototypical ideas about wo men. They appropriated male composers repertoire in order to question the androcentric popular music canon through genderrole inversions, sarcastic perfor mance of misogynous lyrics, or th e maintenance of the masculine point of view, thus suggesting lesbianism. As seen in Chapter Two, female roles in popular music tended to be limited almost exclusively to performance of songs composed by men, most of them stereotypical and machista Many female singers enjoyed the status of superstars, including Carmen Miranda, Emilinha Borba, Dalva de Oliveira and ngela Maria, am ong many others, especially in the era of radio. As in the traditions of the medieval troubadours, it was common for men to write lyrics adopting womens perspective, although differently from cantigas de amigo contemporary songwriters would have their works performed by female artists.1 This practice undoubtedly contributed to the reinforcement of the social imaginary with respect to patriarchy and gender values. Ana Paula Ferreira, in her analysis of the Portuguese medieval tro ubadours tradition, suggests the pervasive effects of male-centered speech in the creation of supposedly female identities: Cantigas damigo constitute an ideologically invest ed, male appropriation of female voice that functioned to s upport the status quo by confir ming womens dependence on the sexual love of men. The image of a desiring female subject could thus have 1 Cantigas de amigo are Galician-Portuguese medieval troubadour songs written and performed by men adopting a female perspective.

PAGE 104

104 contributed to keep real wo men from imposing their own alternative voices not only as writing, but first and foremost as speaking subjects. (37) In contemporary songs the fact that women assumed the role of si ngers to perform male-authored lyrics can, therefore, be considered even more pr ejudicial because it enha nces verisimilitude and illusion of truthfulness behind such lyrics. As Frances Aparicio suggests, the restriction of Latinas in popular music to the role of vocalists ends up reinfo rcing the exclusivity of male discourse and inhibiting the articul ation of female subjectivity: The fact that Latinas have historically achie ved more prominence as vocalist than in other music roles suggests a process of containm ent in their professional development and opportunities. Women singers are allowed to pe rform as long as they sing the words of others and in some cases, they play to de sires and fantasies of a male audience. (173) Both Jos Ramos Tinhoro and Charles Perrone point out that only in the late 1970s did women songwriters gain a more re levant role in MPB. Prior to these years, only few notable examples can be found, mainly Maysa Matarazzo and Dolores Duran in the 1950s. As discussed in the previous chapters, Chico Buarque and C aetano Veloso played major roles in broadening thematic scope in the portrayal of female e xperience and in questioni ng stereotypical gender notions. Increased general interest in womens perspectives in MPB, in addition to the influence of international civil-rights and womens-libera tion movements, helped to create opportunities for a new generation of female music-makers. The slow decrease in censorship by the military dictatorship which would lead to the re-establishment of demo cracy in 1985 also created a positive scenario for social movements in general. It was in this context that such songwriters as JoyceJoyce Silveira Moreno (b. 1948), Ana TerraAna Maria Terra Borba Caymmi (b. 1950), Ftima Guedes (b. 1958) and ngela R Rngela Maria Diniz Gonalves (b. 1949) authored and performed songs that defined new pr ofiles, as they dealt with themes such as motherhood, domestic violence, and lesbianism. It is important to consider the relevance of the

PAGE 105

105 creation of a body of women-authored lyrics fo r the articulation of more diverse female subjectivities: Women singers have been inverting the object of mens discursive terrorism as an initial strategy of resistance against misogyny and patria rchy. Nonetheless, this recourse fails to elucidate or to articulate a discourse that illuminates the multiple modes of constituting female subjectivity It leaves no aperture for new and radical ways for blurring those rigid [gender] boundaries and for disc ussion of not only gender roles but also multiple forms of sexuality and sexual orientation. (Aparicio 167) Examination of Brazilian popular music proves to be different in some ways from Aparicios analysis. Female singers have i ndeed explored the maintaining of the masculine poetic I as a means to convey more radical gender trouble. Si nce the late 1960s, they have also counted on repertoire composed by Chico Buarque, which de picted non-normative sexua lity. Yet the critic has a valid point concerning the importance of women songwriters for a full and more diverse articulation of female subjectivity. Following the artistic lead of Chico Buar que, prominent female vocalists of his generation, such as Maria BethniaMaria Beth nia Vianna Telles Veloso (b. 1946)and Gal CostaMaria da Graa Costa Penna Burgos ( b. 1945)both participants in the Tropiclia movement, achieved acceptance of alternative utterances, notably the performative maintenance of the masculine poetic I of original compos itions. Traditional gender approaches in popular music correlate the gender of the singer to the poetic I, and for the most part, the composer expresses his own sexual identit y. Prior to the 1960s, when in terpreting a song originally composed by a masculine voice, female singers used to adapt the lyrics, even with the eventual sacrifice of the rhymes. This was a frequent s ituation as songwriters were almost all men. The practice of gender adjustment is still the accepted standard in mainstream international popular music, and when recording for another market Brazi lian artists have tended to confirm to this convention. Recordings of the 1962 hit The Girl from Ipanema (Tom Jobim and Vinicius de

PAGE 106

106 Moraes; English lyrics by Norman Gimbel) offer good examples of adaptations made for international audiences. In the United States both Ella Fitzgerald and Crystal Waters changed the object of desire and recorded The Boy from Ipanema. On the other hand, Brazilian singer Astrud Gilberto kept the original song title, but modified the speaking subject, who became a third person who assumed the neutral position of a narrator.2 The first female vocalist to record a song preserving the masculine point of view was Aracy de Almeida in the 1950s, whose interpretation of Noel Rosas Pra que me ntir? shocked the audien ce and was surrounded by rumors [that she] was a lesbian (Braga-Pinto 188). Although Csar Br aga-Pinto locates the scandal involving Almeida in the 1950s, she ha d been recording Noel Rosas repertoire preserving the masculine point of view since the late 1930s and she was actually the composers favorite singer ( Dicionrio Cravo Albin ). In both Gal Costas and Maria Bethnias repertoires, there are numerous romantic songs whose lyrics address another woman. The two vo calists, who are two of the most prolific and successful interpreters of MPB, recorded many songs dedicated to the muses of Bossa Nova. Their recordings of older compositions by Lupic nio Rodrigues, Herivelto Martins, Ary Barroso, and Adoniran Barbosa, for example, articulated ne w meanings to traditional sexist discourses, and could be taken as iron ic commentaries. Nega Manhos a (1957) by Herivelto Martins illustrates the machista content conveyed in most of those male-authored songs, in which the character demands the woman take care of domestic service: Levanta nega manhosa / deixa de ser preguiosa / / prepara minha marmita. (G C 3). Aparicio defends the position that the appropriation of male compositions is one of the strategies female singers have been using to 2 In the original lyrics the poetic voice is established as fi rst person singular by the conjugation of the verb estar and the gender by the masculine form of the adjective: Por que estou to sozinho ? (Why am I so lonely?). In the English version the singer becomes an outsider, a neutral witness to the romantic situation: He watches her so sadly / How can he tell her he loves her? (SJ 1).

PAGE 107

107 give new meanings to misogynous lyrics. The au thor illustrates the point with a sarcastic performance of La tirana by Cuban singer La Lupe: The song begins by underlining the perspective that informs these so cial constructs via an irony mast erfully uttered in the sarcastic smirks that La Lupe interjects at precise instan ces (179). Gal Costa also recorded earlier songs that were innovative for their time (1950s) and broke with this kind of normative discourse, such as Teco-Teco (1988).3 In the lyrics the woman states gr owing up as a different kind of girl who took pleasure in playing with boys games: Teco, teco, teco, teco, teco Na bola de gude era o meu viver Quando criana no meio da garotada Com a sacola do lado S jogava pra valer No fazia roupa de boneca nem to pouco convivia Com as garotas do meu bairro que era natural Subia em postes, soltava papagaio At meus quatorze anos er a esse meu mal. (GC 4) Moreover, songs like the sensuous Tigresa (1977) composed by Caetano Veloso, became in the voice of Gal Costa the expressi on of homoerotic desire by explicit sexual reference. In this specific case other binary c onstructions are inverted, including racial values, blackness is compared to gold, and goodness is re presented as evil and cruel: Uma tigresa de unhas negras e ris cor de mel / Uma mulher, uma beleza que me aconteceu / Esfregando sua pele de ouro marrom do seu corpo contra o meu / Me falou que o mal bom e o bem cruel. (GC 1). Exploring similar thematic territory, Costa recorded Luiz Melodi as composition Prola Negra (1971) which also alludes to lesbianism and to black beau ty: Tente me amar pois estou te amando / / Tente entender tudo mais sobre o sexo / Pea meu livro / Querendo te empresto / / Prola negra te amo, te amo. (GC 2). Gal Costa played such a major role in the 1970s in 3 Teco-teco composed by Pereira da Costa and Milton Villela was first recorded in 1950 by Ademilde Fonseca (AF 1)Ademilde Fonseca Delfim (b. 1921)one of the radio divas ( Dicionrio Cravo Albin).

PAGE 108

108 opening up space to female homoeroticism that she became a lesbian icon: Apontada como cone lsbico de sua adolescncia pela ex-can tora e ativista homossexual Vange Leonel, graas ao seu papel vanguardista em termos de atitude cnica, musical e verbal durante a dcada de 70, aberto inclusive a todas as formas de amor (Faour 191). Confirming the singers interest in exploring the theme of same-sex desire, in 1981 she recorded Chico Buarques controversial Brbara in a duet with Sim one (SO 1), replicating the di alogue between the two women original to the play Calabar (1972), and giving it its full lesbian meaning. In the early years of Tropicl ia, Maria Bethnia would make an intriguing pair with her brother Caetano, as they explored their physical resemblance to bl ur established visual signs of real sex and gender identities. More than once they have posed side by side, wearing similar clothing and long hair, questioning the authenticity of gender representations and adopting androgyny as a central motif, as re flected on the cover of the 1978 Maria Bethnia e Caetano Veloso ao vivo (MB 5). She and her fellow female vocalist were the first women artists to replicate in the late 1970s the same-sex on-stage kiss inaugurated by Caetano: As j famosas cantoras de msica popular, Maria Bethnia e Gal Co sta, deixaram-se fotografar, ao final de um show dando-se um terno beijo na boca o que, de certo modo, veio quebrar o gelo entre as mulheres (Trevisan, Devassos 287). Later in 2001, when celebrati ng 35 years of career with the show Maricotinha in Rio de Janeiro, Maria Bethnia kissed younger singer-songwriter Adriana Calcanhoto on the lips, so grabbing the medias attention that the incident appeared on the first page of the citys best selling newspaper, O Globo (Faour 428). As for song lyrics, Maria Bethnia has become the main interpreter of her brothers compositions, and she always maintains the female subject as the object of desire. In 1993, the singer recorded As canes que voc fez pra mim (MB 2), an album wholly dedicated to Erasmo

PAGE 109

109 and Roberto Carlos romantic songs.4 In most of the songs on this album, she maintained the male-female utterance, especia lly in the ones where gender modification would imply loss of the rhymes, such as in Detalhes, F era ferida, and Seu corpo. The practice of performing as written would open up further possibilities in later female generations. At present (2007) not only is it perfectly natur al for women to preserve the masculine I, several singers have adopted this mode as a political tool to defy misogyny. In the 1980s artists such as Marina Lima, Sandra de S, Simone and Ana Carolina alluded to lesbianism and subverted hegemonic discour ses through the provocat ive performance of traditional machista songs. In Mesmo que seja eu ( 1984), composed by Erasmo and Roberto Carlos, Marina LimaMarina Correia Lima (b. 1955)proposed being the man a woman needs: Voc precisa de um homem pra chamar de seu / mesmo que este homem seja eu. (ML 1). At this time, she also experimented with gender bending through visual elements: Brincando com a inverso, Marina, j nos anos 1980, chegou a apresentar-se de cabelos curtos, terno e gravata, fazendo o tipo de um rapa zinho atrevido, enquanto cantava (Trevisan, Devassos 287). Songwriter Erasmo Carlos was surprised to realize that his song ha d become an important reference for some lesbian groups: Fiquei sabe ndo que esta msica virou o hino das sapatas ... S me dei conta disso quando fui ao presdio do Carandiru fazer um show para a ala feminina e as detentas todas a cantaram em massa, er a o hino delas (qtd. in Faour 415). Marina Limas repertoire has several songs alluding to lesbianism and bisexuality, such as Difcil (1986), with text by her brother Antnio Ccero: E la bela / Por que no com ela?.... (ML 4). No estou bem certa (1991), version of Sign your name (Terence DArby) 4 Roberto Carlos is considered the major icon of Brazilian romantic pop music, and has been the national best selling artist for decades.

PAGE 110

110 created in collaboration with Pe dro Pimentel, offers two possibl e readingsthe dilemma of a bisexual woman or the search for masculine attributes in female lovers: ................................................................................. Penso na menina e fico at enta aos braos do rapaz Vai ver que eu quero algum diferente .................................................................................. Ser que voc ser a dama que me completa Ser que voc ser o homem no estou bem certa .................................................................................. Procurar Ricardos em Solange s nunca me fez mal. (ML 2) The artist also recorded Gilber to Gils Coraes a mil (1980), which explores bisexuality and confronts conventional monogamous relationships: Minhas ambies so dez / Dez coraes de uma vez / Pra eu poder me apaixonar / / Toda ge nte fina, toda perna grossa / Todo gato, toda gata, toda coisa linda que passar. (ML 3). Tim Maias Vale tudo (1982), generally perceived as an anti-gay song, when performed by Sandra de SSandra Christina Frederico de S (b. 1955)in 1983, gained new meanings due to the singers open lesbianism : Vale tudo / S no vale danar homem com homem / e nem mulher com mulher (SS 4). Rodrigo Faour assert s that Tim Maias intention was probably ambiguous, even though the audien ce perceived his original recording as a negative message about homosexuality. In an excl usive interview given to the journalist in 1997, Maia declared his belief in bisexuality as a natural characteristic of human beings: Todo ser humano bissexual e ele s no assume iss o. Todo ser humano pensa na morte e na sua bissexualidade a toda hora (qtd. in Faour 409). Nevertheless, the irony implied in the songs last lineAteno! Cuidado com a nova ordem! / Li berou geral! Agora vale tudo!(SS 4)only became a liberating commentary when performe d by Sandra de S, who, differently than Tim Maia, was not identified as heterosexual. This reinforces Judith Butlers point that parodies of

PAGE 111

111 heterosexist discourses only gain full subversive power when they take place in non-heterosexual context. In the beginning of her career, Sandra de S composed Bandeira (1980), in collaboration with Faffy Siqueira, in which she suggested gaining enough courage to flirt openly with another woman: Essa menina um dia aind a acaba comigo / Mas ainda perco a minha e fao a cabea dela / / Um dia desses / Me chego na careta / E dou bandeira. (SS 1). Since then, Sandra de S has turned into an icon for gays a nd lesbians especially for her openness in stating her homosexuality. Lesbianism was also suggested in her recording of Eu amo voc (CassianoRochael, 1998), where she preserved the female love object: eu amo voc, menina. (SS 2). The title of the album in which this song was included already suggested gender trouble for the inflection to the masculine: Eu sempre fui sincero, voc sabe muito bem (SS 2). Sandra de S included in her repertoire the aggressive Picadinho de macho (1995), by Tavito and Aldir Blanc, which defied traditional images of vi rility and proposed a violent castration of the Brazilian macho : Vamos deixar esses caras de quatro Mostrar que esses ratos no passam de patos .................................................................... Vamos dizer que so bichas, brochas ..................................................................... Que a meta se vingar Malhar o Judas Vou l capar o macho Sangue e salada no almoo e jantar .................................................................. Vamos armar picadinho de macho. (SS 3) The song became a hit after being included in th e soundtrack of a soap opera broadcast by the countrys largest televi sion network Rede Globo.

PAGE 112

112 Nevertheless, Sandra de S own compositi on Demnio colorido (1980) was somewhat ambiguous regarding womens imagery. The ly rics relive the common theme of the femme fatale who breaks everyones heart: Mas eu vou lhe guar dar com a fora de uma camisa / me despir do pavor / lhe chamar de amiga / 24 horas por dia / tentando o meu juzo / foi unanimamente eleita / meu demnio colorido. (SS 1). Even though alluding to an unusual context of lesbianism, the song replicated traditional heterosexual discourse, making use of words that reinforced the stereotypical vision of women as dangerous creat ures, who can be compared to the devil. Sandra de S is also a relevant case for il lustrating the limits imposed by the music industry, the efforts made to rest rain subversive attitudes and to contain them on stage, as mere performative acts. Taking the artist as an example, Braga-Pinto hypothesizes about the acceptable limits of unc onventional sexuality: The case of Sandra de S may prove that in f act there is somewhat of a limit between the public display of sexuality in and outside someones work. Whereas sexual ambivalences are acceptable in songs, they are not always tolerated in the artist s real life. (203) According to the author, after announcing her homosexuality (in her words, a woman who loves women) in an interview given to the gay magazine Sui Generis the singer was actually reprimanded by her recording company (WEA). Se verino Albuquerque, in his analysis of crossdressing in Brazilian mainstream entertainment, adds that there are stricter limits on womens transgressive performances: What has been so far permissible is a certain measure of gender bendingteasing instances of gende r play involving mostly popular entertainers and singers (23). In this sense, there is a suggestion that society is less tolerant in relation to women that disobey gender and sexuality norms. Another example that illustrates the replica tion of heterosexist discourse in a lesbian context is SimonesSimone Bittencourt de O liveira (b. 1949)recording of Mulheres

PAGE 113

113 (Toninho Geraes, 1997). The composition became famous in the very masculine voice of sambista Martinho da Vila as a celebr ation of male sexual conquests. The lyrics explored a full list of the different kinds of women the narr ator had seduced (or possessed, as the verb ter literally translates, to have): J tive mulheres do tipo atrevida / Do tipo acanhada do tipo vivida / Casada carente, solteir a feliz / J tive donzela e at meretriz / Mulheres cabea e desequilibradas / Mulheres confus as de guerra e de paz. (S O 2). The derogatory words, exposed in a series of prejudici al binary representations of wo men, including the typical saintprostitute dichotomy, may have been rearticulat ed in Simones voice due to the allusion of lesbianism. Yet, the lack of any obvious stance of parody in her recording invites questioning and postulating a possible reinforcement of mi sogynous discourse. Also problematic are Simones recordings of two songs that made re ference to women as property and implied the use of violence against the ones who misbehave In the beginning of her career in the 1970s she performed Se essa mulher fosse minha (G eraldo Gomes-Haroldo Torres, 1946): Se essa mulher fosse minha / Eu tirava do samba j, j! / Da va uma surra nela / Que ela gritava: chega! (qtd. in Faour 106). Later in 2002, she recorded the already mentioned classic by Geraldo Pereira, Sem compromisso: Voc s dana com ele e diz que sem compromisso / bom acabar com isso / No sou nenhum pai Joo / Quem trouxe voc fui eu, no faa papel de louca / Pra no haver bate-boca dentro do salo. (S O 4). This song was performed by Simone in a duet with samba-singer Zeca Pagodinho as a parody of the original lyrics: they replaced the threat of verbal violence (bate -boca) by physical aggression: se no te arrebento a boca dentro do salo. (SO 4). Although their in tention is obviously to mock machista discourses, it is hard to determine if they achieve this objective or if they end up reinforc ing conventional ideas. Because the performance lacks a sign of more explicit subversion, it could be argued that

PAGE 114

114 Simone, instead of questioning, is adopting, as a lesbian character, the same misogynous male attitudes. As Aparicio points out (173), for fu ll re-articulation to take place there must be an instance of parody or discourse ap propriation by gender role inversi on, for example. This is what Cuban singer Celia Cruz did when she recorded a version of the Brazilian hit Voc abusou (Usted abus), in which she assumed the role of the speaking subject and denounced the abuses of her male lover. More confrontational was Simones record ing of gua na boca (1985), by Tunai and Abel Silva, one of the several songs in which she addressed a female l over: Por ela eu vivo nessa aflio / Por ela dispara meu corao. (SO 3). The singer added a provocative last line, absent in the original lyrics, making explicit the sexual connotatio n: Por ela eu vivo com esse teso (SO 3). In the works of some successful younger female songwriters, such as Adriana Calcanhoto and Ana Carolina, there is a tendency to prefer the adoption of a neutral gender for both the subject position and the love objec t addressed. The absence of clea r gender markers could hardly be considered something unintentional and shou ld not be disregarded. As in all romance languages, in Portuguese this implies deliber ate avoidance since nouns and adjectives are inflected for gender, masculine or femini ne. The alternative is to replace nouns like man and woman by neutral terms, such as pessoa person or amor love, in order to refrain from gendering other words. This option is not exclusive to Brazilian popul ar music. Aparicio notes the frequent use of this scheme by female songwriters from ot her Latin American countries. As the critic observes, the only concrete element in this semiotic openness is the presence of the singer herself, and performance becomes central in the an alysis of meanings conveyed by the lyrics:

PAGE 115

115 Women-authored boleros [show] a larger degree of gender ape rture (ambiguity) than in mens texts What is significant is the central ity of the singers se xual identity and of the act of singing through whic h the text is gendered with his/her voice and body. The presence of the audience, the listener or receptor, in this semiotic triangle further complicates fixing gender values on to these texts. (138) Still, as previously discussed, in Brazilian popular music the physical presence of the singer does not necessarily mean adopting a womans perspective. Because female artists have tended since the late 1960s to preserve orig inal lyrics despite of the ge nder, creating a license for the performance of male personae, I would argue that the centrality of the singers sexual identity in the semiotic process is dislocat ed to the listener. It is only through reception that the text is firmly gendered, and audiences with distinct sexu al orientations may find space to articulate their own subjectivities. Moreover, as Aparicio suggests, listening, like consumption, is not merely a passive behavior, an ideological consent, but rather constitutes a potential instance for rewriting culture (123). Singer-songwriter Adriana CalcanhotoAdria na Calcanhotto (b. 1965)also explored gender ambiguity through visual elements in the album A fbrica do poema (1994). The booklet contains an ID format photo (3x4) in which a moustache and a b eard were later drawn with a pen on the singers face (AC 1). Because of the artists short hair, th is artifice questions conventional readings of drag: the notion of an existi ng true sex hidden behind a false gender representation. It is al so troubling due to its revelation of the performative nature of gender through the production of an obviously distorted copy of masculinity. For the 2002 album Cantada, Adriana Calcanhoto recorded two complementary songs by Pricles Cavalcanti in an intriguing sequence: Sou sua and Intimidade (sou seu). Playing with the cacophony of exhaustive re petition of the s words, both songs end up with the same conclusion that reiterates the titlesI am yours, in flected in one for a male subject, in the other,

PAGE 116

116 for a female. In the first, the artist offers a li st of female prototypes she may represent to her lover: Sou sua Amlia / Sou sua Oflia / / So u sua chita / Sua cript onita / Sou sua Lois. (AC 2). Some of the references are explicit in mocking traditiona l womens representations, such as Amlia and Oflia, both submissive and idealized characters portrayed in Brazilian machista songs of the 1940s. The new song is also satiri cal by proposing to assume Hollywood or comicbook female characters, such as Supermans Lois Lane, or even the chimpanzee Chita of Tarzan. In the second song, through a para llel inversion, she proposes to represent alte rnative male identities to her lover, some odd like Tarzan and Frankestein; some romantic like Romeo; or perverse, like Hitler: Eu sou seu Hitler / Seu Peter Pan / Seu Joo Batista / Seu Tarzan / / Seu Frankestein / / Sou seu Romeu / Seu labirint o / Eu sou seu Teseu. (AC 2). On the same disc, her composition A mulher barbada questions bizarre otherness by speculating on the subjectivity of a bearded woman ci rcus character: Com o que ser que sonha a mulher barbada? / / O que ser que, hein? / O que ser que tem a perder a mulher barbada?. (AC 2). Ana CarolinaAna Carolina Souza (b. 1974)has stretched the possibilities of lyrical gender inversions. In the late 1990s, she adopt ed an unusual masculine poetic I in both composition and performance. The artist refers to her album Ana Rita Joana Iracema Carolina (2001) as a tribute to Chico Buarque, and the name s included in its title are some of the female characters created by him. In the liner notes, sh e states her intention of replicating his poetic approach by exploring multiple female subjectivities. While Chico composed several songs adopting a female point of view, in this album and subsequent ones, many of Ana Carolinas compositions do the reverse with the creation of male personae, and the portrayal of themes typically perceived as belonging to the masculine universe. Imp licante (2001) illustrates this kind of utterance, where there is a rhythmical and vocal reiterat ion of an aggressive content.

PAGE 117

117 Adopting an embolada style, a folk-song form usually pl ayed by men, Ana Ca rolina beats the pandeiro strongly, alluding to a challenge to fight: Hoje eu levantei co m sono, com vontade de brigar / Eu t manero pra bater pra revidar pr ovocao / / V se no enche, no me encosta / T bravo que nem leo. (AS 2).5 The song Vox Populi (2003) on her third album has a similar approach, and again beating strongly the pandeiro, Ana Carolina presents herself as associated with a series of marginalized ma le identitiesstreet thugs, petty criminals and troublemakers: arruaceiro, barraqueiro, bat uqueiro, parceiro, mal oqueiro, macumbeiro, funkeiro (AS 4). In her analysis of Janis Jopli n, Sheila Whiteley discusses the forces that impel the female artist to adopt a m asculine attitude: Joplin was confronted by the problems inhe rent in a musical style which took on the blues tradition of sexual affirmation and sexi st conservatism, but which harnessed it to a performance style which valued hardness, virtuosity and control. Her solution was both confrontational and conforming: lead with arrogance, project toughness and be one of the boys. ( Women 57) This assessment may help explain Ana Carolinas adoption of male personae, which can be considered both confrontational and conformi ng because it reinforces mens authority in certain thematic territories. Journalist Marcelo Zorzanelli ques tioned the songwriter about the contradiction in claiming the strong influence of Chico Buarques poetics in her works: while he is known for his sensitivity in depicting womens emotions, she reflects virility in her own compositions. Ana Carolina confirmed adopting a masculine perspective in these songs, using 5 Gerard Bhague defines embolada as a musical-poetic form often associ ated with northern da nces such as the cocos, [which] alternates a fixed refrain with stanzas (sometimes im provised). It consists of a recitative-like melody The text, often comic and satirical, stresses onomatopoeia and alliteration which, with a fast tempo, enhance the rhythm of the song The embolada is also frequently associated w ith other contexts such as the desafio. When it takes the form of desafio literally a challenge, singers compete in their ability to improvise and text improvisation becomes central, while the melody is subordinate.

PAGE 118

118 one of her latest works, Eu comi a Madonna (2006), composed in collaboration with Mano Melo, Totonho Villeroy and Alvin L., as an exam ple. The lyrics project a male identity and include a suggestion of an er ect penis (nervo rgido): Me esquenta com o vapor da boca E a fenda mela Imprensando minha coxa Na coxa que dela Dobra os joelhos e implora O meu lquido Me quer, me quer, me quer e quer ver Meu nervo rgido ............................................................................................. E me pediu que lhe batesse, lh e arrombasse, lhe chamasse De cafona, marafona, bandidona ............................................................................................. Me apertou, me provocou e perguntou: Quem tua dona?. (AS 3) The artist believes that her masculine personae address contemporary womens desire for a more direct approach to sexua lity, rather than for traditional romantic poetry: Sim tudo muito viril Nessa hora eu sou o cara. completamente masculino Eu quero ficar com pecha de tarado. Eu a doro O compositor homem d uma volta desnecessria. Dizem que as mulheres gostam de poesia Elas no gostam tanto assim, no (risos). (qtd. in Zorzanelli) Even though in this statement Ana Carolina defends an approach against conventional romantic style, her compositions also include a number in the so-called pop romntico style, some that present a clear intertext with MPB clas sics, replicating typical heterosexual situations. In the rhythm of samba bossa, Vestido Estampado (2003) depicts a mans broken heart during the carnival festivities. The lyrics have no sp ecific gender markers, but the loved ones flower dress indicates being a woman: Seu vestido estampado, dei a quem pudesse servir. (AS 4). Moreover, the allusion to a prototypical theme of popular music, leads the listener to normalize the gender roles. Nevertheless, the possibility for a lesbian relationship is kept open by the

PAGE 119

119 physical presence of the female singer and by the adoption of the masculine only in the plural form (como velhos desconhecidos), which in the romance languages is the common grammatical structure for the expression of generic ideas: Como velhos desconhecidos se voc no me escuta / Eu no vou te chamar. (AS 4). The song Trancado (1999) offers an unusual kind of gender trouble since both the narrator and th e loved one are referred to as male and the singer herself is female. Although for the most part the subjects are only referred to as I and you, in the last strophe Ana Carolina introduces a complex situation in which both are inflected in the masculine: Ser que eu t tran cado aqui dentro? / ser que voc t trancado l fora?. (AS 1). Gender ambiguity has been a consistent element of Ana Carolinas projected image, and it has also been visually e xplored. The back cover of Ana Rita Joana Iracema Carolina portrays a manicurists box full of beauty products, whic h contrasts with the toughness implied in other pictures on the lyric sheet: close ups of the singe rs fist punching her other hand, and of her arms dressed in a leather jacket. Alt hough she claimed that this record was produced in a moment of extreme femininity (qtd. in Neves), neither th e lyrics, nor the images conform to what is perceived as being typically feminine. Her appr oach to femininity in dicates a concern with delivering a feminist message, an invitation fo r women to be liberated from the domestic universe and from traditional role in patriarchal society: Uso h cinco anos um anel que, na verdade, so braadeiras de fogo Costumo dize r que a mulher tem que sair do fogo, botar o anel no dedo e ir em frente (qtd. in Neves). Inaugurating a more provocative phase in rela tion to sexuality, the re lease of the album Estampado (2003) was marked by a controversial concert in which Ana Carolina performed the machista song Eu gosto de mulher, first recorded in 1987 by the band Ultraje a Rigor (UR 1):

PAGE 120

120 ........................................................................... Voc sabe que eu adoro um peito Peito pra dar de mamar E peito s pra enfeitar ........................................................................... Mulher faz bem pra vista Tanto faz se ela machista ou se feminista ........................................................................... Se eu fico sem mulher eu fico at doente Mulher que lava roupa, mulher que guia carro Mulher que tira a roupa, mu lher pra tirar sarro. (Letras de msicas ) According to Faour, this song was composed by Roge r Moreira as an ironic response to the gay community that accused him of hom ophobia. In August 1985 the newspaper Folha de So Paulo published an interview with the ba nd, in which one of its member s declared A AIDS veio pra acabar com a viadagem, while another one comp lemented, Viado devia ser camicase (qtd. in Trevisan, Devassos 445). The group leader, Roger Moreira, denies being the author of such statements, and claims that the song was initially offered to a female artistsinger Gal Costa who never recorded it. Almost tw enty years later, it became a major hit in Ana Carolinas voice: Essa msica virou um hino, obrigatria nos meus shows, declared the artist to the newspaper O Globo (qtd. in Faour 427). Despite Ana Carolinas intention to genera te controversy by r ecording a song with implicit reference to same-sex desire, the sing ers reaction to its su ccess can be considered somewhat ambivalent. At that time, responding to the media attention that was being focused on her personal sexual orientation, she publicly assumed a bisexua l identity, which gained enough relevance to be put on the cover of Brazils most popular weekly magazine, Veja Questioned about the controversy, the songwr iter declared that she was surp rised by the fact that some lesbian artists still refrain from a ssuming their sexual orientation: Comecei a perceber que haviam muitas canto ras gays que no gostavam de falar sobre isso, tinham verdadeira averso quase br igavam com os reprteres quando algum

PAGE 121

121 insinuava algo A gente t no ano 2006, e as pe ssoas ainda acham que isso um tipo de coragem Eu acho isso tudo t o antigo. (qtd. in Zorzanelli) The artist later affirmed being contra essa postura de levantar bandeiras para defender o homossexualismo, pois fica parecendo doena Posso at estar saindo com uma mulher, mas se eu me apaixonar por um homem e decidir casar co m ele na igreja, de vu e grinalda, ningum vai impedir (qtd. in Faour 435). Besides insisting on statements that mark the lesbian singers as the others, in a distant third-person refere nce, she repeatedly showed deep concern with emphasizing her bisexuality. As pointed out by Fa our, even though her attitude may represent a liberating form of self-repres entation that defies labeli ng, she ended up provoking an angry reaction from gay activists. Having had a majo r opportunity to stimulate an open debate on homosexuality after being on the cover of the best -selling Brazilian magazine, she refrained from adopting a more clear position a nd from becoming a spokesperson for important social issues, which was resented by activist groups. At that time, Ana Carolinas look underwen t a major transformati on as reflected on the album Estampado front cover. The previous image of the tough, pop-rock rebel, was replaced with a more femme look (make up, jewelry, and high heels), thus preserving ambiguity as a central motif (in a very Caetano wa y). It is interesting to note that the feminine dressing was adopted only for the album cove r: in live performances of Estampado the artist preserved gender neutral clothing, and photographs of the singer with similar looks to that c over (in a dress, skirt or high-heels) are hard to find. Bearing in mind the case of Sandra de S, and both Alburquerques and Braga-Pintos comments on the stricter limits for the acceptance of female gender transgressions, one can legitimately ask if there was any influence from her recording label to sustain an ambiguous identity. In her analysis of Cuban singer-songwriter Albita Rodrguez, Aparicio refers to the forces of containment exerted by the cultural industry to

PAGE 122

122 impose limits to the explicit articul ation of lesbian identities. For this reason, in Albitas lyrics references to same-sex desire are kept implicit: [Albitas] songs reveal the necessary compromises and containments that popular musician s have to make in order to be acceptable by larger audiences (243). Months after the media controve rsy, still uncomfortable with what she classified as a unilateral portrayal of her id entity, Ana Carolina re leased a new song Homens e mulheres, to counterbalance the effects of th e previous recording: Homens vestindo sobretudo / Mulheres melhor sem suti / / Homens de amar to de re pente / Mulheres de amar pra sempre / / Eu gosto de homens e de mulheres / E voc o que prefere?. (AS 3). A close listening of the song lyric reveals that it in fact betrays her objective of portraying a balan ced sexual orientation identity, even though it does refer to bisexuality : while men are to be admired wearing an overcoat and to be loved occasionally; women are better without bras and to be loved forever. Ana Carolinas overall preoccupation with distanci ng herself from a lesbia n identity, and with visually projecting a more feminine image, may be related to what Butler points out as the fear of losing gender: Some of the terror and anxiety that some people suffer in becoming gay, the fear of losing ones place in gender or of not knowing who one will be if one sleeps with someone of the ostensibly same gender ( Gender xi). On the other hand, the author reminds us of the risks in denying the possibi lity of bisexuality, advocating a sort of purification of homosexuality, which ends up replica ting binary constructions by opposing gay to straight ( Gender 154). Also provocative was the reco rding of O beat da beata (2003), composed and performed in a duet with Seu Jorge:

PAGE 123

123 ................................................................................................ Tem beata, tem sapata, tem frei pegando gay Tem puta loirinha e tem mulata, paraba surdo e japons Na boate, o bate-estaca, preconceito no tem vez Vale tudo, tudo certo, porque a razo do fregus ................................................................................................ A preta alisou, ps silicone, am anh vai querer botar caralha E todo mundo vai no beat, seja qual for a sua praia. (AS 4) Dealing with a series of negative stereotypes, the song presents the discotheque as a space free of prejudices, where even unexpected transgendere d identities may appear: the black woman who had silicon implants, and may someday wish to have penis prosthesis. Singer-songwriter ngela R R comprises a di fferent case that invites questioning of the accepted limits of gender bending and of the ways by which society deals with outspoken homosexual artists. R R has been considered the most openly lesbian artist of mainstream MPB. She defied societys prej udices early in the 1980s and talk ed about her sexual orientation to the magazine Isto in 1981: O problema que sou mulher e homossexual (qtd. in Trevisan, Devassos 323). The artist landed on the newspapers front pages on several occasions for allegedly committing violent acts against different female lovers. As she declared in distinct interviews, those were hard times in her life, when she faced problems related to drug dependency and alcoholism. Nevert heless, the artist resents being demonized by the media. Even though her love affairs were involved in turmoil, she believes th is did not justify stereotyping her as a violent person: Bati e apanhei muito, tambm Mas no sou essa mulher violenta que dizem por a. J bebi muito (qtd. in Mesquita and Guimares). Faour confirms the medias prejudice, offering the headline of one important magazine to illustrate the point: [ngela R R] foi a nica a realmente causa r rebulio ao ir parar nas manchetes dos jornais em abril de 1981, quando terminou um conturbado romance com a tambm talentosa Zizi Possi com direito a muito preconceito da imprensa. Uma prestigiada revista, por exemplo, tascou o ttulo Vir ilidade para falar da confuso. (396)

PAGE 124

124 By using the word virility to refer to the situation, the media ended-up labeling R R as a masculine woman, thus reinforcing common sens e notion of lesbians, especially butch, as a failed attempt to replicate men. As Butler empha sizes, in a context of heteronormativity, those who fail to perform gender appropriately are perceived as bad copies of an idealized original (Imitation 310), leading to the homophobic charge that queens and butches and femmes are imitation of the hete rosexual real ( Imitation 313). As described in the biog raphy published on the website CliqueMusic, R R ended up being treated as uma artista maldita, and woul d serve as a consolidatio n of societys myths on the evil lesbian clich. The medias emphasis on her so-called masculine attitudes reveals the kind of gender prejudice that Butler differentiates from se xual discrimination: Gay people may be discriminated against because they fail to appear in accordance with accepted gender norms ( Gender xiii). In the heat of the gossip i nvolving the break-up with singer Zizi Possi, R R released an album resembling a ne wspaper front page with the provocative title Escndalo (1981), in which she recorded the song of the same name composed by Caetano Veloso, raising the issu e of social prejudice: .............................................................................................. Todas as coisas lindas dessa vida eu sempre soube amar No quero quebrar os bares como um vndalo Voc que traz o escndalo irm luz .............................................................................................. Dou gargalhada, dou dentada na ma da luxria, pra qu? Se ningum tem d, ningum entende nada O grande escndalo sou eu Aqui s (AR 4) From the same album, her compositions Fraca e abusadawith the lines Nem preciso rogar praga de madrinha / Pra saber que brevem ente estar mal e sozinha. (AR 4)and Coitadinha, bem feito! (AR 4) both address a fo rmer female lover using derogatory words and

PAGE 125

125 claiming revenge. In later works, the artist woul d continue to adopt fa iled relationships as a theme, in most of them making use of a bitter sens e of humor. In Fila de ex-mulher (created in collaboration with Ricardo Mac Cort, in 2000) sh e complained about her numerous annoying exlovers: Tem fila de ex-mul batendo em mim, ai ........................................................................... Tem fila de ex-mul me apurrinhando ........................................................................... Dizendo que por minha causa a vida uma luta Que a vida de puta no fcil no ........................................................................... E eu me aprimorando na arte de driblar Tanta mulher junta, querendo se vingar (AR 1) With Blues do arranco (AR 4), R R transgressed female songwriters accepted boundaries for the development of sexual themes: Deu um a de cafajeste numa trepada, confessando com todas as letras: Sem a mnima vergonha / Ponho a fronha no teu rosto / E vou me amar versos que nenhuma outra mulher na MPB teria coragem de escrever, nem que fosse mera provocao (Faour 463). The major innovation in R Rs compositi ons was the adoption of a female-female utterance, such as in A vida mesmo assim (1984): Voc feliz longe de mim / Passeia toda emperiquitada / Alheia a que eu fique abandona da. (AR 3). The reception for the unusual approach was positive as reflect ed in the success of the 1979 s ong Tola foi voc (AR 2) which became one of her major hits. In Gata, mole que, ninfa (1984) R R dealt with gender ambiguity and queer identities, depicting a fe male lover who presents both butch and femme attributes: Gata nova no pra, me arranhou a cara / E me sujou o cho / Moleque atrevidinho me deu um sorrisinho / E me deixou na mo. (AR 3). In Cheirando a amor (1979) she

PAGE 126

126 explored the theme of social pr ejudice, and made reference to people who, for this reason, prefer to stay locked in the closet: J pus de lado o tormento De um mundo atento a no perdoar Amantes sem fingimento Delirantes formas de amar .................................................... Trancada com medo da rua Se isso pecado me puna A culpa de amar livre e nua Que preconceito barato. (AR 2) The case of R R points to the secretive ways of Brazilian society in dealing with transgression. As previously discussed with respect to Ney Ma togrosso, all sorts of scandal, whether unusual sexuality or the infringement of the morality and propriety, should be kept por debaixo dos panos. Conclusions : From the 1970s on, different generations of women singers and songwriters have challenged the androcentric canon of Brazili an popular music. Prominent vocalists, such as Tropicalists Maria Bethnia and Gal Costa, and later Simone, Marina Lima and Sandra de S, have adopted strategies to in terrogate traditional gender values, as well as to combat misogyny and the exclusivity of heterosexu ality. In the role of songwriters, women created space for the full articulation of female subjectivity and de veloped songs that dealt with themes not necessarily related to their position as roman tic partners for men. A first wave of female songwriters appeared in the la te 1970s and early 1980smost notab ly Joyce, Ana Terra, Ftima Guedes and ngela R R, instituting models for future colleagues. Si nce then, younger artists, such Adriana Calcanhoto and Ana Carolina, have stretched the possibilities for transgressing gender norms, creating male personae and pr ojecting bisexuality or lesbianism.

PAGE 127

127 At the time of this writing (2007) it is perfectly acceptable for female to adopt mens perspective, be it through performance or compos ition. In fact, it is hard to find examples of female vocalists who have never recorded s ongs preserving the masculine I of original compositions. It can be argued that the repetit ion of this performative mode ended up being assimilated by hegemonic culture and naturalized, losing some of the subvers ive power it had in past. Moreover, because it is not possible to identify clearly an instance of parody in the recordings of some machista or sexist lyrics, their role as in subordination acts is questionable. Preserving the masculine point of view has been converted into an artistic license, which does not necessarily translate into a significant e xpansion of social acceptance of non-heterosexual identities. Being understood as the impersonation of characters, with no unambiguous signs of critique or deviance, the artifices fail as a full tool of contestation. When the singer projects the identity of a lesbian lover delivering misogynous discourse it may even reinforce some of the same paradigms established by heteronormativity. Nevertheless, the contributions of those unusual utterances have helped to expand thematic boundaries, to question the meaning of femininity and to establish new models of what is to be a woman. There is no doubt that their works have played a part in expanding societys limits with regards to non-normative gender and sexuality. They offered a space for the articulation and the iden tification of non-heterosexual audiences Still, with respect to broader effect in social dynamics, the result of their e fforts can be considered somewhat limited. Artists who have openly spoken about thei r lesbianism (ngela R R and Sandra de S notably) have faced prejudice from the media and been restrict ed by the cultural industry. Others have opted not to disclose their sexual orie ntation or as in the case of Ana Carolina, ha ve shown a level of discomfort with being pointed to as lesbian icons. Both Braga-Pinto and Albuquerque remark

PAGE 128

128 upon the stricter limits for female gender and se xuality transgression, and their innovations have tended to be contained as stage performative acts. All these aspects have inhibited the formation of a strong body of sexual politics. To a cer tain degree, the new gender and sexuality articulations have been taken as a carnivales que expression, in which role inversions and empowerment of marginalized iden tities have a transient effect.

PAGE 129

129 CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION The late 1960s and 1970s were years of vibr ant creativity in Brazilian popular m usic. Influenced by national developments and international counterculture, you th began to challenge established social and cultural values. The most important event was the 1964 military coup, leading to a dictatorship in Br azil that would last for twenty-o ne years. Many young artists were committed to struggle against a double source of oppression: restrictive moral traditions of Brazilian society and the control exerted by the authoritarian regime. At this time an exceptionally creative new generation of musicmakers arose, headed by Chico Buarque and Caetano Veloso. With specific respect to gender issues, thr ough the practice of cross-dressed poetics and the invention of ambiguous stage personae, th e generation of Buarque and Veloso defied patriarchal values, female submission, masculine a nd feminine standards, and the exclusivity of heterosexuality. In 1966 Buarque started to adop t female poetic persona e, which shifted the typical representation of women in popular music. As depicted by previous generations of male composers, female characters were, in a ster eotypical ways, dichotomously constructed as home-makers or sluts. If they escaped one of the type castings, women might then be idealized muses who had no real attributes. Buarque portrayed alternative female subjectivities, and by taking their position, the songwriter projec ted a discourse of solidarity. He complexified gender themes; and writing back to the andro centric canon, he changed typical notions about transgressive women, showing th em in a non-prejudicial mann er and denouncing societys hypocritical values. The songwriter consistently pointed to the failu re of relationships under the patriarchal system, exposing mutual unhappine ss, with an emphasis on female oppression. Because Buarque also assumed the female point of view to perform, he subverted the strict

PAGE 130

130 correlation between the gender projected in the lyrics and the singers. In this sense, more than expanding the thematic scope for female subject ivities, he also questioned notions of manhood, proposing a new model of man that appealed to the crowds that made of him a sex-symbol for decades. Nevertheless, Buarques lyrics still refl ected some aspects of the Western imaginary on women, sometimes reinforcing id eas about female manipulati on, seduction, nourishment, and competition for men. The generations to follow Buarque would then propose more radical ruptures with gender constructions. Following his artistic lead and the overall intention of Tropic lia to break with established values, Veloso incorporated internat ional androgynous aesthetic s and went further in defying values of gender and sexuality, queering the MPB scenario. He blurred the lines between feminine and masculine, and throughout his ca reer consistently refused to accept labeling. Veloso projected homoeroticism in his stage a nd lyrical personae, and in more controversial compositions he questioned the status of abject id entities that cannot be represented within the cultural matrix. Challenging heteronormativity in its multiple dimensions, Veloso created gender trouble by exposing the lack of n ecessary connections between sex, gender, sexuality and sexual orientation. In the twenty-first century, Veloso declared that even though the transnational phase of artistic androgyny had come to an end, he still believed in the subversive potential of nonnormative gender representations and in identity categories as a form of imprisonment that denies the subject. Tropicalis t co-leader Gilberto Gil proj ected a mythical androgyny through performed lyrics that proposed the fusion of masc uline and feminine principles. He and Veloso have consistently confronted the exclusivity and privileges of heterosexuality. Even though the three artists mentioned above have been mainly identified as heterosexuals, they proposed new

PAGE 131

131 gender standards and modes of relationship, and mo re importantly, they carved out space for the articulation of non-normativ e gender and sexuality. Ney Matogrosso has been more radical in his approach. He became a master of crossdressing and masquerades. Throughout his successf ul career, the singer created multiple stage personae that questioned gender performtivity and revealed its imitative nature. Parodying manhood and homophobic discourse s, and exhibiting both male and female attributes, Matogrosso's creations were intentional failed copies that ultimately denounced the notion of normative heterosexuality as the original. The ar tists adoption of motif s of Brazilian nature defied the idea of homosexuality as unnatural. Declaring himself to be gay in the late 1970s Matogrosso also challenged ster eotypes related to homosexual me n. In this sense, he mocked typical perceptions of effeminate men a nd made fun of closeted homosexuals. Female artists, on the other hand, have appropriated misogynous songs, and by maintaining the original masculine I, offered possibilities for lesbian readings. Throughout the past three decades, popular music has also become a space for women songwriters to break with androcentrism and to broaden female thematic scope. In the generation of Tropicalists Maria Bethnia and Gal Costa, it became perfectly natural for women to perform retaining the masculine voice. Mainstream artists such as Sim one, Sandra de S and Marina Lima also alluded to lesbianism and bisexuality by performing male-authored songs. Singer-songwriter ngela R R spoke about her lesbianism early in her care er and created numerous songs addressing female lovers. Younger generations would stretch the possibilities of cross-dr essed poetics. Adriana Calcanhoto played with drag in one of her album photo covers and recorded songs that projected both masculine and feminine identities. Singersongwriter Ana Carolina ha s frequently adopted

PAGE 132

132 an unusual male perspective both to write and to perform. She has defied accepted notions of femininity by exploring what she calls a v irile approach in some of her compositions. Having verified the practice of cross-dresse d poetics over the past four decades, one should also consider artistic activity within a br oader social perspective. Bearing in mind Judith Butlers insistence that not every drag or parodic performance is necessarily subversive, a first aspect that should be taken into account is the repe tition of these artistic artifices in massmediated vehicles, which may end up naturaliz ing the concepts it initially intended to denaturalize: Just as metaphors lose their metaphoricity as they congeal through tim e into concepts, so subversive performances always run the risk of becoming deadening cliches through their repetition, and most importantl y, through their repeti tion within commodity culture where subversion carries market value. ( Gender xxi) With regards to the subversive effects of su ch sexually ambiguous performances, it is also important to consider the ways in which artist s deal with public and personal boundaries. When artists public performances have generated rumors of personal homosexuality, most have chosen to insist on privacy or ambiguity. Thus it should not be assumed that recent social gains and increased visibility for homosexuals in Brazil have been strongly infl uenced by discussions brought up by celebrities coming out stories. Csar Braga-Pinto summarizes the ways by which most artists have dealt with qu estions pertaining to personal sexuality: Transgendered voices have been present in Brazilian music for many decades And rumor has never ceased to circulate concerni ng the homosexuality of the most important figures who have subsequently entered th e Brazilian popular music scene Most of these artists have consistently refused to open the door to their closets, but have kept their windows open. (189) The secretive way in which most artists have chos en to react with regard s to their personal sexual orientation, especially in light of the incessant rumors circulati ng in the general public, resembles the mechanics of the open secret as conceptualized by Sedgwick, and is typical of

PAGE 133

133 closetedness. As Eve Sedgwick proposes, societys choice for silence/silencing belongs to powerful dynamics put in place to enforce disc ursive power through a pretense of ignorance ( Epistemology of the Closet ). In this sense, Brazilian so ciety has tended to deal with unconventional sexuality as the unspeakable. Artists who broke with the silence and talked about their homosexuality, such as ngela R R and Sandra de S, suffered prejudice from the media or were contained by the cultural industry. Ana Carolina af ter declaring her bisexuality has invested in attempts to distance herself fr om lesbianism and to emphasize her heterosexual experiences. Ney Matogrosso who had maintained a bold attitude discussing his homosexuality in the late 1970s has refrained from engaging in gay political activism. General theories of the development of Brazi lian society may also help to put gender issues in music into perspective, and to bring into relief the limited effects of such artistic innovations. Such aspects are emphasized by Se verino Albuquerque in explaining why stage transgression in Brazil should always be tentative ( Tentative Transgressions: Homosexuality, AIDS, and the Theater in Brazil .) A basic denial of social inequalities rein forces the tendency to push back the matter of sexuality to the private, individual level, comprisi ng a force of resistance to the formation of a body of sexual politics a nd undermining claims for specific policies. The case of racial relations offers a relevant exam ple of how the nation has chosen to cope with otherness and with social discrepancies. The concept of ethnic democracy introduced by Gilberto Freyre in Casa-grande e senzala (1933) gives rise to myth s of racial and social democracy, the vision of Brazil as a harmonious melting pot where there is a peaceful acceptance of minorities. In the first English edition ( The Masters and the Slaves 1945), Freyre emphasized his optimistic view of the Brazilian future a nd the ways by which society was being shaped: Our social history is undergoing a process whose direction is that of a broad

PAGE 134

134 democratization. A democratization of interhum an relationships (xiv); a society that is democratic in its ethnic, social, and cultural composition (xv). Extrapolations on those statements, loaded with generalizations such as a certain fondness that the Brazilian has for honoring differences (xv), would lead to a mys tified view of Brazilian social dynamics. Common misinterpretations of Sergio Buarque de Holandas idea of cordialidade (cordiality) also reinforce rejection of open confrontation and conflic ts in Brazilian society. His definition of the key term ( Razes do Brazil, 1936) has tended to be associated with a lack of violent urges, avoidance of confrontations, and a peaceful disposition. In fact, Buarque de Holandas notion of cordiality included all emot ions (affective positions related to the heart), including "unkind" ones. His gove rning idea was that Brazilians felt anxiety about impersonal relationships, replicating in the social and political sphere the intimate character of family life and projecting emotions into the public spaces. For Buarque de Holanda, such an attitude was in reality, a way for traditional aristocratic fam ilies in Brazil to perpetuate their privileges, dismissing the hierarchies of public institutions and the supposed neut rality of a liberal state. In this sense, the cordial man became another Br azilian myth equivocally drawn from the works of Buarque de Holanda, who was in fact calling the attention to th e highly hierarchical nature of the society. In terms of limits of crossdressed performances, another relevant aspect is their carnivalesque nature, whereby transgressions of so cial norms end up confin ed to the category of the exceptional. According to Mikhail Bakhtin ( Problems of Dostoevskys Poetics 1929), artistic carnivalization incorporates several aspects of the rituals of carnival, including eccentricity, role inversions, and violations of generally accepted behaviors. Peter Stallybrass and Allon White, approaching the carnivalesque in literature, consider the politics involved in

PAGE 135

135 the rituals of carnival that also permeate artistic representations. These authors emphasize that, in contrast to Bakhtins utopian vi sion of carnival as a locus for so cietys hierarchical inversions: [p]olitically thoughtful commentators wonder, like [Terry] Eagleton, whether the licensed release of carnival is not simply a form of so cial control of the low by the high and serves the interests of that very official culture which it apparently opposes (13). From this perspective, that which could be considered s ubversive in seasonal festivities is in fact a reinforcement of traditional social practices. Carnival existing as a licensed and limited space for transgressions functions as a catharsis for the socially di sempowered and further represses potential for insurgence. Brazilian society, as conceptualized by anthr opologist Roberto da Ma tta, is carnivalizing in nature ( Carnavais, malandros e heris: para uma sociologia do dilema brasileiro 1979). Da Matta argues that every society has its own extr aordinary locus where the world of ordinary life, through rites such as the carnival, provide s a space to envision an al ternative way of living. Social life embodies the ambivalences symbolized in the rituals of carnival, as well as the double moral and behavioral standards that separate public conduct ( rua ) from private life ( casa ), a similar dichotomy proposed by Sedgwick in re gards to the closets dynamics. Da Mattas approach to the carnival is drawn from Bakhtins theory and shares some of his utopian vision about its subversive potential. For Da Matta, carni val temporarily suspends all class lines and is a privileged locus of inversion that allows counter-hegemonic discourses. By adopting this optimistic view of the carnival, Da Matta is relativ izing one of the critical points of his approach, the fact that the festivity is an exceptional space with a clear time lim it and that the general understanding is that once it is ove r, society must return to it s traditional dynamics. Even though carnival carries a potential to e xpose and reveal societys open wounds, and to suspend the need

PAGE 136

136 of social masks, its real power in producing any long-term change is highly questionable. Another political nuance that Albuquerque notes is the carnivals unc ritical populism which is of particular consequence to issues of marginality and inversion (14). According to Stallybrass and White c arnival often violently abuses and demonizes weaker not stronger social groups in a process of displaced abjection (19). It can be added that carnival also presents a clear contrast of what is acceptable in daily life and what is exceptional, thus reinforcing hegemonic discourses. In this regard, artistic cross-dressing may serv e to ratify dominant acceptable behaviors, and the stage could be then understood as a metaphor for the carnival festivities, where the extravag ant is temporarily allowed. The existence of unconventional cultural expr essions of gender and sexuality in popular music contrasts with at-large views in Brazilian society of sexual ambiguity and homosexuality. Even with all its advances, the popul ar-music scenario itself is stil l one of pervasive heterosexist attitudes. Moreover, if attitudes and awareness have been affected by music, societys continuing prejudices against gays, lesbians and transgen dered individuals transl ates into a lack of consistent public policies. Brazil shows a shockingly ambiva lent reality in relation to homosexuality: it simultaneously holds records fo r the worlds largest gay pride parade and for violent crimes against homose xuals (Luiz Mott, The Gay M ovement and Human Rights in Brazil.) Although relevant civil and human right s gains have been obtained in the past two decades, they have been implemented mostly th rough jurisprudence, not legislation, and then through individual state laws, not national. At th e federal level, James Green stresses that the action of conservative coalitions have been bl ocking legislative proposal for same-sex domestic partnerships for the past twelve years ( Beyond Carnival: Male Homosexuality in TwentiethCentury Brazil ). The inclusion of an amendment to the Constitution concerning anti-

PAGE 137

137 discrimination of sexual orientation has also b een constantly postponed. Green summarizes some of Brazils cultural paradigms and social ambivalences, establis hing their link to the theme of homosexuality: The contradictory images of permissive Carn ival festivities and murderous brutality are startling Just as the pervasive myth that Brazil is a racial democracy obfuscates deepseated patterns of racism and discrimination, so too the notion that there is no sin below the equator obscures widespread cultur al anxiety about same-sex activity. (5) The value of the contributions of select artistic performances in MPB is, again, undeniable. Since the late 1960s, some prominen t Brazilian singers-songwr iters have used the mainstream scenario of popular music to iden tify and to defy hete rosexism, homophobia, misogyny, and gender stereotypes. MPB became a sp ace where artists and their audiences could publicly experience as never before gender transgre ssions. Moreover, they have played a role in opening possibilities for articulation of more flui d definitions of self. Nevertheless, exhaustive repetition within commodity culture and social dynamics pose a limit to the subversive potential of such artistic utterances. The analysis of this topic has shown how problematic, still, are the traditional ways Brazilian society deals with the boundaries of pub lic and private spheres. The fact that those defiant experiences occur in a se lect, carnivalized public space means that they do not necessarily translate into accep tance of personal gender transgre ssions or into sexual politics, and the preference in Brazil c ontinues to be to keep unc onventional sexuality as the unspeakable.

PAGE 138

138 APPENDIX DISCOGRAPHY Adem ilde Fonseca AF 1. Brasileirinho/Teco-teco Continental 78, 1950. Adriana Calcanhoto AC 1. A fbrica do poema Sony Music, 1994. 2. Cantada. BMG Brasil, 2002. Ana Carolina AS 1. Ana Carolina BMG Brasil, 1999. 2. Ana Rita Joana Iracema Carolina BMG Brasil, 2001. 3. Dois quartos Sony BMG, 2006. 4. Estampado. BMG Brasil, 2003. ngela R R AR 1. Acertei no milnio Jam Music, 2000. 2. ngela RoRo. Polydor, 1979. 3. A vida mesmo assim Polydor, 1984. 4. Escndalo Polydor, 1981. 5. S nos resta viver Polydor, 1980. Aracy de Almeida AA 1. Pra que mentir/Silncio de um minuto. Continental 78, 1951. 2. Eu sei sofrer/O maior castigo que eu te dou Victor 78, 1937. Caetano Veloso CV 1. Ara azul Phonogram, 1972. 2. Bicho Polygram, 1977. 3. Caetano. Polygram, 1987. 4. Caetano e Chico juntos e ao vivo Polygram, 1972. 5. Caetano... muitos carnavais... Polygram, 1977. 6. Caetano: Srie grandes nomes Polygram, 1994. 7. Cinema transcendental Polygram, 1979. 8. Circulad vivo Polygram, 1992. 9. Cores, nomes. Polygram, 1982. 10. Prenda minha. Polygram, 1999. 11. Totalmente demais, ao v ivo Polygram, 1986. Cazuza CZ 1. Burguesia Polygram, 1989. Chico Buarque CB 1. Almanaque Ariola, 1982. 2. Caetano e Chico juntos e ao vivo Polygram, 1972. 3. Calabar, o elogio da traio Phonogram, 1973.

PAGE 139

139 4. Chico Buarque Barclay, 1984. 5. Chico Buarque Polygram, 1978. 6. Chico Buarque de Hollanda Vol. 2 RGE, 1967. 7. Chico Buarque de Hollanda Vol. 3 RGE, 1968. 8. Chico Buarque e Maria Bethnia ao vivo Phonogram, 1975. 9. Construo. Phonogram, 1971. 10. Meus caros amigos Phonogram, 1976. 11. O corsrio do Rei Trilha sonora do musical Chico Buarque e Edu Lobo Som Livre, 1985. 12. O grande circo mstico Trilha sonora do ballet Guara Chico Buarque e Edu Lobo Som Livre, 1983. 13. pera do Malandro. Polygram, 1979. 14. Uma palavra BMG Ariola, 1995. 15. Vida Polygram, 1980. Chico Csar CC 1. Aos vivos Velas, 1995. Conjunto A voz do morro VM 1. Roda de samba. Musidisc, 1965. David Bowie DB 1. Bowie! Chameleon Starcall Records (New Zealand), 1979. 2. The Rise and Fall of Ziggy Stardust and the Spiders from Mars RCA, 1972. Elizeth Cardoso EC 1. Elizeth sobe o morro Copacabana, 1965. Gal Costa GC 1. Caras e bocas. Universal. 1977. 2. Fa-tal Gal a todo vapor Phonogram, 1971. 3. Gal: Srie grandes nomes Polygram, 1994. 4. Meu nome Gal: o melhor de Gal Costa Polygram, 1988. 5. Minha voz. Polygram, 1982. 6. Profana. RCA Victor, 1984. Genival Lacerda GL 1. Genival Lacerda Copacabana, 1982. Gilberto Gil GG 1. Extra Warner Music, 1983. 2. Realce Warner Music, 1979. 3. Refazenda Warner Music, 1975. Gonzaguinha GJ 1. De volta ao comeo EMI-Odeon, 1980.

PAGE 140

140 2. Geral EMI-Odeon, 1987. Joyce JC 1. Tardes cariocas Polygram, 1983. Lulu Santos LS 1. Gosto de batom Polygram, 1980. Maria Bethnia MB 1. libi. Polygram, 1978. 2. As canes que voc fez pra mim Polygram, 1993. 3. Dezembros RCA Victor, 1986. 4. Drama Anjo Exterminado Phonogram, 1972. 5. Maria Bethnia e Caetano Veloso ao vivo Phonogram, 1978. 6. Mel. Polygram, 1979. Marina Lima ML 1. Fullgs. Polygram, 1984. 2. Marina Lima. EMI-Odeon, 1991. 3. Olhos Felizes Ariola, 1980. 4. Todas Polygram, 1986. Nana Caymmi NC 1. Mudana dos ventos EMI-Odeon, 1980. Ney Matogrosso NM 1. As aparncias enganam Polygram, 1993. 2. Batuque Universal, 2001. 3. Bugre Polygram, 1986. 4. Destino de aventureiro. Polygram, 1984. 5. Feitio Warner Music, 1978. 6. Matogrosso. Ariola, 1982. 7. Ney Matogrosso Ariola, 1981. 8. Ney Matogrosso interpreta Cartola Universal, 2002 9. Pecado Continental, 1977. 10. Pescador de prolas CBS, 1986. 11. Pois Polygram 1983. 12. Seu tipo Warner Music, 1979 13. Sujeito estranho Warner Music, 1980. 14. Vivo Polygram, 2000 Pepeu Gomes PG 1. Masculino e feminino CBS, 1983. Sandra de S SS 1. Demnio colorido. RGE, 1980.

PAGE 141

141 2. Eu sempre fui sincero, voc sabe muito bem Warner, 1998. 3. Olhos coloridos Som Livre, 1995. 4. Vale tudo. RGE, 1983. Secos e Molhados SM 1. Secos e Molhados Continental, 1973. Silvio Caldas SC 1. Pra que mentir/Cessa tudo. Victor 78, 1938. Simone SO 1. Amar Polygram, 1981. 2. Brasil O show Polygram, 1997. 3. Cristal CBS, 1985. 4. Feminino. Universal Music, 2002. 5. Pedaos EMI-Odeon, 1979. 6. Simone EMI-Odeon, 1980. Stan Getz and Joo Gilberto SJ 1. Getz / Gilberto MGM Records, 1964. The Rolling Stones RS 1. Goats Head Soup. Atlantic, 1973. Ultraje a Rigor UR Sexo! WEA, 1987.

PAGE 142

142 LIST OF REFERENCES Albuquerque, Severino Joo Medeiros. Tentative Transgressions: Homosexuality, AIDS, and the Theater in B razil Madison: U of Wisconsin P, 2004. Aparicio, Frances R. Listening to Salsa: Gender, Latin Popular Music, and Puerto Rican Cultures. Hanover: Wesleyan U P, 1998. Bakhtin, Mikhail. Problems of Dostoevskys Poetics Trans. Caryl Emerson. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1984. 1929. Bhague, Gerard. Brazil, 3 (i v): Traditional music: Luso-B razilian folk music traditions: Song genres. Grove Music Online Ed. L. Macy. 12 June 2002. Oxford U P. 24 May 2007. < http://www.grovemusic.com.lp.hscl.ufl.edu >. Berlinck, Manoel Tosta. Sossega leo! Algum as consideraes sobre o samba como forma de cultura popular. Contexto 1 (1976): 101-114. Bethnia, Maria. Maria Bethnia Home Page 2007. 15 May 2007. < http://www.mariabethania.com.br/ >. "Bowie, David." Encyclopdia Britannica 2007. Encyclopdia Britannica Online. 30 May 2007 < http://search.eb.com.lp.hscl .ufl.edu/eb/article-9310334 >. Bradby, Barbara, and Dave Laing, eds. Gender and Sexuality Special iss ue of Popular Music 20.3 (2001): 295-477. Braga-Pinto, Csar. Supermen and Chiquita Bacanas Daughters: Transgendered Voices in Brazilian Popular Music. Lusosex: Gender and Sexuality in the Portuguese Speaking World. Ed. Susan Canty Quinlan and Fernando Arenas. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 2002. 187-207. Buarque, Chico. Chico Buarque Especial: Anos dourados (vol. 4). Rio de Janeiro: EMI, 2005. ---. Chico Buarque Home Page. 2007. 8 Apr. 2007. < http://chicobuarque.uol.com.br/>. Butler, Judith. Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of Sex New York: Routledge, 1993. ---. Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity New York: Routledge, 1990. ---. Im itation and Gender Insubordination. The Lesbian and Gay Studies Reader Ed. Henry Abelove, Michle Aina Barale, and David M. Halperin. New York: Routledge, 1993. 307-320. Butterman, Steven F. O charme chique da can o de Chico Buarque: tticas carnavalescas de transcender a opresso da ditadura. Latin American Music Review 22.1 (2001): 83-97.

PAGE 143

143 Cixous, Hlne. The Laugh of the Medusa. Feminisms: An Anthology of Literary Theory and Criticism Ed. Robyn R. Wahrol and Diane Pric e Herndl. Rutgers: Rutgers U P, 1997. 347-362. CliqueMusic: a msica brasileira est aqui 2007. CliqueMusic Editora Ltda. 27 May 2007. < http://www.cliquemusic.uol.com.br >. Costa, Gal. Gal Costa Home Page 2007. 15 May 2007. < http://www.galcosta.com.br/ >. Da Matta, R oberto. Carnavais, malandros e heris: para uma sociologia do dilema brasileiro Rio de Janeiro: Zahar Editores, 1979. David Bowie. MTV Online 2007. MTV Networks. 27 May 2007. < http://www.mtv.com/music/ar tis t/bowie_david/artist.jhtml >. Derrida, Jacques. Writing and Difference Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1978. Dicionrio Cravo Albin da M sica Popular Brasileira Ed. Ricardo Cravo Albin. 2007. 30 May 2007. < http://www.dicionariompb.com.br/ >. Dunn, Christopher. Bru tality Garden: Tropiclia and the Emergence of a Brazilian Counterculture Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina P, 2001. Faour, Rodrigo. Histria sexual da MPB: a evoluo do amor e do sexo na cano brasileira Rio de Janeiro: Record, 2006. Ferreira, Ana Paula. Telling Woman What She Wa nts: The Cantigas dam igo as Strategies of Containment. Portuguese Studies 9 (1993): 23-38. Ferreira, Aurlio Buarque de Holanda. Novo dicionrio da lngua portuguesa Rio de Janeiro: Editora Nova Fronteira, 1975. Fonteles, Ben. Ney Matogrosso: ousar ser So Paulo: Imprensa Oficial do Estado SESC, 2002. Fontes, Maria Helena Sanso. Sem fantasia: masculino-feminino em Chico Buarque. Rio de Janeiro: Graphia, 2003. Foucault, Michel. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison New York: Pantheon Books, 1977. Freyre, Gilberto. Casa-grande e senzala 1933. Madrid: Allca XX, 2002. ---. The Masters and the Slaves: A Study in th e Development of Brazilian Civilization 1945. Trans. Samuel Putnam. 2nd ed. Berkeley: U of California P, 1986. Gil, Gilberto. Gilberto Gil Home Page. 2007. 30 Apr. 2007. < http://www.gilbertogil.com.br >. ---. Todas as letras So Paulo: Companhia das letras, 1996.

PAGE 144

144 Guilbert, Georges-Claude. Madonna as Postmodern Myth: How One Stars Self-Construction Rewrites Sex, Gender, Hollywood and the American Dream North Carolina: McFarland & Company, Inc. Publishers, 2002. Green, James Naylor. Beyond Carnival: Male Homosexual ity in Twentieth -Century Brazil Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1999. Green, James Naylor, and Ronald Polito. Frescos trpicos: fontes sobre a homossexualidade masculina no Brasil (1870-1980) Rio de Janeiro: Jos Olympio, 2006. Holanda, Srgio Buarque de. Razes do Brasil 1936. 8th ed. Rio de Jane iro: Jos Olympio, 1969. ---. Viso do paraso 1958. 2nd. ed. So Paulo: Editora da Universidade de So Paulo, 1969. Letras de msicas 2007. Letras.mus.br. 27 May 2007. < http://letras.terra.com.br >. Lucchesi, Iv o, and Gilda Korff Dieguez. Caetano. Por que no?: uma viagem entre a aurora e a sombra. Rio de Janeiro: Leviat Publicaes, 1993. Matogrosso, Ney. Ney Matogrosso Home Page. 2007. 8 May 2007. < http://www2.uol.com.br/neymatogrosso/ home.html >. Matos, Clu dia Neiva. Dices malandras do samba. Ao encontro da palavra cantada: poesia, msica e voz Ed. Cludia Neiva de Matos, Elizabeth Travassos, and Fernanda Teixeira de Medeiros. Rio de Janeiro: 7 Letras, 2001. 61-76. Mattoso, Glauco. Dicionarinho do palavro e correlatos. Rio de Janeiro: Record, 1990. Mello, Zuza Homem de, and Jairo Severiano. A cano no tempo: 85 anos de msicas brasileiras (vol. 1: 1901-1957) So Paulo: Editora 34, 1997. Meneses, Adlia Bezerra de. Figuras do feminino na cano de Chico Buarque So Paulo: Ateli Editorial, 2000. Mesquita, A. and Joo Paulo Guimares. Homepage de Angela RoRo 30 Mar. 2000. 20 May 2007. < http://angelaroro.cjb.net >. Moraes, Eliane Robert. A m usa popular brasileira. Mulher mulheres Ed. Albertina Oliveira Costa and Carmem Costa. So Pa ulo: Cortez Editora, 1983. 55-72 Mott, Luiz R.B. The Gay Moveme nt and Human Rights in Brazil. Latin American Male Homosexualities Ed. Stephen Murray. Albuquerque: U of New Mexico P, 1995. 221-30. Neves, Jos Roberto. Todas as Mulheres. Papel Fuleiro 21 Apr. 2001. 11 Mar. 2007 < http://www.papelfuleiro.com.br/reportagens.htm >. Oliven, Ruben George. A m alandrag em na msica popular brasileira. Latin American Music Review 5.1. (1984): 66-96.

PAGE 145

145 ---. The Production and Consumption of Culture in Brazil. Latin American Perspectives 11.1 (1984): 103-115. ---. The Woman Makes (And Breaks) the Man: The Masculine Imagery in Brazilian Popular Music. Latin American Music Review 9.1 (1988): 90-108. Paoli, Maria Clia. Os amores citadinos e a or denao do mundo pria: as mulheres, as canes e seus poetas. Decantando a repblica, v.3: inventr io histrico e poltico da cano popular moderna brasileira. Ed. Berenice Cavalcante, Heloisa Starling and Jos Eisenberg. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira, 2004. 67-92. Parker, Richard G. Bodies, Pleasures, and Passions: Sex ual Culture in Contemporary Brazil Boston: Beacon Press, 1991. Perrone, Charles A. Lyric and Lyrics: The Poetry of Song in Brazil. Diss. U of Texas at Austin, 1985. Ann Arbor: UMI, 1989. ---. Masters of Contemporary Brazilian Song: MPB 1965-1985 Austin: U of Texas P, 1989. ---. Seven Faces: Brazilian Poetry Since Modernism Durham: Duke U P, 1996. Perrone, Charles A., and Christopher Dunn, eds. Brazilian Popular Music and Globalization Gainesville: U. P. of Florida, 2001. Pessoa, Fernando. O eu profundo e os outros eus Rio de Janeiro: Edit ora Nova Aguilar, 1978. Prado, Dcio de Almeida. O teatro brasileiro moderno: 1930-1980 So Paulo: Editora Perspectiva, 1988. Prado, Paulo. Retrato do Brasil Rio de Janeiro: Jos Olmpio, 1972. Risrio, Antnio, ed. Expresso 2222 Gilberto Gil Salvador: Corrupio, 1982. Sedgwick, Eve Kosofsky. Epistemology of the Closet Berkeley: U of California P, 1990. Simone. Simone: website oficial 2007. 27 May 2007. . Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty. The Spivak Reader New York: Routledge, 1996. Stallyb rass, Peter, and Allon White. The Politics and Poetics of Transgression. New York: Cornell U P, 1986. Tinhoro, Jos Ramos. Msica popular brasil eira, mulher e trabalho. So Paulo: SENAC. Unpublished manuscript, 1981. ---. Pequena histria da msica popular : da modinha cano de protesto. So Paulo: Art Editora, 1986. Trevisan, Joo S. Devassos no paraso Rio de Janeiro: Record, 2000.

PAGE 146

146 ---. Tivira, the Man with the Broken Butt: Same-Sex Practices among Brazilian Indians. Lusosex: Gender and Sexuality in the Portuguese Speaking World. Ed. Susan Canty Quinlan and Fernando Arenas. Minnea polis: U of Minnesota P, 2002. 3-11. Vaz, Denise Pires. Ney Matogrosso: um cara meio estranho Rio de Janeiro: Rio Fundo Ed., 1992. Veloso, Caetano. Caetano Veloso Home Page. 2007. 15 Apr. 2007. < http://www.caetanoveloso.com.br /index2.php >. ---. Verdade tropical So Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1997. Whiteley, S heila. Little Red Rooster v. The H onky Tonk Woman: Mick Jagger, sexuality, style and image. Sexing the Groove: Popular Music and Gender Ed. Sheila Whiteley. New York: Routledge, 1997. 67-99. ---. Women and Popular Music: Sexuality, Identity and Subjectivity New York: Routledge, 2000. Zorzanelli, Marcelo. Isso tudo to antigo Revista poca online 11 Dec. 2006. 10 Apr. 2007. < http://revistaepoca.globo.com /Revista/Epoca/0,,EDG75943-5856-447,00.html >

PAGE 147

147 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Luciana Monteiro was born in Rio de Jane iro, Brazil, on January 9, 1967. She graduated from Colgio Andrews High School in 1984, and she attended the Pontifcia Universidade Catlica of Rio de Janeiro (PUCRio), where she received a B.A. in social communications in 1990. She made a career in corporate business as a Brand Manager and Market Research Specialist from 1990 until 2003. She received a post-b accalaureate in marketing also from PUCRio in 1994. She entered the Graduate School at the University of FloridaGainesville in 2004, where she taught Portuguese in the Department of Romance Languages and Literatures from 2004 until 2007. There she received a certificate for Outstanding Academic Achievement from the Center for International Students and was the recipient of Grin ter fellowships and book scholarships. She was awarded the Master of Arts in Latin American studies with a concentration in Brazil/Portuguese and Spanish America/Sp anish in August of 2007. She was admitted to Tulane University in August of 2007 to begin work on the PhD in Spanish and Portuguese.