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The Evolving Role of Florida Black Museums and Their Communities

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PAGE 1

1 THE EVOLVING ROLE OF FLORIDA BL ACK MUSEUMS AND THEIR COMMUNITIES By DEBORAH JOHNSON-SIMON A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2007

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2 2007 Deborah Johnson-Simon

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3 To my mother, Leona Williams, who in spired my interest in museums

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4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I gratefully acknowledge my parents Russell and Leona Williams, for having a firm belief in my abilities. I wish to acknowledge those who he lped support me in my endeavor to write on this topic. I want to thank my students at Santa Fe Community College and the students in my African American Studies Senior Seminar for assisting with the res earch and to all the participants who agreed to be interviewed. I sincerel y appreciate your candor about this subject of acculturation and attending Black museums. I also thank my dissertation committee for agreeing to work with me; my chair Dr. A llan Burns; and committee members Dr. James Davidson and Dr. Susan deFrance. In addition, I extend deep appreciation to Dr. Willie Baber, for academic guidance and personal support he extended me through his mentorship. Special thanks and sincere appreciation goes to Dr. Robi n Poynor, for agreeing to serve as the external member of my committee. I appreciate funding from th e Florida Education Fund, McKn ight Doctoral Fellowship Program, the University of Florida AC-SBE Sc holar (Atlantic Coast Social, Behavioral, and Economic Sciences), the Anthropology Departme nt John M. Goggin Memo rial Scholarship, and the UF/SFCC (University of Florida/Santa Fe Community College) Minority Professional Development Fellowship. To my dear Arizona museum friends Dona Do rsey and Chuck Harrison, thanks for telling me how important the research is. Your encourag ement reinforced my desire to finish what I started. To my son and daughter-inlaw, Paul III and Dierdre King, I want to thank you for all the love and support you have given throughout this doc toral process. I also want to thank my daughter Shari Jackson and my sister, Olive Mack ey for all that you have done for me. Special thanks goes to my grandchildren; Paul IV, Lauren, DJ, DeShun, Xavier and Anaya. May God bless all of you.

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5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...............................................................................................................4 LIST OF TABLES................................................................................................................. ........11 LIST OF FIGURES................................................................................................................ .......15 ABSTRACT....................................................................................................................... ............18 CHAPTER 1 THE EVOLVING ROLE.......................................................................................................19 Introduction................................................................................................................... ..........19 Identity....................................................................................................................... .............19 Black Identity................................................................................................................. .23 Identity, Culture, and Museums......................................................................................25 Kwanzaa, Afrocentricity, Black Identity (Karenga, Asante)..........................................26 Kwanzaa........................................................................................................................ ..26 Museums........................................................................................................................ .........27 Museums and the Dominant Culture...............................................................................27 Museums in Historical Perspective.................................................................................28 Mainstream Museums and Anthropology.......................................................................31 Ethnic Museum Development.........................................................................................32 Black Museums Historically...........................................................................................34 The Black Museum Movement.......................................................................................35 Defining the Black Museum (1988)................................................................................36 Research....................................................................................................................... ...........38 Preliminary Research.......................................................................................................38 Culture Keepers Florida Independent Research..............................................................39 Relevance of the Study......................................................................................................... ..40 Outline of Study............................................................................................................... .......43 2 CULTURE ACCULTURATI ON AND MUSEUMS............................................................46 Acculturation.................................................................................................................. ........47 The Herskovitz Frazier Debate and African American Acculturation............................48 Contemporary African American Acculturation.............................................................49 Socialization.................................................................................................................. .........50 Racial/Ethnic Socialization Themes................................................................................51 Measurements of Racial/Ethnic Socialization.................................................................52 Museums........................................................................................................................ .........53 Culture and Museums......................................................................................................54 Museums in Historical Perspective.................................................................................55

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6 Self Determination, Ethnic Identity........................................................................................57 Self Determination Theory..............................................................................................60 Racial/Ethnic Identity Theories.......................................................................................61 Black Identity................................................................................................................. .62 Socialization and Racial Identity.....................................................................................64 African Identity...............................................................................................................67 Afrocentricity................................................................................................................. .68 Defining African American (Black Culture)...................................................................73 Discussion..................................................................................................................... ..........74 3 METHODOLOGY.................................................................................................................76 IRB Approval #2006-U-0043.................................................................................................76 Methods........................................................................................................................ ..........76 Participants and Recruitment...........................................................................................77 Sampling....................................................................................................................... ...78 Instruments.................................................................................................................... ..81 Florida Black Museums Survey (FBMS).................................................................81 African American Acculturation Scale (AAAS-33)................................................82 Procedures..................................................................................................................... ..83 Case Studies................................................................................................................... ..83 Discussion..................................................................................................................... ..........85 4 FLORIDAS BLACK MUSEUM WORLD...........................................................................87 Museum Data and Analysis....................................................................................................87 Gathering Methods..........................................................................................................87 The Interview Questions..................................................................................................88 Sample Population...........................................................................................................89 Interview Protocol...........................................................................................................90 Data Collected................................................................................................................. .......90 Results.....................................................................................................................................91 Interview Questions.........................................................................................................91 Africa........................................................................................................................92 Caribbean................................................................................................................. 93 Florida......................................................................................................................93 Other US...................................................................................................................94 Florida Black Museum Survey........................................................................................ 95 Black Museums Analysis by POB North Florida.................................................. 96 Black Museums Analysis by POB Central Florida.............................................. 100 Black Museums Analysis by POB South Florida............................................... 104 Florida Black Museum Missions.......................................................................................... 111 Analysis of Museum Missions..............................................................................................113 Distribution of Florida Black Museums............................................................................... 122 Case Studies..........................................................................................................................126

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7 Case Study One: Haitian He ritage Museum (HHM).....................................................127 History and mission s tatement............................................................................... 127 Staffing, volunteers, and governance.....................................................................127 Collections, exhibits and educational programming..............................................128 Ayiti Expos (teaching Haitian heritage through the arts)..................................... 129 Collaboration..........................................................................................................129 Challenges and the future....................................................................................... 130 Case Study Two: Chiumba Ensemble, Inc. Chiumba Cultural Arts Center..................130 History and mission s tatement............................................................................... 131 Staffing, volunteers, and governance.....................................................................131 Collections, exhibits and educational programming..............................................132 Collaboration..........................................................................................................133 Challenges and the future....................................................................................... 133 Historical Overview of Florida Black Communities............................................................134 Discussion..................................................................................................................... ........135 5 ACCULTURATION AND SCALE ANALYSIS................................................................136 Introduction................................................................................................................... ........136 Method......................................................................................................................... .........136 Participants................................................................................................................... .136 Procedure...................................................................................................................... .137 Instruments....................................................................................................................137 Reliability of the AAAS-33....................................................................................137 Validity of the AAAS-33.......................................................................................138 Relationship of AAAS-33 Sc ores to Demographics.....................................................138 Using the African American A cculturation Scale (AAAS-33)............................................139 Theoretical Basis of Items.............................................................................................139 Factor 1: Preference for things African American (6 items)................................. 139 Factor 2: Religious beliefs and practices (6 items)................................................ 140 Factor 3: Preparation and consumpti on of traditional foods (4 items)................... 140 Factor 4: Traditional African Ameri can childhood socialization (3 items)............141 Factor 5: Superstitions (3 items)............................................................................141 Factor 6: Interracial attitudes/cultural mistrust (3 items)........................................ 141 Factor 7: Falling out (2 items)................................................................................ 142 Factor 8: Traditional games (2 items).................................................................... 143 Factor 9: Family values (2 items).......................................................................... 143 Factor 10: Family practices (2 items).................................................................... 144 Scores AAAS-33 by POB.............................................................................................144 Africa......................................................................................................................145 Caribbean...............................................................................................................145 Florida....................................................................................................................146 Other US.................................................................................................................147 Discussion..................................................................................................................... ........148

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8 6 FINAL ANALYSIS, INTERVIEWS, MU SEUM SURVEY, AND ACCULTURATION SCALE.......................................................................................................................... ........149 Introduction................................................................................................................... ........149 Analysis of Interviews......................................................................................................... .150 Florida Black Museum Survey (FBMS)...............................................................................172 African American Acculturation Scale II.............................................................................172 Discussion..................................................................................................................... ........174 7 FUTURE WORK..................................................................................................................176 American Culture, Acculturation, and Enculturation...........................................................176 The Hypothesis..............................................................................................................176 Identification of Florida Black Museums......................................................................179 The Case Studies...........................................................................................................180 The Role of Black Museums in Maintaining Black Culture.........................................181 The Relationship between African Amer ican Acculturation and Knowledge and Participation in Black Museums................................................................................181 Best Practices and Strategies for a Diverse Museum World................................................183 Some Thoughts on How Black Museums Build Communities............................................185 APPENDIX A INTERVIEW QUESTIONS.................................................................................................190 B FLORIDA BLACK MUSEUM SURVEY...........................................................................191 C AFRICAN AMERICAN ACCU LTURATION SCALE-ii..................................................193 D PROFILE OF FLORIDA BLACK MUSEUMS..................................................................196 Museums in North Florida....................................................................................................199 The Ritz Theatre and LaVilla Museum-........................................................................199 Jacksonville-Duval County...........................................................................................199 The Kingsley Plantation-Ft. George Island-Jacksonville-Duval County......................200 The Sojourner Truth Traveling Mu seum, Jacksonville-Duval County.........................201 The Durkeeville Historical Center.................................................................................202 The Bethel Baptist Institutional Church Archives-Jacksonville Duval County.........203 The Eartha M.M. White Historical Museum Jacksonville-Duval County..................204 The Julee Cottage-Pensacola Escambia County..........................................................205 The African American Heritage Ce nter-Pensacola-Escambia County.........................206 The John G. Riley Center Museum of African American History and CultureTallahassee-Leon County...........................................................................................207 Black Archives Research Center-Flori da A & M University-Tallahassee-Leon County........................................................................................................................208 The American Folk Art Museum an d Gallery-Tallahassee-Leon County....................209 The Carver-Hill Museum-Crestview-Okaloosa County................................................210

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9 Museums in Central Florida.................................................................................................211 The African American Cultural Soci ety-Palm Coast-Flagler County...........................211 The Dorothy Thompson African American Museum-ClearwaterPinellas County.....212 The Zora Neale Hurston National Museum of Fine Arts-Eatonville-Orange County..213 The Wells Built Museum of African Amer ican History & Culture-Orlando-Orange County........................................................................................................................214 Dr. Carter G. Woodson African Americ an History Museum-St. Petersburg................214 Harry T. & Harriette V. Moore Cultural Complex-Mims-Brevard...............................215 Mary McLeod Bethune Home-Bethune Cook man College-Daytona Beach-Volusia County........................................................................................................................216 African American Muse um of the Arts, DeLand-Volusia County................................218 Black Heritage Museum New Smyrna Beach-Volusia County..................................219 Museums in South Florida....................................................................................................219 The Old Dillard Museum Ft. Lauderdale-Broward County........................................219 African American Research Library and Cultural Center-Ft. Lauderdale-Broward County........................................................................................................................220 The Blanchard House Museum of African History and Culture Punta Gorda, Charlotte County........................................................................................................221 African Heritage Cultural Arts Center-Miami-Dade County........................................223 Black Heritage Museum-Miami Dade County..............................................................223 Virginia Key Beach Park Museum-Miami Dade County..............................................224 The Haitian Heritage Museum-Miami Dade County....................................................224 Black Archives History and Research Foundation of South Florida-Miami Dade County........................................................................................................................225 National Medical Museum-Miami Dade County..........................................................226 Williams Academy Black History Museum-Ft. Myers-................................................226 Family Heritage House-Bradenton-Manatee County....................................................227 Lofton B. Sands African Bahamian Museum Key West-Monroe County................228 The Spady Cultural Heritage Museum-Delray Beach...................................................230 The Zora Neale Hurston House-Ft. Pierce....................................................................231 E HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF BLAC K MUSEUMS AND INSTITUTIONS WITH MUSEUM FUNCTIONS 1800-1980........................................................................232 F MAINTAINING BLACK CULTURE IN FLORIDA.........................................................234 G HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF FL ORIDAS BLACK COMMUNITIES........................239 Orlando........................................................................................................................ ..241 St. Petersburg and Clearwater, Pinellas County:...........................................................242 St. Petersburg.................................................................................................................242 Gainesville.................................................................................................................... .242 Mims........................................................................................................................... ...243 DeLand......................................................................................................................... .244 Daytona Beach...............................................................................................................244 New Smyrna Beach.......................................................................................................244 Ft. Lauderdale................................................................................................................245

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10 Ft. Myers...................................................................................................................... ..245 Ft. Pierce..................................................................................................................... ...246 Punta Gorda...................................................................................................................246 Overtown-Miami...........................................................................................................247 Little Haiti................................................................................................................... ..247 Bradenton......................................................................................................................248 Delray Beach.................................................................................................................249 LIST OF REFERENCES.............................................................................................................250 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.......................................................................................................263

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11 LIST OF TABLES Table page 2-1 Aspects of African Am erican Cultural Heritage................................................................75 3-1 Evolving Role Interviewers...............................................................................................79 3-2 Participants by Sex and POB.............................................................................................80 3-3 Evolving Role Interviewees by Age..................................................................................80 4-1 Participants by Age........................................................................................................ ....91 4-2 Participant Profile by Pl ace of Birth (POB) and Sex........................................................91 4-3 Interview Question Two Visits to Black Museums...........................................................92 4-4 Interview Question Three Vis its to Florida Black Museums.............................................92 4-5 Responses Interview Question 3 by POB-Florida Participants.........................................94 4-6 Responses Interview Question 3 by POB Other US Participants......................................95 4-7 Ritz Theatre and LaVilla Museum.....................................................................................96 4-8 Kingsley Plantation........................................................................................................ ....96 4-9 Sojourner Truth Museum...................................................................................................96 4-10 Durkeeville Historical Society Museum............................................................................97 4-11 Bethel Baptist Institutional Church....................................................................................97 4-12 Eartha M. M. White Museum............................................................................................97 4-13 Julee Cottage Museum...................................................................................................... .98 4-14 African American Heritage Center....................................................................................98 4-15 John Riley House Museum................................................................................................99 4-16 FAMU Black Archives......................................................................................................99 4-17 American Folk Art Museum............................................................................................100 4-18 Carver Hill Museum........................................................................................................100 4-19 African American Cultural Center Palm Coast...............................................................101

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12 4-20 Dorothy Thompson African American Museum.............................................................101 4-21 Zora Neale Hurston Na tional Fine Arts Museum............................................................101 4-22 Wells Built Museum of African American History & Culture........................................102 4-23 Carter G. Woodson Museum of African American History............................................102 4-24 Museum of Arts and Science...........................................................................................103 4-25 Mary McLeod Bethune House.........................................................................................103 4-26 African American Museum of the Arts...........................................................................103 4-27 Black Heritage Museum New Smyrna Beach.................................................................104 4-28 Old Dillard Museum........................................................................................................104 4-29 African American Research Library & Cultural Arts Center..........................................105 4-30 Beatrice Russell Center................................................................................................... .105 4-31 African Heritage Cultural Arts Center.............................................................................106 4-32 Black Heritage Museum-Miami......................................................................................106 4-33 Black Archives & Research Foundation..........................................................................107 4-34 Historic Virginia Key Beach............................................................................................108 4-35 Haitian Heritage Museum................................................................................................108 4-36 Williams Academy Bl ack History Museum....................................................................109 4-37 Family Heritage House....................................................................................................109 4-38 African Bahamian Museum Key West............................................................................110 4-39 Spady Museum.............................................................................................................. ...110 4-40 Zora Neale Hurston House...............................................................................................111 4-41 Florida Black Museums Missions Analysis.....................................................................114 4-42 Distribution of Fl orida Black Museums..........................................................................121 5-1 AAAS-33 Scores by Demographics POB........................................................................139 5-2 AAAS-33 Scores by POB-Africa....................................................................................145

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13 5-3 AAAS-33 Scores by POB-Caribbean..............................................................................145 5-4 AAAS-33 Scores by POB-Florida...................................................................................146 5-5 AAAS-33 Scores by POB-Other US...............................................................................147 6-1 Interview Question 3 Response by POB-Florida.............................................................152 6-2 Interview Question 3 Response by POB-Other US.........................................................153 6-3 Summary Responses Question 4 Early Socialization to Cultural Activities...................154 6-4 POB and Religious Cross Tabulation..............................................................................154 6-5 POB and Museums Cross tabulation...............................................................................154 6-6 POB and Events Cross tabulation....................................................................................154 6-7 Case Processing Summary...............................................................................................154 6-8 POB and Plays Cross tabulation......................................................................................155 6-9 POB and Family Cross tabulation....................................................................................155 6-10 Case Processing Summary...............................................................................................155 6-11 POB and Festivals Cross tabulation.................................................................................155 6-12 POB and Movies Cross tabulation...................................................................................155 6-13 POB and Sports Cross tabulation.....................................................................................156 6-14 Responses Question 4 by POB-Africa.............................................................................156 6-15 Responses Question 4 by POB-Caribbean.......................................................................156 6-16 Responses Question 4 by POB-Florida............................................................................157 6-17 Responses Question 4 by POB-Other US........................................................................158 6-18 Responses Question 8 by POB-Africa.............................................................................160 6-19 Responses Question 8 by POB-Caribbean.......................................................................161 6-20 Responses Question 8 by POB-Florida............................................................................161 6-21 Responses Question 8 by POB-Other US........................................................................162 6-22 Responses Question 9 by POB-Africa.............................................................................165

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14 6-23 Responses Question 9 by POB Caribbean.......................................................................165 6-24 Responses Question 9 by POB-Florida............................................................................166 6-25 Responses Question 9 by POB-Other US........................................................................167 6-26 Responses Question 10 by POB-Africa...........................................................................169 6-27 Responses Question 10 by POB-Caribbean.....................................................................169 6-28 Responses Question 10 by POB-Florida..........................................................................170 6-29 Responses Question 10 by POB-Other US......................................................................171 6-30 Recap Museum Participation...........................................................................................171 6-31 Recap Scores Florida Black Museum Survey..................................................................173 6-32 AAAS-33 Scores by POB................................................................................................173 6-33 Relationship between AAAS-33 Scores and FBMS Scores by POB and Age................175 7-1 Museums with Best Sources for Effective Outreach.......................................................184 D-1 Profile Florida Black Museums......................................................................................196

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15 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 1-1 Gedenimbo Onibode Atiba and daught er Omotola at home in Alachua County Florida........................................................................................................................ ........20 1-2 Baba Atibas ancestor tree out side home in Alachua County............................................20 1-3 View of ancestor tree at home of Baba Atiba, Alachua County........................................21 1-4 Kwanzaa altar.............................................................................................................. .......21 4-1 Map Black museums in North Florida.............................................................................123 4-2 Map Black museums Central Florida..............................................................................124 4-3 Map Black museums South Florida.................................................................................125 4-4 Florida Black Museums by Type.....................................................................................126 4-5 Advertisement/Postcard HHM.........................................................................................128 4-6 Queenchiku Nogozis Chiumba Ensemble performers at curated show Thomas Center, Gainesville, Alachua County; Photo Credit CEI)...............................................132 D-1 Deborah Johnson-Simon visits the Ritz Theatre and LaVilla Museum photo creditDeborah Johnson-Simon 2004.........................................................................................199 D-2 Slave Cabin Kingsley Plantation; Ph oto credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2004..............200 D-3 Barbara Halfacre founder Sojourner Truth Traveling Museum; Photo credit-Deborah Johnson-Simon 2004........................................................................................................201 D-4 Dr. Carolyn Williams Executive Dire ctor Durkeeville Historical Center.......................202 D-5 Bethel Baptist Institutional Church, Jacksonville, Photo credit Deborah JohnsonSimon 2004..................................................................................................................... .203 D-6 The Clara White Center, Jacksonville Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2006......204 D-7 Julee Cottage, Pensacola; Phot o credit-Deborah Johnson-Simon 2006..........................205 D-8 The African American Heritage Cent er, Pensacola; Photo credit-Deborah JohnsonSimon 2006..................................................................................................................... .206 D-9 The John G. Riley Center Museum; Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2005..........207

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16 D-10 Deborah Johnson Simon at the FAMU Black Archives Research Center Museum, Tallahassee Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2005.................................................208 D-11 American Folk Art Museum and Gallery........................................................................209 D-12 The Carver-Hill Museum; Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2006)........................210 D-13 African American Cultural Society, Pa lm Coast Photo credit Deborah JohnsonSimon 2006..................................................................................................................... .211 D-14 The Dorothy Thompson African Amer ican Museum, Clearwater; Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2003.........................................................................................212 D-15 Zora Neale Hurston National Museum of Fine Arts; Photo credit Deborah JohnsonSimon 2006..................................................................................................................... .213 D-16 The Wells Built Museum of African American History & Culture, Orlando................213 D-17 Dr. Carter G. Woodson African American History Museum, St. Petersburg Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2005...............................................................................215 D-18 The Harry T. & Harriette V. Moore Cu ltural Complex, Mims Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2006........................................................................................................216 D-19 The Mary McLeod Bethune House, Dayt ona Beach, Photo credit Deborah JohnsonSimon 2004..................................................................................................................... .217 D-20 The Johnsons founders of the African American Museum of the Arts, DeLand; Photo Credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2003....................................................................217 D-21 Black Heritage Museum, New Smyrna Beach, Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2006........................................................................................................................... .......218 D-22 Old Dillard Museum, Ft. Lauderdale, Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2006........220 D-23 The African American Research Librar y and Cultural Center, Ft. Lauderdale...............221 D-24 The Blanchard House Museum of African History and Culture of Charlotte County, Punta Gorda.................................................................................................................... .222 D-25 African Heritage Cultural Arts Center, Miami, Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2006........................................................................................................................... .......222 D-26 Sign Advertising Virginia Beach for Colored only Photo Credit: Florida State Archives....................................................................................................................... ....223 D-27 Office of the Haitian Heritage Museum Miami Photo Credit: Deborah JohnsonSimon 2005..................................................................................................................... .224

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17 D-28 Black Archives History and Research Foundation of South Florida, Miami; Photo Credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2006..............................................................................225 D-29 National Medical Museum, Miami..................................................................................226 D-30 Williams Academy Black History Muse um, Ft. Myers; Photo Credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2006........................................................................................................227 D-31 Family Heritage House, Bradenton, Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2005..........228 D-32 Lofton B. Sands House-The African Ba hamian Museum, Key West Photo Credit Dona Dorsey 2005...........................................................................................................229 D-33 The Spady Cultural Heritage Museum Delray Beach; Photo Credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2006........................................................................................................229 D-34 Zora Neale Hurston Home, Ft. Pierce ; Photo Credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2006......230

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18 Abstract of Dissertation Pres ented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy THE EVOLVING ROLE OF FLORIDA BLACK MUSEUMS AND THEIR COMMUNITIES By Deborah Johnson-Simon May 2007 Chair: Allan Burns Major: Anthropology Florida has historically been the destinati on of runaway slaves and the destination of immigrating groups of African Descended Peoples in contemporary times. This makes it rich for a study of the relationships between African American acculturation, enculturation, and the knowledge of and participation in Black museums contrasted with understanding the role of the Black museums in maintaining Blac k culture. The primary objective of this study is to bring into anthropological focus the cultural meaning of Fl oridas Black museums in relationship to how culture is maintained and defined by the Black communities they serve.

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19 CHAPTER 1 THE EVOLVING ROLE Do not mend your neighbors fence before looking to your own. (Tanzanian proverb) Introduction Identity This study is an examination of African Amer ican culture and accultu ration in Florida and the role of the Black museums in cultural maintenance. Acculturation may be associated with many different theories of culture and ethnic identity. Anthropologist Ward G oodenough (1981) provides an appropr iate model of culture that frames this study (Gay and Baber 1985). In Goodenoughs model, ones competence in a group is central to identity, and this is true whether or no t a different language or dialect of a language serves as a group marker. One would argue that competence in the principles of Kwanzaa is increasingly expected among persons who strongly identify as African American or Black with an Afrocentric posture. For example, in Alac hua County, Florida, Yo ruba Afrikan Priest Gedenimbo Onibode Atiba, instructs daughter Om otola (Figure 1-1) an d others on the daily incorporation of Kwanzaa for 365 days a year, in cluding elaborate decorati on of his home with ancestor tree (Figure 1-2 and 1-3) and Kwanzaa alta r bearing kinara (candles) and other items for daily participation (Figure 1-4). Kwanzaa includ es the principle of kujichagula from the Nguzo Saba, meaning self-determination. Kujichagu lia encourages Black people to define, name, create, and speak with the purpose of self-d etermination, instead of being defined, named, created and spoken for by others (Karenga 1988) However, acculturation to American norms may be seen as a process of being named, cr eated, and spoken for by others. Black museums offer an interesting approach to the issue of acculturation to American norms because museums invoke the power to create and define a group or vari ous groups in relationship to each other, and

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20 Figure 1-1. Gedenimbo Onibode Atiba and daughter Omotola at home in Alachua County Florida Figure 1-2. Baba Atibas ancestor tr ee outside home in Alachua County

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21 Figure 1-3. View of ancestor tree at home of Baba Atiba, Alachua County Figure 1-4. Kwanzaa altar

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22 presumably the creators of museums are speaking on behalf of those who participate in the museum. In creating these groups, museums act as a conduit for cultural transmission. Therefore, one of the important functions of museums is to communicate, display, and reinforce important cultural themes and values. Many of the Black museum practitioners interviewed for this study cautioned that Floridas African American communities are genera lly regarded as having very low levels of community organization or self-determination, a nd they generally regard them as unsupportive of Black museums. The lack of support is assu med. As a result, African American involvement in Black museums, including levels of partic ipation, has not been studied or documented. Therefore, two questions guide this research: (1) What is the relationship between African American acculturati on and the knowledge of and participation in Black museum s? (2) Do these museums have a role in the maintenance of Black culture in Floridas Black communities? Scholarly anthropological studies of Black museums in general and Floridas Black museums in particular are very few. This lack of attention projects the mistaken belief that these museums are either healthy and thriving or not worthy of scholarly attention. In reality, Black museums have been struggling to keep their doors open and provide access to the history and culture of Black people. Black museums stri ve to accomplish this monumental task for a constituency that has been characterized as unsupportive and that unde rutilize these museums (Falk 1993; Hood 1993; Robinson 1986; Stamps and Stamps 1985). There is an urgency, therefore, to understand the rela tionship of Black museums and their Black community members in terms of the survival of values and beliefs as sociated with their culture.

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23 One of the first surveys undertaken to assess Black museums and Black communities was commissioned in 1988 by the Association of African American Museums (AAMA); its constituency was queried to de velop a profile of Black museum s in America. The AAMAs Profile of Black Museums (1988) establishes the definition of Bl ack museums that will be useful to this studys goal of assessing their presence and viability in Florida today. The AAMA asked the questions: (1) does the Black museum have a unique role in our soci ety? (2) Should a Black museum model itself on a tradit ional museum which usually suppor ts the white culture? (3) Who should accredit a Black museum? (4 ) Should there be a national or federal Black museum? (5) If so, where should it be located? (6 )What should be the role of nonBlack museums in regard to the collection of Black cultural materials? (7) Ar e there models for what an ideal community of Black museums would be like? (8) What are the political and economic factors affecting Black museums? (AAMA 1988:3-4). All of these questi ons have implications for this current study, which asks: (1) what is the relationship be tween African American acculturation and the knowledge of and participation in Black museums? (2) Do these museums have a role in the maintenance of Black culture in Floridas Black communities? (3) What role does ethnic identity play in maintaining Black culture and museum-going? I believe its extremely important to unde rstand how Black people define themselves, determine for themselves, and how Black identity is constructed in re lationship to knowledge and participation of Black museums. Black Identity Molefi Asante developed the framework of Afro centricity to apply to studies about African or African American communication (1987, 2001). He identified five cultural themes shared by people of African descent: A common origin and e xperience of struggle

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24 An element of resistance to European legal procedures, medical prac tices, and political processes Traditional values of huma nness and harmony with nature A fundamentally African way of knowing and interpreting the world An orientation toward communalism These cultural themes are embedded in the cognitiv e frames of reference of persons who identify as Black or African American in varying degr ees of commitment. As sub-units of a shared culture, identities are meanings a person attributes to the self as an object in their social situation or social roles (Burke 1980: 18; Goodenough 1981). Therefore being Black in American society means occupying a racially defined status. Associated with this status are roles in family, community, and Black society. One psychological consequence of identifying with Black groups is cultural competency within these groups. Ones competency varies with the nature of ones role experiences, and within particular Black communities (D emo and Hughes 1990:364; Goodenough 1981). Since the Civil Rights Era and the accepta nce of Black enculturation as normal, bicultural ability has increased among persons identifying as Black or Af rican American. Bicultu ral ability relates to competency within Black groups and cultural co mpetency in American beliefs, values, and norms. Bicultural ability varies depending upon th e individual person but the following qualities are the core of Black identity based in shared cultural themes: Heavy emphasis on interpersonal relations with family and friends: An important context for the formation of adult attitudes toward self and others is interpersonal relations with family and friends. (Demo 1987; Gecas and Mortimer 1987) Religious involvement: The church as a tota l institution provides opportunities for Blacks to occupy important and respected positions that may be denied them in the wider society. (Demo and Hughes 1989) Socioeconomic status: socioeconomic status is related negatively to Black autonomy and positively to evaluations of Blacks as a group. (Allen 1989)

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25 Interracial interaction: As Blacks move out of isolated environments and interact more frequently with whites and members of other groups; they are detached to some degree from traditional Black culture (shared cu ltural themes), and group identification is weakened. (Rosenberg and Simmons 1972) Age: Age locates Blacks in particular sociohi storical contexts. Social changes stemming from the Black movement may strengthen racial identity and may have the greatest effect on younger Blacks. (Porter and Washington 1979) Identity, Culture, and Museums Ward Goodenough (1986) notes that the term culture is derived from the German word Kulture. This term referred to the educated clas ses of Europe, who possessed knowledge of the finer things in life compared to lowly peasants E. B. Tylor had Kulture in mind when he referred to the degree to which people differed in their customs, beliefs, and arts from sophisticated Europeans as a measure of how ignorant and uncivilized they were. Natural history was conceived as a steady ri se from a state of primitive i gnorance to one of progressively greater enlightenment. Culture so defined is that complex whole which includes knowledge, beliefs, art, morals, law, custom, and any othe r capabilities and hab its acquired by man as a member of society (Tylor 1903:1). In this view, societies did not have di screte cultures but a greater or lesser share in the general culture thus far genera ted by mankind as a whole. The object of anthropology during this time was to recons truct the steps or stages that had marked the growth of culture. In Tylors words, (1903:26-27) by simply placing nations at one end of the social series and savage trib es at the other, arranging th e rest of mankind between these limitsethnographers are able to set up at least a rough scale of civilizationa transition from the savage state to our own. Initial interest in museums was based upon the notion of culture described by Tylor and other inte llectuals, later coined in anthropology as unilineal evolutionism. Museums were thus designed to repr oduce the achievements of civilization.

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26 The attitudes that fueled the early colle ction efforts carried forth in how early anthropologists interpreted the objects they colle cted. The meaning of an object in a museum depends upon the perspective of th e individual viewing the object, a nd this perspect ive is learned by participation in human groups. An interesting question thus develops about relationship of museums, culture and identity. Does bicultural ability reduce the significance of shared meaning in Black culture, and in turn reduce Black identity? Kwanzaa, Afrocentricit y, Black Identity (Karenga, Asante) Kwanzaa Kwanzaa was created in 1966 by Dr. Mulana Ka renga/Ron Karenga (born Ron Everett), a professor and chair of the Depa rtment of Black Studies at Ca lifornia State University, Long Beach. It is not a relig ious holiday, but a cultural one, a syncretic festival, based on various elements of the first harvest celebr ations that are widely celebrated in Africa, as in the rest of the world. Kwanzaa was established in the aftermath of the Watts Riots in California. These riots were the result of police brutality as viewed by citizens. The Black Liberation and Black Freedom Movement in the 1960s that reflecte d concerns for African American cultural groundedness in thought and practi ce (commonly referred to as B lack pride), and community and self-determination were associated with Kwa nza. It was established as a means to help African Americans reconnect with what Karenga characterized as their African cultural and historical heritage by uniting in meditation and study around principl es that have their putative origins in what Karenga asserts are African traditions and common hu manist principles. Kwanzaa is celebrated for seven days, observed from December 26 to January 1 each year. Each of the days symbolizes one of the S even Principles (Nguzo Saba) of Blackness Umoja (Unity) Kujichagulia (Self Determination) Ujima (Collective Work and Responsibility) Ujamaa (Cooperative Economics)

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27 Nia (Purpose) Kuumba (Creativity) Imani (Faith) The second principle Kujichagulia, self-definiti on, is crucial to this study because of its importance in the Black experience. Essential to this study is the real ization of the potential negative impact on peoples lives when they dont have self-definition. What problems are evident in the Black community because of it, (e.g., alcohol, drug abuse, smoking, mental illness, etc.)? These things are linked to a sense of hope lessness. Self-determination gives hope, a reason for living, a reason to succeed and to achieve for oneself and each generation to come. Thats what Kwanzaa is about, and in order to talk about Kwanzaa and its rituals, we must understand that we are also talking about Black identity and culture. Museums Museums and the Dominant Culture Ward Goodenoughs model of culture is an exte nsion of the Boasian view of culture, and it is fortuitous that Boas had a lot to say about museums. Franz Boas (1858-1942) had an enormous impact on anthropology and is often deemed th e father of American anthropology (McGee and Warms 2004:128). The method of research he pioneere d, later labeled historic al particularism, is widely considered the first American-born schoo l of anthropological thou ght. Boas believed that to explain cultural customs, one must examine them from three fundame ntal perspectives: (1) environmental conditions, (2) psychological factor s, and (3) historical connections. Of these, history was the most important. He felt that societies were created by their own historical circumstances. Thus, the best explanations of cultural phenomena were to be acquired by studying the historical development of the societie s in which they were found. In many ways he was sensitive to how museums function at th e level of culture which, according to Goodenough,

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28 involves historical development and competen cy in different groups (McGee and Warms 2004:129). Public museums have always been concerned with research, education, and entertainment, and Boas (1907:924) may have been correct in estimating that, even by the early part of this century, some 90 percent of visitors came more to be entertained than to be educated or to do research. But only recently have museums come to embrace entertainment as an explicit priority, and as a context for presen ting other functions such as education and scholarship, and to devote both major resource s and expertise to its manufacture. (Ames 1992:11) I do not hesitate to say, Franz Boas wrote in his 1907 pa per on museum administration, that the essential justification for the maintenance of large museums lies wholly in their importance as necessary means for the advancement of Science (Boas 1907:929). The large museum, he continued, is the only mean s of bringing together and of preserving intact large series of material which for all time to come must form the basis of scientific inductions. The museum, in the proverbial nutshell, is to se rve the progress of science. (Ames 1992:28) Next to Boas, the most influential figure in American anthropology duri ng the first half of the twentieth century was A.L. Kroeber. Kroeber became the first instructor in the newly created anthropology program at the University of Ca lifornia, and the curato r for the universitys museum of anthropology. Throughout his life Kroeber maintained the Boasian perspective in his work. Both men were anti-evolutionist and be lieved in integrating th e four subfields of anthropology. They taught that a historical perspective was necessa ry to understand other cultures. Boas, Kroeber and othe r anthropologists were instrume ntal in the early American museum movement (Jacknis 2002:521-532). Museums in Historical Perspective In the nineteenth century mu seums evolved from private collections and cabinets of curiosities to public museums, with lim ited public access (Alexander 1979; Ames 1986; Merriman 1989; Bennett 1995). Museums historical ly were founded to house the collections of the elite or colonizers. (Alexander 1979, Anderson 1991) In his trailblazing work, Imagined Communities Benedict Anderson discusses cens us, map, and museum (1991:163-185).

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29 Anderson states that these institu tions of power profoundly shaped the way in which the colonial state imagined its dominion. The census created i dentities imagined by th e classifying mind of the colonial state. The fiction of the census is that everyone is in it, and that everyone has one, and only one, extremely clear place. The ma p also worked on the basis of a totalizing classification. It was designed to demonstrate the antiqu ity of specific, tightly bounded territorial units. It also served as a logo, instantly recognizable and visible everywhere, that formed a powerful emblem for the anticolonial nationalis m being born. According to Anderson (1991) the museum allowed the state to appear as a guardia n of tradition, and this power was enhanced by the infinite reproducibility of the symbols of tradition. During this period, American museums were be ing established as publ ic institutions and perpetuated the examples of their European predecessors. Anthropol ogy and natural history museums were first and foremost research in stitutions, primarily beca use of exclusionary practices of other museums, and also in part to preserve history and culture. These early museums were thus the domain of the elite (Alexander 1979). The nineteenth century brought a shift in the museums function as claimed by Tony Bennett in the Birth of the Museum Bennett states that during the nineteenth century the museums had three issues. The first concerned th e nature of the museum as a social space and the need to detach that space from its earlier priv ate, restricted, and socially exclusive forms of sociality. The second concerned the nature of the museum as a space of representation; the display and interpretation of cultural artifacts fo r the culture and enlighten ment of the people. The third issue, by contrast, related more to the museums visitor than to its exhibits; it concerned the need to develop the museum as a space of observation and regulation (Bennett 1995:24). Merriman (1989) asserts that historically the museum has acted intentionally to

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30 include dominant values. For those not schooled in the code of the museum, it would have been an alien and intimidating place, while for the cultivated it could be a refuge of peace and learning (Merriman 1989). The impetus for public museums thus evolved out of this third issue. Making museums accessible to more than the elite and scholars was the motivation. According to Michael Ames (1992), by the turn of the century the idea was increasingly promot ed that museums could serve as useful instruments of education for the moral up lift of the ordinary cla sses. It therefore came to be accepted that public museums should become accessible to everyone (Ames 1992). The everyone they were referring to still had major limitations. Remember, These early museums were born during the Age of Imperialism, says Hans Haacke. They often served and benefited capitalism, and they continued to be instruments of the ruling classes and corporate powers of the time (Haacke 1986:67). This early history of museums is closely tied to anthropology, which provided the principal institutional bases and financial support for rese arch. William Sturtevant (1969:662) refers to this beginning phase, running from about 1840 to 1890, at least in North Amer ica, as the Museum Period. By the 1880s universities in the United States and England began to offer training in anthropology, taught mostly by anthropologists who also held museum positions. Sturtevant names this the Museum-University Period, running up to the 1920s. During the 1880s, anthropology museum pr ograms were concerned with acquiring artifacts, cataloguing, preserving and displayi ng specimens. Because most of these museums were training centers for anthropologists and re positories for artifacts from fieldwork, little attention was given to visitors who were not st udents. In 1890, the Peabody Museum at Harvard, the anthropology departments at th e American Museum of Natural History, and the United States

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31 National Museum were all about twenty years ol d, and the University Museum at Philadelphia had been recently establishe d (Collier and Tschopik 1954). By 1900, the basic pattern of anthropological activities in Ameri can museums was well established. These activities cons isted of programs of exhibition, research, scientific and popular publication, contribution to journals, teaching an d popular lectures. Alfred Kroeber, a leading anthropologist of th e time, said that: Museums during this period were the centers of anthropological teaching; or rather, museum curators formed the core of unive rsity teaching staffs. The major university departments drew heavily on the staffs of th eir anthropological museums or established working relationships with a nearby large muse um. Most of the important teachers were museum men or former museum men; Putnam Boas, Kroeber, Lowie, Wissler, Starr, Sullivan, Dixon, Hrdlicka, to name but a few. (Ames 1992) In contrast, today many of the leading anthr opologists rarely associate themselves with museums or museum-type institutions. The museum is no longer a necessary focal point for anthropological research. Mainstream Museums and Anthropology Michael Ames (1992:39-40) states that anthropological interest in the study of material culture and in museums steadily declined as anthropologists them selves moved away from the museum environment. In their 1954 review of th e role of the museums in anthropology, Collier and Tschopik asked whether the study of materi al culture had become a dead duck. They concluded that essentiall y it had. Maurice Freedman (1979:54) observed in his 1979 Main Trends in Social and Cultural Anthropology that this alienation of anthropology from museums is continuing. Museum anthropologists frequently express em barrassment and dismay over the lack of attention they receive from thei r colleagues. Sturtevant remarked (1969:625) anthropology is in the situation, of having the responsibility for hug e and irreplaceable collec tions which represent a

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32 large investment over many years of time, thought and money, but seemingly have very little importance for current anthropolog ical research, especially eth nological research. Sturtevant estimates that there are some four and one-half million ethnological artif acts stored in museums around the world (1969:640), most only a few hundr ed years old, and perhaps as much as 90 percent never studied (1969:632). There are various reasons why museum collections attract such little scholarly attention. First, many items are not worth studying, either b ecause they are intrinsi cally uninteresting or because they lack sufficient data concerning provenance, function or meaning. Second, many museums offer meager facilities to researchers and some seem inclined to discourage visiting scholars. In addition, museum stor erooms, especially those associ ated with large museums, are difficult to gain access to and museum staff are usually too busy to provide much assistance. Third, is the absence of important theoretical issues in material culture studies. Research on museum collections actually never did play an important role in the development of ethnological theories. Sturtevant (1969: 621-632), noted its relevance to archaeology and that museum collections were more pertinent to ea rlier ethnology, even though museums provided employment for many ethnologists. There has been little theoretical develo pment associated with material culture research. General questions ar e seldom asked or answered, and ideas derived from collections research are ra rely related to broader intellectual or professional issues in anthropology, with the exceptio ns of art and archaeology. Ethnic Museum Development Anastasia Loukaitou-Sideris and Carol Grodach (2004) in Displaying and Celebrating the Other: A Study of the Mission, Scope and Roles of Ethnic Museums in Los Angeles states that, as many mainstream museums have struggled to transform from exclusive temples to inclusive public forums, new types of museums have also em erged. Over the last three decades, there has

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33 been a tremendous rise in the U.S. and Canada of ethnic museumsinstitutions formed by members of ethnic groups to collec t, exhibit, and interpret the hi story, art, and culture of their communities. The ethnic museum has been hailed by advocat es as an alternative site of cultural production and exhibition and as promoter of et hnic culture and iden tity. Although the ethnic museum is seen by many as a keeper of ethni c and cultural traditionsas a means for recalling what has been lost and retain ing a sense of cultural identity that is different from the mainstreamcritics charge that the ethnic muse um too often assumes an authoritative stance towards cultural authenticity that leaves no r oom for change. Where, opponents have lamented the threat of cultural balkanization and fragme ntation across racial, et hnic, or class lines, advocates have seen the ethnic museum as a me diator between the ethn ic community and the larger public. By making ethnic cu ltures or histories visible to a larger audience, the ethnic museum is educating the larger city audience and bringing to the mainstream the culture it represents. Importantly, by estab lishing something as permanent and visible as a museum the ethnic culture is conveying the message of comi ng of age; it is giving an evidence of its permanence and stability. Another reason for the flourishing of ethnic mu seums has been the widespread sentiment among ethnic communities that mainstream muse ums have marginalized and excluded other cultures. Loukaitou-Sideris points out through Ka ren Davalos poignant summary: The public museum does not collect our hist ories and experiences, particular ly not our art. It does not categorize our cultural products as American but marginalized them, even placing them in the hallways and other makeshift gall eries (Loukaitou-Sideris 2004:53).

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34 The preponderance of ethnic museums can also be partly attributed to the proliferation of cultural and ethnic tourism. Despite the transnati onal ties that some ethnic museums may be able to build and the global aspiration that the larger of them may have, the majority of ethnic museums are primarily grounded in local commun ities. Ethnic museums exist within a local context, at the same time that they are expected to promote and create a specific cultural context. They are often vested with a larger role than that of purveyors of ethnic culture. As communitybased institutions, they are frequently exp ected to contribute to community building and sustainability. Their mission is often described as so cial, educational, and political, in addition to cultural. At times, ethnic museums are even de scribed as advocates for ethnic communities, often becoming directly involved in community development, political action, and protest. Thus, ethnic museums are expected to provide a ne w form of community space, at the same time that they are assuming a greater variety of functions than mainstream museums (LoukaitouSideris 2004:54-55). This being said, I take an Afrocentric positi on for this study. I focus on the Black museum movement. While comparison data has been found on Black/White participation in mainstream museums also ethnic museums such as Native American and Hispanic, for this study I am seeing Black museums as bounded institutions. Black Museums Historically While issues of class were the main deterr ent from museum-going for most Americans, color and ethnicity barred access for Blacks. In stitutional and societal based exclusionary practices segregated Blacks from mainstream museums during the 19th century even as many of the collections reflected the material cu lture of Africa and the African Diaspora. Dr. Bettye Collier-Thomas (1981), in An Historical Overview of Bla ck Museums and Institutions with

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35 Museum Functions: 1800-1980 observed that museums, churches, courts and other vital societal institutions do not function apart from the larger society. She writes They mirror the thoughts, pract ices and beliefs of the dom inant, racial and cultural groupthus, a society that define s a given group as inferior is unable to give positive recognition to individual or group achievements. Black museums reflect this significant aspect of Black heritage and are created out of a specific need to preserve the Black heritage, define Black achievement, to celebra te their Blackness, and to honor individual Black contributions. (Collier-Thomas: 1981:56) These early Black museums were developed to honor Black heroes rather than emulate mainstream models which barred entrance to Black s, despite thriving on displaying objects from Black culture. As a result, Blacks developed th eir own institutions, museums and museum-type facilities, to celebrate their heritage. The Black Museum Movement Understanding the historical development of Black museums is owed to the pioneering research of historian and museum director Dr. Bettye Collier-Thomas in the 1980s. It is important to understand that Black people were intentionally excluded from attending museums in the 19th century. As a result, they developed their own museums and institutions with museum-like functions. According to Collier-Thomas, during the 19th century, a number of Black historical societies were established be ginning with the AMEs Bethel Literary and Historical Association, the Amer ican Negro Historical Society (1897) and the Negro Society for Historical Research at the turn of the century. Howard University and Wilberforce College established the first officially designated Black museums in America. Howard had an officially designated museum dating from 1867 that functioned into the 1880s. In 1978, almost one hundred years later, the Univ ersity inaugurated a second museum (Appendix E, Historical B ackground of Black Museums).The research of Amina J. Dickerson shows that the first formal African American museum was established at

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36 Hampton Institute (1868) in Hampton, Virginia. The leadership of educator Kelly Miller at Howard University in Washington, D.C. encour aged the establishment of a Negro American Museum and Library for Howard University in 1873. Around the same period, similar efforts were begun at Wilberforce, Ohio and other Black colleges (Dickerson 1988). Dr. Harry Robinson, President African Am erican Museums Association 1986-1988, writes The Black museum movement emerged in the 1 950s and 1960s to preserve the heritage of the Black experience and to ensure it s proper interpretation in Americ an history. In this way, Black museums instill a sense of achievement within Black communities and encourage cooperation between those communities and the broader public. Perhaps most important of all, they inspire new contributions to society and culture and new insights into ourselves (Robinson 1988). Defining the Black Museum (1988) In light of the end of dejure discriminati on, the development of an increasingly vital community of Black museums raised a number of important but difficult questions: What is a Black museum? Does it have a unique role in our society? The survey conducted by AAMA helped to re fine the definitional elements used to categorize Black museums. The current de finitional elements are as follows: being organized as a non-profit institution having an educational, hist oric, or aesthetic purpose owning, holding or using tangible animate or inan imate objects, at least some of which are exhibited to the public through facilities owned, operated or used by the museum having paid or unpaid staff person(s) whose responsibilities are the acquisition, care and exhibition of objects having regular times during the year that are open to the public having a stated mission that primarily addresses some aspect of the material or symbolic heritage of Black people of continental African descent having significant representation in both operations and governance by Black persons consistent with any fair employment practices that govern the institution

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37 It is worth noting that Black museums do subs tantially agree on certain key elements of their common mission. Black museums, for ex ample, are committed to gaining significant hegemony over the understanding and interpretati on of Black cultural he ritage and of Black contributions to world history. They are comm itted to the concept of the museum as an educational vehicle telling the st ory of the Black experience for all people, but especially for their own communities. In fact, a distinguish ing trait of Black museums is the intimate relationship that they enjoy with their communities. Black museums, like other museums, collect and use objects of cultural, aesthetic and hist orical significance to teach and to entertain. Another trait that Black museums have in co mmon is their lack of sufficient financial resources and endowments, which has limited their full realization of missions within the Black museum community. This has interfered with the capacity of many Bl ack museums to build appropriate facilities, to achieve sufficient professional staffing and to operate expansive, interpretive programs. Conservati on and storage needs are frequen tly poorly addressed. With few exceptions, Black museums are still struggling to gain reasonable stability and permanence. Yet in spite of these conditio ns, the contribution of Black museums is noteworthy, indeed remarkable (AAMA 1988:3-4). By the time AAMA conducted their survey, they were well aware that no systematic study had been done to identity or to evaluate the need s, resources and capacities of Black museums, or to find out what they provide their communitie s or how they diffuse knowledge of African American history and culture. Given the museums histories, purposes an d activitiespreserving objects, building collections, educating the public about the influence of African American customs and traditionsthese institutions are im portant to the humanities, collectively as a

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38 cultural phenomenon and individually for the resources they contain. Black museums are essential to a complete understandin g of the whole American experience (AAMA 1988:8). I want to note that at the time of the su rvey there were eleven Black museums already established in Florida. Of these, two particip ated in the survey, both of them located at Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) participated in the survey (Florida Agricultural & Mechanical University (FAMU) Bl ack Archives, Tallahassee and Carl S. Swisher Library/Learning Resource Cent er at Bethune Cookman Colle ge (BCC), Daytona Beach). Research Preliminary Research My masters thesis (2001), fr om Arizona State University, African American Museum Development: Attracting and Maintaining the African American Audience examines museumgoing and its viability for African Americans. As a part of this research African Americans in metropolitan Phoenix were asked to share th eir experiences concerning museums. Some participated in oral history in terviews and others completed a survey designed to assess the programs museums might undertake to attract and gain their suppor t. Specifically, the survey participants were asked to rank museum program s that they would be willing to support through the contribution of their time and finances (Johnson-Simon 2001). The research for my masters thesis helped me begin to understand the development of Black museums nationally with a specific interest in the concerns of museums in Arizona. I wanted to know the Black communitys perspect ive of their experiences with Black museums. Traditionally, Black people have not been docum ented museum-goers; so, I wanted to know why would they go to a museum and why not? Why w ould they go to a Black museum? What have been the barriers that kept them from supportin g their own cultural instit utions with their time

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39 and money? When I moved back to Florida, it became clear that this is the place to further peel away the layers of meanings of Black museum s and the Black communities that they serve. Florida has been, and still is, one of the fast est growing states in the country rich with Black cultural diversity. Florid a has become home to Black C ubans who settled in Miami and Tampa, as well as Haitians, Jamaicans and othe r Caribbean cultural groups who have settled throughout the state. In Florida s early history, fierce fighting Seminoles offered a protected environment for escaped African slaves. Dr. L onnie Bunch, the Director of the Smithsonian National Museum of African Americ an History and Culture, told me that, as a historian, his visit to the Black Museum in Tallahassee began to help him understand how Floridas history is interesting and different. He said, what that museum did for me was to force me to turn history on its head. As a History instructor, teaching his students about the South, he would skip Florida and teach his students about the West instead. That visit opened a whole world of knowledge of the Black experience in Florid a that previously seemed uninteresting. Culture Keepers Florida Independent Research My own independent research of Black muse ums was conducted (2003) as a project called Culture-Keepers: Florida an Oral History of the African American Museum Experience in Florida As a part of that study, 189 museums were identified as being African American (Black) museums throughout the United States. At that time, only ten were documented in the state of Florida. The oldest museums identified were the home site of Dr. Mary McLeod Bethune on the campus of Bethune Cookman College in Daytona Beach and the Black Archives at Florida A&M University in Tallahassee. Both of these museums were established in the 1970s. Continued research has since documented 35 Black museums in Florida. Each of them will be discussed later in Chapter 5 (Appendix-D).

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40 Relevance of the Study Florida is an important place for this study for se veral reasons. Firstly, Florida is one of the few places where Black people set up their own co mmunities in fairly significant numbers. If you wanted to get away during slavery you ran No rth or South. Spain occupied Florida until 1821, so up until 1821, when you ran from the United States to Florida you were free. The Underground Railroad to Canada wa s typically a much longer tri p. Florida was therefore one of the first places during slavery where es cape was a viable possibility. Freedom Seekers As early as 1687, the Spanish government had uno fficially offered asylum to British slaves in an attempt to break Brita ins economic stronghold in the borderlands around Spanish Florida. In 1693 that asylum was made offi cial when the Spanish crown offered limited freedom to any slave escaping to Spanish Florida who would accept Catholicism. When the English established the border colony of Georgia in 1733, the Spanish Crown made it known once again that runaways would find freed om in Spanish Florida, in return for Catholic conversion and a term of four years in service to the crown. (Riordan 1996:25) Native Americans The incoming English government soon learned that Florida was a magnet to Africans and African Americans in North America who sought freedom from slavery. Once in Florida, freedom seekers encountered the Creek and Seminole Native Americans who had established settlements there at the invitation of the Span ish government. Those who chose to make their lives among the Creeks and Seminoles were welcomed into Native American society. Governor John Moultrie wrote to the English Board of Trad e in 1771 that It has been a practice for a good while past, for Negroes to run away from thei r Masters, and get into the Indian towns, from whence it proved very di fficult to get them back. When British government officials pressured the Seminoles to return runaway slaves they replied that they had merely given hungry people food, a nd invited the slaveholders to catch the runaways themselves. (Schafer 2001:96) So Florida became a place that Black people got into their heads that they could get away. But, after the Civil War where did they go? They probably headed to places like Florida where there were free communities established. One su ch place that continues to thrive today is the town of Eatonville. Moreover, in contemporary times, Florid a is still a destination. For

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41 example, Miami (and Miami-Dade County, which surrounds it) is one of the most ethnically diverse urban areas in the United States. Today, over half of MiamiDade Countys population is from the West Indies, Mexico, Central, a nd South America. Some 60 percent are Cuban refugees, with others migrating from Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic, Mexico, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Colombia, and Peru, including those of African descent. Some 19 percent of Miami-Dades population is Af rican American. So, in Florida, 35 Black museums have been identified to date, and it is po ssible that Florida has more Black museums than any other state I have looked at so far. With this rich history I want to know if Black Floridians are particip ating regularly at any of these museums. If not, is it because they do no t recognize how important these institutions are to Black identity and self-determination? Some Blacks may think it is important for selfdetermination, but others may not Some may think I can just go to the dominant museum, Im part of that, and participate on that basis. If we are that diverse then thats what leads to acculturation, enculturation and assimilation issu es. The term enculturation denotes the total activity of learning ones culture. More specifi cally, from infancy, members of a culture learn their patterns of behavior and ways of thinking until most of them become internalized and habitual. Enculturation usually takes place with family through interaction, observation and imitation (Hoebel and Frost 1976). The term is almost synonymous with socialization. Assimilation, on the other hand, is the degree to which an indivi dual relinquishes an original culture for another. When individuals are assimilated into a mainstream culture, they lose their previous culture. E. Franklin Frazier (1957) says, when th e marginal man becomes the leader of a nationalistic movement, he turns his back on the dominant group a nd becomes assimilated in the

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42 subordinate group. Whereas he once was a divided person with ambivalent feelings toward the subordinate group with which he is biologically identified, he becomes a new person completely identified psychologically with his group. Therefor e, assimilation involves something more than acculturation or the acquisition of the language, moral and religious ideas, and patterns of behavior of the dominant group. Assimilation incl udes a subjective elemen tidentification with the members of the society. When this occurs, phys ical or racial characte ristics cease to be marks of identification, and people who ar e assimilated not only share in the traditions of the dominant society but identify themselves with these trad itions (1957:315). For the purpose of this study, therefore, I want to understand the relationship between these thir ty-five museums that exist in Florida and the Black people who reside in the communities that they serve. I asked Dr. Lonnie Bunch what he thought the role of the Black museum is and if he thought it is important that Black people try to find the meanings of their own institutions. I also reminded him that it took thirty years for the C ongress of the United States to authorize a Black museum on the National Mall. This is the area where slaves were auctioned in the nations capital. He replied, w hat is really interesti ng to me is how Black museums today find their footing? Then he said, my question therefor e is What should they be? It requires research, I replied. It is our responsibility as Bl ack museum professionals to research our institutions. As Black museum anthropologists unravel the meanings that have been attached to these institutions by the Black community, they must communicate their findings so these institutions are a part of the dialogue. Also, he said, I woul d argue that they sti ll have a great role, be cause in some ways if they could frame themselves both as places about African Am ericans and not just places with

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43 stories that relate to the American experience bu t also shaped the American experience, they will suddenly find new audiences a nd new meanings (Bunch 2006). Bunch has a valid point; however, I am taking an Afrocentric model approach to unravel the threads of meanings associated with Black communities and Black museums. So I say Kujichagulia (SelfDetermination). We must de fine ourselves, name ourselves, create for ourselves and speak for ourselves instead of be ing defined, named, created for and spoken for by others. Black museums foster the same sense of self-determination as the cultural holiday Kwanzaa. Outline of Study The purpose of this study is two-fold. First, to examine the ways that Black culture is being maintained in Florida among African Descended People (ADP). The second is to determine the role that the Black Museum plays in maintaini ng culture among this c onstituency. I seek to understand to what extent this community is knowledgeable about where these museums are, what the museums activities/programs are, and the museums attempts to encourage increased participation and support. I will examine what culture means to Flor ida Black community members, and what interests them about Black history and culture, and of those things th at interest them, what can be done by Black museums. The concepts that are the basis of this study are based on findings from the study I conducted for my Masters Degree and preliminary investigations extending th e study to Florida. The earlier study was central to understanding the museum-g oing experiences of African Americans who have traditionally not been doc umented as museum-goers. In many ways that study was seeking to relate community concepts about race, culture, a nd the preservation of heritage. The concept of the museum as a cu ltural storehouse among t hose engaged in this

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44 pursuit may not necessarily translate to the community being served. This study focuses on understanding if ideas of the muse um as elitist or foreign cont ribute to alienating community members and whether there are other barriers, social and/or cultural, that inhibit active participation. Do Black community members thi nk more in terms of race or class regarding Black museums? What is the level of recognition of Florida Black museums? Chapter 2 reviews the related literature rega rding the association between ethnic identity and self-determination, culture and acculturation, racial and ethnic socialization as well as empirical studies of Black museums and museum anthropology. Chapter 3 discusses the methodology applied fo r this study. The interview process will be detailed first, followed by description and deve lopment of the Florida Black Museum Survey (FBMS). Another instrument used for this study is the African American Acculturation Scale-33 (Short Form) developed by Landrine and Klonoff ( 1994) to illuminate the complex process of cultural affiliation among African Americans. Chapter 4 details the Florida Black Museum Worl d. This chapter begins with discussion of the interview responses of study participants followed by re sults of the Florida Black Museums Survey (FBMS) and analysis of the missions of the thirty five documented museums in North, Central and South Florida found in this study. Because the museums vary considerably in type, and in the ways they perceive their role in the community, each museums mission statement was examined to determine its role in the preservation and display of Black hi story and culture. I will also discuss two case studies, the Haitian Heritage Museum in Miami, scheduled to open in late 2007, and the Chiumba Cultural Ar ts Center in Gainesville. Chapter 5 further discusses acculturation and begins the analysis of results of the African American Acculturation Scale-33, th e instrument used in this study. Hope Landrine, an African

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45 American health and clinical psychologist, and Elizabeth Klo noff, a health and clinical psychologist, developed the Afri can American Acculturation Scal e (AAAS) to examine, African American behavior in its cultural context. According to Landrine and Klonoff (1994), acculturation represents an incorp oration of African American cultu re rather than an adoption of White culture. Chapter 6 provides analysis of data gathered from interviews, the Florida Black Museum Survey (FBMS) and the African American Accult uration Scale-33 (AAAS-33) will be discussed to uncover the relationships or correlations be tween acculturation, enculturation, and attendance and participation of Black museums. Chapte r 7 will be the conclusions, highlights of the interviews and recommendations for further study.

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46 CHAPTER 2 CULTURE ACCULTURATION AND MUSEUMS When we in Black organizations talk about culture we are not talking about song and dance we are talking about a totality of thought and practice by which a people creates for itself, celebrates, sustains and develops itsel f and introduces itself to history and humanity. Mulana Karenga A review of literature related to Florida Bl ack Museums and Black communities requires an approach that reflects the lim itations of current research in th is area of study. This less typical approach to the litera ture review, resulting from the limite d body of knowledge, frames the study with a broad overview of two specific areas because studies specific to the topic are very few. The intent is to provide a context for understand ing the area of study. This broad overview of the literature provides the foundati on for understanding issues re lated to knowledge of and participation in Florida Black museums by community members. Empirical studies and theoretical perspectiv es from two areas, culture/acculturation and Black museums, are the framework for this researc h. In the first section below, I will associate ethnic identity with issues related to culture and self-determination, in particular acculturation and socialization. The second sec tion presents studies of museum s from an anthropological and historical perspective, but also includes African American muse ums in a comparative perspective vis--vis dominant cultural norms. The princi ples of Kwanzaa are described in detail in relationship to ethnic identity in section th ree as an important way to demonstrate the significance self-determination as an important component of ethnic identity. These principles relate directly to the issue of how African American museums f unction in relationship to African American culture and the challenge that Black museums have in portraying the history and culture of Africans and their descenda nts throughout an African Diaspora.

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47 This review of literature blends empirical res earch with theoretical works as well as with knowledge gained from practical ap plication, i.e., the effort to de velop museums that specifically articulate African American culture and history. This approach to a review of literature is designed to evaluate data rela ted directly to the independent variable, acculturation and the extent to which acculturation accounts for partic ipation in Florida Black museums by African Americans, the dependent variable. Acculturation Acculturation heads the list of areas in which ch ange in cultural heritage can occur. In Harper Collins Dictionary of Sociology acculturation is defined as Acculturation 1. (especially in Cultural An thropology) a process in which contacts between different cultural groups lead to th e acquisition of new cultural patterns by one group, or perhaps both groups, with the adoption of all or parts of the others culture. 2. Any transmission of culture between groups including transfer between generations, although in this instance the te rms enculturation and socializat ion are more usual. (Jary and Jary 1991:3) The acculturation process seems to be based on various psychological and social changes. Some of these variables may be the characteristics of the i ndividual (e.g., leve l of initial identification with the values of the culture of origin), the intensity of and the importance given to the contact between various cultural groups, or the numerical balance between individuals representing the original culture and those who represent the new, often majorit y, culture. Marin (1992) theorized that the attitudinal and behavi oral learning that occurs in the acculturation process does so at three levels : superficial, intermediate and significance. The superficial involves learning and forgetting fact s that are part of an indivi duals cultural tradition. The next level, intermediate, involves learni ng that can be expected to occu r as a function of acculturation; this includes the core behaviors that are perceived to be at the cente r of an individu als social life (e.g., language preference and usage). Marin referred to the final leve l, significance, as a place in

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48 the individuals beliefs, values and norms c ontaining essential constructs that prescribe worldviews and interaction pattern s. According to Marin, change s tend to be permanent and are reflected in an indivi duals daily activities. Psychologists, sociologists and anthropologist s have attempted to identity and understand the acculturation process. Studies have been conducted in areas such as the impact of acculturation on the counseling process (Atkin s et al. 1992; Atkins and Matsushita 1991; Ramisetty-Mikler 1993) and behavior and impli cations for counseling (Marin et al. 1992; Zimmerman and Sodowsky 1993). Acculturation scal es have been developed and used to examine the behavior of minority groups, incl uding Asian American (Suinn et al. 1987) and Latino Americans (Cuellar et al. 1980; Olmedo 1979). However, most of the research on acculturation or racial identity has been based on theories and has used instruments that rely on a non-white to white dichotomy (e.g., Suinn et al., 1987) to define and differentiate behavior, identity, cultural values, assu mptions and illustrated how nonwhite groups were unlike white society and yielded little s ubstantive information on a gr oups unique characteristics. The Herskovitz Frazier Debate and African American Acculturation African American acculturation has from its be ginnings has been a highly politicized and contested space of research. A controversial claim of Fraziers (1957) Black Bourgeoisie is that the traumas of slavery, including dispersal, tort ure, and forced language acquisition effectively severed them from African cultural traditions. Therefore, the middle passage created a cultural void leaving Africans confused and fumbling for European and American social architecture, like Christianity, especially in the way it was often practiced in the slave community. Contrastingly, anthropologist s like Herskovits, argue the middle passage was not a break, but a bridge over which Africans carried sp ecific traits of culture to the New World (Herskovits 1941). Looking at Black life, including the same Black church that was investigated

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49 by Frazier (1957), Herskovits (1941) found African su rvivals concluding tha t it is as necessary to realize the force of African tr adition making for the specific cult ural traits that mark off the Negro as it is to bear in mind the slave past (Herskovits 1941:299). This research illustrates the need to acknowledge the African presence in African American cult ural tradition and in identity formation and recognizes the variance w ithin African American cultural representation. Contemporary African American Acculturation Research on the psychosocial developmen t of African Americans often overlooked individual differences. Until recently, the idea of degrees of acculturation in the African American community had not been explored. Da na (1993) stated that although highly traditional ethnic minorities differ significantly from Whites in the United States on a variety of scales and behaviors, highly acculturated minorities typically do not differ significantly on a variety of scales and behaviors. As Landr ine and Klonoff (1994:105) noted, th e theoretical application of acculturation provides a new way of understandi ng ethnic differences without recourse to deficit model explanations. According to Landrine and Klonoff (1994), identi fication with African American culture is also associated with ones identification with ones race. That is, as one becomes more committed to African American culture, there is a concomitant acceptance of ones race. Although racism is not directly or explicitly d ealt with in the acculturation paradigm, it is implied. The problem seems to be that the way one views the acceptability of minority culture (in this case African Amer ican) should be related to how one is able to cope with the dominant societys construction of it. Because culture in the United States is often linked with race and ethnicity, racism and discrimina tion are an important aspect of how a minority group member sees his or her own culture. The individual mediates the tensions between ra ce and culture to find a satisfactory compromise.

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50 Socialization The fields of psychology, education, sociology, and anthropology have generally agreed on the importance of the developmental and social process of socializati on. Socialization is the process by which individuals lear n the regulations and rules of their family group, their cultural groups, and the larger society. It assists individuals in acquiri ng the specialized knowledge, skills and information needed to be a contributing member of a particular society (Rogoff 1990). Socialization also includes learning the roles, attitudes, and behavi ors that are accepted and expected within a social group. Parents and fam ily are traditionally considered the primary socializing influence of devel oping children, as they are partic ularly salient during the early formative years and encourage an emerging sense of self, values, and beliefs (Demo and Hughes 1990). To the racial/ethnic minorities who live in a so ciety where race and et hnicity continues to have a personal and social meaning, there is an additional component to the socialization process. This process of racial/ethnic socializ ation is defined as the transmission of certain messages and patterns that relate to personal and group identity, the re lationship between and within racial/ethnic groups a nd the racial/ethnic groups position in society (Marshall 1995). Cultural museums, defined in the current st udy as museums that focus on the historical and/or contemporary experiences of a partic ular ethnic or racial group, provide a unique opportunity to understand how adult and child visitors interpret a nd discuss race-re lated content. Cultural museums serve as primary socialization ag ents in their role as an educator and upholder of societal values. The sensor y-rich physical environment of the museum, with its displayed objects, label text, and exhibition themes, provide s informational content to visitors. Moreover, as a collection of valued objects, museums indoctr inate visitors as to what a particular group deems is important or worthy of pr eservation, reflection, and admiration.

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51 Museums also serve as secondary socialization agents. When parents take their children to a cultural museum, they are typically implying that information contained in side is important and meaningful (Overby 2001:12). Racial/Ethnic Socialization Themes In their seminal work, Boykin and Toms (1985) proposed three competing contexts of socialization for African Ameri cans: socialization as a member of an oppressed minority group, socialization linked to the Black cultural context, and socialization in the mainstream American society. This triple-quandary cate gorization provides a general fr amework for the content of the major racial/ethnic socialization themes expresse d by parents: (1) prepar ation for discrimination, which draws from socialization as an oppresse d minority; (2) cultural socialization, which stresses the cultural context; and (3) egalitaria nism, which emphasizes so cialization according to the mainstream orientation (Overby 2001:14). Because African American children are social ized in a mainstream European American context, cultural orientation can be expected at the expense of an African American identity unless intervention occurs by significant othe rs (Spencer 1985). Moreover, because many societal images portray Blacks negatively, some scholars believe that the child may eventually imitate the desire to approximate the white ideal as nearly as possible and re ject aspects of his or her racial/ethnic iden tity (Barnes 1991). Consequently, there is a crucial need for the family and community to intercept and modify these perceptions. Parents and other members of the community make children aware of the uniqueness and strength of thei r ethnic group through the proce ss of cultural socialization, drawing from Boykin and Toms (1985) socialization to the cultural context. Cultural socialization has been used to refer to parental practices that teach children about cultural history, ancestry, and heritage; maintain and promote cultural customs and traditions; and

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52 practices that instill racial, cultural, and ethnic pride (Hughes and Chen 1999). This transmission of culture often occurs via parental behaviors that include reading books, talking to or teaching children, celebrating cultural holid ays, and exposing children to objects or events that have significant cultural meaning. A number of studies have documented the tran smission of cultural socialization messages to children of color. African American parent s of adolescents in Phi nney and Chaviras (1995) study were more likely to report transmitting messa ges regarding cultural practices (81%) than all other racial/ethnic sociali zation messages. Similarly, cultura l messages received by a national sample of African American adolescents (2 3%) Bowman and Howard (1985) and Spencer (1985) reported that three quarters of southern African American moth ers taught their children about African American histor y and historical leaders. Research on the effects of parental cultu ral socialization on childrens developmental outcomes is less prevalent. There is some eviden ce, however, that African American adults who recalled parental messages of raci al pride and cultural heritage re ported closer feelings towards other Blacks than those who did not receive such messages (Demo and Hughes 1990). Mexican American school-age children whose mothers ta ught them more about Mexican culture, those with more Mexican culture, and those with more ethnic behaviors were more likely than their peers to have greater same-race/ethnic preferences (Knight et al. 1993). Measurements of Racial/Ethnic Socialization Because there is no generally agreed upon defi nition or operationalizat ion of racial/ethnic socialization, most of th e racial/ethnic socialization measures use descriptive data generated from open-ended questions. Several widely cited studies (Bowman and Howard 1985; Demo and Hughes 1990; Thornton et al. 1990) have operationalized racial/eth nic socialization using data from the National Survey of Black Americans (NSBA) by the Program for Research on Black

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53 Americans at the University of Michigan (Jackson 1991). In the NSBA, racial/ethnic socialization was assessed with a yes/no and an open-ended questions: In raising your children, have you done or told them things to help them know what it is to be Bl ack? If they answered yes, they were asked, What are the most im portant things youve done or told them? Parham and Williams (1993) asked a diverse samp le of African Americans to describe the predominant race-specific messages they r eceived from parents while growing up. After finding no relationship between pa rental messages and racial id entity scales the authors concluded that their measure of racial/ethnic socialization was not sensitive enough to capture actual differences among the sample. In an attempt to get a deep er understanding, other researchers have included semi-structured inte rview questions about involvement in cultural activities (Brega and Coleman 1999), frequency of race-related discussions (Sanders Thompson 1994), cultural objects in the home (Marshall 19 95), interpretation of racial events (Johnson 2005), and coping mechanisms when faced with discriminatory events (Phinney and Chavira 1995). Museums Museums are ideal places to investigate the proc esses of socializa tion and learning among social group members. Morrissey (2002) describes five socialization pathways that can occur between visiting families and the objects they encounter as a social group: (1) a child reacts to an object; (2) an adult reacts to an object; (3) a childs reac tion to an object is mediated by an adult; (4) an adults reaction to an objec t is mediated by a child; (5) a ch ild and an adult react to each other. The first two pathways, where an individual responds to an object, are the most direct and are dependent, in part, on a vi sitors identities, motivation, an d personal connections. The third and fourth pathways rely on the influence of anot her and illustrate the bidirectional nature of socializationeither the parent or child can in fluence their partners re action to object. During

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54 family conversations, it is possible to screen, interpret, criticize, reinforce, complement, counteract, refract and transfor m educational influences (L eichter 1979:32). Parents can mediate childrens experience and children, in turn, can influence parental experiences. Culture and Museums A critical distinction, confoundi ng much of what relates to museums historically, involves culture as learned behavior and the cultural artifacts commonly displayed in museums. Goodenough points out that anthropologists have long debated whether or not culture should include the things people make, such as tools or works of art, things referred to as material culture. Much of what has confounded museum studi es is the failure to distinguish cultural artifacts from the definition of culture itself. The material objects people cr eate are not in and of themselves things they learn (Goodenough 1986:50, emphasis mine). Through an experience with thingsmaterial culturehu mans form conceptions of material culture, learn how to use things or think about them and discover how to create and use things similar to those about which they have learned. The importance of this distinction to museum studies is apparent when a museum-goer looks at something like a West African mask or Native American medicine bundle in a museum. What a westernized museum-goer perceives cannot be that same as the perception or reaction of a West African or Native American person familiar with the mask or medicine bundle in his or her experience. While the material entity, th e mask or medicine bundle, has not changed, meaning in the eye of the beholder depends upon the experience of the beholder. This point about culture, as learned, brings us to the prope rty of how culture is shared among humans who possess different and discrete cu ltural experiences If culture is learned, then we have placed the construc t in the minds and ears of humans (Goodenough 1986:51). Doing this often raises concerns of be havioral scientists who choose not to recognize culture as learned.

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55 For if culture is in the minds of men and if culture is also something shared by or common to the members of a society, then it becomes appare ntly necessary to postula te the existence of a collective mind and to see culture as consisti ng of what French sociologists have called collective representations; or we must apparently assume mystical mental communication (Goodenough 1986:52). As a result, cu ltural and behavioral materialists often disallow reference to minds in the definition a nd theory of language and culture. Culture is equated with behavior (or language with speech) and not with the standards that govern human behavior (meaning). Museums in Historical Perspective Amina Dickerson writes in the Encyclopedia of African Am erican Culture and History (1996) that the spirit of innovation, survival, and Black creative expression has been preserved for more than a century through a range of resear ch libraries, archives, and museums. Devoted to the Black experience in the Amer icas and throughout the globe, they document the history of struggle and achievement that are the hallmarks of African American lif e and culture. Since the founding of the College Museum at Hampton Ins titute in Hampton, Virginia, in 1868, material culturehousehold artifacts, photogr aphs, diaries, letters, and other memorabilia, as well as sculpture, paintings, and more contemporary media such as films and videoshas been vigorously collected and interpreted to enhan ce public awareness and appreciation (Dickerson 1996:1886). Hamptons College Museum was truly a pioneer in this effort. Established to enrich vocational and academic instruction and to pr ovide the broader community with otherwise unavailable cultural experiences, the museum wa s the brainchild of Col. Samuel Chapman Armstrong. The child of American missionaries, Armstrong procured many objects from the

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56 Pacific Islands and other faraway places in order to instruct students about the wide diversity of the world. (Ruffin and Ruffin 1997) Today, the College Museum is noted for its important collection of African artworks, acquired by Dr. William H. Sheppard, a Black ni neteenth-century missionary to Africa. Its holdings also include significant works of African American, Native American artists (the latter group a reflection of the student body at the time of the museums establishment), and a major bequest from the Harmon Foundation, which sponsor ed a prestigious national competition for African American artists from 1926 until the early 1940s (Dickerson 1996:1886). With the racial pride and interest in Afri ca that emerged in the 1920s, the campuses of historically Black galleries and museums intende d to enhance teaching, generally for the Black academic community, and to make works of ar t available to the general public. Howard University began the trend in 1928, soon followed by Fisk (Tennessee), Li ncoln (Pennsylvania), Tuskegee (Alabama), and Morgan State (Baltimore) among others. The galler ies at these schools provided one of the few sources for exhibitions and criticism for Black artists and performed a major service to contemporary African American art history by preserving a body of artwork and related historical documents that might otherwise have been di spersed, lost, or destroyed. The significant outpouring of Black crea tive expression that resulted from the Harlem Renaissance, and later the large number of works commissioned through the Federal Arts Project of the Works Project Administration (WPA) dur ing the depression era, make up the primary holdings of many of these institutions (Dickerson 1996:1887). The Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s created a new Black cultural renaissance. The museums created during this period moved awareness of African American history to a new plateau. In thei r expression of a Black perspec tive and through their efforts to

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57 preserve Black history, these in stitutions sought to use their collections to motivate African Americans to define themselves, their future and their understanding of their past (Harding 1967:40). This came at a time when information about Black achievements was generally excluded from common history te xts and from other museums. Black history was seen, says Vincent Harding, as a weapon for the Ci vil rights Movement (Harding 1967:40). With the Black Power Movement of the 1960s and 1970s, African American museums were founded with increasing frequency with the vi ew that such in stitutions fostered a way of empowerment and a method of moving Black histor y to a new plateau of public awareness. To provide space for these expressions and to serv e greatly heightened in terest, museums were formed throughout the country. Between 1975 and 1990, Black museums were formed in California, Texas, South Carolina, Oklahoma, Colorado, Florida, Tennessee, Georgia and Virginia, including new institutions devoted to the Civil Rights Movement (Dickerson 1996:1888). Despite the pressing need for substantive reform, museums, on th e whole, have gone relatively unchallenged and unchanged for decades This lethargy, in the face of an expanding public interest in the work of mu seums, has given rise to criticis m of the traditional purposes and functions of these institutions from within the museum profe ssion itself and from without. A result has been the fashioning of new museum facilities and programs throughout the nation. These new museums present an opportunity for anthropology and for minorities. New museums challenge anthropologists to establish new res earch priorities. For minorities, the opportunity resides in discovering a new re levance in institutions form erly perceived as elitist. Self Determination, Ethnic Identity This research is primarily concerned with understanding the significance of museums in maintaining African American culture in Florida. As noted in Chapter 1, Black people in the

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58 United States, in 1988, were introduced to a set of principles that have become important symbols for celebrating an African American heri tage that increasingly includes Black Africans throughout the world. Those seven pr inciples are incorporated in the celebration of Kwanzaa. Kwanzaa is about Black history and culture. It celebrates the cultu ral heritage of Black people. Kwanzaa means first fruit in Swahili. It is rooted in a nd modeled after the African celebration of the harvest with many cultures contributi ng to its creation. Dr. Karenga asserts, In a word, the values and practices of Kwanzaa are selected from peoples from all parts of AfricaSouth, North, West and Eastin a true sp irit of Pan-Africanism (Karenga 1988:15). Although I am not in complete agreement, Tund e Adeleke (1998) raises a valid point when he points out that there is no consensus on th e definition of Pan-Africanism. Some scholars portray it as essentially a polit ico-nationalist phenomenon contri ved to affect the unity of Africans and Blacks in the Diaspora in a co mmon struggle for mutual advancement and redemption. Others emphasize its cultural dimensi on, portraying its essentia l elements. However, P. Olisanwuche Esedebe identifies the following essential attributes: the notion of Africa as a homeland for persons of African descent, solida rity among Africans and peoples of the African Diaspora, belief in a distinct Afri can personality, rehabilitation of Africas past, pride in African culture and the hope of a united and glorious Afri can future. He defines Pan-Africanism as a political and cultural phenomenon that rega rds Africa, Africans a nd African descendants abroad as a unit. It seeks to regenerate and unify Africans and promote a feeling of oneness among the people of the African world. It glorifies the African past and inculcates pride in African values. (Esedebe 1994) Kwanzaa celebrates both African and African Am erican cultures. Dr. Karenga calls this an ingathering, not only of the fruits of the earth, but also of societys most valuable crop, its people. This ingathering is but one of five cr iteria found in first fru it celebrations that Dr. Karenga considered being pertinent when he created the celebration. Writes Karenga:

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59 There are at least five common sets of values and practices central to African first fruit celebrations which informed the development of Kwanzaa: (1) ingathering; (2) reverence; (3) commemoration; (4) recommitment; and (5) celebration (Karenga 1988:17). This set of values paved the way to create th e Nguzo Saba or seven principles that are the core of the Kwanzaa celebration. Dr. Karengas reasoning for placing them at the center of the celebration is very clear: The Nguzo Sabaare the core and conscious ness of Kwanzaa. They are posed as the matrix and minimum set of values African-Ameri cans need to rescue and reconstruct their life in their own image and interest and build and sustain an Afrocentric family, community and culture. (Karenga 1988:43) These principles are taken from continental Af rica and aim to enrich the African American community by developing a sense of continuity and at the same time the focus on a people with a history outside of Africa. The Afrocentric theory from which the Nguzo Saba was derived is the Kwaida theory. In terms of African Americans, it is the most crucia l theory of the century. The theory teaches that all that is thought and done shoul d be based on tradition and reas on, which are rooted in practice (Karenga 1988). Tradition is our grounding, our cult ural anchor, and therefore, our starting point. It is also the cultural authority for any claims to cultura l authenticity for anything we do and think as African people. Reason is necessary, critical t hought about our tradition, which enables us to select, preserve, and build on the best of what we have achieved and produced in the height of our knowledge and our needs born on experien ce (Madhubuti 1972:15). The concepts of selfdetermination and self-definition are integral to Kwaida (Madhubiti 1972).

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60 Self Determination Theory E. L. Deci and R.M. Ryan (2000) state that self-determination theory (SDT) is a macrotheory of human motivation concerned with th e development and func tioning of personality within social contexts. The theory focuse s on the degree to which human behaviors are volitional or self-determinedtha t is, the degree to which people endorse their actions at the highest level of reflection and engage in the actions with a full sens e of choice (2000: 227). SDT is a general theory of motivation and personality that evolved over the past three decades as a set of four mini-theories that shar e the organismic-dialectical meta-theory and the concept of basic needs. Each mini-theory was de veloped to explain a set of motivationally based phenomena that emerged from laboratory and fi eld research focused on different issues. Cognitive evaluation theory addresses the effects of social contexts on intrinsic motivation; organismic integration theory addresses the concep t of internalization especially with respect to the development of extrinsic motivation. Causal ity orientations theory describes individual differences in peoples tendencies toward self-determined behavior and toward orienting to the environment in ways that support their self-deter mination. And basic needs theory elaborates the concept of basic needs and its relation to psychological health and well-being. Together these mini-theories constitute SDT (Deci and Ryan 2000). Intrinsically motivated activities were defined as those that individuals find interesting and would do in the absence of operationally separa ble consequences. The concept of intrinsic motivation fit with Whites (1959) proposition that people often engage in activities simply to experience efficacy or competence, and with deCh armss (1968) assertion that people have a primary motivational propensity to feel like cau sal agents with respec t to their own actions. Thus, Deci (1975) proposed that intrinsically motiv ated behaviors are based in peoples needs to feel competent and self-determined (Deci and Ryan 2000: 233).

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61 Identification is the process through whic h people recognize and accept the underlying value of a behavior. By identifying with a behavi ors value, people have more fully internalized its regulation; they have more fully accepted it as their own. For example, if people identified with the importance of exercising regularly fo r their own health and well-being, they would exercise more volitionally. The internalization woul d have been fuller than with introjection, and the behavior would have become more a part of their identity. The resul ting behavior would be more autonomous, although it would be extrinsica lly motivated, because th e behavior would still be instrumental (in this case be ing healthier), rather than bei ng done solely as a source of spontaneous enjoyment and satisfaction. Regulations based on identification, because the self has endorsed them, are expected to be better main tained and to be associated with higher commitment and performance (Deci and Ryan 2000:236). In this same vein, if Black people identified with the importance of their history and culture and their Black museums struggle to preserve that history and culture for future generations, they woul d participate avidly. Racial/Ethnic Identity Theories Racial identity models have helped to dete rmine the degree to which a person identifies with being a particular race. In this case an African Americans racial identity involves ridding oneself of a negative identity that is formed due to racism and developing positive feelings about ones racial self. Helms racial identity theory is designed to describe the race-related adaptation of African Americans to racially oppressive environmen ts (Neville et al.1997:303). Jean Phinneys (1992) model suggests that ethnic identity is important to the development of self-esteem, particularly in adolescents (Evans et al 1999). Cross (1995) suggests that a healthy African American identity is one that surpasses identifying with bei ng African American and therefore, adapting

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62 meaningful activities th at address concerns and problems shared with other oppressed groups (Evans et al. 1999). Although racial and ethnic id entity theories fully acknow ledge the need for African American and other racial groups to be aware of who they are not only to have greater selfesteem but to be able to understand racism and it s impact on all, includin g whites, such theories fall short in identifying the world views and values of a particular race. Racial and ethnic identity theories laid ground for the establishment of theories and models that are worldviewand culture-specific to a particular race. Afrocentricity is the study and examination of phenomena from the st andpoint of Africans as subjects rather than objects, becoming, by virtue of its authentic relati onship, the centrality to African American reality (Asante 1987). The history, culture, and philosophy of African people are used as the reference point for determining ones approach to reality and understanding of the world (Kambon 1992). Black Identity The Black experience in the Diaspora was cultura lly transformative and revolutionary. It is impossible to ignore this complex historical r eality. Many Black Americans remain skeptical of the potency, or even relevance, of a paradigm that situates their identity outside America. In fact, Adeleke points out the debate among Black Amer ican intellectuals on the pertinence of the African connection is heated. On the one extreme are the slavocentrists those who argue that the Black American identity should be founded in Amer ica rather than Africa. They identify slavery, rather than Africa, as the substantive force in the shaping of the Black American experience and identity. For the slavocentrists, the experience of slavery was more potent than the fact of African ancestry. This is the antithesis of th e Afrocentric perspective (Adeleke 1998:526). The leading advocate of this view is the Black American playwri ght, Douglass Turner Ward, who

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63 raised the issue in his keynot e address during the 1995 meeting of the S outhern Conference on Afro-American Studies in Baton Rouge, Louisian a. He distinguished between two identity paradigms, slavocentric and Afrocentric. While acknowledging Black American connections with Africa, Ward insisted that what shaped the Black American identity was slavery, rather than Africa, and consequently, since enslavement was e ssentially institutionalized here in America, the study of the Black American experience and, ipso facto the determination and definition of identity, should focus on, and begin with, the Amer ican experience. This is what he calls the slavocentric paradigm. Ward accorded preeminen ce to slavery and the American identity, in direct contradiction to the pr evailing and increasingly popular Af rocentric paradigm. In other words, he supports de-em phasizing the Pan-African pa radigm (Adeleke 1998:526). According to Adeleke, Rett Jones, former di rector of the Race and Ethnicity Research Center at Brown University, has addressed pe rhaps the most critical dimension of the problematic of identitythe absence, among Black Am ericans, of an ethnic identity with Africa. He advances what amounts to a neo-Frazierian position. According to him, slavery accomplished the total destruction of the ethnic identity of Bl ack Americans. The terrible experience of the Middle Passage and the brutal ho rrors of slavery eliminated a ny sense of ethnic identity among Blacks. The rapid growth of the Black Americ an population meant that Africa was soon only a memory for the majority of Black Americans. Knowledge of their ethnic affiliation and where they came from in Africa was soon lost. Ethnicity is central to the construc tion of identity. In other words, the claim of identity is only validated on the basis of an ethnic affiliation. Jones contends that unlike in Brazil and Cuba, where the importation of African slaves continued well into the late nineteenth centur y, providing the strong force of Af rican retentions in culture, music, and arts that is noticeable today,

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64 Comparatively few slaves were brought to th e United States beyond the third quarter of the eighteenth centurythe bulk of the slave populat ion was, therefore, American not African born. By 1775 the vast majority of Blacks in British North America were the grandchildren of persons born in the new world. As a result few Black Americans ha d a sense of African identity, although many identif y with Africa (Jones 1995). Consequently, Black Americans share racial, ra ther than ethnic, identity with Africa. However, very often racial identi ty is mistaken for, or used sy nonymously with, ethnic identity, and the emphasis given to racial identity often beclouds the lack of et hnic identity (Adeleke 1998:527-28). The position I take in this study, as stated in Chapter 1, is that I clearly recognize the multiple views of identity and cultural constructions of African Descended Peoples, my perspective is Afrocentric. This is the posture that will prevail throughout and it is not to deny the importance of other minor ity/ethnic perspectives. Socialization and Racial Identity Racial identity and racial identity developm ent theory are defined by Janet Helms (1990) as a sense of group or collective identity based on ones perception that he or she shares a common racial heritage with a particular racial groupRacial identity development theory concerns the psychological implicat ions of racial-group membership, that is belief systems that evolve in reaction to per ceived differential racial-gr oup membership (Helms 1990:3). It is assumed that in a society where r acial-group membership is emphasized, the development of a racial iden tity will occur in some fo rm in everyone. Given the dominant/subordinate relationship of whites and people of color in this society, however, it is not surprising that this developmenta l process will unfold in different ways. According to Crosss (1971, 1978, 1991) model of Black racial identity development, there are five stages in the process, identified as Pre-encounter, Encounter, Immersion/Emersion, Internalization, and Internalization-Commitment.

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65 In the first stage of Pre-enc ounter, the African American has absorbed many of the beliefs and values of the dominant white culture, including the notion that white is right and Black is wrong. Though the internalization of negative Black stereotypes may be outside of his or her conscious awareness, the individual seeks to assimilate and be accepted by whites, and actively or passively distances his/hers elf from other Blacks. An A frican American woman quoted by Cross (1995), captured the essence of this stage in the following description of herself at an earlier time: For a long time it seemed as if I didnt remember my background, and I guess in some ways I didnt. I was never taught to be pr oud of my African herita ge... I went through a very long stage of identifying with my oppresso rs. Wanting to be like, live like, and be accepted by them. Even to the point of hating my own race and myself for being a part of it. Now I am ashamed that I never was ashamed. I lost so much of myse lf in my denial of and refusal to accept my people. These models were originally developed prim arily for African Americans to understand the Black experience in the United States. Cross (1 971, 1995) developed one of the first and most prevalent models of psychological nigrescence, a resocialization expe rience (1995:97), in which a healthy Black progresses from a non-Afro centric to an Afrocent ric to a multicultural identity. During this transformation, the indivi dual ideally moves from a complete unawareness of race through embracing Black culture exclusively toward a commitment to many cultures and addressing the concerns of all oppressed groups. Crosss model is helpful in outlining racial identity as a dynamic progression, as influenced by those in a pa rticular individuals ethnic group as well as those outside it, and acknowledges ethnocentric and multicultural frames. Grounded in the context of the Civil Rights Movement, Crosss early work is problematic in that he starts from the premise that before Blacks experience id entity, they are first unaware of their race and the race of others.

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66 Parham (1989) describes cycles of racial id entity development as a lifelong, continuously changing, process for Blacks. He theorizes that individuals move throug h anger about whites and develop a positive Black frame of reference. Ideall y, this leads to a realistic perception of ones racial identity and to bicultural success. Parham relates Black identity dire ctly to White people in a way that moves individual Blac k identity from the unconscious to the conscious. This model clearly delineates that when Blacks brush up ag ainst White culture and negative differential treatment by others, feelings of difference are triggered and subsequently a consciousness of racial identity is as well. What is helpful in Parhams model is a sense of progression. In addition, the model outlines a movement from an unconscious to a cons cious racial identity. Problematic in Parhams model is his identification of una voidable exposure to racial difference as the primary trigger for the development of racial identity. To a certain extent, the primary trigger for individual racial identity is immersion in ones own racial group a nd transference of a racial self through that immersion (1989:42). Phinney (1990) developed a model describing an ethnic identity process that she considers applicable to all ethnic groups. Phinney proposed that most ethnic groups must resolve two basic conflicts that occur as a result of their member ship in a non-dominant group. First, non-dominant group members must resolve the stereotyping and prejudicial treatment of the dominant White population toward non-dominant gro up individuals that would bring about a threat to their selfconcept. Second, most ethnic minorities must re solve the clash of value systems between nondominant and dominant groups a nd the manner in which minority members negotiate a bicultural value system. Phinneys model is helpful in iden tifying very real triggers for consciousness and

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67 in outlining threats to ethnic self-c oncept. However, it is still mi ssing a discussion of the critical and positive aspect of immers ion into ones own culture. African Identity The critical dimension of Afrocentricity is the claim of African identitythat is, the insistence upon defining Black Americans as Af ricans. The identity paradigm rejects any definition of Black Americans other than as Af ricans, sometimes spelled with a k. This conviction is based on the elements of African trad itions and values (or what some scholars call Africanisms) found among Blacks in the Diaspor a. The implication is that, centuries of enslavement and separation notwithstanding, Blacks in the Diaspora retain essential aspects of their African cultural identity. The identity para digm defines Black Americans, and indeed the entire Black Diaspora, as African s, racially, ethnicall y, and culturally, centuries of exposure to, and acculturation (Adeleke 1998:525). The identity claim is based on historical li nkage, heritage and cultural retentions. The contention is that Blacks in the United States are Africans and should vigo rously and consciously exhibit this Africanness in thei r livesmodes of thought, dressing, culture and lifestyles (Asante 1998). This perspective de-emphasizes the DuBois ian identity construct that asserts a complex Black American identity. In his book, The Souls of Black Folk published at the turn of the century, DuBois described Black Americans as peoples of dual identity who are constantly battling with, are in fact tormented by, the c onflicting demands of th eir dual identities. According to him, one ever feels his twoness,--an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark bodythe history of the American Negro is the history of this strife,--this l onging to attain self-conscious manhood, to merge his double self into a better and truer self. (DuBois 1903)

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68 While acknowledging the American experience, Afrocentrists refuse to accord it much significance in the shapin g of Black identity. Black Americans, Afrocentrists contend, remain essentially Africans, despite cen turies of sojourn, experience and enculturation in the New World. Black Americans were supposed to have come out of slavery and the American experience with their African iden tity intact. This is a direct contradiction of the DuBoisian perspective. Adeleke contends that Du Boiss insight was much more realistic. Regardless of the degree of African cultural retentions, regardless of how far Black Americans went in changing their names and wearing African clothes, they rema in, in large part, products of the American historical experience, an experience that significan tly shaped their identity. This experience has left its mark indelibly on Black American culture and identity. In essence, Du Boiss recognition of the dual historical and cultural experi ence is far more accurate (Adeleke 1998:526). Afrocentricity As Adeleke writes, there are two critical dimens ions to Afrocentricity. The first is its PanAfrican character. It emphasizes similarities in the historical and cultural experiences of Black Americans and Africans and implores them to re vive the old strength-i n-unity philosophy that once shaped their mutual struggle. Advocates of this Pan-African ethics maintain that Black Americans and Africans face similar problem s and challengeseconomic marginalization, political domination, and cultural alienation in the United States; politic al instability, poverty, and neocolonialism, in Africa, all problems dire ctly or indirectly linked to Eurocentrism. Afrocentrists presume a certain antiquity to Pan-Af ricanism, and trace its roots to the nineteenth century and beyond. Adeleke goes on to say that th e second dimension is the identity claimthe contention that Africans and Blacks in the Diaspo ra are one people who sh are cultural (and some even suggest, ethnic) attributes, centuries of separation notwithstanding (Adeleke 1998:586). The

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69 leading advocate of Afrocentricity is Molefi Asan te, former chair of the Department of AfricanAmerican Studies at Temple University. Asan te asserts that, Eurocentrism remains a potent threat to the cultural, social, ec onomic, and political survival of Bl acks. To combat this spreading cancer, he proposes Afrocentricity. This solu tion entails strengthening Black American knowledge and awareness of their historical and cultural heritage by making Africa the foundation of Black American epistemology. The object ive is to instill in Blacks an awareness of their African identity and culture as a defensive weapon against a pervasive and domineering Eurocentric worldview. Afrocentric ity involves re-education and re -socialization designed to rid Black American consciousness of the tragic con ception of their history, culture, and heritage. It is supposed to bring Blacks cl oser to Africa as they devel op in knowledge of Africa (Asante 1987). Asante is not the sole pr oponent of the cultural-nationalist perspective. Others, including Maulana Karenga, Naim Akbar, Amos Wilson, Dona Marimba, and the late Bobby Wilson, have all contributed to explicating an d defending the Afrocentric perspective. In Notes on a Disciplinary Position in Afrocentric Traditions (2005) Asante, who developed the framework of Afrocentricity, provi des a definition of the Afrocentric idea. He states that the Afrocentric idea is essentially about location. Sin ce Africans have been moved off of terms culturally, psychologicall y, economically, and historicall y, it is important that any assessment of the African conditions in whatever country be made from an Afrocentric location. Afrocentricity is a quality of thought, practice, and perspective that perceives Africans as subjects and agents of phenomena acting in their own cultural image and human interest (Conyers 2005:1). Asante writes that, Afrocentricity is about location precisely because African people have been operating from the fringes of the Eurocentric experience. Much of what we have studied in

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70 African history and culture, literature and li nguistics or politics a nd economics has been orchestrated from the standpoint of Europes in terests. Whether it is a matter of economics, history, politics, geographi cal concepts, or art, Africans have been seen as peripheral to real activity. This off-centeredness has impacted Africans as well as Whites in the United States. Thus, to speak of Afrocentricity as a radical re -definition means that we seek the re-orientation of Africans to a centere d position (Asante 1998). The entire Afrocentric paradigm is shaped by a strong faith in the potency of PanAfricanism. Afrocentricity seeks to strengthen cultural awarene ss and unity among Blacks in the United States and to infuse, in Blacks, knowledge a nd appreciation of their hi storical identity and heritage as a distinct group. It proposes Africa as the source of self-identification, selfaffirmation, and identity for Blacks in the United States and throughout the Diaspora. In essence, Afrocentricity identifies African culture and values as the solid foundation upon which to build a strong resistance against the onslaught of Eu ro-American cultural and political hegemony (Asante 1998). Identity and cultu re are two of the ba sic building blocks of ethnicity. Through the construction of identity and culture, individuals and gr oups attempt to address the problematic of ethnic boundari es and meaning (Nagel 1994). The origins, content and form of ethnicity reflect the creativ e choices of in dividuals and groups as they define themselves and others in ethnic ways. Ethnic identity is most closely associated with the issue of boundaries. Ethnic boundaries determine who is a member and who is not a designate which ethnic cat egories are available for individual identification at a particular time and place (Nagel 1994:154). White Americans have considerable latitude, says Nagel, in choosing ethnic identities based on ancestry. Sin ce many whites have mixed ancestries, they have the choice to select from among multiple ancestries or to i gnore ancestry in favor of an

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71 American or un-hyphenated White ethnic id entity (Lieberson 1985). Americans of African ancestry who do not appear White in phenotype on the other hand, ar e confronted with essentially one ethnic optionBlack as defi ned by any known Negro blood. While Blacks may make intra-racial distinctions based on ancestry or skin tone, the powe r of race as a socially defining status in U. S. society makes these intern al differences rather un important in interracial settings in comparison to the fundamental Black/white color boundary (Nagel 1994:156). Despite the practice of hypodescent (Harris 1964) or the one drop rule in the classification of African Americans as Black, Davis (1991) shows that throughout U.S. history, there has been considerable controversy and reconstruction of the meaning and boundaries associated with Blackness. Nagel also points out that the differences be tween the ethnic options available to Blacks and Whites in the United States reveal the limits of individual choice and underline the importance of external ascriptions in restricting available ethnicities. Thus, the extent to which ethnicity can be freely constructed by individual s or groups are quite narrow when compulsory ethnic categories are imposed by ot hers. Such limits on ethnic identif ication can be official or unofficial. In either case, externally enforced ethnic boundaries can be powerful determinants of both the content and meaning of particular ethni cities. For instance, she writes, Feagins (1991, 1992) research on the day to day racism e xperienced by middleclass Black Americans demonstrates the potency of informal social ascription. Despite the economic success of middleclass African Americans, their reports of hostility, suspicion, and humiliation in public and private interactions with non-Black s illustrate the power of informal meanings and stereotypes to shape interethnic rela tions (Nagel, 1994).

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72 Culture and history are the subs tance of ethnicity. Culture is most closely associated with the issue of meaning. Culture dictates the approp riate and inappropriate c ontent of a particular ethnicity and designates the languag e, religion, belief system, art, music, dress, traditions, and lifeways that constitute an authentic ethnicit y. While the construction of ethnic boundaries is very much a saga of structure and external fo rces shaping ethnic opti ons, the construction of culture is more a tale of human agency and internal group processes of culture preservation, renewal, and innovation (Nagel 1994:161). Groups c onstruct their cultures in many ways that involve mainly the reconstruction of historical culture and the construction of new culture. Cultural reconstruction techniques include revivals and restora tions of historical cultural practices and institutions; new cultural construc tions include revisions of current culture and innovationsthe creation of new cultural forms. Cultural construction and reconstruction are ongoing group tasks in which new and renovated cu ltural symbols, activities, and materials are continually being added to and removed from existing cultural repertoi res (Nagel 1994:162). Examples of the construction a nd reconstruction of hi story and culture in order to redefine the meaning of ethnicity can be found in the ac tivities of many of the ethnic groups that mobilized during the Civil Right s Era of the 1960s and 1970s in the United States. During these years, a renewed interest in African culture a nd history and the devel opment of a culture of Black prideBlack is Beautifulaccompan ied African-American protest actions. The creation of new symbolic forms and the abandonme nt of old, discredited symbols, and rhetoric reflected the efforts of African Americans to create internal solidarity and to challenge the prevailing negative definitions of Black American ethnicity. For instance, th e evolution of racial nomenclature for African Americans can be ex cavated by a retrospectiv e examination of the names of organizations associated with or representing the interests of Black Americans: the

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73 National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the United Negro College Fund, the Black Panther Party, and the National Counc il of African-American Men, Inc. (Nagel 1994:166). Defining African Americ an (Black Culture) The term African American according to the U. S. Department of Commerce, Census 2000, refers to people in the United States who have origins in any of the Bl ack races of Africa. In fact, Black people in America have defined them selves in terms of their African origins since the 18th century. In U.S. Census 2000, the African American population included people who reported their race as mixed, Afro-American, Negro, Colored, Nigerian, and Haitian (U.S. Department of Commerce, U.S. Census Bureau, The Black Po pulation, 2001). As these census data suggest, African Americans are a large heterogeneous group in the ge neral population, with various perspectives on their heritage a nd valued cultural resources. In spite of their heterogeneity, contemporary African Americans are for the most part a descendent community of African peoples enslaved or free, who participated in the American Experi ence of exploration, settlement, and development of this hemisphere continent, and subse quently the nation. The federal censuses document their presence in every United States Census since the first census in 1790 (Brown and Hill 2006). The cultural heritage of Afri can Americans is evidenced by essential features such as systems of meaning, social order, material cultur e, and change. Under the umbrella of systems of meanings are forms of communication (of whic h language is primary), traditional beliefs, performances and practices, reli gion, ceremonies, and celebrations. Another essential feature of African American cultural heritage is social order. All societies organize themselves socially into fa milies. Some societies emphasize their kin groups

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74 and organize themselves by kin relationships Most form communities. While there are commonalities in various ways people organize themselves, they also may have a characteristic organization such as recognizing their mothers people more than the fathers in reckoning kinship and descent. People have characteris tic settlement patterns and establish social institutions to meet their spiritual, educational, health, and welfare needs. In Florida, examples of long standing social institutions are the Historically Black Colle ges and Universities (HBCUs). HBCU campuses are located in North Florida, Edward Waters College in Jacksonville and Florida Agricultural & Mechanical University (FAMU) in Tallahassee, in Central Florida Bethune Cookman College (BCC) in Daytona B each, and in South Florida there is Florida Memorial College in Miami. Another essential aspect of Afri can American cultural heritage is material culture. Material culture is defined here as dis tinctive techniques of a group and their characteristic products, including the ways people obtain subsistence, their food ways, craf ts, architecture and technology. The slave quarters at the Kingsley Plantation at Ft. George Island, Florida are examples of building tec hnology employed by slaves. Finally, the aspect of cultur e change is essentially the means in which people modify culture. The strategies they use to modify culture include: acculturation, accommodation, assimilation, and both cultural and counter-cultura l resistance (Table 2-1. Aspects of African American Cultural Heritage). Discussion This chapter provides a framework for unders tanding issues related to culture and acculturation, as well as museums and museum knowledge and partic ipation for African Americans (Blacks). With the limitation in research in this specific fiel d, the literature review offers contextual background for the topic. Rese arch in the area of cu lture/acculturation and

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75 African Americans frames the t opic. In the area of culture/acc ulturation research acknowledges the importance of Afrocentric self definition, self identification and ethnic identity as essential to interest and participation in cultural activities. Table 2-1. Aspects of African American Cultural Heritage Systems of Meaning Social Or der Material Culture Change Language, spoken & written Performances Ceremonies, sacred and secular Celebrations Visual arts Family Kinship Community Settlement patterns Social institutions (e.g., church, schools, health care Subsistence Foodways Crafts Architecture Work roles/Occupation Technology Acculturation Accommodation Assimilation Cultural resistance Counter-cultural resistance

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76 CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY A people without knowledge of their past histor y, origin and culture is like a tree without roots. Marcus Garvey This study is designed to understand the rela tionship between acculturation and Florida Black community members knowledge and participa tion in Black museums. I describe, in this chapter, the procedures used in an exam ination of acculturation and the links between acculturation, ethnic identity, and pa rticipation in museums. The sources producing the data in this study include structured in terviews, the use of two instruments, the African American Acculturation Scale (AAAS-33) and the Florida Black Museum Survey (FBMS). Additionally, case studies of two museums in ear ly stages of development were selected and analyzed in order to understand the challenges facing new Black museums in Florida, IRB Approval #2006-U-0043 In order to conduct structured interviews a nd use two scales in conjunction with the interviews, I was required to submit an IRB a pplication to the University of Floridas Institutional Review Board (UFI RB). This IRB application specifi ed the purpose of the research, how it was to be obtained, and confidentiality co nsiderations. I was advised by Human Subjects Coordinator to use the st andard consent forms approved by the University of Florida. I provided the IRB Board with a statement that interview agreement forms developed for the study were standard for oral history projec ts conducted by museums and histor ical societies, and that the American Folklife Center and American Associa tion for State and Local History developed the forms. The Institutional Review Board sent a memorandum approving my research plans. Methods As noted in Chapter 2, there is considerable variation associated with African American enculturation and the processes of ethnic identi ty development. However, this variation in

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77 African American identity f aces the challenges of acculturation. Adjustments to the cultural standards of a dominant American culture may be experienced in opposition to the values and beliefs of Black individuals and their commun ities. Therefore, I hypothesized that highly acculturated individuals would be less likely to participate in Florid a Black museums. In addition, knowledge of and partic ipation in Black museums would be reflected in persons who experienced greater enculturation into an African American history and culture. In order to evaluate the role of Black museums in maintain ing Black culture, two museums were selected as case studies, among the thirty fi ve that I observed directly or of which I acquired knowledge. In order to evaluate the above questions I di vide participants in this study into four categories based on place of birth (POB), that could possibly reflect varying degrees of enculturation or varying challenges to accultur ation: (1) Africa, (2) Circum Caribbean, (3) Florida, and (4) Other US (Black Americans born in other parts of the United States). I also included basic demographic information: age, gender, occupation, and place of birth. The potential weakness of the sample may be that socio-economic, class, education data was not collected. Participants and Recruitment My students at Santa Fe Community College in Gaines ville Florida assisted me in conducting interviews during the month of Novemb er 2006. The interviews were introduced as a project assignment to both sections of the cour se I was teaching in multicultural communication. I asked my students to conduct et hnographic interviews. The student s were expected to immerse themselves in a culture with which they have litt le or no familiarity with the intention of better understanding the group and learning how best to communicate cross-culturally. This was accomplished by interviewing self-identified me mbers of different groups and attending or participating in appropriate culture-specific events.

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78 In Fall 2006 the students were encouraged to conduct their interviews with African Descended People (ADP) using structured in terview questions (Appendix A), accompanied by the Florida Black Museum Survey(FBMS) (Appe ndix B) and the short form of the African American Acculturation Scale, AAAS-33 (Appendix C). Several class periods were devoted to students doing practice interviewing so they would be comfortable and confident about conducting the assignment. There were forty four in terviewers including me, and a total of sixtyeight interviews were conducted. Student interv iewers were from California, South Carolina, China, Mexico, Brazil, Arizona, Vietnam, Russia, Philippines, Bolivia, and Venezuela (Table 3-1). The participants included 32 females and 36 male s. The majority of participants were students. Other participants reported occupations such as bank teller, accounting, rapper, teacher, technical advisor, nurse, construction, etc. All participants indi cated that they were African American or of African Descent. Sampling A total of 68 African Americ an participants were drawn from a convenience sample of African Americans who reside thro ughout the state of Florida. The instructions given to students who participated as interviewers were to make cer tain that when selecting participants that those persons interviewed lived in a predominantly Afri can American setting. Th ere were almost equal numbers of males (N=36) and females (N=32). In terms of ethnic heritage the majority of the participants described themselves as coming fr om African American (Black) backgrounds (that is, they preferred to describe themselves as Black, Jamaican, Trinidadian, Haitian, African, etc.). The occupations of the participants range fr om accountants, artists, daycare workers,

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79 Table 3-1. Evolving Role Interviewers Interviewers Interviewers POB Interviewee # 1 Ann CaliforniaSt. Lucia descent 1 2 Joe Florida -Jordan descent 2 3 Kitty Florida 3 4 Veronica Ft. Lauderdale 4 5 Cathy (Italian) 5 6 Donna Columbia 6 7 Sherman South Carolina 7, 8.9 8 Zee China, Beijing 10, 11, 12 9 Jane. Jacksonville 13 10 Rondell Mexico 14 11 Tom Orlando 15 12 Merideth Florida 16 13 Elwood Honduras 17 14 Sally Texas 18 15 Catrina Maine 19 16 Emily Brazil 20 17 Sidney Florida-Ugandan descent 21, 22, 23 18 Trimble Arizona 24, 25 19 Leo Florida 26 20 Allen Miami, Cuban descent 27 21 Irma Brazil 28 22 Lutie Oklahoma 29 23 Kevin Ft. Lauderdale-Jamaican descent 30,31 24 Wilma Tennessee 32 25 Gina Viet Nam 33 26 Ronny Arcadia (Podunk) 34, 35 27 Katra Russia 36 28 Jenny Texas 37, 38, 39 29 Brian. New York 40 30 Leon Miami Italian 41 31 David Tampa 42 32 Triana Alabama 43 33 Lindy Columbia 44 34 Klien Philippines 45 35 Jasmine Ocala 46, 47, 50 36 Phil Bolivia 48 37 Korman Japan 49 38 Oswald Gainesville-Jamaican descent 51,52,53 39 Kilima Ft. Myers 54 40 Loretta Dallas 55 41 Clemon Bolivia 56 42 Delite Columbia 57 43 D J-S Virginia 51, 52, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 67, 68 44 Rolanda Venezuela 66 POB= Place of Birth

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80 constructions workers, educators, retirees, st udents, etc. with students making up the largest portions of the sample (32 =47.1%). Participant categories: Forty four participants in the st udy were born and raised in Black communities throughout the state of Florida where Black museums are located. Ten participants were from the following states in Black commun ities (Other US) outside of Florida: Alabama (3), Colorado (1), Louisiana (1), North Carolina (1), New York (3), and Texas (1). Eleven participants are from Black communities in Flor ida and also recognize their Circum Caribbean roots are as follows: Brazil (1), Haiti (2), Jamaica (6), and Trinidad (3). Three participants from Black communities in Florida are African, Niger (2) and Nigeria (1) ( Table3-2, Participants by Sex and POB). Table 3-2. Participants by Sex and POB Place of Birth Male Female Total Africa 3 0 3 Caribbean 5 6 11 Florida 23 21 44 Other US 5 5 10 Total 36 32 68 Florida N=44 All others are control/comparative The following table displays the age distribution of the participants: Table 3-3. Evolving Role Interviewees by Age 16-19 yrs. 20-29yrs 30-39yrs. 40-49yrs 50-59yrs. 60-69yrs 15 38 5 6 2 2 I am aware that the age distribution of this sample may affect the results.

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81 Instruments Florida Black Museums Survey (FBMS) Participants completed the Florida Black Museums Survey (FBMS). The FBMS was developed to get a better understa nding of whether Blacks in Flor ida had knowledge of the Black museums in the state and if they had participat ed by visiting on a regular basis. The survey consisted of thirty-four items (Black museums) The museums were divided into three regions, North Florida (12 items), Central Florida (9 items ), and South Florida (13 items). Next to each item is the city where the museum is located. The participants were asked to respond using a 5 point Likert-type scale 1= never heard of it; 2= I have heard of this museum; 3= I have visited once; 4= I have visited 2 or more times; 5= I ha ve visited as a child wi th parents/with school group. The list of thirty-four Florida Black museum s was gathered using the Official Museum Directory, the Association of African American Museums Directory, as well as the Florida Association of Museums (FAM), and the Florida Black Heritage Trail Brochure. The Florida Black Heritage Trail Brochure was the most he lpful and provided most of the information needed for the survey, followed by FAM. Most of the information needed for the survey was available in the brochure, or th rough websites and site visits. Although the survey consisted of the thirty-four museums that were initially found as part of data gathering additional discussion of museums will be center around the thirty-five museums that comprise a final documentation of museums. The Museum of Ar ts & Sciences/African Art Galle ry in Daytona Beach has been closed and additionally did not meet the defi nition of a Black museums determined through interviews with museum practitioners participa ting in this study. The Ha rriette and Harry Moore Cultural Center in Mims and the National Medica l Museum in Miami were not included on the survey because I didnt know about them at the ti me the survey was being developed. A possible

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82 weakness of the survey was that these museums could not be scored by participants. Another potential weakness may be that two of the muse ums on the survey were incorrectly named. The new name for the Beatrice Russell Center in Punta Gorda is the Blach ard House Museum of African History and Culture, and the Eartha M. M. White Museum at the Clara White Mission in Jacksonville was simply called the Clara White Mission on the survey. Therefore, for the purpose of this study it is important to understand that there were thir ty-four museums that appeared on the FBMS and there are thirty-five museums that ar e the final number of Black museums documented throughout the state. African American Acculturation Scale (AAAS-33) The African American Acculturation Scale-33 (Landrine and Klonoff 1995) was developed to assess an individual s adherence to and affinity for African American culture. The scale consists of 33 items (short form) that measure te n dimensions of African American culture. The subscale names, items per subscale, and Cronba ch alphas from a previous validation study (Landrine and Klonoff 1995) are AAAS-33 total scor e (33 items; .81), (a) Preference for Things African American (6 items; .83), (b) Religious Beliefs/Practices (6 items;.79), (c) Traditional Foods (4 items ; .74), (d) Traditional Childhood (3 items; .74) (e) Superstiti ons (3 items; .68), (f) Interracial Attitudes/Cultural Mistrust (3 it ems; .70), (g) Falling Out (2 items; .66), (h) Traditional Games (2 items; .52), (i ) Family Values (2 items; .47) and (j) Family Practices (2 items; .44). Participants respond using a 7point, Likert-type scale (1= to tally disagree, 7=strongly agree). A factor score is obtaine d by totaling the items for each subs cale. The total scale score is obtained by adding all of the scores for each factor. Higher scores on the items indicate a more traditional cultural orientation (immersed in African American culture); low scores

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83 (disagreement with the statements) indicate a more acculturated orientation. The total AAAS-33 scores range from 33-231. Procedures Participants in the study were asked a series of ten structured ques tions. The participants were also given a Florida Black Museums Survey (FBMS) to complete during this same time period, along with the African American Accultur ation Scale. Interview questions two and three pertained to assessing the knowle dge of Black museums in genera l and Floridas Black museums in particular. Participants completed the instrument during the interview session. The participants were shown the survey and instructed to complete it They were then asked interview questions two and three. The second and third in terview questions asked particip ants, (2) Have you ever visited a Black museum? (3) Have you visited one in Flor ida? What was the experience like? To assist participants with thinking about the question and those things they might consider specific knowledge of Black museums culture, each partic ipant was also asked to complete the FBMS. The first interview question asked participan ts was, How do you think Black culture is maintained by African Descended People in Florida? What are the ways? To assist participants with thinking about the question and things they might consider specific to Black culture each participant was also asked to complete the AAAS33. They were told that they had the option of completing the scale prior to giving an answer to the question or they could answer the question first and then complete the questions on the AAAS -33. They were told that they had the option of completing the AAAS-33 scale at a nytime during the interview. Case Studies Two museums were chosen as case studies. Th ese museums are relevant for this study in specific ways. The first museum chosen was the Haitian Heritage Museum in Miami. This

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84 museums is relevant because it is the first of its kind not just in Florida but in the nation and possible the world. The founders are of Haitian descent and the composition of the governing authority is significantly of Haitian ancestry. The second museum is relevant because it presents an opportunity to observe a museum relativel y at its concept stages. Although Chiumba Ensemble, Inc. has a fifteen year history of cultura l arts activity, that activity has been largely in the performance and educational outreach during its beginnings in Miami. Since relocating to Gainesville the organization is entering its new ph ase of developing a cult ural arts center and museum. With activities on the drawing board that continue Yoruba language, dance, and traditional practices this museum in its infancy provides a rare glance at a unique start-up. The reason for the case studies is to illustrate that, form the Afrocentric and Diasporic perspective of these two new museums, attendi ng to the public requires a public that can identity with the mission of the museum, which could mean decide dly Black [African] beyond traditional North American notions of Black. Therefore, acculturation, again which for this study means towards White norms beliefs and values, is in conflict w ith the mission of the museums I want to find out how the museums themselves plan to deal with audience building of Af rican Descended People. So these case studies of newly developing museum will be analyzed to see how they compare to other Black museums established th roughout the state of Florida. Using Circum Caribbean or African sym bols including Kwanzaa, requires increased enculturation perhaps beyond the identity of many Americans of African De scent who must meet the challenges of acculturation. The international relatio nships that many racial and ethni c groups have with others who share their heritage and history are often overlooked in museum st udies. These international ties may have been created by transnational migratio n (Haiti), slavery, religio us crusades, or other

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85 historical forces. Because most people do not th ink about the diverse connections people have to other nations and cultures, these histories get lo st in telling an African American story, when exhibitions and programs are planned. In his book The Black Atlantic scholar Paul Gilroy (1993) emphasizes that, to understand the identi ties, cultures, and experiences of African descendants living in the US and throughout th e world, we must examine the connections between Africa, Europe, and North America. These two museums appear to be vigorously making an effort to make those connections. These case studies show, from a museums perspective, the need for museums to match thei r mission with the needs of the communities they serve. Not only must they relate their missi on to the community, the community must recognize and identify culturally with what th e museum is trying to accomplish. Therefore, I will compare the results of the acculturation scale to the concerns that the museum cases illustrate as th e challenges of tapping into the identity of Black people in Florida. Discussion The study utilizes both qualitative and qua ntitative methodological approaches. The quantitative will give a more detailed explanation of the attitudes and museum habits of African Descended People (ADP) in selected Florida communities who are potential participants in museum life. The qualitative will provide detailed experiences and observa tions interacting with various people at museums and other activities used to understand participation in selected Florida Black communities. Using the two instru ments will show correlations of acculturation and knowledge of and participation in Florida s Black museums. The potential weakness of participants and sampling are age distribution. Th e majority of participants in the study are between the ages of 20-29 years (38) and st udents (32=47.1%). Falks study of African American leisure decisions (1993) reported that research has show n that the vast majority of

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86 visitors to a variety of museum s, especially science centers, na tural history museums and zoos, come as part of family groups (Balling and Cornell, 1985; ASTC, 1976; Kwong, 1977; Miles, 1986). Another dimension of the family impact on visitation is family tradition. Research by Kelly (1977) strongly identifies the importance of familial socialization on museum-going. People who were taken to museum s by their parents as children are significantly more likely to go to museums as adults than are people who were not taken to museums as children. The effects of historical non-visita tion patterns could thus be signifi cantly contributing to present-day observed patterns of museum attendance. (Fal k 1993) Therefore, for this study not having a wider age distribution somewhat weakens the sample. Falk (1993) also points out th at countless studies have doc umented that socio-economic factors such as education, income, and employ ment are highly correlated and by extension are predictive of museum-going behavior. (Falk 1993:76) This study did not include socioeconomic data from income and education which could be another potential weakness that might effect the outcome. However, research by DiMaggio and Ostrower (1990) attempted to determine whether better educated, more afflue nt African Americans would eschew traditional, White, Eurocentric museums because of increasing identity with Black culture. Their findings show that increasing affluence and education among African Americans results in increasing concerns and identification with both Afrocentr ic activities such as attending African Art exhibitions and listening to jazz and increased participation in Eurocentric oriented activities such as attendance at traditional art museums a nd listening to classical music (Falk 1993:70). For the purposes of this study I ta ke an Afrocentric posture that is looking at knowledge and participation in Black museums by Black community members regardless of social class or age.

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87 CHAPTER 4 FLORIDAS BLACK MUSEUM WORLD In this chapter I will share the findings of Floridas Black museum world. By far the largest contributor to detection and documentation of this impressive array of museums has been the Florida Black Heritage Trail Brochure. In 1990, the Florida Legisl ature created the Study Commission on African-American Hist ory to explore ways to increa se public awareness of the contributions of African Americans to the state. The Commission was asked to recommend methods to establish a Black Heritage Trail to identify sites, buildings and other points of interest significant in Black hist ory that should be preserved and promoted as tourist attractions (Florida Department of State 2002:2). Museum Data and Analysis Gathering Methods This study examined museums first by seeking to find out where all of the Black museums were located. From the initial list gathered from using websites such as the Florida Association of Museums; archival research of directories such as the Official Museum Directory, Association of African American Museums; and Travel brochur es of which the Florida Black Heritage Trail was by far the most useful, I was able to compile a preliminary list of Black museums in Florida. This list was used to plan my visits to museum s in North, Central, and South Florida. During the fieldwork visits to each of the museums, I would share my most current list and ask if anyone was aware of other museums that should be incl uded. I would also share the list when I attended and presented at conferences, par ticularly at the annual meeting of the Association of African American Museums. The list was also developed into a survey that was used in conjunction with interviews and the African American Acculturation Scale.

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88 Additionally, interview questions were conduc ted to determine pa rticipants views on museums and analysis. Then, the museums were addressed by evaluating mission, scope, and the role of museums. Also, ethnographic interviews were conducted with museum practitioners who in large part helped found the museums. Hist orical sketches of communities where museums were located were developed to highlight th e communitys historical background in museum development. These sketches can be found in Appendix G. The Interview Questions There were ten interview questions, nine of which applied in some way to uncovering the participants museum knowledge and experience. Questions two and three specifically asked if the interviewee had ever been to a Black museum, if they had been to one in Florida, and what was the experience like for them? Question four investigates early child hood leisure activities that could include museum-like experiences, a nd question five asked about other types of childhood leisure activities. Questio n six looks at freque nt (4-5 times per year) adult leisure activities such as plays, movies, sports events, museums, and church/religious. Because most of the Black museums tend to be history, art, or cult ural centers, participants were asked about their interests in history and culture and what they thought Black museums could do to address those interests. Support and participati on by its constituency is vita l to the surviv al of cultural institutions. So, question nine asks participants to discuss what they consider to be the barriers to attending Black museums by African Descended Peopl e (ADP) and also what were their specific barriers. The final question examines the contin uance of cultural activities that started in childhood and have become incorporated in adult leisure choices. Question ten also addresses the importance of early socialization to Black mu seum-going and whether it could contribute to adult leisure choice of attendi ng these types of museums.

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89 Sample Population African American leis ure activities and preferences we re ascertained through in-depth interviews with sixty-eight participants who self-identified as African American and who indicated their willingness to complete the Florida Black Museum Survey, the African American Acculturation Scale, and do a faceto-face interview. These individua ls came from all areas of the state of Florida and lived in predominantly Black communities. Participants were drawn from a distinct group that is representative of the communities where Black museums have been established. As a whole, this sample is also representative of the diversity of the Black populations within the state. Th ey are a diverse range of communities, from North, Central and South Florida (Florida), Northern and Southern parts of the US (O ther US), West Africa (Africa) and the Circum-Caribbean (Caribbean). They ar e predominately students but also represent a range of employment situations, from unemployed to blue collar laborers to professionals such as managers, teachers, and accountants; a range of Florida communities urban and rural; and a range of racial environments, in particular pa rticipants from the Circum-Caribbean (Jamaica, Haiti, Trinidad, and Brazil). All of these variable s have been variously suggested as important determiners of acculturation and leisure beha vior (Woodard 1988; Stamps and Stamps 1985). Although not quantitatively representa tive of the African American community, this sample was intended to be qualitatively re presentative. In other words, the 68 individuals sampled do not represent a one-to-one sample of African Americ ans (e.g., X% low income ), Y% professional, and Z% urban. They do, however, accurately reflect a large percentage of the range of Black living situation realities in Florida. The sample included adults between the ages of sixteen and sixtysix. All individuals were able to make decisions regarding museum visita tion. The sample could not be characterized as

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90 random. Participants were initia lly identified through personal c ontacts within the communities targeted. Interview Protocol Each interview was conducted face to face by me or student interviewers. Interviews lasted anywhere from 15 to 75 minutes, and typi cal interviews lasted 25 to 35 minutes. Students were trained during several class periods to listen to responses and allow participants to answer questions at their own pace. They were instru cted to get demographic information and record this information on the sheet immediately. The n, they were supposed to record each response including use of keywords and terms, having the participant explain any terms that were unfamiliar. Data Collected Data was collected on a vast array of dem ographic leisure, encu lturation, assimilation, acculturation, socialization, and psychographic variab les. Participants were asked about their age and occupation; what ways they see Black cu lture being maintained in Florida by African Descended People; what were some of their childhood leisure activities, and the traditions learned in childhood that they still include in th eir leisure activities toda y. Participants were probed about their attitudes towa rds Black museums and museum-lik e settings, such as historic sites, art and history museums, and archives. Each interview included a direct question asking whether the individual had ever been to a Black museum in Fl orida and if so what was the experience like? This was an open invitation to talk about perception of culturally specific museums. Demographics: The adults sampled were nearly equally divided between males and females (32 females, 36 males); nearly 50% were in their twenties (Table 4-1).

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91 Table 4-1. Participants by Age 16-19 years 20-29 years 30-39 years 40-49 years 50-59 years 60-69 years 15 38 5 6 2 2 22 % 56 % 7 % 9 % 3 % 3 % Participants were categorized according to place of birth (POB) Each participant was placed in one of four cat egories based on place of birth: Africa (3), Caribbean (11), Florida (44), and Other US (10). All of the participants from Africa were male, two were from Niger and one was from Nigeri a. The category Caribbean included people from Circum-Caribbean which I am using to classify areas of South America (Brazil), Greater Antilles (Haiti, Jamaica), and Lesse r Antilles (Trinidad). Table 4-2. Participant Profile by Place of Birth (POB) and Sex Place of Birth (POB) Female Male Total Percent Africa 0 3 3 4.4% Caribbean 6 5 11 16.2% Florida 21 23 44 64.7% Other US 5 5 10 14.7% Total 32 36 68 100.0% Results Interview Questions Interview question two asked if participants had ever been to a Black museum, and question three asked if participan ts had ever been to a Black museum in Florida. Only one participant had no answer at all to question two and the others we re almost equally distributed; thirty-seven participants responde d that they had visited a Black museum and thirty answered that they had never visited one. To question th ree, there were five participants who had no

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92 answer to this question, the ot hers again, were almost equall y distributed with thirty-three responding that they had visited a Black museum in Florida, and thirty answered they had not visited (Tables 4-3 and 4-4). Table 4-3. Interview Question Tw o Visits to Black Museums Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent 0 1 1.5 1.5 1.5 1 37 54.4 54.4 55.9 2 30 44.1 44.1 100.0 Valid Total 68 100.0 100.0 0= no answer 1= yes visited 2= no have not visited Table 4-4. Interview Question Three Vi sits to Florida Black Museums Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent 0 5 7.4 7.4 7.4 1 33 48.5 48.5 55.9 2 30 44.1 44.1 100.0 Valid Total 68 100.0 100.0 0= no answer 1= yes visited 2= no have not visited Africa The 20 year old male from Nigeria, who ha s lived in Jacksonville most of his life, responded that he had visited two museums in no rth Florida, the Black Archives, on the Campus of Florida A & M University in Tallahassee a nd the Ritz Theatre and LaVilla Museum in his hometown of Jacksonville. He had also visited tw o museums in South Florida, both of them in Miami, the Black Heritage Museum and the African Heritage Cultu ral Arts Center. All of them he found interesting. The 21 year old male from Niger responded that he had visited Black museums several times and it was boring. It seems that even within similar demographics that these data suggests a wide variety of experience.

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93 Caribbean Two individuals from Jamaica provided respons es about their experiences. A 19 year old female indicated that she had visited muse ums in Jacksonville, Orlando, Daytona Beach, Ft. Lauderdale, and Key West and replied It was really interesting to see different museums. It felt like I was back home. The 49 year old male said that he had been to many Black museums in Florida and Georgia and replied, I enjoyed most of them, but not being from U.S, some were irrelevant. The 19 year old male from Haiti ha d visited the Haitian Heritage Museum programs and said, I learned more about my culture. The 20year old male from Brazil said, I have seen the history of African American people, African artifacts, pottery, overwhelming very saddening shocking to see the reality of an cestors lives. Similar to the da ta found in the analysis of the African participants, we see a broad range of variation in the responses to museums. Florida What I find significant here is that the major ity of the respondents cited that they had visited the museums in their own communities. Because several of the respondents only gave their POB as Florida, I can not sa y the same for them. It is also important to note that several of the respondents did not see the places that they had visited as museums, which means that ideas about Black museums and museum-like institu tions are continually being redefined by community members (Table 4-5). This is part icularly significant in the response by the 21 year old female from Miami who stated about the African Heritage Cultural Arts Center, Its a big thing, lots of Black people go there. Howeve r, she did not see this institution as a Black museum until it appeared as one of the items on the Florida Black Museum Survey. We later talked about all of the aspects of the African Heritage Cultural Arts Center su ch as the art gallery spaces, and major exhibitions that she had seen in the museum exhibition areas, as well as dance and music classes that always had African Dias pora focus, the Black Box Theatre, where plays

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94 and movies viewed by the community on a regula r basis were all Afrocentric as well. This allowed her to begin to place this institution into her new definition of a Black museum. Table 4-5. Responses Interview Ques tion 3 by POB-Florida Participants POB Age Sex Response Orlando 23 Male Visited the WellsBuilt in Orlando Jacksonville 20 Female Visited DHSM in Jax-impressive & educational Tampa 22 Female Visited the Carter Woodson It is very good-I learned my good history from here Florida 25 Male The Haitian Heritage was informative and refreshing Miami 29 Male African Heritage Cultural Center-Miami-I am proud of seeing the roots from where I came Florida 20 Male Zora Neale Hurst on in Eatonville-It opened my eyes to a lot of Black history Jacksonville 19 Male Kingsley Plantati on-It really moved me to see up close how we used to live and be treated. Tallahassee 21 Male Kingsley Plan tation-I was young so it was boring and I didnt understand it. Plantation 19 Male Black Heritage Mu seum, Miami-I use to love going during Christmastime, it was beautiful Palm Beach Gardens 19 Female Visited a few in Broward County, Key West, FAMU and one when I lived with my aunt in Orlando. I got a chance to learn a lot of new things it made me appreciate my people and my culture more. It made me aware of where I came from. Jacksonville 22 Male Clara Ward Mission, I was too young. It was our way of giving back. I didnt know there was a museum at the mission Ft. Lauderdale 21 Female It was interesting, informative and I enjoyed it. Miami 21 Female African Heritage Cu ltural Arts Center I didnt think it was a museum. Its a big thing, lots of Black people go there. We learn things, we have dance recitals there. Ft. Lauderdale 53 Male Visited several in Florida. Excitement, amazement at how nicely many of them are put together Other US The Black Heritage Museum in Miami was th e most cited museum for participants who were not born and raised in Florida. There was onl y one participant who clearly stated that he did not like museums. This participan t at the time did not want to qualify that response and was not pressured to do so. Another participant from Alab ama however, indicated that she had visited a

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95 Black museum in another state (LA) and found it interesting, while the other participant from Alabama indicated that she had visited the Black Heritage Museum in Miami as a child. Table 4-6. Responses Interview Questi on 3 by POB Other US Participants POB Age Sex Response New York 20 Female Visited both of the Zora Neale Hurston museums it was enlightening, exciting and fun Alabama 20 Female I visited the Bl ack Heritage Museum as a child New York 21 Male Visited the Black Heritage Museum in Miami. It was eye opening to see that Black history was so rich beyond just whats in textbooks. Texas 18 Female I have not visited in Florida but I did visit in Texas when I was younger, it was life changing Alabama 22 Female I visited a Black museum in New Orleans, it was interesting New York 51 Female I had fun I liked it a lot Alabama 21 Male I dont like museums Florida Black Museum Survey The results of the Florida Black Museums Survey are included here in -part. Discussion of the survey in relationship to acculturation will be presented in Chapter 6, Data Analysis. The results of the Florida Black Museum Survey ar e presented here in the following tables using cross tabulation by place of birth (POB) and knowledge and participation of museums and arranged by regions (North, Ce ntral, and South Florida). Participants were asked to rank their muse um knowledge and participation using the following: 1= Never heard of it [museum] = No knowledge or participation 2=I have heard of It [museum] = knowledge 3= I have visited it [museum] once= participation 4= I have visited two or more times= participation 5= I visited with parents or school trip= most participation

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96 Black Museums Analysis by POB North Florida This museum in Jacksonville has been visited at least once by three participants and one of the Caribbean participants has made multiple vi sits. Overall, 78% have never heard of this museum. Table 4-7. Ritz Theatre and LaVilla Museum museum1-Ritz Theatre & LaVilla Museum Total 1 2 3 4 POB Africa 2 0 1 0 3 Caribbean 8 1 1 1 11 Florida 34 9 1 0 44 Other US 9 1 0 0 10 Total 53 11 3 1 68 POB museum1 Cross tabulation Table 4-8. Kingsley Plantation museum2-Kingsley Plantation Total 1 2 3 5 POB Africa 3 0 0 0 3 Caribbean 7 3 1 0 11 Florida 38 4 1 1 44 Other US 8 1 1 0 10 Total 56 8 3 1 68 POB museum2 Cross tabulation This museum was not recognized by over 70% of the participants. It is a plantation historic site by type. None of the African participants had hear d of or visited this facility. Table 4-9. Sojourner Truth Museum museum3-Sojourner Truth Traveling Museum Total 1 2 3 POB Africa 2 1 0 3 Caribbean 7 3 1 11 Florida 34 10 0 44 Other US 9 1 0 10 Total 52 15 1 68 POB museum3 Cross tabulation It is understandable that few of the participants have vis ited this museum. It was a traveling museum. The only way to experience it would be when a display was set up at various locations. For example, during Black History Mont h, the founder of this museum would always

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97 have a small exhibition at the Museum of Scie nce in downtown Jacksonville. Other times, she would take exhibitions to schools, and conferences. Table 4-10. Durkeeville Historical Society Museum museum4-Durkeeville Historical Society Museum Total 1 2 3 4 POB Africa 3 0 0 0 3 Caribbean 9 1 1 0 11 Florida 35 6 2 1 44 Other US 9 1 0 0 10 Total 56 8 3 1 68 POB museum4 Cross tabulation This is a very new museum established in 2000. So, to see a repeat visitor is very positive. This museum is definitely trying to connect with the community. Table 4-11. Bethel Baptist Institutional Church museum5-Bethel Baptist Institutional Church Total 1 2 3 4 POB Africa 3 0 0 0 3 Caribbean 5 4 0 2 11 Florida 30 10 3 1 44 Other US 8 2 0 0 10 Total 46 16 3 3 68 POB museum5 Cross tabulation Bethel is the first church in the state to es tablish a museum and arch ive. Sixteen, 23.5%, of the study participants have heard of this museum and three people have had multiple visits. This museum may be so well recognized because it incorporates peoples understanding of themselves in terms of religion and spirituality to maintain culture. Table 4-12. Eartha M. M. White Museum museum6-Eartha M.M. White Mu seum at Clara White Mission Total 1 2 4 POB Africa 3 0 0 3 Caribbean 9 2 0 11 Florida 41 2 1 44 Other US 10 0 0 10 Total 63 4 1 68 POB museum6 Cross tabulation

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98 Although the Clara White Mission is well know n for its community outreach, the museum has not found an audience. Table 4-13. Julee Cottage Museum museum7-Julee Cottage Museum Total 1 2 POB Africa 3 0 3 Caribbean 11 0 11 Florida 40 4 44 Other US 9 1 10 Total 63 5 68 POB museum7 Cross tabulation This museum appears to be a well-kept secret. On ly five participants have even heard of it. None of the participants have visited this museum. Given the history of the community, this museum may to do more programming that is focused on African American identity and involving community leaders in their future planning. Table 4-14. African Americ an Heritage Center museum8African American Heritage Center Total 1 2 POB Africa 3 0 3 Caribbean 10 1 11 Florida 38 6 44 Other US 7 3 10 Total 58 10 68 POB museum8 Cross tabulation The Heritage Center has recently been established. It is located in the sa me historic district as the Julee Cottage, and already it has twice the number of partic ipants in this study who have heard of it. This shows the effective difference in marketing and manage ment. The center seems to focus on community outreach and involvement. The Riley House Museum in Tallahassee is a ve ry vibrant museum. Th e director and staff are very active in preservation efforts in the ar ea and also statewide. So, it was somewhat surprising to see that so few of the participants have heard of it. However its important to note that the museum is included on the Black Heritage Trail for the state of Florida. Recently this

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99 Table 4-15. John Riley House Museum museum9-John Riley House Total 1 2 4 POB Africa 3 0 0 3 Caribbean 9 2 0 11 Florida 37 4 3 44 Other US 9 1 0 10 Total 58 7 3 68 POB museum9 Cross tabulation museum led a network of Florida Black-histor y museums and won the largest award in a new federal grant program The Institute of Museum and Library Sciences a nnounced it was awarding $150,000 to the Riley House sponsored Flori da African-American Museums Exchange Project. The grant was the largest of eight gr ants totaling $803,000 awarded in the new Museum Grants for African-American History and Cultu re Program. The grant along with $350,000 from the Florida Legislature will be used for traini ng Black-history museum officials in museum management, revenue building, strategic planning, preservation and exhibit display (Tallahassee Democrat October 4, 2006). Table 4-16. FAMU Black Archives museum10FAMU Black Archives Total 1 2 3 4 5 POB Africa 1 1 1 0 0 3 Caribbean 6 5 0 0 0 11 Florida 21 13 4 5 1 44 Other US 6 2 1 1 0 10 Total 34 21 6 6 1 68 POB museum10 Cross tabulation According to the survey results this muse um is one of the museums that are well recognized. Actually this museum has the most part icipants having heard of it (21). It is also the highest level of participation. Six visited at least once, six made re peat visits, and one participant attended as a child with parent s or school group which is the highe st rate of participation. FAMU is one of two HBCUs (Historical ly Black Colleges and Universitie s) in Florida with museumlike facilities.

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100 Table 4-17. American Folk Art Museum museum11-American Folk Art Total 1 2 POB Africa 3 0 3 Caribbean 11 0 11 Florida 37 7 44 Other US 9 1 10 Total 60 8 68 POB museum11 Cross tabulation This museum is in its formative stages. Mi ssionary Mary Proctor its founder carefully screens visitors. I was not surprised that most participants had no knowledge of this museum. The founders artwork, which pr ovides the core collection fo r the museum, is well known nationally. Several of her pieces have been acquired by the Smithsonian Institution in Washington DC. Table 4-18. Carver Hill Museum museum12Carver-Hill Museum Total 1 2 POB Africa 3 0 3 Caribbean 11 0 11 Florida 42 2 44 Other US 10 0 10 Total 66 2 68 POB museum12 Cross tabulation This is a small community museum in the little town of Crestview. It is also not surprising that few of the participants in the study have heard of it. Perhaps, this may be a local attraction since the museum is the only one of its type in th e area. However, its important to note that the museum is included on the Black Herita ge Trail for the State of Florida. Black Museums Analysis by POB Central Florida Palm Coast is a new community where many of the Black residents are retirees. The center is slowly gaining support. So, it is interest ing to see that it is r ecognized by these four participants.

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101 Table 4-19. African American Cultural Center Palm Coast museum13-African American Cultural Center Total 1 2 POB Africa 3 0 3 Caribbean 11 0 11 Florida 41 3 44 Other US 9 1 10 Total 64 4 68 POB museum13 Cross tabulation Table 4-20. Dorothy Thompson African American Museum museum14-Dorothy Thompson African American Museum Total 1 2 POB Africa 3 0 3 Caribbean 10 1 11 Florida 40 4 44 Other US 10 0 10 Total 63 5 68 POB museum14 Cross tabulation Once well-known throughout the State, because of its dynamic founder and namesake, Ms. Dorothy Thompson, this small museum in Clear water is now stagnant. The founder was the impetus for the museum and since her death the mu seum has not been open to the public. As is the case with most institutions founded through ch arismatic leadership, once they are gone, there is usually a major decline in involvement of others. Table 4-21. Zora Neale Hurston National Fine Arts Museum museum15-Zora Neale Hurston National Fine Arts Museum Total 1 2 3 4 5 POB Africa 3 0 0 0 0 3 Caribbean 6 4 1 0 0 11 Florida 28 10 2 3 1 44 Other US 8 1 1 0 0 10 Total 45 15 4 3 1 68 POB museum15 Cross tabulation This museum is well-known because of the annual festival honoring the towns most prominent resident, folklorist anthropologist, Zora Neale Hurston. Thousands come every year to the festival and visit the museum This museum building is very small, but its founder, N.Y. Natheri says, The town itself is also the mu seum, and people come and bring their children

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102 every year to celebrate its special place in hi story. It was not surprising that many of the participants in the study had heard of this museum and had visited. Table 4-22. Wells Built Museum of Af rican American History & Culture museum16-WellsBuilt Museum of Af rican American History& Culture Total 1 2 3 4 POB Africa 3 0 0 0 3 Caribbean 7 2 1 1 11 Florida 38 5 1 0 44 Other US 9 1 0 0 10 Total 57 8 2 1 68 POB museum16 Cross tabulation One participant has made repeat visits to th is museum. According to the earlier comments (Table 4-5) one of the Orlando natives had vis ited this museum during the interview. It is important to note that one of the challenges for ethnic museums in gaining the support of its own community members. Only two of the 68 particip ants has visited this museum two or more times. Table 4-23. Carter G. Woodson Museum of African American History museum17-Carter G. Woodson Museum of African American History Total 1 2 POB Africa 3 0 3 Caribbean 6 5 11 Florida 38 6 44 Other US 10 0 10 Total 57 11 68 POB museum17 Cross tabulation This museum has only been open to the public for one year. It is st ruggling to build its constituency. None of the partic ipants in this study have vis ited this museum. It is becoming recognized as can be seen by the 11 participants in this study. This section of the museum is no longer ope n. The African Gallery that once had a gallery space in the Museum of Arts and Sciences in Daytona Beach is now di smantled. Most of the participants in this study did not know about it. It was only incl uded in this study because it was

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103 listed as a Black museum in the Black Heritage Trail brochure, but it had not been considered a Black museum by the other Black museum practitioners interviewed in this study. Table 4-24. Museum of Arts and Science museum18-Museum of Arts and Sciences/African Art Gallery Total 1 2 3 4 5 POB Africa 3 0 0 0 0 3 Caribbean 10 0 0 0 1 11 Florida 38 4 1 1 0 44 Other US 6 4 0 0 0 10 Total 57 8 1 1 1 68 POB museum18 Cross tabulation Table 4-25. Mary McLeod Bethune House museum19-Mary McLeod Bethune House Total 1 2 3 4 POB Africa 3 0 0 0 3 Caribbean 4 7 0 0 11 Florida 28 12 1 3 44 Other US 8 2 0 0 10 Total 43 21 1 3 68 POB museum19 Cross tabulation Located on the campus of the Bethune-Cookman Un iversity, this museum/historic house is tied with FAMU Black Archives (21) for the position of most recogn ized museum by the participants in this study. Bethune-Cookman has r ecently acquired University status and is one of the most recognized of the HBCUs because of the reputation of its illust rious founder, Dr. Mary McLeod Bethune. Table 4-26. African American Museum of the Arts museum20-African American Museum of the Arts Total 1 2 POB Africa 3 0 3 Caribbean 11 0 11 Florida 41 3 44 Other US 9 1 10 Total 64 4 68 POB museum20 Cross tabulation

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104 Located in downtown Deland near Stetson University, this museum just added a performing arts center. Although it ha s not been visited by any of th e participants in this study, it plays a vital role in the community with many outreach programs and changing exhibitions. Table 4-27. Black Heritage Museum New Smyrna Beach museum21-Black Heritage Museum Total 1 2 3 4 POB Africa 3 0 0 0 3 Caribbean 10 0 1 0 11 Florida 38 5 0 1 44 Other US 8 1 1 0 10 Total 59 6 2 1 68 POB museum21 Cross tabulation This museum located in New Smyrna Beach puts on an annual heritage festival that follows the Zora Neale Hurston Festival in Eatonv ille. It has been well attended in previous years, which may account for some of the particip ants recognizing this museum. It is interesting to see that there has even been one repeat visitor since Eatonvi lle generally eclipses New Smyrna as a significant attraction for people interested in Zora Neal e Hurston. Like the Carver Hill Museum, this is a small museum that serves a small community. So, while it may not be widely recognized throughout the state, it has been able to sustain itself for 15 years. Black Museums Analysis by POB South Florida Table 4-28. Old Dillard Museum museum22-Old Dillard High School Museum Total 1 2 3 4 POB Africa 3 0 0 0 3 Caribbean 8 3 0 0 11 Florida 34 6 1 3 44 Other US 7 2 1 0 10 Total 52 11 2 3 68 POB museum22 Cross tabulation This Ft. Lauderdale museum has been recognized by a significant number of participants in this study (11). It has been vi sited by two participants at least once, and it has had repeat visits by three participants. What was surprising is the lack of participants of African and Caribbean

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105 origin, in light of the heavy focus this museum has placed on Africa, Haiti and Jamaica in the last five years. Their traveling program goes to the schools highlighting th e Diaspora as well as a telecast program that goes directly to classroom and tells the story of the Old Dillard High School and the community racial/ethnic history. Table 4-29. African American Research Library & Cultural Arts Center museum23-African American Research Library & Cultural Arts Center Total 1 2 3 4 POB Africa 3 0 0 0 3 Caribbean 8 2 1 0 11 Florida 35 4 0 5 44 Other US 8 1 1 0 10 Total 54 7 2 5 68 POB museum23 Cross tabulation Less then five years since its opening, this museum is recognized by seven of the participants of this study, with two participants visiting at least once and five having had repeat visits. Table 4-30. Beatrice Russell Center museum24-Beatrice Russell Cent er Blanchard House Museum of African American History Total 1 2 3 POB Africa 3 0 0 3 Caribbean 10 1 0 11 Florida 40 3 1 44 Other US 9 1 0 10 Total 62 5 1 68 POB museum24 Cross tabulation This small community center was originally ca lled the Beatrice Russell Center, named for its dynamic founder. This legacy is continued in the re-opening and re-naming of the museum in a new historic building. Ms. Russells daughter has picked up the baton. Although this museum has not been recognized by many of the participants in this st udy, it has been a dynamic force for this small town of Punta Gorda through its outreach programs.

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106 Table 4-31. African Heritage Cultural Arts Center museum25-African Heritage Cultural Arts Center Total 1 2 3 4 5 POB Africa 2 0 0 0 1 3 Caribbean 8 2 1 0 0 11 Florida 32 8 1 3 0 44 Other US 6 2 0 1 1 10 Total 48 12 2 4 2 68 POB museum25 Cross tabulation This Miami facility has become the heart of the Black community through its vibrant programs. Well-recognized by 12 study participants, it has also been visited once by two and multiple times by four participants. It is also remembered by two participantsAfrica and Other USas a place they were taken to as a ch ild with parents or on a school trip. Table 4-32. Black Heritage Museum-Miami museum26-Black Heritage Museum Total 1 2 3 4 5 POB Africa 2 0 0 0 1 3 Caribbean 7 3 0 1 0 11 Florida 32 6 3 2 1 44 Other US 5 3 0 1 1 10 Total 46 12 3 4 3 68 POB museum26 Cross tabulation This museum has been doing phenomenal work in the Miami area for 20 years. It has been housed in the Miracle Mall and th e founders home and several other venues over the years but has not found a permanent site in Miami. Pris cilla Kruize, founder and executive director, has not let that stop her. While still waiting to ge t that one permanent space in Miami, she has successfully collaborated with the DuBois Center for Pan African Studies in Accra, Ghana for a permanent facility. The opening of the new s ite for the Black Heritage Museum will be coordinated with other 50th Anniversary of Independence cele brations going on throughout the country in 2007. The establishment of this museum in Ghana marks two milestones in relationships with respect to Africans in the homel and and Africans in the Diaspora. First, it is

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107 the first time in Ghanas history that museum funds have been provided by the government for an African American museum, and second, it is the first African American museum to be established in Ghana. This museum was recognized by 12 of the study participants. Single visits were cited by three participants, and multiple visits were re ported by four participants. There were three participants who reported they ha d visited this museum as a child with parents or with a school group, making this one of two museums in the study to have participants at all levels on the FBMS. In Falks study (1993) of Af rican American leisure decisi ons, he found limited evidence that childhood family visits to museums influen ced adult museum-going. In his sample of 333 individuals, this was a rare occurrence among Af rican American familiesless than 1%. Only 2 individuals volunteered that muse um-going was a regular and important part of their childhood; it is suggestive that both of these individuals became regular museumgoers as adults. (Falk 1993:69) Although this study is using a much smaller sample (68) there were 3 participants who indicated childhood visits to this museum. It is difficult to determine at this time what long term effects exposure to Black museum-going has on co mmunity members since no formal studies are available. Falks study was done on African Americ an attendance at mainstream museums. This museum would be interesting to do further study given the results of this small sample. Table 4-33. Black Archives & Research Foundation musuem27-Black Archives& Research Foundation Total 1 2 3 4 5 POB Africa 3 0 0 0 0 3 Caribbean 8 2 1 0 0 11 Florida 37 5 0 1 1 44 Other US 9 0 0 1 0 10 Total 57 7 1 2 1 68 POB musuem27 Cross tabulation

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108 The Archive is a premier facility for the study of Black Miami and the African Diaspora. It was recognized by seven of the participants which is in fact a very good representation for this type of facility. Generally archiv es are not leisure destinations (s ometimes they are if they are also facilities where permanent e xhibition areas are available for pa trons to peruse or have areas for community programs); the ar chive is generally the domain of the researcher. This museum has been exceptional facility for research on Flor ida Black history and culture. This may account for the participants in this study visiting on severa l levels. The Black Archives is very active in developing the historic Black di strict of Overtown into a cultural entertainment district (Appendix D). This is one of the earliest cultural institutions in Miami that continues today to be a vital resource. Table 4-34. Historic Virginia Key Beach museum28-Historic Virginia Key Beach Total 1 2 3 4 POB Africa 3 0 0 0 3 Caribbean 10 1 0 0 11 Florida 38 3 2 1 44 Other US 8 1 0 1 10 Total 59 5 2 2 68 POB museum28 Cross tabulation This facility is still in the development st ages and working hard with community members in Miami to preserve this historic landmark. It is interesting to see the levels of participation from this study. Although they are very new to th e area, they work to build coalitions with community members. Table 4-35. Haitian Heritage Museum museum29-Haitian Heritage Museum Total 1 2 3 4 POB Africa 2 1 0 0 3 Caribbean 9 2 0 0 11 Florida 36 7 1 0 44 Other US 9 0 0 1 10 Total 56 10 1 1 68 POB museum29 Cross tabulation

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109 This museum has been operating as a traveli ng museum for the past four years and is officially due to open its permanent facility at the end of 2007. It is begi nning to be recognized. Ten participants in this study ha ve heard of it and one person ha s actually visited and one person has had repeat visits. Additional information about this museum in the case studies later in this chapter. Table 4-36. Williams Academy Black History Museum museum30-Williams Academy Black History Museum Total 1 2 POB Africa 0 3 0 3 Caribbean 0 9 2 11 Florida 1 40 3 44 Other US 0 10 0 10 Total 1 62 5 68 POB museum30 Cross tabulation This museum located in Ft. Myers has not been recognized by most of the study participants, and only five people indicat ed that they had heard of it. Table 4-37. Family Heritage House museum31-Family Heritage House Total 1 2 5 POB Africa 3 0 0 3 Caribbean 10 1 0 11 Florida 38 5 1 44 Other US 10 0 0 10 Total 61 6 1 68 POB museum31 Cross tabulation This museum located on the campus of Mana tee Community College in Bradenton started out in a trailer working with Head Start. This might account for the one pa rticipant who indicated they had visited as a child with parent or school group. Although not highly recognized by study participants, this museum has an excellent reputation among the members of the Bradenton community. This museum located in the Bahamas Village ar ea of Key West primarily targets the tourist market. Although its recognized by only six of the study participants, it is interesting to see that

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110 Table 4-38. African Bahamian Museum Key West museum32-Lofton B. Sands Home-African Bahamian Museum Total 1 2 3 POB Africa 3 0 0 3 Caribbean 9 1 1 11 Florida 39 4 1 44 Other US 9 1 0 10 Total 60 6 2 68 POB museum32 Cross tabulation two participants have actually visited this muse um. When I visited this museum and interviewed the director, I was very impressed by their effo rts to get young people involved in the museum. One of the major difficulties is that educators have not become involved. The director suspects this lack of involvement may be because of the West African Yoruba trad itional practices that have been a central focus of the museum coll ection and programming. Howe ver, educators have taken advantage of the exhibition and educationa l programs that tell the story of the Bahamian community history in Key West. Table 4-39. Spady Museum museum33-The Spady Museum Total 1 2 4 POB Africa 3 0 0 3 Caribbean 10 0 1 11 Florida 42 2 0 44 US 10 0 0 10 Total 65 2 1 68 POB museum33 Cross tabulation Located in the small town of Delray Beach, th is museum is struggling to gain a tourist audience, but it has become an important center for community residents. When I visited this museum in December 2006, Kwanzaa programs were going on. I also saw plans for the expansion of the museum that included preserva tion of several buildings associated with the Black heritage history of the area. The Zora Neale Hurston House historic site is a part of its own heritage trail. Although this building is a site on the Black Herita ge Trail for the state of Florida, it is also a part of an effort

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111 to have a Dust Tracks Heritage that will celebra te the life and legacy of Florida (Eatonville native Zora Neale Hurston w hose autobiography was titled Dust Tracks on a Road ). Most participants in this study howev er recognized the Eat onville hometown of Hurston, rather than this site in the small Ft. Pierce comm unity, where she died and is now buried. Table 4-40. Zora Neale Hurston House museum34-Zora Neale Hurston House Total 1 2 3 POB Africa 3 0 0 3 Caribbean 9 2 0 11 Florida 37 6 1 44 US 9 0 1 10 Total 58 8 2 68 POB museum34 Cross tabulation Florida Black Museum Missions The next section of this chap ter will look at Floridas Black museum world from the point of view of the museums and the museum practitioners. It was important for this study to also see what the plans and mission of the museum determined for them to do with their institutions. This section is guided by a study done by Loukaitou-Side ris and Gordach in 2004 that analyzed ethnic museums comparatively with mainstream museums using the mission statements. According to Loukaitou-Sideris and Grodach (2004), historically, museums have been deeply involved in the formation and interpretation of identity and history. However, rather than serving as a democratic forum to debate and exch ange ideas on the representation of identity and history, the early museum functioned more as a civic templea space that authenticated and consecrated the values of the bourgeoisie and na tion state as an objective reality for all to emulate (Ames 1991, Bennett 1995). As temple, museum s served not only as repositories of elite culture and national heritage, but also as spaces that categorized cult ural differences along a hierarchy of race and class (Loukaitou-Sideris 2004:52).

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112 As public museums, these institutions were open to everyone, but their emphasis on the display of elite culture practically served to exclude a larg e segment of the pub lic. In this way, early public museums created their publics by providing a definitive space, the art museum, which was devoted to a specific activity, the cultivation of art appreciation as a mark of elite culture. Museum users were passive observers of displays and exhibits that were selected by museum board members who set the standard of taste. Moreover, museum exhibits largely served to naturalize hierarchies of cultural differences, visually distinguishing between the museums public and the other. Early public museums arranged objects along a sequence of progressive stages implying that since these objects were incr easingly more sophisticated and technical, so were the people w ho created them. Museum anthropol ogists and exhibition curators froze primitive cultures in the past, through th e construction of evolutionary narratives of humanity and constructed racial diffe rences through museum exhibitions. The state of Florida is ho me to literally hundreds of cultu ral institutions that pursue a diverse array of activities and agendas. Of these many institutions, I have identified 35 that operate as ethnic, specifically African American (Table 4-41). The classification of a museum as African American was based on the museums stated mission and practice to represent, exhibit, and interpret the history, art, and cu lture of African Descended Peoples. A careful examination of the mission, scope, and facilities of these 35 museums reveal that the perception of the Black museum as a homogen eous construct is a myth. Although all ethnic museums aspire to highlight and display elements of one or more ethni c cultures, they vary considerably in the ways they pe rceive their role in the commun ity, the city, or even the nation. These museum range extensively in size and faci lities as well. Some are modest institutions, occupying neighborhood storefronts, and struggling to survive. Others are well-established

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113 museums with considerable budgets and faciliti es. Black museum visitors also range from members of the local neighbor hood and surrounding community to a national and even global audience. Analysis of Museum Missions In an effort to understand the how the museums and communities could form positive relations, used the mission statement as a way to examine if any organizational barriers existed that would hinder positive relations. Once I was given the name of a museum and contact person I always asked if it would be possible for me to see the mission statement. I used LoukaitouSideris and Grodach study (2004) of mission, scope and roles of et hnic museums in Los Angeles, as a model. Analysis of key words in the missi on statement allowed me to understand the roles that the museums play within the communities they serve. Loukaitou-Sideris and Grodach found that these ro les are not mutually exclusive, as ethnic museums often aspire to or are drawn to play more than one role (2004:59). Fourteen of the 35 museums were categorized as Keepers of Ethnic Traditions based on key words in their mission such as discover, unc over, preserve, heritage, promote, perpetuate cultural diversity, and inspire. Keepers of their trad itions and heritage felt responsible to preserve, document, and keep alive that art, history, experience, and culture of their group (2004:61). Six of the museums had key words in their missions such as tell the story, understand, support research needs, serve suppo rt, and educate that reveals th at they are Advocate of Ethnic Culture. Advocates for their cultures promote, celebrate, and recognize a particular cultural heritage. Their goal is to instill pride in the memb ers of the ethnic group (2004:59). Nine of the 35 museums can be considered as Interpreters of the Culture. Key words in their mission such as inform, interpret, provide, a nd maintain revealed this goal. Interpreters of

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114 Table 4-41. Florida Black Museums Missions Analysis Institution Mission Analysis/Key Words North Florida 1 Ritz Theatre & LaVilla Museum Jacksonville/Duval To discover/uncover the lost chapters of the heritage of this African American community [LaVilla]; preserving where possible the physical elements of importance to our people. Discover, uncover, heritage, preserve Keeper of ethnic traditions 2 Kingsley Plantation Ft. George Island/Duval Symbolizes a time and place in history. 1817 restored house and out-buildings, including a restored slave cabin. Kingsley Plantation represents people, free and enslaved, ordinary and extraordinary, and their efforts to survive in a changing land. Symbolizes, represent Zone of contact 3 Sojourner Truth Library Museum Jacksonville/Duval To inform people about little known facts in the Blacks history Inform Interpreter of culture and history 4 Durkeeville Historical Museum Jacksonville/Duval To tell the story of this historic African American community and to use the history as one of the tools of the revitalization of the community as a whole. Also to foster an appreciation of the African American experience generally. Tell the story, revitalization Advocate of ethnic culture

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115 Table 4-41. Continued Institution Mission Analysis/Key Words North Florida 5 Bethel Baptist Institutional Church Jacksonville/Duval To tell the story of the church; for young people and members to understand the history of the church Tell the story, understand Advocate of ethnic culture 6 Eartha M. M White Museum/Clara White Mission Jacksonville/Duval To preserve both the humanity and heritage of our community through the provision of services, housing and training to the homeless and disadvantaged, and through the cultural and historical exploration of its service. Preserve, heritage Keeper of ethnic traditions 7 Julee Cottage Museum Pensacola/Escambia Home of Julee Paton a free woman of color, purchased in 1804. The cottage moved to historic village and is used today to interpret Black history. Interpret Black history Interpreter of culture and history 8 African American Heritage Center Pensacola/Escambia To preserve, promote, and perpetuate cultural diversity through partnership with public and private organizations. Its vision is to initiate, facilitate, and promote the concept and practice of African-American culture and cultural diversity toward the full development of individual, organizational and community life. Preserve, promote, perpetuate cultural diversity Keeper of ethnic traditions 9 John Riley House Tallahassee/Leon To preserve the historic John G. Riley House and the cultural and educational history of AfricanAmericans in Tallahassee and the State of Florida from the Reconstruction Era through the Civil Rights movement. Through research, exhibits, educational productions and publications, conferences, workshop s, and an oral history component, the significance of African American history as a vital part of Americas history is interpreted and presented. Preserve, interpret, present Keeper of ethnic traditions

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116 Table 4-41. Continued Institution Mission Analysis/Key Words 10 FAMU Black Archives Tallahassee/Leon To support the research needs of the students, faculty and staff of Florida A & M University Support research needs Advocate of ethnic culture 11 Mary Proctor American Folk Art Museum & Gallery Tallahassee/Leon Where kids and art comes first. My mission is to heal the brokenhearted with art and love. In art is healing and love Healing (properties of art) Zone of contact 12 Carver Hill Museum Crestview/Okaloosa Works to preserve the AfricanAmerican influence in the Crestview Area Preserve Keeper of ethnic traditions Central Florida 13 African American Cultural Center Palm Coast/Flagler Serve the community by providing classrooms, reference library, supports trips, Black studies groups, quilters group, steel band, annual Kwanzaa celebration Serve, support Advocate of ethnic culture 14 Dorothy Thompson African American Museum Clearwater/Pinellas Houses a collection of over 5,000 books by African American authors, over 3,000 records and tapes, and art, newspaper clippings and artifacts from the first 75 families of African descent who settled in Clearwater Houses collection Keeper of ethnic traditions 15 Zora Neale Hurston National Art Museum Eatonville/Orange To provide a place in the heart of the community, where the public can view the works of artists of African descent, who live on the continent and/or in the Diaspora. Provide viewing place (artwork) Keeper of ethnic traditions 16 WellsBuilt Museum of African American History & Culture Orlando/Orange The museum focuses on African American contributions to jazz and entertainment Focuses on contributions Keeper of ethnic traditions

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117 Table 4-41. Continued Institution Mission Analysis/Key Words 17 Carter G. Woodson Museum of African American History St. Petersburg/Pinellas To preserve, present, and interpret African American history and to engage a broad and diverse audience through these activities. To promote an understanding among various groups that make up the St. Petersburg community in order to enhance our ability as a society to respect and value diversity and foster equal rights and social justice Preserve, interpret, promote, understand, engage enhance Zone of contact 18 Harriette & Harry Moore Cultural Center Mims/Brevard Formed to enhance the development and operation of the Moore Memorial Park and Cultural Center through fund-raising, programmatic activities and physical improvements. Vision: To develop a national civil rights resource and tourist center incorporating the latest technology and information management systems. To form cooperative working relationships with academic, corporate and cultural institutions throughout the nation and the world to link the historical trail of the early civil rights pioneers and their effects on communities both large and small Enhance, develop, form cooperative working relationships, links Zone of contact 19 Mary McLeod Bethune House/BCC Campus Daytona Beach/Volusia I leave you finally, a responsibility to our people. The world around us really belongs to youth, for youth will take over its future management. Our children must never lose their zeal for building a better world. Responsibility Zone of contact

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118 Table 4-41. Continued. Institution Mission Analysis/Key Words 20 African American Museum of the Arts Deland/Volusia Dedicated to promoting multicultural artistic excellence and providing educational opportunities to all ages, in visual, literary and performing arts; while encouraging interaction with the community through on-site and out-reach exhibitions, presentations and historical research Promote, provide, educate, present Interpreter of culture and history 21 The Black Heritage Museum New Smyrna Beach/Volusia The museum is used to display a collection of memorabilia and artifacts used to educate citizens and students about the history and race relations in small town Florida. The information dates back to the early 1920s. It offers a glimpse of AfricanAmerican History centered around, but not restricted to, the heritage of African-Americans prior to and including that period. Display, collect, educate Interpreter of culture and history South Florida 22 Old Dillard High School Museum Ft. Lauderdale/Broward To promote awareness and understanding as a unique educational resource. To maintain the historical integrity of the building and contents of the Old Dillard Museum. To create and implement educational programs that emphasizes the artistic, cultural and historic legacy of people of African descent. To expand the permanent collection and to create replicable models and partnerships on a regional, national and international basis. Promote, understand, maintain, create, implement, educate Interpreter of culture and history

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119 Table 4-41. Continued Institution Mission Analysis/Key Words 23 African American Research Library & Cultural Arts Center Ft. Lauderdale/Broward Provides our community with the vast resources necessary to educate this generation and future generations about he rich and colorful African, African American and Caribbean heritages, cultures and histories. Provide, educate Interpreter of culture and history 24 Blanchard House Museum of African American History Punta Gorda/Charlotte Dedicated to educating the public on the preservation of the African American culture Dedicated, educate, preserve Interpreter of culture and history 25 African Heritage Cultural Arts Center Miami/Miami-Dade An educational center and a performance and visual facility which provides classes for children and teens in performing, visual and media arts; develops its own resident companies; and supports arts organizations. The After School Arts Academy, the Saturday Creative Arts Workshops, and various seasonal classes offer many varieties of dance, music, drama, arts and crafts, graphic arts, band, and more. Educate, provide, support Advocate of ethnic culture 26 Black Heritage Museum Miami/Miami-Dade To promote racial harmony among the many cultural groups in Dade County. Through increased awareness and understanding, interracial tension and conflict can be replaced by cross-cultural enrichment and innovation. We provide the community with a positive look at Black Heritage through our many exhibits, talks, and literature Promote, awareness, understanding, provide Interpreter of culture and history 27 Historic Virginia Key Beach Miami/Miami-Dade Dedicated to chronicling south Floridas civil rights struggle Dedicated, chronicling Interpreter of culture and history 28 Haitian Heritage Miami/Miami-Dade Committed to highlighting and preserving Haitis rich culture and heritage locally, nationally and internationally. Our goal is to provide a cultural Mecca for Little Haiti where individuals outside of our community and within our community boundaries can come to enjoy beautiful Haitian art, historic artifacts, ethnic sounds of Haitian music, view Haitian films and enjoy a collection of Haitian Literary works. Committed, highlight, preserve, provide Keeper of ethnic traditions

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120 Table 4-41. Continued Institution Mission Analysis/Key Words 29 Black Archives & Research Foundation Miami/Miami-Dade Collecting and preserving the history and culture of Black people in Miami-Dade county from 1896 to the present Collecting, preserve Keeper of ethnic traditions 30 National Medical Museum Miami/Miami-Dade To showcase the contributions of Black health care pioneers via a variety of exhibits and programs. Partnerships with educational institutions, professional association and individual health care professionals will allow access to a rotating collection of display materials. Showcase, contributions, educate Interpreter of culture and history 31 Williams Academy Black History Museum Ft. Myers/Lee The center's aim is to preserve and commemorate cultural and educational contributions made by both locally and nationally known Black people Preserve, contributions Keeper of ethnic traditions 32 Family Heritage House Bradenton/Manatee To inspire children to have a respect for their ancestors, a love for learning, and a passion for service. Further, to strengthen Black families and empower them to maintain historical bonds of kinship; to assist in the promulgation of the culture for the benefit of the general population. Inspire, strengthen, empower, maintain Keeper of ethnic traditions 33 Lofton B. Sands Home African Bahamian Museum Key West/Monroe Preserving communities for future generations Preserve Keeper of ethnic traditions 34 The Spady Museum Delray Beach/Palm Beach Dedicated to communicating the rich history and cultural diversity of Delray Beach and South Palm Beach County. Dedicated, communicating Advocate of ethnic culture 35 Zora Neale Hurston House Ft. Pierce/St. Lucie Part of a heritage trail in honor of Zora Neale Hurston. A project to chronically represent Ms. Hurstons impact on St. Lucie County. The second link in a chain for a statewide trail to honor Zora Neal Hurston Chronicle, represent, heritage Keeper of ethnic traditions

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121 Table 4-42. Distribution of Florida Black Museums Section of State County No. Black Museums Total Museums North Duval 6 Escambia 2 Leon 3 Okaloosa 1 North Total 4 12 Central Flagler 1 Hillsborough 1 Brevard 1 Orange 2 Pinellas 1 Volusia 3 Central -Total 6 9 South Broward 2 Charlotte 1 Dade (Miami Dade) 6 Lee 1 Manatee 1 Monroe 1 Palm Beach 1 St. Lucie 1 South Total 8 14 All Counties Total museums 18 35 Total number counties in Florida = 67. Total number counties wi th Black Museums =18. Tota l number museums all counties =35

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122 the specific culture and history sought to inform and educate a larger public about the culture, develop its awareness about matters of ethnic heritage and history, and interpret and translate the culture and history to outsiders (2004:59). Five of the 35 museums are considered Z ones of Contact. Key words in their mission statements are symbolize, represent, engage enhance, develop, form, responsibility, and understand. The mission statements of many ethnic muse ums reveal that they perceive their role as zones of contact that shar e and exchange information about their own culture and other cultures, bridge divers e publics, and develop an understa nding between cultures (2004:60). The following section of this chapter will show the distribution of the thirty-five Black museums in this study, with Florida maps s howing where museums are located within the regions of North, Central and South Florida. Alon g with the maps showing the location of Black museums throughout the state, the museums will also be diagrammed by the diversity of types of museums. Following that discussion, will be the two case-study museums. The case studies are an important way to show the development of new types of ethnic museum spaces and how they intend to meet the needs of their community memb ers. This chapter ends with a brief discussion of the historical overview of communities wh ere Black museums have been found. A charted historical overview can be found in Appendix G. Distribution of Florida Black Museums There were thirty-five museums distributed th roughout the sixty-seven counties in Florida. Black museums were found in eighteen Florida counties (Table 4-42). The thirty-five Black museums documented in Fl orida and used in part for the survey and interviews are described in Appendix D. The museums are described by regions (Figure 4-1 map). North Florida museums in Duval, Escambia, and Leon Counties, the museums in North Florida are as follows:

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123 Ritz Theatre and LaVilla Museum in Jacksonville Kingsley Plantation Ft. George Island-Jacksonville Sojourner Truth Traveling Museum-Jacksonville Durkeeville Historical So ciety Museum-Jacksonville Bethel Baptist Institutional Church-Jacksonville Eartha M. M. White Museum at the Clara White Mission-Jacksonville Julee Cottage Museum-Pensacola African American Heritage Society Center-Pensacola John Riley House-Tallahassee Black Archives at FAMU-Tallahassee American Folk Art Museum and Gallery-Tallahassee Carver-Hill Museum-Crestview Figure 4-1. Map Black museums in North Florida

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124 In Central Florida (Figure 4-2, map), there are nine museums included in the study which are as follows: African American Cultural CenterPalm Coast Dorothy Thompson African American Museum-Clearwater Zora Neale Hurston National Fine Arts Museum-Eatonville WellsBuilt Museum of African Amer ican History and Culture-Orlando Carter G. Woodson Museum of African American History-St. Petersburg Harriette & Harry Moore Cultural CenterMims Mary McLeod Bethune House Bethune -Cookman College-Daytona Beach African American Museum of the Arts-DeLand Black Heritage Museum-New Smyrna Beach Figure 4-2. Map Black mu seums Central Florida

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125 In South Florida (Figure 4-3 map) there are 14 museums as follow: Old Dillard High School MuseumFt. Lauderdale African American Research Library a nd Cultural Arts Center-Ft. Lauderdale Blanchard House Museum of African American History-Punta Gorda African Heritage Cultural Arts Center-Miami Black Heritage Museum-Miami Historic Virginia Key Beach-Miami Haitian Heritage Museum-Miami Black Archives Research Foundation-Miami National Medical Museum-Miami Williams Academy Black History Museum-Ft. Myers Family Heritage House-Bradenton Sands Home/African Bahamian Museum-Key West Spady Cultural Heritage Museum-Delray Beach Zora Neale Hurston House-Ft. Pierce Figure 4-3. Map Black mu seums South Florida

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126 What was most revealing about the museums fo und in Florida is the diversity of types of museums available. Many of the participants clearly understood Black museums to be one of two or three types. They were either, histor y, art or possibly culture This study found sixteen types of Black museums here in th e state of Florida (Figure 4-4). Florida Black Museums by Type History-Medical 3% History, Performing Arts 3% History, Civil Rights, Culture 3% History& Culture 16% History 14% Historical Society 3% Historic Site 6% Historic House 13% Folk Art 3% Cultural Arts Center 9% Art-Ethnic 3% Art, Performing Arts 3% Art, Culture, History 3% Archive 9% Anthropology, Art, History 6% History-Mission 3% Anthropology, Art, History Archive Art, Culture, History Art, Performing Arts Art-Ethnic Cultural Arts Center Folk Art Historic House Historic Site Historical Society History History& Culture History, Civil Rights, Culture History, Performing Arts History-Medical History-Mission Count of Type Type Figure 4-4. Florida Black Museums by Type Case Studies The case study is an important element to th e qualitative study. As Becker (1970) explains, it attempts to come to a comprehensive understa nding of the groups being studied. Perhaps most important to this as well as other qualitative studies, the ca se study allows us to make generalizations from a small sample to the larger society. In other words, the statements that are presented are suggestions to pose questions.

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127 Case study one: Haitian Heritage Museum (HHM) The surge of ethnic specific museums and cu ltural centers has gained momentum in Florida since the 1970s. These museums are keepi ng pace with this trend throughout the country. Almost every state has a museum dedicated to et hnic cultural groups. With all of the energy and enthusiasm that accompanies these museums development, the Haitian Heritage Museum in Miami responded to the lack of any museum dedicat ed solely to Haitian Heritage in the country and specifically in Florida, which has one of th e largest populations of Haitian descendants in recent times. History and mission statement The Haitian Heritage Museum (HHM) was in spired by the need to link all Haitian Americans in the Diaspora together. HHM will se rve as a catalyst for urban revitalization and will inspire community development and participa tion in Little Haiti. The development will foster the new emerging identity of Little Hai ti, which will promote economic growth and urban vitality. This platform wi ll continue to enlighten and enrich South Floridas rich dynamics of cultural diversity in the arts. Staffing, volunteers, and governance The idea for the Haitian Heritage Museum (HHM) came to Eveline Pierre because Haitians are tired of other peopl e telling our story, she said. She approached Serge Rodriquez to become the vice president of HHM and take ch arge of architecture and site development. The duo thought Miami was perfect for a museum because it would unify the Diaspora of Little Haiti in this country. It would be an opportunity to celebrate art, li terature and ideas in their own forum.

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128 The Haitian Heritage Museum is governed thr ough a board of trustees as a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization. The by-laws, according to Pie rre and Rodriquez, require that a significant portion of the board is of Haitian descent. Pierre and Rodriquez are both Haitian. Figure 4-5. Advertisement/Postcard HHM Collections, exhibits and educational programming The collection contains a wide variety of items, primarily of cultural artifacts, paintings, photographs and documents highlighting the hist ory and culture of Haitian peoples throughout the Diaspora. The collections have definitely shaped the exhibits and educational programming

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129 that has been the initial thrust for the museum s as they develop the bui lding. Items from the collections are used as a part of traveling museum programs. Ayiti Expos (teaching Haitian heritage through the arts) The Haitian Heritage Museum took its program Ayiti Expos (Haiti Exposed) The Richness of Haiti to Brownsville Middle Schoo l November 2005 (Figure 4-5). The program is designed to teach Haitian history through the ar ts in Miami-Dade County schools, providing students with appreciation and understanding of the contributions of Haitians and Haitian Americans to the arts world. Museum staff, volunteers, and artists take part in a series of lectures and presentations in the schools through April an d then will take the exhibition to the Dade County Youth Fair. The goal is to provide a cultural place for Little Haiti where people can go to view Haitian art, historic artifacts, Haitian films, enjoy a collection of Haitian literary works, and listen to Haitian music. Collaboration According to Museum Magnet School Partner (William Jennings Bryan Elementary School Magical Explorations Museum Magnet School Project): although the museum does not have a permanen t location at this time, the museum staff will provide hands-on presentations of artifacts, dress, and customs of Haitian culture and the significance of the Haitian roots in a classroom based demons tration/question and answer session. Since the bulk of our minority students are of Haitian descent, this experience ties together the curriculum stra nds and the students culture and background. Also, students at North Miami Middle School will participate in seminars through the virtual library focusing on Haitian history from 1804 to th e present, as well as Haitian Heroes. This series culminates in a visit from a Haitian American speaker. Quarte rly, docent visits of representatives from local galleries will be sc heduled to the school si te for question/answer sessions. HHM will provide opportunities for par ticipation in the Art Journey Program to become familiar with Haitian artwork and arch itecture as well as application by constructing

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130 their own artwork reflecting the genre of study. Lastly, HHM will facilita te a Sister Classroom program engaging students in multimedia communi cations with students in Haiti that will result in a digitally produced document achieved at th e school site and the re spective museum partner locations. Challenges and the future It seems while other areas have undergone gentri fication, little Haiti lags It has waited two years for progress on the Little Ha iti Park Project ($24 million Park that has yet to be completed) and the renovation of architect Charles Pawleys Caribbean Marketplace located at 5925 17 NE 2nd Avenue. In addition, since it is located in an area stigmatized by a poor education system and high crime rate, the Haitian Herita ge Museum may just give this area an opportunity to regain and recreate its identity. Case study two: Chiumba Ensemble, inc. Chiumba Cultural Arts Center The state of Florida has a di verse population of African Descended Peoples. Florida attracts with its landscapes, warm climate, music, ar t, history, and museums. It is no surprise that the city of Gainesville, which has the distinction of having the largest ethnographic collection in the Southeast in its Florida Museum of Natural History, has yet to have a museum and cultural center devoted to Peoples of African Descent would now have such museums being developed. There are three museums efforts in Alachua Count y that I became aware while doing this study: Ayoka Gifts, The Cotton Club Museum, and the Black Atlantic Museum of History, Art & Culture (BAMOHAC, Inc.). All three of thes e museums-to-be are in various stages of development. However, a newcomer to Gainesvill e, with an impressive track record of arts administration is Queenchiku Ngozi who is active in the arts and in the planning stages of turning the Chiumba Ensemble, Inc. into someth ing more permanent, The Chiumba Cultural Arts Center.

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131 History and mission statement Chiumba Ensemble, Inc. is committed to improving, enriching and educating both young and old of Florida. CEI was founded and incorpor ated by Executive director/Artist, Queenchiku Ngozi. CEI was originally born in 1984 as an in-house African dance th eater touring company under the Dade County Park & Recreation Dept. Facilitated by the Afri can Heritage Cultural Arts Center, Miami, FL., programs include vari ous ethnic dance styles, music, visual arts, theatre, film, stage productions, co nsultations, technical assistance, in-school cultural classes, after-school cultural arts classes, curating, and exhibitions, an d other cultural, educational, and artistic events that build cultural diversity and preserve African Diaspora traditions. our mission is to divert, develop, provide, strengthen, promote and preserve the true meanings of arts education and culture and make it accessible for all walks of lifeboth young and old. Over 15 years, CEI has annuall y produced performances and youth arts & culture programs such as Arts Showcase, l earning about our culture through art. Asowano youths HIV/Aids Arts case, African Dance Concerts, Kwa nzaa Celebration, and Afrik Nutcracker Ballet. We also participated in Around the World Fair, Cornucopia for the Arts, Federal prison Black History, exhibits and many other events in Miami-Dade, Broward and Monroe County and now Alachua County, Florida.(Queenchiku 2006) Staffing, volunteers, and governance Current staff includes Founder/Director Qu eenchiku Ngozi and two volunteer Cultural Arts Education Specialists. There has always been support from volunteers. During the early years, Chiumba Ensemble, Inc. established a core of dedicated friends who still provide volunteers and spread the word about the educational programs, workshops, and performances to the community. At the time of my interviews and observations, I have seen a core of about 20 volunteers actively preparing for numerous proj ects such as the Yoruba Language workshop, the Kaleidoscope Festival, and community arts. As pa rt of the museum/cultural center development efforts, Ngozi is in the process of establishing an Advisory Board which would assist in program planning, exhibits, and fundraisers The Advisory Board will be completely separate from the

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132 Chiumba Ensemble and Cultural Center, which is currently governed by a not-for-profit 501(c)(3) Board of Trustees. Figure 4-6. Queenchiku Nogozis Chiumba Ensemb le performers at curated show Thomas Center, Gainesville, Alachua County; Photo Credit CEI) Collections, exhibits and educational programming Queenchiku Ngozi produces the Multi-Cultural Arts Directory for Chiumba Ensemble in Gainesville. The Directory is a comprehensive guide on the City of Gainesvilles various cultures, artists, groups, troupes, organizations and resources. The Saturday Arts Program includes dance, drama, music and visual arts fo r ages 6 and up offered at Porters Community Center. The Saturday Arts Programs are free to th e public. Journey to the African Diaspora is an in-school culture workshop projec t including music, dance, langua ge, history, songs, storytelling and poetry (Figure 4-6). Kaleidosco pe Festival, a Multi-Cultural Arts Festival, is a free event

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133 CEI produces that features several artists, perf ormers, and vendors from many different cultures, each celebrating their uniqueness. The Gainesville Boys and Girls Club has been the host facility for the African Dance and Drumming Workshop in the Marketplace: The African Diaspora Meets. The Yoruba language workshop provide s various African dances, African items and clothes available for participants who are intr oduced to Yoruba language and music. Another successful program that will definitely be a mainstay is Concerned Womens Day featuring African cooking, African arts and fashion, disc ussion on women of color, culture, religion, and children, as well as innovative spir itual movements and storytelling. Collaboration While in South Florida, CEI developed part nerships with the Miami-Dade Community College EEC (Liberty City) for afterschool a nd in-school cultural pr ograms and community centers. In 2002-2003, the founder an d Executive Director moved to Gainesville and reactivated the organization. Since then, CEI has developed a collaborative partnership with the City of Gainesville Parks, Recreations and Cultural Affair s Dept., to provide cultural courses, events, and Saturday Arts programs and has worked wi th Girls and Boys Clubs of Alachua County, Santa Fe Community College, and other cultural arts organizati ons as well. CEI now serves communities that are arts and culture disa dvantaged with no visual arts program. CEI serves as a catalyst for the arts by id entifying needs and opportunities for the arts through meetings with local agencies. CEI provide s professional instructors through volunteers or affordable rates from professi onal artists, Santa Fe Community College, University of Florida and Cultural Affairs. Challenges and the future The future Chiumba Cultural Arts Center a nd museum has a lot on the drawing board. The ensemble as begun to make its mark in Alachua County by stepping up to the plate and providing

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134 programs that will become a mainstay for lo cal residents. Finding a building to house the organization is a major challenge, as stated by founder Queenchiku that one of CEI major project is a Cultural Ar ts Center in Gainesville, FL which will provide a hub for people celeb rating and experiencing the on -going contributions of the multi-cultures that assimilated on the American soil, through various disciplines of the arts and cultures. Fostering mutual understa nding and appreciation r ooted in the morals, values, and ideologies that drive the evolut ion of dynamic culture a worldwide is very important to us. (Queenchiku 2006) Historical Overview of Florida Black Communities To better understand how museum s, participants, and non-partic ipants engage each other, we must deal with the history of the comm unities that the museums serve (Appendix-G). Knowing relevant history allows us to foster more dynamic relationship between museums and potential patrons. In the Florida Negro: A Federal Writers Project Legacy Gary McDonoghs discussion of Eatonville and Pensacola as unusua l Negro communities in the State that deserve special notice provides a description of these tw o communities historically that reflects how the Black museums in these communities address cult ural identity, maintaining Black culture, and museum knowledge and participation Mc Donogh describes Eatonville and Pensacola as Eatonville has the distinction of being the onl y town in the state completely owned and governed by the Negroes. It was incorpor ated August 8, 1889. Although only a ghost of its former self and never boasting a population of more than 600 at the peak of its existence, this small community has continued through the years to adhere to its regular routine of self government as provided for in its original charter. (McDonogh 1993:88) Pensacola presents a situation found in few, if any, other Florida communities. Instead of a White section, a Colored section, a Jewish section, and so forth, there are no sharp dividing lines at all; in the sections predominately White, there are usually a number of Negro homes, and in the Negro sections are found many White families living in complete harmony with their neighbors. (McDonogh 1993:89) Further explanation by McDonogh is that the resi dents attribute the Pe nsacola situation to cooperative relationships developi ng between the races long before the last vestiges of slavery were gone, and that survived even the dark da ys of Reconstruction. Therefore, Pensacola

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135 residents didnt have the carpetb aggers, scalawags, and others th at were successfully straining the relations between the races in nearly ever y other city. Another important distinction to Pensacola McDonogh points out is that while both races have their churches it is not uncommon to find a generously interracial c ongregation in many of them. This is particularly true of the Catholic churches (1993:89). See Appendix G for historical description of other communities. Discussion Even though it was difficult to find all th ese museums and do the fieldwork, it was essential to understand that Florida is in a uniqu e position because of the significant presence of the Black museums. It illustrates the need to st udy museums state by state and to use a method to look at museums and mission statements to see how they are fulfilling thei r role in maintaining culture. There is a way to look at these museums and these efforts help us to begin to define Black museums on their own terms. In addition, the interv iew process allows us to see i ndividual variance within the Black community and the ways Black museums are pe rceived by individuals who self-identify as African American. Also, the FBMS reveals space s that people may not recognize as museums, but are in fact museums. The case studies illust rate what new efforts are being made to think about potential patrons. They allow us to s ee the methods used to incorporate diverse communities. Finally, looking at the muse ums within a historical cont ext allows us to see how museums can target their communities and better serve their constituency. This is especially important in a state that is composed of a la rge transplant population. The communitys history must be made relevant to resident s who may not feel connected to it.

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136 CHAPTER 5 ACCULTURATION AND SCALE ANALYSIS Introduction Discussion of the selection of participan ts and the use of th e African American Acculturation Scale II developed by Hope Landrin e and Elizabeth Klonoff (1994) is the focus of this chapter. The scale was used to collect data that would allow me to see if patterns existed between acculturation and partic ipation in Black museums. On Landrine and Klonoffs scale, acculturation indicates movement toward wh ite norms while traditional means greater appreciation for African American culture. Therefor e, using the scale, I may be able to predict that and individual with higher scores (traditional) will be more likely to visit Black museums. Method Participants Sixty-eight African American adults (36 males, 32 females) completed a questionnaire consisting of the African American Accultura tion Scale (AAAS) and demographic questions. The African American participan ts ages ranged from 16 66 years (mean = 26.18). Participants were categorized by age groups as follows: 16-19 years (15); 20-29 years (37); 30-39 years (5); 40-49 years (7); 50-59 year s (2) and 60-69 years (2). Although all participan ts self-reported that they were Floridians, not all were born in Florid a. The majority of participants were born in Florida (63.2%), others self-reported POB (place of birth) as outside of Florida. The following categories were used to further describe part icipant population: Other U. S., Caribbean, and Africa. Their data were included to evaluate the group difference validity (diversity within Black populations).

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137 Procedure African Americans were approach ed and asked to participate in a structured interview in which they would be completing the African Am erican Acculturation Survey 33 (Short Form) on African American attitudes and be liefs, as well as a short survey on Black museums in Florida. The current sample consisted of younger (mean age 26.18) adults who were primarily college students (31 of the 68 African Am erican participants, or 45.6% co llege students). This chapter addresses the AAAS-33. Instruments The AAAS II consists of 33 items (statements). Participants indicate their agreement with these items on scales ranging from 1 (totally disagree) to 7 (totally agree). Higher scores (higher agreement with the statement) indicate a more tr aditional cultural orient ation, and lower scores indicate a more acculturated cultural orientation (Landrine and Klonoff 1994). Reliability of the AAAS-33 Landrine and Klonoff tested the extent to wh ich scores on the shor t form of the scale correlated with scores on the original ve rsion. The correlation was r =.94 (p=.00001). This suggests that this brief form of the African Amer ican Acculturation Scale may be as sensitive to the variance among subjects as the long form, and th ereby is a viable alternative. A correlation between scores on the 16 even-numbered and the 17 odd-numbered items was computed and yielded a split-half reliability of .78 (p=.0005). A lthough this splithalf reli ability correlation is lower than that found for the standardization samp le (r=.93), that difference is unlikely to be meaningful. This is because reliab ility coefficients are, to a larg e extent, a function of the length of the test, the longer the test the higher the reliability, (Nun nally and Bernstein 1994). The reliability coefficient of the AAAS-33 may be lo wer than that of the AAAS simply because the former has 41 fewer items than the latter (Landrine and Klonoff 1994).

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138 Validity of the AAAS-33 According to Landrine and Klonoff, data on the concurrent validit y of the AAAS-33 are based on this reasoning: If the AAAS-33 measur es African American enculturation (degrees of immersion in African American culture), then Af rican Americans who are exposed to the culture regularly and frequently (those who live in Black neighborhoods) shoul d score higher on the scale than African Americans who are exposed to the culture less often (those who live in White and integrated neighborhoods). Thus, African Ameri can subjects were asked to indicate POB and if they lived in or have lived in predominantly Black neighborhoods. Because of the diversity of the participants, they were divided into the groups according to POB as opposed to neighborhoods. I argue that using a procedure that was originally designed to look at personality and identity has clear weaknesses. The instru ment was not designed to measure acculturation and museum-going neither are th e scale items developed to a ccount for African Descended People who are not US born. I am also awar e that many of the items have geographic and historical dimensions that might skew the data. My position is that this is a good tool to start looking at acculturation in relationship to ethnic identity and museum-going. Relationship of AAAS-33 Scores to Demographics The relationship between scores on the AAAS-33 and POB demographics for all participants reveals that most of them scored in the bicultural categories. All of the African participants scored in the bicult ural slightly traditi onal category. This category is also where the largest representation of the Circum Caribb ean participants scored. There werent any participants whose scored placed them in the acc ulturated category. There were six participants who scores placed them in the tr aditional end of the scale. Th ese participants were born in Florida and other parts of the U. S. Later is additional discussion of the scores. These findings are summarized in Table 5-1.

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139 Table 5-1. AAAS-33 Scores by Demographics POB POB Scores 30-60 (A) Scores 61-90 (MA) Scores 91-120 (BI-SA) Scores 121-150 (BI-ST) Scores 151-180 (MT) Scores 181-210 (T) Africa 0 0 0 3 0 0 Caribbean 0 0 3 6 2 0 Florida 0 0 10 15 14 5 Other US 0 2 1 4 2 1 Totals 0 2 14 28 18 6 A= Acculturated MA= Mostly Acculturated BI-SA= Bicultural Slightly Acculturated BI-ST= Bicultural Slightly Traditional MT= Mostly Traditional T=Traditional Using the African American A cculturation Scale (AAAS-33) Theoretical Basis of Items Acculturation scales for other ethnic groups typically assess many different aspects or dimensions of the culture in question. Landrin e modeled the African Am erican Acculturation Scale (AAAS) after those scales constructing items to assess a di versity of aspects of African American culture. Of the many aspects of a culture that could be included in any acculturation scale, Landrine selected the te n factor dimensions described be low, after a careful examination of the empirical evidence on African American culture. Items assessing each dimension were structured so that higher scores (high agreemen t with the item) indicated a more traditional cultural orientation and lower scores (low agreement with the ite m) indicated a more acculturated cultural orientation. Factor 1: Preference for things African American (6 items) The items here were meant to assess pref erences for African American music, radio stations, TV programs, and for people. Theore tically, traditional African Americans (like the traditional members of any other ethnic minority group) should show more of a preference for

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140 their own cultures music, newspapers, arts, and people than acculturated African Americans. So, the former should score higher than the latter. 1. Most of the music I listen to is by Black artists. 2. I like Black music more than white music. 3. The person I admire most is Black. 4. I listen to Black radio stations. 5. I try to watch all the Black shows on TV. 6. Most of my friends are Black. Factor 2: Religious beliefs and practices (6 items) Several items written for the scale assessed the deep spirituality that permeated all aspects of African life (Nobles 1980). This spirituality persisted among the slaves despite attempts of slave masters to destroy it (Nobl es 1980), and remains a major aspect of African American personality, culture, and commun ity (McAdoo 1981; Pipes 1981). Such spirituality may entail extensive involvement in an Afri can American church (Frazier 1963) or it may be reflected in deep convictions, rather than church attendance. 7. I believe in the Holy Ghost. 8. I believe in heaven and hell. 9. I like gospel music. 10. I am currently a member of a Black church. 11. Prayer can cure disease. 12. The church is the heart of the Black community. Factor 3: Preparation and consumptio n of t raditional foods (4 items) Theoretically, traditional African Americans are more likely than acculturated ones to consume and prepare traditional cultural foods. More acculturated African Americans, like European Americans, are theoretically unlikely to eat such foods. 13. I know how to cook chitlins. 14. I eat chitlins once in a while. 15. Sometimes, I cook ham hocks. 16. I know how long youre supposed to cook collard greens.

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141 Factor 4: Traditional African American childhood socialization (3 items) The items here were meant to assess the most common experiences of African American children, growing up in an African American community. Traditional African Americans, theoretically, are more likely to have grown up in an Af rican American neighborhood (enclave) than acculturated African Americans, who are more like European Americans, and may have grown up in integrated or white neighborhoods. If a participant in more acculturated, it is less likely that they have participated in typical African American childre ns games and activities. 17. I went to a mostly Black elementary school. 18. I grew up in a mostly Black neighborhood. 19. I went (or go) to a mostly Black high school. Factor 5: Superstitions (3 items) These items were meant to assess old supers titious beliefs that many African Americans were taught by their grandparents and whose historical origins a ppear to be ancient (former) cultural practices. Though not directly tied to formal religious experiences, belief in superstitions highlight traditional African beliefs. 20. I avoid splitting a pole. 21. When the palm of your hand itche s, youll receive some money. 22. Theres some truth to many old superstitions. Factor 6: Interracial attitudes/cultural mistrust (3 items) Items here were designed to assess attit udes, about European Americans and their institutions that are somewhat common among Af rican Americans. Such attitudes have been assessed empirically in previous studies, where they were called cultural mistrust (Terrell and Terrell 1981).

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142 As previously, higher scores (greater agr eement with) these items indicates a more traditional cultural orientation. Theoretically, such beliefs are common among traditional African Americans but not among more acculturated or bicultural ones. 23. IQ tests were set up purposefully to discriminate against Black people. 24. Most tests (like SAT and tests to get a job) are set up to make sure Blacks dont get high scores on them. 25. Deep in their hearts, most White people are racists. Factor 7: Falling out (2 items) On the one hand, falling out refers to an African American culture-bound syndrome or folk disorder. The term folk disorder is an anthropological term used to refer to behaviors exhibited only by the members of a specific cu lture, with these regard ed as deviant by the members of that culture. The term is descriptive rather than evaluative and applies to susto among Latinos (Rubel 1960, 1964), falling out and tedders among African American (Jackson 1981; Snow 1977, 1978; Spicer 1977). When falling out, an individual (usually a woman) exhibits a sudden, temporary loss of c onsciousness (passes out) in response to some stressful event and consequently, falls out of her chair (hence the name of the syndrome (Weidman 1979). This is the original usage of the term and is the reason that we grouped those items in the Health subscale. Alternatively and simultane ously, a more informal, colloquial use of the term falling out has emerged to describe the m ilder but similar behavi or of dropping to the floor and rolling around ( or jumping up and down) while laughing hys terically, without a loss of consciousness (e.g., when he told us that, story, we fell out !). In the first case it refers to a culture-bound syndrome and thus is by definition part of African American culture. In the second case it refers to a uniquely African Am erican, dramatic display of positive affect whose history is firmly rooted in the folk disorder. (Ladrine 1995:137-138) Theoretically, traditional African American should indicate more agreement with these cultural beliefs and practices than acculturated African Americans, who, like European Americans, should reject these in favor of Western biomedical views.

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143 26. I have seen people fall out. 27. I know what falling out means. Factor 8: Traditional games (2 items) Items here were meant to assess the most common experiences of African American children, including playing African American ga mes, such as tonk and jumping double dutch. Traditional African Americ ans, theoretically, are more likely to have played African American games, than acculturated African Americans. 28. When I was a child, I used to play tonk. 29. I know how to play bid whist. Factor 9: Family values (2 items) Several items included in the scale were designed to assess aspects of the traditional African American family and traditional prac tices regarding the family. Many items assessed child taking, child-keeping, or informal adoption. This practice may have predated slavery; it may have been common in the African societies that regard children as the offspring of the community as a whole (Shimkin et al. 1978). In formal adoption persisted throughout slavery as slaves took in (informally adop ted) slave children whose parent s were sold away or killed; they also adopted adult and pa rticularly elderly slaves w ho needed a home and care (BoydFranklin 1989a). Such informal adoptions ha ve persisted since slavery. African American families continue to informally adopt childre n and adults who need a home (Boyd-Franklin 1989a; Hill 1977; Stack 1974). Theoretically, traditional African Americans are more likely to have participated in informal adoption and co-sleeping (for example) than acculturated African Americans, who are more like European Americans and, like European Americans, do not engage in such practices. 30. Its better to move your whole family ahead in this world than it is to be out for only yourself.

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144 31. Old people are wise Factor 10: Family pr actices (2 items) Other items were designed to assess the ex tended family (e.g., a household may include aunts, uncles, cousins, and grandparents) that was common among the Africans who became slaves (Shimkin et al. 1978). Persistent throughout slavery, this remains common among contemporary African Americans (Barnes 1981; Hays 1973; Shimkin et al. 1978). Additional items assessed African American familism (the belief that the familys needs take priority over those of the individual) and d eep respect for elders (Boyd-Fr anklin 1989a; Carter and Helms 1987). Some items assessed co-sleeping and co-bat hing (i.e. children sleep and bathe with other children or with an adult). These practices are common among African American families (Lozoff et al. 1984; Ward 1971), as well as among families in other cultures, such as Japan (Caudill and Plath 1966) and Me xico (Morelli et al. 1992). Ho wever, they are rare among European Americans, when compared to Africa n Americans (Crowell et al. 1987; Lozoff et al. 1984; Mandansky and Edelbrock 1990; Whiting and Edwards 1988). 32. When I was young, my parent(s) sent me to stay with a relative (aunt, uncle, grandmother) for a few days or weeks, and then I went back home again. 33. When I was young I took a bath with my si ster, brother, or some other relative. Scores AAAS-33 by POB The scores for each of the sixty-eight participants were tallied for all factors. The results were put into the chart that follows, categorized by the participants place of birth (POB). The numerical score was also followe d by a descriptive determination for the participant that would allow me to see patterns that relate to th e hypothesis that the more highly acculturated the individuals less likely to attend Black museums.

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145 Africa Table 5-2. AAAS-33 Scores by POB-Africa POB Age Sex AAAS-33 Score Determination Niger 27 Male 127 BI-ST Niger 21 Male 139 BI-ST Nigeria 22 Male 141 BI-ST A= Acculturated MA= Mostly Acculturated BI-SA= Bicultural Slightly Acculturated BI-ST= Bicultural Slightly Traditional MT= Mostly Traditional T=Traditional The scores for all factors for the African partic ipants in this study place them in the center of the scale values but on the slightly traditional side of the center. Caribbean Table 5-3. AAAS-33 Scores by POB-Caribbean POB Age Sex AAAS-33 Score Determination Brazil 20 Male 161 MT Haiti 19 Male 140 BI-ST Haiti 65 Male 110 BI-SA Jamaica 19 Female 149 BI-ST Jamaica 49 Male 144 BI-ST Jamaica 30 Female 129 BI-SA Jamaica 40 Female 168 MT Jamaica 20 Female 135 BI-ST Trinidad 16 Female 123 BI-ST Trinidad 66 Male 116 BI-SA Trinidad 21 Female 135 BI-ST A= Acculturated MA= Mostly Acculturated BI-SA= Bicultural Slightly Acculturated BI-ST= Bicultural Slightly Traditional MT= Mostly Traditional T=Traditional The scores for all factors for Circum-Caribbean participants in this study reveal that two participants are at the traditional end of the scale with the determination of MT mostly traditional. None of the Caribbean participants scored at the most extreme ends, meaning none were fully traditional in nature. The largest number of participants six scores determined them to

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146 be in the middle but slightly trad itional. However, three peoples scores determined them to be slightly acculturated. Florida Table 5-4. AAAS-33 Scores by POB-Florida POB Age Sex AAAS-33 Score Determination Florida 27 Male 164 MT Florida 45 Female 158 MT Florida 25 Male 125 BI-ST Florida 29 Male 148 BI-ST Arcadia 18 Female 169 MT Daytona Beach 17 Female 131 BI-ST Ft. Lauderdale 21 Female 145 BI-ST Ft. Lauderdale 53 Male 142 BI-ST Ft. Lauderdale 20 Female 130 BI-ST Gainesville 29 Female 178 MT Gainesville 35 Female 190 T Gainesville 38 Female 108 BI-SA Gainesville 30 Female 201 T Gainesville 43 Female 166 MT Gainesville 21 Male 104 BI-SA Gainesville 25 Male 117 BI-SA Gainesville 21 Male 158 MT Gainesville 18 Male 109 BI-SA Gainesville 42 Female 188 T Gainesville 23 Male 117 BI-SA Gainesville 18 Female 91 BI-SA Jacksonville 20 Female 114 BI-SA Jacksonville 19 Male 174 MT Jacksonville 21 Female 128 BI-ST Jacksonville 22 Male 163 MT Live Oak 23 Male 147 BI-ST Live Oak 19 Female 145 BI-ST Miami 18 Male 153 MT Miami 19 Male 135 BI-ST Miami 23 Male 162 MT Miami 21 Female 188 T Miami 21 Female 173 MT Miami 19 Female 134 BI-ST Ocala 24 Female 146 BI-ST Ocala 22 Female 181 T

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147 Table 5-4. Continued. POB Age Sex AAAS-33 Score Determination Orlando 23 Male 143 BI-ST Orlando 23 Male 125 BI-ST Palm Beach Gardens 19 Female 170 MT Plantation 19 Male 132 BI-ST St. Petersburg 48 Male 108 BI-SA Tallahassee 21 Male 101 BI-SA Tampa 22 Male 177 MT Tampa 20 Male 178 MT Tampa 22 Male 110 BI-SA A= Acculturated. MA= Mostly Acculturated. BI-SA= Bicultural Slightly Acculturated. BI-ST= Bicultural Slightly Traditional MT= Mostly Traditional. T=Traditional The largest section of particip ants in the study is Florida natives, and the table above shows the different areas of Florida where the pa rticipants were born. The scores for all factors for Florida participants reveal that five ar e traditional, 14 are mostly traditional, 15 are determined to be bicultural slightly tradit ional while almost as many, ten, were slightly acculturated. None of the Florida participants we re in the extreme ends of the scale as mostly acculturated or acculturated. Other US Table 5-5. AAAS-33 Scores by POB-Other US POB Age Sex AAAS-33 Score Determination Alabama 20 Female 168 MT Alabama 22 Female 141 BI-ST Alabama 21 Male 124 BI-ST Colorado 20 Male 191 T Louisiana 28 Male 127 BI-ST North Carolina 35 Male 108 BI-SA New York 20 Female 155 MT New York 21 Male 86 MA New York 51 Female 73 MA Texas 18 Female 132 BI-ST A= Acculturated. MA= Mostly Acculturated. BI-SA= Bicultural Slightly Acculturated. BI-ST= Bicultural Slightly Traditional MT= Mostly Traditional. T=Traditional

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148 The scores for participants for other parts of the US reveal 1 person was traditional, 2 mostly traditional, 4 slightly traditional 1 slightly acculturated and 2 mostly acculturated. Discussion Although asking participants through structured interviews, about the ways they maintain their Black culture provides some very important descriptive data, it wa s necessary to find an instrument that could be used to measure th e relationships between African Americans and issues of acculturation and encultu ration as determinants of whet her they would participate in attending their own cultural facili ties. I have presented the in strument the African American Acculturation Scale developed by Hope Landrine and Elizabeth Kl onoff that has been tested by them for validity and reliability. With certain minor adjustments in scoring, this instrument allowed me to look for patterns that would allow me to predict if African Americans in Florida who are highly acculturated will be less likely to participate in attending Black museums. Separating the participants into categories by pl ace of birth has also helped me to see other patterns of levels of acculturation. Chapter 6 examines the responses regarding the museums, and Chapter 7 further analyzes correlations and relationships from the AAAS-33 (African American Acculturation Scale -33) and the FBMS (Florida Black Museum Survey).

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149 CHAPTER 6 FINAL ANALYSIS, INTERVIEWS, MUSE UM SURVEY, AND ACCULTURATION SCALE The ruin of a nation begins in the homes of its people. Ashanti proverb Introduction Museum attendance was initially documented by investigators such as Gudykunst and his associates (1981) and Hood (1981, 1983) and summ arized by Falk and Dierking (1992) as primarily a leisure time behavior (Falk 1993). Ac cording to Falk (1993) in the pioneer study, Leisure Decisions Influencing Af rican American Use of Museums to understand fully why anyone visits a museum, and in particular why African Americans do or do not utilize museums, requires an understanding of how leisure time is spent. Specifi cally, how do Blacks spend their time when they are not working, and does this beha vior differ from the leisure behavior of whites (Falk 1993:6)? Recognizing that Falk set the pa ce for examining museum-going among African Americans in relation to Whites and mainstream museums, this study veers in the direction of examining African Americans use of African American muse ums by analyzing knowledge and participation in relation to acculturation and enculturation as well as identity and selfdetermination effects on museum-goi ng attitudinal leisure decisions. In the fall of 2006, students in my Multicu ltural Communication co urse at Santa Fe Community College assisted with this research as a way of learning to do cultural ethnography. Training to do the study took place over several class periods. They were constantly encouraged to step out of the box and to learn about a nother culture different from their own. Those students who were of African Descent were encouraged to find an informant who was unfamiliar to them and possibly would not be someone with whom they would naturally associate in an effort to learn how that person maintains their culture. In previous classes, I have always included an exercise in doing a cultural ethnography. The difference here is that in the past I

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150 have allowed the students to sel ect the cultural group that they wi shed to study. As a part of the training to prepare the students to conduct their study, they were shown videos on certain aspects of conducting ethnographic resear ch such as, How Cultures are Studied and American Tongues. The students were initially asked to fi nd an informant and to ask the question, How do you think Black culture is maintained in Alach ua County Florida? What are the ways that you see that happening? Students in my African American Studies Senior Seminar were also asked to participate. They were reading about research methods in the humanities, and after reading about the crisis in the humanities, they were asked the following: Is there a Black cultural crisis? How is Black Culture maintained in Florida? What ways? Th en, what is the role of the Black museum in maintaining culture? The Santa Fe students were given a follow up proj ect to return to the person they initially interviewed with structured interview questions also the Florida Black Museums Survey and the African American Acculturation Scale-33. African American Studies Senior Seminar st udents were given interview consent forms and asked to participate in a focus group taped se ssion to test the questions and the two surveys before the Santa Fe students were to go out and conduct the study. Adding the Black Museums Survey and the Acculturation Scale was helpful. The Florida Black Museums Survey, they found, should be given before asking question 2, and the Acculturation Scale would be helpful when trying to help participants identify ways that African American culture has been perceived and measured. Analysis of Interviews As discussed earlier structured interview questions were the core of this study (Appendix A). Following is analysis of each of the questions:

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151 1. How do you think Black culture is maintained by African Descended Peoples (ADP) in Florida? What are the ways? The ways that ADPs in Florida maintain Blac k culture the participants cited music most often (29, 43%), church/religious (22, 32%), f ood/eating (20, 29%), family (17, 25%), family reunions (11, 16%), Hair/hair braiding (5, 7%), festivals (4, 6%), museums (4, 6%). Also cited were frequenting Black businesses, clothing, special events, decora tions/art, Martin Luther King day, joining Black organizations, dance, sports, Black History M onth, language, literature, media (i.e. TV, movies, videos) and holidays. 2. Have you ever been to a Black museum? 3. Have you been to one in Florida? Twenty six participants in th e study have not been to a Bl ack museum in Florida. One respondent had not been to a Black museum in Fl orida but had been to one in Alabama. There were 32 respondents who had visited Black museum s in Florida. A 19 year old female student from Jamaica had visited museums in five cities in Florida. A 22 year old male bar worker in Jacksonville who was originally from Nigeria, ha d visited four Black museums in Florida, the Black Archives at FAMU in Tallahassee, Ritz Th eatre and LaVilla Museum in Jacksonville, the Black Heritage Museum and the African Heritage Cultural Arts Center in Miami. The following tables show the by place of birth how participants answered the questions. Florida and Other US Responses to Question 3 The responses that follow have been organized to allow understanding of how participants in Florida and other parts of the US have experienced Florida Black museums. The participants that have actually visited museums in the areas that they live in are of partic ular interest. One of the things that will be of most interest for future works will be to see how age and income effect museum experience.

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152 Florida Table 6-1. Interview Questi on 3 Response by POB-Florida POB Age Sex Response Orlando 23 Male Visited the WellsBuilt in Orlando Jacksonville 20 Female Visited DHSM in Jax-impressive & educational Tampa 22 Female Visited the Carter Woodson It is very good-I learned my good history from here Florida 25 Male The Haitian Heritage was informative and refreshing Miami 29 Male African Heritage Cultural Center-Miami-I am proud of seeing the roots from where I came Florida 20 Male Zora Neale Hurs ton in Eatonville-It opened my eyes to a lot of Black history Jacksonville 19 Male Kingsley Plantati on-It really moved me to see up close how we used to live and be treated. Tallahassee 21 Male Kingsley Plan tation-I was young so it was boring and I didnt understand it. Plantation 19 Male Black Heritage Museum, Miami-I use to love going during Christmastime, it was beautiful Palm Beach Gar den s 19 Female Visited a few in Broward County, Key West, FAMU and one when I lived with my aunt in Orlando. I got a chance to learn a lot of new things it made me appreciate my people and my culture more. It made me aware of where I came from. Jacksonville 22 Male Clara Ward Mission, I was too young. It was our way of giving back. I didnt know there was a museum at the mission Ft. Lauderdale 21 Female It was interesting, informative and I enjoyed it. Miami 21 Female African Heritage Cultural Arts Center. I didnt think it was a museum. Its a big thing, lots of Black people go there. We learn things, we have dance recitals there. Ft. Lauderdale 53 Male Visited se veral in Florida. Excitement, amazement at how nicely many of them are put together Without using quantitative responses, Table 62 reflects peoples re actions to museums within their own community.

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153 Other US Table 6-2. Interview Question 3 Response by POB-Other US POB Age Sex Response New York 20 Female Visited both of the Zora Neale Hurston museums it was enlightening, exciting and fun Alabama 20 Female I visited the Bl ack Heritage Museum as a child New York 21 Male Visited the Black Heritage Museum in Miami. It was eye opening to see that Black history was so rich beyond just whats in textbooks. Texas 18 Female I have not visited in Florida but I did visit in Texas when I was younger, it was life changing Alabama 22 Female I visited a Black museum in New Orleans, it was interesting New York 51 Female I had fun I liked it a lot Alabama 21 Male I dont like museums Looking at residents from other areas in th e US shows how people who were not from Florida responded to Floridas Black museums a nd looking at the commen ts also show which museums impact people who may not be familiar with the area. Interview Question 4 4. When you were growing up, did your parents or other adult members of the household take you to plays, dances or cla ssical performances, museums? Data and Responses to Interview Question 4: Ea rly Socialization to Cultural Activities by POB SPSS was used to generate case summaries. E ach one of the typica l responses were put into SPSS to determine if early socialization was a deciding factor in adul t choice to participate in museums. In the tables that follow eight cate gories of childhood leisur e activities were citied

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154 by study participants; religion ( 5.9%), museums (19.1%), special events (7.4%), plays (5.9%), family (7.4%), festivals (13.2%), movi es (4.4%), and sports (4.4%). Table 6-3. Summary Responses Question 4 Ea rly Socialization to Cultural Activities Cases Valid Missing Total N Percent N Percent N Percent place of birth religious 4 5.9% 64 94.1% 68 100.0% place of birth museums 13 19.1% 55 80.9% 68 100.0% place of birth events 5 7.4% 63 92.6% 68 100.0% Case Processing Summary Table 6-4. POB and Religious Cross Tabulation religious Total 1 place of birth Florida 3 3 Other US 1 1 Total 4 4 Table 6-5. POB and Museums Cross tabulation museums Total 1 place of birth Africa 1 1 Caribbean 4 4 Florida 6 6 Other US 2 2 Total 13 13 Table 6-6. POB and Events Cross tabulation events Total 1 place of birth Africa 1 1 Caribbean 2 2 Florida 2 2 Total 5 5 Table 6-7. Case Processing Summary Cases Valid Missing Total N Percent N Percent N Percent place of birth plays 4 5.9% 64 94.1% 68 100.0% place of birth family 5 7.4% 63 92.6% 68 100.0%

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155 Table 6-8. POB and Plays Cross tabulation plays Total 1 place of birth Africa 1 1 Caribbean 1 1 Florida 2 2 Total 4 4 Table 6-9. POB and Family Cross tabulation family Total 1 place of birth Caribbean 1 1 Florida 3 3 Other US 1 1 Total 5 5 Table 6-10. Case Processing Summary Cases Valid Missing Total N Percent N Percent N Percent place of birth festivals 9 13.2% 59 86.8% 68 100.0% place of birth movies 3 4.4% 65 95.6% 68 100.0% place of birth sports 3 4.4% 65 95.6% 68 100.0% Table 6-11. POB and Fes tivals Cross tabulation festivals Total 1 place of birth Africa 1 1 Caribbean 2 2 Florida 4 4 Other US 2 2 Total 9 9 Table 6-12. POB and Movi es Cross tabulation movies 1 Total Caribbean 1 1 place of birth Florida 2 2 Total 3 3

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156 Table 6-13. POB and Spor ts Cross tabulation sports 1 Total Caribbean 1 1 place of birth Florida 2 2 Total 3 3 Respondents cited museums as places they were taken to by parents or other adult members of the household 11 times. Plays were also cited ten times by par ticipants. Some of the actual responses were as follows: Responses Question 4-Early Socia lization to Cultural Activities Africa Table 6-14. Responses Qu estion 4 by POB-Africa POB Age Sex Response Niger 21 Male Concerts, festivals Nigeria 22 Male Plays, dances, classical performances, museumsthis took place in Miami when I was young. We would go when family from up north (Jax) would visit us. Niger 21 Male Sometimes Caribbean Table 6-15. Responses Ques tion 4 by POB-Caribbean POB Age Sex Response Jamaica 19 Female Parents always took me to special events. They also put me in clubs Trinidad 16 Female I went to museums w ith parents we also went on other field trips Jamaica 49 Male I didnt go as a child with parents but my wife and I go to these things Haiti 65 Male I went to the science museum once

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157 Florida Table 6-16. Responses Ques tion 4 by POB-Florida POB Age Sex Response Gainesville 29 Female Church related Florida 27 Male Museums, art shows Ocala 22 Female Stayed home played with friends and siblings. No money to do other types of activities Jacksonville 20 Female Plays, museums, and some festivals Tampa 22 Male Movies, sports events Florida 25 Male Family outings, visiting family members Orlando 23 Male Museums to get insight on other cultures Gainesville 35 Female Museum once as a child more as adult Miami 19 Male Virginia Key Beach but I dont remember it well Florida 20 Male MLK parade every year Gainesville 18 Male High school plays and dances Plantation 19 Male Shows, parks, beach with Mom Miami 23 Male Dance performances when I was 11 or 12 yrs. Gainesville 23 Male Visited museums in Europe Florida 18 Female Plays with my Mom Palm Beach Gardens 19 Female My grandmother is th e one who was always teaching us things. Ft. Lauderdale 21 Female I was involve d in dance lessons, flute and piano lessons, plays, the church to me took the museum

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158 Other US Table 6-17. Responses Ques tion 4 by POB-Other US POB Age Sex Response NC, Raleigh 35 Male Actually I took my parents New York 20 Female Church, visiting family houses Alabama 20 Female Plays with my mother also school events New York 21 Male I attended with school Texas 18 Female I went to plays and museums with my grandmother New York 51 Female I didnt go with my parents but a friend of the family introduced me to art and art galleries Alabama 21 Male I went to plays and dance performances with my aunt. Interview Question 5 5. What were some of your childhood leisure activities? For most respondents, sports and sports even ts was the major leisure activity of their childhood, cited 33 times, church was cited five as was music and dance, playing with friends, siblings and other relatives was cited 13 times. Other activities reported were dining out, TV, video games, movies, ride bike, and reading. Interview Question 6 6. What leisure activities do you engage in at least 4-5 times per year ? (e.g., plays, movies, sports events, concerts, museums, art galler y, dining out, church re ligious, club meetings and special functions etc.)? Pleas e list as many activities as apply. The responses to this question were or ganized into the following categories: School/Work (3) Church/Religious (25) Movies/Entertainment (34) TV, movi es, parties, beach, concerts, rap Family (7) Sports/Fitness (31) Trip/Travel (3)

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159 Cultural Activities (12) charity events, museums, festivals plays and dance Media Activities (2) Video games; go to my space play video games Dining Out/Eating Civic Activities (7) club meetings Interview Question 7 7. What about Black history a nd culture interests you? The responses to this question were organized into the following categories Church/Religious (4) Civil Rights (9) Slavery (5) Food/Eating (3) Music (9) Sports (1) Pioneers/Prominent Individuals (4) Family (3) Cultural Celebrations (4) Social/Cultural topics (14) Art (2) Negative (5) I love learning about slavery, learning about the struggles of African Americans, showing how strong our culture is All the cultural things like how Black people move. Culture interests me much more than history, Im a visual person, the way people do their hair Able to see the beauty of my r ace when others thought it was ugly Interview Question 8 10a. Of the things that are of in terest to you about Black hist ory and culture which one do you think should or could be addressed by the Black museum in your area? The responses to this question were or ganized into the following categories: Publicity / advertising (5) Change from exclusive format (5) Responsibilities(14) Historical format(5) Generating audience(3) Culture/heritage format(6)

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160 Specific(1) Negative(7) Responses surrounding the publicity/advertisi ng provided suggestions such as the museums should make a more concerted effort to make sure their community members were aware of where they were and the types of pr ograms that museums were doing through focused advertising and publicity. Make museums more advertised There should be more advertisement of muse um in the area where it would be more well known Be more publicized More informative about advertising, just getting the name out, more variety Make the resources they have more widely available so people will know about them Other responses in the suggested that the museum employed an exclusive format and participants made the following suggestions: Separate themselves from the idea of being Black history only Use a broader spectrum of Black cultures Focus more on Black experi ence outside of slavery They can display how they [Blacks] overcame so much Have them incorporate everything in to the community on a social level Several of the responses to this questi on suggest that the Black museums have a responsibility to do some of the following: Pass on legacy to next generation Educate Restore faith, knowledge Show the kids about their ancestors Tables Breakdown of Responses to Interview Question 8 by POB Africa Table 6-18. Responses Qu estion 8 by POB-Africa POB Age Sex Response Niger 27 Male Its a great place to study about Black culture Nigeria 22 Male Influence Black people of their heritage. After going to a few I became more aware and less nega tive, knowledge is power and ignorance leads to problems, museums can show that. Niger 21 Male Knowing about Black culture

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161 Caribbean Table 6-19. Responses Ques tion 8 by POB-Caribbean POB Age Sex Response Jamaica 19 Female I think they can be a ddressed well in the museums in my area Trinidad 16 Female Help lear n more about Black history Haiti 19 Male Help me understa nd the history of Black people Jamaica 49 Male Use a broader spectrum of Black cultures Haiti 65 Male Relevant personalities Jamaica 30 Female People-past African Americans MLK, Malcolm X or Rev. Jackson Jamaica 40 Female Lynching, we dont really understand these things in Jamaica Trinidad 66 Male Prominent Blacks on display, Rosa Parks, entertainers, sports Brazil 20 Male Enrich your knowledge in many different ways, make you understand why our ancestors fight so much for freedom Trinidad 21 Female Law field--Status of influential and significant African American in the law career Jamaica 20 Female Pay attention to similar ities that exist across the Diaspora (e.g., food) Florida Table 6-20. Responses Ques tion 8 by POB-Florida POB Age Sex Response Gainesville 29 Female Once they build one in Gainesville Ill have an idea Florida 27 Male Make museums more advertised Ocala 22 Female There should be more advertisement of museum in the area where it would be more well known Orlando 23 Male Be more publicized Jacksonville 20 Female Pass on legacy to next generation Tampa 22 Male Show important values from history and culture Florida 25 Male More informative about advertising, just getting the name out, more variety Orlando 23 Male They can open your eyes to new things about African Americans Gainesville 35 Female Educate Florida 29 Male Give Black race a place in history, where they came from and where we are headed Gainesville 30 Female Restore faith, knowledge Gainesville 43 Female Add more anti quities, get attent ion of youth more Gainesville 21 Male Make more commercials with young people Miami 18 Male How their role in sports has increased Miami 19 Male Show Black mans role from the Revolutionary War to the present war Live Oak 19 Female Have Black cultural festivals Florida 20 Male The Zora Neale Hurston could add more exhibits (African American inventors)

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162 Table 6-20. Continued. POB Age Sex Response Jacksonville 19 Male Slavery and making everyone more aware about what we went through St. Petersburg 48 Male Food Gainesville 18 Male Provide in fo/insight of Black culture Plantation 19 Male Show the kids about their ancestors Gainesville 23 Male Show Black cultu re, teach about Black accomplishments Ocala 24 Female Support the culture Florida 21 Female Just inform people about Black history Palm Beach Gardens 19 Female They can by far remind you of where you came from and how you got to where you are today. It makes you appreciate your people more Jacksonville 22 Male Sexuality, gender labels Ft. Lauderdale 21 Female Show more about Black women and young people Miami 21 Female Show how far we have come, give examples of lives that were sacrificed for miniscule things we take for granted Miami 21 Female Be a place to get answ ers to questions about topics/areas of Black history Miami 19 Female There are so many diffe rent cultures that make up Black culture, the ideal museum would embrace all of them Plantation 20 Female Inclusion of a br oader spectrum of Blacks that includes more than just African Americans Ft. Lauderdale 53 Male Make the resources they have more widely available so people will know about them Other US Table 6-21. Responses Ques tion 8 by POB-Other US POB Age Sex Response NC 35 Male Separate themselves from the idea of being Black history only NY 20 Female Be more up and coming with recent events to attract younger people Alabama 20 Female Daily life of Black people 1700s and 1800s, abusive relationship with whites (reasons) New York 21 Male Spread Black cultu re and history not taught in schools New Orleans 28 Male Teach CO 20 Male Convenience Alabama 22 Female Focus more on Bl ack experience outside of slavery New York 51 Female Have them incorporate everything into the community on a social level

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163 Interview Question 9 10a. What do you think are some of the barriers for ADP attending Black museums? What have been some of your barriers? The responses to this question were or ganized into the following categories: Distance/Location (6) Comfort Level (2) Time/Money (14) Program/Activities (2) Maintaining Interest (9) No-Barriers (3) Publicity/Advertising (5) Importance of Others Going (7) This first category provided insight into th e issue of where the museums were located being problematic for access on a regular basis. So me of the responses in this category were: Too far to get to Not available in every city A lot of Black people dont know where theyre at Convenience General ignorance that museums solely devoted to Black culture exist. My barrier is my ignorance and laziness. I prefer to be in a book than out in public No access to them, not known There were two responses that centered on the barri er of comfort in going to places such as museums. The student that inte rviewed one of the respondents re ported that the person did not feel comfortable going to a museum because they didnt feel worthy of being there. Another reported that their respondent said that they didnt go because they did not fully understanding how important museums are to the culture. Another barrier for some of the participants had to do with issues of time and finances. There were fourteen separate res ponses that indicated that they ju st didnt have the time and/or the money to go to museums. There were two responses that were categorized as

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164 program/activities. The interviewees said that (1) some of the activit ies are variety but not popular for everybody to know (2) Difficult because of slavery. The following responses were categorized as maintaining interest. Several of the interviewees reported that that their ideas about museums were that they were places that were boring. If they had to go for some particular reas on (e.g., research project, school trip, or part of some function), then they would not object but to make the decision on their own to go to a museum would be difficult in light of the other things that were av ailable. Some of the responses follow: People sometimes visit a couple times and not interested in it anymore No interest in certain museums Gets bored very easily, seeing the past of suffering of Black people makes me sad and is discouraging Sometimes the museum is not interest ing because theres not enough exhibits Not wanting to remember the past Not offending or getting offended by certain beliefs of individuals Boring Dont want to learn the history Just never came around to it. I just havent really ma de it a priority Arent able to stimulate in terest, perceived as boring The next categorythe importan ce of others goingspeaks to issues of social leisure choice and sometimes those choices are made becau se of other people who are important in our lives. The following responses indicate that the barrier to museum-going can be socially constructed around the question how important is it to you to be with ot her people when you are making leisure decisions such as going to a museum? Nobody that Im around goes to those kinds of things That they go in a big group I dont like to go to places alone. Family issues, family never able to take him to museums. There is a big family of six kids Parents being occupied Dont know we dont necessarily know about muse ums culture we were not raised like that Lack of museums, lack of encouragement, no on e to go with-I would never go to that sort of thing alone

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165 Tables: Breakdown of Responses Interview Question 9 by POB Africa Table 6-22. Responses Qu estion 9 by POB-Africa POB Age Sex Response Niger 21 Male Boring Niger 27 Male People sometimes visit a couple times and not interested in it anymore Nigeria 22 Male Influences more toward older generation and younger generation needs to go. The one he went to was very one sided and only showed the negatives. Caribbean Table 6-23. Responses Ques tion 9 by POB Caribbean POB Age Sex Response Jamaica 19 Female My barrier is usually time; for my parents it could be money or times Trinidad 16 Female I dont like to go to places alone. Haiti 19 Male Too busy so I cant go as often Jamaica 49 Male Convenience Haiti 65 Male Parents being occupied Jamaica 40 Female Dont want to learn the history Jamaica 30 Female Not offending or getting offended by certain beliefs of individuals Trinidad 66 Male Lack of museums, lack of encouragement, no one to go with-I would never go to that sort of thing alone Brazil 20 Male I dont see any barriers. I have always been interested in my culture Trinidad 21 Female They tend to form biases. I have no barriers since I havent been to a Black museum

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166 Florida Table 6-24. Responses Ques tion 9 by POB-Florida POB Age Sex Response Florida 29 Male Too far to get to Ocala 22 Female Not feel comfortable got to a museum because they didnt feel worthy of being there. Also not fully understanding how important museums are to the culture Orlando 23 Male Time Tampa 22 Male Time, interest Jacksonville 20 Female Time, interest Tampa 22 Male Activities are variet y but not popular for everybody to know Florida 25 Male Time, informative a bout hours, no interest in certain museums Orlando 23 Male Time, informative a bout hours, no interest in certain museums Gainesville 35 Female Time emotional memories Florida 29 Male No, every race need s to go and see it, help respect others as people Gainesville 38 Female Money Gainesville 43 Female Theres not a lot of easy to see advertising Gainesville 21 Male Nobody that Im ar ound goes to those kinds of things Gainesville 25 Male A lot of Black people dont know where theyre at Miami 18 Male That they go in a big group Miami 19 Male Gets bored very easil y, seeing the past of suffering of Black people makes me sad and is discouraging Acadia 18 Female Time and interest Jacksonville 19 Male Time, money, transportation./ laziness Tallahassee 21 Male Transportation and mo ney to get there./ both of those Gainesville 21 Male Not wanting to remember the past./ Same St. Petersburg 48 Male Time constraints Miami 23 Male No advertisement Gainesville 42 Female Dont know we dont necessarily know about museums culture we were not raised like that Jacksonville 22 Male Lack of edu cation, parents with no education Ft. Lauderdale 21 Female People dont know about them, the one that I have been to I didnt know they were considered museums Miami 21 Female Not knowing they exist Plantation 20 Female Arent able to s timulate interest, perceived as boring. Ft. Lauderdale 53 Male No access to them, not known

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167 Other US Table 6-25. Responses Ques tion 9 by POB-Other US POB Age Sex Response North Carolina 35 Male Time New York 20 Female Cost, distance, time Alabama 20 Female Dont know really (maybe govt or white suppression) New York 21 Male Limited publicity and public sponsorship Colorado 20 Male Family issues, family never able to take him to museums. There is a big family of six kids Alabama 22 Female Knowledge of Texas 18 Female Just never came ar ound to it. I just havent really made it a priority New York 51 Female Ignorance about what museums are Alabama 21 Male Difficult because of slavery Interview Question 10 10a. What cultural activities introduced by your parents or other household members do you continue to incorporate in the le isure choices you make today? The first part of the question relates to passing on traditional cultural belief and values. The responses were organized into the following categories: Family(10) Church/Religious (24) Food/Dining out (26) Sports (5) Music( 5) Cultural Traditions (16) Movies/Entertainment (5) 10a. Do you think that early socialization to Bl ack museum-going can contribute to increased participation of museums in adult leisure choices? The responses that follow fall into these ca tegories (1) Exposure, (2) Incorporation, (3) Cautions, (4) Awareness, (5) Res ponsibility to others, (6) Cult ural knowledge, (7) Benefits, and (8) Education. (1) Exposure If I had been exposed more when younge r then I would be more used to going

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168 Yes, I believed it will educat e me more about my culture Yes, I think that being exposed to going to museums early you will continue that as you grow older. (2) Incorporation Yes, if you incorporate things in earl y life it can spill over into adult life if my parents had taken me to more muse ums as a boy, I might enjoy going to museums more often now as an adult If I went more as a kid, I would go more now Yes I believe that if you st art interest early the more interest theyll have (3) Cautions Most of my friends are Black, parents taught to stay away from seemingly harmful whites and never become a hypocrite and become racist (4 ) Awareness You have to go at some time to know its okay to go and that you can have a good experience there. You have to have that experience from an early age. Even so if it is not activated and nurtured it wont be there later (5) Responsibility to Others Making other African Americans aware of their pa st will certainly affect the way they live out their life and could make them want to keep learning more and help out (6) Cultural Knowledge Yes, attending museums teaches one his/her history (7) Benefits Early socialization can only aide in enforci ng a positive self image in a Black child when they are presented with an accurate representation of their history (8) Education Once a child is taught something they always have that legacy in them to return to it so museums will be a great way to have a child ha ve a visual interacti on with their history Tables Breakdown of Responses Interview Question 10 by POB

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169 Africa Table 6-26. Responses Qu estion 10 by POB-Africa POB Age Sex Response Niger 27 Male Sports events, movies Niger 21 Male Food Nigeria 22 Male Home cooked meals, celebrate Kwanzaa and MLK church Caribbean Table 6-27. Responses Ques tion 10 by POB-Caribbean POB Age Sex Response Jamaica 19 Female Religion and some traditions like what I eat and the way I dress Trinidad 16 Female Yes, I socialize with Black people and I always will Haiti 19 Male I am a Black person so I have no other choice Jamaica 49 Male Cooking, hunting/Yes Haiti 65 Male Religion Jamaica 40 Female Crafts-sewing, cooking, c hurch, braiding hair/ you have to go at some time to know its okay to go and that you can have a good experience there. Trinidad 66 Male Tennis, watching sports You have to have that experience from an early age. Even so if it is not activated and nurtured it wont be there later Brazil 20 Male I continue to go to church, family gatherings Trinidad 20 Female Carnival, Mass, Fetes (Caribbean parties) Jamaica 20 Female Reading, plays, poetry nights, Jazz clubs

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170 Florida Table 6-28. Responses Ques tion 10 by POB-Florida POB Age Sex Response Gainesville 29 Female Family gatheri ngs at least once to every two weeks Florida 27 Male Religion, music, food Florida 45 Female If I had been exposed more then I would be more use to going Ocala 22 Female Family reunions, tr aditional hair braiding, cookouts, going to church every Sunday morning Daytona Beach 17 Female Reunions, going to church, family oriented, get together for dinner once a month Orlando 23 Male Church Tampa 22 Male Music Jacksonville 20 Female Movies, church, dining out Tampa 22 Male Sports events, church, dining out, movies Florida 25 Male Music, rap music, family activities Orlando 23 Male Cooking, Gainesville 35 Female Braiding of hair soul food. Yes, if you incorporate things in early life it can spill over into adult life. Gainesville 43 Female Church cookouts Gainesville 21 Male Soul food and cookouts Gainesville 25 Male Soul food, keeping family first Miami 18 Male Eating with the family and going to church Miami 19 Male Church and church so cials if my parents had taken me to more museums as a boy, I might enjoy going to museums more often now as an adult Arcadia 18 Female Family reunions, birthdays, cookouts/No Jacksonville 19 Male If I went more as a kid, I would go more now St. Petersburg 48 Male Dinner at the table Gainesville 18 Male Cornrows, honesty, hard work, confidence Plantation 19 Male Oh yes, the museum taught me about my culture, I think that we lost a lot from our Black culture Miami 23 Male Church, festivals, organizations, clubs, town hall meetings Ocala 24 Female Church Palm Beach Garden 18 Female The main one is relig ion. No matter where I go my religion goes with me. Ft. Lauderdale 21 Female I dont mind going to plays dances or concerts, Ive been to some while in college Miami 21 Female Yes, cooking, church going, keeping in touch with family Miami 19 Female Bible reading/devotional time Plantation 20 Female Cooking, the music I listen to Ft. Lauderdale 53 Male Reading, subscribi ng to magazines like Jet, Ebony just like my parents

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171 Other US Table 6-29. Responses Ques tion 10 by POB-Other US POB Age Sex Response North Carolina 35 Male Cooking Alabama 20 Female Church, most friends are Black, parents taught to stay away from seemingly harmful whites and never become a hypocrite and become racist New York 21 Male African American holiday celebrating Black history, Black family traditions New Orleans 28 Male Church and education Colorado 20 Male Family gatherings when everyone gets together has been going on in this family for generations Alabama 22 Female Food, eating habits Texas 18 Female My mother influenced what I do now. I most likely just shop, softball, movies, date and do normal teenage stuff. Yes I believe that if you start interest early the more interest theyll have Florida Museum Participation Table 6-30. Recap Museum Participation (2) Heard of it (3) Single Visit (4 ) Multiple Visits (5) Child/ParentSchool Visit FAMU (21) FAMU (6) FAMU (6) Bethel (3) Bethune (21) Zora/Eatonville (4) Research Library Ft. Lauderdale (5) Black Heritage Miami (3) Bethel (16) Ritz (3) African HeritageMiami (4) (2) Heard of it (3) Single Visit (4 ) Multiple Visits (5) Child/ParentSchool Visit Sojourner (15) Kingsle y (3) Black Heritage Miami-(4) Zora/Eatonville (15) Durkeeville (3) Bethel (3) African Heritage Miami (12) Bethel (3) Riley House (3) Ritz (11) Black Heritage Miami (3) Zora/Eatonville (3) Old Dillard (11) Bethune (3) Black Heritage Miami (11) Old Dillard (3) Museums at HBCUs were the most recognized and had more single and multiple visits. Its interesting, but it is also in dicative of the responses to inte rview questions about how culture

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172 is maintained and the leisure choices in the Bethel Baptist Church Museum. Note that it has appeared in every column including parent child early socialization to museum going. Also of note is the Black Heritage Museum in Miami. This museum also appears at every level. Florida Black Museum Survey (FBMS) The Florida Black Museums Survey was admini stered to the same 68 participants who agreed to be interviewed. The museums that were recognized most frequently were on the campuses of Black colleges. The Black Archives at Florida A & M University was the most recognized and the most visited of the museums (Table 6-31). The survey was a scale of 1 -5. One meant that they had never heard of the muse um, 2 meant that they ha d heard of it, 3 meant that they had actually visited th e museum once, 4 meant that they had visited more than one and 5 meant that the respondent had visited as a ch ild or with a school gr oup. The analysis of the responses to the FBMS only reflec ts those answers of 2-5. The FB MS was tallied and scored as an ordinal scale as the AAAS-33 in order to see if some correlations could be made using the two instruments. Then, each response was assigned a ordinal scale value. This time 1 means no involvement (NI) with this museum which will be at the lowest end of the scale, 2 means some involvement (SI) ,3 which is an actual visit is moving toward the high end and is involvement (I), 4 means more involvement (MI), and 5 means early socialization to museum attending which could later easily translate into adult leisure choice of Black museum participation, is at the highest end of the scale. Table 6-32 below s hows recap of the scores of the FBMS by POB African American Acculturation Scale II The African American Acculturation Scale II (Short Form-AAAS-33) was completed by 68 participants who also completed intervie ws and the Florida Black Museums Survey. Acculturation is yet another type of cultural change. According to Haviland, acculturation

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173 occurs when groups having different cultures co me into intensive firs t hand contact, with subsequent massive changes in the original cultural patte rns of one or both groups. Table 6-31. Recap Scores Florida Black Museum Survey No Involvement (NI) Some Involvement (SI) Involved (I) More Involved (MI) Very Involved (VI) Scores 0-34 35-68 69-102 103-136 137-170 Africa 0 3 0 0 0 Caribbean 0 11 0 0 0 Florida 5 38 1 0 0 Other US 2 8 0 0 0 Totals 7 60 1 0 0 The results of the acculturation scale were extr emely interesting. At one end of the scale the responses to the questions will place partic ipants in the area of being acculturated. This means that the respondent has inco rporated the beliefs and values of the dominant group. At the other end the respondent has fully accepted and incorporated the trad itional values and beliefs of his or her own cultural group in this case the respondent s have a preference for things African American. There were no respondents who fell in to the acculturated category. However, there were six who were traditional. The majority of the respondents registered in the middle categories of Bi-cultural mostly to slightly acculturated or Bi-cultural mostly to slightly traditional (AAAS-33 Scores Table 6-32). Table 6-32. AAAS-33 Scores by POB POB A MA BI-SA BI-ST MT T Africa 0 0 0 3 0 0 Caribbean 0 0 3 6 2 0 Florida 0 0 10 15 14 5 Other US 0 2 1 4 2 1 Totals 0 2 14 28 18 6 A = Acculturated MA = Mostly Acculturated BI-SA = Bicultural Slightly Acculturated BI-ST = Bicultural Slightly Traditional MT = Mostly Traditional T = Traditional

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174 The table below shows the relationship between th e scores on two instruments used in this study. I specifically wanted to know if there was any relationship be tween acculturation and museum-going. The AAAS-33 scores for the 68 participants sh ow that six of them are clearly at the traditional end of the scale. Using the table be low, you will see that th e scores on the FBMS place only one participant in involved (I) which is the middle range. Although this is the highest of the actual scores, the extreme end that would match with tradi tional (T) would have been very involved (VI). None of the partic ipants in the study scored in the high end of the FBMS (MI and VI). The majority of the particip ants were in the sec ond range which is some involvement (SI). Using the next range on the AAAS-33, which is mos tly traditional (MT) a nd matching it with the FBMS. See Table 6-33 below; two participants scores reveal no involvement (NI) when matched. Discussion This chapter shows that people born and raised in Florida have different ways to maintain culture. I wanted to find if people who were hi ghly traditional, who exhibited self-determination, who identified with their African history and cu lture, and who had values and beliefs preferring things African American would have a compara tively high awareness of and participation in Black museums. In other words, I wanted to find if those cognizant of their own culture would support Black museums using the accu lturation to enculturation scale. Using the participants, those who were traditional or mostly traditional gave the first variable to determine whether or not there was a correlation. Another vari able would be the high correlation on the FBMS. We used the highest sc ores on the survey to determine the correlation. I found that six of the participan ts scored in the traditional ca tegory. Of these six, only one was outside of Florida, the rest were Florida natives. Only one particip ant scored at the highest level

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175 on the FBMS. All others scores were SI. This tells us that the traditionally enculturated were somewhat involved in museums. This seems to indicate there is minimal or no real correlation between acculturation and museum-going. Howeve r, looking at qual itative research of community involvement, we may be able to determine a correlation between the two. Given early studies in mainstream museum-going, there might not be high levels of museum-going regardless of enculturation. Table 6-33. Relationship between AAAS-33 Scor es and FBMS Scores by POB and Age POB Age AAAS-33 Score FBMS Score Other US-CO 20 T SI Florida-Gainesville 35 T SI Florida-Gainesville 30 T I Florida-Gainesville 42 T SI Florida-Miami 21 T SI Florida-Ocala 22 T SI Caribbean-Brazil 20 MT SI Caribbean-Jamaica 40 MT SI Other US-AL 20 MT SI Other US-NY 20 MT SI Florida-Florida 27 MT NI Florida-Florida 45 MT SI Florida-Arcadia 18 MT SI Florida-Gainesville 29 MT NI Florida-Gainesville 43 MT SI Florida-Gainesville 21 MT SI Florida JAX 19 MT SI Florida JAX 22 MT SI Florida-Miami 18 MT SI Florida-Miami 23 MT SI Florida-Miami 21 MT SI Florida-Palm Beach 19 MT SI Florida-Tampa 22 MT SI Florida-Tampa 20 MT SI

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176 CHAPTER 7 FUTURE WORK Rain beats a leopards skin, but it does not wash out the spots. Ashanti proverb American Culture, Acculturation, and Enculturation This study of the evolving role of Flor idas Black museums and Floridas Black communities was designed to investigate Black cu lture and acculturation in Florida and the role of the Black museums in cultural maintenance. The study focu sed on three research aims: (1) to identify Black museums in Florida (2) to define them and determine their role in maintaining culture among Black community members (3) to explore the relationship between ethnic identity, acculturation, enculturation, and knowledge of and participation in Black museums. The hypothesis and the main findings pertinent to each research question, the best practices are discussed and also I provide strategies for a diverse museum world. I conclude with some thoughts on how Floridas Black museums can build communities. The Hypothesis My position has been that the problem is that Black museums in general and Florida Black museums specifically face challenges regarding active engagement with the museums by their own community members. Because examination of Black museums and their own constituency has not been the subject of scholarly investigation little data is avai lable on this topic. However, from previous studies that ha ve looked at the Black museum s historically (Dickerson 1988; AAMA 1988; Collier-Thomas, 1988) and studies th at have looked at Black/White visitation practices at mainstream museums, (Stamps & Stamps 1985; Falk 1993; DiMaggio and Ostrower 1990) and current studies of racial socializ ation and museum-going (Overby 2005) I became aware that culture and acculturation, ethnic ident ity and Afrocentricity coul d be a determinant of knowledge and participation of Black museum-going. Acculturation was defined for this study as

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177 moving in the direction toward White norms beliefs and values. I strongly believed that these institutions would struggle and fail, possible become extinct, if low levels of participation by community members continued. It was important to find out if participa tion will be higher or lower depending on how acculturated a person may be. It was my hypot hesis that people who are highly acculturated will be less likely to part icipate in Black museums. People who are more traditional (Afrocentric) are more likely to participate. The hypothesis was not born out by the data. In part this could be due to geographic/re gional concerns, particularly since some of the participants were born outside of Florida or in terest could be heavily influenced by Circum Caribbean background. According to Falk, regionality has been suggested as a major African American contributor to leisure time preferences, includi ng museum-going. Individuals growing up in a part of the country where museums genera lly are absent, or were functionally absent due to segregation, i.e., the rural south, likely did not develop a museum-going habit. This lack of a museum-going habit could contribute to present da y patterns. Parental region of origin and childhood region of origin no doubt c ontribute to adult museum-goi ng behavior, but compared to all the other variables that can affect museum-going behavior, th eses pale into insignificance (Falk 1993:81). Another possible problem that could have barring on the outcome was the use of the acculturation scale. Many of the items on the scale were clearly refl ective of historical dimensions. Participants would need to have inte rests in history and cultural associations with southern US topics such as re ligion, superstitions, and racist experiences. In Falks study (1993) a recurring theme in his research was interest by participants to learn mo re about their African and/or African American heritage and culture. Falk says, this notion came up time and time again, in many different forms and cut across gender, age, education, and income. However, this

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178 widespread interest in things African was not reflected in attendan ce at African-oriented museums or by reading and subscr ibing to African American ne wspapers or magazines. He provides the following example despite a major presence in the Anacostia community for many years, the Anacostia Museum was mentioned by less than 10% of thos e surveyed (4 individuals out of 54). This was despite the potential bias introduced by using contacts fr om the Anacostia Museum as a mechanism for identifying potential subjects for the study. (Falk 1993:69-70) Because these museums are grassroots the museums have tremendous diversity (history, cultural centers, medical, art, etc.). Using the FBMS to determine if participants were able to recognize museums in their communities would allo w me to see if peopl e were aware of the museums they would possibly attend and participat e given an interest and preference for things African American. This also was not born out by the data. Participan ts hadnt heard of the museums and the item most often mentioned by pa rticipants as a barrie r to museum-going and participation was that they did not know about th em. This could be due in part to a sense of ownership associated with many founders of mu seums. The museum is often associated with individuals and although the community member s may have knowledge of the work of the museum for them it is tied to those individuals as opposed to community/group concerns. After two years of research and after collecting a consider able amount of data, I still believe that there is no single variable sufficient to explai n the museum-going and non-going behavior of African Descended Pe oples in Florida, particularly given the diversity of Floridas Black communities and the diversity of Black mu seums. However, examining the relationship in terms of acculturation and enculturation has allowe d me to see patterns that are not obvious when simply conducting a visitor study. Because th ere were a number of people participating in the study who have visited museum s future analysis of actual visitors at selected museums throughout the state should be done with modification of the AAA S-33 to account for diversity

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179 of population. Also, because the results of the surv ey were predicated on total scores of all factors it might be interesting to see if indi vidual sub-scores of the 10 factors will provide additional insight around one of th e factor areas such as religion. If you ha ve a lot of people on acculturation and a lot of them dont go to museum s it will possibly dilute whatever is correlated for the people who do go to museums. So what would be interesting for future work would be to find out what would be those persons [museum-goe rs] acculturation sub-scor es that would make them different than those who dont go to museums. Identification of Florida Black Museums Black museums were identified throughout the st ate of Florida using a primary list of ten museums that were found during earlier resear ch and included in Culture Keepers-Florida (Johnson-Simon 2006), internet, Florida Association of Museum (FAM), A ssociation of African American Museum (AAAM), and the Florida Black Heritage Trail brochure. Thirty-four of museums were placed on a Florida Black Museums Survey (FBMS) and participants in the study were asked to rank each museum by the using the following scale: (1) never heard of it (2) heard of it, (3) visited once, (4) visited two or more times (5) visited with parents or with a school group. All participants in the study self identified as African American, Bl ack, or as an African Descended Person, who had lived in predominantly Black communities. The participants were categorized by place of birth as follows: Africa (3 ), Circum-Caribbean (11), Florida (44), and Other US (10). Overall, the participants were una ble to identify most of the museums. In both quantitative scale (FBMS) measures and th rough qualitative (str uctured interviews) conversations, the findings were th at levels of knowledge (identific ation) were indeed lower than expected. However, when participants were give n the survey to complete, most were surprised by the number of museums appearing on the survey and commented that some of them they would not have considered museums.

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180 The Case Studies The problem of minority museums for the purpose of this study is the problem of acculturation as opposed to enculturation as a determinant of participation in Black museums. When I discovered that there were thirty five museum s throughout the state I realized it would be a tremendous undertaking to try to do in-depth stud y of all of them. Older established museums have been members of museum associations lo cally and nationally, th ey had websites, and possibly some core programs. These museums woul d offer a different perspective for looking at acculturation and participation issues, such as lo ngevity i.e. being able to determine community support overtime with participants who may have supported the mu seum for Afrocentric reasons. However, newly developing museums particularly museums with ethnic pos ture outside of U.S. African American southern positions would provid e an interesting persp ective to this study. For those reasons the two museums were selected fo r this study. The Haitian Heritage Museum in Miami is the first ethnic museum in the state to be developed exclusively to celebrate Haitian heritage. The museums is scheduled to open late 2007 and offers for this study different insight about participation specifically expectations of the museum practitioners and the Haitian community. Chiumba Ensemble, Inc. and Cultural Arts Center in Gainesville was selected for a slightly different reason. While doing my research in Gainesville I found that there were several individual efforts to get museums establis hed. After attending several programs and performances at multiple venues of the Chiumba Ensemble, I was intrigued to find that the Chiumba Ensemble, Inc. was in the planning st ages of forming a museum and cultural arts center. I immediately scheduled an interview with the founder and realized that here was a museum that was literally on the drawing board. Given the history of the performance group and the founders background with museums in New Yo rk and Miami, I determined that Chiumba

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181 offered a special opportunity for this study to ex amine the participation on a totally different levelentry level and with a focus on Circum Caribbean (Cuba) and African symbols with its programming directed toward Yoruba language Afro-Caribbean spir itualism. From the perspective of these two new museums, attending to the public requires a public that can identity with the mission of the museum, which coul d mean decidedly Black [African] beyond traditional North American notion of Black. The Role of Black Museums in Maintaining Black Culture Participants were asked during structured interviews to disc uss the ways they see that Black culture is being maintained in Florida. Because museums historically are linked to the dominant culture, and the dominant views of Af rican Americans have been negative, it was important for this study to understand the percep tions of the Black community regarding their own institutions roles in cultural maintenance. From interv iew question responses, participants were able to talk about multiple ways that Blac k culture is maintained. It was the my hope that museums would be included among the top ten res ponses. Of the following are ten ways that the participants perceived that Black culture is being maintained (mus eums appeared as number five, indicating that the 68 par ticipants in this study consider museum s have a fairly si gnificant role): (1) Music, (2) Family, (3) Religious/Church, (4) Food, (5) Museums, (6) Special Events, (7) Sports, (8) Dance, (9) Ha ir, and (10) Clothing. The Relationship between African Ameri can Acculturation and Knowledge and Participation in Black Museums Analysis of the structured interview/convers ation data provided extensive evidence of racial/ethnic socialization themes as well as a means of understanding levels of enculturation. Conversations were also helpful for determining self identity and self determination, cultural socialization and involvement in museums. Partic ipants were able to discuss their own personal

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182 barriers to attending Black museum s and those they perceived were barriers for others members of the group. So, understanding if African American s are cognizant of their own culture and had strong identification with cultural traditions wo uld allow for patterns to surface that would indicate if acculturati on would influence knowledge and part icipation in Black museums. The African American Acculturation Scal e-33 (AAAS-33), devel oped by Landrine and Klonoff, (1995) was used to measure participan ts level of acculturati on. The Florida Black Museums Survey (FBMS) was developed by me to determine the le vel of knowledge and participation in Florida Black mu seums. Participant scores on th e AAAS-33 were correlated with the FBMS. Of the 68 participants in the study, six had accu lturation scale scores that placed them as traditional. The next level on the AAAS-33 scal e is mostly traditional (MT) and 18 of the 68 participants scored as mostly traditional. The FBMS measures levels of knowledge and participation. The scores on the FBMS revealed that only one of the 68 participants score was I. This score was received by a 30 year old Gain esville female who also scored a T on the AAAS33. The final scores only analyzed those partic ipants who scored T or MT on the AAAS-33 and matched those scores with the FBMS. Tw o of the participants who scored MT on the AAAS-33 had a score of NI on FBMS. All others scor es were SI. The scores from both of these scales were used to analyze which museums were used by participants. Two museums at HBCUs (Historically Black Colleges and Universities) were the most recognized, the FAMU Black Archive and the Ma ry McLeod Bethune House on the campus of Bethune Cookman College. The FAMU Black Arch ive was also the museum most visited.

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183 The largest surprise of the study was that the museum at Bethel Baptist Institutional Church in Jacksonville. This museum is one of the museums that appeared in all categories; (2) heard of it, (3) single visit, (4) multiple visits (5) Child/Parent-School visit. The only other museum to appear in all categories is the Black Heritage Museum in Miami. The other museums recognized (knowledge) by participants are: Sojo urner Truth, Zora Neal e Hurston Eatonville, African Heritage Cultural Arts Center-Miami, Ritz Theatre and LaVille Museum-Jacksonville and the Old Dillard Museum in Ft. Lauderdale. The museums ranked for participation (3) single visit are: Zora Neale Hurston-Eatonville, Ritz-Jacksonville, Kingsley Pl antation, Jacksonville, and Durkeeville Historical Society Museum-Jacksonville. Participation level two(4) multiple visits participants ranked: African American Research Library and Cultural Center-F t. Lauderdale, African Heritage Cultural Arts Center-Miami, Riley House-Tall ahassee, Zora Neale Hurst on-Eatonville, Bethune-CookmanDaytona Beach, and Old Dillard-Ft. Lauderdale. Best Practices and Strategies for a Diverse Museum World One of the interesting things that I found while conducting th is study was the diversity of types of Black museums throughout the state. Fo r someone like me who enjoys any opportunity to visit all types of museums, it was a delightful smorgas bord. However, as an anthropologist and museologist it makes it extremely difficult to provide a sort of laundry list of how to of good Black museum practices. The museums that I visited throughout the state range from small (single individual-private) to large (state governed) small museums in small towns to small museums in large cities to large museums in larg e cities. One thing is clear all of the museums I visited expressed similar problems; (1) inadequa te budgets, and (2) lack of participation from local community members. Some of the barriers discussed by study participants presented in

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184 Chapter 4 on the Florida Black Museum World can provide some insight to problems some community members discussed regarding participation. Below I have listed museums that I have vis ited and encouraged others to visit who are doing a fantastic job of reaching ou t to develop their local audience. One of the most important things that I see all of thes e museums doing is outreach. When I say outreach this time, I am really not speaking about taki ng programs into the community via schools and as such, I mean I am impressed that after I ha ve visited the museum they continue to try to stay in touch with me. Each of the museums I have listed below (Table 71) has kept me abreast of the programs they ar e doing and they also send me newsletters, emails, or invitations to opening etc. Several people whom I have sent to these museums have also indicated to me that this has been something that has actually helped them to plan return visits and to tell others about specific programs of interests, such as summer programs for children, special speakers and performances. Its important to mention here that signing the guest book at the museum is what has facilitated the intera ction with the museum. One of the comments I received from someone I encouraged to visit several of these museums was, I dont know how many times I have signed guest books and hoped to hear something only to find out that was the end of it. What a waste of time. I am always so happy when I sign for something of interest and I actually hear back from them Table 7-1. Museums with Best Sources for Effective Outreach North Florida Central Florida South Florida Ritz Theatre and LaVilla MuseumJacksonville FAMU Black Archives-Tallahassee Zora Neale Hurston National Fine Arts Museums-Eatonville Black Heritage Museum-New Smyrna Beach Family Heritage House-Bradenton Old Dillard Museum-Ft. Lauderdale African American Research Library and Cultural Arts Center-Ft. Lauderdale African Heritage Cultural Arts Center-Miami

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185 Something else that is very important, all of these museums have bu ildings that are open to the public on a regular basis. They have we bsites and they offer educational programs and cultural activities as well as historical displays The Zora Neale Hurston Museum in Eatonville has a large festival thats nati onally recognized generally the fo llowing week the Black Heritage Museum in New Smyrna Beach has a folk heritage festival with traditional activities such as cane grinding etc. The Family Heritage Hous e has been successful by engaging local Black organizations such as NAACP and AKA so rority members participate actively. Some Thoughts on How Blac k Museums Build Communities Gail Dexter Lord, co-founder of LORD Cultu ral Resources Planning and Management, Inc. (1999), in her keynote address at the CMA Annual Conference in Toronto, provides an excellent format to follow as I look at how Floridas Black museums build communities. Lord described the following ways. (1) Of foremost importance is the fact that culture, residential spaces, and educational facilities are the essential ingredients for a living downtown. Although cities are for everybody, empty nesters and young professionals are the ma in new markets for downtown living. At some point, many young professions decide to have chil dren and become young families. The critical quality of life issue then b ecomes the availability of good schools in the downtown. Unfortunately, there is a crisis of public ed ucation in Floridas Black communities and the availability of high quality public school is one of the main reasons for flight to the suburbs. Although in many ways this is the main thrust of most of the museums I visited, Floridas Black museums must structure themselves as availabl e resources for schools an d for lifelong learning in order to ensure that the qua lity of education for its Black community members, particularly those in areas where FCAT and othe r testing scores have been poor.

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186 (2) Culture is also a primary resource fo r the dominant information economy. Cultural institutions were not essential to the economy. However, in the knowledge-based, post-industrial, or information economy, culture provides raw material for workers who thrive and survive on ideas and information. Cultural institutions are pl aces to discover new knowledge and to create new meanings. They are, therefore, essential experiences for knowledge and information and one of the reasons that businesses are attracted to ci ties that have culture. Black museums, in the variety and diversity shown in this study, provi de clear opportunities for economic relationships that will be advantageous for building bette r communities where all workers can value the diversity of peoples in their community. (3) A thriving not-for-profit sector, which incl udes museums, equals livable or sustainable cities. The for-profit sector, according to Lord, will always move in and out of cities as modes of production and means of transportation change. Convenience to markets and impact on the bottom line determine an appropriate location. Ho wever, not-for-profit institutions operate by different rules; they make location decisions base d on community benefit sin ce this is at the core of what the not-for-profit sector is all about. A clear example from this study is the Black Heritage Museum in Miami, which has for the pa st 20 years taken the coll ection of rare African and African American artifacts to schools, prisons, malls and th e metro zoo, many times without a permanent facility that potential patrons could come to but constantly forging ahead. Had this been a for-profit it would have found another ve nue but this not-for-pro fit continues because it has a vested interest in the Bl ack community that it serves. (4) Museum and cultural institutions reinforce a sense of place, which is fundamental to identity and community building. There are trem endous social class divisions in Floridaa sense of place is an overwhelmingly unifying force. Black communities have been singularly

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187 successful in sustaining this sense of place, and museums are central in this effort. Museums are repositories of memory and transform experiences into meaning. (5) One important thing to remember is that museums can survive if they can in some way began to think of connections that can be ma de between sports and cultural facilities. As indicated in the interview questions, sports is one of the top leisure activities for Black Floridians, and sports is also one of the primary ways that the participants in this study see themselves as maintaining their Black culture. Acco rding to Lord, major cultural facilities plus professional sports together resu lt in a big l eague downtown. (6) Museums increase community activity, pa rticularly museums that are located in downtown areas. They can play a major role in making a city livable. Mainstream museums attract peak numbers of visitors on daytime week ends, which are periods when offices are empty and other not-for profits includ ing hospitals and unive rsities, scale back. Black museums need to begin to see their role in shaping the downtown ethnically. Higher-attendance museums and sports events enhance activity downtown by bri nging hundreds of thousands of people into the centers of our communities at a time when most workers are at home. Wi thout people in the main streets, no community can be livable. Muse ums also create a sense of safety and provide retail, food services, and washrooms. (7) Museums enhance the convent ion market. Conventions are a huge business. When they are close to hotels and convention facilities, museums are places fo r attendees to visit and also interesting places to hold special functions and memorable events. In terms of economic impact, conventions represent important sources of export money, because they bring new money into the community and there is a direct connection be tween the degree to which a city will attract conventions and the strength of the overall cult ural infrastructure. Black museums in Florida

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188 have historically not taken a share of the convent ion market that flourishes in many areas of the state where Black museums are located such as Orlando, Jacksonville, Miami, and Tallahassee. Taking the lead of the Riley House in Tallahassee with the new grant money for African American museums, these museums can now position themselves to be destinations, particularly during convention times. (8) Museums can be visitor destinations. It is not true that all museums will be visitor destinations, just as it is not true that a G uggenheim Museum will always lure a million people. But a great museum in an architecturally signifi cant building can be a na tional and international attraction. (9) In addition to providing an important service to downtown residents and outside visitors, museums attract suburban and regional audiences. One, or more, really good museums downtown may overcome such increasingly common comments from suburban residents as I only go downtown to work, or I never go downtow n; theres not much to do there. This is especially important for attracti ng visiting friends and relatives in to the cities. The presence of museums and cultural institution creates a sense that there is so much to do that one visit will not suffice. (10) Finally, museums can contribute to a liva ble city by creating meaningful connections between urban and natural life. We must overc ome the notion that urbanism and nature are somehow in opposition. Urban life a nd natural life coexist as part of our environment, just as culture and sports do. Museumsespecially zoos botanical gardens, natural history museums and arboretaremind us of our essential relations hip with the natural e nvironment. One of the special projects of the Chiumba Cultural Center in Gainesville is to construct an African outdoor market with educational programs that addre sses African American ecology, teaching patrons

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189 about how African Americans have learned to use the natural world. The African Bahamian Museum in Key West already ha s an outside area th at has incorporated Yoruba shrines and cultural symbols. Clearly, there are many ways in which Floridas Black museums build livable communities. But, they must see clearly the valu e of reaching past invisible barriers that are rarely discussed that have roots in how acculturated Black people have become. Museum practitioners must contin ue to think in Pan-African terms fr om which most of them have been structured. However, understanding the make-up of the community is essential and finding ways that build and strength en self-identity and self-determina tion. When the Kwanzaa principle of self determination is applied to all that we do we as a people in Florida, we will be building and sustaining our cultural institutions and our communities. Kujichaguliaself determinationis essential because self-definition is important in the Black experience and the Black experience is the Black museum.

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190 APPENDIX A INTERVIEW QUESTIONS The Evolving Role An Ethnography of Florida s Black Museums and Their Communities: A Model toward Cultivating Audiences of African Descended Peoples (ADP) for African American (AA) Museums INTERVIEW QUESTIONS 1. How do you think Black culture is maintained by ADP in Florida? What are the ways? 2. Have you ever been to a Black museum? Have y ou been to one in Florida? (attached list) 3. What was that experience like for you? 4. When you were growing up, did your parents or other adult members of the household take you to plays, dances or classical performances, museums? 5. What were some of your childhood leisure activities? 6. What leisure activities do you engage in at least 4-5 times per year ? (e.g., plays, movies, sports events, concerts, museums, art galler y, dining out, church re ligious, club meetings and special functions etc.)? Pleas e list as many activities as apply. 7. What about Black history a nd culture interests you? 8. Of the things that are of in terest to you about Black hist ory and culture which one do you think should or could be addressed by the Black museum in your area? 9. What do you think are some of the barriers for ADP attending Black museums? What have been some of your barriers? 10. What cultural activities introduced by your parents or other household members do you continue to incorporate in the leisure choices you make today? Do you think that early socialization to Black museum-going can c ontribute to increase d participation of museums in adult leisure choices?

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191 APPENDIX B FLORIDA BLACK MUSEUM SURVEY The Evolving Role An Ethnography of Florida s Black Museums and Their Communities: A Model toward Cultivating Audiences of African Descended Peoples (ADP) for African American (AA) Museums FLORIDA BLACK MUSEUMS SURVEY In the space next to each mu seum indicate the number that best describes your experience in regard to that museum: 1 = I never heard of it; 2 = I have heard of this museum; 3 =I have visited once; 4 =visited 2 or more times; 5 =visited as child with parents/with school group NORTH _____Ritz Theatre & LaVilla Museum-Jacksonville _____Kingsley Plantation-Ft. George Island _____Sojourner Truth Traveling Museum-Jacksonville _____Durkeeville Historical Society Museum-Jacksonville _____Bethel Baptist Church-Jacksonville _____Clara White Mission Museum-Jacksonville _____Julee Cottage Museum-Pensacola _____African American Her itage Center-Pensacola _____John Riley House-Tallahassee _____FAMU Black ArchivesTallahassee _____Mary Proctor American Folk Art Museum & GalleryTallahassee _____Carver-Hill Museum-Crestview CENTRAL _____African American Cultural Center-Palm Coast _____Dorothy Thompson African American Museum-Clearwater _____Zora Neale Hurston Nati onal Art Museum-Eatonville

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192 _____WellsBuilt Museum of African Am erican History & Culture-Orlando _____Carter G. Woodson Museum of Afri can American History-St. Petersburg _____Museum of Arts & Sciences/Afr ican Art Gallery-Daytona Beach _____Mary McLeod Bethune House/ BCC Campus-Daytona Beach _____African American Museum of the Arts-DeLand _____The Black Heritage MuseumNew Smyrna Beach SOUTH _____Old Dillard High School Museum-Ft. Lauderdale _____African American Research Library & Cultural Arts Center-Ft. Lauderdale _____Beatrice Russell Center Museum of Af rican American History-Punta Gorda _____African American Cultural Center-Miami _____Black Heritage MuseumMiami _____Black Archives & Research FoundationMiami _____Historic Virginia Key BeachMiami _____Haitian HeritageMiami _____Williams Academy Black Hi story Museum-Ft. Myers _____Family Heritage House-Bradenton _____Lofton B. Sands Home/African Bahamian Museum-Key West _____The Spady Museum-Delray Beach _____Zora Neal Hurston House-Ft. Pierce

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193 APPENDIX C AFRICAN AMERICAN AC CULTURATION SCALE-II African American A cculturation Scale Approximately 13 percent of the populati on in the United States is African American. As with other microcultural groups, some African Americans are more acculturated than others. Hope Landrine and Elizabet h Klonoff have developed an instrument designed to measure levels of African American acculturation. Ladrine and Klonoff argue that within the microcultu ral context, acculturation refers to the degree to which microcultural groups (f or example, African Americans, Asian Americans, Native Americans) participat e in the traditional values, beliefs, and practices of the dominant Wh ite culture, remain immersed in their own cultural traditions, or blend the two traditions. African Americans who complete the inst rument are asked to indicate their preference for things African American, t heir religious beliefs and practices, their experience with traditional African Am erican foods, childhood experiences, superstitions, interracial attitudes and cultur al mistrust of the White majority, falling out, traditional African American games, Bl ack family values, and family practices. This scale is designed for African Americ ans in the United States and is not applicable to other microcultural groups. The scale is a valid indices of acculturat ion for African Ame ricans and indicate that cultural diversity can be measured reliably. Such measurements give a better understanding of an individuals perceptu al context. The more we know about a persons individual level of acculturati on, the better able we are to provide culturally competent services to him or her.

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194 African American A cculturation Scale Beliefs and Attitudes Survey On a scale ranging from 1 to 7, indicate the exte nt to which you agree or disagree with the statement. 1= totally disagree, 2 = disagree, 3 = slightly disagree, 4= dont know, 5 = slightly agree, 6= agree, and 7 = totally agree. There is no right or wrong answer. We want your honest opinion 1.______ Most of the music I listen to is by Black artists 2. ______ I like Black music more than white music 3. ______ The person I admire most is Black 4. ______ I listen to Black radio stations 5. ______ I try to watch all the Black shows on TV 6. ______ Most of my friends are Black 7. ______ I believe in the Holy Ghost 8. ______ I believe in heaven and hell 9. ______ I like gospel music 10. ______I am currently a member of a Black church. 11. ______Prayer can cure disease. 12. ______The church is the hear t of the Black community. 13. ______I know how to cook chitlins 14. ______I eat chitlins once in a while 15. ______Sometimes, I cook ham hocks 16. ______I know how long youre suppos ed to cook collard greens 17.______I went to a mostly Black elementary school 18. ______I grew up in a mostly Black neighborhood 19. ______I went (or go) to a mostly Black high school 20. ______I avoid splitting a pole 21. ______When the palm of your hand itc hes, youll receive some money 22. ______Theres some truth to many old superstitions 23. ______IQ tests were set up purposefully to discriminate against Black people 24. ______Most tests (like SAT and te sts to get a job) are set up to make sure Blacks dont get high scores on them 25. ______Deep in their hearts, most White people are racists 26. ______I have seen people fall out 27. ______I know what falling out means 28. ______When I was a child, I used to play tonk 29. ______I know how to play bid whist 30. ______Its better to move your whole family ahead in this world than it is to be out for only yourself 31. ______Old people are wise 32. ______When I was young, my parent(s) sent me to stay with a relative (aunt, uncle, grandmother) for a few days or weeks, and then I went back home again 33. ______When I was young I took a bath with my sister, brother, or some other relative

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195 Scoring: Sum your responses to the above 33 it ems. Your score must range between 33 and 231. Scores 33-60 = Acculturated Scores 66-85 = Mostly acculturated Scores 99=130 = Bicultural (slightly acculturated). Scores 165-185 = Bicultural (slightly traditional). Scores 198-200 = Mostly traditional Scores 200-231 = Traditional Source: The African American Acculturation Scal e II from H. Landrine & E. A. Klonoff, The African American Accultura tion Scale II Journal of Black Psychology. Vol 21, 1995/ pp 124153. Copyright 1995 Association of Black Psychologists.

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196 APPENDIX D PROFILE OF FLORIDA BLACK MUSEUMS Table D-1. Profile Florida Black Museums Institution Location/County Date Est. Type North 1 Ritz Theatre & LaVilla Museum Jacksonville/Duval 1999 History 2 Kingsley Plantation Ft. George Island/Duval 1955 Historic Site 3 Sojourner Truth Traveling Museum Jacksonville/Duval 1989 History 4 Durkeeville Historical Society Museum Jacksonville/Duval 2000 Historical Society 5 Bethel Baptist Institutional Church Jacksonville/Duval 1995 Archive 6 Clara White Mission Museum Jacksonville/Duval 1978 History, Mission 7 Julee Cottage Museum Pensacola/Escambia 1988 Historic House 8 African American Heritage Center Pensacola/Escambia 1990 History, Culture 9 John Riley House Tallahassee/Leon 1996 Historic House 10 FAMU Black Archives Tallahassee/Leon 1971 Archive

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197 Table D-1. Continued. Institution Location/County Date Est. Type 11 Mary Proctor American Folk Art Museum & Gallery Tallahassee/Leon 1995 Folk Art 12 Carver-Hill Museum Crestview/Okaloosa 1979 History, Culture Central 13 African American Cultural Center Palm Coast/Flagler 1991 Cultural Center 14 Dorothy Thompson African American Museum Clearwater/Pinellas 1978 History 15 Zora Neale Hurston National Fine Art Museum Eatonville/Orange 1990 Art, Culture, History 16 Wells'Built Museum of African American History & Culture Orlando/Orange 1999 History, Culture 17 Carter G. Woodson Museum of African American History St. Petersburg/Pinellas 2006 History 18 Harriette & Harry Moore Cultural Center Mims/Brevard 2004 History, Civil Rights, Culture 19 Mary McLeod Bethune House/BCC Campus Daytona Beach/Volusia 1975 House, Historic Site 20 African American Museum of the Arts DeLand/Volusia 1995 Art, Performin g Arts 21 The Black Heritage Museum New Smyrna Beach/Volusia 1999 History, Culture

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198 Table D-1. Continued. Institution Location/County Date Est. Type South 22 Old Dillard High School Museum Ft. Lauderdale/Broward 1990 Art, History 23 African American Research Library & Cultural Arts Center Ft. Lauderdale/Broward 2002 Research Library & Cultural Center 24 Blanchard House Museum of African American History Punta Gorda/Charlotte 2004 History, Culture 25 African Heritage Cultural Arts Center Miami/Miami-Dade 1976 Cultural Arts Center 26 Black Heritage Museum Miami/Miami-Dade 1987 Anthropol ogy, Art, History 27 Historic Virginia Key Beach Miami/Miami-Dade 1999 Historic Site 28 Haitian Heritage Museum Miami/Miami-Dade 0pens 2007 Ethnic, Art 29 Black Archives & Research Foundation Miami/Miami-Dade 1977 Archive 30 National Medical Museum Miami/Miami-Dade 2006 Medical 31 Williams Academy Black History Museum Ft. Myers/Lee 2001 History 32 Family Heritage House Bradenton/Manatee 1990 History, Culture 33 Sands Home/ African Bahamian Museum Key West/Monroe 1998 History 34 The Spady Museum Delray Beach/Palm Beach 2001 History 35 Zora Neal Hurston House Ft. Pierce/St. Lucie 2004 Heritage Trail

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199 Museums in North Florida Figure D-1. Deborah Johnson-Sim on visits the Ritz Theatre and LaVilla Museum photo creditDeborah Johnson-Simon 2004 The Ritz Theatre and LaVilla MuseumJacksonville-Duval County The Ritz Theatre & LaVilla Museum is loca ted in Jacksonville, Duval County (Figure D1) was established in 1999. The Ritz Theatre seats 400 and features a state of the art sound system. Receptions business meetings, private affa irs, weddings and other community events are held in the lobby. The LaVilla Muse um houses an exhibit of the history of African Americans in northeast Florida. The permanent Lift Evry Vo ice and Sing exhibit sa lutes LaVillas native sons, James Weldon and John Rosamond Johnson th rough music, projected images, dialogue and theatrical lighting. The voices of educator Dr. Johnneta B. Cole, a Jacksonville native, singer/actor Harry Burney and renowned actor Ossi e Davis set a dramatic tone as you witness the brothers share their histor y. In addition to the permanent collection, the Museum gallery presents a variety of exhibits including fine art, folk art, photography, multi-media and historical

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200 themes. They celebrate the rich legacy of th e African American community that thrived in LaVilla for more than 100 years. The stories and legends of LaVilla known once as the Harlem of the South, live on within the walls of th e refurbished museum and theatre. They are committed to reclaiming the past, celebrating the present and embracing the future. (Governed by City of Jacksonville)(Museum brochure) (Per sonal interview Lydia Stewart 2003) Also see Culture Keepers Florida, Johnson-Simon 2006:42-43. Figure D-2. Slave Cabin Kingsle y Plantation; Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2004 The Kingsley Plantation-Ft. George Island-Jacksonville-Duval County The Kingsley Plantation, administered by the National Park Service, is located on Fort George Island (Figure D-2). Incl uded are the plantation house, a kitchen house, a barn and the ruins of 25 of the original sl ave cabins. The Kingsley Plantation was named for Zephaniah Kingsley who operated the property from 1813-1839. Purchased as a slave, Kingsleys wife, Anna Madgigine Jai, was freed in 1811. She was active in plantation management and became a

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201 successful business woman owning her own propert y. As an American territory, Florida passed laws that discriminated against free Blacks and placed harsh restriction on African slaves. This prompted Kingsley to move his family impacted by these laws, to Haiti, now the Dominican Republic, where descendants of Anna and Zephan iah live today. Kingsley Plantation has been established since 1955. (Governed by Nationa l Park Service) (Museum brochure) Figure D-3. Barbara Halfacre founde r Sojourner Truth Traveling Mu seum; Photo credit-Deborah Johnson-Simon 2004 The Sojourner Truth Traveling Muse um, Jacksonville-Duval County Beginning in 1989, the Sojourner Truth Libr ary Museum was designed by Barbara Halfacre to give insight into African American heritage (Figure D-3). Her portable exhibit was shown in numerous churches, schools, colleges and museums. Through her Traveling Museum, Halfacre told the stories of So journer Truth and other Black wo men of vision and courage who made contributions to the culture of this nati on. During my interview with Mrs. Halfacre in March 2004 she said Our museum was set up like Sojourner we were going to tell the truth and

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202 we were traveling like she did The mission was to inform people about little known facts in Black history. Freedom to Read has been a guiding exhibition for Halfacre. She says I do like reading so much and I always try to encourage that. The other mainstay or permanent traveling exhibition has been Learning through Black Heritage Stamps I did a lot of lecturing with these two exhibits Mrs. Halfacre is no longer with us and I debated whether to include the museum in the survey and found that I couldnt. I have not met a more dedicate d individual than this strong woman with a beautiful spirit. Therefore, this museum is incl uded in hopes that this legacy will live on. (Governed by private owner) (Personal Interview) Al so see Culture Keepers -Florida, Johnson-Simon 2006-44-45. Figure D-4. Dr. Carolyn Williams Executive Di rector Durkeeville Historical Center The Durkeeville Historical Center The Durkeeville Historical Center was esta blished in 2000 (Figure D-4). The mission of this historical society is to present an accurate historical r ecord of the greater Durkeeville community, establish a sense of pr ide, preserve the past, document the present, and plan for the

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203 future. The founders of the Durkeeville Historical Society began meeting as a small assembly in 1998. The Historical Center presents the story of the greater Durkeevi lle area in pictures, artifacts, personal items, local history, videos and memorabilia of the area and its residents from the 1920s to the present. The history of chur ches, schools, businesses, recreation, nightlife, employment and everyday life are depicted in its many displays. The Du rkeeville Historical Center is located in the Durkeeville community of Jacksonville in D uval County. (Governed by Durkeeville Historical Society) (Personal In terview with Dr. Carolyn Williams 2004) Also Culture Keepers-Florida, Johnson-Simon 2006:46-47. Figure D-5. Bethel Baptist Institutional Churc h, Jacksonville, Photo credit Deborah JohnsonSimon 2004 The Bethel Baptist Institutional Church Archives-Jacksonville Duval County Bethel Baptist Institutional Church Archives/Museum is an outgrowth of interest in preserving valuable information, artifacts, doc uments, photographs, and other memorabilia. (Figure D-5) Many of these items were in the Wa ldron House (Bethels former parsonage) and in

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204 the homes of members. The official opening of the Archives/Museum in 1995 is the culmination of many years of planning and organizing. Special holdings of the Archive/Museum include the cornerstone from the site on which the 1868 chur ch building was located dated 1869; original architecture rendering of 1904 Church building by M.H. Hubbard; legal documents of the Articles of Incorporation of Bethel Baptist church as Bethel Baptist Institutional church, dated October 17 1894; Christian flag fr om1920 or earlier. Other holdings include original and copies of legal documents, certificated, letters, publications, program di rectories, plaques, trophies, photographs, artifacts and furniture (Governed by Bethel Baptist Institutional Chur ch) (Personal interview with Camilla Perkins Thompson) Also Culture-Keepers-F lorida, Johnson-Simon 2006:48-48. Figure D-6. The Clara White Ce nter, Jacksonville, Photo cr edit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2006 The Eartha M.M. White Historical Museum Jacksonville-Duval County The Eartha M.M. White Historical Museum lo cated upstairs in the Clara White Mission in Jacksonville (Figure D-6). The Clara White Mission provides a daily feeding program, a prevention program for at risk youth and a muse um of history, featuri ng the agencys founder,

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205 Dr. Eartha M. M. White. It chronicles the Mission s historic role in the provision of services to the needy. When Clara went to work for the John Rollins family, who owned the old Kingsley Plantation on Fort George Island, she and Eartha lived in Anna Jai Kingsleys former home. In Daytona, Eartha went to what later became Bethune-Cookman College. In 1899, Eartha became a public school teacher at Bayard, in Jack sonville. The museum provides a glimpse into Victorian Jacksonville (Governed-private, non-prof it organization with a 5 01(c) (3) tax exempt status) (museum brochure) Figure D-7. Julee Cottage, Pensacola; Photo credit-Deborah Johnson-Simon 2006 The Julee Cottage-Pensacola Escambia County The Julee Cottage was the home of Julee Pant on, a free woman of color, who purchased the house from Francisco Heindenburg in 1804(Figur e D-7). The cottage is located in the Historic Pensacola Village. During the last Span ish period and the American ante-bellum days, there were many free Blacks in Pensacola. They were allowed to buy property and some even owned slaves. Legend has it that Panton purchased the freedom of slaves and helped them start

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206 new lives. Also, the house holds architectural va lue as the only surv iving Pensacola house reminiscent of the Creole cottages of the French Quarter in New Orleans. It also contains an exhibit on Black history in West Florida. The mu seum is located in Historic Pensacola Village, which the museum operation of West Florida Histor ic Preservation, Inc. wh ich is a direct support organization of the University of West Florida. (Museum brochure) Figure D-8. The African American Heritage Ce nter, Pensacola; Photo credit-Deborah JohnsonSimon 2006 The African American Heritage Ce nter-Pensacola-Escambia County The African American Heritage Center was founded September 12, 1990 to preserve, promote, and perpetuate cultural diversity through partnership w ith public and private organizations. (Figure D-8) Its vision is to initia te, facilitate and promote the practices of African American culture and cultural diversity. The soci etys headquarters are located at 200 Church Street, Pensacola, Florida in the historic Kate Coulson House. The Center is an integral component of cultural tourism in Northwest Florida. The society has recently produced the very first Pensacola African American Heritage Trail brochure, which highlights over tw enty-two (22)

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207 historically significant sights (Governed by African American Heritage Society).(Museum brochure) Figure D-9. The John G. Riley Center Muse um; Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2005 The John G. Riley Center Museum of Africa n American History and Culture-TallahasseeLeon County The John G. Riley Center/Museum of African American History and Culture is located on East Jefferson St. in Tallahassee (Figure D-9). Th e Riley House is especially significant when compared to other historical sites in that it is the last vestige we have of the accomplishments of the Black middle class, which emerged in the latter part of the nine teenth century. In 1978, through the efforts of local preservationists, th e Riley House became the second house in Florida owned by a Black person to be placed on the National Register of Hi storic Places. In 1995, a group of Tallahassee citizens esta blished a museum at the Riley House dedicated to African American history and culture. The museum co mponents are: an oral history program; an intercultural and multicultural outreach program that included workshops, lectures, a speakers

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208 bureau, walking tours, special e xhibits and cultural events; an instructional program focusing on genealogical studies and architectural surveys; an archival resource center available to the community for historic research. (Governed by Board of Directors)(Personal interview with Riley House director Altamese Barnes Feb.2003) Also Culture-KeepersFlorida, Johnson-Simon 2006:50 Figure D-10. Deborah Johnson Simon at the FAMU Black Archives Research Center Museum, Tallahassee Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2005 Black Archives Research Center-Florida A & M University-Tallahassee-Leon County The Black Archives Research Center and Mu seum is located in Carnegie Library, the oldest brick building on the campus of Florida A & M University (Figure D-10). In 1976, FAMU president Benjamin L. Perry, Jr. designated Carneg ie library as the home of the Black Archives Research Center and Museum. The majority of Ca rnegie Library is used as museum exhibition areas. These exhibit areas consist of informative displays on various peop le, groups, and subjects

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209 important to African American hi story and culture. The exhibits sp an from ancient Africa to the present. The center also schedules special trav eling exhibits that are pertinent to African Americans in the nation and the State of Flor ida. (Governed by Florida A & M University) (Personal interview with Dr. James Eaton) Also Culture Keepers-Florida, Johnson-Simon 2006:52-53) Figure D-11. American Folk Art Museum and Gallery The American Folk Art Museum and Gallery-Tallahassee-Leon County Folk artist and missionary Mary Proctor cr eated the American Folk Art Museum and Gallery in Tallahassee. To some observers more familiar with traditional art gallery spaces, the museum may appear to be anothe r junkyard, but this fenced in space is spiritual (Figure D-11). She limits her visitors to those she feels posse ss positive energy, and she believes that God gave her the gift of a healing touch to help peopl e of all backgrounds. Pr octor uses doors, plywood, and found objects as the base of her paintings. The doors, however, are part icularly important in her art, as they represent passage s to new life. In addition to pain ting them, she adorns them with

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210 objects such as beads, mirrors, coins, small toys, fabrics and even S&H Green Stamps. She usually incorporates verbal narrat ives too. Proctor deals with themes of love, spirituality, respect, non-violence, and self-esteem. Since beginning to paint in 1995, Proctor has earned a national reputation; her work has app eared in numerous publications and exhibitions nationwide. (Bucuvalas 2003:37) (Personal Interv iew with Mary Proctor Nov 2006) Figure D-12. The Carver-Hill Museum; Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2006) The Carver-Hill Museum-Crestview-Okaloosa County Carver-Hill MuseumCrestview: In the 1970s Mrs. Caroline Allen worked to convince the school district that what has been the Ca rver Hill Schools lunchroom should be converted into the Carver Hill Museum (Figure D-12). Sh e gathered school memo rabilia and wrote grant applications for state and federa l assistance. Later, she envisioned building a larger museum and shepherded its construction from fund raising to completion. Throughout the remainder of her retirement, Mrs. Allen contribute d to her community by advising small businesses, writing letters and providing advice to citizens. (McCarthy 1995)

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211 Museums in Central Florida Figure D-13. African American Cultural Societ y, Palm Coast Photo credit Deborah JohnsonSimon 2006 The African American Cultural Society-Palm Coast-Flagler County African American Cultural Society, Inc. has built a Cultural Center on five acres of property on US 1 in Palm Coast (Figure D-13). The Center is a multiphase pr oject that provides a place for the exploration, development, display a nd exhibition of the visual and performing arts. Phase II will house a Museum, and expansion of the research library into a full-scale library, and several additional classrooms. Th e Center is the first of its kind in Flagler County devoted entirely to cultural activities. Artifacts of cu ltural and historical si gnificance from private collections are exhibited at selected intervals. Multimedia and film presentations focusing on Black filmmakers are presented on a regular basis. The Centers rese arch library is devoted to the culture and history of people of African ancestry. Living history tapes and online access are also available. (Governed by Board of Directors) (Museum broc hure and personal interview

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212 Figure D-14. The Dorothy Thompson African Am erican Museum, Clearwater; Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2003 The Dorothy Thompson African American Museum-ClearwaterPinellas County Dorothy Thompson African American Museum is located in Clearwater (Figure D-14). The museum opened in 1978, housing a private colle ction of African American books, records, tapes, cookbooks and artifacts from the 75 pioneer African families who settled in Clearwater. Included is an exhibit about Annie Sypes, a Blac k woman who was born in and lived most of her 107 years in the Clearwater. Mrs. Thompson was very active in the Afri can American museum movement in Florida. I remember in the 1980s meeting her and seeing th e school buses lined up to take school children in to see the museum I also remember its impact during the planning stages for the first Florida Black Heritage Trail. I was stunned during my vi sit to the museum in 2003, when I started this research, to find that Mrs. Thompson had been confined to a nursing home and the museum closed. I later learned th at she had passed and this truly saddened me. The museum has been closed and I havent been ab le to find out the status of this facility. (McCarthy, 1995) (Note: personal co mmunication during fieldwork 2003)

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213 Figure D-15. Zora Neale Hurston National Museum of Fine Arts; Photo credit Deborah JohnsonSimon 2006 The Zora Neale Hurston National Museum of Fine Arts-Eatonville-Orange County The Zora Neale Hurston National Museum of Fi ne Arts (Figure D-15) was established in 1990 in Eatonville, to provide a place in the h eart of the community where the public can Figure D-16. The Wells Built Museum of Af rican American History & Culture, Orlando

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214 view the work of artists of Af rican descent, who live on the Con tinent and/or in the Diaspora, says founder executive director N.Y. Nathiri. This modestly sized museum is known nationally and internationally for the Zora Festival that it hosts annually. The whole town is a historic site, I was told during my interview with the executi ve director. (Governed by the Association to Preserve the Eatonville Community (P.E.C) (personal interv iew N.Y Nathiri 2003) Also Culture Keepers-Florida, Johnson-Simon 2006:40 The Wells Built Museum of African Am erican History & Culture-Orlando-Orange County The Wells Built Museum of African American History & Culture, located in Orlando Florida. Dr. William Monroe we lls, one of Orlandos first Afri can American physicians, opened the Wells Built Hotel in 1929 to provide lodging to African Americans visiting the Orlando area (Figure D-16). Second floor hotel rooms complement ed three first floor storefronts. The adjacent South Street Casino attracted many famous ente rtainers, and the hotel became the favorite stopping place for such greats as Thurgood Marshall, Ella Fitzgerald, Roy Campanella and Jackie Robinson. Today the hotel is the Wells Built Museum of African American History & Culture. Artifacts include such items as official hotel documents, an original Negro League baseball jersey, multi-media exhibits and slave re cords. Fully restored by the Trust for Public land and the Association to Preserve African Am erican Society, History and Traditions, Inc. (PAST), the Museum focuses on African American contributions to jazz and entertainment. (Governed by P.A.S.T. Inc.) Also Culture Keepers-Florida, Johnson-Simon 2006:56 Dr. Carter G. Woodson African American History Museum-St. Petersburg Dr. Carter G. Woodson African American Mu seum opened on April 2006 (Figure D-17) is a 501 (c) (3) tax exempt, not-for-profit organization. Located in the historic Jordan Park Housing Community the facility encompasses 4,500 square feet of space for reception areas, gallery

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215 exhibits, classrooms, offices a nd collection storage. The museum s name was selected from entries submitted to the Name the Museum c ontest sponsored by the St. Petersburg Housing Authority in 2004. The name for the museum was submitted by teenagers representing the Frank Pierce Recreation Center. The museum serves its immediate community of Midtown St. Petersburg, the greater St. Pete rsburg area, and the Tampa Bay region (Governed City of St. Petersburg; Board of Directors). (Museum Fact Sheet) Figure D-17. Dr. Carter G. Woods on African American History Museum, St. Petersburg Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2005 Harry T. & Harriette V. Moore Cultural Complex-Mims-Brevard The Harry T. & Harriette V. Moore Cultural Complex, Inc. is a 501(c)(3) not for profit corporation, formed to enhance the development and operation of the Moore Memorial Park and Cultural Center through fund -raising, programmatic activitie s and physical improvements (Figure D-18). Harry T. and his wife Harriette organized the firs t Brevard County chapter of the NAACP and were instrumental in this organizati on and the fight for equality and justice until their deaths. They were murdered in 1951 for th eir involvement in the Civil Rights Movement

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216 when a bomb placed under their home exploded on Christmas night. The Board of Directors consists of individuals from the surrounding co mmunity who volunteer th eir time, talent and resources to develop plans and programs for th e enhancement of the Moore Cultural Center. (Governed by Board of Director) (Museum brochure) Figure D-18. The Harry T. & Harriette V. Moor e Cultural Complex, Mims Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2006 Mary McLeod Bethune Home-Bethune Cookma n College-Daytona Beach-Volusia County Mary McLeod Bethune House located on the campus of Bethune Cookman College in Daytona Beach, the campuss most popular landma rk is Bethunes home. (Figure D-19) Bethune often hosted dignitaries at her hom e include her close friend, First lady Eleanor Roosevelt. Upon her death in 1955, Bethune was laid to rest in a simple graves ite behind her home, which now serves as headquarters for the Mary McLe od Bethune Foundation. Visitors can discover Bethunes legacy through the numerous citations, plaques, artifacts and photographs displayed

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217 throughout the home. The Bethune foundation a nd gravesite is open for tours year round. (McCarthy 1995) Figure D-19. The Mary McLeod Bethune House, Daytona Beach, Photo credit Deborah JohnsonSimon 2004 Figure D-20. The Johnsons founders of the Afri can American Museum of the Arts, DeLand; Photo Credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2003

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218 African American Museum of th e Arts, DeLand-Volusia County African American Museum of the Arts is a not-for-profit arts facility dedicated to promoting multicultural artistic excellence and provi ding educational opportunities to all ages, in visual, literary and performing arts through on site and outreach exhibitions, presentations and historical research (Figure D-20). The museum founded in 1994, is the only one in the area devoted primarily to African American cultures and art. The museum houses a revolving gallery featuring works of established and emerging ar tists. The museum is also the home to a permanent collection of more than 150 artifacts, incl uding sculptures and masks form countries of Africa. In addition to the visual arts, the museum founded the Little Theater of Deland in 1999 to afford children and adults an opportunity to develop their dramatic abilities. (Governed by Board of Directors) Figure D-21. Black Heritage Museum, New Sm yrna Beach, Photo credit Deborah JohnsonSimon 2006

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219 Black Heritage Museum New Smyrna Beach-Volusia County The Black Heritage Museum is housed in the old Sacred Heart/St. Rita building, built in 1899 (Figure D-21). The Centennial Celebratio n was December 11, 1999, marking 100 years of the buildings existence and the official openi ng of the Museum. The Black Heritage Museum displays a collection of memorabilia and artif acts used to educate citizens and students about history and race relations in small town Florida. The information dates back to the late 1800s. It offers a glimpse of African American History cent ered around, but not restri cted to, the heritage of African Americans prior to and including th at period. The Museum is owned by the Black Heritage Festival of New Smyrna Beach, Inc. It is operated by the Friends of the Museum, a group of volunteers. It is a 501 (c) (3) organization. A collect ion of hundreds of photographs shows the Catholic Sister of the Christian Doctrine and the part they played in molding the future of African Americans in this and other areas in the State of Florida. Mo re than 100 replicas of African American invention ar e housed in the Museum with literature documenting this information. The Florida East Coas t Railroad exhibit chronicles th e key role it played in the social and economical development of the West Side community. (Museum brochure) Museums in South Florida The Old Dillard Museum Ft. Lauderdale-Broward County Old Dillard Museum is located in Ft. Laude rdale (Figure D-22). The first school for African Americans in Fort La uderdale was the new Colored school, completed in March, 1924. Today the Old Dillard Museum occupies th e upper floor of the building, where former classrooms and the principals office have been c onverted into exhibition galleries and a Library Resource Room. These interpretive spaces include a permanent heritage Gallery, complete with the original chalkboard wooden cl assroom desks, historic phot ographs and memorabilia which tell the story of African American life in early Fort Lauderdale. The Gallery acquaints

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220 Figure D-22. Old Dillard Museum, Ft. Lauderd ale, Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2006 youngsters and adults alike with fascinating African, Caribbean, Native American and local artifacts and activities that celebrate our rich and diverse heritage. The jazz Room houses an extensive permanent educational exhibition on Americas original art form, paying special tribute to Fort Lauderdale le gend Julian Cannonball Adderly a nd has become a highly popular venue for intimate performances in its night club ambience. The primary audience is people of color, says Ernestine Ray, Di rector (Governed by Board of Trustee) (Museum brochure) (personal interview Ernestine Ray Jan. 2003) Also see Culture Keepers Florida, Johnson-Simon 2006:38-39 African American Research Library and Cultur al Center-Ft. Lauderdale-Broward County The African American Research Library and Cu ltural Center located at Sistrunk Blvd, Ft. Lauderdale (Figure D-23). This facility cont ains 75,000 books, documents and artifacts by and about people of African descent, a community cultural center, a 300 seat auditorium, meeting rooms, exhibit areas, a historic archive, a viewing and liste ning center and other

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221 Figure D-23. The African American Research Library and Cultural Center, Ft. Lauderdale historical material on Black history in Broward County, Sout h Florida, the Caribbean, the African Diaspora and the nation. Also included ar e the papers of W.E.B. DuBois, the Langston Hughes collection, the Bethune-Coo kman College Collections, 1922 -1 955, the papers of Carter G. Woodson and the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, 1915-1950, and the Alex Haley collection. (Governed Broward County Library System)(Library brochure) The Blanchard House Museum of African History and Cult ure Punta Gorda, Charlotte County Blanchard House African American Heritage Muse um is located at 406 Martin Luther King Blvd in Punta Gorda (Figure D-24). The museum educ ates the public on the preservation of African American culture. This center was formally know n as the Bernice Russell Center Museum of African American History. Mrs. Bernice Russell, the African American community historian purchased the Blanchard House. Bernice Russell was also a humanitarian and social activist. At the time of her death, she left work unfinished. She felt it was important to publish the history

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222 and contributions of African Americans in Charlo tte County. She also felt that the historical character of her neighborhood s hould be preserved. (Black Heri tage Trail brochure 2002:22) Figure D-24. The Blanchard House Museum of African History and Culture of Charlotte County, Punta Gorda Figure D-25. African Heritage Cultural Arts Center, Miami, Photo credit Deborah JohnsonSimon 2006

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223 African Heritage Cultural Ar ts Center-Miami-Dade County African Heritage Cultural Arts Center locate d along Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Blvd in Miamis Liberty City district (Figure D-25). The Amadlozi Gallery (In the presence of Our Ancestors) is rapidly emerging as a world-class venue for art exhibi tions. It has been particularly valuable for its showings of diverse African World art forms. The Gallery and Center are operated under the auspices of the Miami-Da de County Park and Recreation department. (Amadlozi Gallery brochure 2006) Black Heritage Museum-Miami Dade County Black Heritage Museum located in Miami es tablished in 1987 by Priscilla Stephens-Kruize to promote racial harmony among the many cultura l groups in Dade County. They provide the community with a positive look at Black heritage through our many exhibits, talks, and literature (Governed private non-profit). Figure D-26. Sign Advertising Virginia Beach for Colored only Photo Credit: Florida State Archives

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224 Virginia Key Beach Park Museum-Miami Dade County Virginian Key Beach Park Museum located in Miami was once the citys sole beach for Blacks (Figure D-26). In 1999 Black residents lear ned the city planned to sell the property and formed a task force to protest the move. They contacted one of the areas oldest African Americans to help the cause. This individual, who owned a f uneral parlor, had given up any notions of retirement years ago and has spent mu ch of her life as a co mmunity activist. Then, Lord Cultural Resources was selected to plan the Museum and Visitor Center that will tell the story of the Virginia Key Beach Park, seen as pa rt of the larger story of African Americans in southern Florida. (Lord Cu ltural Resources brochure) Figure D-27. Office of the Haitian Heritage Museum, Miami Photo Credit: Deborah JohnsonSimon 2005 The Haitian Heritage Museum-Miami Dade County The Haitian Heritage Museum located in Miam i is schedule to open in late 2007 (Figure D-27). The Haitian Heritage Museum is a not-for-profit organization that is committed to highlighting and preserving Haitis rich cu lture and heritage locally, nationally and

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225 internationally. The goal is to create a cultu ral Mecca where individuals can come and enjoy beautiful Haitian art, historic artifacts, and enj oy a collection of Haitian literary works. (Personal interview Eveline Pierre and Se rge Rodriquez co-founders Nov. 2005) Figure D-28. Black Archives Hi story and Research Foundation of South Florida, Miami; Photo Credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2006 Black Archives History and Research Founda tion of South Florida-Miami Dade County The Black Archives, History and Research F oundation of South Florida, Inc. founded 1977 by Dr. Dorothy Jenkins Fiel ds and located in Building C Suite 101 at 5400 NW 22nd Avenue, in Miami (Figure D-28). The Center is comprised of preserved manus cripts, photographs, articles and other source materials that tell the story of th e Black experience in Miami-Dade County from 1896 to the present. The Black Archives conceived the idea of developing a mixed-use marketplace to transform a two block area in Over town into a cultural, entertainment district with a retail corridor. As part of its Heritage Education Pr ogram, they conduct a Speakers Bureau, comprised of volunteer pioneers and Black Miamians who fulfill speaking engagements throughout. (Museum brochure)

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226 Figure D-29. National Medical Museum, Miami National Medical Museum-Miami Dade County National Medical Museum, located at 1177 M.L. K. Blvd. Miami, envisions a museum that educates and inspires by cel ebrating people of diverse bac kgrounds who have impacted the world of healthcare (Figure D-29). The livi ng museum and archives will highlight the contributions of minority health care pioneers via a unique array of e xhibits and programs. Visitors will be treated to an interactive tour that presents the people, technology and history of health care form the perspective of Americas Black practitioners. Construction and compilation of archival information and artifacts commenced in January 2006. (Governed non-profit tax exempt 501(c) (3) publicly supported 509 (a) (2) organization) (Museum brochure-Fact Sheet) Williams Academy Black History Museum-Ft. MyersWilliams Academy Black History Museum locat ed at 1936 Henderson Ave. in Fort Myers (Figure D-30) The Black History Museum, establis hed in 2001 is housed in the 1942 addition of the Williams Academy building originally built in 1913. The centers aim is to preserve and commemorate cultural and educational contribu tions made by both locally and nationally known Black people. Visitors can appreciate the muse ums efforts via a range of exhibits featuring replication of local Black community members and their contributions to the areas history.

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227 Figure D-30. Williams Academy Black History Museum, Ft. Myers; Photo Credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2006 Family Heritage HouseBradenton-Manatee County Since its inception in 1990, Family Heritage House (Figure D-31) has shared an array of artifacts, literature and other resources, chr onicling the history and cultural achievements of African Americans. Its founders, Mr. Ernest L. Brown Jr., and Mrs. Fredi Brown, began this institution on the campus of Head Start. In 2000, they loaned their abundan t, diverse collection to Manatee Community College, which assists w ith the museum's site and facilities. The Underground Railroad rese arch center at Family Heritage House Museum includes books, articles and other information directly associated with the Underground Railroad, the experiences of slavery in the Americas, histor ies of various fights fo r freedom, free Black

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228 communities in Spanish Florida, and biographies of prominent abolitionists(from website and personal interview with Fredi Brown). Figure D-31. Family Heritage House, Brad enton, Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2005 Lofton B. Sands African Bahamian Museum Key West-Monroe County Lofton B. Sands House-The African Bahamian Museum located in Key West. Lofton B. Sands, the first African American hired by t he City of Key West as master electrician, built this home in 1928. (Figure D-32) It was used as a re ntal property until he moved there in the late 1930s. Today it is the home of Floridas firs t African Bahamian Museum dedicated to the education of the children of Key West. He house now displays a pictorial exhibit of Key Wests African Bahamian settlers, with a living Yoruba Africa village exhibit adjacent. The museum was established in 1998. (Governed by Bahama Conch Community land Trust of Key West) (Personal interview Norma Jean Sawyer director March 2005)

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229 Figure D-32. Lofton B. Sands H ouse-The African Bahamian Muse um, Key West Photo Credit Dona Dorsey 2005 Figure D-33. The Spady Cultural Heritage Mu seum, Delray Beach; Photo Credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2006

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230 The Spady Cultural Heritage Museum-Delray Beach The Spady Cultural Heritage Museum is operated by EPOCH (Expanding & Preserving Our Cultural Heritage, Inc.) a non-profit 501 (c) (3 ) organization dedicated to communicating the rich history and cultural diversity of Delray Beach and Palm Beach C ounty. (Figure D-33) The museum is the brainchild of Vera Rolle Fa rrington, a retired Palm Beach county educator, historian and native South-Floridian. The Spady Cultural Heritage Museum is the former home of the late Solomon D. Spady who was the mo st prominent African American educator and community leader in Delray Beach from 19221957. The house is an historic two storied Mission Revival styled home comp leted in 1926. (Museum brochure) Figure D-34. Zora Neale Hurston Home, Ft. Pierce; Photo Credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2006

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231 The Zora Neale Hurston House-Ft. Pierce From early 1958 through late 1959, Zora Neale Hu rston lived in this house,(Figure D-34) part of a new subdivision deve loped by Dr. Clem C. Benton, a prominent Fort Pierce physician and community leader. Dr. Benton allowed Zora, a family friend, to live in the house rent free. The house is on the National Register of Historic Places and was designated a National Historic Landmark by the U.S. Department of Interior and National Park Service in 1991. In 1995, it was moved 500 feet due north from its original loca tion at 1734 School Court, to allow for expansion of Lincoln Park Academy where Zora briefl y taught in 1958 (Herit age Trail Marker 2). Zora Neale Hurston Home located in Ft. Pi erce. In 1957, Zora Neale Hurston moved to Fort Pierce and was offered a small two-bedroom house, rent free by Dr. C. C. Benton, a family friend from her Eatonville childhood (Figure 36 ). Dr. Benton, a respected physician had worked to establish the School Court community for nearly a decade. He sold land for a new Black high school and built duplexes and houses on the south side. School Court was the first attempt by private enterprise to provide affordable, safe housing for the communitys poor. This house was her home from 1957 until her death in 1960. During this period she worked for the Fort Pierce Chronicle and on her manuscript on Herod the Great. Contemporaries remember her dog Sport, a back bedroom full of papers, books and typewr iter, a garden with beans, paws, onions, and collards and a beautiful flower yard with roses, zinnias and hibiscus in front.

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232 APPENDIX E HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF BLACK MUSEUMS AND INSTITUTIONS WITH MUSEUM FUNCTIONS 1800-1980 Historical Background of Black Museums and In stitutions with Museum Functions 1800-1980 Background Period Function Museum Function 1800 Prior to the development of specific Black institutions, such as museums, churches and schools performed museumdefined functions. As early as 1800, free Blacks in ci ties were sponsoring small, but significant exhibitions of Black art and handiwork. As Black religionists physically withdrew from white churches to form independent Black worship groups and after 1816 independent religious denominations, a variety of activities and programs having essentially museum type functions were developed. Prior to 1850 Black museum-type functions are identifiable in simple exhibitions of local Black arts, small exhibitions of pictures and documents related to Phylis Wheatley, Toussaint LOverture and other Black hero figures. 1850 Fairs were a common occurrence Fine needlework, agri cultural products, and a variety of crafts were exhibited and sold on these occasions. In the cities, free Blacks sponsored exhibits and gave awar ds for original poetry, original compositions of sacred music, ori ginal temperance essays, and oil, crayon, and water color paintings. The Reverend Daniel Payne, in the History of the African Methodist Episcopal Church gives an excellent example of this. In 1849, in Baltimore, Maryland, the Bethel A.M.E. Church sponsored a Literary and Artistic Demonstration for the Encouragement of Literature and the Fine Arts Among the Colored Population. 1865-1900 Growth of Black churches, benevolent institutions, normal schools and colleges and independent political and social organizations, spurred an increase in the number and kinds of exhibitions available in the Black community. A few of the schools, established under the auspices of the Freedmens Bureau, began to co llect writing, art, historical documents and manuscripts related to Blacks in America and in the Diaspora. 20th century institutions such as Atlanta, Fisk, and Howard Universities developed noted collections. 1867 Howard University and Wilberforce College established the first officially designated Black museums in America. Howard has an officially designated museum dating from 1867 to the 1880s. In 1978, almost one hun dred years later, the University inaugurated a second museum. Wilberforce College, in 1880, announced the opening of a museum valued at $2,000. Bishop Daniel A. Payne was given credit for raising money for this venture. The museum incorporated a small collection in natural history, specimens from Lieutenant Flipper of the U.S. Army, and others. Howard University and Wilberforce College were the precursors to a movement which would gain mo mentum in the late twentieth century. 1938 Historic Home/Historic Sites Prior to 1960, there were few Black institutions clearly designated as museums. The Paul Laurence Dunbar Home and the Frederick Douglass House are the most salient examples of house museums. In 1938, in Dayton, Ohio, the home of the famed American poet, Paul Laurence Dunbar, was dedicated as a state museum. In 1916, the Frederick Douglass Memorial and Historical Association and the National Association of Colored Women opened the Frederick Douglass House to the public. In 1962, Congress passed an act providing for the preservation and interpretation of the property under the aegis of the National Park Service.

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233 1930s and 1940s The Works Project Administration-Federal Arts Project and Black community arts centers deserve a great deal of credit for the productivity of Black artists during the 1930s and 40s. 1939 Community Arts Centers The Chicago-based South Side Community Arts Center and the Harlem Community Arts Center were prominent examples of what A. Phillip Randolph described in 1939 as institutions of profound cultural significance to the Negr o people, affordingopportunity for employment and creative development to Negro artists. In Chicago, Dr. Margaret Burroughs was the founder of the South Side Community Arts Center, and in New York, A. Phillip Randolph, the indefatigable labor leader, was the Chairman of the Sponsors Committee for the Harlem Community Art Center. 1960s Apart from university and college art galleries and library rooms designed as museums, Black museums as separate and independent structures did not develop until the 1960s. The Civil Rights Movement and the American Bicentennial Celebration were major factors contributing to this development. In 1960, there were no more than three independent Black museums or culture centers combining museum functions As of October 1, 1980 The Bethune Historical Development Project has identified 96 such institutions, located in 26 states and the District of Columbia. For the most part, there are sma ll institutions, the majority of which have few full-time paid staff members; are operated by directors who usually maintain other jobs; are dependent upon the services of community volunteers. (from Dr. Bettye Collier-Thomass address delivered on November 21, 1980 in Chicago at A National Conference on Black Museum: Interpreting the Humanities An Historical Overview of Black Museum & Institutions with Museum Functions 1800-1980)

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234 APPENDIX F MAINTAINING BLACK CULTURE IN FLORIDA

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235Question1: How is Black Culture Main tained in Florida [Alachua County]? Interviewee POB=Place of Birth/origin Approx. Age Occupation Ways Black Culture maintained 1 Female Florida 29 Care manager Family reunions, natural hair, dating Black men, 5th Ave. festival, frequenting Black businesses 2 Male Florida 27 Production Assistant Church, music, family, history 3 Female Florida 45-50 Middle School language arts teacher Church, family reunions, music 4 Female Ocala Florida 22 In-stock employee Walmart Family reunions, food, braiding hair, church 5 Female Daytona Beach Florida 17 Student Food, family reunions, church 6 Female Jamaica 19 Student Clothing, religion, special events, food 7 Male Orlando, Florida 23 Workforc e Advisor Decorations, music, being close to family 8 Male Martin Luther King Day, not really sure 9 Male Family, church 10 Female Jacksonville, Florida 20 Student Talk, watch TV 11 Male Tampa, Florida 22 Student Watch TV, music, friends 12 Male Niger 27 Student Joining organizations, music 13 Male Florida 25 Student Family reunions, festivals, food 14 Female New York 20 CSR Cingular Wireless Reunions, trips, gatherings, church, museums, events

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23615 Male Orlando, Florida 23 Hubert Construction Govt supporting and celebrating Black History month 16 Female Gainesville, Florida 35 A ccounting Braiding daughters hair, family reunions, church 17 Male Florida 29 Office worker Food, hair, clothing style, music 18 Female Gainesville 38 Bank teller Food, family, MLK celebration, dance, music, sports 19 Male Live Oak, Florida 23 Manager Auto Zone Family, church, family reunions, Sunday dinners 20 Female Gainesville, Florida 30 Nurse Music, church, listen to Black radio station 21 Female Gainesville, Florida 43 Accountant Gatherings with family on weekends, eating and conversing 22 Male Gainesville, Florida 21 Custom er Service Music, partying, sports 23 Male Gainesville, Florida 25 Rapper Music, Black clubs, doing drugs 24 Female Birmingham, AL 20 Student Family, Black schools, church, food, teachings 25 Male Jacksonville/Nigerian descent 22 Bar worker Family heritage, morals taught, Black community, festivals, events 26 Male 21 Church, family, community associations 27 Male Miami, Florida 18 Student Going to church, eating with the family, family reunions, 28 Male Miami, Florida 19 Student Sports, music, religion

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23729 Male New Orleans, LA 28-29 Pr operty manager Art, food, music 30 Female Trinidad 16 Student Black history month 31 Male Haiti 19 Student Black history month, museums 32 Female Live Oak, Florida 19 Krystals Going to church, family reunions, MLK, museums 33 Male Dont know 34 Female Arcadia, Florida 18 n/a Family traditions, reunions 35 Male Jamaica 49 Gleam publications Through generations of proper upbringing 36 Male Colorado Springs, CO 20 Student Food, dress, music 37 Male Jacksonville, Florida 19 Unemployed and not a student Music, food, friends 38 Male Tallahassee 21 Student Church, music, family 39 Male Gainesville, Florida 21 DJ/Promoter Music, TV, church, family 40 Male 48 Restaurant worker Music, family 41 Male Haiti 65 Retired Food, music, language, art, literature 42 Female Jamaica 30 Caf worker Food, friends, family 43 Male Gainesville 18 Stocker Winn Dixie Clothes, hair (cornrows) music, movies, dance (crunk, break dance, booty) 44 Male Plantation, Florida 19 Student Celebrating holidays 45 Male Miami, Florida 23 Music, activities 46 Female Oral tradition 47 Female Food, music 48 Male Gainesville, Florida 23 Coach High School football Hair, clothes, music, bling bling 49 Male Food, music

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23850 Female The man 51 Male Haiti 25 Music producer Music, community, communication 52 Male Texas 26 Corrections officer Through children 53 Female Jamaica 48 School teacher Through students and community 54 Female Florida 18 Student Active in organization around school 55 Female Texas Student Family 56 Male Brazil 20 Student Music, religion 57 Female Palm Beach Gardens, Florida 19 Student Food, dressing/clothes 58 Female Family traditions, festivals, religion 59 Female Trinidad 21 Student Church, organizations, museums, family & social relationships, predominantly Black functions 60 Male Jacksonville, Florida 22 Student Music, movies 61 Female Jamaica 20 Student Music, games, food, speech 62 Female Ft. Lauderdale 21 Student Music, church, activities 63 Female Miami, Caribbean descent 21 Student Family, media 64 Female Miami 21 Student Speech, food, music, dance 65 Female Miami Haitian descent 19 Student Family, church, community 66 Male Alabama 21 Student Speech, family, food, holidays (MLK), music (African)

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239 APPENDIX G HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF FL ORIDAS BLACK COMMUNITIES Northern Florida Pensacola, Escambia County: Served by two Black Museums. Blacks make up 21.4% of Escambias population. Black Other (U.S. Census 2005) Pensacola The first Blacks to the Pensacola area probably came with the Tristan de Luna expedition in 1559. Over the next few centuries, Blacks settled in th e area to work as soldiers, farmers or fishermen. During Spanish rule in west Florida, many Blacks who were free owned property and operated businesses. Also, Blacks worked in the lumber industry, building Spanish fortifications. Later, when the United States took over Florida, Blacks worked in the bricklaying industry, building structures like Fort Picken. Eventually Black professionals worked as physicians, attorneys and journalists. The city had two private Black schools and Black barbers who served both races. By 1900, 43% of the total work force in Pensacola was Black (McCarthy 1995). Jacksonville, Duval County: Served by six Black Museums. Blacks make up 30.0% of Duvals population. Black Other(U.S. Census 2005) Jacksonville The 1860 census showed that 908 of the citys 2,118 inhabitants were slaves and only 87 were free Blacks. Slave labor built the citys hotels, railroad and port facilities. During Reconstruction, Blacks had to contend with Black Codes and other forms of discrimination. But, by the end of the 19th century, Blacks were operating small businesses and owning property although most worked as laborers, barbers, laundresses or servants. In 1894, 62% of the citys Bl ack workers were unskilled laborers. A poll tax and a confusing ballot system, meant to confuse illiterates, had virtually disenfranchised them. Many Blacks stressed educati on to their children to such an extent that by 1900 73% of the citys Blacks were literate. Today the county seat of Duval County has a population of 635,230, of whom 160,421 (25%) are Black (McCarthy 1995: 127-8).

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240 Tallahassee, Leon County: Served by three Black Museums Blacks make up 30.2% of Leons population. Black Other(U.S. Census 2005) Tallahassee The Civil War ended for the city in 1865 when Union troops raised the stars and stripes on May 20th, a day that local Blacks celebrated as their day of emancipation for years to come. Hope that Blacks had during Reconstruction dissipated as white legislators eroded their rights, effectively disenfranchising them. Many Blacks had to become tenant farmers on cotton and corn plantations, remaining impoverished for decades. From 1840 to 1940, Blacks outnumbered whites in the area, but today Blacks make up 29% of the total population. The citys Florida Agricultural & Mechanical University (FAMU) is the oldest historically Black university in Florida. It began in 1887 when the Florida Legislature established the State Normal College for Colored students in order to train Black teachers for schools throughout Florida. Beginning with just 15 students that first year, FAMU now has over 90,000 students, more than 450 fulltime faculty and is a member of the state university system (McCarthy 1995:296). Crestview, Okaloosa County: Served by one Black Museum Blacks make up 9.7% of Okaloosas population. Black Other(U.S. Census 2005) Crestview The town of Crestview 40 miles east of Pensacola on U.S. 90 is 223 feet above sea level, the second-highest altitude in Florida and the source of the towns name. In 1916, it became the county seat of the newly established Okaloosa County and later became even more prominent with the establishment of the nearby Eglin Air Force Base in 1944. Today the town of Crestview has a population of 9,886, of whom 1,930 (20%) are Blacks (McCarthy 1995:70).

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241 Central Florida Eatonville and Orlando, Orange County: Served by two Black Museums Blacks make up 20.7% of Oranges population. Blac k Othe r (U.S. Census 2005) Eatonville Incorporated in 1888 as a Black community, Eatonville attracted many Black settlers, including John Hurston, a skilled carpenter, Baptist preacher, one-time mayor of the town, and father of writer Zora Neale Hurston. Today Eatonville has a population of 2,192, of whom 2,027 (93%) are Blacks (McCarthy 1995:92-3). On August 18, 1887, 27 registered African American voters met and approved a proposal to incorporate the town of Eatonville, 10 miles north of Orlando. Eatonville, now a historic district listed in the National Register of Historic Places, became one of the first incorporated A frican American towns in the United States. The strength and character of the Eatonville community found expression in the works and words of its most famous resident, Zora Neale Hurston. Decades after her death in 1960, Hurston is acclaimed worldwide as a writer, anthropologist, and folklorist whose books and stories often reflect her life and times in Eatonville and Florida in the first half of the 20th century (McCarthy 1995). Orlando Some of the first orange groves in Central Florida were sown by African Americans seeking refuge in the Spanish-owned Territory after escaping the early 19th century slave states. Some escaped slaves enjoyed a productive co-existence with the Spanish and the regions Seminole Indians for decades, until the United States acquisition of Florida in 1821 when slavery consumed their lives once again. Freedom prevailed with the end of the Civil War in 1865. By 1884, Orange Countys population was 1,162 white and 504 Black (McCarthy 1995).

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242 St. Petersburg and Clearwater, Pinellas County: Served by two Black Museums Blacks make up 10.1% of Pinellas population. Black Other(U.S. Census 2005) St. Petersburg This city is barely 100 years old, but burial mounds and ceramic remains indicate that Indians lived there for hundreds of years before white men arrived. When slaves ran away to the area, they began joining Creek Indians and formed a branch of the Seminole Indians. After the Seminole Indian wars and the Civil War, more whites moved to the area, as well as a few ex-slaves. Railroad builder Peter Demens used several hundred Black workers along with his own work force to bring the Orange Belt Railroad to the area in 1888. The Black workers who settled down in the town lived on Fourth Avenue South in what was called Pepper Town. Another Black community on Ninth Street was called Coopers Quarters (McCarthy 1995:269-70). Clearwater From a small town in 1900 to a large city and the county seat of Pinellas County today, Clearwater has a population of 98,773, of whom 8,562 (9%) are Blacks (McCarthy 1995:47). In the early 1900s, the region now known as Greenwood was initially called Grovewood, as the area largely consisted of grapefruit, orange and tangerine groves (Clearwater Living History 1993: Vol.1). At this time, according to community elder Catherine Clark, whites still lived in and around south Grovewood. But, Clark says, as the groves gradually disappeared so did the whites, and the demographics of the region became more predominantly Black. Gainesville, Alachua County: Served by one Historic District Blacks make up 20.0% of Alachuas population. Black Other(U.S. Census 2005) Gainesville The 1860 census indicated that 46 Blacks (21% of the total population) and 223 whites lived in Gainesville. By 1870, the 765 Blacks outnumbered the 679 whites in the city limits, partly because many of the Black soldiers stationed there during the Civil war. The Black s migrated to Pleasant Street and Seminary Street. Pleasant Street became the religious, educational, and social center of the Black community. The Pleasant Street Historic District had some 255 historic buildings in this district, including churches, schools, and homes. Skilled Blacksmiths, carpenters, tailors, and teamsters found much work in the area and settled down with their families (McCarthy 1995).

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243 Palm Coast, Flagler County: Served by one Black Museum Blacks make up 9.2% of Flaglers population. Blac k Othe r (U.S. Census 2005) Palm Coast Like many southern states, Flagler Countys plantation labor supplied the Confederate cause with timber, beef, citrus cotton and salt. While Union tr oops targeted these sources, often laborers and operations, like the Mala Compra Plantation, were moved east to avoid detection. The end of the Civil War and advent of railroad transport yielded increasing economic growth and prosperity in the region. However, working conditions were arduous, especially for newly freed Blacks, in frontier Florida. In her writings, Zora Neale Hurston, celebrated and gave voice to these disregarded laborers(http://www.fl aglerlibrary.org/history/ flaglercounty/flagler3.htm). Mims, Brevard County: Served by one Black Museum Blacks make up 9.4% of Brevards population. Blac k Othe r (U.S. Census 2005) Mims This small town, which today has a population of 9,412 of whom 1,194 (13%) are Black, was the scene of a double murder in 1951 that has still not been solved. On Christmas night of that year, Harry and Harriette Moore retired for the night after spending the holiday with relatives in this quiet Brevard County town. They had spent a pleasant evening celebrating their 25th wedding anniversary. Soon after Harry and Harriette got ready for bed at around 10:15 that fateful night, a huge explosion ripped open the house, destroying the bedroom and killing one of this states most effective civil rights activists. His wife would die nine days later form injuries suffered in that blast (McCarthy1995:199).

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244 Deland, Daytona Beach, and New Smyrna Beach, Volusia County: Served by three Black Museums Blacks make up 10.0% of Volusias population. Black Other (U.S. Census 2005) DeLand In December 1876, industrialist Henry DeLand founded the town in central Florida that bears his name. At first, the townspeople relied on citrus products for their livelihood, but the 1894-1895 freezes ruined Henry DeLand, the town, and many other settlements in the state. Determined not to give up, the settlers rebuilt their ec onomy, but diversified into producing naval stores, dairy pr oducts, and ferns. Among the Black businessmen in town were G.W. Miller, G.D. Taylor, and a Mr. Randall. Today DeLand has a population of 16,491, of whom 3,615 (22%) are Blacks (McCarthy1995:82). Daytona Beach One of the founders of Dayton Beach and the man after whom the city is named, Matthias Day, Jr. of Mansfield Ohio, came to the area in 1870, determined to operate a saw mill. According to Hebels racial history of the area, he found a group of freedmen who had gone there after the Civil War. To clear the land and grow crops, he employed some of those slaves who had settled north of Port Orange on present-day U.S. 1 in a settlement called Freemanville. Many of their descendants still live in Daytona Beach., a city that has an official population of 61,921, 19,009 (31%) of whom are Blacks (McCarthy 1995:73). New Smyrna Beach This town in Volusia Coun ty on the ocean was first developed by British entrepreneur Dr. Andrew Turnbull (1720-1792). During the Civil War, blockade runners used the area to bring in supplies for the Confederacy from the Bahamas. After the Civil War, among the settlers who came by steamer up the St. Johns River were Blacks, who settled west of U.S. 1 in what became known as the Westside. Many of them had farms and gardens and caught fish and crabs in the river. When a second railroad connection arrived in New Smyrna Beach in1891 and the Florida East Coast Railroad built a locomotive repair shop and roundhouse in 1926, many Blacks found work on the railroad, but a 1963 strike for higher wages put many of those men out of work and forced many Black families to leave the area in search of good jobs. Today only 1,335 (8%) of the citys population of 16,548 are Black (McCarthy 1995:202).

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245 Southern Florida Ft. Lauderdale, Broward County: Served by two Black Museums Blacks make up 24.9% of Browards population. Black Other(U.S. Census 2005) Ft. Lauderdale Broward County developed as more and more people moved to south Florida, and as Henry Flaglers railroad opened up the area for settl ement and cultivation. As Flagler pushed construction of his Florida East coast Railroad south to Miami and the Florida Keys, he hired many Black workers, and, when they finished extending the railroad to Key West, many of them settled down in what became Broward County and became sharecroppers. Even if they did not own their own fields, many owned their own residential lots. Among the Blacks who moved here in the late 1880s and early 1890s were the descendants of freed or runaway slaves, immigrants from the Bahamas, and farmers and craftsmen seeking more opportunities. Fort Lauderdale was incorporated in 1911, four years before Broward County split from Dade County (McCarthy 1995:99). Ft. Myers, Lee County: Served by one Black Museum Blacks make up 7.5% of Lees population. Black Other(U.S. Census 2005) Ft. Myers This city on the southwest coast was the site of a 19th century military outpost, from which military authorities shipped Seminole Indians to western reservations. Right before the Civil War, Major James S. Evans, a surveyor, brought in slaves from his Virginia plantation to cultivate the land, but the war disrupted life in the idyllic site, and it was not until the war ended and the telegraph line reached Fort Myers in 1869 that settlers began arriving in greater numbers. The first free Blacks to settle in the area may have been Nelson Tillis, who arrived in 1867; more than 100 of his descendants still live in Lee County (McCarthy 1995:106).

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246 Ft. Pierce, St. Lucie County: Served by one Black Museum Blacks make up 16.5% of St. Lucies population. Black Other(U.S. Census 2005) Ft. Pierce Fort Pierce honors in its name President Franklin Pierces brother, Lt. Col. Benjamin K. Pierce, who built a fort there on the Indian River in 1838 to fight against the Seminole Indians. After the Civil War, settlers moved back into the area to cultivate the land and fish the waters offshore. The railroad that Henry Flagler built along Floridas east coast brought even more people, including many Black workers to build the line. The outlets to northern markets that the railroad opened up encouraged many farmers, including Blacks, to till the land, especially in the cultivation of pineapple, which required a lot of field labor. The Blacks that came to farm the pineapple crops stayed on to become part of the early Fort Pierce settlement. Today Fort Pierce has a population of 36,830, of which 43% are Black (McCarthy 1995:112-13). Punta Gorda, Charlotte County: Served by one Black Museum Blacks make up 5.3% of Charlottes population. Black Other(U.S. Census 2005) Punta Gorda This town on the south side of the Peace River in southwest Florida traces its beginnings back to 1883, when Col. Isaac Trabue arrived from Kentucky and made plans to establish a settlement, called Trabue. Florida Southern Railway extended its line to the site and thus helped assure the steady growth of the place. Local townspeople voted to change the name to Punta Gorda, meaning wide point, and it later became the county seat of Charlotte County, although the town grew very slowly in comparison to Tampa to the north. Punta Gorda, which had a population of only 1,883 by 1930, today has 10,878 residents, of whom 651 (6%) are Black (McCarthy 1995:246).

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247 Overtown, Little Haiti, and Miami, Miami-Dade County: Served by six Black Museums Blacks make up 20.5% of Miami-Dades population. Black Other (U.S. Census 2005) Overtown-Miami According to information provided by the Black Archives Foundation, Black men who supported the incorporation of the City of Miami built this community across the railroad tracks in 1896. Known then as Colored Town, Overtown grew and developed into a vibrant community anchored by churches and retail and entertainment establishments. Over the years, Overtown lost its magic to desegregation and urban renewal and many buildings fell into disrepair. Today, public and private partnerships are working together in the development of an in-town residential community with affordable housing adjacent Downtown. Little Haiti In the newspaper supplement on June 2004 section The Haitian Community in MiamiDade: A Growing the Middle Class Supplement Brookings Institution Metropolitan Policy Program, Gepsie M. Metellus writes that, The Haitian community of South Florida is a socioeconomically and culturally vibrant community that has enriched Miami-Dades multiethnic character. Little Haiti, walled in by 1-95 and the Florida East Coast Railways, spans from 54th to 87th Streets. It has a viable business district along N 2nd Avenue, which is of great social and cultural significance to the Haitian Diaspora because it is only geographical area in the history of Haitian immigration primarily inhabited by Haitians. It bustles with Haitian owned and operated businesses, where the aroma of Creole cooking, multi-hued artwork, the rhythm of Haitian compass, and the expressive tone of Haitian Creole greet residents and visitors alike.

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248 Bradenton, Manatee County: Served by one Black Museum Blacks make up 8.7% of Manatees population. Black Other(U.S. Census 2005) Bradenton The town of Bradenton in Manatee County is named after Dr. Joseph Braden, one of the first white settlers. A man who had 95 slaves to work his 1,110-acre plantation. Another slaveholder was Robert Gamble, who had 102 slaves in 1850 to work the labor intensive sugar cane production he had on his 3,450 acres along the Manatee River in nearby Ellenton. Judah Benjamin, the secretary of state for the Confederacy, used the Gamble Plantation as a hiding place at the end of the Civil War as he fled the United States for England. Blacks eventually moved into the area as free men after the Civil War, but they often had to be content with menial, back-breaking jobs. Today some 43,770 people live in Bradenton, plus many more in the winter season; the official Black population is 6,340 (15%) (McCarthy 1995:40-41). Key West, Monroe County: Served by one Black Museum Blacks make up 5.4% of Monroes population. Black Other(U.S. Census 2005) Key West The town of Key West, at the Southern end of U.S. 1 has a long history unlike that of any other American place. Isolated for most of its existence from the mainland, it finally became accessible from land when Henry Flagler extended his Florida East Coast Railroad to the town in 1912. The Bahamas Village, a 12-block area in Key West, surrounded by Whitehead, Louisa, Fort, and Angelo streets, is the chief Black r esidential area of the town. Persons of African descent who had arrived from the U.S. mainland, the Bahamas, and the Caribbean began settling here in the mid-1800s. Some of them came looking for freedom; others came looking for work in the sponge and turtle industries. The Frederick Douglass School was organized in 1870 just five years after the end of the American civil War, to educate Black children in Key West (McCarthy 1995:147-148).

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249 Delray Beach, Palm Beach County: Served by one Black Museum Blacks make up 16.0% of Palm Beachs population. Black Other (U.S. Census 2005) Delray Beach The U. S. government built the Orange Grove House of refuge in 1876 to give shipwrecked sailors shelter and food in an area that later became Delray Beach. Over the years Blacks moved into the area and settled down to a life of hard work in agriculture and business. Today Delray Beach has a population of 47,181, of whom 12,415 (26%) are Blacks. Local officials have placed various sites of importance to Blacks in Delray Beach on the Local Register of Historical Places. This section, which was incorporated as Linton in 1895, is bounded on the east by West 8th Avenue, on the north by Lake Ida Road, County, Blacks settled it and established churches, homes and schools (McCarthy 1995:86-87).

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250 LIST OF REFERENCES Alexander, Edward P. 1979 Museums in Motion: An Introduction to the History and Function of Museums. Nashville: American Associati on for State and Local History. Allen, Richard L., Michael C. Dawson, & Ronald E. Brown 1989 A Schema Based Approach to Modeling An African American Racial Belief System. American Political Review 83:421-41. Alpers, Svetlana 1991 The Museum as a Way of Seeing. In The Poetics and Politics of Museum Display. I.K.S.D. Lavine, ed. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press. Ames, Michael M. 1986 Museums the Public and Anthropology: A Study in the Anthropology of Anthropology. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. 1992 Cannibal Tours and Glass Boxes: The Anthropology of Museums. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. Anderson, Benedict 1991 Imagined Communities: Reflections on th e Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso. Ardali, Azade 1989 Black and Hispanic Art Museums A Vibr ant Cultural Resource: A Report to the Ford Foundation. New York: Ford Foundation. Asante, Molefi Kete 1987 The Afrocentric Idea. Philadelphi a: Temple University Press. 1990 Kemet, Afrocentricity, and Knowle dge. Trenton: Africa World Press. 1998 The Afrocentric Idea. Philadelphi a: Temple University Press. 2001 Transcultural Realities and Different Ways of Knowing. In Transcultural Realities: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Cross Cultural Realities. M.K.A. V.H. Milhouse, & P.O. Nwosu eds., ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. 2003 Afrocentricity. Chicago: African American Images. Association, African American Museums 1983 Blacks in Museums. Washington, DC: Af rican American Museums Association. 1987 A Survey of Black Museums. Wash ington, DC: African American Museums Association.

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251 1988 Profile of Black Museums. Washi ngton, DC: African American Museums Association. Atkinson, D. R., A. Casas, and J. Abrett 1992 Mexican American Acculturation Counselor Ethnicity and Cultural Sensitivity and Perceived Counselor Competence. Journal of Counseling Psychology 39:515520. Barnes, A. 1981 The Black Kinship System. Phylon 42:369-380. Bell, Whitfield J. 1967 A Cabinet of Curiosities: Five Episodes in the Evolution of American Museums. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia. Bennett, Tony 1989 Museums and Public Culture: Histor y, Theory, and Policy. Australia: Media Information. 1995 The Birth of the Museum: History, Theory, Politics. London: Routledge. Bennett, Tony, Robin Trotter & Donna McAlear 1996 Museums and Citizenship: A Resource Book-Memoirs of the Queensland Museum. South Brisbane, Aust ralia: Queensland Museum. Boas, Franz 1887 Museums of Ethnology and Their Classification. Science 9:587-9. 1907 Some Principles of Museum Administration. Science 25(650):921-33. 1955 Primitive Art. New York: Dover. Bowman, P.J. and C. Howard 1985 Race-Related Socialization, Motivation, and Academic Achievement: A study of Black Youths in Three Generation Families. Journal of the American Academy of Child Psychiatry 24:134-141. Boyd-Franklin, N. 1989a Black Families in Therapy. New York: Guilford. 1989b Racism, Racial Identification, and Skin Color Issues. In Black Families in Therapy. N. Boyd-Franklin, ed. Pp. 25-41. New York: Guilford. Boykin, A. W. and F. D. Toms 1995 Black Child Socialization: A Conceptual Framework. In Black Children: Social, Educational and Parental Environments H.P.M.J.L. McAdoo, ed. Beverly Hills, CA.

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252 Brega, A. G. and L. M. Coleman 1999 Effects of Religiosity an d Racial Socialization on Subjective Stigmatization in African American Adolescents. Journal of Adolescence 22:223-242. Brown, Audrey and Ericka Hill 2006 African American-Heritage and Ethnogr aphy: A Self-Paced Training Resource, Ethnography Program. Washington, D.C.: National Park Service. Burcaw, G. Ellis 1997 Introduction to Museum Work. Na shville, TN: AltaMira Press. Burke, Peter J 1980 The Self Measurement Requirements from an Interactionist Perspective. Social Psychology Quarterly 43:18-29. Burns, P.M. 1997 An Introduction to Tourism a nd Anthropology. London: Routledge. Carter, R. T., and Helms, J. E. 1987 The Relationship of Value Orientations to Racial Identity Attitudes. Measurement and Evaluation in Counseling and Development: 185-195. Caudill, W. and D. Plath 1966 Who Sleeps By Whom? Parent-Child Involvement in Urban Japanese Families. Psychiatry 29:344-366. Chavez, Alicia F., and Florence Guido-DiBrito 1999 Racial and Ethnic Identity and Developm ent. In New Directions for Adult and Continuing Education, Vol. 84: Jossey-Bass Publishers. Clifford, James 1988 The Predicament of Culture: TwentiethCentury Ethnography, Literature, and Art. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Collier-Thomas, Bettye 1981 An Historical Overview of Black Mu seums and Institutions with Museum Functions: 1800-1980. Negro Hi story Bulletin 44(3):56-58. Collier, Donald & Harry Tshopik, Jr. 1954 The Role of Museums in American Anthropology. American Anthropologist 56:768-79. Conyers, James L. Jr. 2005 Afrocentric Traditions. New Br unswick: Transaction Publishers. Cross, W.E., Jr. 1971 Toward a Psychology of Black Liberation: The Negro-to Black Convergence Experience. Black World 20:13-27.

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253 1978 The Cross and Thomas Models of Psychological Nigrescence. Journal of Black Psychology 5(1):13-19. 1991 Shades of Black: Diversity in African American Identity. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. 1995 The Psychology of Nigrescence: Revis iting the Cross Model. In Handbook of Multicultural Counseling. J.M.C. J. G. Ponterott, L.A. Suzuki, and C. M. Alexander eds., ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Crowell, J., M. Keener, N. Ginsburg and T. Anders 1987 Sleep Habits in Toddlers 18 to 36 Mont hs Old. American Journal of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry 26:510-515. Cuellar, I., L. C. Harris, and R. Jasso 1980 An Acculturation Scale for Mexican-Amer ican Normal and Clinical Populations. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences 2:199-217. Dana, R. H. 1993 Multicultural Assessment Perspectives for Professional Psychology. Boston: Allyn & Bacon. Datum, Beverly D. 1992 Talking About Race, Learning About Racism : The Application of Racial Identity Development Theory in the Classroom. Harvard Educational Review 12(1). Deagan, Kathleen A. 1995 Fort Mose. Gainesville: Univ ersity Press of Florida. deCharms, R. 1968 Personal Causation. New York: Academic Press. Deci, E. L. 1975 Intrinsic Motivati on. New York: Plenum. Deci, E. L. and R. M. Ryan 2000 The "What" and "Why" of Goal Pursuits: Human Needs and the SelfDetermination of Behavior. Psychological Inquiry 11:227-268. Demo, D. H. and M. Hughes 1990 Socialization and Racial Identity in Black Americans. Social Psychology Quarterly 53:364-374. Demo, David H., Stephen A. Sma ll, & Ritch C. Savin-Williams 1987 Family Relations and the Self-Esteem of Adolescents and Their Parents. Journal of Marriage and th e Family 49:705-15.

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254 Dickerson, Amina Jill 1984 Afro-American Museums: A Future Full of Promise. Roundtable Reports 9 2 & 3:14-18. 1988 The History and Instituti onal Development of African American Museums, American University. 1996 Museums. In Encyclopedia of African Am erican Culture and History. L.S. Jack Salzman, and Cornell West, ed. Pp. 1886-1888, Vol. 4. New York: Simon & Schuster. DiMaggio, Paul 1992 Race, Ethnicity, and Partic ipation in the Arts: Patt erns of Participation by Hispanics, White, and African Americans in Selected Activities from 1982 and 1985 Surveys of Public Participation in the Arts. Washington, DC: Steven Locks Press. DuBois, W. E. B 1965 The Souls of Black Folk. New York: Avon Books. Dunn, Marvin 1997 Black Miami in the Twentieth Century. Ga inesville: University Press of Florida. Early, James Counts 1996 Culture [Wars] and the African Diaspora: Challenge and Opportunity for U. S. Museums. Issue: A Journal of Opinio n, African Diaspora Studies 24(2):31-33. Edson, G. 1997 Museum Ethics. London: Routledge. Ellen, R. F. Ed. 1984 Ethnographic Research. London: Academic Press. Esner, R. 2001 In the Eye of the Beholder: On Cultura l Contexts and Art Interpretation. Journal of Museum Education 26(2):14-16. Evans, N.J., D.S. Forney, and F. Guido-DiBrito 1998 Student Development in College: Theory, Research and Application. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Falk, John H. 1993 Leisure Decisions Influe ncing African American Use of Museums. Washington, DC: American Association of Museums. 1998 Visitors: Who Does, Who Doesn' t and Why. Museums (April):38-43.

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255 Falk, John H. and Lynn D. Dierking 1992 The Museum Experience. Washington, DC: Walesback Books. Feagin, Joe R. and Melvin P. Sikes 1994 Living With Racism: The Black Middle-Class Experience. Boston: Beacon Press. Frazier, E. Franklin 1957 Race and Culture Contacts in the Modern World. Boston: Beacon Press. 1960 Black Bourgeoisie. New York: MacMillan Publishing Company. 1963 The Negro Church in America. New York: Schocken. Freedman, Maurice 1979 Main Trends in Social and Cultural Anthropology. New York: Holmes & Meier. Gay, Geneva and Willie L. Baber 1987 Expressively Black: The Cultural Basis of Ethnic Identity. New York: Praeger Publishers. Gecas, Victor & Jeylan T. Mortimer 1987 Stability and Change in the Self-Concep t from Adolescence to Adulthood. In Self and Identity: Individual Change and De velopment. T.M.H.K.M. Yardley, ed. Pp. 265-86. New York: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Goodenough, Ward H. 1981 Culture, Language, and Society. Menl o Park, CA: The Benjamin/Cummings Publishing Co. Inc. Haacke, Hans 1986 Museums, Managers of Consciousness. In Hans Haacke: Unfinished Business. B. Wallis, ed. Cambridge, MA and New York : MIT Press and The New Museum of Contemporary Art. Handler, Richard 1989 Ethnicity in the Museum. In Negotiating Ethnicity: The Impact of Anthropological Theory and practice. S.E. Keefe, ed. Washington, D.C.: American Anthropological Association. Harding, Vincent 1967 Power From Our People: The Source of M odern Revival of Black History. Black Scholar 18:18-40. Hays, W. 1973 Extended Kinship Relations in Black a nd White Families. Journal of Marriage and the Family 35:51-57.

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256 Helms, J. E. 1990 Black and White Racial Identity: Theory Research & Practice. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Herskovits, Melville 1957 Some Further Notes on Franz Boas'Artic Expedition. American Anthropologist 59:112-116. Hill, R. 1977 Informal Adoption Among Black Fam ilies. Washington, D.C.: Urban League Research Department. Hood, M.G 1983 Staying Away-Why People Choose Not To Visit Museums. Museum News 61:50-57. 1993 The African American Visitor: Who Comes, Who Does Not Come and Why. Visitor Behavior 8(2 Summer). Hudson, Kenneth 1999 Attempts to Define Museum. In Repr esenting the Nation: A Reader Histories Heritage and Museums. D.B.J. Evans, ed. London: Routledge. Hughes, D. and L. Chen 1997 When and What Parents Tell Children About Race: An Examination of RaceRelated Socialization among African Amer ican Families. Applied Developmental Sciences 1:200-214. Impey, O., and A. MacGregor 1985 The Origins of Museums. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Jacknis, Ira, 1985 Franz Boas and Exhibits: On the Li mitations of the Museum Method of Anthropology. In Objects and Others: E ssays on Museums and Material Culture. George W. Stocking, ed. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press 2002 The First Boasian: Alfred Kroebe r and Franz Boas, 1896-1905. American Anthropologist 104 (2):520-532. Jackson, J. J. 1981 Urban Black Americans. In Ethnicity and Medical Care. A. Hardwood, ed. Pp. 37-129. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Jackson, J. S. 1991 Methodological Approach. In Life in Bl ack America. J.S. Jackson, ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

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257 James, Clifford, and George Marcus 1986 Writing culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography. Berkley: University of California Press. James, Portia 1996 Building a Community-Based Identity at Anacostia Museum. Curator 39(1):1944. Jary, David & Julia Jary 1991 The HarperCollins Dictionary of Sociol ogy. New York: HarperCollins Publishers, Ltd. Johnson-Simon, Deborah 2001 African American Museum Development: Attracting and Maintaining the African American Audience, Arizona State University. 2006 Culture Keepers-Florida: Oral Hist ory of the African American Museum Experience: Author House. Johnson, D. J. 2005 The Ecology of Children's Racial Coping: Family, School, and Community Influences. In Discovering Successful Pathways in Children's Development: Mixed Methods in the Study of Childhood a nd Family Life. T. Weisner, ed. Pp. 87-109. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Jones, Maxine & Kevin M. McCarthy 1993 African Americans in Florida. Sarasota: Pineapple Press, Inc. Kambon, Kobi 1992 The African Personality in Ameri ca: An African-Centered Framework. Karenga, Maulana 1988 The African American Holiday of Kwanzaa. A Celebration of Family, Community and Culture. Los Angeles, CA: University of Sankore Press. Knight, G. P., M. E. Bernal, C. A. Garza, and M. K. Cota 1993 A Social Cognitive Model of the Devel opment of Ethnic Identity and Ethnically Based Behaviors. In Ethnic Identity Formation Among Hispanics and Other Minorities. Pp. 213-234. New York: State University of New York Press. Kreamer, Christine Mullen 1992 Defining Communities Through Exhibiti ng and Collecting. In Museums and Communities. and S.D.L. C.M.K. Ivan Karp, ed. Washington, D. C.: Smithsonian Institution Press. Landrine, H. & Klonoff, E. A. 1994 The African American Acculturation S cale Development, Reliability, Validity. Journal of Black Psychology 20(2):104-127.

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259 Merrriman, Nick, ed. 1989 Museum Visiting as a Cultural Phenomena. London: Reaktion Books. Morelli, G., B. Rogoff, D. Oppenheim and D. Goldsmith 1992 Cultural Variation In Infants' Sleeping Arrangement. Developmental Psychology 28:604-613. Morrissey, K. S. 2002 Pathways Among Objects and Museum Visitors. In Perspectives on ObjectCentered Learning in Museums. S.G. Paris, ed. Pp. 285-300. Mahway, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Museums, American Association of 1994 Museums Count. Washington, DC: American Association of Museums. Nobles, W. 1980 African Philosophy: Foundations for Bl ack Psychology. In Black Psychology. R. Jones, ed. Pp. 23-36. New York: Harper & Row. Nunnally, J. C. and I. H. Bernstein 1994 Psychometric Theory. New York: McGraw-Hill. Ogunleye, Tolagbe 1996 The Self-Emancipated Africans of Florid a: Pan-African Nationa lists in the "New World". Journal of Black Studies 27(1):24-38. Olmedo, F. I. 1979 Acculturation: A Psychometric Perspec tive. American Psychologist 34:10611070. Overby, Melanie H. 2005 Conversations About Culture : Racial/Ethnic Socializa tion Practices of African American Families In A Cultural Museum, University of Michigan. Parham, T. 1989 Cycles of Psychological Nigrescence. The Counseling Psychologist 17(2):187226. Parham, T. A., & P.T. Williams 1993 The Relationship of Demographic and Background Factors to Racial Identity Attitudes. Journal of Black Psychology 19:7-24. Phinney, J. S. 1990 Ethnic Identity in Adolescents and Adults : Review of the Research. Psychological Bulletin 108:499-514.

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262 Suinn, R. M., K. Rickard-Figue roa, S. Lew, and P. Vigil 1987 The Suinn Lew Asian Self Identification Acculturation Scale: An initial Report. Educational and Psychological Measurement 47:401-407. Terrell, F. and S.L. Terrell 1981 An Inventory to Measure Cultural Mist rust among Blacks. Western Journal of Black Studies 5:180-184. Thornton, M., L. Chatters, R. Taylor, and W. Allen 1990 Sociodemographic and Environmental Correla tes of Racial Soci alization by Black Parents. Child Development 61:401-409. Tylor, E. B 1903 Primitive Culture: John Murray. Ward, M. C. 1971 Them Children. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. Waters, Mary 1990 Ethnic Options-Choosing Identities in Amer ica. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Weidman, H.H. 1979 Falling-Out. Social Science and Medicine 13b:95-112. Weil, Stephen E. 1995 A Cabinet of Curiosities. Washington, D. C.: Smithsonian Institution Press. 1999 From Being about Something to Bein g for Somebody. Daedalus 128(3):229-258. Whitcomb, A. 2003 Re-Imagining the Museum. New York: Routledge. White, R. W 1959 Motivation Reconsidered: The Concept of Competence. Psychological Review 66:297-333. Whiting, B. B. and C. Edwards 1988 Children of Different Worlds. Cambri dge, MA: Harvard University Press. Zimmerman, J. E. and G. R. Sodowsky 1993 Influence of Acculturation on Mexi can-American Drinking Practices: Implications for Counseling. Journa l of Multicultural Counseling and Development 21:22-35.

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263 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Deborah Johnson-Simon was born in Peters burg, Virginia on September 9, 1949. She attended elementary school in Virginia then move d with her parents and siblings to Baltimore, Maryland where she attended Jr. High and High School. She graduated from Forest Park High School and married. After divorce a nd raising two children she retu rned to school and received her B.A Degree in anthropology/sociology with minor in African American Studies, from Rollins College in Winter Park Florida. She received an M.A. in anthropology/museum studies from Arizona State University in Tempe, Ariz ona. Deborah has worked for over ten years in museums and with cultural heritage projects in Florida, Maryland, Virginia, and Arizona. In Phoenix, Arizona she developed and conducted the research that is the basis for this project as a part of her masters thesis on deve loping audiences for African American museums: Presentations of this study were made to Vi sitors Studies Association where she was the recipient of the VSA Travelship Award for 2001 and the Association of African American Museums Annual Conference in Cleveland, Ohi o, 2001, as a part of a session on African American Travel and Tourism. Her experien ce with African American museums and history museums has included a broad ra nge of positions. In many of th ese positions, she was involved with community outreach and partnering. Most recently she interned at the Smithsonian Institution working directly w ith the Smithsonian Early Enrich ment Center (SEEC) researching African American participants in the program and early socia lization to museum-going. She is currently an adjunct professor at Santa Fe Community College in Gainesville, Florida, Department of Social and Behavior al Sciences, and at the University of Florida, in the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, Departme nt of African American Studies.


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Title: The Evolving Role of Florida Black Museums and Their Communities
Physical Description: Mixed Material
Copyright Date: 2008

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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0020100/00001

Material Information

Title: The Evolving Role of Florida Black Museums and Their Communities
Physical Description: Mixed Material
Copyright Date: 2008

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Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
System ID: UFE0020100:00001


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THE EVOLVING ROLE OF FLORIDA BLACK MUSEUMS AND THEIR COMMUNITIES


By

DEBORAH JOHNSON-SIMON


















A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

2007


































2007 Deborah Johnson-Simon


































To my mother, Leona Williams, who inspired my interest in museums









ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I gratefully acknowledge my parents Russell and Leona Williams, for having a firm belief

in my abilities. I wish to acknowledge those who helped support me in my endeavor to write on

this topic. I want to thank my students at Santa Fe Community College and the students in my

African American Studies Senior Seminar for assisting with the research and to all the

participants who agreed to be interviewed. I sincerely appreciate your candor about this subject

of acculturation and attending Black museums. I also thank my dissertation committee for

agreeing to work with me; my chair Dr. Allan Bums; and committee members Dr. James

Davidson and Dr. Susan deFrance. In addition, I extend deep appreciation to Dr. Willie Baber,

for academic guidance and personal support he extended me through his mentorship. Special

thanks and sincere appreciation goes to Dr. Robin Poynor, for agreeing to serve as the external

member of my committee.

I appreciate funding from the Florida Education Fund, McKnight Doctoral Fellowship

Program, the University of Florida AC-SBE Scholar (Atlantic Coast Social, Behavioral, and

Economic Sciences), the Anthropology Department John M. Goggin Memorial Scholarship, and

the UF/SFCC (University of Florida/Santa Fe Community College) Minority Professional

Development Fellowship.

To my dear Arizona museum friends Dona Dorsey and Chuck Harrison, thanks for telling

me how important the research is. Your encouragement reinforced my desire to finish what I

started. To my son and daughter-in-law, Paul III and Dierdre King, I want to thank you for all the

love and support you have given throughout this doctoral process. I also want to thank my

daughter Shari Jackson and my sister, Olive Mackey for all that you have done for me. Special

thanks goes to my grandchildren; Paul IV, Lauren, DJ, DeShun, Xavier, and Anaya. May God

bless all of you.









TABLE OF CONTENTS


page

A CK N O W LED G M EN T S ................................................................. ........... ............. .....

L IS T O F T A B L E S ..................................................................................................... ........... 1 1

LIST OF FIGURES .................................. .. .... ..... ................. 15

A B S T R A C T ......... ....................... ............................................................ 18

CHAPTER

1 T H E E V O L V IN G R O L E ....................................................................................................... 19

In tro du ctio n ................... ...................1...................9..........
Id e n tity ............................................................................... 1 9
B lack Id en tity ...............................................................2 3
Identity, Culture, and M museum s ..................................................... ..................... 25
Kwanzaa, Afrocentricity, Black Identity (Karenga, Asante) .......................................26
K w an zaa .................................................................................2 6
M u seu m s................................. ...................... .......................................2 7
Museums and the Dominant Culture .............................................................27
M useum s in H historical Perspective ..................................................... ............... 28
M mainstream M useum s and Anthropology ............................................ ............... 31
Ethnic M useum Development ...................................... ........ ....................... 32
B lack M u seum s H historically ........................................ ...........................................34
The B lack M useum M ovem ent ............................................................ ............... 35
Defining the Black M useum (1988) ....................................................................... ..... 36
R research ................................................................ .......................... 38
P relim inary R research ............... ................. .... .................. .. ......... 38
Culture Keepers Florida Independent Research........................ ................... 39
Relevance of the Study ........................... ....... .................. ............ ......... .....40
O outline of Study ................................................................... .... ...... .... .. 43

2 CULTURE ACCULTURATION AND MUSEUMS ......................................................46

A c c u ltu ratio n .......................................... ........... .. ..... ..................... ................4 7
The Herskovitz Frazier Debate and African American Acculturation.........................48
Contemporary African American Acculturation.................................. ................49
S o cializ atio n ..................... ........................................................ ..... 5 0
Racial/Ethnic Socialization Themes...........................................................51
Measurements of Racial/Ethnic Socialization.............................................. ...............52
M museum s...................................... ......................................... ...............53
C culture and M u seum s........... ..... .......................................... .............. .......... ....... 54
M useum s in H historical Perspective ..................................................... ............... 55









Self D eterm nation, Ethnic Identity .......................................................................... ....... 57
Self D term nation T theory .................................................................. ..... ................. 60
R acial/Ethnic Identity Theories ............................................................ ............. .61
B lack Identity .........................................62
Socialization and R acial Identity......................................................... ............... 64
A fric an Id en tity ............................................................................................................... 6 7
A fro c en tricity ................ ........................................................................................... 6 8
Defining African American (Black Culture).............. ........... ....... ...............73
D discussion ....... .. ....................................................................................... 74

3 METHODOLOGY ............................. ...................... ........76

IR B A approval #2006-U -0043 ........................................................................ ...................76
M methods ................ ............................................................... .......................................... 76
Participants and R ecruitm ent................................................. .............................. 77
Sampling ...................... ..... ......................... 78

In stru m en ts ............................................................................................................... 8 1
Florida Black Museums Survey (FBMS)......................................................81
African American Acculturation Scale (AAAS-33) .........................................82
P ro c e d u re s ................................................................................................................. 8 3
C a se S tu d ie s ............................................................................................................... 8 3
D iscu ssion .................. ...............................................85

4 FLORIDA'S BLACK MUSEUM WORLD......................................................... ...............87

M u seum D ata and A naly sis ......... .. ............... ................. ................................................. 87
Gathering Methods ...................... ................................... 87
T he Interview Q u estion s......................................................................... ...................88
Sam ple P population .......... ........................................................................ ........ .. .... 89
Interview Protocol ................. .................................... .. ........ .. .............90
D ata C collected ................................................................9 0
R e su lts ............ .. ................. ................. ........................... ............9 1
Interview Questions .............. ................... ......... 91
A fric a .................................................................................................................. 9 2
C a rib b e a n ........................................................................................................... 9 3
F lo rid a ..............................................................................9 3
Other U S ............. .... .................................. ........ ..... ..... ......... 94
Florida Black Museum Survey ............. ................................................... ...... .........95
Black Museums Analysis by POB North Florida ............................................96
Black Museums Analysis by POB Central Florida.............................. 100
Black Museums Analysis by POB South Florida ......................................... 104
Florida Black M museum M missions ............................................................ .......... 111
A analysis of M museum M issions.............................. .................. ........ ........................113
D distribution of Florida Black M museum s ............................. ............. ............. ......................122
Case Studies........................ ................... ..................126



6









Case Study One: Haitian Heritage Museum (HHM)....................................................127
H history and m mission state ent .................................... .......................... .. ......... 127
Staffing, volunteers, and governance ........................................ .....................127
Collections, exhibits and educational programming ...........................................128
Ayiti Expose (teaching Haitian heritage through the arts)...................................129
C collaboration .................................................................................................129
Challenges and the future ................................................................................. 130
Case Study Two: Chiumba Ensemble, Inc. Chiumba Cultural Arts Center................30
History and m mission state ent ............................................................... ......... 131
Staffing, volunteers, and governance ........................................ .....................131
Collections, exhibits and educational programming ...........................................132
C o llab o ratio n .................................................................................................... 1 3 3
Challenges and the future ................................ .......... ........ .............133
Historical Overview of Florida Black Communities.................... ....................134
D discussion ........... ....... .......................................... ................ ................ 135

5 ACCULTURATION AND SCALE ANALYSIS .............................. ............... 136

In tro du ctio n ................................36.............................
M eth o d ............................................................................................... 13 6
P artic ip an ts .............................................................................13 6
P ro cedu re .................................1 37.............................
In stru m en ts .........................................................................13 7
R liability of the A A A S-33 ................................................................. 137
V validity of the A A A S-33 ......................................................................................138
Relationship of AAAS-33 Scores to Demographics .................................................... 138
Using the African American Acculturation Scale (AAAS-33) .........................................139
Theoretical Basis of Item s ....................... ................... ... ..... ................... 139
Factor 1: Preference for things African American (6 items) ..............................139
Factor 2: Religious beliefs and practices (6 items) .......................... ............... 140
Factor 3: Preparation and consumption of traditional foods (4 items) ................ 140
Factor 4: Traditional African American childhood socialization (3 items)............ 141
Factor 5: Superstitions (3 items) ...... ..................................................141
Factor 6: Interracial attitudes/cultural mistrust (3 items).................. ..................141
Factor 7: Falling out (2 item s) ........................ ........................... .................142
Factor 8: Traditional games (2 items) ................................... ...............143
Factor 9: Family values (2 items).................................................................143
Factor 10: Family practices (2 items) ..........................................................144
Scores A A A S-33 by PO B ..................................................... ......... 144
A frica ............................................. ............ ....... 14 5
C a rib b e a n ................................................................................................... 14 5
F lo rid a ...................................................................................................... 14 6
O th er U S ..................................... ..................................................... 14 7
Discussion ................... .................. ... .....148





7










6 FINAL ANALYSIS, INTERVIEWS, MUSEUM SURVEY, AND ACCULTURATION
S C A L E ........... ......... ...... ............................................... ................ 14 9

Intro du action ................... ..............49............................
A analysis of Interview s ................ .............................................................. ... ......... 150
Florida Black M useum Survey (FBM S)........................................ ........................... 172
African American Acculturation Scale II............... .............. .. ..................172
D iscu ssion ......... ............ ......................... ............................174

7 FU TU RE W O RK ......... .. ........ ..................... ............................. .. ........... 176

American Culture, Acculturation, and Enculturation................................... ... ..................176
T h e H y p oth esis ......... .............. .......... ... ......................................... 17 6
Identification of Florida Black Museums...... ...................... ...............179
T he C ase Stu dies .......................................................... ....... ................ 180
The Role of Black Museums in Maintaining Black Culture..................... .............181
The Relationship between African American Acculturation and Knowledge and
Participation in Black M useums ................ .................. ......... .................... .. 181
Best Practices and Strategies for a Diverse Museum World..........................................183
Some Thoughts on How Black Museums Build Communities .................. .... ..........185

APPENDIX

A INTERVIEW QUESTIONS ........................................................... .. ............... 190

B FLORIDA BLACK MUSEUM SURVEY ................................................................ 191

C AFRICAN AMERICAN ACCULTURATION SCALE-ii ...............................................193

D PROFILE OF FLORIDA BLACK MUSEUMS ...................................... ............... 196

M u seum s in N north F lorida .......................................................................... ......... ........... 199
The Ritz Theatre and LaVilla M useum-............. ..................................... ............... 199
Jacksonville-D uval C county ....................................... ....... ................................. 199
The Kingsley Plantation-Ft. George Island-Jacksonville-Duval County ......................200
The Sojourner Truth Traveling Museum, Jacksonville-Duval County .........................201
The Durkeeville Historical Center....................... .. ... .. ...................202
The Bethel Baptist Institutional Church Archives-Jacksonville Duval County .........203
The Eartha M.M. White Historical Museum -Jacksonville-Duval County ................204
The Julee Cottage-Pensacola -Escambia County.................................. ... ..................205
The African American Heritage Center-Pensacola-Escambia County .......................206
The John G. Riley Center Museum of African American History and Culture-
Tallahassee-Leon C ounty.....................................................................................207
Black Archives Research Center-Florida A & M University-Tallahassee-Leon
C o u n ty ................ ..... ....... ................................... .... .... ...... ................ 2 0 8
The American Folk Art Museum and Gallery-Tallahassee-Leon County ..................209
The Carver-Hill Museum-Crestview-Okaloosa County...............................................210









M useum s in C central Florida ......................................................................................... 2 11
The African American Cultural Society-Palm Coast-Flagler County ........................211
The Dorothy Thompson African American Museum-Clearwater- Pinellas County.....212
The Zora Neale Hurston National Museum of Fine Arts-Eatonville-Orange County ..213
The Wells' Built Museum of African American History & Culture-Orlando-Orange
C county ................ ............. .... .......................... .......... . .. ...................2 14
Dr. Carter G. Woodson African American History Museum-St. Petersburg..............214
Harry T. & Harriette V. Moore Cultural Complex-Mims-Brevard.............................215
Mary McLeod Bethune Home-Bethune Cookman College-Daytona Beach-Volusia
C ou nty .................. ................... ............................................. ..........2 16
African American Museum of the Arts, DeLand-Volusia County.............................218
Black Heritage Museum New Smyrna Beach-Volusia County ...............................219
M museum s in South Florida................................................................. ....................... 219
The Old Dillard Museum Ft. Lauderdale-Broward County................................... 219
African American Research Library and Cultural Center-Ft. Lauderdale-Broward
C county ............... ... .. ..... .................................... ... ........ .. ................ ..... 220
The Blanchard House Museum of African History and Culture Punta Gorda,
Charlotte County ........... ........ ......................... .......................221
African Heritage Cultural Arts Center-Miami-Dade County ............. ... .................223
Black Heritage M useum-M iami Dade County.............................................................223
Virginia Key Beach Park Museum-Miami Dade County.............................................224
The Haitian Heritage Museum-Miami Dade County ............................................ 224
Black Archives History and Research Foundation of South Florida-Miami Dade
C ou nty ............................... .. ........................................... . .......... 22 5
National Medical Museum-Miami Dade County .................................226
Williams Academy Black History Museum-Ft. Myers-..............................................226
Family Heritage House-Bradenton-Manatee County ................ .......... ...............227
Lofton B. Sands -African Bahamian Museum -Key West-Monroe County ................228
The Spady Cultural Heritage Museum-Delray Beach............................230
The Zora N eale Hurston House-Ft. Pierce ............. ............. .................. .............. 231

E HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF BLACK MUSEUMS AND INSTITUTIONS
WITH MUSEUM FUNCTIONS 1800-1980...... ............................ 232

F MAINTAINING BLACK CULTURE IN FLORIDA .............. ............ .....................234

G HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF FLORIDA'S BLACK COMMUNITIES ........................239

O rlan d o ................ ........... ... ....... .... ....... ................... ................ 2 4 1
St. Petersburg and Clearwater, Pinellas County:............................................ .........242
S t. P ete rsb u rg ........................................................................................................... 2 4 2
G a in e sv ille ............................................................................................................... 2 4 2
M im s ................................................................................2 4 3
D e L a n d .................................................................................................................... 2 4 4
D aytona B each.........................................................................................244
New Smyrna Beach ................................. ............................... ....... 244
F t. L au d e rd a le .......................................................................................................... 2 4 5









F t. M y e rs ................................................................................................................... 2 4 5
F t. P ierce ........... .... ..... ............... ...........................................2 4 6
P u n ta G o rd a .................................................................................................2 4 6
Overtown-Miami ..................................... ........... ..............247
L little H aiti ...............................................................2 4 7
B ra d e n to n ................................................................................................................. 2 4 8
D elray B each ...............................................................24 9

L IST O F R E F E R E N C E S ..................................................................................... ...................250

B IO G R A PH IC A L SK E T C H .............................................................................. ....................263












































10









LIST OF TABLES
Table page

2-1 Aspects of African American Cultural Heritage........................................... ..............75

3-1 E evolving R ole Interview ers ....................................................................... ..................79

3-2 Participants by Sex and PO B .................................................. ............................... 80

3-3 Evolving Role Interview ees by Age ............................................................................ 80

4-1 Participants by A ge .............................................. ........................... 91

4-2 Participant Profile by Place of Birth (POB) and Sex.......................................................91

4-3 Interview Question Two Visits to Black Museums ................................. ...............92

4-4 Interview Question Three Visits to Florida Black Museums........................................92

4-5 Responses Interview Question 3 by POB-Florida Participants ......................................94

4-6 Responses Interview Question 3 by POB Other US Participants.................... ............95

4-7 Ritz Theatre and LaV illa M useum .......................................................... ............... 96

4 -8 K in g sley P lantation ........ ............................................................................ ...... ............... 9 6

4-9 Sojourner T ruth M museum ..........................................................................................96

4-10 Durkeeville Historical Society Museum................................................................ 97

4-11 B ethel B aptist Institutional C hurch........................................................................ .. .... 97

4-12 Eartha M M W white M museum ................................................. ............................... 97

4-13 Julee C cottage M museum ............................................................................... ............... 98

4-14 A frican A m erican H heritage C enter ........................................................................ ...... 98

4-15 John R iley H house M museum ........................................................................ ..................99

4-16 F A M U B lack A rchiv es ........................................................................... .....................99

4-17 A m erican Folk A rt M museum ......................................... .......... ................................. 100

4-18 C arver H ill M u seum ............................................................................. ..................... 100

4-19 African American Cultural Center Palm Coast .................................... ............... 101




11









4-20 Dorothy Thompson African American Museum.............................................. ...101

4-21 Zora Neale Hurston National Fine Arts Museum................................................101

4-22 Wells Built Museum of African American History & Culture ............. ... ..................102

4-23 Carter G. Woodson Museum of African American History ................................ 102

4-24 M museum of A rts and Science ................................................ .................................. 103

4-25 M ary M cLeod B ethune H ouse...................................... ....... ................. ............... 103

4-26 African American M useum of the Arts ................................................ ....... ........ 103

4-27 Black Heritage Museum New Smyrna Beach ...................................... ............... 104

4-28 O ld D illard M u seum ............................................................................. .....................104

4-29 African American Research Library & Cultural Arts Center .............. ... ................105

4-30 B eatrice R u ssell C enter.......................................................................... ....................105

4-31 African Heritage Cultural Arts Center........................................ ........... ........... 106

4-32 B lack H heritage M useum -M iam i ........................................................... .....................106

4-33 Black Archives & Research Foundation.............................................. ......... ...... 107

4-34 H historic V irginia K ey B each ............................................. ......................................... 108

4-35 H aitian H heritage M museum ............................................................................... ........ 108

4-36 W illiam s Academy Black History M museum ........................................ .....................109

4-37 F am ily H heritage H ou se ...................................................................... ........................ 109

4-38 African Bahamian M useum Key W est ....................................................... ... ........... 110

4-39 Spady M museum ............... ................ .......... ................. .......... 1..110

4-40 Z ora N eale H urston H ouse.. ................................................................ .....................

4-41 Florida Black Museums Missions Analysis ........................................ ...................114

4-42 Distribution of Florida Black Museums ............. ........................ ..................121

5-1 AAAS-33 Scores by Demographics POB........................ .................................. 139

5-2 AAAS-33 Scores by POB-Africa ................................. ................ .............................. 145









5-3 AAAS-33 Scores by POB-Caribbean ..................................................... ... .......... 145

5-4 A A A S-33 Scores by POB -Florida........................................................ ............... 146

5-5 AAA S-33 Scores by POB-Other U S ........................................ .......................... 147

6-1 Interview Question 3 Response by POB-Florida.................................. ...............152

6-2 Interview Question 3 Response by POB-Other US....................................................... 153

6-3 Summary Responses Question 4 Early Socialization to Cultural Activities .................154

6-4 POB and Religious Cross Tabulation ........................................................ .......... 154

6-5 POB and M useum s Cross tabulation ........................................ .......................... 154

6-6 PO B and Events C ross tabulation ........................................................................ .. .... 154

6-7 Case Processing Sum m ary .......................................................................... ............... 154

6-8 POB and Plays Cross tabulation ....................................................................... 155

6-9 POB and Fam ily Cross tabulation ...................................................... ................... 155

6-10 Case Processing Sum m ary .......................................................................... ............... 155

6-11 POB and Festivals Cross tabulation...................................................... .................. 155

6-12 PO B and M ovies Cross tabulation....................................................................... ...... 155

6-13 POB and Sports Cross tabulation............................................. ............................ 156

6-14 Responses Question 4 by POB-Africa.................................................................156

6-15 Responses Question 4 by POB-Caribbean............................................. ...............156

6-16 Responses Question 4 by POB-Florida................................................ ........ ....... 157

6-17 Responses Question 4 by POB-Other US ............................ .... ................................158

6-18 Responses Question 8 by POB-Africa................................................................. 160

6-19 Responses Question 8 by POB-Caribbean............................................. ...............161

6-20 Responses Question 8 by POB-Florida................................................ ........ ....... 161

6-21 Responses Question 8 by POB-Other US ............................ .... ................................162

6-22 Responses Question 9 by POB-Africa................................................................. 165









6-23 Responses Question 9 by POB Caribbean....................................................................165

6-24 Responses Question 9 by POB-Florida................................................ ........ ....... 166

6-25 Responses Question 9 by POB-Other US ............................ .... ................................167

6-26 Responses Question 10 by POB-Africa................................... ...................... .. .......... 169

6-27 Responses Question 10 by POB-Caribbean........................................... ...............169

6-28 Responses Question 10 by POB-Florida....................................................................... 170

6-29 Responses Question 10 by POB-Other US...................................................................171

6-30 Recap M museum Participation ........................................................................ 171

6-31 Recap Scores Florida Black Museum Survey ........... ............................ .............173

6-32 A A A S-33 Scores by P O B ............................................................................... ........ 173

6-33 Relationship between AAAS-33 Scores and FBMS Scores by POB and Age................ 175

7-1 Museums with Best Sources for Effective Outreach ................................................ 184

D -1 Profile Florida Black M museum s ............................................. ............................. 196










LIST OF FIGURES


Figure page

1-1 Gedenimbo Onibode Atiba and daughter Omotola at home in Alachua County
F lo rid a ................... ........................................................... ................ 2 0

1-2 Baba Atiba's ancestor tree outside home in Alachua County.........................................20

1-3 View of ancestor tree at home of Baba Atiba, Alachua County......................................21

1-4 K w anzaa altar.......................................................................................... .. ... .... 2 1

4-1 M ap Black museum s in North Florida............................................................ ........... 123

4-2 M ap Black m useum s Central Florida ........................................ ........................ 124

4-3 M ap B lack m useum s South Florida..................................................................... ...... 125

4-4 Florida B lack M useum s by Type......................................................................... ...... 126

4-5 Advertisem ent/Postcard HHM .............. ............................... ................. ............... 128

4-6 Queenchiku Nogozi's Chiumba Ensemble performers at curated show Thomas
Center, Gainesville, Alachua County; Photo Credit CEI) ............................................ 132

D-1 Deborah Johnson-Simon visits the Ritz Theatre and LaVilla Museum photo credit-
D eborah Johnson-Sim on 2004......... ................. ................... ................. ............... 199

D-2 Slave Cabin Kingsley Plantation; Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2004 .............200

D-3 Barbara Halfacre founder Sojourner Truth Traveling Museum; Photo credit-Deborah
Johnson-Simon 2004 .................................. ............ ................ 201

D-4 Dr. Carolyn Williams Executive Director Durkeeville Historical Center ....................202

D-5 Bethel Baptist Institutional Church, Jacksonville, Photo credit Deborah Johnson-
S im o n 2 0 0 4 ........................................................................... 2 0 3

D-6 The Clara White Center, Jacksonville, Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2006 ......204

D-7 Julee Cottage, Pensacola; Photo credit-Deborah Johnson-Simon 2006 ........................205

D-8 The African American Heritage Center, Pensacola; Photo credit-Deborah Johnson-
S im o n 2 0 0 6 ........................................................................... 2 0 6

D-9 The John G. Riley Center Museum; Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2005 ..........207









D-10 Deborah Johnson -Simon at the FAMU Black Archives Research Center Museum,
Tallahassee Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2005.......... ............. ..................208

D-11 American Folk Art M useum and Gallery ............................................. ............... 209

D-12 The Carver-Hill Museum; Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2006) ......................210

D-13 African American Cultural Society, Palm Coast Photo credit Deborah Johnson-
S im o n 2 0 0 6 ...................................... .................................................. 2 1 1

D-14 The Dorothy Thompson African American Museum, Clearwater; Photo credit
D eborah Johnson-Sim on 2003 ........................................ ...................... .....................2 12

D-15 Zora Neale Hurston National Museum of Fine Arts; Photo credit Deborah Johnson-
S im o n 2 0 0 6 ........................................................................... 2 13

D-16 The Wells' Built Museum of African American History & Culture, Orlando..............213

D-17 Dr. Carter G. Woodson African American History Museum, St. Petersburg Photo
credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2005 ............................... ....................215

D-18 The Harry T. & Harriette V. Moore Cultural Complex, Mims Photo credit Deborah
Johnson-Simon 2006 .................................. ............ ................ 216

D-19 The Mary McLeod Bethune House, Daytona Beach, Photo credit Deborah Johnson-
S im o n 2 0 0 4 ........................................................................... 2 17

D-20 The Johnson's founders of the African American Museum of the Arts, DeLand;
Photo Credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2003...................................... ......... ...............217

D-21 Black Heritage Museum, New Smyrna Beach, Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon
2 006 ............ ......................... ...................................... ......... ..... 2 18

D-22 Old Dillard Museum, Ft. Lauderdale, Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2006........220

D-23 The African American Research Library and Cultural Center, Ft. Lauderdale...............221

D-24 The Blanchard House Museum of African History and Culture of Charlotte County,
P unta G orda .............................................................................222

D-25 African Heritage Cultural Arts Center, Miami, Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon
2006.......... ... ....................... .............................................. ...... 222

D-26 Sign Advertising Virginia Beach for Colored only Photo Credit: Florida State
A rc h iv e s ................... ........................................................................ 2 2 3

D-27 Office of the Haitian Heritage Museum, Miami Photo Credit: Deborah Johnson-
S im o n 2 0 0 5 ........................................................................... 2 2 4









D-28 Black Archives History and Research Foundation of South Florida, Miami; Photo
Credit Deborah Johnson-Sim on 2006........................................................................ 225

D-29 National M medical M useum M iami ............................................................................ 226

D-30 Williams Academy Black History Museum, Ft. Myers; Photo Credit Deborah
Johnson-Simon 2006 .................................. ............ ................ 227

D-31 Family Heritage House, Bradenton, Photo credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2005 ..........228

D-32 Lofton B. Sands House-The African Bahamian Museum, Key West Photo Credit
D ona D orsey 2005 ................... .... .............................. ........... ............... 229

D-33 The Spady Cultural Heritage Museum, Delray Beach; Photo Credit Deborah
Johnson-Simon 2006 .................................. ............ ................ 229

D-34 Zora Neale Hurston Home, Ft. Pierce; Photo Credit Deborah Johnson-Simon 2006......230









Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

THE EVOLVING ROLE OF FLORIDA BLACK MUSEUMS AND THEIR COMMUNITIES

By

Deborah Johnson-Simon

May 2007

Chair: Allan Burns
Major: Anthropology

Florida has historically been the destination of runaway slaves and the destination of

immigrating groups of African Descended Peoples in contemporary times. This makes it rich for

a study of the relationships between African American acculturation, enculturation, and the

knowledge of and participation in Black museums contrasted with understanding the role of the

Black museums in maintaining Black culture. The primary objective of this study is to bring into

anthropological focus the cultural meaning of Florida's Black museums in relationship to how

culture is maintained and defined by the Black communities they serve.









CHAPTER 1
THE EVOLVING ROLE

Do not mend your neighbor's fence before looking to your own. (Tanzanian proverb)

Introduction

Identity

This study is an examination of African American culture and acculturation in Florida and

the role of the Black museums in cultural maintenance.

Acculturation may be associated with many different theories of culture and ethnic

identity. Anthropologist Ward Goodenough (1981) provides an appropriate model of culture that

frames this study (Gay and Baber 1985). In Goodenough's model, one's competence in a group

is central to identity, and this is true whether or not a different language or dialect of a language

serves as a group marker. One would argue that competence in the principles of Kwanzaa is

increasingly expected among persons who strongly identify as African American or Black with

an Afrocentric posture. For example, in Alachua County, Florida, Yoruba Afrikan Priest

Gedenimbo Onibode Atiba, instructs daughter Omotola (Figure 1-1) and others on the daily

incorporation of Kwanzaa for 365 days a year, including elaborate decoration of his home with

ancestor tree (Figure 1-2 and 1-3) and Kwanzaa altar bearing kinara (candles) and other items for

daily participation (Figure 1-4). Kwanzaa includes the principle of"kujichagula" from the

Nguzo Saba, meaning self-determination. Kujichagulia encourages Black people to define, name,

create, and speak with the purpose of self-determination, instead of being defined, named,

created and spoken for by others (Karenga 1988). However, acculturation to American norms

may be seen as a process of being named, created, and spoken for by others. Black museums

offer an interesting approach to the issue of acculturation to American norms because museums

invoke the power to create and define a group or various groups in relationship to each other, and

































Figure 1-1. Gedenimbo Onibode Atiba and daughter Omotola at home in Alachua County
Florida


Figure 1-2. Baba Atiba's ancestor tree outside home in Alachua County










F '~',


Figure 1-3. View of ancestor tree at home of Baba Atiba, Alachua County


Figure 1-4. Kwanzaa altar









presumably the creators of museums are speaking on behalf of those who participate in the

museum. In creating these groups, museums act as a conduit for cultural transmission. Therefore,

one of the important functions of museums is to communicate, display, and reinforce important

cultural themes and values.

Many of the Black museum practitioners interviewed for this study cautioned that

Florida's African American communities are generally regarded as having very low levels of

community organization or self-determination, and they generally regard them as unsupportive

of Black museums. The lack of support is assumed. As a result, African American involvement

in Black museums, including levels of participation, has not been studied or documented.

Therefore, two questions guide this research:

(1) What is the relationship between African American acculturation and the knowledge of

and participation in Black museums? (2) Do these museums have a role in the maintenance of

Black culture in Florida's Black communities?

Scholarly anthropological studies of Black museums in general and Florida's Black

museums in particular are very few. This lack of attention projects the mistaken belief that these

museums are either healthy and thriving or not worthy of scholarly attention. In reality, Black

museums have been struggling to keep their doors open and provide access to the history and

culture of Black people. Black museums strive to accomplish this monumental task for a

constituency that has been characterized as unsupportive and that underutilize these museums

(Falk 1993; Hood 1993; Robinson 1986; Stamps and Stamps 1985). There is an urgency,

therefore, to understand the relationship of Black museums and their Black community members

in terms of the survival of values and beliefs associated with their culture.









One of the first surveys undertaken to assess Black museums and Black communities was

commissioned in 1988 by the Association of African American Museums (AAMA); its

constituency was queried to develop a profile of Black museums in America. The AAMA's

Profile ofBlack Museums (1988) establishes the definition of Black museums that will be useful

to this study's goal of assessing their presence and viability in Florida today. The AAMA asked

the questions: (1) does the Black museum have a unique role in our society? (2) Should a Black

museum model itself on a traditional museum which usually supports the white culture? (3) Who

should accredit a Black museum? (4) Should there be a national or federal Black museum? (5) If

so, where should it be located? (6)What should be the role of non-Black museums in regard to

the collection of Black cultural materials? (7) Are there models for what an ideal community of

Black museums would be like? (8) What are the political and economic factors affecting Black

museums? (AAMA 1988:3-4). All of these questions have implications for this current study,

which asks: (1) what is the relationship between African American acculturation and the

knowledge of and participation in Black museums? (2) Do these museums have a role in the

maintenance of Black culture in Florida's Black communities? (3) What role does ethnic identity

play in maintaining Black culture and museum-going?

I believe it's extremely important to understand how Black people define themselves,

determine for themselves, and how "Black identity" is constructed in relationship to knowledge

and participation of Black museums.

Black Identity

Molefi Asante developed the framework of Afrocentricity to apply to studies about African

or African American communication (1987, 2001). He identified five cultural themes shared by

people of African descent:

* A common origin and experience of struggle









* An element of resistance to European legal procedures, medical practices, and political
processes

* Traditional values of humanness and harmony with nature

* A fundamentally African way of knowing and interpreting the world

* An orientation toward communalism

These cultural themes are embedded in the cognitive frames of reference of persons who identify

as Black or African American in varying degrees of commitment. As sub-units of a shared

culture, identities are "meanings a person attributes to the self as an object in their social

situation or social roles" (Burke 1980:18; Goodenough 1981). Therefore being Black in

American society means occupying a racially defined status. Associated with this status are roles

in family, community, and Black society.

One psychological consequence of identifying with Black groups is cultural competency

within these groups. One's competency varies with the nature of one's role experiences, and

within particular Black communities (Demo and Hughes 1990:364; Goodenough 1981). Since

the Civil Rights Era and the acceptance of Black enculturation as normal, bicultural ability has

increased among persons identifying as Black or African American. Bicultural ability relates to

competency within Black groups and cultural competency in American beliefs, values, and

norms. Bicultural ability varies depending upon the individual person but the following qualities

are the core of Black identity based in shared cultural themes:

* Heavy emphasis on interpersonal relations with family and friends: An important context
for the formation of adult attitudes toward self and others is interpersonal relations with
family and friends. (Demo 1987; Gecas and Mortimer 1987)

* Religious involvement: The church as a total institution provides opportunities for Blacks
to occupy important and respected positions that may be denied them in the wider society.
(Demo and Hughes 1989)

* Socioeconomic status: socioeconomic status is related negatively to Black autonomy and
positively to evaluations of Blacks as a group. (Allen 1989)









* Interracial interaction: As Blacks move out of isolated environments and interact more
frequently with whites and members of other groups; they are detached to some degree
from traditional Black culture (shared cultural themes), and group identification is
weakened. (Rosenberg and Simmons 1972)

* Age: Age locates Blacks in particular sociohistorical contexts. Social changes stemming
from the Black movement may strengthen racial identity and may have the greatest effect
on younger Blacks. (Porter and Washington 1979)

Identity, Culture, and Museums

Ward Goodenough (1986) notes that the term culture is derived from the German word

Kulture. This term referred to the educated classes of Europe, who possessed knowledge of the

finer things in life compared to lowly peasants. E. B. Tylor had "Kulture" in mind when he

referred to the degree to which people differed in their customs, beliefs, and arts from

sophisticated Europeans as a measure of how ignorant and "uncivilized" they were. Natural

history was conceived as a steady rise from a state of primitive ignorance to one of progressively

greater enlightenment. Culture so defined is "that complex whole which includes knowledge,

beliefs, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a

member of society" (Tylor 1903:1). In this view, societies did not have discrete cultures but a

greater or lesser share in the general culture thus far generated by mankind as a whole. The

object of anthropology during this time was to reconstruct the steps or stages that had marked the

growth of culture. In Tylor's words, (1903:26-27) "by simply placing nations at one end of the

social series and savage tribes at the other, arranging the rest of mankind between these

limits... ethnographers are able to set up at least a rough scale of civilization... a transition from

the savage state to our own." Initial interest in museums was based upon the notion of culture

described by Tylor and other intellectuals, later coined in anthropology as unilineal evolutionism.

Museums were thus designed to reproduce the achievements of civilization.









The attitudes that fueled the early collection efforts carried forth in how early

anthropologists interpreted the objects they collected. The meaning of an object in a museum

depends upon the perspective of the individual viewing the object, and this perspective is learned

by participation in human groups. An interesting question thus develops about relationship of

museums, culture and identity. Does bicultural ability reduce the significance of shared meaning

in Black culture, and in turn reduce Black identity?

Kwanzaa, Afrocentricity, Black Identity (Karenga, Asante)

Kwanzaa

Kwanzaa was created in 1966 by Dr. Mulana Karenga/Ron Karenga (born Ron Everett), a

professor and chair of the Department of Black Studies at California State University, Long

Beach. It is not a religious holiday, but a cultural one, a syncretic festival, based on various

elements of the first harvest celebrations that are widely celebrated in Africa, as in the rest of the

world. Kwanzaa was established in the aftermath of the Watts Riots in California. These riots

were the result of police brutality as viewed by citizens. The Black Liberation and Black

Freedom Movement in the 1960s that reflected concerns for African American cultural

groundedness in thought and practice (commonly referred to as "Black pride"), and community

and self-determination were associated with Kwanza. It was established as a means to help

African Americans reconnect with what Karenga characterized as their African cultural and

historical heritage by uniting in meditation and study around principles that have their putative

origins in what Karenga asserts are "African traditions" and "common humanist principles."

Kwanzaa is celebrated for seven days, observed from December 26 to January 1 each year.

Each of the days symbolizes one of the "Seven Principles (Nguzo Saba) of Blackness"
Umoj a (Unity)
Kujichagulia (Self -Determination)
Ujima (Collective Work and Responsibility)
Ujamaa (Cooperative Economics)









Nia (Purpose)
Kuumba (Creativity)
Imani (Faith)

The second principle "Kujichagulia," self-definition, is crucial to this study because of its

importance in the Black experience. Essential to this study is the realization of the potential

negative impact on peoples' lives when they don't have self-definition. What problems are

evident in the Black community because of it, (e.g., alcohol, drug abuse, smoking, mental illness,

etc.)? These things are linked to a sense of hopelessness. Self-determination gives hope, a reason

for living, a reason to succeed and to achieve for oneself and each generation to come. That's

what Kwanzaa is about, and in order to talk about Kwanzaa and its rituals, we must understand

that we are also talking about Black identity and culture.

Museums

Museums and the Dominant Culture

Ward Goodenough's model of culture is an extension of the Boasian view of culture, and it

is fortuitous that Boas had a lot to say about museums. Franz Boas (1858-1942) had an enormous

impact on anthropology and is often deemed the father of American anthropology (McGee and

Warms 2004:128). The method of research he pioneered, later labeled historical particularism, is

widely considered the first American-born school of anthropological thought. Boas believed that

to explain cultural customs, one must examine them from three fundamental perspectives: (1)

environmental conditions, (2) psychological factors, and (3) historical connections. Of these,

history was the most important. He felt that societies were created by their own historical

circumstances. Thus, the best explanations of cultural phenomena were to be acquired by

studying the historical development of the societies in which they were found. In many ways he

was sensitive to how museums function at the level of culture which, according to Goodenough,









involves historical development and competency in different groups (McGee and Warms

2004:129).

Public museums have always been concerned with research, education, and entertainment,
and Boas (1907:924) may have been correct in estimating that, even by the early part of
this century, some 90 percent of visitors came more to be entertained than to be educated
or to do research. But only recently have museums come to embrace entertainment as an
explicit priority, and as a context for presenting other functions such as education and
scholarship, and to devote both major resources and expertise to its manufacture. (Ames
1992:11)

'I do not hesitate to say,' Franz Boas wrote in his 1907 paper on museum administration,
that the essential justification for the maintenance of large museums lies wholly in their
importance as necessary means for the advancement of Science' (Boas 1907:929). The
large museum, he continued, 'is the only means of bringing together and of preserving
intact large series of material which for all time to come must form the basis of scientific
inductions.' The museum, in the proverbial nutshell, is 'to serve the progress of science.'
(Ames 1992:28)

Next to Boas, the most influential figure in American anthropology during the first half of

the twentieth century was A.L. Kroeber. Kroeber became the first instructor in the newly created

anthropology program at the University of California, and the curator for the university's

museum of anthropology. Throughout his life Kroeber maintained the Boasian perspective in his

work. Both men were anti-evolutionist and believed in integrating the four subfields of

anthropology. They taught that a historical perspective was necessary to understand other

cultures. Boas, Kroeber and other anthropologists were instrumental in the early American

museum movement (Jacknis 2002:521-532).

Museums in Historical Perspective

In the nineteenth century museums evolved from private collections and "cabinets of

curiosities" to public museums, with limited public access (Alexander 1979; Ames 1986;

Merriman 1989; Bennett 1995). Museums historically were founded to house the collections of

the elite or colonizers. (Alexander 1979, Anderson 1991) In his trailblazing work, Imagined

Communities, Benedict Anderson discusses census, map, and museum (1991:163-185).









Anderson states that these institutions of power profoundly shaped the way in which the colonial

state imagined its dominion. The census created "identities" imagined by the classifying mind of

the colonial state. The fiction of the census is that everyone is in it, and that everyone has one,

and only one, extremely clear place. The map also worked on the basis of a totalizing

classification. It was designed to demonstrate the antiquity of specific, tightly bounded territorial

units. It also served as a logo, instantly recognizable and visible everywhere, that formed a

powerful emblem for the anticolonial nationalism being born. According to Anderson (1991) the

museum allowed the state to appear as a guardian of tradition, and this power was enhanced by

the infinite reproducibility of the symbols of tradition.

During this period, American museums were being established as public institutions and

perpetuated the examples of their European predecessors. Anthropology and natural history

museums were first and foremost research institutions, primarily because of exclusionary

practices of other museums, and also in part to preserve history and culture. These early

museums were thus the domain of the elite (Alexander 1979).

The nineteenth century brought a shift in the museum's function as claimed by Tony

Bennett in the Birth of the Museum. Bennett states that during the nineteenth century the

museums had three issues. The first concerned the nature of the museum as a social space and

the need to detach that space from its earlier private, restricted, and socially exclusive forms of

sociality. The second concerned the nature of the museum as a space of representation; the

display and interpretation of cultural artifacts for the culture and enlightenment of the people.

The third issue, by contrast, related more to the museum's visitor than to its exhibits; it

concerned the need to develop the museum as a space of observation and regulation (Bennett

1995:24). Merriman (1989) asserts that historically the museum has acted intentionally to









include dominant values. For those not schooled in the code of the museum, it would have been

an alien and intimidating place, while for the cultivated it could be a refuge of peace and

learning (Merriman 1989).

The impetus for public museums thus evolved out of this third issue. Making museums

accessible to more than the elite and scholars was the motivation. According to Michael Ames

(1992), by the turn of the century the idea was increasingly promoted that museums could serve

as useful instruments of education for the moral uplift of the ordinary classes. It therefore came

to be accepted that public museums should become accessible to everyone (Ames 1992). The

everyone they were referring to still had major limitations. Remember, "These early museums

were born during the Age of Imperialism," says Hans Haacke. They often served and benefited

capitalism, and they continued to be instruments of the ruling classes and corporate powers of the

time (Haacke 1986:67).

This early history of museums is closely tied to anthropology, which provided the principal

institutional bases and financial support for research. William Sturtevant (1969:662) refers to this

beginning phase, running from about 1840 to 1890, at least in North America, as the "Museum

Period." By the 1880s universities in the United States and England began to offer training in

anthropology, taught mostly by anthropologists who also held museum positions. Sturtevant

names this the "Museum-University Period," running up to the 1920s.

During the 1880s, anthropology museum programs were concerned with acquiring

artifacts, cataloguing, preserving and displaying specimens. Because most of these museums

were training centers for anthropologists and repositories for artifacts from fieldwork, little

attention was given to visitors who were not students. In 1890, the Peabody Museum at Harvard,

the anthropology departments at the American Museum of Natural History, and the United States









National Museum were all about twenty years old, and the University Museum at Philadelphia

had been recently established (Collier and Tschopik 1954).

By 1900, the basic pattern of anthropological activities in American museums was well

established. These activities consisted of programs of exhibition, research, scientific and popular

publication, contribution to journals, teaching and popular lectures. Alfred Kroeber, a leading

anthropologist of the time, said that:

Museums during this period were the centers of anthropological teaching; or rather,
museum curators formed the core of university teaching staffs. The major university
departments drew heavily on the staffs of their anthropological museums or established
working relationships with a nearby large museum. Most of the important teachers were
museum men or former museum men; Putnam, Boas, Kroeber, Lowie, Wissler, Starr,
Sullivan, Dixon, Hrdlicka, to name but a few. (Ames 1992)

In contrast, today many of the leading anthropologists rarely associate themselves with

museums or museum-type institutions. The museum is no longer a necessary focal point for

anthropological research.

Mainstream Museums and Anthropology

Michael Ames (1992:39-40) states that anthropological interest in the study of material

culture and in museums steadily declined as anthropologists themselves moved away from the

museum environment. In their 1954 review of the role of the museums in anthropology, Collier

and Tschopik asked whether the study of material culture had become a "dead duck." They

concluded that essentially it had. Maurice Freedman (1979:54) observed in his 1979 Main

Trends in Social and Cultural Anthropology that this alienation of anthropology from museums

is continuing.

Museum anthropologists frequently express embarrassment and dismay over the lack of

attention they receive from their colleagues. Sturtevant remarked (1969:625) "anthropology is in

the situation, of having the responsibility for huge and irreplaceable collections which represent a









large investment over many years of time, thought, and money, but seemingly have very little

importance for current anthropological research, especially ethnological research." Sturtevant

estimates that there are some four and one-half million ethnological artifacts stored in museums

around the world (1969:640), most only a few hundred years old, and perhaps as much as 90

percent never studied (1969:632).

There are various reasons why museum collections attract such little scholarly attention.

First, many items are not worth studying, either because they are intrinsically uninteresting or

because they lack sufficient data concerning provenance, function or meaning. Second, many

museums offer meager facilities to researchers and some seem inclined to discourage visiting

scholars. In addition, museum storerooms, especially those associated with large museums, are

difficult to gain access to and museum staff are usually too busy to provide much assistance.

Third, is the absence of important theoretical issues in material culture studies. Research on

museum collections actually never did play an important role in the development of ethnological

theories. Sturtevant (1969: 621-632), noted its relevance to archaeology and that museum

collections were more pertinent to earlier ethnology, even though museums provided

employment for many ethnologists. There has been little theoretical development associated with

material culture research. General questions are seldom asked or answered, and ideas derived

from collections research are rarely related to broader intellectual or professional issues in

anthropology, with the exceptions of art and archaeology.

Ethnic Museum Development

Anastasia Loukaitou-Sideris and Carol Grodach (2004) in Displaying and Celebrating the

"Other ": A Study of the Mission, Scope and Roles of Ethnic Museums in Los Angeles states that,

as many mainstream museums have struggled to transform from exclusive temples to inclusive

public forums, new types of museums have also emerged. Over the last three decades, there has









been a tremendous rise in the U.S. and Canada of ethnic museums-institutions formed by

members of ethnic groups to collect, exhibit, and interpret the history, art, and culture of their

communities.

The ethnic museum has been hailed by advocates as an alternative site of cultural

production and exhibition and as promoter of ethnic culture and identity. Although the ethnic

museum is seen by many as a keeper of ethnic and cultural traditions-as a means for recalling

what has been lost and retaining a sense of cultural identity that is different from the

mainstream-critics charge that the ethnic museum too often assumes an authoritative stance

towards cultural authenticity that leaves no room for change. Where, opponents have lamented

the threat of cultural balkanization and fragmentation across racial, ethnic, or class lines,

advocates have seen the ethnic museum as a mediator between the ethnic community and the

larger public. By making ethnic cultures or histories visible to a larger audience, the ethnic

museum is educating the larger city audience and bringing to the mainstream the culture it

represents. Importantly, by establishing something as permanent and visible as a museum the

ethnic culture is conveying the message of coming of age; it is giving an evidence of its

permanence and stability.

Another reason for the flourishing of ethnic museums has been the widespread sentiment

among ethnic communities that mainstream museums have marginalized and excluded "other"

cultures. Loukaitou-Sideris points out through Karen Davalos' poignant summary: "The public

museum does not collect our histories and experiences, particularly not our art. It does not

categorize our cultural products as 'American' but marginalized them, even placing them in the

hallways and other makeshift galleries" (Loukaitou-Sideris 2004:53).









The preponderance of ethnic museums can also be partly attributed to the proliferation of

cultural and ethnic tourism. Despite the transnational ties that some ethnic museums may be able

to build and the global aspiration that the larger of them may have, the majority of ethnic

museums are primarily grounded in local communities. Ethnic museums exist within a local

context, at the same time that they are expected to promote and create a specific cultural context.

They are often vested with a larger role than that of purveyors of ethnic culture. As community-

based institutions, they are frequently expected to contribute to community building and

sustainability. Their mission is often described as social, educational, and political, in addition to

cultural. At times, ethnic museums are even described as "advocates for ethnic communities,

often becoming directly involved in community development, political action, and protest."

Thus, ethnic museums are expected to provide a new form of community space, at the same time

that they are assuming a greater variety of functions than mainstream museums (Loukaitou-

Sideris 2004:54-55).

This being said, I take an Afrocentric position for this study. I focus on the Black museum

movement. While comparison data has been found on Black/White participation in mainstream

museums also ethnic museums such as Native American and Hispanic, for this study I am seeing

Black museums as bounded institutions.

Black Museums Historically

While issues of class were the main deterrent from museum-going for most Americans,

color and ethnicity barred access for Blacks. Institutional and societal based exclusionary

practices segregated Blacks from mainstream museums during the 19th century even as many of

the collections reflected the material culture of Africa and the African Diaspora. Dr. Bettye

Collier-Thomas (1981), in An Historical Overview ofBlack Museums and Institutions in ih









Museum Functions: 1800-1980, observed that museums, churches, courts and other vital societal

institutions do not function apart from the larger society. She writes

They mirror the thoughts, practices and beliefs of the dominant, racial and cultural
group...thus, a society that defines a given group as inferior is unable to give positive
recognition to individual or group achievements. Black museums reflect this significant
aspect of Black heritage and are created out of a specific need to preserve the Black
heritage, define Black achievement, to celebrate their Blackness, and to honor individual
Black contributions. (Collier-Thomas: 1981:56)

These early Black museums were developed to honor Black heroes rather than emulate

mainstream models which barred entrance to Blacks, despite thriving on displaying objects from

Black culture. As a result, Blacks developed their own institutions, museums and museum-type

facilities, to celebrate their heritage.

The Black Museum Movement

Understanding the historical development of Black museums is owed to the pioneering

research of historian and museum director Dr. Bettye Collier-Thomas in the 1980s. It is

important to understand that Black people were intentionally excluded from attending museums

in the 19th century. As a result, they developed their own museums and institutions with

museum-like functions. According to Collier-Thomas, during the 19th century, a number of

Black historical societies were established beginning with the AME's Bethel Literary and

Historical Association, the American Negro Historical Society (1897) and the Negro Society for

Historical Research at the turn of the century.

Howard University and Wilberforce College established the first officially designated

Black museums in America. Howard had an officially designated museum dating from 1867 that

functioned into the 1880s. In 1978, almost one hundred years later, the University inaugurated a

second museum (Appendix E, Historical Background of Black Museums).The research of

Amina J. Dickerson shows that the first formal African American museum was established at









Hampton Institute (1868) in Hampton, Virginia. The leadership of educator Kelly Miller at

Howard University in Washington, D.C. encouraged the establishment of a Negro American

Museum and Library for Howard University in 1873. Around the same period, similar efforts

were begun at Wilberforce, Ohio and other Black colleges (Dickerson 1988).

Dr. Harry Robinson, President African American Museums Association 1986-1988, writes

"The Black museum movement emerged in the 1950s and 1960s to preserve the heritage of the

Black experience and to ensure its proper interpretation in American history. In this way, Black

museums instill a sense of achievement within Black communities and encourage cooperation

between those communities and the broader public. Perhaps most important of all, they inspire

new contributions to society and culture and new insights into ourselves" (Robinson 1988).

Defining the Black Museum (1988)

In light of the end of dejure discrimination, the development of an increasingly vital

community of Black museums raised a number of important but difficult questions: What is a

Black museum? Does it have a unique role in our society?

The survey conducted by AAMA helped to refine the definitional elements used to

categorize Black museums. The current definitional elements are as follows:

* being organized as a non-profit institution
* having an educational, historic, or aesthetic purpose
* owning, holding or using tangible animate or inanimate objects, at least some of which are
exhibited to the public through facilities owned, operated or used by the museum
* having paid or unpaid staff persons) whose responsibilities are the acquisition, care and
exhibition of objects
* having regular times during the year that are open to the public
* having a stated mission that primarily addresses some aspect of the material or symbolic
heritage of Black people of continental African descent
* having significant representation in both operations and governance by Black persons
consistent with any fair employment practices that govern the institution









It is worth noting that Black museums do substantially agree on certain key elements of

their common mission. Black museums, for example, are committed to gaining significant

hegemony over the understanding and interpretation of Black cultural heritage and of Black

contributions to world history. They are committed to the concept of the museum as an

educational vehicle telling the story of the Black experience for all people, but especially for

their own communities. In fact, a distinguishing trait of Black museums is the intimate

relationship that they enjoy with their communities. Black museums, like other museums, collect

and use objects of cultural, aesthetic and historical significance to teach and to entertain.

Another trait that Black museums have in common is their lack of sufficient financial

resources and endowments, which has limited their full realization of missions within the Black

museum community. This has interfered with the capacity of many Black museums to build

appropriate facilities, to achieve sufficient professional staffing and to operate expansive,

interpretive programs. Conservation and storage needs are frequently poorly addressed. With few

exceptions, Black museums are still struggling to gain reasonable stability and permanence. Yet

in spite of these conditions, the contribution of Black museums is noteworthy, indeed remarkable

(AAMA 1988:3-4).

By the time AAMA conducted their survey, they were well aware that no systematic study

had been done to identity or to evaluate the needs, resources and capacities of Black museums, or

to find out what they provide their communities or how they diffuse knowledge of African

American history and culture. Given the museums' histories, purposes and activities-preserving

objects, building collections, educating the public about the influence of African American

customs and traditions-these institutions are important to the humanities, collectively as a









cultural phenomenon and individually for the resources they contain. Black museums are

essential to a complete understanding of the whole American experience (AAMA 1988:8).

I want to note that at the time of the survey there were eleven Black museums already

established in Florida. Of these, two participated in the survey, both of them located at

Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) participated in the survey (Florida

Agricultural & Mechanical University (FAMU) Black Archives, Tallahassee and Carl S. Swisher

Library/Learning Resource Center at Bethune Cookman College (BCC), Daytona Beach).

Research

Preliminary Research

My master's thesis (2001), from Arizona State University, African American Museum

Development: Attracting and Maintaining the African American Audience, examines museum-

going and its viability for African Americans. As a part of this research African Americans in

metropolitan Phoenix were asked to share their experiences concerning museums. Some

participated in oral history interviews and others completed a survey designed to assess the

programs museums might undertake to attract and gain their support. Specifically, the survey

participants were asked to rank museum programs that they would be willing to support through

the contribution of their time and finances (Johnson-Simon 2001).

The research for my master's thesis helped me begin to understand the development of

Black museums nationally with a specific interest in the concerns of museums in Arizona. I

wanted to know the Black community's perspective of their experiences with Black museums.

Traditionally, Black people have not been documented museum-goers; so, I wanted to know why

would they go to a museum and why not? Why would they go to a Black museum? What have

been the barriers that kept them from supporting their own cultural institutions with their time









and money? When I moved back to Florida, it became clear that this is the place to further peel

away the layers of meanings of Black museums and the Black communities that they serve.

Florida has been, and still is, one of the fastest growing states in the country rich with

Black cultural diversity. Florida has become home to Black Cubans who settled in Miami and

Tampa, as well as Haitians, Jamaicans and other Caribbean cultural groups who have settled

throughout the state. In Florida's early history, fierce fighting Seminoles offered a protected

environment for escaped African slaves. Dr. Lonnie Bunch, the Director of the Smithsonian

National Museum of African American History and Culture, told me that, as a historian, his visit

to the Black Museum in Tallahassee began to help him understand how Florida's history is

interesting and different. He said, "what that museum did for me was to force me to turn history

on its head." As a History instructor, teaching his students about the South, he would skip

Florida and teach his students about the West instead. That visit opened a whole world of

knowledge of the Black experience in Florida that previously seemed uninteresting.

Culture Keepers Florida Independent Research

My own independent research of Black museums was conducted (2003) as a project called

Culture-Keepers: Florida an Oral History of the African American Museum Experience in

Florida. As a part of that study, 189 museums were identified as being African American

(Black) museums throughout the United States. At that time, only ten were documented in the

state of Florida. The oldest museums identified were the home site of Dr. Mary McLeod Bethune

on the campus of Bethune Cookman College in Daytona Beach and the Black Archives at

Florida A&M University in Tallahassee. Both of these museums were established in the 1970s.

Continued research has since documented 35 Black museums in Florida. Each of them will be

discussed later in Chapter 5 (Appendix-D).









Relevance of the Study


Florida is an important place for this study for several reasons. Firstly, Florida is one of the

few places where Black people set up their own communities in fairly significant numbers. If

you wanted to get away during slavery you ran North or South. Spain occupied Florida until

1821, so up until 1821, when you ran from the United States to Florida you were free. The

Underground Railroad to Canada was typically a much longer trip. Florida was therefore one of

the first places during slavery where escape was a viable possibility.

Freedom Seekers

As early as 1687, the Spanish government had unofficially offered asylum to British slaves
in an attempt to break Britain's economic stronghold in the borderlands around Spanish
Florida. In 1693 that asylum was made official when the Spanish crown offered limited
freedom to any slave escaping to Spanish Florida who would accept Catholicism. When
the English established the border colony of Georgia in 1733, the Spanish Crown made it
known once again that runaways would find freedom in Spanish Florida, in return for
Catholic conversion and a term of four years in service to the crown. (Riordan 1996:25)

Native Americans

The incoming English government soon learned that Florida was a magnet to Africans and
African Americans in North America who sought freedom from slavery. Once in Florida,
freedom seekers encountered the Creek and Seminole Native Americans who had
established settlements there at the invitation of the Spanish government. Those who chose
to make their lives among the Creeks and Seminoles were welcomed into Native American
society.

Governor John Moultrie wrote to the English Board of Trade in 1771 that 'It has been a
practice for a good while past, for Negroes to run away from their Masters, and get into the
Indian towns, from whence it proved very difficult to get them back.' When British
government officials pressured the Seminoles to return runaway slaves, they replied that
they had merely given hungry people food, and invited the slaveholders to catch the
runaways themselves. (Schafer 2001:96)

So Florida became a place that Black people "got into their heads" that they could get

away. But, after the Civil War where did they go? They probably headed to places like Florida

where there were free communities established. One such place that continues to thrive today is

the town of Eatonville. Moreover, in contemporary times, Florida is still a destination. For









example, Miami (and Miami-Dade County, which surrounds it) is one of the most ethnically

diverse urban areas in the United States. Today, over half of Miami-Dade County's population is

from the West Indies, Mexico, Central, and South America. Some 60 percent are Cuban

refugees, with others migrating from Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic, Mexico, Guatemala,

Honduras, Nicaragua, Colombia, and Peru, including those of African descent. Some 19 percent

of Miami-Dade's population is African American. So, in Florida, 35 Black museums have been

identified to date, and it is possible that Florida has more Black museums than any other state I

have looked at so far.

With this rich history I want to know if Black Floridians are participating regularly at any

of these museums. If not, is it because they do not recognize how important these institutions are

to Black identity and self-determination? Some Blacks may think it is important for self-

determination, but others may not. Some may think "I can just go to the dominant museum, I'm

part of that," and participate on that basis. If we are that diverse then that's what leads to

acculturation, enculturation and assimilation issues. The term enculturation denotes the total

activity of learning one's culture. More specifically, from infancy, members of a culture learn

their patterns of behavior and ways of thinking until most of them become internalized and

habitual. Enculturation usually takes place with family through interaction, observation and

imitation (Hoebel and Frost 1976). The term is almost synonymous with socialization.

Assimilation, on the other hand, is the degree to which an individual relinquishes an original

culture for another. When individuals are assimilated into a mainstream culture, they lose their

previous culture.

E. Franklin Frazier (1957) says, when the marginal man becomes the leader of a

nationalistic movement, he turns his back on the dominant group and becomes assimilated in the









subordinate group. Whereas he once was a divided person with ambivalent feelings toward the

subordinate group with which he is biologically identified, he becomes a new person completely

identified psychologically with his group. Therefore, assimilation involves something more than

acculturation or the acquisition of the language, moral and religious ideas, and patterns of

behavior of the dominant group. Assimilation includes a subjective element-identification with

the members of the society. When this occurs, physical or racial characteristics cease to be marks

of identification, and people who are assimilated not only share in the traditions of the dominant

society but identify themselves with these traditions (1957:315). For the purpose of this study,

therefore, I want to understand the relationship between these thirty-five museums that exist in

Florida and the Black people who reside in the communities that they serve.

I asked Dr. Lonnie Bunch what he thought the role of the Black museum is and if he

thought it is important that Black people try to find the meanings of their own institutions. I also

reminded him that it took thirty years for the Congress of the United States to authorize a Black

museum on the National Mall. This is the area where slaves were auctioned in the nation's

capital. He replied, "what is really interesting to me is how Black museums today find their

footing?" Then he said, "my question therefore is 'What should they be?"' "It requires

research," I replied.

It is our responsibility as Black museum professionals to research our institutions. As

Black museum anthropologists unravel the meanings that have been attached to these institutions

by the Black community, they must communicate their findings so these institutions are a part of

the dialogue. Also, he said, "I would argue that they still have a great role, because in some ways

if they could frame themselves both as places about African Americans and not just places with









stories that relate to the American experience but also shaped the American experience, they will

suddenly find new audiences and new meanings" (Bunch 2006).

Bunch has a valid point; however, I am taking an Afrocentric model approach to unravel

the threads of meanings associated with Black communities and Black museums. So I say

"Kujichagulia" (Self-Determination). We must define ourselves, name ourselves, create for

ourselves and speak for ourselves instead of being defined, named, created for and spoken for by

others. Black museums foster the same sense of self-determination as the cultural holiday

Kwanzaa.

Outline of Study

The purpose of this study is two-fold. First, to examine the ways that Black culture is being

maintained in Florida among African Descended People (ADP). The second is to determine the

role that the Black Museum plays in maintaining culture among this constituency. I seek to

understand to what extent this community is knowledgeable about where these museums are,

what the museums' activities/programs are, and the museums' attempts to encourage increased

participation and support.

I will examine what culture means to Florida Black community members, and what

interests them about Black history and culture, and of those things that interest them, what can be

done by Black museums.

The concepts that are the basis of this study are based on findings from the study I

conducted for my Master's Degree and preliminary investigations extending the study to Florida.

The earlier study was central to understanding the museum-going experiences of African

Americans who have traditionally not been documented as museum-goers. In many ways that

study was seeking to relate community concepts about race, culture, and the preservation of

heritage. The concept of the museum as a cultural storehouse among those engaged in this









pursuit may not necessarily translate to the community being served. This study focuses on

understanding if ideas of the museum as elitist or foreign contribute to alienating community

members and whether there are other barriers, social and/or cultural, that inhibit active

participation. Do Black community members think more in terms of race or class regarding

Black museums? What is the level of recognition of Florida Black museums?

Chapter 2 reviews the related literature regarding the association between ethnic identity

and self-determination, culture and acculturation, racial and ethnic socialization as well as

empirical studies of Black museums and museum anthropology.

Chapter 3 discusses the methodology applied for this study. The interview process will be

detailed first, followed by description and development of the Florida Black Museum Survey

(FBMS). Another instrument used for this study is the African American Acculturation Scale-33

(Short Form) developed by Landrine and Klonoff (1994) to illuminate the complex process of

cultural affiliation among African Americans.

Chapter 4 details the Florida Black Museum World. This chapter begins with discussion of

the interview responses of study participants followed by results of the Florida Black Museums

Survey (FBMS) and analysis of the missions of the thirty five documented museums in North,

Central and South Florida found in this study. Because the museums vary considerably in type,

and in the ways they perceive their role in the community, each museum's mission statement was

examined to determine its role in the preservation and display of Black history and culture. I will

also discuss two case studies, the Haitian Heritage Museum in Miami, scheduled to open in late

2007, and the Chiumba Cultural Arts Center in Gainesville.

Chapter 5 further discusses acculturation and begins the analysis of results of the African

American Acculturation Scale-33, the instrument used in this study. Hope Landrine, an African









American health and clinical psychologist, and Elizabeth Klonoff, a health and clinical

psychologist, developed the African American Acculturation Scale (AAAS) to examine, African

American behavior in its cultural context. According to Landrine and Klonoff (1994),

acculturation represents an incorporation of African American culture rather than an adoption of

White culture.

Chapter 6 provides analysis of data gathered from interviews, the Florida Black Museum

Survey (FBMS) and the African American Acculturation Scale-33 (AAAS-33) will be discussed

to uncover the relationships or correlations between acculturation, enculturation, and attendance

and participation of Black museums. Chapter 7 will be the conclusions, highlights of the

interviews and recommendations for further study.










CHAPTER 2
CULTURE ACCULTURATION AND MUSEUMS

When we in Black organizations talk about culture we are not talking about song and
dance we are talking about a totality of thought and practice by which a people creates for
itself, celebrates, sustains and develops itself and introduces itself to history and humanity.
Mulana Karenga

A review of literature related to Florida Black Museums and Black communities requires

an approach that reflects the limitations of current research in this area of study. This less typical

approach to the literature review, resulting from the limited body of knowledge, frames the study

with a broad overview of two specific areas because studies specific to the topic are very few.

The intent is to provide a context for understanding the area of study. This broad overview of the

literature provides the foundation for understanding issues related to knowledge of and

participation in Florida Black museums by community members.

Empirical studies and theoretical perspectives from two areas, culture/acculturation and

Black museums, are the framework for this research. In the first section below, I will associate

ethnic identity with issues related to culture and self-determination, in particular acculturation

and socialization. The second section presents studies of museums from an anthropological and

historical perspective, but also includes African American museums in a comparative perspective

vis-a-vis dominant cultural norms. The principles of Kwanzaa are described in detail in

relationship to ethnic identity in section three as an important way to demonstrate the

significance self-determination as an important component of ethnic identity. These principles

relate directly to the issue of how African American museums function in relationship to African

American culture and the challenge that Black museums have in portraying the history and

culture of Africans and their descendants throughout an African Diaspora.









This review of literature blends empirical research with theoretical works as well as with

knowledge gained from practical application, i.e., the effort to develop museums that specifically

articulate African American culture and history. This approach to a review of literature is

designed to evaluate data related directly to the independent variable, acculturation and the

extent to which acculturation accounts for participation in Florida Black museums by African

Americans, the dependent variable.

Acculturation

Acculturation heads the list of areas in which change in cultural heritage can occur. In

Harper Collins Dictionary of Sociology acculturation is defined as

Acculturation 1. (especially in Cultural Anthropology) a process in which contacts
between different cultural groups lead to the acquisition of new cultural patterns by one
group, or perhaps both groups, with the adoption of all or parts of the other's culture. 2.
Any transmission of culture between groups, including transfer between generations,
although in this instance the terms enculturation and socialization are more usual. (Jary and
Jary 1991:3)

The acculturation process seems to be based on various psychological and social changes.

Some of these variables may be the characteristics of the individual (e.g., level of initial

identification with the values of the culture of origin), the intensity of and the importance given

to the contact between various cultural groups, or the numerical balance between individuals

representing the original culture and those who represent the new, often majority, culture. Marin

(1992) theorized that the attitudinal and behavioral learning that occurs in the acculturation

process does so at three levels: superficial, intermediate and significance. The superficial

involves learning and forgetting facts that are part of an individual's cultural tradition. The next

level, intermediate, involves learning that can be expected to occur as a function of acculturation;

this includes the core behaviors that are perceived to be at the center of an individual's social life

(e.g., language preference and usage). Marin referred to the final level, significance, as a place in









the individual's beliefs, values and norms containing essential constructs that prescribe

worldviews and interaction patterns. According to Marin, changes tend to be permanent and are

reflected in an individual's daily activities.

Psychologists, sociologists and anthropologists have attempted to identity and understand

the acculturation process. Studies have been conducted in areas such as the impact of

acculturation on the counseling process (Atkins et al. 1992; Atkins and Matsushita 1991;

Ramisetty-Mikler 1993) and behavior and implications for counseling (Marin et al. 1992;

Zimmerman and Sodowsky 1993). Acculturation scales have been developed and used to

examine the behavior of minority groups, including Asian American (Suinn et al. 1987) and

Latino Americans (Cuellar et al. 1980; Olmedo 1979). However, most of the research on

acculturation or racial identity has been based on theories and has used instruments that rely on a

non-white to white dichotomy (e.g., Suinn et al.,1987) to define and differentiate behavior,

identity, cultural values, assumptions and illustrated how non-white groups were unlike white

society and yielded little substantive information on a group's unique characteristics.

The Herskovitz Frazier Debate and African American Acculturation

African American acculturation has from its beginnings has been a highly politicized and

contested space of research. A controversial claim of Frazier's (1957) Black Bourgeoisie is that

the traumas of slavery, including dispersal, torture, and forced language acquisition effectively

severed them from African cultural traditions. Therefore, the middle passage created a cultural

void leaving Africans confused and fumbling for European and American social architecture,

like Christianity, especially in the way it was often practiced in the slave community.

Contrastingly, anthropologists like Herskovits, argue the middle passage was not a break,

but a bridge over which Africans carried "specific traits of culture" to the New World

(Herskovits 1941). Looking at Black life, including the same Black church that was investigated









by Frazier (1957), Herskovits (1941) found African survivals concluding "that it is as necessary

to realize the force of African tradition making for the specific cultural traits that mark off the

Negro as it is to bear in mind the slave past..."(Herskovits 1941:299). This research illustrates

the need to acknowledge the African presence in African American cultural tradition and in

identity formation and recognizes the variance within African American cultural representation.

Contemporary African American Acculturation

Research on the psychosocial development of African Americans often overlooked

individual differences. Until recently, the idea of degrees of acculturation in the African

American community had not been explored. Dana (1993) stated that although highly traditional

ethnic minorities differ significantly from Whites in the United States on a variety of scales and

behaviors, highly acculturated minorities typically do not differ significantly on a variety of

scales and behaviors. As Landrine and Klonoff (1994:105) noted, the theoretical application of

acculturation provides a new way of understanding ethnic differences "without recourse to

deficit model explanations."

According to Landrine and Klonoff (1994), identification with African American culture is

also associated with one's identification with one's race. That is, as one becomes more

committed to African American culture, there is a concomitant acceptance of one's race.

Although racism is not directly or explicitly dealt with in the acculturation paradigm, it is

implied. The problem seems to be that the way one views the acceptability of minority culture

(in this case African American) should be related to how one is able to cope with the dominant

society's construction of it. Because culture in the United States is often linked with race and

ethnicity, racism and discrimination are an important aspect of how a minority group member

sees his or her own culture. The individual mediates the tensions between race and culture to find

a satisfactory compromise.









Socialization

The fields of psychology, education, sociology, and anthropology have generally agreed on

the importance of the developmental and social process of socialization. Socialization is the

process by which individuals learn the regulations and rules of their family group, their cultural

groups, and the larger society. It assists individuals in acquiring the specialized knowledge, skills

and information needed to be a contributing member of a particular society (Rogoff 1990).

Socialization also includes learning the roles, attitudes, and behaviors that are accepted and

expected within a social group. Parents and family are traditionally considered the primary

socializing influence of developing children, as they are particularly salient during the early

formative years and encourage an emerging sense of self, values, and beliefs (Demo and Hughes

1990).

To the racial/ethnic minorities who live in a society where race and ethnicity continues to

have a personal and social meaning, there is an additional component to the socialization

process. This process of racial/ethnic socialization is defined as the transmission of certain

messages and patterns that relate to personal and group identity, the relationship between and

within racial/ethnic groups and the racial/ethnic group's position in society (Marshall 1995).

Cultural museums, defined in the current study as museums that focus on the historical

and/or contemporary experiences of a particular ethnic or racial group, provide a unique

opportunity to understand how adult and child visitors interpret and discuss race-related content.

Cultural museums serve as primary socialization agents in their role as an educator and upholder

of societal values. The sensory-rich physical environment of the museum, with its displayed

objects, label text, and exhibition themes, provides informational content to visitors. Moreover,

as a collection of valued objects, museums indoctrinate visitors as to what a particular group

deems is important or worthy of preservation, reflection, and admiration.









Museums also serve as secondary socialization agents. When parents take their children to

a cultural museum, they are typically implying that information contained inside is important and

meaningful (Overby 2001:12).

Racial/Ethnic Socialization Themes

In their seminal work, Boykin and Toms (1985) proposed three competing contexts of

socialization for African Americans: socialization as a member of an oppressed minority group,

socialization linked to the Black cultural context, and socialization in the mainstream American

society. This triple-quandary categorization provides a general framework for the content of the

major racial/ethnic socialization themes expressed by parents: (1) preparation for discrimination,

which draws from socialization as an oppressed minority; (2) cultural socialization, which

stresses the cultural context; and (3) egalitarianism, which emphasizes socialization according to

the mainstream orientation (Overby 2001:14).

Because African American children are socialized in a mainstream European American

context, cultural orientation can be expected at the expense of an African American identity

unless intervention occurs by significant others (Spencer 1985). Moreover, because many

societal images portray Blacks negatively, some scholars believe that the child may eventually

imitate the desire to approximate the white ideal as nearly as possible and reject aspects of his or

her racial/ethnic identity (Barnes 1991).

Consequently, there is a crucial need for the family and community to intercept and modify

these perceptions. Parents and other members of the community make children aware of the

uniqueness and strength of their ethnic group through the process of cultural socialization,

drawing from Boykin and Tom's (1985) socialization to the cultural context. Cultural

socialization has been used to refer to parental practices that teach children about cultural

history, ancestry, and heritage; maintain and promote cultural customs and traditions; and









practices that instill racial, cultural, and ethnic pride (Hughes and Chen 1999). This transmission

of culture often occurs via parental behaviors that include reading books, talking to or teaching

children, celebrating cultural holidays, and exposing children to objects or events that have

significant cultural meaning.

A number of studies have documented the transmission of cultural socialization messages

to children of color. African American parents of adolescents in Phinney and Chavira's (1995)

study were more likely to report transmitting messages regarding cultural practices (81%) than

all other racial/ethnic socialization messages. Similarly, cultural messages received by a national

sample of African American adolescents (23%) Bowman and Howard (1985) and Spencer

(1985) reported that three quarters of southern African American mothers taught their children

about African American history and historical leaders.

Research on the effects of parental cultural socialization on children's developmental

outcomes is less prevalent. There is some evidence, however, that African American adults who

recalled parental messages of racial pride and cultural heritage reported closer feelings towards

other Blacks than those who did not receive such messages (Demo and Hughes 1990). Mexican

American school-age children whose mothers taught them more about Mexican culture, those

with more Mexican culture, and those with more ethnic behaviors were more likely than their

peers to have greater same-race/ethnic preferences (Knight et al. 1993).

Measurements of Racial/Ethnic Socialization

Because there is no generally agreed upon definition or operationalization of racial/ethnic

socialization, most of the racial/ethnic socialization measures use descriptive data generated from

open-ended questions. Several widely cited studies (Bowman and Howard 1985; Demo and

Hughes 1990; Thornton et al. 1990) have operationalized racial/ethnic socialization using data

from the National Survey of Black Americans (NSBA) by the Program for Research on Black









Americans at the University of Michigan (Jackson 1991). In the NSBA, racial/ethnic

socialization was assessed with a yes/no and an open-ended questions: "In raising your children,

have you done or told them things to help them know what it is to be Black?" If they answered

yes, they were asked, "What are the most important things you've done or told them?"

Parham and Williams (1993) asked a diverse sample of African Americans to describe the

"predominant race-specific messages" they received from parents while growing up. After

finding no relationship between parental messages and racial identity scales the authors

concluded that their measure of racial/ethnic socialization was not sensitive enough to capture

actual differences among the sample. In an attempt to get a deeper understanding, other

researchers have included semi-structured interview questions about involvement in cultural

activities (Brega and Coleman 1999), frequency of race-related discussions (Sanders Thompson

1994), cultural objects in the home (Marshall 1995), interpretation of racial events (Johnson

2005), and coping mechanisms when faced with discriminatory events (Phinney and Chavira

1995).

Museums

Museums are ideal places to investigate the processes of socialization and learning among

social group members. Morrissey (2002) describes five socialization pathways that can occur

between visiting families and the objects they encounter as a social group: (1) a child reacts to an

object; (2) an adult reacts to an object; (3) a child's reaction to an object is mediated by an adult;

(4) an adult's reaction to an object is mediated by a child; (5) a child and an adult react to each

other. The first two pathways, where an individual responds to an object, are the most direct and

are dependent, in part, on a visitor's identities, motivation, and personal connections. The third

and fourth pathways rely on the influence of another and illustrate the bidirectional nature of

socialization-either the parent or child can influence their partner's reaction to object. During









family conversations, it is possible to "screen, interpret, criticize, reinforce, complement,

counteract, refract and transform" educational influences (Leichter 1979:32). Parents can

mediate children's experience and children, in turn, can influence parental experiences.

Culture and Museums

A critical distinction, confounding much of what relates to museums historically, involves

culture as learned behavior and the cultural artifacts commonly displayed in museums.

Goodenough points out that anthropologists have long debated whether or not culture should

include the things people make, such as tools or works of art, things referred to as material

culture. Much of what has confounded museum studies is the failure to distinguish cultural

artifacts from the definition of culture itself. The material objects people create are not in and of

themselves things they learn (Goodenough 1986:50, emphasis mine). Through an experience

with "things"-material culture-humans form conceptions of material culture, learn how to use

things or think about them and discover how to create and use things similar to those about

which they have learned.

The importance of this distinction to museum studies is apparent when a museum-goer

looks at something like a West African mask or Native American medicine bundle in a museum.

What a westernized museum-goer perceives cannot be that same as the perception or reaction of

a West African or Native American person familiar with the mask or medicine bundle in his or

her experience. While the material entity, the mask or medicine bundle, has not changed,

meaning in the "eye of the beholder" depends upon the experience of the beholder.

This point about culture, as learned, brings us to the property of how culture is shared

among humans who possess different and discrete cultural experiences. If culture is learned, then

we have placed the construct "in the minds and ears" of humans (Goodenough 1986:51). Doing

this often raises concerns of behavioral scientists who choose not to recognize culture as learned.









"For if culture is in the minds of men and if culture is also something shared by or common to

the members of a society, then it becomes apparently necessary to postulate the existence of a

collective mind and to see culture as consisting of what French sociologists have called

'collective representations'; or we must apparently assume ...mystical mental

communication..." (Goodenough 1986:52). As a result, cultural and behavioral materialists often

disallow reference to minds in the definition and theory of language and culture. Culture is

equated with behavior (or language with speech) and not with the standards that govern human

behavior (meaning).

Museums in Historical Perspective

Amina Dickerson writes in the Encyclopedia of African American Culture and History

(1996) that the spirit of innovation, survival, and Black creative expression has been preserved

for more than a century through a range of research libraries, archives, and museums. Devoted to

the Black experience in the Americas and throughout the globe, they document the history of

struggle and achievement that are the hallmarks of African American life and culture. Since the

founding of the College Museum at Hampton Institute in Hampton, Virginia, in 1868, material

culture-household artifacts, photographs, diaries, letters, and other memorabilia, as well as

sculpture, paintings, and more contemporary media such as films and videos-has been

vigorously collected and interpreted to enhance public awareness and appreciation (Dickerson

1996:1886).

Hampton's College Museum was truly a pioneer in this effort. Established to enrich

vocational and academic instruction and to provide the broader community with otherwise

unavailable cultural experiences, the museum was the brainchild of Col. Samuel Chapman

Armstrong. The child of American missionaries, Armstrong procured many objects from the









Pacific Islands and other faraway places in order to instruct students about the wide diversity of

the world. (Ruffin and Ruffin 1997)

Today, the College Museum is noted for its important collection of African artworks,

acquired by Dr. William H. Sheppard, a Black nineteenth-century missionary to Africa. Its

holdings also include significant works of African American, Native American artists (the latter

group a reflection of the student body at the time of the museum's establishment), and a major

bequest from the Harmon Foundation, which sponsored a prestigious national competition for

African American artists from 1926 until the early 1940s (Dickerson 1996:1886).

With the racial pride and interest in Africa that emerged in the 1920s, the campuses of

historically Black galleries and museums intended to enhance teaching, generally for the Black

academic community, and to make works of art available to the general public. Howard

University began the trend in 1928, soon followed by Fisk (Tennessee), Lincoln (Pennsylvania),

Tuskegee (Alabama), and Morgan State (Baltimore) among others. The galleries at these schools

provided one of the few sources for exhibitions and criticism for Black artists and performed a

major service to contemporary African American art history by preserving a body of artwork and

related historical documents that might otherwise have been dispersed, lost, or destroyed. The

significant outpouring of Black creative expression that resulted from the Harlem Renaissance,

and later the large number of works commissioned through the Federal Arts Project of the Works

Project Administration (WPA) during the depression era, make up the primary holdings of many

of these institutions (Dickerson 1996:1887).

The Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s created a new Black cultural

renaissance. The museums created during this period moved awareness of African American

history to a new plateau. In their expression of a Black perspective and through their efforts to









preserve Black history, these institutions sought to use their collections to motivate African

Americans to "define themselves, their future and their understanding of their past" (Harding

1967:40). This came at a time when information about Black achievements was generally

excluded from common history texts and from other museums. Black history was seen, says

Vincent Harding, "as a weapon for the Civil rights Movement" (Harding 1967:40).

With the Black Power Movement of the 1960s and 1970s, African American museums

were founded with increasing frequency with the view that such institutions fostered "a way of

empowerment" and a method of moving Black history to a new plateau of public awareness. To

provide space for these expressions and to serve greatly heightened interest, museums were

formed throughout the country. Between 1975 and 1990, Black museums were formed in

California, Texas, South Carolina, Oklahoma, Colorado, Florida, Tennessee, Georgia and

Virginia, including new institutions devoted to the Civil Rights Movement (Dickerson

1996:1888).

Despite the pressing need for substantive reform, museums, on the whole, have gone

relatively unchallenged and unchanged for decades. This lethargy, in the face of an expanding

public interest in the work of museums, has given rise to criticism of the traditional purposes and

functions of these institutions from within the museum profession itself and from without. A

result has been the fashioning of new museum facilities and programs throughout the nation.

These new museums present an opportunity for anthropology and for minorities. New museums

challenge anthropologists to establish new research priorities. For minorities, the opportunity

resides in discovering a new relevance in institutions formerly perceived as elitist.

Self Determination, Ethnic Identity

This research is primarily concerned with understanding the significance of museums in

maintaining African American culture in Florida. As noted in Chapter 1, Black people in the









United States, in 1988, were introduced to a set of principles that have become important

symbols for celebrating an African American heritage that increasingly includes Black Africans

throughout the world. Those seven principles are incorporated in the celebration of Kwanzaa.

Kwanzaa is about Black history and culture. It celebrates the cultural heritage of Black people.

Kwanzaa means "first fruit" in Swahili. It is rooted in and modeled after the African

celebration of the harvest with many cultures contributing to its creation. Dr. Karenga asserts,

"In a word, the values and practices of Kwanzaa are selected from peoples from all parts of

Africa-South, North, West and East-in a true spirit of Pan-Africanism" (Karenga 1988:15).

Although I am not in complete agreement, Tunde Adeleke (1998) raises a valid point when

he points out that there is no consensus on the definition of Pan-Africanism. Some scholars

portray it as essentially a politico-nationalist phenomenon contrived to affect the unity of

Africans and Blacks in the Diaspora in a common struggle for mutual advancement and

redemption. Others emphasize its cultural dimension, portraying its essential elements. However,

P. Olisanwuche Esedebe identifies the following essential attributes: the notion of Africa as a

homeland for persons of African descent, solidarity among Africans and peoples of the African

Diaspora, belief in a distinct African personality, rehabilitation of Africa's past, pride in African

culture and the hope of a united and glorious African future. He defines Pan-Africanism as

a political and cultural phenomenon that regards Africa, Africans and African descendants
abroad as a unit. It seeks to regenerate and unify Africans and promote a feeling of
oneness among the people of the African world. It glorifies the African past and inculcates
pride in African values. (Esedebe 1994)

Kwanzaa celebrates both African and African American cultures. Dr. Karenga calls this an

"ingathering," not only of the fruits of the earth, but also of society's most valuable crop, its

people. This ingathering is but one of five criteria found in first fruit celebrations that Dr.

Karenga considered being pertinent when he created the celebration. Writes Karenga:









There are at least five common sets of values and practices central to African first fruit

celebrations which informed the development of Kwanzaa: (1) ingathering; (2) reverence; (3)

commemoration; (4) recommitment; and (5) celebration (Karenga 1988:17).

This set of values paved the way to create the "Nguzo Saba" or seven principles that are

the core of the Kwanzaa celebration. Dr. Karenga's reasoning for placing them at the center of

the celebration is very clear:

The Nguzo Saba... are the core and consciousness of Kwanzaa. They are posed as the
matrix and minimum set of values African-Americans need to rescue and reconstruct their
life in their own image and interest and build and sustain an Afrocentric family,
community and culture. (Karenga 1988:43)

These principles are taken from continental Africa and aim to enrich the African American

community by developing a sense of continuity and at the same time the focus on a people with a

history outside of Africa.

The Afrocentric theory from which the Nguzo Saba was derived is the Kwaida theory. In

terms of African Americans, it is the most crucial theory of the century. The theory teaches that

all that is thought and done should be based on tradition and reason, which are rooted in practice

(Karenga 1988).

Tradition is our grounding, our cultural anchor, and therefore, our starting point. It is also

the cultural authority for any claims to cultural authenticity for anything we do and think as

African people. Reason is necessary, critical thought about our tradition, which enables us to

select, preserve, and build on the best of what we have achieved and produced in the height of

our knowledge and our needs born on experience (Madhubuti 1972:15). The concepts of self-

determination and self-definition are integral to Kwaida (Madhubiti 1972).









Self Determination Theory

E. L. Deci and R.M. Ryan (2000) state that self-determination theory (SDT) is a macro-

theory of human motivation concerned with the development and functioning of personality

within social contexts. The theory focuses on the degree to which human behaviors are

volitional or self-determined-that is, the degree to which people endorse their actions at the

highest level of reflection and engage in the actions with a full sense of choice (2000: 227).

SDT is a general theory of motivation and personality that evolved over the past three

decades as a set of four mini-theories that share the organismic-dialectical meta-theory and the

concept of basic needs. Each mini-theory was developed to explain a set of motivationally based

phenomena that emerged from laboratory and field research focused on different issues.

Cognitive evaluation theory addresses the effects of social contexts on intrinsic motivation;

organismic integration theory addresses the concept of internalization especially with respect to

the development of extrinsic motivation. Causality orientations theory describes individual

differences in people's tendencies toward self-determined behavior and toward orienting to the

environment in ways that support their self-determination. And basic needs theory elaborates the

concept of basic needs and its relation to psychological health and well-being. Together these

mini-theories constitute SDT (Deci and Ryan 2000).

Intrinsically motivated activities were defined as those that individuals find interesting and

would do in the absence of operationally separable consequences. The concept of intrinsic

motivation fit with White's (1959) proposition that people often engage in activities simply to

experience efficacy or competence, and with deCharms's (1968) assertion that people have a

primary motivational propensity to feel like causal agents with respect to their own actions.

Thus, Deci (1975) proposed that intrinsically motivated behaviors are based in people's needs to

feel competent and self-determined (Deci and Ryan 2000: 233).









Identification is the process through which people recognize and accept the underlying

value of a behavior. By identifying with a behavior's value, people have more fully internalized

its regulation; they have more fully accepted it as their own. For example, if people identified

with the importance of exercising regularly for their own health and well-being, they would

exercise more volitionally. The internalization would have been fuller than with introjection, and

the behavior would have become more a part of their identity. The resulting behavior would be

more autonomous, although it would be extrinsically motivated, because the behavior would still

be instrumental (in this case being healthier), rather than being done solely as a source of

spontaneous enjoyment and satisfaction. Regulations based on identification, because the self has

endorsed them, are expected to be better maintained and to be associated with higher

commitment and performance (Deci and Ryan 2000:236). In this same vein, if Black people

identified with the importance of their history and culture and their Black museums' struggle to

preserve that history and culture for future generations, they would participate avidly.

Racial/Ethnic Identity Theories

Racial identity models have helped to determine the degree to which a person identifies

with being a particular race. In this case an African American's racial identity involves ridding

oneself of a negative identity that is formed due to racism and developing positive feelings about

one's racial self.

Helm's racial identity theory is designed to describe the race-related adaptation of African

Americans to racially oppressive environments (Neville et al.1997:303). Jean Phinney's (1992)

model suggests that ethnic identity is important to the development of self-esteem, particularly in

adolescents (Evans et al. 1999). Cross (1995) suggests that a healthy African American identity

is one that surpasses identifying with being African American and therefore, adapting









meaningful activities that address concerns and problems shared with other oppressed groups

(Evans et al. 1999).

Although racial and ethnic identity theories fully acknowledge the need for African

American and other racial groups to be aware of who they are not only to have greater self-

esteem but to be able to understand racism and its impact on all, including whites, such theories

fall short in identifying the world views and values of a particular race. Racial and ethnic identity

theories laid ground for the establishment of theories and models that are worldview-and

culture-specific to a particular race.

Afrocentricity is the study and examination of phenomena from the standpoint of Africans

as subjects rather than objects, becoming, by virtue of its authentic relationship, the centrality to

African American reality (Asante 1987). The history, culture, and philosophy of African people

are used as the reference point for determining one's approach to reality and understanding of the

world (Kambon 1992).

Black Identity

The Black experience in the Diaspora was culturally transformative and revolutionary. It is

impossible to ignore this complex historical reality. Many Black Americans remain skeptical of

the potency, or even relevance, of a paradigm that situates their identity outside America. In fact,

Adeleke points out the debate among Black American intellectuals on the pertinence of the

African connection is heated. On the one extreme are the slavocentrists, those who argue that the

Black American identity should be founded in America rather than Africa. They identify slavery,

rather than Africa, as the substantive force in the shaping of the Black American experience and

identity. For the slavocentrists, the experience of slavery was more potent than the fact of

African ancestry. This is the antithesis of the Afrocentric perspective (Adeleke 1998:526). The

leading advocate of this view is the Black American playwright, Douglass Turner Ward, who









raised the issue in his keynote address during the 1995 meeting of the Southern Conference on

Afro-American Studies in Baton Rouge, Louisiana. He distinguished between two identity

paradigms, "slavocentric" and "Afrocentric." While acknowledging Black American connections

with Africa, Ward insisted that what shaped the Black American identity was slavery, rather than

Africa, and consequently, since enslavement was essentially institutionalized here in America,

the study of the Black American experience and, ipsofacto, the determination and definition of

identity, should focus on, and begin with, the American experience. This is what he calls the

slavocentric paradigm. Ward accorded preeminence to slavery and the American identity, in

direct contradiction to the prevailing and increasingly popular Afrocentric paradigm. In other

words, he supports de-emphasizing the Pan-African paradigm (Adeleke 1998:526).

According to Adeleke, Rett Jones, former director of the Race and Ethnicity Research

Center at Brown University, has addressed perhaps the most critical dimension of the

problematic of identity-the absence, among Black Americans, of an ethnic identity with Africa.

He advances what amounts to a neo-Frazierian position. According to him, slavery accomplished

the total destruction of the ethnic identity of Black Americans. The terrible experience of the

Middle Passage and the brutal horrors of slavery eliminated any sense of ethnic identity among

Blacks. The rapid growth of the Black American population meant that Africa was soon only a

memory for the majority of Black Americans. Knowledge of their ethnic affiliation and where

they came from in Africa was soon lost. Ethnicity is central to the construction of identity. In

other words, the claim of identity is only validated on the basis of an ethnic affiliation. Jones

contends that unlike in Brazil and Cuba, where the importation of African slaves continued well

into the late nineteenth century, providing the strong force of African retentions in culture,

music, and arts that is noticeable today,









Comparatively few slaves were brought to the United States beyond the third quarter of the
eighteenth century-the bulk of the slave population was, therefore, American not African
born. By 1775 the vast majority of Blacks in British North America were the grandchildren
of persons born in the new world. As a result, few Black Americans had a sense of African
identity, although many identify with Africa (Jones 1995).

Consequently, Black Americans share racial, rather than ethnic, identity with Africa.

However, very often racial identity is mistaken for, or used synonymously with, ethnic identity,

and the emphasis given to racial identity often beclouds the lack of ethnic identity (Adeleke

1998:527-28).

The position I take in this study, as stated in Chapter 1, is that I clearly recognize the

multiple views of identity and cultural constructions of African Descended Peoples, my

perspective is Afrocentric. This is the posture that will prevail throughout and it is not to deny

the importance of other minority/ethnic perspectives.

Socialization and Racial Identity

Racial identity and racial identity development theory are defined by Janet Helms (1990)

as a sense of group or collective identity based on one's perception that he or she shares a

common racial heritage with a particular racial group...Racial identity development theory

concerns the psychological implications of racial-group membership, that is belief systems that

evolve in reaction to perceived differential racial-group membership (Helms 1990:3).

It is assumed that in a society where racial-group membership is emphasized, the
development of a racial identity will occur in some form in everyone. Given the
dominant/subordinate relationship of whites and people of color in this society, however, it
is not surprising that this developmental process will unfold in different ways.

According to Cross's (1971, 1978, 1991) model of Black racial identity development, there are

five stages in the process, identified as Pre-encounter, Encounter, Immersion/Emersion,

Internalization, and Internalization-Commitment.









In the first stage of Pre-encounter, the African American has absorbed many of the beliefs

and values of the dominant white culture, including the notion that "white is right" and Black is

wrong." Though the internalization of negative Black stereotypes may be outside of his or her

conscious awareness, the individual seeks to assimilate and be accepted by whites, and actively

or passively distances his/herself from other Blacks." An African American woman quoted by

Cross (1995), captured the essence of this stage in the following description of herself at an

earlier time:

For a long time it seemed as if I didn't remember my background, and I guess in some
ways I didn't. I was never taught to be proud of my African heritage... I went through a
very long stage of identifying with my oppressors. Wanting to be like, live like, and be
accepted by them. Even to the point of hating my own race and myself for being a part of
it. Now I am ashamed that I never was ashamed. I lost so much of myself in my denial of
and refusal to accept my people.

These models were originally developed primarily for African Americans to understand the

Black experience in the United States. Cross (1971, 1995) developed one of the first and most

prevalent models of psychological nigrescence, a "resocialization experience" (1995:97), in

which a healthy Black progresses from a non-Afrocentric to an Afrocentric to a multicultural

identity. During this transformation, the individual ideally moves from a complete unawareness

of race through embracing Black culture exclusively toward a commitment to many cultures and

addressing the concerns of all oppressed groups. Cross's model is helpful in outlining racial

identity as a dynamic progression, as influenced by those in a particular individual's ethnic group

as well as those outside it, and acknowledges ethnocentric and multicultural frames. Grounded in

the context of the Civil Rights Movement, Cross's early work is problematic in that he starts

from the premise that before Blacks experience identity, they are first unaware of their race and

the race of others.









Parham (1989) describes cycles of racial identity development as a lifelong, continuously

changing, process for Blacks. He theorizes that individuals move through anger about whites and

develop a positive Black frame of reference. Ideally, this leads to a realistic perception of one's

racial identity and to bicultural success. Parham relates Black identity directly to White people in

a way that moves individual Black identity from the unconscious to the conscious. This model

clearly delineates that when Blacks brush up against White culture and negative differential

treatment by others, feelings of difference are triggered and subsequently a consciousness of

racial identity is as well.

What is helpful in Parham's model is a sense of progression. In addition, the model

outlines a movement from an unconscious to a conscious racial identity. Problematic in Parham's

model is his identification of unavoidable exposure to racial difference as the primary trigger for

the development of racial identity. To a certain extent, the primary trigger for individual racial

identity is immersion in one's own racial group and transference of a racial self through that

immersion (1989:42).

Phinney (1990) developed a model describing an ethnic identity process that she considers

applicable to all ethnic groups. Phinney proposed that most ethnic groups must resolve two basic

conflicts that occur as a result of their membership in a non-dominant group. First, non-dominant

group members must resolve the stereotyping and prejudicial treatment of the dominant White

population toward non-dominant group individuals that would bring about a threat to their self-

concept. Second, most ethnic minorities must resolve the clash of value systems between non-

dominant and dominant groups and the manner in which minority members negotiate a bicultural

value system. Phinney's model is helpful in identifying very real triggers for consciousness and









in outlining threats to ethnic self-concept. However, it is still missing a discussion of the critical

and positive aspect of immersion into one's own culture.

African Identity

The critical dimension of Afrocentricity is the claim of African identity-that is, the

insistence upon defining Black Americans as Africans. The identity paradigm rejects any

definition of Black Americans other than as Africans, sometimes spelled with a "k". This

conviction is based on the elements of African traditions and values (or what some scholars call

"Africanisms") found among Blacks in the Diaspora. The implication is that, centuries of

enslavement and separation notwithstanding, Blacks in the Diaspora retain essential aspects of

their African cultural identity. The identity paradigm defines Black Americans, and indeed the

entire Black Diaspora, as Africans, racially, ethnically, and culturally, centuries of exposure to,

and acculturation (Adeleke 1998:525).

The identity claim is based on historical linkage, heritage and cultural retentions. The

contention is that Blacks in the United States are Africans and should vigorously and consciously

exhibit this Africanness in their lives-modes of thought, dressing, culture and lifestyles (Asante

1998). This perspective de-emphasizes the DuBoisian identity construct that asserts a complex

Black American identity. In his book, The Souls ofBlack Folk, published at the turn of the

century, DuBois described Black Americans as peoples of dual identity who are constantly

battling with, are in fact tormented by, the conflicting demands of their dual identities.

According to him,

one ever feels his twoness,--an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two
unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body-the history of the American
Negro is the history of this strife,--this longing to attain self-conscious manhood, to merge
his double self into a better and truer self. (DuBois 1903)









While acknowledging the American experience, Afrocentrists refuse to accord it much

significance in the shaping of Black identity. Black Americans, Afrocentrists contend, remain

essentially Africans, despite centuries of sojourn, experience, and enculturation in the New

World. Black Americans were supposed to have come out of slavery and the American

experience with their African identity intact. This is a direct contradiction of the DuBoisian

perspective.

Adeleke contends that Du Bois's insight was much more realistic. Regardless of the degree

of African cultural retentions, regardless of how far Black Americans went in changing their

names and wearing African clothes, they remain, in large part, products of the American

historical experience, an experience that significantly shaped their identity. This experience has

left its mark indelibly on Black American culture and identity. In essence, Du Bois's recognition

of the dual historical and cultural experience is far more accurate (Adeleke 1998:526).

Afrocentricity

As Adeleke writes, there are two critical dimensions to Afrocentricity. The first is its Pan-

African character. It emphasizes similarities in the historical and cultural experiences of Black

Americans and Africans and implores them to revive the old strength-in-unity philosophy that

once shaped their mutual struggle. Advocates of this Pan-African ethics maintain that Black

Americans and Africans face similar problems and challenges-economic marginalization,

political domination, and cultural alienation in the United States; political instability, poverty,

and neocolonialism, in Africa, all problems directly or indirectly linked to Eurocentrism.

Afrocentrists presume a certain antiquity to Pan-Africanism, and trace its roots to the nineteenth

century and beyond. Adeleke goes on to say that the second dimension is the identity claim-the

contention that Africans and Blacks in the Diaspora are one people who share cultural (and some

even suggest, ethnic) attributes, centuries of separation notwithstanding (Adeleke 1998:586). The









leading advocate of Afrocentricity is Molefi Asante, former chair of the Department of African-

American Studies at Temple University. Asante asserts that, Eurocentrism remains a potent

threat to the cultural, social, economic, and political survival of Blacks. To combat this spreading

cancer, he proposes Afrocentricity. This solution entails strengthening Black American

knowledge and awareness of their historical and cultural heritage by making Africa the

foundation of Black American epistemology. The objective is to instill in Blacks an awareness of

their African identity and culture as a defensive weapon against a pervasive and domineering

Eurocentric worldview. Afrocentricity involves re-education and re-socialization designed to rid

Black American consciousness of the "tragic conception" of their history, culture, and heritage.

It is supposed to bring Blacks closer to Africa as they develop in knowledge of Africa (Asante

1987). Asante is not the sole proponent of the cultural-nationalist perspective. Others, including

Maulana Karenga, Na'im Akbar, Amos Wilson, Dona Marimba, and the late Bobby Wilson,

have all contributed to explicating and defending the Afrocentric perspective.

In Notes on a Disciplinary Position in Afrocentric Traditions (2005) Asante, who

developed the framework of Afrocentricity, provides a definition of the Afrocentric idea. He

states that the Afrocentric idea is essentially about location. Since Africans have been moved off

of terms culturally, psychologically, economically, and historically, it is important that any

assessment of the African conditions in whatever country be made from an Afrocentric location.

Afrocentricity is a quality of thought, practice, and perspective that perceives Africans as

subjects and agents of phenomena acting in their own cultural image and human interest

(Conyers 2005:1).

Asante writes that, Afrocentricity is about location precisely because African people have

been operating from the fringes of the Eurocentric experience. Much of what we have studied in









African history and culture, literature and linguistics or politics and economics has been

orchestrated from the standpoint of Europe's interests. Whether it is a matter of economics,

history, politics, geographical concepts, or art, Africans have been seen as peripheral to "real"

activity. This off-centeredness has impacted Africans as well as Whites in the United States.

Thus, to speak of Afrocentricity as a radical re-definition means that we seek the re-orientation

of Africans to a centered position (Asante 1998).

The entire Afrocentric paradigm is shaped by a strong faith in the potency of Pan-

Africanism. Afrocentricity seeks to strengthen cultural awareness and unity among Blacks in the

United States and to infuse, in Blacks, knowledge and appreciation of their historical identity and

heritage as a distinct group. It proposes Africa as the source of self-identification, self-

affirmation, and identity for Blacks in the United States and throughout the Diaspora. In essence,

Afrocentricity identifies African culture and values as the solid foundation upon which to build a

strong resistance against the onslaught of Euro-American cultural and political hegemony

(Asante 1998). Identity and culture are two of the basic building blocks of ethnicity. Through

the construction of identity and culture, individuals and groups attempt to address the

problematic of ethnic boundaries and meaning (Nagel 1994).

The origins, content and form of ethnicity reflect the creative choices of individuals and

groups as they define themselves and others in ethnic ways. Ethnic identity is most closely

associated with the issue of boundaries. Ethnic boundaries determine who is a member and who

is not a designate which ethnic categories are available for individual identification at a particular

time and place (Nagel 1994:154). White Americans have considerable latitude, says Nagel, in

choosing ethnic identities based on ancestry. Since many whites have mixed ancestries, they

have the choice to select from among multiple ancestries or to ignore ancestry in favor of an









"American" or "un-hyphenated White" ethnic identity (Lieberson 1985). Americans of African

ancestry who do not appear White in phenotype, on the other hand, are confronted with

essentially one ethnic option-Black as defined by "any known Negro blood." While Blacks

may make intra-racial distinctions based on ancestry or skin tone, the power of race as a socially

defining status in U. S. society makes these internal differences rather unimportant in interracial

settings in comparison to the fundamental Black/white color boundary (Nagel 1994:156).

Despite the practice of"hypodescent" (Harris 1964) or the "one drop rule" in the classification of

African Americans as "Black", Davis (1991) shows that throughout U.S. history, there has been

considerable controversy and reconstruction of the meaning and boundaries associated with

Blackness.

Nagel also points out that the differences between the ethnic options available to Blacks

and Whites in the United States reveal the limits of individual choice and underline the

importance of external ascriptions in restricting available ethnicities. Thus, the extent to which

ethnicity can be freely constructed by individuals or groups are quite narrow when compulsory

ethnic categories are imposed by others. Such limits on ethnic identification can be official or

unofficial. In either case, externally enforced ethnic boundaries can be powerful determinants of

both the content and meaning of particular ethnicities. For instance, she writes, Feagin's (1991,

1992) research on the day to day racism experienced by middle-class Black Americans

demonstrates the potency of informal social ascription. Despite the economic success of middle-

class African Americans, their reports of hostility, suspicion, and humiliation in public and

private interactions with non-Blacks illustrate the power of informal meanings and stereotypes to

shape interethnic relations (Nagel, 1994).









Culture and history are the substance of ethnicity. Culture is most closely associated with

the issue of meaning. Culture dictates the appropriate and inappropriate content of a particular

ethnicity and designates the language, religion, belief system, art, music, dress, traditions, and

lifeways that constitute an authentic ethnicity. While the construction of ethnic boundaries is

very much a saga of structure and external forces shaping ethnic options, the construction of

culture is more a tale of human agency and internal group processes of culture preservation,

renewal, and innovation (Nagel 1994:161). Groups construct their cultures in many ways that

involve mainly the reconstruction of historical culture and the construction of new culture.

Cultural reconstruction techniques include revivals and restorations of historical cultural

practices and institutions; new cultural constructions include revisions of current culture and

innovations-the creation of new cultural forms. Cultural construction and reconstruction are

ongoing group tasks in which new and renovated cultural symbols, activities, and materials are

continually being added to and removed from existing cultural repertoires (Nagel 1994:162).

Examples of the construction and reconstruction of history and culture in order to redefine

the meaning of ethnicity can be found in the activities of many of the ethnic groups that

mobilized during the Civil Rights Era of the 1960s and 1970s in the United States. During these

years, a renewed interest in African culture and history and the development of a culture of

Black pride-"Black is Beautiful"-accompanied African-American protest actions. The

creation of new symbolic forms and the abandonment of old, discredited symbols, and rhetoric

reflected the efforts of African Americans to create internal solidarity and to challenge the

prevailing negative definitions of Black American ethnicity. For instance, the evolution of racial

nomenclature for African Americans can be excavated by a retrospective examination of the

names of organizations associated with or representing the interests of Black Americans: the









National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the United Negro College Fund,

the Black Panther Party, and the National Council of African-American Men, Inc. (Nagel

1994:166).

Defining African American (Black Culture)

The term African American according to the U. S. Department of Commerce, Census

2000, refers to people in the United States who have origins in any of the Black races of Africa.

In fact, Black people in America have defined themselves in terms of their African origins since

the 18th century.

In U.S. Census 2000, the African American population included people who reported their

race as mixed, Afro-American, Negro, Colored, Nigerian, and Haitian (U.S. Department of

Commerce, U.S. Census Bureau, The Black Population, 2001). As these census data suggest,

African Americans are a large heterogeneous group in the general population, with various

perspectives on their heritage and valued cultural resources. In spite of their heterogeneity,

contemporary African Americans are for the most part a descendent community of African

peoples enslaved or free, who participated in the American Experience of exploration,

settlement, and development of this hemisphere, continent, and subsequently the nation. The

federal censuses document their presence in every United States Census since the first census in

1790 (Brown and Hill 2006).

The cultural heritage of African Americans is evidenced by essential features such as

systems of meaning, social order, material culture, and change. Under the umbrella of systems of

meanings are forms of communication (of which language is primary), traditional beliefs,

performances and practices, religion, ceremonies, and celebrations.

Another essential feature of African American cultural heritage is social order. All

societies organize themselves socially into families. Some societies emphasize their kin groups









and organize themselves by kin relationships. Most form communities. While there are

commonalities in various ways people organize themselves, they also may have a characteristic

organization such as recognizing their mother's people more than the father's in reckoning

kinship and descent. People have characteristic settlement patterns and establish social

institutions to meet their spiritual, educational, health, and welfare needs. In Florida, examples of

long standing social institutions are the Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs).

HBCU campuses are located in North Florida, Edward Waters College in Jacksonville and

Florida Agricultural & Mechanical University (FAMU) in Tallahassee, in Central Florida

Bethune Cookman College (BCC) in Daytona Beach, and in South Florida there is Florida

Memorial College in Miami.

Another essential aspect of African American cultural heritage is material culture. Material

culture is defined here as distinctive techniques of a group and their characteristic products,

including the ways people obtain subsistence, their food ways, crafts, architecture and

technology. The slave quarters at the Kingsley Plantation at Ft. George Island, Florida are

examples of building technology employed by slaves.

Finally, the aspect of culture change is essentially the means in which people modify

culture. The strategies they use to modify culture include: acculturation, accommodation,

assimilation, and both cultural and counter-cultural resistance (Table 2-1. Aspects of African

American Cultural Heritage).

Discussion

This chapter provides a framework for understanding issues related to culture and

acculturation, as well as museums and museum knowledge and participation for African

Americans (Blacks). With the limitation in research in this specific field, the literature review

offers contextual background for the topic. Research in the area of culture/acculturation and










African Americans frames the topic. In the area of culture/acculturation research acknowledges

the importance of Afrocentric self definition, self identification and ethnic identity as essential to

interest and participation in cultural activities.

Table 2-1. Aspects of African American Cultural Heritage
Systems of Meaning Social Order Material Culture Change
Language, spoken & Family Subsistence Acculturation
written Kinship Foodways Accommodation
Performances Community Crafts Assimilation
Ceremonies, sacred and Settlement patterns Architecture Cultural resistance
secular Social institutions (e.g., Work roles/Occupation Counter-cultural
Celebrations church, schools, health Technology resistance
Visual arts care









CHAPTER 3
METHODOLOGY

A people without knowledge of their past history, origin and culture is like a tree without
roots. Marcus Garvey

This study is designed to understand the relationship between acculturation and Florida

Black community members' knowledge and participation in Black museums. I describe, in this

chapter, the procedures used in an examination of acculturation and the links between

acculturation, ethnic identity, and participation in museums. The sources producing the data in

this study include structured interviews, the use of two instruments, the African American

Acculturation Scale (AAAS-33) and the Florida Black Museum Survey (FBMS). Additionally,

case studies of two museums in early stages of development were selected and analyzed in order

to understand the challenges facing new Black museums in Florida,

IRB Approval #2006-U-0043

In order to conduct structured interviews and use two scales in conjunction with the

interviews, I was required to submit an IRB application to the University of Florida's

Institutional Review Board (UFIRB). This IRB application specified the purpose of the research,

how it was to be obtained, and confidentiality considerations. I was advised by Human Subjects

Coordinator to use the standard consent forms approved by the University of Florida. I provided

the IRB Board with a statement that interview agreement forms developed for the study were

standard for oral history projects conducted by museums and historical societies, and that the

American Folklife Center and American Association for State and Local History developed the

forms. The Institutional Review Board sent a memorandum approving my research plans.

Methods

As noted in Chapter 2, there is considerable variation associated with African American

enculturation and the processes of ethnic identity development. However, this variation in









African American identity faces the challenges of acculturation. Adjustments to the cultural

standards of a dominant American culture may be experienced in opposition to the values and

beliefs of Black individuals and their communities. Therefore, I hypothesized that highly

acculturated individuals would be less likely to participate in Florida Black museums. In

addition, knowledge of and participation in Black museums would be reflected in persons who

experienced greater enculturation into an African American history and culture. In order to

evaluate the role of Black museums in maintaining Black culture, two museums were selected as

case studies, among the thirty five that I observed directly or of which I acquired knowledge.

In order to evaluate the above questions I divide participants in this study into four

categories based on place of birth (POB), that could possibly reflect varying degrees of

enculturation or varying challenges to acculturation: (1) Africa, (2) Circum Caribbean, (3)

Florida, and (4) Other US (Black Americans born in other parts of the United States). I also

included basic demographic information: age, gender, occupation, and place of birth. The

potential weakness of the sample may be that socio-economic, class, education data was not

collected.

Participants and Recruitment

My students at Santa Fe Community College in Gainesville Florida assisted me in

conducting interviews during the month of November 2006. The interviews were introduced as a

project assignment to both sections of the course I was teaching in multicultural communication.

I asked my students to conduct ethnographic interviews. The students were expected to immerse

themselves in a culture with which they have little or no familiarity with the intention of better

understanding the group and learning how best to communicate cross-culturally. This was

accomplished by interviewing self-identified members of different groups and attending or

participating in appropriate culture-specific events.









In Fall 2006 the students were encouraged to conduct their interviews with African

Descended People (ADP) using structured interview questions (Appendix A), accompanied by

the Florida Black Museum Survey(FBMS) (Appendix B) and the short form of the African

American Acculturation Scale, AAAS-33 (Appendix C). Several class periods were devoted to

students doing practice interviewing so they would be comfortable and confident about

conducting the assignment. There were forty four interviewers including me, and a total of sixty-

eight interviews were conducted. Student interviewers were from California, South Carolina,

China, Mexico, Brazil, Arizona, Vietnam, Russia, Philippines, Bolivia, and Venezuela (Table

3-1).


The participants included 32 females and 36 males. The majority of participants were

students. Other participants reported occupations such as bank teller, accounting, rapper,

teacher, technical advisor, nurse, construction, etc. All participants indicated that they were

African American or of African Descent.

Sampling

A total of 68 African American participants were drawn from a convenience sample of

African Americans who reside throughout the state of Florida. The instructions given to students

who participated as interviewers were to make certain that when selecting participants that those

persons interviewed lived in a predominantly African American setting. There were almost equal

numbers of males (N=36) and females (N=32). In terms of ethnic heritage the majority of the

participants described themselves as coming from African American (Black) backgrounds (that

is, they preferred to describe themselves as Black, Jamaican, Trinidadian, Haitian, African, etc.).

The occupations of the participants range from accountants, artists, daycare workers,











Table 3-1. Evolving Role Interviewers
Interviewers Interviewer's POB
1 Ann California- St. Lucia descent
2 Joe Florida -Jordan descent
3 Kitty Florida
4 Veronica Ft. Lauderdale
5 Cathy (Italian)
6 Donna Columbia
7 Sherman South Carolina
8 Zee China, Beijing
9 Jane. Jacksonville
10 Rondell Mexico
11 Tom Orlando
12 Merideth Florida
13 Elwood Honduras
14 Sally Texas
15 Catrina Maine
16 Emily Brazil
17 Sidney Florida-Ugandan descent
18 Trimble Arizona
19 Leo Florida
20 Allen Miami, Cuban descent
21 Irma Brazil
22 Lutie Oklahoma
23 Kevin. Ft. Lauderdale-Jamaican descent
24 Wilma Tennessee
25 Gina. Viet Nam
26 Ronny Arcadia (Podunk)
27 Katra Russia
28 Jenny. Texas
29 Brian. New York
30 Leon Miami -Italian
31 David. Tampa
32 Triana Alabama
33 Lindy Columbia
34 Klien Philippines
35 Jasmine Ocala
36 Phil Bolivia
37 Korman Japan
38 Oswald Gainesville-Jamaican descent
39 Kilima Ft. Myers
40 Loretta Dallas
41 Clemon Bolivia
42 Delite Columbia
43 D J-S Virginia


44 Rolanda
POB= Place of Birth


Interviewee #
1
2
3
4
5
6
7,8.9
10, 11, 12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21, 22, 23
24, 25
26
27
28
29
30,31
32
33
34,35
36
37, 38, 39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46, 47, 50
48
49
51,52,53
54
55
56
57
51, 52, 58, 59, 60,
61, 62, 63,
64, 65, 67,
68


Venezuela









constructions workers, educators, retirees, students, etc. with students making up the largest

portions of the sample (32 =47.1%).

Participant categories: Forty four participants in the study were born and raised in Black

communities throughout the state of Florida where Black museums are located. Ten participants

were from the following states in Black communities (Other US) outside of Florida: Alabama

(3), Colorado (1), Louisiana (1), North Carolina (1), New York (3), and Texas (1). Eleven

participants are from Black communities in Florida and also recognize their Circum Caribbean

roots are as follows: Brazil (1), Haiti (2), Jamaica (6), and Trinidad (3). Three participants from

Black communities in Florida are African, Niger (2) and Nigeria (1) ( Table3-2, Participants by

Sex and POB).

Table 3-2. Participants b Sex and POB
Place of Birth Male Female Total

Africa 3 0 3

Caribbean 5 6 11

Florida 23 21 44

Other US 5 5 10

Total 36 32 68

Florida N=44 All others are control/comparative

The following table displays the age distribution of the participants:

Table 3-3. Evolving Role Interviewees by Age
16-19 yrs. 20-29yrs 30-39yrs. 40-49yrs 50-59yrs. 60-69yrs
15 38 5 6 2 2

I am aware that the age distribution of this sample may affect the results.









Instruments

Florida Black Museums Survey (FBMS)

Participants completed the Florida Black Museums Survey (FBMS). The FBMS was

developed to get a better understanding of whether Blacks in Florida had knowledge of the Black

museums in the state and if they had participated by visiting on a regular basis. The survey

consisted of thirty-four items (Black museums). The museums were divided into three regions,

North Florida (12 items), Central Florida (9 items), and South Florida (13 items). Next to each

item is the city where the museum is located. The participants were asked to respond using a 5

point Likert-type scale 1= never heard of it; 2= I have heard of this museum; 3= I have visited

once; 4= I have visited 2 or more times; 5= I have visited as a child with parents/with school

group.

The list of thirty-four Florida Black museums was gathered using the Official Museum

Directory, the Association of African American Museums Directory, as well as the Florida

Association of Museums (FAM), and the Florida Black Heritage Trail Brochure. The Florida

Black Heritage Trail Brochure was the most helpful and provided most of the information

needed for the survey, followed by FAM. Most of the information needed for the survey was

available in the brochure, or through websites and site visits. Although the survey consisted of

the thirty-four museums that were initially found as part of data gathering additional discussion

of museums will be center around the thirty-five museums that comprise a final documentation

of museums. The Museum of Arts & Sciences/African Art Gallery in Daytona Beach has been

closed and additionally did not meet the definition of a Black museums determined through

interviews with museum practitioners participating in this study. The Harriette and Harry Moore

Cultural Center in Mims and the National Medical Museum in Miami were not included on the

survey because I didn't know about them at the time the survey was being developed. A possible









weakness of the survey was that these museums could not be scored by participants. Another

potential weakness may be that two of the museums on the survey were incorrectly named. The

new name for the Beatrice Russell Center in Punta Gorda is the Blachard House Museum of

African History and Culture, and the Eartha M. M. White Museum at the Clara White Mission in

Jacksonville was simply called the Clara White Mission on the survey. Therefore, for the

purpose of this study it is important to understand that there were thirty-four museums that

appeared on the FBMS and there are thirty-five museums that are the final number of Black

museums documented throughout the state.

African American Acculturation Scale (AAAS-33)

The African American Acculturation Scale-33 (Landrine and Klonoff 1995) was developed

to assess an individual's adherence to and affinity for African American culture. The scale

consists of 33 items (short form) that measure ten dimensions of African American culture. The

subscale names, items per subscale, and Cronbach alphas from a previous validation study

(Landrine and Klonoff 1995) are AAAS-33 total score (33 items; .81), (a) Preference for Things

African American (6 items; .83), (b) Religious Beliefs/Practices (6 items;.79), (c) Traditional

Foods (4 items ; .74), (d) Traditional Childhood (3 items; .74) (e) Superstitions (3 items; .68), (f)

Interracial Attitudes/Cultural Mistrust (3 items; .70), (g) Falling Out (2 items; .66), (h)

Traditional Games (2 items; .52), (i) Family Values (2 items; .47), and (j) Family Practices (2

items; .44).

Participants respond using a 7-point, Likert-type scale (1= totally disagree, 7=strongly

agree). A factor score is obtained by totaling the items for each subscale. The total scale score is

obtained by adding all of the scores for each factor. Higher scores on the items indicate a more

traditional cultural orientation (immersed in African American culture); low scores









(disagreement with the statements) indicate a more acculturated orientation. The total AAAS-33

scores range from 33-231.

Procedures

Participants in the study were asked a series of ten structured questions. The participants

were also given a Florida Black Museums Survey (FBMS) to complete during this same time

period, along with the African American Acculturation Scale. Interview questions two and three

pertained to assessing the knowledge of Black museums in general and Florida's Black museums

in particular.

Participants completed the instrument during the interview session. The participants were

shown the survey and instructed to complete it. They were then asked interview questions two

and three. The second and third interview questions asked participants, (2) Have you ever visited

a Black museum? (3) Have you visited one in Florida? What was the experience like? To assist

participants with thinking about the question and those things they might consider specific

knowledge of Black museums' culture, each participant was also asked to complete the FBMS.

The first interview question asked participants was, "How do you think Black culture is

maintained by African Descended People in Florida? What are the ways?" To assist participants

with thinking about the question and things they might consider specific to Black culture each

participant was also asked to complete the AAAS-33. They were told that they had the option of

completing the scale prior to giving an answer to the question or they could answer the question

first and then complete the questions on the AAAS-33. They were told that they had the option

of completing the AAAS-33 scale at anytime during the interview.

Case Studies

Two museums were chosen as case studies. These museums are relevant for this study in

specific ways. The first museum chosen was the Haitian Heritage Museum in Miami. This









museums is relevant because it is the first of its kind not just in Florida but in the nation and

possible the world. The founders are of Haitian descent and the composition of the governing

authority is significantly of Haitian ancestry. The second museum is relevant because it presents

an opportunity to observe a museum relatively at its concept stages. Although Chiumba

Ensemble, Inc. has a fifteen year history of cultural arts activity, that activity has been largely in

the performance and educational outreach during its beginnings in Miami. Since relocating to

Gainesville the organization is entering its new phase of developing a cultural arts center and

museum. With activities on the drawing board that continue Yoruba language, dance, and

traditional practices this museum in its infancy provides a rare glance at a unique start-up. The

reason for the case studies is to illustrate that, form the Afrocentric and Diasporic perspective of

these two new museums, attending to the public requires a public that can identity with the

mission of the museum, which could mean decidedly "Black" [African] beyond traditional North

American notions of Black. Therefore, acculturation, again which for this study means towards

White norms beliefs and values, is in conflict with the mission of the museums I want to find out

how the museums themselves plan to deal with audience building of African Descended People.

So these case studies of newly developing museum will be analyzed to see how they compare to

other Black museums established throughout the state of Florida. .

Using Circum Caribbean or African symbols including Kwanzaa, requires increased

enculturation perhaps beyond the identity of many Americans of African Descent who must meet

the challenges of acculturation.

The international relationships that many racial and ethnic groups have with others who

share their heritage and history are often overlooked in museum studies. These international ties

may have been created by transnational migration (Haiti), slavery, religious crusades, or other









historical forces. Because most people do not think about the diverse connections people have to

other nations and cultures, these histories get lost in telling an African American story, when

exhibitions and programs are planned. In his book The Black Atlantic, scholar Paul Gilroy

(1993) emphasizes that, to understand the identities, cultures, and experiences of African

descendants living in the US and throughout the world, we must examine the connections

between Africa, Europe, and North America. These two museums appear to be vigorously

making an effort to make those connections. These case studies show, from a museum's

perspective, the need for museums to match their mission with the needs of the communities they

serve. Not only must they relate their mission to the community, the community must recognize

and identify culturally with what the museum is trying to accomplish.

Therefore, I will compare the results of the acculturation scale to the concerns that the

museum cases illustrate as the challenges of tapping into the "identity" of Black people in

Florida.

Discussion

The study utilizes both qualitative and quantitative methodological approaches. The

quantitative will give a more detailed explanation of the attitudes and museum habits of African

Descended People (ADP) in selected Florida communities who are potential participants in

museum life. The qualitative will provide detailed experiences and observations interacting with

various people at museums and other activities used to understand participation in selected

Florida Black communities. Using the two instruments will show correlations of acculturation

and knowledge of and participation in Florida's Black museums. The potential weakness of

participants and sampling are age distribution. The majority of participants in the study are

between the ages of 20-29 years (38) and students (32=47.1%). Falk's study of African

American leisure decisions (1993) reported that research has shown that the vast majority of









visitors to a variety of museums, especially science centers, natural history museums and zoos,

come as part of family groups (Balling and Cornell, 1985; ASTC, 1976; Kwong, 1977; Miles,

1986). Another dimension of the family impact on visitation is family tradition. Research by

Kelly (1977) strongly identifies the importance of familial socialization on museum-going.

People who were taken to museums by their parents as children are significantly more likely to

go to museums as adults than are people who were not taken to museums as children. The effects

of historical non-visitation patterns could thus be significantly contributing to present-day

observed patterns of museum attendance. (Falk 1993) Therefore, for this study not having a

wider age distribution somewhat weakens the sample.

Falk (1993) also points out that countless studies have documented that socio-economic

factors such as education, income, and employment are highly correlated and by extension are

predictive of museum-going behavior. (Falk 1993:76) This study did not include socio-

economic data from income and education which could be another potential weakness that might

effect the outcome. However, research by DiMaggio and Ostrower (1990) attempted to

determine whether better educated, more affluent African Americans would eschew traditional,

White, Eurocentric museums because of increasing identity with Black culture. Their findings

show that increasing affluence and education among African Americans results in increasing

concerns and identification with both Afrocentric activities such as attending African Art

exhibitions and listening to jazz and increased participation in Eurocentric oriented activities

such as attendance at traditional art museums and listening to classical music (Falk 1993:70). For

the purposes of this study I take an Afrocentric posture that is looking at knowledge and

participation in Black museums by Black community members regardless of social class or age.









CHAPTER 4
FLORIDA' S BLACK MUSEUM WORLD

In this chapter I will share the findings of Florida's Black museum world. By far the

largest contributor to detection and documentation of this impressive array of museums has been

the Florida Black Heritage Trail Brochure. In 1990, the Florida Legislature created the Study

Commission on African-American History to explore ways to increase public awareness of the

contributions of African Americans to the state. The Commission was asked to recommend

methods to establish a Black Heritage Trail to identify sites, buildings, and other points of

interest significant in Black history that should be preserved and promoted as tourist attractions

(Florida Department of State 2002:2).

Museum Data and Analysis

Gathering Methods

This study examined museums first by seeking to find out where all of the Black museums

were located. From the initial list gathered from using websites such as the Florida Association

of Museums; archival research of directories such as the Official Museum Directory, Association

of African American Museums; and Travel brochures of which the Florida Black Heritage Trail

was by far the most useful, I was able to compile a preliminary list of Black museums in Florida.

This list was used to plan my visits to museums in North, Central, and South Florida. During the

fieldwork visits to each of the museums, I would share my most current list and ask if anyone

was aware of other museums that should be included. I would also share the list when I attended

and presented at conferences, particularly at the annual meeting of the Association of African

American Museums. The list was also developed into a survey that was used in conjunction with

interviews and the African American Acculturation Scale.









Additionally, interview questions were conducted to determine participants' views on

museums and analysis. Then, the museums were addressed by evaluating mission, scope, and the

role of museums. Also, ethnographic interviews were conducted with museum practitioners who

in large part helped found the museums. Historical sketches of communities where museums

were located were developed to highlight the community's historical background in museum

development. These sketches can be found in Appendix G.

The Interview Questions

There were ten interview questions, nine of which applied in some way to uncovering the

participants' museum knowledge and experience. Questions two and three specifically asked if

the interviewee had ever been to a Black museum, if they had been to one in Florida, and what

was the experience like for them? Question four investigates early childhood leisure activities

that could include museum-like experiences, and question five asked about other types of

childhood leisure activities. Question six looks at frequent (4-5 times per year) adult leisure

activities such as plays, movies, sports events, museums, and church/religious. Because most of

the Black museums tend to be history, art, or cultural centers, participants were asked about their

interests in history and culture and what they thought Black museums could do to address those

interests. Support and participation by its constituency is vital to the survival of cultural

institutions. So, question nine asks participants to discuss what they consider to be the barriers to

attending Black museums by African Descended People (ADP) and also what were their specific

barriers. The final question examines the continuance of cultural activities that started in

childhood and have become incorporated in adult leisure choices. Question ten also addresses the

importance of early socialization to Black museum-going and whether it could contribute to

adult leisure choice of attending these types of museums.









Sample Population

African American leisure activities and preferences were ascertained through in-depth

interviews with sixty-eight participants who self-identified as African American and who

indicated their willingness to complete the Florida Black Museum Survey, the African American

Acculturation Scale, and do a face-to-face interview. These individuals came from all areas of

the state of Florida and lived in predominantly Black communities. Participants were drawn

from a distinct group that is representative of the communities where Black museums have been

established. As a whole, this sample is also representative of the diversity of the Black

populations within the state. They are a diverse range of communities, from North, Central and

South Florida (Florida), Northern and Southern parts of the US (Other US), West Africa (Africa)

and the Circum-Caribbean (Caribbean). They are predominately students but also represent a

range of employment situations, from unemployed to blue collar laborers to professionals such as

managers, teachers, and accountants; a range of Florida communities urban and rural; and a

range of racial environments, in particular participants from the Circum-Caribbean (Jamaica,

Haiti, Trinidad, and Brazil). All of these variables have been variously suggested as important

determiners of acculturation and leisure behavior (Woodard 1988; Stamps and Stamps 1985).

Although not quantitatively representative of the African American community, this sample was

intended to be qualitatively representative. In other words, the 68 individuals sampled do not

represent a one-to-one sample of African Americans (e.g., X% low income), Y% professional, and

Z% urban. They do, however, accurately reflect a large percentage of the range of Black living

situation realities in Florida.

The sample included adults between the ages of sixteen and sixty-six. All individuals were

able to make decisions regarding museum visitation. The sample could not be characterized as









random. Participants were initially identified through personal contacts within the communities

targeted.

Interview Protocol

Each interview was conducted face to face by me or student interviewers. Interviews

lasted anywhere from 15 to 75 minutes, and typical interviews lasted 25 to 35 minutes. Students

were trained during several class periods to listen to responses and allow participants to answer

questions at their own pace. They were instructed to get demographic information and record

this information on the sheet immediately. Then, they were supposed to record each response

including use of keywords and terms, having the participant explain any terms that were

unfamiliar.

Data Collected

Data was collected on a vast array of demographic leisure, enculturation, assimilation,

acculturation, socialization, and psychographic variables. Participants were asked about their age

and occupation; what ways they see Black culture being maintained in Florida by African

Descended People; what were some of their childhood leisure activities, and the traditions

learned in childhood that they still include in their leisure activities today. Participants were

probed about their attitudes towards Black museums and museum-like settings, such as historic

sites, art and history museums, and archives. Each interview included a direct question asking

whether the individual had ever been to a Black museum in Florida and if so what was the

experience like? This was an open invitation to talk about perception of culturally specific

museums.

Demographics: The adults sampled were nearly equally divided between males and

females (32 females, 36 males); nearly 50% were in their twenties (Table 4-1).









Table 4-1. Participants by Age
16-19 years 20-29 years 30-39 years 40-49 years 50-59 years 60-69 years

15 38 5 6 2 2

22% 56% 7% 9% 3% 3%

Participants were categorized according to place of birth (POB)

Each participant was placed in one of four categories based on place of birth: Africa (3),

Caribbean (11), Florida (44), and Other US (10). All of the participants from Africa were male,

two were from Niger and one was from Nigeria. The category Caribbean included people from

Circum-Caribbean which I am using to classify areas of South America (Brazil), Greater Antilles

(Haiti, Jamaica), and Lesser Antilles (Trinidad).

Table 4-2. Participant Profile by Place of Birth (POB) and Sex
Place of Birth Female Male Total Percent
(POB)
Africa 0 3 3 4.4%

Caribbean 6 5 11 16.2%

Florida 21 23 44 64.7%

Other US 5 5 10 14.7%

Total 32 36 68 100.0%


Results


Interview Questions

Interview question two asked if participants had ever been to a Black museum, and

question three asked if participants had ever been to a Black museum in Florida. Only one

participant had no answer at all to question two and the others were almost equally distributed;

thirty-seven participants responded that they had visited a Black museum and thirty answered

that they had never visited one. To question three, there were five participants who had no










answer to this question, the others again, were almost equally distributed with thirty-three

responding that they had visited a Black museum in Florida, and thirty answered they had not

visited (Tables 4-3 and 4-4).

Table 4-3. Interview Question Two Visits to Black Museums
Cumulative
Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent
Valid 0 1 1.5 1.5 1.5
1 37 54.4 54.4 55.9
2 30 44.1 44.1 100.0
Total 68 100.0 100.0
0= no answer
1= yes visited
2= no have not visited

Table 4-4. Interview Question Three Visits to Florida Black Museums
Cumulative
Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent
Valid 0 5 7.4 7.4 7.4
1 33 48.5 48.5 55.9
2 30 44.1 44.1 100.0
Total 68 100.0 100.0
0= no answer
1= yes visited
2= no have not visited

Africa

The 20 year old male from Nigeria, who has lived in Jacksonville most of his life,

responded that he had visited two museums in north Florida, the Black Archives, on the Campus

of Florida A & M University in Tallahassee and the Ritz Theatre and LaVilla Museum in his

hometown of Jacksonville. He had also visited two museums in South Florida, both of them in

Miami, the Black Heritage Museum and the African Heritage Cultural Arts Center. All of them

he found interesting. The 21 year old male from Niger responded that he had visited Black

museums several times and it was boring. It seems that even within similar demographics that

these data suggests a wide variety of experience.









Caribbean

Two individuals from Jamaica provided responses about their experiences. A 19 year old

female indicated that she had visited museums in Jacksonville, Orlando, Daytona Beach, Ft.

Lauderdale, and Key West and replied "It was really interesting to see different museums. It felt

like I was back home." The 49 year old male said that he had been to many Black museums in

Florida and Georgia and replied, "I enjoyed most of them, but not being from U.S, some were

irrelevant." The 19 year old male from Haiti had visited the Haitian Heritage Museum programs

and said, "I learned more about my culture." The 20year old male from Brazil said, "I have seen

the history of African American people, African artifacts, pottery, overwhelming very saddening

shocking to see the reality of ancestors' lives." Similar to the data found in the analysis of the

African participants, we see a broad range of variation in the responses to museums.

Florida

What I find significant here is that the majority of the respondents cited that they had

visited the museums in their own communities. Because several of the respondents only gave

their POB as Florida, I can not say the same for them. It is also important to note that several of

the respondents did not see the places that they had visited as museums, which means that ideas

about Black museums and museum-like institutions are continually being redefined by

community members (Table 4-5). This is particularly significant in the response by the 21

year old female from Miami who stated about the African Heritage Cultural Arts Center, "It's a

big thing, lots of Black people go there." However, she did not see this institution as a Black

museum until it appeared as one of the items on the Florida Black Museum Survey. We later

talked about all of the aspects of the African Heritage Cultural Arts Center such as the art gallery

spaces, and major exhibitions that she had seen in the museum exhibition areas, as well as dance

and music classes that always had African Diaspora focus, the Black Box Theatre, where plays









and movies viewed by the community on a regular basis were all Afrocentric as well. This

allowed her to begin to place this institution into her new definition of a Black museum.

Table 4-5. Responses Interview Question 3 by POB-Florida Participants
POB Age Sex Response
Orlando 23 Male Visited the WellsBuilt in Orlando
Jacksonville 20 Female Visited DHSM in Jax-impressive & educational
Tampa 22 Female Visited the Carter Woodson, It is very good-I
learned my good history from here
Florida 25 Male The Haitian Heritage was informative and refreshing
Miami 29 Male African Heritage Cultural Center-Miami-I am proud
of seeing the roots from where I came
Florida 20 Male Zora Neale Hurston in Eatonville-It opened my eyes
to a lot of Black history
Jacksonville 19 Male Kingsley Plantation-It really moved me to see up
close how we used to live and be treated.
Tallahassee 21 Male Kingsley Plantation-I was young so it was boring
and I didn't understand it.
Plantation 19 Male Black Heritage Museum, Miami-I use to love going
during Christmastime, it was beautiful
Palm Beach 19 Female Visited a few in Broward County, Key West, FAMU
Gardens and one when I lived with my aunt in Orlando. I got
a chance to learn a lot of new things it made me
appreciate my people and my culture more. It made
me aware of where I came from.
Jacksonville 22 Male Clara Ward Mission, I was too young. It was our
way of giving back. I didn't know there was a
museum at the mission
Ft. Lauderdale 21 Female It was interesting, informative and I enjoyed it.
Miami 21 Female African Heritage Cultural Arts Center. I didn't think
it was a museum. It's a big thing, lots of Black
people go there. We learn things, we have dance
recitals there.
Ft. Lauderdale 53 Male Visited several in Florida. Excitement, amazement at
how nicely many of them are put together

Other US

The Black Heritage Museum in Miami was the most cited museum for participants who

were not born and raised in Florida. There was only one participant who clearly stated that he did

not like museums. This participant at the time did not want to qualify that response and was not

pressured to do so. Another participant from Alabama however, indicated that she had visited a









Black museum in another state (LA) and found it interesting, while the other participant from

Alabama indicated that she had visited the Black Heritage Museum in Miami as a child.

Table 4-6. Responses Interview Question 3 by POB Other US Participants
POB Age Sex Response
New York 20 Female Visited both of the Zora Neale Hurston museums it
was enlightening, exciting and fun
Alabama 20 Female I visited the Black Heritage Museum as a child
New York 21 Male Visited the Black Heritage Museum in Miami. It
was eye opening to see that Black history was so rich
beyond just what's in textbooks.
Texas 18 Female I have not visited in Florida but I did visit in Texas
when I was younger, it was life changing
Alabama 22 Female I visited a Black museum in New Orleans, it was
interesting
New York 51 Female I had fun I liked it a lot
Alabama 21 Male I don't like museums

Florida Black Museum Survey

The results of the Florida Black Museums Survey are included here in-part. Discussion of

the survey in relationship to acculturation will be presented in Chapter 6, Data Analysis. The

results of the Florida Black Museum Survey are presented here in the following tables using

cross tabulation by place of birth (POB) and knowledge and participation of museums and

arranged by regions (North, Central, and South Florida).

Participants were asked to rank their museum knowledge and participation using the

following:

1= Never heard of it [museum] = No knowledge or participation
2=I have heard of It [museum] = knowledge
3= I have visited it [museum] once= participation
4= I have visited two or more times= participation
5= I visited with parents or school trip= most participation










Black Museums Analysis by POB North Florida

This museum in Jacksonville has been visited at least once by three participants and one of

the Caribbean participants has made multiple visits. Overall, 78% have never heard of this

museum.

Table 4-7. Ritz Theatre and LaVilla Museum
museuml-Ritz Theatre & LaVilla Museum Total
1 2 3 4
POB Africa 2 0 1 0 3
Caribbean 8 1 1 1 11
Florida 34 9 1 0 44
Other US 9 1 0 0 10
Total 53 11 3 1 68
POB museum Cross tabulation

Table 4-8. Kingsley Plantation


museum2-Kingsley Plantation
2 3


Total


POB Africa 3 0 0 0 3
Caribbean 7 3 1 0 11
Florida 38 4 1 1 44
Other US 8 1 1 0 10
Total 56 8 3 1 68
POB museum Cross tabulation

This museum was not recognized by over 70% of the participants. It is a plantation-

historic site by type. None of the African participants had heard of or visited this facility.

Table 4-9. Sojourner Truth Museum
museum3-Sojourner Truth Traveling
Museum Total
1 2 3
POB Africa 2 1 0 3
Caribbean 7 3 1 11
Florida 34 10 0 44
Other US 9 1 0 10
Total 52 15 1 68


POB museum Cross tabulation

It is understandable that few of the participants have visited this museum. It was a

traveling museum. The only way to experience it would be when a display was set up at various

locations. For example, during Black History Month, the founder of this museum would always










have a small exhibition at the Museum of Science in downtown Jacksonville. Other times, she

would take exhibitions to schools, and conferences.

Table 4-10. Durkeeville Historical Society Museum
museum4-Durkeeville Historical Society Museum Total
1 2 3 4


POB Africa 3 0 0 0
Caribbean 9 1 1 0
Florida 35 6 2 1
Other US 9 1 0 0
Total 56 8 3 1
POB museum Cross tabulation

This is a very new museum established in 2000. So, to see a r

This museum is definitely trying to connect with the community.

Table 4-11. Bethel Baptist Institutional Church
museum5-Bethel Baptist Institutional Church Total
1 2 3 4
POB Africa 3 0 0 0 3
Caribbean 5 4 0 2 11
Florida 30 10 3 1 44
Other US 8 2 0 0 10
Total 46 16 3 3 68


3
11
44
10
68


repeat visitor is very positive.


POB museum Cross tabulation

Bethel is the first church in the state to establish a museum and archive. Sixteen, 23.5%, of

the study participants have heard of this museum, and three people have had multiple visits. This

museum may be so well recognized because it incorporates people's understanding of

themselves in terms of religion and spirituality to maintain culture.

Table 4-12. Eartha M. M. White Museum
museum6-Eartha M.M. White Museum at Clara White Mission Total
1 2 4
POB Africa 3 0 0 3
Caribbean 9 2 0 11
Florida 41 2 1 44
Other US 10 0 0 10
Total 63 4 1 68
POB museum Cross tabulation










Although the Clara White Mission is well known for its community outreach, the museum

has not found an audience.

Table 4-13. Julee Cottage Museum
museum7-Julee Cottage Museum Total
1 2
POB Africa 3 0 3
Caribbean 11 0 11
Florida 40 4 44
Other US 9 1 10
Total 63 5 68
POB museum Cross tabulation

This museum appears to be a well-kept secret. Only five participants have even heard of it.

None of the participants have visited this museum. Given the history of the community, this

museum may to do more programming that is focused on African American identity and

involving community leaders in their future planning.

Table 4-14. African American Heritage Center
museum8-African American Heritage Center Total
1 2
POB Africa 3 0 3
Caribbean 10 1 11
Florida 38 6 44
Other US 7 3 10
Total 58 10 68
POB museum Cross tabulation

The Heritage Center has recently been established. It is located in the same historic district

as the Julee Cottage, and already it has twice the number of participants in this study who have

heard of it. This shows the effective difference in marketing and management. The center seems

to focus on community outreach and involvement.

The Riley House Museum in Tallahassee is a very vibrant museum. The director and staff

are very active in preservation efforts in the area and also statewide. So, it was somewhat

surprising to see that so few of the participants have heard of it. However it's important to note

that the museum is included on the Black Heritage Trail for the state of Florida. Recently this










Table 4-15. John Riley House Museum
museum9-John Riley House Total
1 2 4
POB Africa 3 0 0 3
Caribbean 9 2 0 11
Florida 37 4 3 44
Other US 9 1 0 10
Total 58 7 3 68
POB museum Cross tabulation

museum led a network of Florida Black-history museums and won the largest award in a new

federal grant program The Institute of Museum and Library Sciences announced it was awarding

$150,000 to the Riley House -sponsored "Florida African-American Museums Exchange

Project." The grant was the largest of eight grants totaling $803,000 awarded in the new Museum

Grants for African-American History and Culture Program. The grant along with $350,000 from

the Florida Legislature will be used for training Black-history museum officials in museum

management, revenue building, strategic planning, preservation and exhibit display (Tallahassee

Democrat October 4, 2006).

Table 4-16. FAMU Black Archives
museuml0- FAMU Black Archives Total
1 2 3 4 5
POB Africa 1 1 1 0 0 3
Caribbean 6 5 0 0 0 11
Florida 21 13 4 5 1 44
Other US 6 2 1 1 0 10
Total 34 21 6 6 1 68
POB museuml0 Cross tabulation

According to the survey results this museum is one of the museums that are well

recognized. Actually this museum has the most participants having heard of it (21). It is also the

highest level of participation. Six visited at least once, six made repeat visits, and one participant

attended as a child with parents or school group which is the highest rate of participation. FAMU

is one of two HBCUs (Historically Black Colleges and Universities) in Florida with museum-

like facilities.










Table 4-17. American Folk Art Museum
museum11-American Folk Art Total
1 2
POB Africa 3 0 3
Caribbean 11 0 11
Florida 37 7 44
Other US 9 1 10
Total 60 8 68
POB museum11 Cross tabulation

This museum is in its formative stages. Missionary Mary Proctor its founder carefully

screens visitors. I was not surprised that most participants had no knowledge of this museum.

The founder's artwork, which provides the core collection for the museum, is well known

nationally. Several of her pieces have been acquired by the Smithsonian Institution in

Washington DC.

Table 4-18. Carver Hill Museum
museuml2- Carver-Hill Museum Total
1 2
POB Africa 3 0 3
Caribbean 11 0 11
Florida 42 2 44
Other US 10 0 10
Total 66 2 68
POB museuml2 Cross tabulation

This is a small community museum in the little town of Crestview. It is also not surprising

that few of the participants in the study have heard of it. Perhaps, this may be a local attraction

since the museum is the only one of its type in the area. However, it's important to note that the

museum is included on the Black Heritage Trail for the State of Florida.

Black Museums Analysis by POB Central Florida

Palm Coast is a new community where many of the Black residents are retirees. The

center is slowly gaining support. So, it is interesting to see that it is recognized by these four

participants.