<%BANNER%>

Cultural Models among Transnational Mexican Migrants

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PAGE 1

1CULTURALMODELSAMONGTRANSNATIONALMEXICANMIGRANTSByMARKC.HOUSEADISSERTATIONPRESENTEDTOTHEGRADUATESCHOOLOFTHEUNIVERSITYOFFLORIDAINPARTIALFULFILLMENTOFTHEREQUIREMENTSFORTHEDEGREEOFDOCTOROFPHILOSOPHYUNIVERSITYOFFLORIDA2007

PAGE 2

2Copyright2007MarkC.House

PAGE 3

3ToPapa,MomandLisa

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4ACKNOWLEDGMENTSAssistancecomesinmanyforms.SomeaidrequiresmoreeffortortimeorresourcesbutalleffortswerecrucialandIamgratefultoeverypersonwhowaswillingtohelp.OverthepastfewyearsIhavehadtheopportunitytoknowanumberoffellowgraduatestudentsandafewundergraduatestudentsattheUniversityofFloridawhohavebeenveryopenmindedandwillingtohelp.TheyprovideasoundingboardformythoughtsandacriticaleyetohelpmebetterunderstandtheideasIencountered.PerhapsthemostinfluentialofthesestudentshavebeenthegroupknownasSOR(StudentsofRuss).ThisgroupincludesanumberofRussstudentswhohavebeenespeciallyhelpful,including;AmberWutich,RosalynNegron,StaceyGiroux,DavidKennedy,andLanceGravlee.ThesesindividualswerethesupportgroupthatIneededtocompletegraduateschoolandtobetterunderstandtheideasandmethodsweweretaught.ThereareonlyafewtimesinapersonslifethatyouhavetheopportunitytoworkwithpeoplethatareasaccomplishedastheprofessorsattheUniversityofFlorida.Whilesomestickout,everyclassItookwasachallenge.Theyareexceptionalscholarsandpatientteachers.Dr.TonyOliver-Smith,Dr.MichaelHeckenberger,andDr.JohnMoorehavebeenespeciallyinspirational.Dr.StanSmithhasalsobeenveryhelpfulandpatientinallowingmetoworkwithhimonthepublicationoftwoarticles.IalsohavethedeepestrespectformycommitteemembersDr.ChrisMcCarty,Dr.AnitaSpring,andDr.ChrisJaniszewski.Ihaveadmiredtheirprofessionalism,theirteachingability,andtheirinsight.Ihavethegreatestrespectformychair,Dr.H.RussellBernard.HehasprovidedtheguidanceandpatienceformetobesuccessfulatUF.

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5LeviRiosCardenas,AnandaRiosCardenas,AbrahamRiosCardenas,MariaRubioInda,AntonioRubioInda,andBeatrizCardenaswerekindenoughtosharetheirhomeandtheirliveswithme.MildredDenisseArceZunoisawonderfulSpanishteacherandgoodfriend.Therearealsoanumberofpeoplewhoassistedmewithmyresearch.Theywerepatientandhardworkingintheirefforts.ThisgroupincludesJairoRodriquezRubio,ArturoRuizLicon,lilianaElizabethVegaSandovalandJessicaElizabethSolanoLopez.ThefacultyattheSanIsidroMazatepecPrepatoriawerealsoveryhelpful,especiallySeniorJorgeAcevesMercado.IntheU.S.therewerealsoanumberofhelpfulindividualswhointroducedmeintotheircommunityandassistedwiththedatacollection.TheseincludeStephenMardock,KelseyM.Leak,ValeraiLuna,CrystalHernandez,NicoleRoederandLatishaLarson.Thereareanumberofpeoplewhopointedmeintherightdirectionorhelpedmegainaccessintoaninstitution.Withoutthemthisprojectwouldhavetakenmuchlongerthanitdid.ForthisassistanceIamgratefultoPaulChaffinandBrendaChatfieldattheKansasNorthwestAreaVocational-TechnicalCollege;LowellCoon,LindaDavis-Stephens,andespeciallyLarryKoonatColbyCommunityCollege;HarveySwager,theprincipalatGoodlandHighSchool;andMabelBurciaga,MargieHernandezandDuaneArnttatBurlingtonHighSchool.Myworkingraduateschoolisonlypossiblewiththesupportofmyfamily.Myparentshavealwaysencouragedmetopursuemyeducation.Mygrandfathersupportedmewhenothershaddoubts.Howeveritismywife,Lisa,whohascontributedthemost.Notonlyhassheaskedthewell-reasonedquestionsonlyaneconomistcanask,butshealsoprovidedareleaseformyfrustrationandareminderthatthereislightattheendofthetunnel.Sheallowedmethetimetotakeclasses,conductmyfieldworkandfinallytowritethispaper.

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6Therearetwopeoplethat,notonlydoIneedtothank,buttowhomIalsoneedtoapologize.Iapologizebecausetheymadeasacrificetheydidntknowtheyweremaking.IncompletingthisprojectIregretthatIgaveupprecioustimewithmydaughters,KassidyandJordan.

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7TABLEOFCONTENTSpage ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...............................................................................................................4LISTOFTABLES.........................................................................................................................10LISTOFFIGURES.......................................................................................................................12ABSTRACT...................................................................................................................................13CHAPTER1INTRODUCTION..................................................................................................................15WhyStudyMigration?...........................................................................................................16WhyUseCulturalDomains?..................................................................................................18ManuscriptOrganization........................................................................................................202MEXICANMIGRATION......................................................................................................22MexicanU.S.MigrationandPolicy....................................................................................23EarlyPolicies...................................................................................................................23TheBraceroProgram......................................................................................................24PostWarImmigration.....................................................................................................25IRCA................................................................................................................................26TheoriesofWhyPeopleMigrate............................................................................................28EarlyEquilibriumTheory................................................................................................29NeoclassicalEconomicTheory.......................................................................................30DualLaborMarketTheory..............................................................................................31NewEconomicsofMigration.........................................................................................32DependencyTheory.........................................................................................................32WorldSystemsTheory....................................................................................................34ArticulationTheory.........................................................................................................34SummaryofFactorsintheCreationofMigrationStreams............................................35WhyDoesMigrationContinue?.............................................................................................36OtherFactorsinMigration.....................................................................................................38Racism.............................................................................................................................38TemporaryVersusPermanentMigrants..........................................................................39Legality............................................................................................................................40Remittances.....................................................................................................................41LaborOrganizationofMigrants......................................................................................42PostMigrationChanges..........................................................................................................43AssimilationandAcculturation.......................................................................................44Transnationalism.............................................................................................................47Hypotheses..............................................................................................................................54

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83CULTURALDOMAINS.......................................................................................................55CognitiveAnthropology.........................................................................................................55Beginnings..............................................................................................................................56TheNewEthnography............................................................................................................57SemanticNetworksandEthnobotany.....................................................................................60Prototypes...............................................................................................................................61SchemaTheory.......................................................................................................................63CulturalModels......................................................................................................................65CulturalConsensus.................................................................................................................67CulturalModelsandBehavior................................................................................................68ACritiqueofCognitiveAnthropology...................................................................................70Hypotheses..............................................................................................................................724METHODOLOGY.................................................................................................................74ResearchDesign.....................................................................................................................74Sampling.................................................................................................................................76Locations.........................................................................................................................76SanIsidroMazatepec,Mexico.................................................................................77NorthwestKansasandNortheastColorado,USA...........................................................78SamplingStrategy...........................................................................................................81ResearchMethods...................................................................................................................83ParticipantObservation...................................................................................................83Mexico......................................................................................................................83Americans.................................................................................................................84Migrants...................................................................................................................84AssistantsandTraining............................................................................................85FreelistsandPilesorts......................................................................................................86Interviews........................................................................................................................88DemographicInformation...............................................................................................88CohensTransnationalScore...........................................................................................88ARSMA-II.......................................................................................................................905DOMAINELEMENTS..........................................................................................................95DatasetSummary.............................................................................................................96DomainandPopulationNames.......................................................................................96CleaningtheFreelists......................................................................................................96QualitativeAnalysis................................................................................................................97DomainComposition............................................................................................................100DomainOverlapAnalysisI...........................................................................................100DomainOverlapAnalysisII..........................................................................................103SummaryofDomainOverlapAnalysis........................................................................1056DOMAINSTRUCTURE......................................................................................................126

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9DomainBreadth....................................................................................................................126RawFreelistLength......................................................................................................126AverageFreelistLength................................................................................................127VarianceofDomains.....................................................................................................128TestingforDifferencesinFreelistLength....................................................................128DiscussionofFreelistLength........................................................................................129DomainStructure..................................................................................................................129CulturalConsensusAnalysis.........................................................................................130AlternativeDomainStructures......................................................................................131SubcultureswithintheDomains....................................................................................133DiscussionofDomainStructure....................................................................................134FactorsAffectingStructure...................................................................................................136DomainKnowledge.......................................................................................................136DemographicVariables.................................................................................................137Transnationalism...........................................................................................................137Acculturation.................................................................................................................138Method..................................................................................................................................139Results...................................................................................................................................140DiscussionofFactorsAffectingStructure....................................................................1417DISCUSSION.......................................................................................................................155SummaryoftheAnalysisofDomainElements...................................................................155SummaryoftheAnalysisofDomainStructure....................................................................157SummaryoftheAnalysisofDomainKnowledge................................................................157APPENDIXDEMOGRAPHICQUESTIONAIRREANDCOHENSTRANSNATIONALSCALE...........159SPANISHARSMAIISCALE.................................................................................................160LISTOFREFERENCES.............................................................................................................162BIOGRAPHICALSKETCH.......................................................................................................183

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10LISTOFTABLESTable page Table4-1Numberofresponsescollectedbytypeandpopulation................................................91Table4-2Numberofitemsselectedfromfreelists........................................................................92Table4-3Participantdemographicinformation............................................................................92Table4-4Cohenindividualtransnationalscores...........................................................................93Table4-5ARSMA-IIscores..........................................................................................................94Table5-1Freelistresponsetotals................................................................................................106Table5-2Openpilesortresponsetotals.......................................................................................107Table5-3Constrainedpilesortresponsetotals............................................................................107Table5-4Thingsmentionedbymorethan20%oftherespondents..........................................108Table5-5Foodsmentionedbymorethan20%oftherespondents............................................109Table5-6Pastimesmentionedbymorethan20%oftherespondents........................................110Table5-7Uniquefoods...............................................................................................................113Table5-8Uniquepastimes..........................................................................................................117Table5-9Uniquethings...............................................................................................................120Table5-10Numberofitemsinthereduceddatasets...................................................................123Table5-11Percentageoverlapofdomainsforcompleteandreduceddatasets..........................125Table6-1Totalfreelistlength......................................................................................................142Table6-2Averagefreelistlength................................................................................................143Table6-3Standarddeviationoffreelists.....................................................................................143Table6-4SignificantofT-testfordifferencesinmeanfreelistlengthsoffoods........................143Table6-5SignificantofT-testfordifferencesinmeanfreelistlengthsofpastimes...................144Table6-6SignificantofT-testfordifferencesinmeanfreelistlengthsofthings.......................144Table6-7ANOVAresults-food.................................................................................................144

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11Table6-8ANOVAresults-pastimes..........................................................................................145Table6-9ANOVAresults-things..............................................................................................145Table6-10Consensusanalysiseigenvaluesforeachdomainandsample..................................146Table6-11Comparisonofeigenvalueratiosforpeoplewhohavechildren...............................147Table6-12Comparisonofeigenvalueratiosforpeoplewhohave9yearsormoreofeducation..........................................................................................................................147Table6-13Comparisonofeigenvalueratiosforfemales............................................................148Table6-14Comparisonofeigenvalueratiosforpeoplewhoaremarried..................................148Table6-15Comparisonofeigenvaluesforpeople25yearsoldandyounger.............................149Table6-16Summarystatisticsfortheknowledgescoresineachdomain..................................152Table6-17Summarystatisticsforthestandardandmodifiedtransnationalscore.....................152Table6-18SummarystatisticsforMOS,AOSandARSMA-IIscores......................................152Table6-19Modelsummary-pastimes.......................................................................................153Table6-20Coefficients-pastimes..............................................................................................153Table6-21Modelsummary-things............................................................................................153Table6-22Coefficients-things..................................................................................................153Table6-23ModelSummary-foods............................................................................................153Table6-24Coefficients-foods...................................................................................................154

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12LISTOFFIGURESFigure page Figure4-1Overviewofresearchdesign........................................................................................91Figure4-2Frequencyoffreelistitemsformigrants......................................................................92Figure5-1Overlapofdomainsforfoods....................................................................................111Figure5-2Overlapofdomainsforpastimes...............................................................................111Figure5-3Overlapofdomainsforthings....................................................................................112Figure5-4Cutoffpoint...............................................................................................................122Figure5-5Overlapoffoodsdomainreduceddataset...............................................................123Figure5-6Overlapofpastimedomainsreduceddataset..........................................................124Figure5-7Overlapofthingsdomain-Reduceddata..................................................................125Figure6-1PlotofErrors-food...................................................................................................144Figure6-2PlotofErrors-pastimes.............................................................................................145Figure6-3PlotofErrorsthings................................................................................................146Figure6-4MDSforAmericanfoods(stress=0.195).................................................................149Figure6-5MDSforMigrantfoods(stress=0.104)....................................................................149Figure6-6MDSforMexicanfoods(stress=0.181)...................................................................150Figure6-7MDSforAmericanpastimes(stress=0.222)............................................................150Figure6-8MDSforMigrantpastimes(stress=0.140)...............................................................150Figure6-9MDSforMexicanpastimes(stress=0.231)..............................................................151Figure6-10MDSforAmericanthings(stress=0.087)..............................................................151Figure6-11MDSforMigrantthings(stress=0.084).................................................................151

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13AbstractofDissertationPresentedtotheGraduateSchooloftheUniversityofFloridainPartialFulfillmentoftheRequirementsfortheDegreeofDoctorofPhilosophyCULTURALMODELSAMONGTRANSNATIONALMEXICANMIGRANTSByMarkC.HouseMay2007Chair:H.RussellBernardMajor:AnthropologyInthisstudyIexaminetheculturalchangesoftransnationalMexicanmigrants.TheadventoflowcostairtransportationandcheaptelecommunicationstechnologyhaschangedthenatureofMexican/Americanmigration.Thesefactsofmodernlifehaveallowedmigrantstomovebetweentwocountriesrepeatedly.Duringtheirmigrationstheyhavebeguntolivebetweentwocultures,embracingtheirexperienceaslongtermmigrants.Traditionalacculturationtheorywasdevelopedtoexplainhowmigrantsadapttoanewcultureaftertheirmigration.Thistheorywasbuiltontheassumptionthatthemigrationwaspermanentandmigrantswouldestablishthemselvesintheirnewsociety.Thenewenvironmentofmigrationhasspawnednewtheoriesofmigration,includingtransnationalmigration.Thistheoryadvancestheideathatmigrantsaremaintainingsocialcontractsintwocultures.Essentiallytheyarelivingbetweencultures,yettransnationaltheorydoesnotspeakabouthowmigrantculturechanges.Theoriesofhowmigrantschangehavetobereexaminedtodetermineiftheyareapplicabletothistransnationalsituation.Myresearchexaminestheelementsandstructureofthreeculturaldomainsofmigrantstounderstandhowtheyaresimilaranddifferentfromnon-migrantMexicansandAngloAmericans.Thisdissertationincludesdataabouttheiracculturationandtransnationalbehaviors.

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14MyresearchshowsthatthereisevidenceofbothMexicanandAmericanculturalinfluencesamongmigrants.TheknowledgethatmigrantshaveoftheirdomainsisnotrelatedtotheiracculturationintoAmericanlifestyles.Myfindingsmayindicatethatmigrantstodayarefundamentallydifferentthantheirpredecessors.WhiletheymayadoptsomepartsoftheAmericanlifestyleandholdontopartsoftheirhomeculturetheymaynotcompletelysettleintobeingAmerican,butinstead

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15CHAPTER1INTRODUCTIONAdvancesintechnologyandair-travel,combinedwiththechangesintheeconomicandpoliticallandscapeofcountriesworldwide,havechangedmigrantbehavior.TheincreasingavailabilityoftheInternet,inexpensivephoneserviceandnext-daymailallowspeopletocommunicatewiththeirfamiliesinalmostanypartoftheworldandwithlittleornoexpenseordelay.Inthepast,atriphomerequiredamajorcommitmentoftimeandmoney.Today,withcut-throatcompetitioninlow-costairtransport,migrantsintheU.S.cannowflyhomeforalongweekendtoMexicoortheCaribbean(orfromEuropetoTurkeyorNorthAfrica).ThiseaseoftravelandcommunicationhascreatedanenvironmentwheremigrantsnolongerhavetosevertiesintheirhomecountrytocometotheU.S.andtheynolongerhavetogiveuptheirculturetobecomeanAmerican.Inresponsetothischangingenvironmentofmigration,theconceptoftransnationalismcametoprominenceintheearly1990sfordescribingpeoplewhomaintainlivesinboththeirhomeandhostcountries(Portes2001).Transnationaltheoryfocusedonwhypeoplemigraterepeatedlybetweencultures,howsuchmigrantsinfluencetheirsendingandreceivingcommunitiesandwhatthelargereffectsofthesemigrationpatternsmaybe.Oneareathattheoriesoftransnationalismhavenotfocusedonishowpeoplechangeasaresultofconstantlymovingbetweencountries.Thisissuehasbeenlefttotheoriesandmodelsofassimilationandacculturation.Howeverassimilationandacculturationarebasedontheassumptionthatmigrantsaremovingfromonesocialorculturalsystemtoanother,andinvolvesthereplacementofthehomeculturewiththehostculture.Theseassumptionsarebroughtintoquestionwhenmigrantsareinvolvedinbothculturestoalargerextent.Theresearchdescribedinthisdissertation

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16combinestransnationalandacculturationtheorytopresentspecificpatternsonaspectsofculturalchangeduringrepeatedmigrationsofMexicanstotheUnitedStates.Toexaminethechangesinmigrantculture,verysystematicandfine-grainedtoolsareneeded.ThesetoolsareavailableinCognitiveanthropologyandrelateddisciplinestoexaminetheinteractionbetweenhumanthoughtandoursocialandculturalworld.Cognitiveanthropologistsandpsychologistsdevelopedtheconceptsofdomains,prototypes,schemas,taxonomies,andculturalmodels.Theseconceptsgiveusanunderstandingofthehowpeopleorganizeanduseknowledgeandhavebeenoperationalizedovertheyearsformeasuringcultureoratleastcomponentsofculturesystematically.Iusetheideaofaculturaldomainasastartingpointfromwhichtomeasurechangesinpeoplesthoughtandbehaviorthatresultfromtheirback-and-forthmigrations.Dataforculturaldomainscanbecollectedreliablyandwithsufficientdetailforsystematiccomparisonacrossgroups.Usingthesekindsofdata,Iexaminehowtheideasoftransnationalismandacculturationaredevelopedinmigrantsmateriallifestyle.Inadditiontoprovidingfine-graineddataoncomponentsofculture,Isystematicallystudyhowculturaldomainsfunction.Mostoftheresearchincognitiveanthropologyhasbeenwithrelativelyhomogeneousculturalgroups,orwithheterogeneousgroupsinrelativelystablesocieties.Intheexaminationofmigrantculture,Ishowhowculturaldomainscanbeinfluencedbymorethanoneculture.Ibeginbyexaminingthemotivationforthestudyandthetoolsinvolved.WhyStudyMigration?TherehasbeenasurgeinmigrationtotheU.S.unmatchedsincethelate19thandearly20thcenturies.UnliketheearlierwavesofmigrantswhocamemostlyfromEuropeancountries,thistimeourclosestneighbor,Mexico,issendingthemajorityofmigrants.TheU.S.Census(Census2000)estimatesthattherewere41.3millionHispanicsintheUnitedStatesinJuly2004,

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17outofatotalpopulationof293.7millionanincreaseof84%fromthe22.4millionHispanicsestimatedtohavebeenintheU.S.in1990.MexicanimmigrationtotheU.S.isestimatedat3.5to5millionpeopleperdecadeuntilatleast2030and,regardlessofeconomicconditions,todoubleby2030(ConsejoNacionaldePoblacionNovember2001).Velez-Ibaez(2004)estimatesthatby2100,60%ofthepopulationoftheU.S.,bothnativeandforeignborn,willbeofMexicanorigin.Justasthesendingcountiesdiffer,thepatternsofmigrationalsodifferfromthatofearliergenerations.MigrantsfromEuropeinthelate19thandearly20thcenturiescamefromdistantlandsatatimewhentheinfrastructuremadeinternationalmovementdifficult.Today,internationalairfareshavefallen,makingiteasyformigrantstocomeandgo,especiallybetweencountriesthatshareaborder,liketheUnitedStatesandMexico.Additionally,theImmigrationandReformActof1986(IRCA)legalizednearly3millionillegalmigrantswhohadbeenworkingintheU.S.ThisremovedtherisktopreviouslyillegalmigrantsofreturningtoMexicoforvisitssincetheycouldlegallyre-entertheUnitedStates(Basch,etal.1994;IrzigsohnandSaucedo2002).Besideshavingtheabilitytotraveleasily,migrantsfromMexicoandtheCaribbeanareincontinualcommunication(usinginexpensivephonecards)withrelativesandfriendsinboththeircommunitiesoforiginandtheircommunitiesofdestination(Basch,etal.1994;Itzigsohn,etal.1999;Landolt2001).GrowinguponafarminwesternKansas,Isawmigrantsarriveinthespring,whenagriculturalemployershadworkforthem,staythroughthesummerandfall,andreturntoMexicoforashorttimeduringthewinter.Theconceptoftransnationalismgoesbeyondtakingtheoccasionaltriphomefortheholidaysanddefinesthesemigrantsaspeoplewhohavedevelopedalifestyleofmigrationthatisqualitativelydifferentfromthatoftraditionalmigrants.

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18Transnationalisminvolvesmigrantscreatingandmaintainingtwosetsofsocialrelationships,oneintheirhomecountryandoneintheirhostcountry(Basch,etal.1994;IrzigsohnandSaucedo2002)andbuildingsocialfieldsthatlinktogetherthemigrantscountryoforiginandtheircountryofsettlement(GlickShciller1995:171).Thefractionoftransnationalmigrantshasnotbeenmeasured,butestimatesrangefrom20%to70%ofallmigrants(Cohen,etal.2003;IrzigsohnandSaucedo2002;Levitt,etal.2003).Withchangesinthepatternsofmigration,researchersarequestioningsomelong-standingideasofmigration.Inthemid-20thcentury,socialscientistsusedthetermacculturationtodescribethesimilaritiestheyobservedincultureslocatedneareachother.Inaclassicpaper,Redfieldetal.(1936)definedacculturationas,thosephenomenawhichresultwhengroupsofindividualshavingdifferentculturescomeintocontinuousfirst-handcontact,withsubsequentchangesintheoriginalculturalpatternsofeitherorbothgroups.TherehavebeensomeissueswiththisideaofacculturationasitwasdefinedbyRedfield.Thisdefinitiontakesforgrantedthatacculturationisasocialorgroup-levelprocess.Italsoassumesthat:thereislongtermcontactbetweenthegroups;eachculturehasadefiningcharacter;andthatchangescanoccurinboththesendingandreceivingsocieties(Trimble2002).Withtheshiftingnatureofmigration,researchersdevelopednewtheoriesabouthowmigrantsadaptafteramove.However,thesetheoriesdonotprovidespecificguidelinesforunderstandingthechangesthatoccurinmigrantsoncetheyhavebegunlivingatransnationallifestyle.WhyUseCulturalDomains?Formanycognitiveanthropologists,cultureiswhateveritisonehastoknoworbelieveinordertooperateinamanneracceptabletoitsmembers(Goodenough1957:167).Thisdefinitioncameoutofacrisisinthereliabilityofrepresentationofculturesandfocusesour

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19attentionawayfromthematerialartifactsproducedbyacultureandontotheknowledgethatisrequiredfortheirproduction.Earlyeffortsincognitiveanthropologyfocusedonsystematicallyunderstandingvarioussemanticdomainsindifferentculturesusingfeatureanalysis(Conklin1954;Goodenough1956;Lounsbury1964b).Classicfeatureanalysisfelloutoffashionforgoodreason(seeBurling1964);butthecognitivesciencesturnedtomorecomplexcognitivestructureswiththedevelopmentofprototypetheory(BerlinandKay1969;Lounsbury1964a;Rosch1978b).Prototypesareacognitiverepresentationofanobjectthataidinitsclassificationusingtypicalfeatures(Rosch1978b).Prototypesweregeneralizedintothetheoryofschemasbyallowingvariationfromtheenvironmenttobefittedwithinopenslotsinthemodelwhereasinprototypestheseslotswerefilledwithtypicalinstantiations(Bartlett1932;Langacker1987;Rumelhart1980;Wallace1970).Schemasareconceptualabstractionsthatmediatebetweenstimulireceivedbythesenseorgansandbehavioralresponses(Casson1983:430).Thesementalentitiesareusedtoclassifyobjectsandtounderstandspatialrelationshipsandevents;inotherwordstheyorganizeexperience(Casson1983;Mandler1984;Rice1980).Schemasarefoundatdifferentlevelsofgenerality.Universalschemasaresharedbyallofhumankindwhileidiosyncraticschemasaretheproductsofanindividual(Rice1980;Shore1996).Culturalschemasormodelsprovideamidpointbetweenthesepoles(Rice1980)andaresharedtosomedegreewithotherpeopleinasociety(D'Andrade1987).Thesemodelsdefinetheelementsofaparticulardomainandhowtheseelementsarestructured.Theystructureourunderstanding,expectationsandinferencesabouttheworldaswellasthedecisionswemake(QuinnandHolland1987).CulturalmodelshavebeendevelopedforAmericangenderterminology(HollandandSkinner1987),buyingbehavior(Rumelhart1980),thewesternideaofmind(D'Andrade1987),Americanmarriage(Quinn1987),anger(LakoffandKovecses1987),

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20andthewaythatheatingthermostatswork(Kempton1987),tonameafew.Similartoculturalmodels,culturaldomainsallowtheresearchertoexamineaverysmallpartofaculture,butingreatdetail.Howeverculturaldomainsarecreatedwithsystematicallycollecteddataandcanbeanalyzedwithstatisticaltools.Thesetwocharacteristicsarenecessarytoespeciallyhelpfulinunderstandinghowculturechangesasaresultofmigration.ByexaminingtheculturalmodelsofmigrantsIalsoattempttoexpandtheusefulnessofculturalmodelsbyexamininghowtheyareaffectedbymultipleculturalinfluences.RomneyandMoore(1998)suggestthatexaminingthestructureofculturaldomainsinbilingualsandcomparingthemtothedomainsofmonolingualpeoplewouldsignificantlyadvanceourunderstandingofcultureassharedcognitiverepresentationsofsemanticstructures.Similarly,Schrauf(2002)arguesthatinsteadofcomparingseparateculturalgroups,analternativeistoexaminethecognitivedomainsofimmigrants.Becauseimmigrantswouldhavetwocompetingculturalinfluencestheinvestigationwouldhighlightthedifferencesbetweentwocultures.TheresearchreportedhereanswersthesecallsbyexaminingasampleofculturalmodelsfromMexicanswhomoveregularlybetweentheirhomeinaroundthecityofGuadalajaraintheStateofJalisco,MexicoandGoodland,Kansasandcomparingthesemodelswiththoseofnon-migrantslivingintheUSandnon-migrantslivinginMexico.ManuscriptOrganizationChapteronegivesabroadoverviewofthetopicsinquestionandtiesthemethodsofcognitiveanthropologywiththetopicofmigration.Chaptertwoprovidesahistoricalandtheoreticalcontextforthisresearch:abriefhistoryofU.S./Mexicomigration,followedbyageneralreviewofmigrationtheoryandrelatedfactors.Thechapterconcludeswithadiscussionoftheoriesofacculturationandtransnationalism.Chapterthreereviewsthehistoryofcognitiveanthropologytoprovideanunderstandingofwhyculturalmodelsareusefulinexamining

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21migrantculture.Chapterfourexplainstheresearchdesign,thesamplingstrategyandthedatacollectionmethodsusedforthisproject.Chapterfivepresentstheanalysisoftheelementsofthedomains.Chaptersixisananalysisofthestructureofthedomainsandtherelationshipbetweenmigrantsculturalknowledgeandtheirtransnationalbehaviorandacculturation.Chaptersevenisadiscussionoftheresultsandfuturedirectionsfortheresearchbegunhere.

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22CHAPTER2MEXICANMIGRATIONThischapterprovidesabackgroundonthehistoryandtheoryofmigrationbetweentheU.S.andMexico.AnyefforttorecountthehistoryofMexicanmigrationtotheU.S.mustconsiderthepoliciesthathaveshapedthismovement.Whilenotalwaysachievingthegoalstheyarewrittenfor,immigrationpolicieshaveaprofoundaffectonthenumberofmigrantsenteringthecountry,howtheyenterthecountryandwheretheymovetoafterentry(MasseyandEspinosa1997).Togiveacontextfortheresearchpresentedhere,thefirstsectionpresentsashorthistoryofU.S.migrationlawandMexicanmigrationtotheU.S.Theresearchonmigrationisvastandisnoteasilysummarized.However,toprovideatheoreticalbackgroundforthisresearch,thesecondsectionexaminesvarioustheoriesofwhypeoplemigrate,whymigrationpatternsareperpetuatedandotherissuesinmigrationresearch,includingtheroleofracismaseitherapushorapullfactor;differencesbetweentemporaryandpermanentmigration;theimportanceoflegalstatusofmigrants;theroleofremittancesforsendersandreceivers;andtheroleoflabororganizationsinmigrantsbehavior.Thefinalsectionnarrowsthediscussiontotheoriesofpost-migrationchangeincludingassimilationandtransnationalism.Assimilationandacculturationaretheoriesaboutwhathappenstopeopleaftertheymovetoanewcountryandculture.Transnationalismisacollectionofideasaboutthechangingnatureofmigration.Applyingtheideaofacculturationtotheenvironmentproposedbytransnationalism,Idevelophypothesesabouthowthecultureoftransnationalmigrantschangesduringtheprocessofmakingrepeatedtripsbetweencountries.

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23MexicanU.S.MigrationandPolicyEarlyPoliciesThefirstimmigrationlawintheU.S.wastheNaturalizationActof1790whichstipulatedthatanyonewhowasafreewhitepersoncouldbecomeacitizenoftheUnitedStates.Lawsin1862and1875restrictedtheimmigrationofspecificgroups,mainlyOrientals,criminalsandprostitutes.AdditionalrestrictionswerecreatedinFederallawsenactedin1882,1885,1891,1903,1907,and1917,basedoneconomic,moralandphysicalcriteria(Batchelor2004).BeforetheMexicanRevolutionin1910,Mexicanmigrationwaslessthan1%ofthetotalmigrationtotheU.S.(FreemanandBean1997b).Duringthistime,migrationtotheU.S.wasdiscouragedbyMexicossystemoflandtenure,whereasmallminorityownedthevastmajorityoftheland.Thosewithoutlandmadetheirlivingthroughvarioussharecroppingarrangements,sellinghomemadecraftsandengaginginsmallscalebusinessoperations(Bean,etal.1997).Thislifestylerequiredthelaboroftheentirefamily,whichrestrictedtheabilitytoofMexicanstomoveabroad.Incentivesformigrationduringtheearly20thcenturywerecreatedinbothMexicoandtheU.S.PorfirioDiazseconomicmodernizationplanincludedthebuildingofrailroadsthroughtheruralareasofMexico.TheserailroadswereconnectedtothesystemoftracksintheSouthwestU.S.,makingitpossibleformigrantstomovenorth.TheMexicanRevolutionof1910disruptedthesocialstabilityofruralareasthroughthedestructionofcropsandtrade(GarzaandSzekely1997).ThisinstabilitycontinuedwiththeCristeroRebellionof1926,encouragingfurthermigration.Thiswasespeciallyprominentinthenorthandwest-centralstatesofMexico(GarzaandSzekely1997).OntheU.S.sideatthattime,recruiterssoughtruralMexicanlaborforbuildingrailroads,forworkinginminesandforagriculturalwork,especiallyinthe

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24Southwest(Durand,etal.2001;Fussell2004).Additionally,WorldWarIcuttraditionalsourcesoflaborfromEuropefurtherincreasingthedemandforMexicanlabor(Durand,etal.2001).WhilethesefactorsincreasedMexicanmigrationduringtheearly20thcentury,thetotalMexicanmigrationwasnotexceptionalwhencomparedtomigrationfromotherareas(Bean,etal.1997).Atotalof459,000MexicansregisteredasmigrantstotheU.Sduringtheentiredecadeofthe1920s.SeveralEuropeancountriescontributedequallyandCanadahadmorethantwicethisnumberofmigrantstotheU.S.duringthesameperiod(Bean,etal.1997).OnefeatureofMexicanmigrationthatseparateditfromthatofothercountrieswastheseasonalnatureofthemigrantwork.ThisencouragedanannualemigrationbacktoMexicothatwasnearlythreequartersoftheimmigrationtotheU.S.(Bean,etal.1997).EvenatthisearlystageintheestablishmentofMexican/Americanmigrationroutesthereisevidencethatmigrantsweremakingrepeatedjourneysbetweenthetwocountries.The1917ImmigrationActincreasedthefeestoenterthecountryto8dollars(135in2005dollars)andimposedaliteracytestonallimmigrants.However,underpressurefromagriculturalproducersinthesouthwest,specialconsiderationwasgiventoMexicowhentheSecretaryofLaborwavedtheliteracytestandheadtaxforMexicanworkers.The1921QuotaActcreatedquotasforcountriesintheEasternHemisphere,dictatingthenumberofimmigrantsallowedintotheU.S.peryearfromeachcountry.TherewerehowevernolimitsonimmigrationfromcountriesintheWesternHemisphere.Countrieswerealsofavoredinthe1924NationalOriginQuotaActthatalsoexcludedthemfromquotas.ThisactdidhowevercreatetheBorderPatrol.TheBraceroProgramIn1929,thelackofjobsforAmericanworkerscreatedbytheGreatDepressioncausedtheU.S.governmenttolimitMexicanmigration(Durand,etal.2001).DeportationofMexican

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25workersincreaseddramaticallyuntilWorldWarII(Durand,etal.2001).In1942,theBraceroprogramcreatedaguestworkerprogramforseasonalagriculturallaborers(Durand,etal.2001;Fussell2004).ThisprogramgaveworkersasixmonthrenewablevisatoworkforapprovedgrowersintheU.S.(Durand,etal.2001)TheBraceroprogramwasbeneficialtoboththeMexicanandU.S.economies.ItprovidedcheapseasonalworkforU.S.farmersandinjectedcashintothepoorerareasofMexicothroughremittances.Theprogramwasendedin1964,butthroughitmorethan4.6millionMexicanworkerscametotheU.S.(Cornelius1978).DuringtheBraceroperiod,migrationincreasednotonlybecauseoftheeasewithwhichmigrantscouldentertheU.S.butalsobecauseU.S.wagesweremanytimeshigherthaninMexico(Bean,etal.1997).MigrationcameespeciallyfromthewesternregionsofMexicowheretherewereestablishedlinkagestotheSouthwestU.S.andagriculturewasmoremarketorientedcreatingagreateruseforcash(Bean,etal.1997;Cornelius1978).DuringthisperiodtheMexicangovernmentwasinvolvedinagrarianreform,begunin1934,thatbrokeupthehaciendasandcreatedsmallerejidosorcommunallyownedplots.Withpopulationgrowthatthevillagelevel,theseplotsquicklybecametoosmalltobeusefulandfurtherencouragedruralpeasantstomigrate(GarzaandSzekely1997).PostWarImmigrationIn1952,theMcCarran-WalterActwasthefirstactofCongresstoconsiderlabormarketshortagesdirectlyinU.S.Immigrationlaw.ThisactfavoredmigrantswithskillsthatwereinshortsupplyintheU.S.andgavespecialprioritytofamilymembersofcitizens(FreemanandBean1997a).ThisactdidnotconsidertheincreasingillegalimmigrationcomingfromMexico.HoweverinJuneof1954,OperationWetbackwaslaunchedreturningillegalmigrantstoMexico.Thisactionwassuchasuccessthatillegalmigrationwasinsignificantformorethanadecade(Reimers1982).

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26TheImmigrationandNationalityActwasamendedin1965toeliminatethenationaloriginsquotasystem,movingU.S.policyawayfromcountry-specificvisalimitsandtowardsasystemthatwasblindtotheoriginofmigrants.ItalsocreatedthefirstannualcapformigrantsfromtheWesternHemisphere(Batchelor2004;FreemanandBean1997a).Howeverin1976,Congressimposedalimitof20,000visaspercountryinLatinAmericaandeliminatedpreferentialtreatmentformigrantsfromtheWesternHemisphere.Thislawalsoeliminatedthecapforfamilymembersofcitizens,creatingamassivebacklogofapplicantsfromMexico(FreemanandBean1997a).IRCAThemostrecentinfluentialreformofimmigrationlawintheU.Scamein1986intheformoftheImmigrationReformandControlAct(IRCA).IRCAhadthreecomponentsaimedatreducingtheflowofillegalmigrantstotheU.S.First,theactattemptedtoeliminatetheattractionofU.S.jobsbysanctioningemployerswhoknowinglyhireundocumentedmigrants.Employerswhorepeatedlyhireillegalmigrantscanbepenalizedwitha10,000dollarfineandcriminalprosecution.Second,theactgaveadditionalresourcestotheUSborderpatrol,including400milliondollarstohireadditionalofficers.Third,theactgaveamnestytoillegalmigrantswhocouldprovethattheywereincontinuousresidenceintheU.S.afterJanuary1,1982.AspecialclausewasincludedgivingundocumentedfarmworkerslegalstatusiftheycoulddemonstratethattheyworkedintheU.S.foratleast90daysduringthetwelvemonthsproceedingMay1,1986(Durand,etal.2001;FreemanandBean1997a;Massey1987;PhillipsandMassey1999).TheeffectsoftheIRCAarestillbeingresearched.Theamnestyprovisolegalizedalmost3millionformerlyillegalmigrants,ofwhomover70%werefromMexico(FreemanandBean1997a).Some1.7millionofthesemigrantsdemonstratedlongtermresidenceand1.3million

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27workerswerelegalizedthroughthespecialagriculturalworkersallowance(PhillipsandMassey1999).Notcountingthereductioninillegalmigrationthatresultedfromthemassivelegalizations,thequestionstillremains:hasthebillreducedtheflowofillegalmigrants?Becauseofmethodologicaldifficultiescollectingdataonillegalmigrants,therearemixedconclusionsonthisquestion.Ontheonehand,therewerefewerarrestsofmigrantscrossingthebordersforthethreeyearsfollowingtheimplementationoftheIRCAin1986(FreemanandBean1997a).Ontheotherhand,sendingcommunities(communitiesthatsendmigrants)shownodeclineinthenumberofmigrantsmovingacrosstheborder(Donato1994).Cornelius(1978),DurandandMassey(1992)Furtherevidencesuggeststhatemployeesanctionsmaynotbeeffectiveatreducingillegalmigrationasthesewereinfulleffectonlyafterthreeyearswhenarrestswereonceagainontheincrease(FreemanandBean1997a).OthereffectsoftheIRCAincludeareductioninwagesforillegalmigrants(PhillipsandMassey1999).EmployersincreasinglyusedsubcontractorsforlaborafterIRCA.Thesesubcontractorstooktheriskofhiringillegalmigrantsawayfromemployersbutpassedthisriskontothemigrantsintheformofreducedwagesandpoorworkingconditions(PhillipsandMassey1999;Taylor,etal.1996).AtthetimewhentheIRCAwasbeingimplemented,therewereanumberoffactorsinMexicothatencouragedbothlegalandillegalmigrationtotheU.S.RobertsandLatapi(1997)reviewedtheseissuesandconcludedthatchangesineducation,healthandhousingdidnotcontributetoincreasedmigration.Whiletheseareasdidnotworsenduringthattime,theyshowedslowedimprovement.RobertsandLatapi(1997)didfindthatincreasedincomeinequalitycontributedtomigration.Thisresultedwhenwagedemploymentdecreasedandpeoplewereforcedtoturntoself-employment(RobertsandLatapi1997).Withtheendofsubsidiesfor

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28urbanconsumers,urbanareasstagnatedandcouldnolongerattractruralmigrants(RobertsandLatapi1997).Atthesametime,croppriceswerenolongersubsidizedandlandwaslessavailable,creatingadditionalincentiveforruralworkerstomigrate(Latapi,etal.1996).The1990ImmigrationActraisedtheannualceilingforcertaincategoriesofimmigrants.ThisactattemptedtoattractskilledlaborforU.S.businesses.The1996ImmigrationReformLawandWelfareReformLawattemptedtocurbillegalmigrationbydoublingthenumberofborderpatrolagentsandmakingitimpossibleforundocumentedimmigrantstogetSocialSecuritybenefitsaswellasmostfederal,stateandlocalassistance(Batchelor2004).Additionally,legalimmigrantswereexcludedfrommostfederalprogramsfor5years.Mexican/Americanmigrationissomewhatuniqueintheworldbecauseofthesharpcontrastinlivingstandardsbetweenthetwocountriesandthefactthattheyshareanextensivestretchofalmostunguardedborder.Thesetwofactorshavecreatedanexchangeoflabor,moneyandproductsthatbothcountrieshavecometorelyon.Thepoliciesofbothcountrieshaveshiftedthroughtimefromencouragingmigrationtoattemptingtodeteritaltogether.However,Ithinkitisuncontroversialtosaythatpeople(mostlyMexicans)willcontinuetotravelbetweenthecountriesandblendtheirculturesformanyyearstocome.TheoriesofWhyPeopleMigrateMigrationisnotonlysituatedinapoliticalenvironment,italsohasasignificanttheoreticalbasethathasdevelopedoverdecadesofresearchersexaminingthephenomenon.Economics,sociology,anthropology,historyandpoliticalscienceallhavealargenumberofresearchersdedicatedtothestudyofmigrantsandtheirmovementaroundtheglobe.Whiletherearedifferencesineachdisciplinesstudyofmigration,somebasicquestionshaveguidedalltheresearch,suchas:whydopeoplemigrate;whydopeoplereturnhome;whathappensaftermigration;howdomigrantsadjusttoanewsociety;andwhataretheeffectsof

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29migrationonsendingandreceivingcountries?Differentdisciplineshavenotalwaysagreedonthemethodsoreventhelevelofanalysisthatshouldbeusedtoinvestigatethesequestions.Howeverbecauseofthisdiversityofperspectives,alargevarietyoftheorieshavebeendevelopedtodealwiththequestionsofmigration.EarlyEquilibriumTheoryAccordingtoPortes(1976),theearliestworkonmigrationinanthropologyderivesfromtheunilinearevolutionarytheoriesofthe19thandearly20thcenturies.ThesetheoriesplacedsocietiesinvariouscontinuaTonniesGemeinschaftandGesellschaftsocieties,Durkheimsmechanicalvs.organicsolidaritysocieties,andsoon.Redfield(1941)sawafolk-urbancontinuum,withsocietiesinrural,undeveloped,agriculturalareasatoneendandlarge,developedcitiesattheother.Applyingthismodeltomigration,heassumedthatthemigrantwouldassimilatethemoderninnovationstheyencounterinurbansocietyandreturntheseideastotheirruralregions(Kearney1986;MiracleandBerry1970).Theseinnovationswouldthenleadtothemodernizationoftheruralsendingareas.Duringthe1960sand70s,researchersnotedthatmigrantswerenotactingaccordingtothepredictionsoftheseearlymodels.Gmelch(1980;Swanson1979)reviewedresearchonreturnmigrationandfoundthatreturnmigrantsgenerallydidnotbringskillsthatwereusefulintheirhomeeconomynordidtheyinvesttheirsavingsinthecommunity;insteadtheyusedtheirearningsforhousingandtobuyconsumergoods.Agriculturalworkersmightbuylandwiththeirsavingsbutwouldleaseitoutratherthanfarmitandprovidethemselveswithanincomestream(Wiest1979).Anotherquestionableassumptionwasthatbecauseruraleconomieshadasurplusoflabor,theyshouldspontaneouslyexportit.Historyhasshownthattheexportoflaborisrarelyspontaneousorevenconsensual(Portes1978).Insteadofcreatingequilibriumbetweenlabor

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30andcapital,asthemodelpredicted,migrationwasescalatingthedisparitiesbetweenruralandurbanareas(Amin1974).NeoclassicalEconomicTheoryDrawingfromtheideasfoundinmodernizationtheories,neoclassicalmodelsfromeconomicsusedtheideaoftwotypesofsocietiestocreatemodelsofmigrationbasedondifferentialamountsoflaborandcapitalindifferentareas(Kearney1986;Massey1987;Wood1982).Areaswithhighwageswouldattractmigrantsfromareasoflowwages.Inverselyplaceswithlowcapitalwouldhavehigherpossibleratesofreturnandthuswouldattractinvestmentcapital.Additionalmoneywouldbesentfromareaswithhighcapitalthroughtheremittancesofmigrantssenttotheirfamilyandfriends.Thesetwoflowswouldeventuallycreateequilibriumbetweentwoareasthroughmigration(Massey,etal.1993).Theneoclassicalmodelofmigrationwasamodelofindividualchoice.Thismodelstatedthatthedecisiontomigratewasacostbenefitanalysisthatconsideredseveralkeyfactors(TodaroandMaruszko1987).Researchusingthistheoryhasfoundthatmigrationispositivelyrelatedtoahighwageratioatthedestination,alargelaborforceattheoriginanddestination,andnegativelyrelatedtohighwagesatthemigrantshomeandthedistancebetweentheoriginanddestinationcities(Greenwood,etal.1981;King1978;Rogers1968).OtherworkindicatesthatMexicanmigrationisnegativelyrelatedtothefarmwagesinMexicoandagriculturalproductivityinMexicoandpositivelyrelatedtofarmwagesintheUS(Frisbie1975).Inaccordancewiththeneoclassicalmodel,Jenkins(1977)foundthattheMexicoUSwagedifferentialwaspositivelyrelatedtoMexicanmigration.Furtherrefinementofthismodelindicatesthatitisnottherealwagedifferentialbetweensendingandreceivingcommunitiesbuttheexpectedearningsgapthatissignificant(Taylor1987;TodaroandMaruszko1987).UnemploymentinMexicohasalsobeenfoundtobepositivelyrelatedto

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31Mexicanout-migration(Blejer,etal.1978;White,etal.1990).Thereisconsiderableresearchsupportingneoclassicaltheory.However,MasseyandEspinosa(1997)foundthatwhilethewagedifferentialisweaklyassociatedwiththeoddsoftakingafirsttriptotheUnitedStates,itisnotrelatedtomakingadditionaltripsorreturnhometrips.DualLaborMarketTheoryDualorsegmentedlabormarkettheoryisamacroleveltheorythatissimilartoneoclassicaltheorywithoneexception.Whileduallabormarkettheoryagreesthatmigrationisarationaldecisionmadebyindividualsrespondingtolabormarketsaroundtheworld,itseesmigrationasaresultofasegmentedorduallabormarketthatisinherentintheeconomicstructureofadvancedindustrialsocieties(Piore1979).Insteadofacontinuouslabormarketasassumedbyneoclassicaleconomics,thelabormarketisdividedintotwosectors:aprimarysectorthatprovidesgoodwages,workingconditionsandsteadyemployment,andasecondarysectorwithoppositetraits(DickensandLang1988).Indevelopedsocieties,thereisashortageofworkerswhoarewillingtoworkinthesecondarysector,soemployersareforcedtoturntomigrantlabor(Piore1979).Thistheorywasprominentineconomicresearchinthemid1970s,buttestingthetheoryyieldedmixedresults(see(Massey,etal.1994).Thetheoryreemergedinthelate1980swithsomeimprovementsinthemodelthathasconsiderablyimproveditsfitwithempiricaldata(DickensandLang1988).Applyingthistheorytoimmigration,immigrantworkerswhotakejobsinthesecondarysectorwouldbeexpectedtohavelowerreturnsfortheireducation,skillsandotherworkexperiencethannativeworkers(Massey,etal.1994).Usingcross-sectionaldata,Chiswick(1984)hasfoundevidencecontradictingthesepredictions.Howeverotherstudieshavefoundthateducation,experienceandjobskillsinsecondarysectoremploymentarenegativelyrelatedtomigration(LindstromandMassey1994;PortesandBach1985).Thesestudieshave

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32alsofoundthatEnglishlanguageabilityandtimeintheU.S.werebothpositivelyrelatedtotheabilitytoworkintheprimarysectorortogainhigherearningsinthesecondarysector.NewEconomicsofMigrationTheneweconomicsofmigrationapproachandtheneoclassicaleconomicviewarebothmicro-leveldecisionmodelsthatrelyonrationalchoiceofthedecidingunit.Howeverakeyinsightoftheneweconomicsofmigrationapproachisthatmigrationdecisionsarenotmadebyasingleperson,insteaditisthefamilyorhouseholdwherethedecisionismade(Wood1982).Becausethedecisionlieswithinasmallgroupofpeople,thereareotherconsiderationsinthedecisiontomigrate(StarkandBloom1985).Thesefactorscanincludethelikelihoodofcropfailure,risksoffallingmarketprices,unemploymentbysomemembersofthehouseholdorthedesiretodecreasethehouseholdsrelativedeprivation(Massey,etal.1993).Evenifthemigrantdoesnotincreasetheabsoluteincomeofthefamily,theyprovideanimportantwaytomediatetheserisksbyeithersendingmoneyhomeorreturninghomewithearnings.Relativeincome,ortheincomeincomparisontothemigrantspeers,maybemoreimportanttomigrantsthanabsoluteincome(MasseyandEspinosa1997;Stark1991).Anotherflawfoundintheneoclassicalmodelthatishighlightedbytheneweconomicsofmigrationliteratureisthatitassumesthatpeoplewillmigrateonapermanentbasis,despitethefactthatregulartemporarymigrationhasbeendocumentedforanumberofcountries(seeMassey,etal.1994).Thereisalsoevidencethatwhenmigrantsdoreturn,theyspendtheirearningsonincomeproducingassetslikeadditionalland,livestockorequipment(FletcherandTaylor1992;TaylorandWyatt1993).DependencyTheoryRaulPrebisch,headoftheUnitedNationsEconomicCommissiononLatinAmerica.Prebischinthelate1940s,sawthat,contrarytoneoclassicalpredictions,economicgrowthdid

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33notbenefitsomenationsastheirwealthcontinuedtodecreasewhilethewealthofothersincreased.InTheEconomicDevelopmentofLatinAmericaanditsPrincipalProblems(1950),Prebishtheorizedaboutthesedifferencesandproducedwhatcametobeknownasdependencytheory.TheSinger-Prebischthesis(sonamedbecauseHansSinger,anotherUnitedNationsemployee,developedthesameideaatthesametime)statedthatpoorcountiesexportrawmaterialsusedbyrichcountriesthatwouldthenmanufacturethesematerialsintofinishedgoodsandresellthembacktopoorercountries(SingerandChen1998).However,becauseofunfairtradepoliciesmaintainedbytherichcountries,thepoorcountrieswouldneverearnenoughfromtheirexportstopayfortheirimports.Ferrara(1996)describesthreeassumptionsthatweregenerallysharedbydependencytheories.First,theserichandpoorcountrieswererenamedascoreandperiphery(Wallerstein1974),metropolitanandsatelliteordominantanddependent.StateswithlowpercapitaGNPandthatreliedontheexportofrawmaterialswereclassifiedintothesecondcategoryofthescheme.Second,bothtypesofstatesareconnectedthroughhistorical,dynamicandongoingrelationshipsthatreinforcethedominant/dependentconnection.Thisrelationshipwascreatedbythepoliciesoftradethatfavoredthecorenations.Companiesincorenationswouldretainprofitsthroughdevelopedunions,whilecompaniesinperipheralnationswouldnothavethisadvantage.Third,externalforceslikemultinationalcorporations,internationalmarkets,foreignaidandanyothermeansbywhichdominantcountriescanfurthertheirinfluencearetheprimaryfactorsintherelationshipbetweenthetwotypesofstates.Insteadofdevelopingtheruralregionsoftheworld,dependencytheorysawthemovementoflabortocoreareasasexploitationthatbenefitedthedevelopedpartsoftheworld(Wood1982).Kearney(1986)notesthatwhiledependencytheoryhasfocusedresearchontotheextractionofhumanresourcesviamigrationit,doesnot

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34provideanthropologistswithageneraltheoreticalmodelcapableofgeneratingmanylocallevelresearchproblemsonmigrationemanatingfromruralcommunities(p.340).WorldSystemsTheoryWorldsystemstheoryhascontinuedtheideasdevelopedindependencytheoryhypothesizingasingleworldwidesystemoflaborandcommoditiesthatareexchangedamongdifferentregions(Wallerstein1974).Insteadofhavingabifurcatedsystemoffolkandurbanareas,theregionsareclassifiedintoaperiphery,semi-periphery,orcoreareas.Migrationoccursbecauseofthepenetrationofcapitalisteconomiesintonon-capitalistsocietiesthatisaproductofglobalization(Massey,etal.1993).Disruptionstotheexistingeconomyresultfromtheintroductionofcapitalisminvariousforms,including:landreform,extractionofrawmaterialsandthelabordemandsofnewfactories.Thesefactorscancauselargenumbersofpeopletolosetheirtraditionallivelihoodandbecomepronetomigrate(Chayanov1966;Massey,etal.1994).ThissystemoriginatedasaresultofcolonizationofAsia,LatinAmericaandAfricathatallowedEuropetohaveaccesstothemarketsandnaturalresourcesworldwide.MorerecentlyEuropeandtheU.S.haveuseddiplomacyandtheirmilitarytodevelopandprotecttheirinvestments,resourcesandallies(Rumbaut1991).Thistheoryhasbeenusedinsomeanthropologicalresearchonmigration(Rhoades1978;Wiest1973)buthasprovendifficulttotestdirectly.Howevertherearesomeindicatorslinkingeconomicdevelopmentinaregiontoout-migration(HattonandWilliamson1994;Roberts1982)Similarly,directinvestmentbytheU.Sintoforeigneconomiesisastrongindicatorofmarketpenetration(Sassen1988)andishighlyrelatedtotheannualrateofmigrationtotheU.S.(Ricketts1987).ArticulationTheoryUnlikeworldsystemstheory,articulationtheorydoesnotseeasingleglobalcapitalistsystemofsocieties(Kearney1986).Itdoesacknowledgethedivisionofcoreandperipheral

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35societiesbutperipheralcommunitiescanhavequalitativelydifferentformsofeconomyotherthancapitalismandtheseothereconomiescancoexistsalongsideofcapitalismtosomedegree.AnotherdifferencefromWorldSystemstheoryisthatarticulationtheoryfocusesonproductioninsteadofcirculationastheprimarymeansforthetransferofsurplustocapitalisteconomies.Researchinthistraditionfocusesonthecreationofexcesslaborittransferstocapitalistsocietiesastheprimefactorinmigrantlabor.Articulationtheorystatesthattheeconomythatproducesmigrantsisdestroyedbecausethelaborisdrawnofftoworkinthecapitalisteconomies(Meillassoux1981).Asthislaborisdrawnatemporarymigrationattemptstosavethedomesticnon-capitalisteconomy,whichinturncreatesapermanentstatewheremigrationisthenormandnotatransitiontoacapitalisteconomy(Meillassoux1981;Rey1973).SummaryofFactorsintheCreationofMigrationStreamsTherearemanyvariablesthataccountfortheebbandflowofmigrationfromMexico(Massey,etal.1994)butthereisnosingletheorytoaccountforthephenomenon.AnexcellentattemptatunderstandingthestrengthsandweaknessesofthesedifferenttheorieswasmadebyMasseyandEspinosa(1997)whouseonedatasettotestseveraltheoriesagainstoneanother.Theresultsprovideandexcellentsummaryofthefactorsinfluencingmigration.Theyindicatethatpeoplewithsocialtiestoothermigrantsaremorelikelytomigrateinitially.Oneassumptionofneoclassicaleconomictheoryisthatpeoplewithphysicalcapitalwouldbemorelikelytomigrate.Howevertheirresultsshowthatpeoplewithhomes,landandabusinessarelesslikelytomigrateandespeciallyarelesslikelytobemigratingillegally.Nevertheless,neoclassicaleconomictheorydoesshowusthatthelikelihoodofundocumentedmigrationisrelatedpositivelytotheU.S./Mexicoratioofexpectedwages,althoughthisisnotthebestpredictorofmigration.Completinghighschool(preparatoria)inMexicolowerstheoddsofmigrationwhilethepresenceofabankinapersonshometownraisestheseodds,supposedlyby

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36providingameanstosafelyaccumulatetheearningsofmigrants(Massey,etal.1994).Congruentwithpredictionsoftheneweconomyofmigrationandwithworldsystemstheory,highlevelsofdevelopmentinacommunityaswellashighwagesincreasethelikelihoodofundocumentedmigrationasdoesthelargerproportionofworkersearningtwicetheminimumwageandtheproportionofwomenworkinginmanufacturingjobs(Massey,etal.1994).Masseyetal.supportsegmentedlabormarkettheorysassumptionthatmigrationfollowsU.S.labordemand.Worldsystemstheorystatesthatmigrationisaneffectofcapitalpenetration;howevertherateofgrowthindirectforeigninvestmentdecreasestheoddsofmigrationintheirstudy(Massey,etal.1994).Thesupplyofvisasisnegativelyrelatedtothenumberofundocumentedmigrants,buteffortsatcontrollingundocumentedworkersarenoteffective.Ratherthandiscouragingemploymentofundocumentedworkers,sanctionsagainstemployersandanincreaseinresourcesforborderrestrictionsincreasethelikelihoodoftakinganinitialtriptotheU.S.Furthermore,thelegalizationsthatwereapartofIRCAhaveincreasedmigrationbyincreasingthenetworktiesavailabletonon-migrants.MasseyandEspinosa(1997)sumupthecontributionofmanydifferenttheories.Inaccordancewiththeneoclassicalmodel,thelikelihoodofillegalmigrationispositivelyrelatedtotheU.S.-Mexicowagedifferential.BeingrelatedtoamigrantsharplybooststheoddsoftakingafirstU.S.trip,whichisconsistentwithsocialcapitaltheory.Inkeepingwiththeneweconomicsofmigration,highrealinterestratesincreasetheprobabilityofundocumentedmovement.Followingsegmentedlabormarkettheory,undocumentedmigrationislinkedtothegrowthofU.S.employment.And,consistentwithworldsystemstheory,,theoddsofundocumentedmigrationaregreatestindynamic,developingcommunities,notstagnantareawithlowwagesandmarginallevelsofindustrialization.(p.964965)WhyDoesMigrationContinue?Besidesexaminingfactorsthatinitiatemigration,thereissubstantialresearchonfactorsthatperpetuateadditionalmigration.Thesefactorsmayeitherincreasethelikelihoodthatthe

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37migrantwillmakerepeatedtripsortheymayreducethecostsandrisksforfamilyandfriendstoalsomigrate(Massey,etal.1994).Findingsthatsupporttheformerhavebeendubbedcumulativecausation(Massey1990)andshowthattheprobabilityofmakingmultipletripsisincreasedwithmigrantexperienceinthenewcountry(DeJong,etal.1983;Massey1987;RootandDeJong1991;Taylor1987)Researchonthelatter,reducingthecostsandriskstomigration,hasusedsocialnetworkstounderstandthefactorsinvolved.Whenmigrantshavemadethetripabroad,theyreturnwithavastamountofknowledgeandcontactsthatcanbeusefultotheirfriendsandfamily.Thesesocialnetworksincreasethelikelihoodofmigrationbydecreasingtheriskandcostsassociatedwithmovingtoanewcountryandstartinganewjob(Choldin1973;Ho1993;MasseyandEspana1987).Costisreducedasthenumberofmigrantsincrease.Oncethefirstmigrantsfromanareaareestablished,theyprovideassistanceandknowledgethateasesthemoveforfuturemigrants(Wilson1998).Riskisalsoreducedwiththeincreasednumberofmigrantsuntilatsomepointthehouseholdreliesontheincomefrommigrantsaspartoftheirsurvival.SimilarresultshavebeennotedbyanumberofresearcherswhohavefoundthatsocialtiestosomeoneintheU.S.isthebestpredictorofmigration(Chavez1988;FjellmanandGladwin1985;Massey1987;MasseyandEspana1987).Additionalworkwithmigrantnetworkshasyieldedsomeinterestingresults.Cohenetal.(2003)foundthatpeoplewhoknowmoreindividualswithmigrationexperiencearemorelikelytobemigrantsthemselves.Guarnizoetal.(2003)foundthatnetworksize,butnotnetworkcomposition,orwhowasinthenetwork,waspositivelyrelatedtotransnationalismmigration.WorkinginMexico,CurranandRivero-Fuentes(2003)foundthatmalenetworksaremoreimportantformovestotheU.S.,whilenetworkscomposedoffemalemembersdecreasedtheoddsofamalemigrating.Femalenetworksdidhoweverincreasethelikelihoodoffemale

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38migrationandwereespeciallyimportantinmigrationwithinMexico.Kanaiaupuni(2000)foundsimilarresultssuggestingthathighfemaleemploymentatthedestinationencouragesfemalebutnotmalemigration.Thesizeofthepopulationinthereceivingcountryhasbeenfoundtobecriticalinattractingmigrants(Dunlevy1991)ashasthenetworkdensity(Winters,etal.2001).Winters,etal.(2001)alsofoundthatasmigrantnetworksbecomeestablished,communitynetworkscanbesubstitutedforfamilialnetworks.Inanexaminationofthetypesofrelationshipsthatcomposethenetwork,thedegreeofkinshipplaysanimportantpartinthedecisiontomigratewithinMexicoaswellastotheU.S.(Davis,etal.202).Whenmigrationbackandforthhasbecomeselfsustainingovertime,acultureofmigrationcomesintoexistence.Thiscultureofmigrationcreatessocialnormsthatencouragemigrationinanumberofways.Masseyetal.(1994)havedividedthesenormsintothreecategories:firstmigrantsareabletoengageintheconsumptionofconsumerproductsthatisbeyondthemeansofnon-migrants(FletcherandTaylor1992;Georges1990;Massey1987;Wiest1979;Wiest1973);secondmigrationbecomesariteofpassageforyoungmeninthecommunity(Georges1990;Reichert1982;Rouse1992);andthirdmigrationinfluencesgenderrelationshipswithinthefamilyaswomenmigratetosocietieswithfewerconstraintsonfemaleautonomy(Georges1990;GrasmuckandPessar1991).OtherFactorsinMigrationThereareavarietyofotherfactorsthataresignificantinthestudyofmigration.Somemaynotcontributedirectlytothecreationoformaintenanceofmigrationstreamsbutarenolessimportant.Afewoftheseissuesareexaminedbelow.RacismRacismiscertainlyafactorwhenpeoplemoveintoanewculture.Itiscompoundedwhenthephenotypesofthesendingandreceivingsocietiesaredifferentandtheracialcategories

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39inthetwosocietiesaredifferentaswellasisthecasefortheU.S.andMexico(Alonso2004).HowevertheliteraturelinkingmigrationandracisminMexicoisverysparse.TheinvestigationofracisminMexicohasincludedtherelationshipbetweenclassandethnicity(Alonso2004;Lewis2000;Stephen1991)andtherelationshipbetweennativeethnicityandpoliticalmovements(NagengastandKearney1990).OntheothersideofthebordertheracismagainstMexicansprovideshistoricalperspective.Menchaca(1993)examineshowthelegalsystemoftheU.S.discriminatedagainstMexicansfrom1848-1947.SheconcludedthatMexicanswhowereofindigenousdescentweremorerigorouslydiscriminatedagainst.Shealsofoundthatphenotypeplayedalargepartinthedegreeofdiscrimination(Menchaca1993).Velez-Ibanez(1996),workingintheMexicanAmericancommunityintheSouthwest,showshowthispopulationreactstotheracismtheyexperienceintheU.S.UnfortunatelythereislittleworkconnectingmigrationandracisminMexicoortheU.S.IsuspectthatthismayresultfromthelackofdiscernmentbyAmericansbetweenMexicansandMexicanAmericans.Bothgroupsarelikelytobediscriminatedagainstbasedontheirracewithlittleacknowledgementoftheircitizenship.TemporaryVersusPermanentMigrantsOnequestionwithinmigrationworkiswhatmakesamigrantstayintheU.S?MasseyandEspinosa(1997)foundthatthelikelihoodofreturningtoMexicowasincreasedbybeingmarried,bythenumberofpriortripstotheU.S.,byowninglandorahome,bylivinginacommunitywithabank,andbyincreasesinMexicaninflationandinterestrates.ThelikelihoodofreturningtoMexicowasdecreasedbyincreasesineducation,byincreasedexperienceintheU.S.,bythedurationofthetriptotheU.S.,byholdingaskilledorunskilledjob,byhavingchildrenintheU.S.andbyincreasedavailabilityofvisas(MasseyandEspinosa1997).WhiletheavailabilityofvisasmayreducethelikelihoodofreturningtoMexicoDurand,etal.(2001)

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40foundthatthemassiveincreaseinlegalizationsinthelate1980sactuallyincreasedthereturnmigration.Canales(2003)examinedthemacroinfluencesofMexicoseconomicpoliciesandbusinesspracticeswithintheU.S.onMexicanmigration.HeconcludesthattheneoliberalpoliciesinMexicohavereducedjobsecurityaswellastheoverallnumberofjobsandtotalwages.HealsofoundthatthelabormarketintheU.S.hassplitintohighpayingprofessionaljobsandlowpayingunskilledlabor.Thisduallabormarkethasalsobeenfoundbyotherresearchers(Piore1979).CanalesarguesthatMexicanlaborhasmovedoutofthetraditionalagriculturalworktowardsothertypesofunskilledlaborthatprovideyearroundemployment,thusincreasingthenumberofpermanentmigrantstotheU.S.LegalityMasseyandEspinosa(1997)examinedvariablesthatinfluencethelikelihoodoftakingafirsttriptotheUSlegallyorillegally.Bothlegalandillegalmigrantswereinfluencedbyhavingaparentorsiblingwhomigrated,andlivinginanagrarianeconomy.Legalmigrationsincreasedwithanincreaseinthenumberofmigrantsinthecommunity,anincreaseinthenumberofpeopleearningtwicetheminimumwageinthecommunity,anincreaseinthenumberoffemalesemployedinmanufacturingpositionsinthecommunity,andwithhavinganejidoestablished.Thesevariableswerenegativelyrelatedtoillegalmigration.Anumberofothervariableswererelatedtolegalmigrationbutnotillegalmigration,including:Agesquared(-),maritalstatus(-),owningland(+),owningahome(-)orbusiness(-),havingattendedapreparatoryschool(-),havingabanklocatedinthecommunity(+),theMexicaninflationrate(-),U.S.employmentgrowth(+),growthinforeigninvestment(-),Mexicaninterestrates(+),andtheavailabilityofvisas(-)(MasseyandEspinosa1997).

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41ForbothillegalandlegalmigrantsthefactorsthatinfluenceareturntriptoMexicoinclude:maritalstatus,education,cumulativeU.S.experience,durationoftrip,holdinganunskilledurbanjob,numberofU.S.migrantchildrenandowningland(MasseyandEspinosa1997).Owningahome,livinginacommunityinMexicowithabank,theavailabilityofvisas,andthenumberofselfemployedinthesendingcommunityweresignificantfactorsforlegalmigrantsbutnotillegalmigrantstoreturnhome.Illegalmigrantswereinfluencedbyadifferentsetoffactorstoreturnhome,theseinclude:notbeingawifeofaU.S.migrant,nothavingU.S.bornchildren,owninglandinMexico,livinginacommunityinMexicowithapreparatoryschool(theequivalentofahighschoolintheU.S.),havingpavedroadandnotanejido,increasedriskofapprehensionandtheenactmentofemployersanctions(MasseyandEspinosa1997).RemittancesWhilenotdirectlyinfluencingthecreationormaintenanceofmigrationflows,thestudyofremittancesfrommigrantstotheirhomecountryiscertainlypertinentgiventhatthesetotaledmorethan13.3billiondollarsin2003upfrom10billionin2002andexpectedtoriseannually(Coronado2004).ElectronictransferswerethemostpopularmethodforsendingmoneytoMexicowith85.8%ofthemoneysentthisway.Moneyordersfollowedwith12.2%andcashormaterialgoodshad1.9%ofthetotalmoneysenttoMexico(Coronado2004).Theimportanceofremittancesliesinthefactthatmigrantscanearnthewagesofhigh-incomecountriesandinsendingsomeofthisincomehome,theycanspendthemoneyatthepricesoflow-incomecountries.Thereissomedisagreementaboutwhetherremittanceshaveapositiveornegativeimpactonorigincountries.Atthehouseholdlevel,Itzigsohn(1995)foundthatlowandmiddle-lowincomefamilieshaveahigheroverallincomeiftheyreceiveremittances.Thispointmaysound

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42simple,butitshowsthatthecostofsendingamigranttoworkabroadislessthantheincomereceivedfromthem(KeelyandTran1989).Theseremittancesalsoallowedsomefamilymemberstostayoutoftheworkforceoratleasttoavoidthemostmenialjobsandworkinriskieremployment(Itzigsohn1995).Thequestioncanalsobeaskedatthecommunitylevel.Arethecommunitiesthatsendmigrantstoworkabroadbetteroffbecauseoftheremittances?Thisquestionismorecomplexbecausenoteveryoneinthecommunitymaysendafamilymemberabroad.Jones(1998)foundthattheinequalitybetweenfamilyincomeswasinfluencedbythelevelofmigrationfoundinthecommunity.Hefoundthatremittancesdecreasetheseparationofthelowincomefamiliesandhighincomefamilieswhenmigrationisnew.Howeverwhenmigrationismoresettledwithinthecommunitythefindingswerereversedandincomeinequalityincreased.Besidesaffectingthespreadofacommunitysincomedistribution,ConwayandCohen(1998)arguethatthesignificanceofremittancesshouldbemeasuredbytheirimpactoncommunityinvestment,householddecisionmakingandcommunitystructure.LaborOrganizationofMigrantsWhileexamplesofthelabororganizationamongmigrantsmaybeeasytopointout,documentationismoredifficulttofind.Atypicalorganizationisdescribedasmostlymigrantmen,recruitedbyacrewbosstoworkasharvestersintheagriculturalsector(Nelkin1970).Thesebossesrecruitedmigrantsonstreetcornersorinbarsweeps,withmanymigrantshavingnointentionsofworkinginacrewuntiltheyarerecruited(Nelkin1970).Thecrewleaderiskeyandservesascontractor,recruiter,campmanager,worksupervisor,policemanandbanker(Nelkin1970:476).Thesebossesusetheirknowledgeofthelanguage,worksiteandsurroundingareatomaintaintheircontrolovertheworkers,whooftenknowlittleabouttheenvironmentbeyondtheirjob.Zlolniski(1994)arguesthatthistypeoforganizationdeveloped

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43intotheextensiveuseofsubcontractorsbyformalsectorfirms.Usingthesebossesassubcontractorshelpedreducethelaborcostandoverheadcostsofmaintainingworkerswithintheformalsector.Additionallythesecrewsprovidedtheformaleconomywithanincreasinglyflexibleworkforce.PersonalexperienceinKansasshowsalessorganizedlaborstructure.ManymigrantswillusepersonalcontactstoimplementtheirmigrationtotheU.S.Howeverthesecontactsdonotmaintainthecontroloverthemigrantafterarrival.IwouldarguethatthisoccursbecauseagriculturalworkintheMidwestisplentifulandfarmershavealonghistoryofworkingwithHispanicmigrants.PostMigrationChangesThissectionfocusesonthequestionoftheadaptationofmigrantstotheirnewsociety.Assimilationtheoryfocusesonhowmigrantsgiveupthecustomsoftheirhomelandandadoptthecustomsoftheirnewculture.Transnationalismpointsoutthatthenatureofmigrationhaschangeddramaticallyfromthetimewhenassimilationtheorywasdeveloped.Recallthatadvancesintechnologyandair-travel,combinedwiththechangesintheeconomicandpoliticallandscapeofcountriesworldwide,havechangedhowmigrantsbehave.TheincreasingavailabilityoftheInternet,inexpensivephoneserviceandnext-daymailallowspeopletocommunicatewiththeirfamiliesinalmostanypartoftheworldandwithlittleornoexpenseordelay.Inthepast,atriphomerequiredamajorcommitmentoftimeandmoney.Today,withcut-throatcompetitioninlow-costairtransport,somelabormigrantsintheU.S.canflyhomeforalongweekendtoMexicoortheCaribbean(orfromEuropetoTurkeyorNorthAfrica).Inshort,migrantsnolongerhavetosevertiesintheirhomecountrytocometotheU.S.andtheynolongerhavetogiveuptheirculturetobecomeAmericans.

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44Thechangingbehaviorofmigrantshaspromptedsomeresearcherstoreexaminethefocusoftheirresearchandtolookathowmigrantsremainconnectedtobothsocieties.Ifocusnextonresearchabouthowmigrantschangeaftersettlingoutorbecomingassimilatedintotheirnewculture(acculturationtheory)orduringcontinualmigration(transnationaltheory).AssimilationandAcculturationTheoriginalmodelofacculturationandassimilationisduetoRobertPark,attheUniversityofChicagointheyearsjustbeforeWorldWarI.Parkdevelopedathree-stagemodelthatinvolvedcontact,accommodation,and,finally,assimilation.Redfieldetal.(1936)definedacculturationas,thosephenomenawhichresultwhengroupsofindividualshavingdifferentculturescomeintocontinuousfirst-handcontact,withsubsequentchangesintheoriginalculturalpatternsofeitherorbothgroups.Thisdefinitiontakesforgrantedthatacculturationisasocial,orgroup-levelprocess.Italsoassumesthat:thereislongtermcontactbetweenthegroups;eachculturehasadefiningcharacter;andchangescanoccurinboththesendingandreceivingsocieties(Trimble2002).Spiro(1955),bycontrast,askedwhethertheacculturationprocessoccursatboththeindividualandgrouplevel.Mostresearchersinmigrationhaveworkedatonelevelofanalysis-eithergrouporindividualthoughsomehaveexaminedhowtheindividualacculturationprocessisaffectedbygroupacculturation(Eaton1952;Spiro1995).Amorecontroversialquestioniswhetherornotacculturationhasdirection.Theoriginaldefinitionallowsforthetransferofculturaltraitstobothcultures.Earlyscholarsofmigrationarguedthatonecultureisalwaysdominantintheexchangeofculturaltraits(Parsons1936).Whilethisdebatewasneverresolved,laterscholarssimplyassumedthatacculturationwasunidirectional(DevereuxandLoeb1943;Spiro1955).Additionalworkonacculturationidentifiedvariationsintheprocess:migrantscouldacceptoneculturespatternsofbehavior;theycouldselectivelyacceptsomeof

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45thebehaviorsofthenewculture;ortheycouldcreatenovelbehaviorsinreactiontotheirnewculture(Barnett,etal.1953).Redfieldsdefinitionwasreworkedtoexplicatesomeofthesechangesandin1953,theSocialScienceResearchCouncildefinedacculturationas:culturechangethatisinitiatedbytheconjunctionoftwoormoreautonomousculturalsystems.Itsdynamiccanbeseenastheselectiveadaptationofvaluesystems,theprocessesofintegrationanddifferentiation,thegenerationofdevelopmentalsequences,andtheoperationofroledeterminantandpersonalityfactors(Barnett,etal.1953).Studyoftheacculturationprocessfelloutoffavorinanthropology,whileassimilationtheorycontinuedtodevelopinsociologyandsocialpsychology.Gordon(1964)definedassimilationastheprocesswherepeopleofdiverseculturesachieveaunitythatissufficienttoallowcoexistence.Hearguedthateachstageofassimilationcoulddeveloptoadifferentdegree.Thefollowinglistarethestagesofassimilation:1)AcculturationChangeofculturalpatternstothoseofhostsociety2)StructuralassimilationLarge-scaleentranceintocliques,clubs,andinstitutionsofhostsociety,onprimarygrouplevel.3)MaritalassimilationLarge-scaleintermarriage4)Identificationalassimilation-Developmentofsenseofpeople-hoodbasedexclusivelyonhostsociety.5)AttitudereceptionalassimilationAbsenceofprejudice6)BehaviorreceptionalassimilationAbsenceofdiscrimination7)CivicassimilationAbsenceofvalueandpowerconflict(Gordon1964)UnderGordonsconceptualization,acculturationbecameanexplicitstageofassimilation.Furtherrefinementoftheseconceptsledresearcherstoarguethatassimilationandacculturationdifferprimarilybecauseassimilationrequiresthatthedominantcultureacceptstheoutgroup(TeskeandNelson1974).Whileacculturationcanoccurinmigrantgroupsthroughinteractionwithaculture,theirassimilationcannotoccurwithoutbeingacceptedbythecommunity(Hirsch1942;Spiro1955).

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46Theclassic,unidimensionaldefinitionofassimilationstatesthatmigrantsadoptthenormsandhabitsofthedominantsocietytowhichtheyhavemoved,eventuallydroppingtheirpreviouswayoflife.Thechangeisdirectedbythedominantsocietyimposingtheirculturalhabitsonthemigrant.Researchersacrossthesocialsciencesexaminedthevariablesinfluencingtheassimilationprocess.Trimblearguesthatthepersonalsituationofthemigrantmaydeterminethechangesthattheyundergoasaresultofculturecontact(Trimble1989).Berry(1997)definedthreecontextualfactorsthataffecthowpeopleassimilate:voluntariness,mobilityandtheexpectedpermanenceofthemove.Othervariablesthathavebeenfoundtoinfluencetheassimilationprocessinclude:thehomecountryspolitical,socialandeconomicenvironment;reasonforimmigration;priorcontactwiththeirnewsociety;theroute,durationandlevelofdangeroftheimmigrationjourney;thehostcountryssocial,political,economicenvironmentandimmigrationpolicies;socialattitudestowardsmigrants;anddemographicfactorsofthemigrant(Cabassa2003).Empiricalresearchindicatesthatassimilationmaynotbesoneat.Anindividualmayacculturatewithoutthepermissionofthelargersocietybylearningthesocialnormsthroughinteractionwithotherswithinthecultureorthroughthemedia,allwhilenotassimilating.Keefe(1979)foundevidencethatmigrantsbecameacculturatedintoAmericanculturalnormswhiletheirsocialtieswereunaffected.Researchersinpsychologyfoundthatgroupscouldmaintaintheirtraditionswhilesimultaneouslyassimilatingpiecesofthedominantculturethatfitwiththeirtraditionalviewpoints(Trimble2002).Anothercriticismofunidimensionalassimilationisthatitassumesthatpeoplemustgiveuponeculturetogainanother;itisazerosumphenomenon(Cuellar,etal.1980).

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47Recentresearchonassimilationhasmovedfromunidimensionaltomultidimensionalmodels.Berry(2002)arguesthattherearefourcategoriesofacculturation:assimilation,integration,separationandmarginalization.Theseoutcomecategoriesaredrivenbythedegreetowhichthemigrantmaintainshisorherheritagecultureandthedegreetowhichthemigrantseeksrelationshipsinthenewculture(Berry2002).Thus,ifamigranthasahighscoreonseekingnewrelationshipsanddoesnotattempttomaintainhisorherheritage,thatmigrantissaidtobeassimilating.Attheotherextreme,amigrantwhofullymaintainshisorherheritageanddevelopsnonewrelationshipsresultsinastateofseparationfromthenewsociety.Integrationoccurswhenthemigrantsimultaneouslymakesnewrelationshipsandmaintainstherelationshipstheyhadintheirhomeland.Marginalizationoccurswhenamigrantneitherdevelopsnewrelationshipsnormaintainstheiroldones.DevereuxandLoeb(1943),Tyleretal.(1996),andTeskeandNelson(1974)alsoarguedovertheyearsforabi-dimensionalstructureintheassimilationprocess.TransnationalismDuringmostofthetwentiethcentury,migrationwasstudiedundertheassumptionthatthelongermigrantsliveabroadthemoretheywouldbeassimilatedintotheirnewsocietyandthefewerassociationstheyshouldhavewithpeopleintheirhomecountry(Guarnizo,etal.2003).Howeverintheearly1990sthetermtransnationalmigrantswasusedtodescribepeoplewhomaintainlivesinboththeirhomeandhostcountries(Portes2001).Hannerz(1998)pointsoutthattransnationalismdidnotbegininthelatetwentiethcentury;itwasthestudyofthisbehaviorthatbecameprominent.Theconceptoftransnationalismrefocusedthestudyofimmigrantsintoanexaminationofhowtheymaintainrelationshipsacrossnationalborders.Thewordtransnationalhasbeenusedforsometimeinintellectualtraditionsoutsideofthesocialsciences.TheColumbiaJournalofTransnationalLawwasestablishedin1963(York)

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48andMartinelliusedthetermtransnationaltodescribecorporationsoperatinginmultiplecountries(Martinelli1982).Theprocessoftransnationalismreferstomigrantscreatingandmaintainingtwosetsofsocialrelationships,oneintheirhomecountryandoneintheirhostcountry(Basch,etal.1994;IrzigsohnandSaucedo2002).SimilarlyGlick-Schilleretal.definetransnationalismastheprocessbywhichimmigrantsbuildsocialfieldsthatlinktogethertheircountryoforiginandtheircountryofsettlement(Abaza2001;GlickSchiller1995p.171).Thestudyoftransnationalmigrantsisimportantforanumberofreasons.First,itislikelythatthephenomenonwillcontinuetogrowwiththedevelopmentofglobalcapitalism.Second,previousresearchonmigrationhasemphasizedhowmigrantsintegrateintotheirnewsociety,howevertransnationalmigrantsmayintegrateintosocietydifferently.Andfinally,withtheflowofideasandremittances,theimpactoftransnationalmigrantsonboththeirhostandhomecountrieshasbeenculturallyandeconomicallysignificant(Levitt2001;Portes2001).Inanthropology,theconceptoftransnationalismhasthreeprimaryfeatures:first,thesocialormentalprocessorbehaviorunderstudymustcrossapoliticalborderinsomeway;second,theemphasisofthestudywillbeonthedistancebetweentwopoliticalunits;andthird,amultiplicityofmeaningsmustbeinvolved(Hannerz1998).Portesetal.(1999)identifythreekindsoftransnationalism:economic,politicalandsocio-cultural.Economictransnationalismisexemplifiedbybusinessmenandwomenwhohavesuppliersandmarketsacrossnationalborders.Thiscategorymayincludemigrantlaborerswhocrossnationalbordersonaregularbasisandmigrantswhoreturntostartbusinessesintheirhomecountry.PoliticaltransnationalismconsistsofimmigrantswhoparticipateinactivitiessuchasraisingfundsforpoliticalcandidatesintheirhomecountrywhilelivingintheU.S.Socio-cultural

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49transnationalismconsistsofdisplayingtheculturalpracticesofmigrantsinmultiplecountries,suchastheworldwideexportofEcuadorianfolkcraftsandmusic.Transnationalismhasalsobeendividedbythedegreeofinstitutionalizationthatisinvolvedinthepractice.Transnationalactivitiesthatarecreatedbythestate,orlargeinternationalorganizationsareconsideredtobehighonthisinstitutionalscaletransnationalismfromabovewhilesmaller,grassrootactivitiesareclassifiedasbeinglowonthescalethatis,transnationalismfrombelow(Portes1999).Portesetal.arguethattheconceptoftransnationalismshouldcapturepartofthemigrationexperiencethatisnotpartofotherphenomena(Portes1999).Itisrecognizedthatmanymigrantshaveoccasionalcontactwiththeirhomecountry.Theytaketripshomeforspecialoccasions,keepintouchwithafewclosefriendstheygrewupwithorsendremittanceshome(Foner1997).Anumberofstudieshaveexaminedthelinkagesbetweenpreviousmigrantgroupsandtheirhomecountry(Portes1999;SchillerandBasch1995).Butinthesestudiesmigrantswhomaintainedtiestotheirhomelandweretheexceptionandlackedtheelementsofregularity,routineinvolvementandcriticalmass(PortesandLandolt1999);theywerenot,asGlickSchilleretal.(1995)havestated,apartofthemetaphorofAmericaasameltingpotandthereforewerediscountedfrommainstreammigrantresearch.Severalauthorsarguethatitisthedegreetowhichtransnationalbehaviorsoccurthatmakestransnationalismadistinctphenomenon(Basch,etal.1994;Itzigsohn,etal.1999;Landolt2001).Whatconstitutestrulyoriginalphenomenaarethehighintensityofexchanges,thenewmodesoftransacting,andthemultiplicationofactivitiesthatrequirecross-bordertravelandcontactsonasustainedbasis(Portes1999).

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50ThedefinitionsoftransnationalismofferedbyPortesandothersarebasedonempirical,ethnographicresearch(Basch,etal.1994;GlickSchiller,etal.1992).Ethnographyisessentialforidentifyinganddocumentingsocialprocessesandforestablishingthecontentofthoseprocesses.Onceaconcept,likeacculturationortransnationalism,hasbeendocumentedanditscomponentsidentified,weneedreliablemeasurementinordertotesttheoriesaboutwhatcausesitandwhatitcauses.Thisstephasprovedmoredifficultthanmighthavebeenanticipated.Oneimportantfeatureoftransnationalism,notedbymanyresearchers,isthevarietyofpracticesitencompassesandtherangeofparticipationinthesepractices(Levitt,etal.2003).ItzigsohnandSaucedomeasuredtransnationalisminalarge,multi-sitesurveyonpublicactivities(IrzigsohnandSaucedo2002).Theyaskedrespondentstoratetheirparticipationinthefollowingactivities:participationinhometownassociations,sendingmoneyhomeforcommunityprojects,travelingtopublicfestivities,participationinlocalsportsclubs,andparticipationincharityorganizationsthatarelinkedtotheircountryoforigin(IrzigsohnandSaucedo2002).AsurveyinVancouver,Canada,askednearly2000migrantshowandhowfrequentlytheystayintouchwithfriendsandfamily,frequencyoftraveltothehomecountry,whethertheyownedeitherabusinessorpropertyathomeandwhethertheyprovidefinancialassistancetofamilyandfriendswhoremainedintheirhomecountry(HiebertandLey2003).Cohenetal.conductedasurveyinMexicothatmeasuredthetiespeoplehadtopreviousmigrants,howmigrantspaidfortheirtrip,wheretheylivedoncetheyarrivedintheU.S.,thenumberofyearsthemigranthadremittedfundsandthenumberofmigrantsthehouseholdhadpreviouslysent(Cohen,etal.2003).Politicaltransnationalismhasbeenmeasuredwithquestionsaboutamigrantsmembershipinpoliticalpartiesorcharityorganizationsathome,

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51donationstopoliticalpartiesortocommunityprojects,andparticipationinelectionsorcivicassociationsathome(Guarnizo,etal.2003).Dependingonthedefinitionsoftransnationalismthedegreeofitsprevalencevariesconsiderably.ItzigsohnandSaucedos(2002)surveyofthreecommunities(Dominicans,Salvadorans,andColumbians)foundthat22%ofmigrantsparticipatedinatransnationalactivityonaregularbasis,with74%ofthemigrantssendingmoneyhomeregularly.HieberandLeys(2003)studyfoundthat:41%keepintouchwiththeirfriendsinfamilyintheirhomecountyatleastmonthly;20%traveltotheirhomemorethanonceayear;and25%eitherownpropertyorabusinessintheirhomecountry.Cohenetal.(2003)foundthat25%ofrespondentsscoredhighontheircompositemeasureoftransnationalbehavior.Whilethesenumbersestimatethedegreetowhichmigrantsparticipateintransnationalactivitiestheyalsoindicatethevariabilityinmigrantbehavior.Theconceptofbroadversusnarrowtransnationalismcapturesthisidea(HiebertandLey2003;Itzigsohn,etal.1999).Narrowtransnationalismisdefinedasthecontinuousparticipationintransnationalactivitiesbymigrants.Broadtransnationalismistheoccasionalparticipationintheseactivities.Macro-leveltheoriesoftransnationalismhaverelatedthephenomenontoglobalizationoftheeconomyandofpoliticalforms,improvementsincommunicationandtransportationtechnologiesandchangesininternationallaws(Basch,etal.1994;Faist2000;Portes1999;PortesandLandolt1999;SmithandGuarnizo1998).Globalizationoftheeconomyhasbeengoingonsincecapitalismbeganreplacingfeudalism,butthepaceacceleratedwiththecollapseoftheSovietUnion.Globalpoliticalchangesincludedecolonization,theuniversalizationofhumanrights,andnationbuildingprojectsthatfocusondevelopingloyaltytobothhomeandhostcountries(SchillerandBasch1995;SmithandGuarnizo1998).Thesefactorsarecombined

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52withdeterioratingeconomicandsocialstandardsoflivingcreatedwhencompaniesmovefactoriesintolesserdevelopedcountrieswithoutaddinginfrastructure(Basch,etal.1994;Faist2000).RacisminboththeU.S.andEuropeisalsocitedasacontributingfactorasitpreventsmigrantsfromintegratingintothedestinationsociety(Basch,etal.1994).Thesefactorsdonotmotivatetransnationalmigrationonthepersonallevelbuttheyprovidethepreconditionsfortransnationalismthatwerenotpresenttopreviouswavesofmigrants.Micro-leveltheoriesoftransnationalismfocusonexplainingthemotivationfortransnationalmigration(IrzigsohnandSaucedo2002).Lineartheoriesarguethatmigrantsattempttomaintaintieswiththeirhomecounty.Resourcedependencetheoriesassertthatmigrantscannotbehavetransnationallyuntiltheyhavetheresourcestodoso,i.e.thereisabaselevelofincomethatisneededtomaintaintheseinternationalties.Reactivetheoriesmakethecasethatthenegativeexperiencesofmovingtoanewsocietyinfluencemigrantstomaintaintiestotheiroldsociety.Thevariablesthathavebeenusedtotestthesetheoriesaredescribedbelow.Notethatineachofthesestudiestransnationalismhasbeenmeasureddifferently.Neverthelesstherearesomeinterestingsimilarities.Inallstudiesreviewed,transnationalsaretypicallyyoungmarriedmenwhohavechildrenintheirhomecountry(Guarnizo,etal.2003;IrzigsohnandSaucedo2002).Twostudiessupporttheresourcedependencetheoryoftransnationalismandfoundthatabasiclevelofincomewasrequiredbythemigranttosupporttransnationalactivities(Guarnizo,etal.2003;HiebertandLey2003).Employmentstatus(havingvs.nothavingajob)hasalsobeenidentifiedassignificant,thoughnotthekindofjobheld(IrzigsohnandSaucedo2002).Thegoodsownedbyafamilyappeartoberelatedtotransnationalactivities(Cohen,etal.2003),thoughthisvariablemaybeaproxyforincome.ThenumberofyearsintheU.S.ispositivelyand

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53significantlyrelatedtotransnationalpractices(Guarnizo,etal.2003;HiebertandLey2003).InCanada(HiebertandLey2003),theinterviewlanguage,ifnotEnglish,isassociatedsignificantlywithtransnationalpracticesindicatingthatthemigrantsfeltmorecomfortableusingtheirnativelanguage.Ontheotherhand,citizenshipstatusofthemigrantwasnotsignificant(Guarnizo,etal.2003;IrzigsohnandSaucedo2002).Theperiodoftimethatanimmigranthasbeeninthecountrywasfoundtobeverysignificantlyrelatedtodegreeoftransnationalbehaviorsexhibited(HiebertandLey2003).Traveltotheirhomecountryandreceivingvisitorsfromtheirhomecountryweremorefrequentifthemigranthadbeeninthehostcountrymorethan10years.Alltransnationalactivitiesweremorefrequentifthemigranthadbeeninthehostcountryforlessthan10years(Guarnizo,etal.2003).Theexpectationthatthemigrantwouldsomedayreturntotheirhomecountrywasalsofoundtobeasignificantpredictoroftransnationalism(Guarnizo,etal.2003;IrzigsohnandSaucedo2002;Landolt2001).Onlyonestudyexaminedtheideathattransnationalismmaybeareactiontothestressesoftheassimilationprocess.IrzigsohnandSaucedo(2002)foundthatanincreaseinexperiencesofdiscriminationledtoincreasedtransnationalbehaviorandthattransnationalismwaspositivelyrelatedtoanincreasinglynegativeviewofthehostsociety.Educationwasespeciallysignificantinthisresearch,withapositiverelationshiptotransnationalbehavior(Guarnizo,etal.2003;IrzigsohnandSaucedo2002).Educationisalsorelatedtooccupationalstatus,andthustheresourcesavailabletothemigrant.However,therecanbeincongruitybetweeneducationandoccupationalstatus,whenmigrantswhoarewelleducatedareoverqualifiedfortheircurrentwork.ItzigsohnandSaucedo(2002)thereforearguethateducationmaybepickingupotherresources,availabletothemigrantintheformofsocialnetworksorwealththatarenotcapturedinoccupation.Anotherpointofviewisthatthemore

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54educatedapersonistheeasieritisforthemtoestablishnewtiesintheirhostcountry.Inanyevent,educationfacilitatesthemigrantsintegrationintothehostsociety(Borjas1987).HypothesesResearchintransnationalismexaminesthemotivationsforparticipatingintransnationalactivitiesorbehaviors.Unfortunatelyithasnotmeasuredhowthecultureofmigrantschangesduringthisprocess.Acculturationtheoryexaminesthesimilaritybetweentheculturemigrantsandthatofthesocietyintowhichmigrantsmove.However,acculturationtheoryisbasedamodelofmigrationwheremigrantsmovefromtheirhomecountrytotheirhostcountryandattempttosetupanewlife.Theymayreturninfrequently,butasawholetheirlivesareconductedinthecountryoforigin.Thereissomeevidencethatassimilationandparticipationintransnationalactivitiesarenotmutuallyexclusive(Basch,etal.1994;IrzigsohnandSaucedo2002).ItzigsohnandSaucedo(2002)foundthatthereisamarginallysignificantbutpositiverelationshipbetweenthetimespentintheUSandamigrantsparticipationintransnationalactivities.Transnationalismdoesnotsubtractfromassimilation,norassimilationfromtransnationalism;theyaresimplyadditionallayersofbehaviorseeninmodernmigrants(Basch,etal.1994).TheresearchreportedhereexamineschangesinthecultureofmigrantswhomovebackandforthbetweenMexicoandtheUStosuchadegreethattheyareactivelyinvolvedinbothcultures.TounderstandthesechangesIcomparethevariation,structureandcompositionofthreeculturaldomainsinthreepopulations.Ihypothesize:H1:Theculturalmodelsofmigrantsareamixofelementsfromthehomeandhostsocietysculturalmodels.oAlternative1:Theculturalmodelsoftransnationalmigrantswillhaveelementsthatareneitherinthehomenorhostcountrysculturalmodels.H2:Thestructureofthemigrantsculturalmodelswillbemorefragmentedthanthoseofpeopleineitherthehomeorhostculture.

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55CHAPTER3CULTURALDOMAINSBesidesprovidinginsightintopostmigrationchangesoftransnationalmigrants,thisresearchisalsoaboutculturaldomains.Theideaofculturaldomainswasdevelopedbycognitiveanthropologistsandpsychologistsasawaytounderstandtherelationshipbetweencultureandthought.Culturaldomainsareamemberofthelargerclassofcognitiveschemasbutaredefinedasschemasthataresharedbylargesegmentsofacultureandcreatedwithsystematicallycollecteddata,suchaspilesorts,freelistsortriadtests.Theseculturaldomainshaveprovenusefulinunderstandinghowpeoplestructureplants,animals,foods,emotions,andmaterialgoods,amongothers.Howevermostoftheresearchusingculturaldomainshasbeenwithpopulationsthatarestronglysituatedinoneculture.Withtheinterconnectednessoftodaysworld,peoplemigraterepeatedlybetweenculturestosuchadegreethattheyareinfluencedbymultiplecultures.Thisresearchexamineshowthesedomainsareaffectedwhenpeoplehavemultipleculturalinfluences.Thischapterpresentsashorthistoryofthedevelopmentofcognitiveanthropologyandspecificallytheideaofdomainsandarguesfortheirusefulnessinunderstandingthechangesinmigrantculture.CognitiveAnthropologyAnearlyattempttodefinecognitiveanthropologywasmadebyTyler(1969:3)statingthat;Cognitiveanthropologyseekstoanswertwoquestions:Whatmaterialphenomenaaresignificantforthepeopleofsomeculture;and,howdotheyorganizethesephenomena?ThisdefinitiondevelopedfromthecrisisinethnographicauthoritythatbeganwiththeRedfield-Lewisdebateinthe1940sand50s(seebelow)andcontinuedwithFreemanscritique(Freeman1983)ofMeads(1928)workinSamoaandWeiners(1983)re-evaluationofMalinowskisworkintheTrobriands(Malinowski1922).Inallofthis,ethnographerswerefindingbehaviorand

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56beliefsquitedifferentfromthosereportedintheworkofpreviousanthropologists.TheRedfield-Lewisdebategavethedisciplineincentivetofindreliablemethodsforrecordingculturaldata.Bythetimethecrisisreachedthe1980s,however,manyofthecomputationallyintensivemethodsthatcognitiveanthropologistshaddevelopedwerefallingintodisfavor.Morerecently,withthedevelopmentofeasy-to-usesoftware,thesemethodsaremakingacomeback.Themethodofculturalschemaanalysis,however,doesnotrequireprodigiouscomputerskillsandhasgrownininfluenceovertheyears(Bernard2007)Recentdefinitionsmovebeyondthebasicorganizationofculturalknowledgeandemphasizetheideaofculturalmodels.Thedevelopmentofschematheoryandculturalmodelsshiftedtheproblemofmoderncognitiveanthropologyto,how,andfromwhatmannerofevidence,toreconstructtheculturalmodelspeopleusebutdonotoftenreflectonorexplicitlyarticulate(QuinnandHolland1987:14).PerhapsthebroadestdefinitionofthedisciplineisgivenbyDAndrade(1995:1):Cognitiveanthropologyisthestudyoftherelationbetweenhumansocietyandhumanthought.ThecognitiveanthropologiststudieshowgroupsconceiveofandthinkabouttheobjectsandeventswhichmakeuptheirworldTherestofthischaptertracesthedevelopmentofcognitiveanthropologyasthebasisofculturalschemaanalysis.BeginningsThestimulationforthecreationofcognitiveanthropologycamefromaseparationofthematerialevidenceofcultureandtheknowledgethatisneededtocreatethisevidence.ThissplitwasfoundinGoodenoughs(1957P.167)definitionofculture,statingthat,Asociety'scultureconsistsofwhateveritisonehastoknoworbelieveinordertooperateinamanneracceptabletoitsmembers.Thisdefinitiondivergedfromearlierdefinitionsofculturethatemphasizedthecustoms,artifactsandoraltraditionsofasocietyandinsteadfocusesontheknowledgethatpeoplemusthavetocreateandunderstandtheseculturalartifacts(QuinnandHolland1987).

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57Thecognitiverevolutionwasunderwayinothersocialandpsychologicalsciencesatthetimewhencognitiveanthropologywastakingroot.Thisrevolutionheavilyinfluencedthenewsub-disciplinewithachangefromthetraditionalperspectiveofstrictlystudyingobservablebehaviortoonethatexploredtheinternalworkingsofthemind.Cognitiveanthropologistssawcultureastheinternalrepresentationsofexperiencethatwasthemediatingfactorbetweensensorydataandtheinnatecategoriesofrationalism(Foley1997).Culturemoderatedhowpeopleassignedexperiencesandhowtheyclassifiedtheinformationfromtheirsenses.ThisideawasequivalenttoChomskysgrammarforlanguage.Infact,inhisearliestresearch,FranzBoasbecameinterestedintherelationshipbetweentheenvironmentandhowitisperceived.SpecificallyhestudiedhowEskimoperceivedthecoloroficeandwater(Boas1887)andconcludedthatculturecreatesabiasintheperceptionsofpeople.TheNewEthnographyThecognitiverevolutionlaidthefoundationforcognitiveanthropology.However,whenthereliabilityofethnographycameintoquestionearlyinthe20thcentury,thedisciplinewascalledupontoprovidevalidityforethnographicstudies.Thisproblemwastheresultofincreasingnumbersofdisparateaccountsfromethnographersresearchingthesamepeople.ThemostfamousofthesedifferencesbecameknowastheRedfield-Lewisdebate.RobertRedfieldwroteamonographfromworkintheMexicantownofTepoztlaninthe1920s(Redfield1930).AteamofethnographersledbyOscarLewisreturnedtoTepoztlaninthe1940sandfoundmanypointsofdifferencefromthereportsbyRedfield.Thedifferencesseemedtobemorethancouldbeaccountedforsimplybythelapseintime,whichraisedtheproblemofreliabilityinculturalanthropology(Colby1996).Anthropologywasplaguedbythequestionofhowanthropologistscouldgiveanaccurateaccountofaculturewhenthebiasesoftheethnographerinterferedwiththeirabilitytocreateaccuraterecords.

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58Totacklethisproblem,methodsandideaswereborrowedfromformallinguisticanalysismethodsthatwould,itwashoped,eliminatethebiascreatedbytheethnographersownculturalcategoriesintheconductofethnography(D'Andrade1995).Thefocusofthesemethodsbecameaculturesterminologicalsystem,itslanguage.Analyzingalanguagewouldnotrevealtheentirecognitiveworldofapeople;howevermostsignificantfeaturesofaculturewouldhavetobecommunicableandthereforeencodedwithinthelanguage(Frake1962).MethodsdevelopedfromthePragueLinguisticCircleemphasizedthestudyofthestructureoflanguage.Phonologyusedthisviewtoinvestigatethefactorsthatmadeonechunkofsounddifferentfromotherchunksofsound.Theyarguedthattheunitsofsoundcouldonlybeidentifiedintermsoftheirrelationshipswithotherunitsofsound.Componentialorsemanticfeatureanalysiscarriedoverintoanthropologywiththestudyofculturaldomainsinthesamemanner.Theyattemptedtodescribethefeaturesofacategorythatdifferentiatethetermswithinit(Goodenough1956).Featuresorcomponentswerethedimensionsofmeaningunderlyingthegeneraldomain(Tyler1969:8).LeadbyLounsburyandGoodenoughearlyeffortswerelabeledethnoscienceorthenewethnographyandattemptedtocapturetheculturalconstructionofrealitybyexamininghowpeoplelabeleddifferentpartsoftheirworld(Goodenough1956;QuinnandHolland1987).Researchersexaminedthestructureofsemanticdomains,whichwereaclassofobjectsallofwhichshareatleastonefeatureincommonwhichdifferentiatesthemfromothersemanticdomains.(Tyler1969:8)Anexampleofasemanticdomainisfurnitureandwouldconsistofitemslikechairs,tables,sofas,beds,anddressers.WallaceandAtkinslistfivestepsinacomponentialanalysisofthedomainofkinshipterminology(WallaceandAtkins1960).(1)Collectacompletesetofterms,(2)Recordthe

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59terms(inthiscase,inkin-typenotation).(3)Identifytwoormoreconceptualdimensions.(4)Defineeachtermasasetofcomponents.And(5)writeastatementoftherelationshipamongthetermsofthestructureofthesystem.Whilethismethodwasspecifictotheanalysisofkinshipterminologyitcanbe(andwas)adaptedtothestudyofotherdomains.AsimpleexampleofaclassicfeaturemodelisgivenbyTyler(1969)inanexaminationofthetaxonomyofAmericanEnglishlivestockterms.Firsttheterminologyisgathered:cattle,cow,bull,horse,mare,stallion,filly,sheep,ewe,ram,lamb,swine,sowandboar,andsoon.Thedefiningfeaturesareidentifiedasthetypeofanimal(horse,pig,coworsheep),gender(male,female,neuter),andmaturity(immature,mature,adolescent,baby).Anotationssystemisusedtodefineeachterm,suchasH-1(horse,male,adult).Theresearcherthenattemptstodefineeachtermusingthesecomponents.Ifsuccessful,thenativetermsaredecodedandlaidoutinaparadigm.Thisuseofthetermparadigm,nottobeconfusedwithKuhns,involvedanysetoflinguisticformswherein(a)themeaningofeveryformhasafeatureincommonwithmeaningofallotherformsoftheset,and(b)themeaningofeveryformdiffersfromthatofeveryotherformofthesetbyoneormoreadditionalfeatures(Lounsbury1964b:193).Therewereothertypesofsemanticarrangementsusedinethnoscience.Taxonomiesdifferedfromparadigmsbycreatinglevelsofcontrast,suchthatahorse,forexample,isakindoflivestock.Anotherarrangementwasthetree,where,featuresinatreeareorderedbysequentialcontrastofonlyonefeatureatatime(Tyler1969:10).Anumberofresearchersusedthesetechniquestounderstandcomplicatedsystemsofterminology.Goodenough(1965)examinedAmericanEnglishkinshiptermswhileLounsbury(1964b)discoveredthatthekinterminologyoftheSenecaIndiansinwesternNewYorkstatehadfourdistinguishingfeatures:polarity,sex,bifurcationandgenerationdistance.

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60Componentialanalysiswasusedwithconsiderablesuccessintheanalysisofkinshipterminology.Theseanalysesprovidedworkingmodelsthatcouldbeusedtopredictwhenapersonwouldlabelsomeonewithaparticularterm.Theideaoffindingthesetofruleswhichwouldaccuratelydecidewhenatermcouldbeappliedtoanobjectisamarkedadvanceinthehistoryofanthropology.However,Burling(1964)pointedoutthatcomponentialanalysisactuallyhastwogoals.Besidesunderstandingtherulesthatwouldleadtothecorrectapplicationofatermthemethodalsosoughttoprovideanunderstandingofthecriteriausedbynativespeakerstodecidewhentouseaparticularterm.Burling,aswellasothers,foundthattheremaybemultiplesolutionsthatsatisfythefirstgoalandthatfindingaworkingsolutionmaynotreflecttherulesappliedbyanative(Burling1964;QuinnandHolland1987)Componentialanalysisisausefulstartforunderstandingculturaldomains,buttheunderstandingisinsufficientforunderstandingthenativepointofview(QuinnandHolland1987).SemanticNetworksandEthnobotanyEvenwiththepossibilitythatfeatureanalysismightnotbesufficient,theideawasextendedintodomainsbesideskinship.MetzgerandWilliams(1966)examinedthefeaturesoffirewoodterminologyamongtheTzeltalinMexicoandfoundthatthemethodsusedinthestudyofkinshiptermswerelacking.Theirsolutionwastheframe-and-slotmethodofquestioning.Informantswereasked,systematically,tostatewhether___isatypeoftree.Someanswerswouldmakethissentencetrueandotherswouldnt.Byunderstandingthepossiblesentencesthatatermcouldbeusedin,onecouldunderstandthetermthewaythatnativeswouldunderstandit(MetzgerandWilliams1966).Otherdomainswerestudiedusingsimilarmethods(seeBlackandMetzger1965;Frake1964)butmostimportantly,thesetechniquescouldbeusedtosystematicallyandreliablyobtainknowledgeaboutanydomain(D'Andrade1995:61).

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61Semanticnetworkanalysisbuiltonthesemethodsbynotonlyexaminingthesituationsthatawordcouldbecorrectlyusedin,butalsoexploredhowcategoriesofwordswererelated(Frake1964;Werner1987).Insemanticnetworkanalysistheresponsestoquestionswereinterlinkedthroughvariousqueries.Theseconnectionsproducednetworksoflinkedpropositionsthatcoulddescribeeverythinginaculture,atleasttheoretically.Atthesametimeasthefeaturemodelwasbeingdeveloped,Conklin(1954)beganhisworkinethnobotany.Thissub-disciplinefocusedonnativetaxonomiesofplantsandanimals.Hefoundthatthesetaxonomiesusuallyhavenomorethanfivelevels(Berlin,etal.1973).DAndrade(1995)arguesthatthisisafunctionoftherestrictionsonhumanmemorymorethanareflectionofthenatureofplantsandanimals.Similarlimitationsonsizewerefoundwhenthetaxonomicmodelwasappliedtootherdomains(Brown,etal.1976)PrototypesThenextdevelopmentincognitiveanthropologydrawsfromworkbythephilosophersWittgensteinandAustin(Lakoff1987).Theyarguedthatwordsandcategoriesdonothaveasinglesetoffeaturesthatarecommontoallthepiecesnormallyassociatedwithacategory.Theyalsohypothesizedthatsomemembersofacategorywerebetterexamplesofthecategorythanothermembers.Inotherwords,someweremorecentraltothemeaningofthecategory.Loundsbury(1964a)foundevidenceoftheseaspectsinhisworkonkinshipterminology.Henotedthatthemeaningofkinshiptermswerebasedonthegenealogicallyclosestrelativebutthemeaningwasextendedforallofrelativesinthatclass.Thesetypesofcategorieslaterwereknownasgenerativecategoriesbecausethecategorycanbegeneratedbyapplyingrulestothefocalmember.Berlin,BreedloveandRaven(1974)formulatedasimilarideaintheirinvestigationoftaxonomicsystems.Theyfoundthattermshaveabasicandanextendedrange.

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62Thebasicrangeincludesthoseitemsthatformthecoreofaclass.Theextendedrangearethoseitemsthatarenotcoreitemsbutfallintooneclassmorethantheydoanyotherclass.Inanotherlineofresearch,BerlinandKay(1969)setouttodisprovethetheoryoflinguisticrelativityadvocatedbySapirandWhorfthatlanguageinfluencedthewaypeopleperceivedtheworldandthatlanguagedidthisinanarbitraryfashion.Inthestrongformofrelativity,everylanguagedividedtheuniverseindifferentwaysandhadnoobjectivebase.Wedissectnaturealonglineslaiddownbyournativelanguages.Thecategoriesandtypesthatweisolatefromtheworldofphenomenawedonotfindtherebecausetheystareeveryobserverintheface;onthecontrary,theworldispresentedinakaleidoscopicfluxofimpressionswhichhastobeorganizedbyourminds--andthismeanslargelybythelinguisticsystemsinourminds.(WhorfquotedinCarroll1956:213)BerlinandKay(1969),foundthatthewaythecolorspectrumisdividedintolinguistictermsisnotarbitrary.Itturnsoutthereareelevenbasiccolorsthatcanbedistinguishedbypeopleacrossculturesandlanguages,evenifalanguagedoesnothavecolortermstomakethedifferentiation.Additionallytheyfoundthatlanguagesaddedthesecategoriesinapartiallyfixedorder.Similartopreviousresearchersfindingsthesecolorcategorieshadfocalcolorsorprototypesthatwerethebestexampleofaparticularcolor.Alloftheseideascoalescedintoprototypetheory(BerlinandKay1969;Rosch1975;Rosch1977;Rosch1978a;Rosch1978b;RoschandMervis1975).Casson(1983)definedaprototypeas,astereotypic,orgeneric,representationofaconceptthatservesasastandardforevaluatingthegoodness-of-fitbetweenschemavariablesandelementsintheenvironment.(P.434)Rosch(1978b)broughttogethertheseideasandhypothesizedthatthebasicleveltermsofBerlinandKaycorrespondtobasiclevelpsychologicalobjects.Theseobjectsareperceivedthroughtheprototype,thestereotypicwholethatmakesuptheobject.Anumberofexperimentsconfirmedtheideathatprototypeshadapsychologicalreality(seeRosch,etal.1976).

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63SchemaTheoryPrototypetheoryhelpedmovecognitiveanthropologypastbasicfeatureanalysistostudymorecomplexsystemsoffeatures.Thenextdevelopmentexpandedtheideaofprototypesintoschemaorschemata.WhileKantusedthetermschemata,itsfirstuseinitsmodernsensewasbyBartlett(1932)whenhestatedthatschemaareusedtogiveanimpressionofthewhole(Bartlett1932quotedinCasson1983:430).Bartlettdevelopedtheideaofschematafromhisworkonmemory.Usingtwodifferentmethodshediscoveredthattheseimpressionsorschematainfluenceboththecomprehensionandthememoryofaneventinculturallyspecificways(Bartlett1932).SimilarideasweredevelopedbySchankandAbelsonwiththeirworkonhowlanguageisunderstood(SchankandAbelson1977).Theydevelopedtheideaofscriptsasaseriesoftypicalactionsinanevent(SchankandAbelson1977).Asmallnumberofscriptswereusedtounderstandmanydifferentsituations.Memoryofaneventconsistsofthetypicalscriptforthatevent,plusmarkersforanydeviationsfromthatscript.Besidesschemataandscriptsresearchershaveusedothernamestorefertothisconceptincluding:frames,scenes,scenarios,gestalts,activestructuralnetworksandmemoryorganizationpackets(Casson1983).Morerecentworkonschemasdefinethemasconceptualabstractionsthatmediatebetweenstimulireceivedbythesenseorgansandbehavioralresponses(Casson1983:430).Thesewerementalentitiesthatareusedtoclassifyobjectsandunderstandrelationshipsandevents.Quinn(1996)pointsoutthatschemasmayalsobeusedasatooltoreasonthroughtypicalproblemsfoundwithinaculture.Schematheorymovedthestudyofculturalknowledgeawayfromthestaticformsofethnoscienceandgavetheseknowledgestructuresadynamicnature,capableofbeingusedtoprocessinformation(Rice1980).Theycanbeusedinperception

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64torecognizeanobjectoreventaswellasinmemorybyorganizingtheeventalongasetofguidelines.Anumberofauthorshaveinvestigatedhowpeopleconstructnewschemas(CollinsandGentner1987;LakoffandJohnson1980;RumelhartandNorman1981).CollinsandGentner(1987)examinedhowpeopleusedmultipledomainsandanalogieswhenoneestablisheddomaindoesnotcovertheentirerangeofphenomenainamodelofevaporation.Therulesforthetransitionfromonestatetoanotherweretransferredtothenewdomaintoexplainsomesubsetofthephenomena.Otheranalogieswereusedfordifferentsubsets.Theyalsonotedthatpeoplecoordinatedthevariousanalogiestovariousdegreesofconsistency.Analyzingnaturaldiscourse,Price(1987)foundthatanumberofculturalmodelswerecombinedinexplanationsoftheoriginofillnessinEcuador.Inaninvestigationabouttheuseoftextandschemas,Quinn(1996)foundthatwordscontainedtheculturalknowledgeofasociety,butalsoallowedvariationinhowthisknowledgewasused.Schemashaveanumberofinterestingfeatures.Oneaspectofschemasisthattheyleavesomeinformationout(RumelhartandOrtony1977).Thisinformationcanbefilledinbythespecificsituationorifnoinformationisavailablethenadefaultvalueisused(Fillmore1977;Minsky1975).Ricc(1980)demonstratesthisaspectofschemasbyshowinghowpeoplemodifyunfamiliarstoriestotakeontheformofamoretypical,knownschema(thiswasalso,infact,Bartlettskeyfinding(Bartlett1932)).Schemataformnetworkswithotherschematathatcanbeusedtounderstandchangingscenes(RumelhartandOrtony1977).ThesetypesofschematahavebeenlabeledscriptsbyAbelson(1976).Schemasalsohavevariouslevelsofabstraction(RumelhartandOrtony1977).Someschemassimplyhelpusperceiveandclassifysimpleshapesandcolors.Othertypesofschemataaidusinunderstandingcomplexevents(Casson

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651983).Themoreabstractschemashavebeentermedfoundational,whileparticularinstantiationsofschemasarecalledmodels(Lakoff1987;Shore1996).Theschemaconcepthasahierarchicalelementsuchthatlargerconceptsorhigherlevelschemasarecomposedofmultiplelowerlevelschemes(D'Andrade1995).Thelowerlevelsarelessfixedandhavevariablesthatcanacceptdifferentinstantiationasdictatedbytheenvironment(Mindsky1975).Thevariablesinthelowerlevelschemasarerestrictedinthetypeofinputtheytakebytherulescreatedbythehigherlevelschemata(Rumelhart1980).CulturalModelsSchemasexistatdifferentlevelsofsharing(Shore1996).Theremaybeuniversalschemasthataresharedbyeveryone,everywhere.Therearecertainlyidiosyncraticschemasthatarerestrictedtoasingleperson(Rice1980).Betweenthesetwoextremesareschemasthataresharedwithinaculture.Aculturalmodelisacognitiveschemathatisinter-subjectivelysharedbyasocialgroupAschemaisinter-subjectivelysharedwheneverybodyinthegroupknowstheschema,andeverybodyknowsthateveryoneelseknowstheschema(D'Andrade1987:112-113)Oneoftheconsequencesofthesharinginvolvedinculturalmodelsisthatlargeamountsofinformationcanbeleftoutofcommunicationsbetweenpeopleiftheysharethesameculturalmodels(D'Andrade1995).Shore(1996)notesthatthesharingofculturalmodelsalsomeansthatthesemodelsareconstrainedbythesocialenvironment.Peoplemayreinforcethesemodelsbothpositivelyandnegatively.Shore(1996)makesthedistinctionbetweenpersonalandconventionalmodelswiththedistinguishingfeaturebeingthedegreetowhichtheyareshared.Oneconsequenceofthisdivisionisthatconventionalmodelscanbeusedbypeopletoformpersonalmentalmodels.Thisallowssomevariabilityinthedegreetowhichpeopleknowaparticularculturalmodel.Iftheylearnedthemodelentirely,theirpersonalandculturalmodelswillmatch.Iftheylearnedthe

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66modelonlypartiallyorhavemodifiedtheirpersonalmodelwithotherexperiencesthenthetwomodelsmaynotmatchup(Shore1996).BothDAndrade(1995)andShore(1996)notethattheseculturalmodelsarestrictlyamentalentity.Theydonotexistintheworld.Howevertheymayinfluenceeverythingfromexpectationsaboutfamilylifetotheoperationofpublicinstitutions.Shore(1996)haslaidouttwodifferentclassificationstructuresforculturalmodels.Inonestructurehedividesthemodelsintotwolargecategoriesbasedupontheirstructurelinguisticandnon-linguistic.Linguisticmodelsareconcernedwithaspectsofverbalcommunicationandincludescripts(Garvey1977),propositionalmodels(Langer1957),soundsymbolicmodels,lexicalmodels(D'Andrade1990),andgrammaticalmodels(Lakoff1987;Talmy1983).Thetermnonlinguisticmodelsisacatch-allforothertypesofmodels,including:imageschemas(Johnson1987;Lakoff1987),olfactorymodels(Sperber1975),soundimagemodels(Basso1985)andvisualimagemodels(Richard1974).ThesecondsystemofclassificationfoundinShoresworkisbasedontheculturalmodelsfunction.Thissystemhadthreemajordivisions:Orientationalmodels,Expressive/conceptualmodelsandtaskmodels.Orientationalmodelsprovideacommonframeworkforpeopletoorientthemselvestothephysicalenvironment,timeframesandthesocialenvironment(Evans-Prichard1940;Morphy1991).Alsoincludedinthiscategoryaremodelsthataidindiagnosingimportantphenomena(Lakoff1987).Expressive/conceptualmodelscrystallizeforcommunitiesimportantbutotherwiseunspokenunderstandingsandexperiences.(Shore1996:64)Thiscategoryincludesclassificationmodelslikethetaxonomicmodelsfromearlyethnoscience,exemplars,ludicmodels(games,sportsandhumor),ritualsandfolktheories(Kempton(1987)providesanexcellentexampleofafolktheoryforthermostat

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67usage).Thefinalcategoryincludesmodelsforaccomplishingdifferenttasks.Theseincludescripts,recipes,checklists,mnemonicmodelsandpersuasionmodels(Schank1991).CulturalConsensusWhiletheideaofculturalmodelswasasignificantadvancementforthedisciplineasystematicmannertocollectthesemodelswasstillneeded.ThisdevelopmentwasprovidedbytheculturalconsensusmodeldevelopedbyRomney,WellerandBatchelder(Romney,etal.1986).Thebasicideaisthatwhenanthropologistsspeakwithinformantstheyshouldassumethattheinformantsstatementhaveaprobabilityofbeingcorrect.Themoreinformantswhomakethesamestatement,themorelikelyitistorepresenttheirculture.Boster(1986)foundevidenceofthisinhisworkwiththenamingofdifferenttypesofmaniocamongtheAguarunaJvaro.Hewasabletoidentityinformantswiththemostknowledgebytheiragreementwithotherinformants.TheRomneyetal.(1986)modelisbasedonthefollowingassumptions:1)allinformantscomefromacommonculture,2)eachinformantsanswerisgivenindependentlyfromotherssothatanycorrelationbetweentheanswersisaresultoftheirknowledgeofthecorrectculturalanswers,and3)eachinformanthasafixeddegreeofknowledgeforallofthequestions(Romney,etal.1986).Themethodhasbeentestedfortrue/false,multiplechoiceandfill-in-the-blankquestions.Theresultsofthemodelincludeanestimateofthedegreeofculturalcompetenceforeachrespondentandaculturallycorrectanswerkeythatis,theanswersfromaninformantwhobestknowsaparticularculturaldomain,giventhesetofquestionsthatdefinethedomain.Thefactthatculturalknowledgeissharedmeansthat,ifthemodelsassumptionsaremet,veryfewinformantsareneededwhenculturalconsensusishighaboutadomaininordertoassessculturalknowledge.HandwerkerandWozniak(1997)arguethatbecauseculturaldataare

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68sociallyconstructed,samplingstrategiesforthesetypesofdatashouldfocusonselectinginformantswhohaveknowledgewithinthedomaininquestion.Theminimumnumberofparticipantsneededtodescribeaculturaldomainisafunctionoftheirculturalcompetence,theminimumacceptableconfidencelevelneededinaparticularstudyandtheproportionofquestionsaskedthatwillneedtobedecisivelyclassified(Romney,etal.1986).Thelargertheproportionofquestionsaskedthatneedtobeclassifiedandthehighertheacceptableconfidencelevel,thelargerthenumberofinformantsneeded.Eveninthemostextremecase(askingfora.999confidenceleveland.99proportionofquestionsclassified)only23informantsarenecessaryiftheaveragelevelofculturalcompetenceis.6.Atanaveragecompetencelevelof.7only16informantsareneeded(Romney,etal.1986).Itshouldbenotedthatthereareseveraldifferencesbetweenculturalmodels,asdevelopedbyStraussandQuinn(1997),andculturaldomains(Romney,etal.1986).Thefirstdifferenceismethodological.Culturalmodelsareusuallydevelopedwithextensivetextualdata,whileculturaldomainsarecreatedfromsystematicallycollecteddatasuchaspilesortsortriadtests(Garro2000).Amorefundamentaldifferenceiseachtheorysviewofculturalknowledge.Boster(1987)notedthatculturalconsensusanalysisassumesaparticletheoryofculturalknowledge.Culturalknowledgeismadeupofdiscretepiecesthathavecertainproperties.Culturalmodelsdevelopedoutofschematheory,whichfocusedontheinterrelationshipsofknowledgeandhowthesenetworksinfluencedtheacquisitionandstorageofknowledge(StraussandQuinn1997:6).CulturalModelsandBehaviorTheideasreviewedabovecomefromtheexaminationoftherelationshipbetweencultureandhowitisreconstructedinsidethemind.Anotherlineofresearchexamineshowthesementalconstructionsarerelatedtobehavior.Holland(1992)arguesforthreewaysthatculturemaybe

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69relatedtobehavior.Thefirstisthatcultureissimplytheexternalcoatingofdeep-seatedhumanneeds.Thisviewplacesthemotivationalpowerforbehaviorinmorefundamentalpsychodynamic,materialist,orevenstructuralsubstrate(Holland1992:63).Thesecondrelationshipbetweencultureandactionsgivescultureprimarymotivationalforcetoinfluencehumanneeds.Thethirdconnectionbetweencultureandactionderivesfromtheneo-Vygotskiandevelopmentapproach.Inthisapproachthepersoninternalizestheculturalmodelswhichinturnbecomepartofhisorhermentalfunctioning.Themotivationiscreatedbytheprocessoflearningtheculturalsymbolsandmeaningsofaparticulardomain.Hollandfoundthatintherealmofromancethemoreexpertiseaparticularpersonhadthemorethepersonidentifiedthemselveswithromance.DAndradelinksculturalschemastoactionthroughmotivation(D'Andrade1992).Hearguesthatschemashavecertainpropertiesthatmakethemcapableofprovidingmotivation.Firsttheyareprocesses.Theseprocessescreateinterpretationsoftheworldthathavedifferentdegreesofschematicity.Themoreschematicityaninterpretationhasthemorelikelyitseemstypical.Schemascanalsoactasgoals(Quinn1996).However,whiletheycanprovidemotivation,theydosoindifferingdegrees.Schemasarealsohierarchical,suchthattheinterpretationfromoneschemacanbepassedontootherschemas.Thehighestlevelschemasprovidethemoregeneralgoalsettingabilities.Mid-levelmotivesrarelyprovideindependentmotivationandusuallyfunctioninthecontextofhigherlevelschemas.Thelowestlevelschemasneverprovidemotivationexceptinthecontextofhigherorderschemas.Quinn(1992;Quinn1996)buildsonDAndradesmodel,arguingthatsomeschemasbecomethehighestlevelschemasbysupplyingpeoplewithanunderstandingofourselves(Quinn1992:91).Schemasarenotcreatedwiththisabilitytogivethisunderstanding,but

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70acquireitthroughcriticalexperiences,ofteninchildhoodandadolescence.Strauss(1992)agreeswithDAndradeinthatschemasoftenactasgoalsettingdevices.Howevershearguesthathighlevelculturalmodelsdonotnecessarilyprovidethemotivationforbehavior.Shefoundthatdifferentwaysofbelievinginthemodelwasthekeyforcedrivingcertainbehavior(Strauss1992).Culturalconsonancebuildsonculturalconsensusanalysisandprovidesamethodformeasuringtherelationshipbetweentheculturalmodelandactualbehavior.Culturalconsensusanalysisproducesaculturalmodelifthereissufficientagreementbetweentheinformants.Culturalconsonancemeasuresthedegreethatbehaviorisrelatedtotheidealmodel(Dressler1996;Dressler,etal.1997;DresslerandBindon2000).Culturalconsonancehasbeenusedtofindrelationshipsbetweensocialsupport,bloodpressureandperceivedstress(Dressler,etal.1997).ACritiqueofCognitiveAnthropologyIn1968MarvinHarris(1968)wroteaninsightfulcritiqueofcognitiveanthropologyasitwaspracticedatthetime.Someoftheissueshepointedouthavebeenaddressedwiththedevelopmentofthediscipline;othershavenot.Harrisnotedsixproblemswithcognitiveanthropology.Thefirstfourwereproductsofanewlydevelopedsub-disciplineandhavebeenorcanbeovercomewithlaterwork.Harrisaddressedhiscritiquetowhathesawasaconflationoftheemicandtheeticcomponentsofculture.DerivedfromPikes(Pike1954)analogywithphonemicsandphoneticstheemic-eticconceptdividesanthropologicalknowledgeintostatementsthataresignificantwithinthecultureunderstudy.Knowledgeofthissortisbasedinthelogico-empiricalsystemswhosephenomenaldistinctionsorthingsarebuiltupoutofcontrastsanddiscriminationssignificant,meaningful,real,accurate,orinsomefashionregardedasappropriatebytheactors

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71themselves(Harris1968:571)Theothertypeofknowledge,etic,doesnotdependontheunderstandingofthenativeactors.Theyareappropriatetothescientificcommunity.Theycannotbefalsifiediftheydonotconformtotheactorsnotionofwhatissignificant,real,meaningful,orappropriate.(andare)verifiedwhenindependentobserversusingsimilaroperationagreethatagiveneventhasoccurred.(Harris1968:575)Thefirstcritiqueisthatemicstudiesdonotfurtherthescientificpurposeofunderstandingsociologicaldifferencesandsimilarities.However,BerlinandKays(1969)workwithcolortermsprovidesusnotonlywithknowledgeaboutthedistributionofcolorterms;italsoshowshowtheevolutionofcomplexityincolortermsystemsmirrorstheevolutionofsocialcomplexity.Thisresearchusedemiccolortermsadvanceresearchincognitiveanthropology.Thesecondcritiqueisthatemicstatementsareofteninterspersedwitheticstatementsinthedescriptionofeconomicprocesses.Whilethiswastrueinearlyethnographies,modernworkisverystrictaboutthetypesofdatausedincognitiveanthropology.Thethirdcritiqueisthatemicanalysesassumethatmodelsofidealbehavioraresuperiortomodelsofactualbehavior.WorkbyDAndrade(1992)Dressler(1996;Dressler,etal.1997)Holland(1987)andQuinn(1996)haverigorouslyexaminedtherelationshipbetweenbehaviorandmentalmodels.Thefourthcritiquewasthatcognitivestudiesdealtonlywithtrivialphenomena.Inmyview,thiswasnevertrue,thoughapparently,itwaseasyinthe1960stogiveshortshrifttostudiesoffirewoodandcolorterms.Inanyevent,itiscertainlynottruenow.Thispaperhascitedmanystudiesthathaveexpandedthebodyofliteratureincognitivestudies.Harrissmostimportantcritiquethatcultureismorethanmentalcodesremainscorrect.Harrisarguedthatstudyingculturalknowledgeinisolationfromthestructuralandinfrastructuralenvironmentmakesitdifficult,atbest,todevelopexplanationsfordifferences

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72acrosscultures.Additionally,ifcultureisnarrowedtoknowledgethenthestudyofpastpeoplesisseverelylimitedbytheinabilitytospeakwiththem.Harrisalsoarguedthatambiguityincultureismadeinsignificantbythemethodologyofcognitiveanthropology.Methodsinthedisciplinestudythenormsthataredevelopedfrommanyinformants.Thisexcludestheissuethatnooneinformantmayhaveacompletesetofnormsorevenastandardofbehaviorthatsimilartotheculturalnorm.Thiscritiquewasalsoobviatedbythework,after1975,onintraculturalvariation.Howevercognitiveanthropologybringsamethodologicalrigortothestudyofthatpartofculturethatcanbeverbalized.HypothesesPreviousmeasuresofculturalchangerelyheavilyonlanguageusagepatternsandassociations.Theinstrumentusedinthisresearchtomeasureacculturation,theARSMAII,hasthirtyquestions,ofwhichhalfareaboutapersonslanguage.Theseinstrumentsprovideausefulwaytocollectdatafromlargesamplesbecauseoftheirbrevity.Howeverthiscomesatacosttotheirabilitytoshowthepatternsofculturechange.Thepowerofconstructingculturaldomainsisintheirabilitytoprovidesystematicanddetailedinsightintotheelementsandstructureofculture.Culturalconsensusanalysistellsusthatpeoplehavedifferentdegreesofexpertisewithinadomain.Thismaybebecausepeoplehaveaparticularinterestinthetopicortheymayknowmoreaboutadomainbecauseoftheirexperiencesinlife.TounderstandhowthisculturalknowledgeisaffectedbytheirrepeatedmigrationpatternsIwillexaminetherelationbetweentheknowledgeofadomainandothermeasuresoftheirexperience.Twopreviouslydevelopedscalesmeasuresomeveryimportantpartsofthemigrantsexperience,namelyhowmuchtheyhaveassimilatedandwhattheirdegreeoftransnationalismis.TheAcculturationRatingScaleforMexicanAmericans(ARSMA-II)(Cuellar,etal.1995)measurestheirdegreeofassimilationand

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73Cohenstransnationalismscore(Cohen,etal.2003)measurestheirdegreeoftransnationalism.Thesetwomeasurescomefromverydifferenttheoreticalbases,asdiscussedinthepreviouschapter.Relatingtheknowledgethatmigranthavetothesemeasuresmayindicatethevaliditythattheseinstrumentshaveinmeasuringsomeaspectofmigrantculture.Additionalfactorshavebeenfoundtobesignificantinamigrantsexperience(seeMasseyandEspinosa1997).Whileitisnotpossibletomeasureallofthese,basicdemographicinformationwascollected,including:age,gender,maritalstatus,numberofchildren,job,andthenumberofyearsofeducationrespondentshadreceived.H3:Asthedegreeofacculturation(asmeasuredindependently)increasesamongmigrants,domainknowledgewillalsoincrease.oAlternativeH3:Asthedegreeoftransnationalismincreasesamongmigrants,domainknowledgewillincrease.H5:Agewillincreaseknowledgeacrossdomains.

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74CHAPTER4METHODOLOGYThedesignoftheresearchrequireddatafromthreepopulationsmigrantsfromMexicolivingintheU.S.,MexicanslivinginMexicoandAmericanslivingintheU.S.TheobjectwastoexaminetheinfluenceofU.S.andMexicancultureonsomeaspectsofmigrantculture.Thefirstsectionofthischapterdescribestheresearchdesign.ThesecondsectiondescribesthethreelocationswhereIcollecteddataandwhytheselocationswereselected.Thesamplingstrategyisalsoexplained.Thethirdsectionoutlinesthemethodsusedtocollectthedata.Tounderstandthecultureofmigrantsandhowitissimilarordifferentfromthatofnonmigrantsrequiresamethodthatprovidesapreciseanddetailedsnapshotofculture.Themethodwouldhavetobesystematicsothatitcanberepeatedonvariousgroups.SinceIwouldnotbeabletointerviewallparticipantsmyself,themethodwouldhavetobeeasyenoughtotrainotherstoadminister.Thedatarequiredforassessingculturaldomainsmeetthesecriteria.ResearchDesignTherearetwoimportantaspectsofmyresearchdesign.First,Iamcollectingdataonthreepopulations:transnationalmigrantsfromMexicolivingintheU.S(Migrants),non-migrantMexicanslivinginMexico(Mexicans),andAngloAmericanslivingintheU.S(Americans).Second,Iamcollectingdataonnotoneculturaldomainbutthree.Thissectionwillexplainwhythesechoicesweremade.Thereisevidencefortheeffectofthehomecultureonconsumerdecisionsofmigrants(WallendorfandReilly1983)butthisisclearlyonlypartofthestoryabouthowtheconsumerchoicesofmigrantschange.Afullerpictureofhowtheculturaldomainsofmigrantschangewithregardtoconsumerchoicesinvolvesunderstandingthedomainsinboththehomeandhostcountries.Withoutexaminingthesetwootherpopulationswecannottelltheinfluencesfrom

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75theiroriginalcultureortheirdestinationcultureandwecannotdiscernwhatmaybeuniquetothemigrantlifestyle.BecauseIfocusedonmigrantsfromMexico,culturaldomainsareidentifiedforthemaswellasforMexicansinMexicoandAmericanslivingintheUS.Threeculturaldomainswerechosenbecauseofthepossibilitythatonedomainmaynotshowsignificantreactiontotheinfluencesofmultiplecultures.Workoncognitivedomainsinpsychologyindicatesthatcognitiveabilitiesmaybedomainspecific(HirschfeldandGelman1994).Inotherwords,domainsarenotsimplydifferentrealizationsofasinglestructurethatoperateonthesamesetofprinciples.Instead,eachdomainhasauniquesetofrulesbywhichitoperates.Thereissomeevidencethatsomecognitivedomainsaremorelikelytobetransmittedbetweenpeople(Boyer1994).WhilethereisnosupportfortheideathattheideaofdomainspecificitywouldtranslatedirectlytoculturaldomainsIwillassumefornowthatnotalldomainsareequal.Iwilltakethisissueuplaterintheanalysis.Therefore,toplayitsafeandnotrelyonasingledomain,threeculturaldomainswereidentifiedforeachpopulation.Thethreedomainsare(1)itemsownedwhenapersonhasledagoodlife(materialgoods),(2)typicalfoods,and(3)typicalpastimes.ThesedomainshaveprovedusefulinDresslersworkinBrazil(Dressler,etal.1997;DresslerandBindon2000)onculturalconsonance.Dataonthethreeculturaldomainswerecollectedfromeachofthethreepopulationsusingfreelists,unconstrainedandconstrainedpilesorts,andethnographicinterviews.Basicdemographicdatawerealsocollectedonallparticipantsandadditionaldatawerecollectedfrommigrantstomeasuretheirexperiencesasmigrants.Theinstrumentsincludeameasureofacculturationandameasureoftransnationalism.Botharediscussedindetailbelow.AnoutlineoftheresearchdesignisshownFigure4-1

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76SamplingLocationsIconductedpre-dissertationfieldworkduringthesummerof2005inGoodland,Kansas.IspokewithmanymigrantsthereandlearnedthatmostmigrantsinthenorthwestKansas-northeastColoradoregionhadcomefromruralareas(pueblos)surroundingthecitiesofChihuahuaandGuadalajarainMexico.IselectedSanIsidroMazatepec,apuebloapproximately40milessouth-westofGuadalajara,tocollectdataonMexicans.ThisdecisionwasmadeontheconvenienceofarranginghousinginGuadalajaraandonthenumberofSpanishlanguageschoolsinthecity,asIplannedtotakecoursesduringmytimeinthefield.IspentJanuarythroughMarchlivinginGuadalajarabutmakingregulartripstoSanIsidro(asitiscommonlycalled).FromtheendofMarchtoJulyIlivedinGoodland,KansascollectingdatafromAngloAmericansaswellasfromthemigrantsthereandinthenearbytownsofBurlington,Colorado,andColby,Kansas.Examiningconsumerassimilationprocesses,WallendorfandReilly(1983)notedthatmanystudiesofMexicanandAmericanconsumptionfailedtocontrolfordemographicdifferencessuchasage,income,oreducationlevel.Theseinterveningvariablesmadeifverydifficulttounderstandifthemigrantsconsumptionbehaviorwasinfluencedbytheirhomeculture,theirhostcultureoranyoftheuncontrolleddemographicvariables.Twooftheculturaldomainsusedintheresearch,typicalfoodsandtheideallifestylemaybedependentontheparticipantsincomeandsocioeconomicclass.Whiledirectevidenceofarelationshipbetweentheculturaldomainoftypicalfoodsandincomeandsocioeconomicclassisnotavailable,thereisstrongevidenceforapositiverelationshipbetweenincome,socioeconomicclassandhouseholdfoodexpenditures(seeDavis1982forareview)Thelifestyledomainsuffersfromthesamelackofevidence,buttherelationbetweenthepurchaseofgoodsandincomeiswellknown

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77(Friedman1957).WhileIwasunabletocontrolforallpossiblevariables,theparticipantsinallthegroupswereselectedforageandlikelysocioeconomicclass.IncomewasnotincludedasthesubjectwasdifficulttospeakaboutinbothAmericanandMexicanvenues.Frommypre-dissertationfieldwork,Ideterminedthatthesamplefortheresearchshouldbe18to40yearsinlowtolowermiddleclassagriculturaloccupations.Table4-2liststhedemographicfeaturesofeachdataset.SanIsidroMazatepec,MexicoIcollectedthedataonMexicansinthepueblocalledSanIsidroMazatepec,orSanIsidrotolocals.Thetownsitsabout30milessouth-southeastofGuadalajara,MexicointhedistrictofJalisco.Approximately1200to1500peoplemakethetowntheirresidenceyearround,mostofthemfarmers.Thetownrevolvedaroundtheagricultureinthearea.Tractorsinthestreetsseemstobeignored,oneofthefewspecializedstoresinthetownsoldseedandfertilizer.Peopletalkedofweatherpatterns,rain,landandcattle.ThefarmersgrowaplantknownasblueagavefortheTequilaproductionintheregionandmaizeandbeansformorepracticaldishes.Thetowngrewoutofahaciendaofthenineteenthcentury.Theoldhaciendamansionwasrefurbishedandalongwithitsassociatedoutbuildingsformsthetownhallandcentralplaza.Theonlyotherfeaturesofthetownarethesoccerfield,anarenaforbullfights(toros)andacemetery.Thecemeteryeasilytoppedtheotherattractions.Itrestedonahilloverlookingthetownasyouentered.Thegraveswereabovegroundtombsthatwerebleachedwhitefromthesunanddecoratedwithcolorfulflowers,religioussymbolsandmiscellanea.Thestreetsarepavedwithsmallfistsizedstones.Thewearonthemindicatesthattheywerelaiddownyearsagoandwillnotbereplacedanytimesoon.Whiletheykeeptheroadpassablewhenitrains,itisadvisabletoholdontightlywhendrivingthroughthestreets.Modernasphaltavoidsthegeneralareacompletely.Horsesareascommontoseeonthestreetas

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78cars,althoughusuallythevehicleswereeitherpickuptrucksortractors.AnumberoftimesIwalkedpastahousetoseeasmallcorridortotheside.Thisledtoanopenareanexttoorbehindthehouseactingasastable.Thereareseveralsmallstoresthroughoutthetown,usuallyrunoutofthefrontroomofahouseandaretheonlymeansofbringingcommongoodstothetown.Onestoresellsfurnitureandanotherhasenoughbusinesstospecializeinfarmingsupplies.Hotelsorcommercialhousingdoesntseemtobenecessary.Ifyouvisitthetownitiseitherforthedayoryouhaverelativeswithanavailablebedroom.AbusstopbringspeoplefromneighboringareasespeciallywhenseverallargefiestasarethrownannuallyanddrawscrowdsfromGuadalajara.Whilethetownwassuppliedwithrunningwaterandelectricity,airconditioningwasnotevident.Thismadelittledifferenceasthehouseswereconstructedoflargeadobebricksandthencoveredinaplaster.Becausethewallofthebuildingswereanywherefromfifteentotwenty-fourinchesthicktheyservedasabarriertotheelements.Thesunwouldwarmthemduringtheydaythentheywouldradiatetheheatduringthenightkeepingthehousecomfortableandbecooledoffforthefollowingday.Thetowndidhaveasingleschoolwhichconsistedofonebuilding,withfiverooms.Theroomsdividedthebuildingintoclassesfordifferentagesandonofficeontheend.NorthwestKansasandNortheastColorado,USAIspentabouttwoandahalfmonthsinnorthwestKansasandnortheastColoradoareatocollectdataonMigrantsandAmericans.WhiletherearethreetownsthatIcollecteddatainasingledescriptionofthethreeissufficientastheyareverysimilar.Eachtownwasapproximatelythirtymilesfromtheotherinastraightlinealonginterstate70.Becausethealtitudeisapproximately3500feetabovesealeveltheareaisknowasthehighplains.Thereislittlefoliageintheareaunlessithasbeencultivates.Theweatherpatternsandlackoffoliagecreatehigh

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79windsinthearea.Thesearesuchacommonoccurrencethatmostresidenceswillnotnoticeawindlessthan35to40milesperhour.Thereislessthan15inchesofmoistureperyearwhichclassifiestheareaasadesert.Howeverbecauseoftherichsoilinthearea,alongwithirrigationandconservationmethodsemployedbythefarmerstheareaiscoveredwithfieldsofagriculturalgrains.Wheat,corn,milo,soybeansandsunflowersaretheprimarycrops.Wheatandcornarethemostsignificant.Thetownsrangefromapproximately3500peopleto6500people.Allaredependentonagriculture.Colby,thelargestofthetownshasasmallcommunitycollegethatdrawsstudentsfromthesurroundingarea.Thereisalsosomeindustryinthearea.AsmallethanolandbiodeiselplantisbeingbuiltinGoodland.Afewsmallfeedlotssurviveintheareaaswell.Allthreetownsaredominatedbybusinessestosupporttheagriculture.Eachtownhasseveralimplementshopssellingtractors,harvesters,farmingequipmentandtheirassociatedpartsalongwiththestandardvarietyofdiscount,clothingandofficesupplystores.Thereareseveralbanksineachtown.OnepeculiarelementisfoundinGoodland,whereWal-Martistheonlygrocerystoreinthecounty.Itcameinthemid1990sanddroveoutthreeofthelocallyownedgroceries.Thislimitsthechoicesofproductstoonlywhattheychoosetostalk.Italsomeansthatmostoftheresidentswillshopatthesamestoreandhavethesamechoiceofproductstobuy.ColbyhasseveralgrocerystoresandBurlingtonhasalocalgrocery.Themigrantexperiencevariesgreatlybetweenthetowns.BurlingtonandGoodlandaremoredependentonagricultureandtheresidentsseemigrantsasnecessarytotheoperationofthefarmsinthearea.Migrantshavebeenusedforlaborforgenerations,withmigrantsmakingrepeatedtripsbetweenMexicoandtheUStoworkforthesamefamilyformanyyears.

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80Colbyresidentslooklessfavorablyonmigrants.Thisisknownthroughoutthemigrantcommunityandlittleisdoneabouttheissue.ThemigrantswillgenerallychoosetoliveinGoodlandorBurlingtonwhichisfriendlier.Colbyresidentshaveastereotypicalviewofmigrants.IsatdownwithanumberofteachersandadministratorsfromthecommunitycollegeandthetopiccameupasIdescribedmyresearch.Theytalkedaboutthecrimethatmigrantscause,theirlackofhygiene,overuseofsocialservices(especiallyaboutissuesintheschoolsystem),refusaltolearnEnglish,andgenerallackofmorals.ThesewerelessprevalentinGoodlandandBurlington.Theyweregenerallyoverriddenbytherecognitionthatwithoutmigrantsthelocalfarmerswouldnotbeabletoruntheirfarms.NeitherAmericansnorMigrantsdiscussedtheotherslifestyle,pastimesorfoodchoices.TheexceptioncamefromGoodlandwhereoneofthebetterrestaurantsintheareaisrunbyafamilythatmigratedfromChihuahua,MexicoandservesaveryauthenticnorthernMexicancuisine.TheAmericansappreciatedthequalityofthefood,evenwhentheydidnotalwaysknowwhattheywereeating.BothBurlingtonandGoodlandhaveseveralmigrantswhohavesettledinthearea.Theirfamilieshaveintegratedintothecommunityandstartedbusinessesorworkinthecommercialestablishmentsaroundthearea.Someofthesefamiliesprovidesupportforthemigrantsastheymoveinandoutofthearea.Theyoftenprovideinformationaboutlivingarrangements,whohiresmigrantsandthebestemployerstoworkfor.EachtownhadafewpeoplewhowereheadsofthesehouseholdsandactedasapatriarchormatriarchfortheMexicancommunity.AlloftheseindividualswerewellrespectedinboththemigrantcommunityandintheAnglocommunityfortheirabilitytoplacemigrantsinjobsandtokeepdisruptionsinthemigrantcommunitytoaminimum.

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81WhileIwasnotabletoseethelivingconditionsinBurlington,IdidhavetoopportunitytovisittheareawheremigrantsstayedinGoodland.Theareaisasmallstreetonthesouthernsideofthetown.Itconsistssolelyofmobilehomes.Eachhousecanholdanumberofmigrants.Itwasdifficulttotellwholivedwhereaspeopleseemedtomovebetweenthehousesfrequently.Buttheywerelittlemorethanaplacetosleepandtakebreakfastandsupper.Ifawomandidnothaveajobinthecommunitytheywouldoftencookandcleanforothersinthehouse.Groceryshoppingwasoftendonebybothmenandwomen.TherewasnogrocerystoreinGoodland,howeverthelocalWal-marthadexpandedtoincludefooditems.Thiswastheonlysupplyoffoodsfortheareaunlessapersondrovetoasurroundingtown.Colbyhadanumberofgrocerystoresaswellasgeneraldiscountstores.Burlingtonwassmallerandwaslimitedtofastfoodandasmallgrocerystore.Bothmenandwomenshop.Menseemtoshopwhenwomenarenotpresenttopurchasefoodandothersupplies,butitiscommontoseetheminthestoresthroughoutthetown.TheyfrequenttheMexicanoperatedrestaurants,butitisnotuncommontoseethemintheMcDonaldsorTacoJohns.PerhapstheoneplaceIdidnotseeanymigrantswasinthelocalcountryclub.HoweveranolderHispanicwomanistheheadchefforthisestablishment.SamplingStrategyFrominterviewswithHispanicmigrantsandfarmersinShermanCountytherearebetween200-400transnationalmigrantsinGoodlandandthesurroundingarea.Distrustofoutsidersinthispopulationmakesrecruitmentdifficult,butthecommunityistightlyknit,makingreferralsamplingaworkablesolution.Chainreferralsampling,likesnowballsampling,usesreferralsfromparticipantstoothersinacommunity(Heckathorn1997)butunlikesnowballsamplingthisstrategyaccessesmultiplenetworkssothatthesampleismorerepresentativeofthepopulationunderstudy.Chainreferralsamplingalsoresolvestheethicalissueassociatedwith

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82snowballsampling(wherereferralsbysubjectsbreachtheprivacyofthenewparticipantwithoutthenewparticipantsconsent),byusingalocator,orparticipantwhoassistsintherecruitmentprocedurewithoutdisclosingpersonalinformationaboutthereferredpartytotheresearcher(Penrod,etal.2003).Duringthesummerof2005ImadecontactwithtwomigrantswhoarewellconnectedintheHispaniccommunityinWesternKansas.Thesetwocontactsagreedtoactaschain-referrallocatorsforthisresearch.TwoadditionalcontactsweremadeinBurlington,ColoradoandtwoinColby,Kansas.Thesecontactsnotonlyallowedmeaccesstothecommunitybutassistedinthedatacollectionaswell.Whendataareculturalandwidelyshared,samplesizecanberelativelysmall(Romneyetal.1986).HandwerkerandWozniak(1997)arguethatbecauseculturaldataaresociallyconstructed,samplingstrategiesforthesetypesofdatashouldfocusonselectinginformantswhohaveknowledgewithinthedomaininquestion.Thistypeofselectedsamplingiscontrarytotheideaofrandomsamplingandhasimplicationsforsamplesizeinstudiesinvolvingculturalknowledge,namelythatthenumberofrespondentsrequiredtoadequatelyunderstandaculturaldomaincanbesmallerthanthatneededforreliablyestimatingtheprevalenceofsomethinginapopulation,dependingonthelevelofknowledgeoftheinformantsonaparticulardomain.Becausethedomainschosenforthisstudyareverycommon,allrespondentsshouldhaveadequateknowledgetouseasmallsample(between20-40people).Theanalysisforthisresearchusestheculturalconsensusdomain(Romney,etal.1986)whichnotonlydemonstratesthedegreeofconsensuswithinasamplebutalsoestimatestheso-calledculturalcompetenceofeachinformantinadomain.Theminimumnumberofparticipantsneededtodescribeaculturaldomainisafunctionofthreethings:theculturalcompetenceofeachparticipant,theconfidencelevelrequiredinaparticularstudy,andtheproportionof

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83questionsaskedthatmustbedecisivelyclassified(Romney,etal.1986).Thislastpointmeritssomeclarification.Thelargertheproportionofquestionsaskedandthehighertheacceptableconfidencelevel,thelargerthenumberofparticipants.Culturalcompetencehasthereverseeffect;thehigherthecompetence,thelowerthenumberofparticipantsneeded.Eveninthemostextremecaseofaskingfora.999confidenceleveland.99proportionofquestionscorrectlyclassified,only23informantsareneedediftheaveragelevelofculturalcompetenceis.60.Ataculturalcompetencelevelof.70only16informantsareneeded(Romney,etal.1986).Becausethecompetenceofparticipantsisunknownasamplebetween30and40shouldyieldanacceptableconfidencelevel.Becauseofthedifficultyofreachingthemigrantpopulationtherewereonly27migrantrespondents,but,asIwillshowlater,thissamplewassufficienttotestforculturalconsensus.Table4-2liststhenumberofcompletedinstrumentsbypopulationsandtype.Notethatthefreelistandpilesortdatawerecollectedoneachofthethreedomains.Notealsothatnotallofthecollecteddatawereusedintheanalysis.Insomecases,participantsdidnotunderstandthedatacollectiontask(freelistingorpilesorting).Inthesecases,afreelistorapilesorthadtobedroppedfromtheanalysis.Howevernoparticipantsentiresetofdataweredropped.ResearchMethodsParticipantObservationMexicoDewaltandDewalt(2002)arguethatparticipantobservationcanenhancethequalityofthedatacollectionandinterpretationformostfieldworksituations.Iusedparticipantobservationtomaximizemyunderstandingoftheculturaldomainsinthisstudy.WhileIparticipatedintheactivitiesofallthreepopulations,eachgroupwasapproachedinadifferentmanner.InMexicoIspentthemajorityofmytimeparticipatingintheculturaleventsanddaily

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84activitiesofaMexicanfamilywithwhomIlived.MycontactfromSanIsidrointroducedmetohisfamilyinthearea.Wespentadaytalkingwithhisrelativesandseeingthetown.AfterthatItraveledtoSanIsidromostdaystomeetwithresidentsandobservetheiractivities.DuringthesevisitsIdidinformalinterviewing,speakingtopeopleaboutvariousissues.Mexico/USmigrationwasatopicthatIfrequentlyusedtostrikeupaconversation,andeveryonehadanopinion.Iwasveryopenaboutmyresearchandmostpeopleweregladtospeakwithme,althoughtheyfoundmyinterestinfoodsandmaterialgoodsabitodd.Iusedtheseconversationstounderstandhowpeoplethoughtofthestructureofthedomainsinquestion.UsingtheassistanceofmySpanishinstructorIspokewiththeprincipalofthelocalhighschoolabouthiringafewofthestudentstoassistinthedatacollection.Whiletheycollectedsomedatafortheprojecttheirmostimportantfunctionwastogivemeaccesstotheirpersonalnetworks.ThiswasrequiredtomeettherequirementsofchainreferralsamplinganditwasalsonecessarybecauseoftheshorttimeperiodIhadforfieldwork.AmericansToreachtheappropriatelycomparablepopulationamongAngloAmericans,IspokewithanadministratorfromthevocationalschoolinGoodlandandaprofessoratthecommunitycollegeinColby.Bothallowedmeaccesstostudentsintheirclassesandagreedthatthestudentswouldmeetthedemographiccriteriastatedabove.Dataforthisgroupwerecollectedusingtwoassistantsineachlocationwhoaidedinrecruitmentanddatacollection.MigrantsThemigrantpopulationwasapproachedwiththehelpofawomanwhohadmigratedasachildandwascurrentlyworkingintheschoolsysteminBurlington,Colorado.Sheputmeintouchwithanolderwomanwhoappearedtobeagatekeepertothecommunity.Afterspeakingwiththisgatekeeperseveraltimessheagreedtohelpandfoundtworesearchassistantswho

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85aidedinrecruitmentanddatacollectionoffreelistsandpilesorts.Again,theirmostvaluablefunctionwastoputmeincontactwithdifferentnetworksofmigrants.AlloftheseindividualswerecrucialtomyresearchasthemigrantpopulationisverydistrustfulofanyAmericanatthistime.Afterthefreelistswerecollectedthetwomigrantassistantsdidnotwanttocontinueworkingontheproject.Onecitedalackoftimeandonedidntgiveareason.IfoundoutlaterthatshewasnotalegalmigranttotheUS.However,bothassistantsgavemethenamesoffriendswhomightbeinterestedinworkingonthisproject.Thecurrentpoliticalclimatecertainlymaderecruitmentofmigrantsasparticipantandasassistantsverydifficult.AssistantsandTrainingAttheendoftheprojectIhadenlistedthehelpof4MexicansinSanIsidro,2AmericansinColbyandtwoAmericansinGoodland,and6migrantslivingineitherGoodlandorBurlington.Alloftheseassistantswerepaid100to200dollarsdependingontheirworkload.Alloftheassistantsweretrainedtocollectsimilardata.Eachassistantwasgivenapracticequestionnairetocomplete.IexplainedtheprocessjustasIwouldtoaninformant.TheassistantswereencouragedtoaskquestionsandItriedtogivesomebackgroundtothemethodology.Whentherewerefinishedtheywereaskedtopracticeeitherwithanotherassistantorwithme.Theywerealsogivensomebasictipsonfollow-upquestionsandonhowtoaddressanyproblemsthatmightarise.Forexample,itisverycommoninpilesorttasksforinformantstoaskwhatcriteriontheresearcherwantsthemtouse.Theanswerisalways:Wewanttoknowwhatyouthink.Therearenorightorwronganswers.AftertheyhadcollectedacoupleofthequestionnairesIcontactedthestudentassistantsandaskedtoseethedata.Wediscussedanyproblemsorquestionstheyhad.Afterthefreelistswerecompleted,theysetupinterviewsformetospeakwithsomeoftheparticipants.Someof

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86theassistantswerepresentfortheinterviewsaswetendedtodoseveralinonesitting.Theywerethentrainedtocollectthepilesortdatainthesamemanner.Allpartsoftheresearchwereconductedinthenativelanguageoftheparticipant.MexicanandmigrantparticipantscreatedfreelistsofSpanishwords.TheinterviewswereconductedinSpanishandthepilesortcardswerewritteninSpanishaswell.OnacoupleofoccasionsamigrantparticipantwouldaskforclarificationofaSpanishword,butthiswasinfrequentand,Ibelieve,onlyoccurredbecauseofdifferentusagepatternsinalanguageandnotfromareallackofunderstanding.AllpartsoftheresearchwithAmericanparticipantswereconductedinEnglish.FreelistsandPilesortsResearchersincognitiveanthropologyhavedevelopedseveralsystematicmethodsforidentifyingculturaldomainsthathaveproventobereliable.Freelistingdevelopsalistofitemsthatapersonconsiderspartofaparticularcognitivedomain.Adomainmightbeanyelementofculturethathasacommontheme.Domainscanbealmostanythingthatpeoplemightgrouptogetherunderacommonterm,forexample:colors,plants,animals,illnesses,occupations,roles,emotions,kinship,orevendirtywords(Bernard2002).Duringafreelistingexerciseaparticipantisaskedtolisttheitemsthatbelonginthatdomain(Bernard2002).FollowingDresslersworkinBrazilandAlabamainbuildingdomainsoflifestyleandsocialsupport(Dressler,etal.1997;DresslerandBindon2000)Iaskedinformantstofree-listitemsandactivitiesspecifictoeachdomain.Forthematerialgoodsdomain,Iaskedthattheparticipantlistallthegoodsapersonownedwhentheyhavelivedagoodorsuccessfullife.TheothertwodomainswereeasiertoexplainandIonlyhadtoasktheparticipanttolisttypicalfoodsandtypicalpastimes.

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87Usingtheitemscollectedfromthefreelistprocedureasubsetwasselectedforthepilesorttasktounderstandthestructureofthedomain.Itemselectioninvolvesexaminingthefrequencyandsalienceofitemsmentioned,andeliminatingitemsthatarenotlistedfrequently.Theexactcutoffpointforacceptinganitemwasdeterminedbyplottingthefrequencyoftheitemslisted.Typically,thesescreeplotsshowasteepinitialdecline,followedbyagentlerslopeforseveralitems,andculminatinginalongtailofitemsthatappearjustonce(Borgatti1996).Atypicalcutoffpointistheelbowwheretheslopebecomeslesssteep.IntheexampleinFigure4-2themostlikelycutoffpointwouldbewhenanitemwasmentionedmorethanfourtimes.Table4-3givesthiscutoffpointforeachofthefreelists.Pilesortingasubsetoftheresponsesfromthefreelistsprovidesdataonthecognitivestructureofaculturaldomain.Stackingthecardsinthesamepileindicatesthattheparticipantseessomesortofsimilaritybetweentheitems.Withnitemsinapilesort,theinformantmakesn(n-1)/2decisionsasheorsheplacesthecardsinpilesofthingsthatgotogether(BurtonandRomney1975).Twotypesofpilesortswereusedhere.Intheopenpilesort,theparticipantishandedastackofindexcardswiththenameofonedomainitemwrittenononesideandanidentifyingnumberwrittenontheother.Participantsareaskedtosortthecardsintodifferentpiles,orstacks,byplacingsimilaritemstogetheranddissimilaritemsinseparatepiles.Theyaretoldthattheymayhavepileswithonlyonecard,buttheycannotmakealloftheirpilesfromsinglecardsandtheycannothaveonlyonepileofallthecards.Aseachparticipantcompletedthetask,eitherIormyassistantrecordedthenumbersonthebackofthecardsandcontinuedwiththeotherdomains.

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88Thesecondpilesortknownasaconstrainedpilesorttestswhichitemsinformantsbelievebelongtoadomain.Inthisprocedureparticipantsareaskedtoseparatethecardsintothosethatbelongtothedomainandtodiscardtherest.Thisprocedureisaproxyforatrue-falsetestinwhichpeopleareaskedshouldthisitembeapartofthisdomain?(Wellerpersonalcommunication).Thecorrespondingnumberswererecordedandtheparticipantcontinuedtothenextdomain.InterviewsBetweencompletingthefreelistsandpilesortsasmallsampleofparticipantswereselectedtoparticipateinpersonalinterviews.Theseinterviewswereinformalandconsistedofquestioningtheparticipantaboutthedomainitemsandwhytheymayhavebeenincluded,aswellashowtheywouldclassifytheseitems.Becauseoftheinformalityoftheprocesstherewasnohardformattothequestions.WhatIwastryingtounderstandwerethecharacteristicsoftheitemsfoundinthefreeliststhatputthemincertaingroups.Theseinterviewswereonlypartiallyrecordedasanumberofpeopleaskedthattherecordernotbeused.Notesweretakenduringalloftheinterviews.DemographicInformationBasicdemographicinformationwascollectedonallparticipantswhocompletedthefreelistorpilesortsections,including:age,gender,maritalstatue,numberofchildren,numberofyearsofeducation,professionandcityborn.Table4-4summarizestheallofthedemographicvariablesexceptprofessionandcityborn.CohensTransnationalScoreTransnationalismwasmeasuredtounderstandtherelationshipbetweentransnationalismandthedifferencesbetweentheculturalknowledgeofmigrantsandnon-migrants.Aproblemwithmeasuringthedegreeoftransnationalismofmigrantsisthedifferentdefinitionsofthe

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89phenomenon(Cohen,etal.2003;Guarnizo,etal.2003;IrzigsohnandSaucedo2002).Therearevarietiesoftransnationalismthatincludesocial,economicandpoliticalbehaviorsandthatinvolveanumberofdifferentactivities(Portes1999).ItzigsohnandSaucedo(2002)askedrespondentstoratetheirparticipationinhometownassociations,theirsendingmoneyhomeforcommunityprojects,travelingtopublicfestivities,participatinginlocalsportsclubs,andparticipatingincharityorganizationsthatarelinkedtotheircountryoforigin.Asurveyofnearly2000migrantsinVancouver,Canada,askedaboutmigrantsfriendsandfamily,howfrequently(andwithwhatmethod)theystayintouchwithfriendsandfamily,thefrequencyoftraveltothehomecountry,ownershipofeitherabusinessorpropertyathome,andwhethertheyprovidefinancialassistancetofamilyandfriendswhostillresideinthehomecountry(HiebertandLey2003).Cohenetal.(2003)conductedasurveyintheStateofOaxaca,Mexicothatmeasurestiestopreviousmigrants(MIGFRIEN),howmigrantspaidfortheirtrip(USCOSTS),wheretheylivedoncetheyarrivedintheU.S.(USSTAY),thenumberofyearsthemigranthasremittedfunds(REMTOT)andthenumberofmigrantsthehouseholdhadpreviouslysent(TOTUS).Thesemeasurementsfocusonthemigrantsuseofkinshiptiestoaidinthemigrationprocessandtheuseofremittancestomaintainastrongrelationshipwiththesendingcommunity(Cohen,etal.2003).Becausemyresearchisconcernedwiththedegreeoftransnationalismandhowitmightrelatetoothervariables,IusedCohensworkasablueprintformyquestionnaire.ThefullquestionnairecanbeseeninAppendixA.Thetransnationaldataareshownintable4-5.Thetransnationalscoreiscalculatedwiththefollowingformula:Cohensindividualtransnationalscore(CITS)=MIGFRIEN+USCOSTS+USSTAY+(REMTOT/TOTUS).Theindividualtransnationalscoreiscalculatedwiththefollowingformula:TRANSTOT=MIGFRIEN+USCOSTS+USSTAY+(REMTOT/TOTUS).TheaverageTRANSTOTscore

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90is2.83,standarddeviationof1.75,minimumof1andmaximumof7.ThemeanscoreisveryclosetoCohensscoresofOaxacatransnationalmigrants(2.9).Cohensdatashowedalargermaximum(25)andmorevariance(sd3.5).However,Cohensdatacompriseinterviewswith323peoplein11countiesinMexico.ARSMA-IIAcculturationwasmeasuredtounderstandhowitisrelatedtothechangesinculturalknowledgeofmigrants.Themeasurementofacculturationislessproblematicthanmeasuringtransnationalismasseveralinstrumentshavebeendevelopedandtestedinmanyresearchprojects(seeZaneandMak2002forareview).TheAcculturationRatingScaleforMexicanAmericansRevised(ARSMA-II)(Cuellar,etal.1995)isaLikerttypescalethatmeasureslanguage,ethnicidentityandethnicinteractionasfactorsintheprocessofacculturation.ThemethodismultidimensionalandmeasurestheparticipantsAngloorientation(AOS)aswellastheirMexicanorientation(MOS).Itcanthusbescoredasaseriesoflinearoutcomesormultidimensionally.Linearscoringplacesthemigrantinoneof5categoriesofacculturation(fromunacculturatedtofullyassimilated)bysubtractingtheirMOSfromtheirAOS.Thesearesinglescoresthatcanbecomparedtoothers.OrthogonalscoringplacesthemigrantintooneoffourcategoriesbasedonhighorlowAOSandhighorlowMOS:Traditionals(lowAOS,highMOS),LowBiculturals(Marginalized),HighBiculturals,andAssimilated(lowMOS,highAOS),basedonwheretheyareintheirextentofinvolvementinMexican/AnglocultureandtheacceptanceoftheattitudesandbehaviorsinMexican/Angloculture.Table4-6showsthenumericalandcategoricalscoresfortheMexicanmigrantsinthestudy.

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91Figure4-1OverviewofresearchdesignTable4-1NumberofresponsescollectedbytypeandpopulationTypeofDataMexicansAmericansMigrantsTotal Freelists(oneachdomain)27322382 DemographicInformation27322382ARSMA-IIScores2323Cohen'sTransnationalTest2323Informalinterviews12101133OpenPilesorts(oneachdomain)40302797ClosedPilesorts(oneachdomain)40302797DemographicInformation40302797ARSMA-IIScores2727Cohen'sTransnationalTest2727 UnderstandingthecompositionofthedomainUnderstandingthestructureofthedomainUnderstandingrelatedfactorsFieldworkDesign Freelists Interviews Pilesortsopenandclosed Demographicinformation ARSMA-II&CohensTransnationalScore ParticipantObservation Freelists Interviews Pilesortsopenandclosed Demographicinformation ParticipantObservation Freelists Interviews Pilesortsopenandclosed Demographicinformation ParticipantObservation Mexicans MigrantMexicans ARSMA-II&CohensTransnational Score Americans

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92 Migrant-Thingsfromagoodlife0510152025 C A R R O R O P A C O M I D A C A M A R A D E F O T O T E L E F O N O A L B E R C A T I E R R A I S L A S A T E L I T E A S A D O R D E C A R N E C A M I O N E S C U E N T A S D E B A N C O E S T E R E O H O T T U B J U E G O D E C O M E D O R J U S T I C I A M I C R O W A V E S E G U R I D A D V A C AItems F r e q u e n c y Figure4-2FrequencyoffreelistitemsformigrantsTable4-2NumberofitemsselectedfromfreelistsMexicansAmericansMigrants Foods232227 Passtimes283624MaterialGoods263024 Table4-3ParticipantdemographicinformationAverageAge%Female%MarriedAveNumberChildrenAveYearsEducation Pilesorts Mexican32.050.700.451.0310.13Migrant31.370.560.781.939.22American23.430.470.200.4713.59FreelistsMexican36.210.660.392.1010.52Migrant32.070.680.861.539.75American22.330.570.100.3712.93

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93Table4-4CohenindividualtransnationalscoresMIGFRIENUSCOSTSREMTOTUSSTAYTOTUSCohen'sIndividualTransnationalScore 103115.00 011113.00102123.00012114.00112133.67102114.00103133.00103123.50101012.00113124.50100122.00112133.67110032.00100112.00101012.00100021.00101012.00101012.00100021.00101012.00100011.00101012.00101012.00111133.33101132.33002113.00000111.00

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94Table4-5ARSMA-IIscoresMOSAOSARSMA-IILinearScoreOrthogonalScore 2.713.38-0.68Level1LowBicultural 2.883.46-0.58Level1LowBicultural3.593.540.05Level1LowBicultural2.632.460.16Level2LowBicultural5.004.230.77Level2HighBicultural4.593.620.97Level2Uncategorized4.653.541.11Level2Traditional4.413.231.18Level2Traditional4.593.381.20Level3Uncategorized4.413.081.33Level3Traditional4.382.851.53Level3Traditional4.533.001.53Level3Traditional4.763.231.53Level3Traditional4.713.151.55Level3Traditional4.122.461.66Level3Traditional4.883.151.73Level3Traditional4.592.851.74Level3Traditional4.823.001.82Level3Traditional4.472.621.86Level3Traditional4.472.621.86Level3Traditional4.412.461.95Level3Traditional4.632.542.09Level3Traditional4.242.082.16Level3Traditional4.242.082.16Level3Traditional4.412.232.18Level3Traditional4.351.622.74Level4Traditional

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95CHAPTER5DOMAINELEMENTSTherearetwogoalsinthisresearch.Thefirstistounderstandhowtheelementsoftheculturaldomainsdifferbetweenmigrantsandnonmigrants.Thesecondistoexaminethestructureofthedomainsandhowthismaychangebecauseofmigrationbehavior.Thischapteranswersthefirstquestionwhilethenextchapteranswersthesecondone.TofocusthisanalysisIhypothesizedthat:H1:Theculturaldomainsoftransnationalmigrantsareamixofelementsfromthehomeandhostsocietysculturaldomains.AlternativeH1:Theculturaldomainsoftransnationalmigrantswillhaveelementsthatareneitherinthehomenorhostcountrysculturaldomains.Iusedatafromthefreelistsandtheconstrainedpilesorttasktotestforconsensusinthecontentofculturaldomains.Iusetwodatasetsinanefforttoovercomethecritiquethatcognitiveanthropologyingeneral,andculturalconsensusanalysisinparticulardonotfocussufficientlyonvariationinculturaldomains(Aunger1999;Aunger2004).Aunger(1999)arguesthatitisnotthefrequencywithwhichitemsarefoundinaculturethatmakesthemcultural.Rather,itisthefactthattheyaretransmittedtoothers.Aungersfocusontransmissionallowsamuchbroaderrangeofitemstobeincludedasculturalinsteadofonlythosethatarecommon.Usingbothdatasetsallowsmetoshowthesimilaritybetweentheitemsaswellasthevariabilitywithinthedomain.Usingthefreelisteddataalsoallowsmetoexaminetheelementsofthedomaintounderstanditscomposition.Thechapterbeginsbydescribingthecleaningandrenamingofthedatasets.Aqualitativeanalysisofthecommonelementsofthedatasetisthenexamined.Thecompositionofthedomainsisfurtherexploredwiththefreelisteddatabyanalyzingtheoverlapofitemsineach

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96domain.Thisanalysisisdonewithboththefullfreelistsandareducedfreelistforreasonstobeexplainedbelow.DatasetSummaryRecallthatthreetypesofdata(freelists,openpilesorts,constrainedpilesorts)werecollectedfromthreedifferentsamplesAmericansfromnorthwestKansas,MexicansfromSanIsidroMazatepec,MexicoandtransnationalmigrantswhohavemovedfromMexicotothenorthwestKansas.Tables5-1,5-2and5-3listthenumberofusableresponsesforeachsample,domainandinstrumenttype.Thenumbersinthecellsmayvarybecausearespondentrefusedtoansweraparticularsectionorbecausetheyproducedunusabledata.Thelattererroroccurredwhenmyassistantswerebeingtrainedinthedatacollectionmethod.DomainandPopulationNamesBecausethisanalysiswilldealwiththreepopulationsandthreeculturaldomainsashortenedtitlewillbegiventoeachgroupanddomain.NonmigrantMexicanswillbecalledMexicans;AngloAmericanswillbecalledAmericans;andTransnationalMexicanmigrantswillbecalledMigrants.ThedomainofthingsthatpeopleownwhentheyhavehadasuccessfullifewillbecalledThings;typicalpastimeswillbecalledPastimes;andtypicalfoodswillbecalledFoods.CleaningtheFreelistsAftertherawfreelistswerecollectedandenteredverbatimintoanexcelsheet,eachlistwascleaned.Cleaningthedatasetsconsistedofmakinganumberofmodificationstoparticularentriestoproduceconsistentdatafortheanalysis,takingcarethatthemodificationsretaintheintentoftherespondent.Fixingerrorsinspellingisalow-inferencemodification.Synonymswerecombinedsothatthatcattleandcowswereplacedtogetherandphraseslikegoingforawalkandwalking,oreatingoutandrestaurantswerecombined.Modifierswereremoved

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97sothatfamilyandhappyfamilywerecombinedintoonecategoryinthedomainofThings.Theseareslightlystronger-inferencemodifications.Therearesomesituationswheresimilarresponseswerenotgrouped.Thisoccurredwhenpeoplementioneddifferentlevelsofadomain.Thiswasaparticularprobleminthedomainoffoodswherepeoplewouldmentionchicharronaswellaschicharronconchileorchickenandchickendumplings.Theseitemswerenotcombinedintoasinglecategorybecausetheywere,attimes,mentionedbythesamerespondentandbecauseIbelievethattheyintendedtwoseparateanddifferentitems.Thischoiceistheresultofcarefullyexaminingthedataandcomparingtheitemstomyexperiencewiththeinformants.Ibelievethatcombiningitemsinthesecaseswouldresultinacriticallossofvariabilityinthedomain.QualitativeAnalysisLargepartsofanyfreelistareitemslistedbyasmallnumberofpeopleorbyasingleperson.Table5-4liststheitemsthatwerelistedbyatleast20%oftherespondents.ThemostnoticeablefeatureofThingsisthatcarandhousewerethetoptwoitemsinallthreedomains,indicatingauniversalsignofsuccessacrossthecultures.Clothingandbusinesseswerealsomentionedbyallthreegroupsandmaybepartofthisuniversalpatternforthesecultures.Iexpectedtheseitemstobelistedbyallofthegroupsaswellasthemorecommonhouseholditems.Howevertherewasconsiderablevarianceontheparticularitemsthatwerelistedbesidescar,house,clothing,andbusinesses.Migrantwomenlistedclothingandjewelryalmostexclusively.Therewasonemanthatlistedclothesandanotherthatlistedjewelry,indicatingthatthereisagenderbiasontheitemsthatarelisted.MoneywaslistedbyMexicansandMigrants,butnotbyAmericans.Thisinterestingdivergenceisprobablyaresponseeffect.InEnglishthequestionwasphrasedas,Pleaselistthegoodsorpossessionsthatpeopleownwhentheyliveagoodorsuccessfullife.

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98InSpanishthequestionwas,Porfavor,anotelascosasqueunapersonapuedeconseguircuandotieneunabuenavida,osea,cuandolapersonatienemuchoxito.TheEnglishversionemphasizedtheideathatthequestionwasaboutmaterialgoodsbyusingthewordsgoodsandpossessions.Ontheotherhand,suchinsubstantialthingslikefriendsandfamilywereonlylistedbyoneortwooftherespondentsineachgroup.Theydidunderstandthatitwasmaterialgoodstosomeextent,butthedomainsareinterpreteddifferentforeachgroup.TravelwasonlylistedbyMigrants.Thismayindicatethatmigrantsmayhaveapropensityfortravelingortheymayhavelearnedtoenjoytheirtravelsabroad.Migrantsalsolistedcomputers,cellphones,andfurniture.TheseitemsweresharedbyAmericansbutnotbyMexicansindicatingthatmigrantsmayhavepickedupatasteforelectronicsandhomefurnishingsintheirtravels.AmericansusedlowerlevelsofcontrastinlistingThings,namingbrandswhentheymentioneddishwasher,dryer,andwasher.ThismayimplythatthedomainofThingsismoredefinedinAmericanculture.RecreationalvehicleswerelistedonlybyAmericans.TheseitemsmaybelargeenoughpurchasestobeoutoftherealmofpossibilityfortypicalMexicansandMigrantsorinthecaseofpastimesMigrantsmaynotbeawareoftheusablerecreationalfacilities.OnlyAmericanslistedlandasamaterialindicatorofagoodlife.NeitherMigrantsnorMexicansmentionedthisitem.Thisfindingseemedodd,sincemanyMexicanmigrantsareknowntopurchaselandintheirhomecommunitieswithfundsacquiredabroad.IlookedforsubgroupswithintheAmericanfreeliststhatlistedlandandwhilethereisnotmuchvariabilityinthedatasetoverall,therespondentswholistedlandshowednoconsistentpatterninage,gender,maritalstatus,numberofchildren,yearsofeducationorprofession.AnotherpossibilitymaybethatbecauseMexicans

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99usethemoneytheymakeintheU.S.tobuildhousinginMexico,landmaybeincludedintheideaofhouse,whichwaslistedbyallgroups.Table5-5liststheFoodstherewerementionedbymorethan20%oftheinformants.SimilartoThings,Foodshassomeuniversalelementsliketacosandburritos(clearlyfromtheMexicandomain)aswellasitemslikehamburguesaespaguetiandensalada.TheselastitemsaremoreinternationalbuthavelongbeenmainstaysintheMexicandiet.Inoneinstance,therespondentusedtheEnglishword,spaghettiinsteadoftheSpanishespagueti.ChilecoloradoisacommonlylistedfoodamongMigrants,butnotamongMexicans.ItappearstobeaMexicandishthatisadaptedtolocaltastesandtolocalingredients.AlotofwhatistodaystandardfareinTex-Mexcuisinethingslikechileconcarneandfajitasbeganthisway,asdidmanystandarddishes(likechopsuey)inChineseAmericancuisine.Table5-6liststhePastimesmentionedbymorethan20%ofinformants.SimilartotheotherdomainthereisasmallsetofPastimespresentinallthreeofthesamples,includingtheactivitiesofwatchingTVandreading.ListeningtomusicisprominentinthelistsofMigrantsandMexicansbutisabsentintheAmericanslists,aswereanumberofotheritems.WiththepopularityofIpodsandotherportablemusicdevices,musicmaynotbeconsideredanactivitythatisdoneasmuchasitissimplyanaccessorylikewalletorpursethataccompaniesthepersonalmostcontinuously.Twoitemsthatstandoutinthisrespectaretheactivitieswithfriendsandfamily,presentonlyinthelistsfromMexicansandMigrants.InfacttherewereveryfewitemsthatMigrantshaveincorporatedintotheirdomainofPastimes.OneexceptionisdeportesorsportsthatispresentinMigrantslists.WhilethegenerictermsportsdoesnotappearintheAmericansfreelists,theirlistsaredominatedbythenamesofspecific,organizedsports.

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100AnothersharedactivitybyAmericansandMigrantsisshopping.Americansincludeditemslikesurfingthewebandplayingcomputergames.Neitherofthesewaspresentintheothergroupslists.EventhoughthesampleofAmericanswasmostlyyoung,singleadultstherewaslittlementionofsocialactivitieslikegoingtobars,dancingordrinking.IngeneraltheactivitiesofMigrantsnotonlyincludemoresocialactivitiesbutalsomoreinformalactivities.Theseactivities,liketakingawalkorgoingtothepark,donotrequireanyequipmentorfacilities.Theyalsodonotincludetoros(goingtothebullfights)andfutbol(soccer),probablyforthesamereasonlackoffacilities.DomainCompositionDomainOverlapAnalysisITheoverlapingroupscanbeexaminedwithVenndiagramsorwithcorrespondenceanalysis.Correspondenceanalysisusesthefrequencyofitemsmentionedbyallgroupstocreateaplotwithboththeitemsandsamplesplottedonthesameaxes.Thedistancebetweenthegroupscanbemeasureddirectly.TheVenndiagramdoesnotusethefrequencyoftheitemsmentionedbutissimplybasedonwhetheranitemispartofthegroupornot.Whilethecorrespondenceanalysisusestheadditionalfrequencyinformationitcanbecomeincoherentwhenalargenumberofitemsarepresentinthedata,astheyarewiththedomainsunderanalysishere.Venndiagramsareusedforclarityandeaseofinterpretation.ThesoftwareusedtocreatethediagramsshownhereisfreewarecalledVennDiagramPlotter(Littlefield2004).Venndiagramsareanareaproportionategraphwherethearearepresentsthenumberofitemsineachgroup.Theareaoftheregionwheretheboxesoverlaprepresentsthenumberofitemsthatoccurredinatleasttwodomains.Forexample,inPastimes,dancingwasmentionedbyMigrantsandMexicansbutnotbyAmericans.Therefore,itwouldbecountedasoneiteminthisoverlapregion.Thecenterareas,whereallthreeboxesoverlaprepresentthenumberof

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101itemsthatoccurredinallthreedomains.Watchingtelevisionwaslistedbyallthreesamplesandsowouldbecountedinthisarea.TheVenndiagramscreatedfromthefullfreelisteddataareshowninFigures5-1,5-2and5-3.Eachdiagramhasthetotalnumberofitemsthateachgrouplisted,andthenumberofitemsthatareineachsegmentofthedrawing.Theareasshadedred,blueandlightgreenaretheareasthatrepresentthenumberofitemsthatareuniquetothatsample.Theareaswheretwoareasoverlapareshadedpurple,blue-greenandanolivegreen.Thecenterareaisthedarkestgreenandrepresentsthenumberofitemsthataresharedbyallthreegroups.Theseareasprovideusavisualcomparisonofthenumberofitemsthatareunique,sharedbytwoculturesbutnotthethird,andsharedbyallthreecultures.InthedomainofThings,allthreegroupsthoughtthathavingacar,house,clothesandmoneywerethingsthatapersonownswhentheyhavehadasuccessfullife.Similarly,forFoodsandPastimesthereareanumberofdishesandactivitiesthathavesignificantappealtorespondentsinallthesamples.Inallthreedomainsthenumberofthesesharedculturalitemsisapproximatelytwentyor8.3%ofalltheitemsnamedinallsamples.Thisarearepresentsapan-Americanculturewithitemsfoundinallthreesamples.SeeAppendixDforfulldatatables.Theareaswhereonlytwodomainsoverlaprepresentstheitemssharedbytwoculturesbutnotathird.ItisinthisareawhereweseeitemsthatMigrantssharewithAmericansbutnotwithMexicans,anditemstheysharewithMexicansbutnotwithAmericans.ForFoodstheareaofoverlapforMexicansandAmericans(MX/AM)isquitesmallwhencomparedtotheoverlapforAmericansandMigrants(AM/MI)andforMexicansandMigrants(MX/MI).Thus,thereareveryfewfoodssharedbyMexicansandAmericansthatarenotalsoincorporatedbyMigrants.InfacttheareaforMX/MIisthelargestofanyofthethreeareasforFoods,showingthatmigrantsdrawmostoftheirideasabouttypicalfoodsfromtheirhomeculture.

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102ForPastimes,theMX/AMareaisstillrelativelysmall,butnowitistheAM/MIareathatisthelargest,showingthatMigrantsareidentifyingAmericanPastimesastypical.ThedomainofThingshasadifferentpatternthanthatofeitherPastimesorFoods.Inthisdomainallthreeoverlappingareas(MX/AM,AM/MI,MX/MI)haveanequalnumberofitems,indicatingthattheyconsidertypicalitemsthatpeopleownwhentheyaresuccessfultocomefrombothAmericanandMexicancultures.ThingsmaybeamidpointbetweenPastimes(whichareacceptedveryquicklyfromthelistofAmericanalternativesavailabletoMigrants)andFoods(whichareacceptedslowlybyMigrantsfromamongtheAmericanalternativesavailable).Migrantsbalancebetweenkeepingtheiroriginalideasofwhatoneownswhentheyhavehadagoodlife(theideaslearnedinMexico)andadaptingtoAmericanstandards.Ibelievethatthesepatternsdemonstratethevariabilityinratesofacceptanceofdifferentculturaldomains;someareheldontotightly,whileothersareacceptedmorereadily.Iwilldiscussthisideabelow.Thefinalareainthediagramrepresentsthenumberofitemstherewereonlylistedbypeopleinonesample.ItiseasytounderstandthisareaofthediagramwhenspeakingaboutAmericansorMexicans;itistheitemsthatuniquelydefinetheculture.HowevertransnationalMigrantsalsohaveitemsthatwerenotlistedbyeitherAmericansorMexicans.Thequestionishowtheseitemsshouldbeinterpreted.Tables5-7,5-8,and5-9listtheThings,PastimesandFoodsthatareuniqueforeachgroup.Besideeachitemisthepercentageofpeoplefromthatgroupwholistedthatitem.Itisinterestingtonotethatthelargemajorityoftheseitemswerementionedbyonlyoneperson.Outofthe27uniqueThingslistedbyMigrants,23wereonlymentionedbyoneperson.ThemostthatanyThingwasmentionedwasbythreepeople,thiswasTrabajo(workorjob).

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103Similarpatternsoccurintheothertwodomains.ForPastimes13ofthe18uniqueitemswerementionedbyasinglepersonwiththeonlytwoitemsbeinglistedbythreepeople.Outofapossible67uniqueFooditemslistedbyMigrants,55werelistedbyasingleperson.Twofoodswerelistedbyfivepeople,butthiswastheextremecase.ApparentlymostoftheitemsthatareuniquetotheMigrantcommunityarenotcommonwithintheculturaldomainsofthiscommunity.ThisevidencemayspeaktoAungers(1999)argumentthatitisthetransmitabilityofanitemandnotitsfrequencythatmakessomethingcultural.AswehaveseenheretheitemsthataretransmittedfromboththeMexicancultureandtheAmericanculturearetheitemsthataresomewhatcommon.Atleastinthesedata,transmitabilityandfrequencyareintermingled.DomainOverlapAnalysisIIAfundamentalpropertyofanyculturalitemisthatitisshared.Infact,sharednessiscentraltoclassicaldefinitionsofculture(KroeberandKluckhohn1952).Fromthepreviousanalysis,itisclearthatwecanmanipulatethesharednessoflistsbymanipulatingthecutoffcriterionforinclusion.IrepeatedtheVenndiagramanalysiswithadatasetinwhichidiosyncraticresponseswereeliminated.Ratherthantakeanarbitrarypercentageasacutoff,Iusedtheelbowinthescreeplotstodeterminethecutoffpointtoremovetheitemsthatareidiosyncratic.AnexampleofsuchaplotisincludedinFigure5-4.InthecaseofAmericanThings,theslopeofthefrequencyoflisteditemsdeclinesrapidly.Abovethepointwhereitemsarelistedmorethan5timestheslopeisinasharpdecline,butafterthepointitemswheretheyarelistedlessthan3timestheslopeisverygradual.Theelbowissomewherebetweenthreeandfive.Thereissomesubjectivejudgmentinvolvedatthispointbutitemsmentionedbyfourormorerespondentswerekeptandtheothers

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104werediscarded.Thisprocedurewasrunonallofthedomainsandsamples.Table5-10liststhenumberorremainingitemsafterthefreelistshadbeenreduced.Figures5-5,5-6and5-7showtheVenndiagramsforeachdomainusingthereduceddata.Therearesomesimilaritiesandsomedifferencesbetweenthediagramsforthecompleteandreduceddatasets.Theareawhereallthreesamplesoverlapwasverysimilarinsizeforthecompletediagrams,butforthereduceddatasetstheyareonlysimilarinsizeforPastimesandThings;Foodsissmaller.Therearealsosomedifferencesfortheareaswheretwosamplesoverlap.ForFoodsinthereduceddataset,thereisnooverlapbetweenAmericansandMexicans.ThereissignificantoverlapbetweenMigrantsandMexicansinthisdomain,thesameasinthecompletedatasets.Infactitis2.6timesthenumberofitemsthatoverlapforAmericansandMexicans,indicatingthatMexicansandMigrantssharealargerpartofthedomainthanAmericans.InPastimes,AmericansandMigrantsonlysharedoneitem,whileMexicansandMigrantsandAmericansandMexicanssharedaboutthesamenumberofitems.ThisreversesthepatternfromthecompletedatasetwhereAmericansandMigrantssharedmoreitemsinthisdomain,indicatingthatforpopularpastimesMigrantssharemorewithMexicansthanwiththeAmericans.ThediagramforThingsissimilarforboththecompleteandreduceddatasetssuchthattheoverlapbetweensamplesissimilarinsizeforallthreesamples.Perhapsaneasierwaytocomparetheoverlappingsectionsofthediagramsistoexaminetheratioofitemsthatareoverlappingtothesumofitemsforbothsamples.Forexampleiftherewere10itemslistedbyMigrantsand10itemslistedbyAmericansand5oftheseoverlapped,therewouldbearatioof5:20or25%overlap.Thismethodallowscomparisonofthedomainbetweenthetwodatasets.Table5-11liststheratiosforbothcompleteandreducedfreelists.

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105Usingthereduceddatasetstofocusontheitemsthathavesomedegreeofcommonalityamongthegroupsweseeafewchangesacrossthesamples.InPastimesthecompletedatasetshowedthegreatestoverlapintheAM/MIgroup.HoweverinthereduceddatasetthisgrouphastheleastoverlapwithMX/AMandMX/MIbothhavingsignificantlymoreoverlappingitems.ForFoodsthecompleteandreduceddatasetsshowthesamepattern,withMX/MIhavingthegreatestoverlapandMX/AMhavingtheleast;althoughthispatternwasmorepronouncedinthereduceddataset.Thingsinbothdatasetsstayedfairlyunchanged.MX/MIhadthemostoverlapinthecompletedatawhileAM/MIhadthemostinthereduced,howeverallofthesampleshadapproximatelytheequalamountsofoverlap.SummaryofDomainOverlapAnalysisReducingthedatasettothoseitemsthatpeopleagreedupontosomeextentaffectedthedomainsindifferentways.ForPastimesthegreatestoverlapwasshiftedfromtheAM/MIareatotheMX/MIarea.ThisindicatesthatitwasthemoreuncommonpastimesthatwerebeingsharedbyAmericansandMigrants.ThismaybeevidencethatMigrantsmaybeparticipatinginpastimesthatarefoundonlyinAmericabutareuncommon,possiblybecauseoffinancialreasonsortoavoiddetectionbyimmigrationagents.SpeakingwiththemigrantsindicatesthattheyenjoysomeofthenewpastimesavailableintheU.S.Howeverthisismediatedbycostofmostpastimeseitherforequipment,facilitiesormembershipfees.ForFoodsthepatternwasunchangedbuttheMX/MIoverlapwasincreased,indicatingthatthecommonitemsweresharedbyMexicanandMigrantstoanevenlargerdegree.ThismaytellusthatFoodsisveryresistanttothepressuresofacculturation.Otherworkonconsumeracculturationhasconfirmedsomeofthetrendsthatarevisiblehere.Penaloza(1989)foundanumberofsignificantfactorsintheitemsthatpeoplewilladopt.Productsthatwerelowcostandhighlyvisibleandwhoseadoptionwasnothinderedbyalanguagebarrierwereeasilyadopted.Howeveritemsthatmaintaineda

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106relationshipwiththehomelandwereresistanttochange.Sutton(2000)alsofoundevidencethatfoodsareusedtomaintaintherelationshipwiththehomeland.ThehesitationofmigrantstoadoptAmericanfoodsinthisstudycanbeinterpretedinthelightofthesefindings.FoodisnotahighlypublicitemanditdoesrepresentasignificanttiewithMexicanculture.HispanicfooditemsandingredientsarealsowidelyavailableintheU.S.andmostaresoldaslowcostitems,increasingthelikelythatamigrantcaneattraditionalfoodsiftheysodesire.Finally,forThingsthepatternremainedbasicallyunchanged.TherewasafairlyequalsharingofitemsacrosssampleswithslightlymorecommonitemsbeingsharedbyAmericansandMigrantsandlesscommonitemsbeingsharedbyMexicansandMigrants.Thingshasconflictingfactors.Theycomprisehighlyvisibleproducts,makingtheadoptionofAmericangoodslikelybutPenaloza(1989)alsofoundananti-materialismthemeamongmigrantsthatwouldworkasacounterweight.ThesetwoissuesmayexplainthefactthatmigrantsadoptedapproximatelyequalnumbersofitemsfromAmericaandfromMexico.Insummary,MigrantsareadaptingmoreFoodsfromAmericansbuttheyarealsoholdingontoalargeportionofFoodsfromMexico.MigrantsareacceptingtheAmericanidealsofThingsataboutthesameratethattheyarekeepingtheiridealsfromMexico.Pastimeshaveapatternthatswitcheswhenwemovefromthedatasetwithalloftheitemstothedatasetwithonlycommonitems.UncommonPastimes(playingbingoordominos)arebeingadoptedmorefromAmericannormsbutMigrantsholdontothemoretraditionalPastimesfromMexico.Table5-1FreelistresponsetotalsDomainMexicansAmericansMigrants Things273023 Foods273020

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107Pastimes273020 Table5-2OpenpilesortresponsetotalsDomainMexicansAmericansMigrants Things403027 Foods403027Pastimes403025 Table5-3ConstrainedpilesortresponsetotalsDomainMexicansAmericansMigrants Things402127Foods392825Pastimes402127

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108Table5-4Thingsmentionedbymorethan20%oftherespondentsMexicansMigrantsAmericans COCHE(car)CARRO(car)HOUSE CASA(house)CASA(house)CARROPA(clothing)DINERO(money)CLOTHESJOYAS(Jewelry)MUEBLES(furniture)DISHWASHERDINERO(money)ROPA(clothing)DRYERTELEVISION(Television)CELLULAR(cellphone)WASHERNEGOCIO(business)COMIDA(kitchen)TVCOMPUTADORA(computer)LANDNEGOCIO(business)REFRIGERATORVIAJES(travel)COMPUTERJEWELRYBOATGARAGEBUSINESSFURNITURESHOESMOTORCYCLECELL_PHONEHOT_TUB

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109Table5-5Foodsmentionedbymorethan20%oftherespondentsMexicansMigrantsAmericans POZOLEENCHILADASSTEAK ENCHILADASMENUDOHAMBURGERBIRRIATACOSSPAGHETTITAMALESTOSTADASSALADFRIJOLESMOLELASAGNASOPATAMALESPIZZATACOSPOSOLESANDWICHESNOPALESFRIJOLES(beans)SHRIMPMOLECHILE_RELLENOSICE_CREAMTOSTADASARROZ(rice)TACOSMENUDOQUESADILLASHOT_DOGCHILAQUILESBARBACOA(bbq)FRENCH_FRIESQUESADILLASGORDITASCHICKENPIPIANCARNE_ASADABURRITOSCHILES_RELLENOSSOPASPOTATOESCHILEFLAUTASCEREALTACOS_DORADOSCHICHARRONMAC_AND_CHEESETORTASBURRITOSFISHCHICHARRONCALDOMASHED_POTATOESATOLECHILE_COLORADOFRIED_CHICKENCARNE_ASADAHAMBURGESA(hamburgers)SOPA_DE_ARROZFRIJOLES_CHARROS(refriedbeans)CALDOCARNITASENSALADA(salad)TORTASPASTELTORTILLASSPAGETTIPAPAS(potatoes)

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110Table5-6Pastimesmentionedbymorethan20%oftherespondentsMexicansMigrantsAmericans VER_TELEVISION(watchTV)IR_PARQUE(gotothepark)TV ESCUCHAR_MUSICA(listentomusic)IR_DE_COMPRAR(goshopping)GOLFLEER(read)BAILAR(dancing)FISHINGIR_OTRO_LUGAR(gosomeotherplace)FAMILIA(playwithfamily)SWIMMINGCAMINAR(takeawalk)ESCUCHAR_MUSICA(listentomusic)WALKINGFUTBOL(soccer)TELE(watchTV)RUNNINGBAILAR(dancing)NADAR(swimming)BASKETBALLCINE(movies)LEER(reading)MOVIESVISITAR_FAMILIA(visitwithfamiliy)DEPORTE(sportsingeneral)HUNTINGTOROS(bullfights)CINE(movies)SHOPPINGVISITAR_AMIGAS(visitfriends)IR_AMIGOS(gooutwithfriends)CRUISINGSALIR_A_CAMINAR(goforawalk)FOOTBALLSLEEPINGREADINGCAMPINGBASEBALLRIDING_HORSESSOCCERTALKING_FRIENDSSURF_WEBVOLLEYBALLTENNISBOATINGCOMPUTER_GAMESTALKINGSNOW_SKIINGHIKINGBIKING

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111 Figure5-1Overlapofdomainsforfoods Figure5-2Overlapofdomainsforpastimes

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112 Figure5-3Overlapofdomainsforthings

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113Table5-7UniquefoodsAmericanfoodsAm%MigrantFoodsMI%MexicanFoodsMX% PIZZA50CHILE_COLORADO25POZOLE96 SANDWICH47FRIJOLES_CHARROS25BIRRIA78ICE_CREAM30ASADO10PIPIAN41FRENCH_FRIES27CHILE_RELLENOS10CHILES_RELLENOS33CEREAL23CHILE_VERDE10ATOLE26PORK_CHOP17ENTOMATADAS10SOPA_DE_ARROZ26ALFREDO13POLLO_CON_MOLE10TACOS_DORADOS26BROWNIES13ARROS_CHINO5TACOS_AL_VAPOR19CHICKEN_FRIED_STEAK13ARROS_CON_POLLO5TORTAS_AHOGADAS19CHIPS13ARROZ_CON_LECHE5CARNE_EN_SU_JUGO15COOKIES13ASADO_DE_RES5ZOPES15CRAB13BISTEK_CON_CHILE5CORUNDAS11LOBSTER13BROCOLI5GUAYABA11STIR_FRY13BURROS5SALSA11TURKEY13CAFE5CHAMPORRADO8BACON10CALORITO5TLACOYO8BEER10CALOVACITAR5CABRITO7MEATLOAF10CARNE_ADOBADA5CARNE_CON_CHILE7PANCAKES10CARNE_CON_SALSA5COLDOS7PUMPKIN_PIE10CARNE_DESEBRADA5JOCOQUE7RAMAN10CHESSE_TUNA_PASTA5LENGUA7FRUIT7CHICHARRON_CON_CHILE5LIMA7HAMBURGER_HELPER7CHICHARRON_CON_HUEVO5MANGO7APPLE_PIE7CHILE_CON_PAPAS5PANELA7BAKED_POTATOES7CHILES5PAPAYA7BISCUITS_GRAVY7CHIMICHANGAS5PEPENA7GOULASH7CHORIZO5PICADILLO7GRILLED_CHEESE7CHULETE_DE_PUECO5PINOLE7HASHBROWNS7CORNDOGS5PITAYAS7LIQUOR7COSIDO_DE_RES5REQUESON7MANACOTTI7DISCADAS5TORAS7PBJ7FRIJOLES_REFRILOS5TORTA_AHOGADA7POTATOES_SALAD7GIZADO_DE_PUERCO5TUNAS7RAVIOLLI7JUGO5AGUACATE4STUFFED_MUSHROOMS7MAISORO5ARRACHAS4TOAST7MARUCHAS_SOUP5ARRAYANES4

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114Table5-7ContinuedTUNA_HELPER7MELOH5BERDOLAGAS4TUNA_SALAD7PAPA_CON_PICADILLO5BISTECH_ASADO4ARBY3PAPAS_ASADAS5BLANQUILLAS4BEEF_STROGANOFF3PASTEL_DE_CARNE5BUNEULOS4BIEROCKS3PESCADO_FRITO5CALABAZA_EN_TACHA4BLT3POLLO_AL_HORNO5CAMITAS4BLUEBERRY_MUFFINS3POLLO_ASADO5CAMOTE4BRATWURST3POLLO_CON_SOPA5CANA_AZUCAR4BREADSTICKS3POSTRES5CHAMPINONES_AL_AJILLO4BRISKET3RELLENOS5CHANGES_ZAMORANE4CANDY3REPOLLO5CHILES_NOGADA4CANDYBAR3RESAS5CHONGOS_ZAMORANOS4CASSEROLE3SANDWICH_DE_ATUN5CHURROS4CAVATINI3SLAUTAS5COCHINETA_PIBIL4CHAMPAGNE3SODA5COLDE_DE_VOTE4CHERRY_PIE3TACOS_AL_PASTOR5CUERITOS4CHICKEN_ALFREDO3TACOS_SUDADOS5DE_SERDO4CHICKEN_AND_RICE3TENTEJAS5DORDITAS_DE_HORNO4CHICKEN_CORDON_BLEU3TOITAR5DULCE_DE_MENBRILLO4CHICKEN_DUMPLINGS3TORONJAS5DULCE_DE_PEPITA4CHICKEN_PARMESAN3TORTAS_DE_CAMARON5DULCE_MEMBRILLO4CHICKEN_STRIPS3TORTILLA_DE_ARINA5ENCHILADES4CHIPS_AND_DIP3TORTILLAS_DE_HARINA5ENFRIJOLADAS4CHOCOLATE3TOSTADAS_DE_AGUACATE5ENMOLADOS4CINAMON_ROLLS3VIRRIA5ESPINAZO4CLAM_CHOWDER3ZANAORIAS5FLAN4COKE3GARNACHAS4COLE_SLAW3GERICALLES4CORN3GUAMUCHILES4COTTAGECHEESE3GUANABANA4CRAB_WANTANS3GUAZONTLES4CRACKERS3GUIOLOTAS4CRAWFISH_ETOUFFE3GUIZADOS4CREME_BRULAE3HORCHATA4

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115Table5-7ContinuedDEVILED_EGGS3HUACHICRANGO_A_LA_VERACRUZENA4DIP3HUCHEDOS4EGG_ROLLS3HUITTACODRE4FAST_FOOD3JAMONCILLO_DE_LECHE4FETTUCCINI3JERICALLA4FRENCH_TOAST3JICAMA4FRIED_RICE3LENTIJA4FROGEYE_SALAD3LORTAS_DE_CAMARON4FUDGE3MAMEY4GOAT_CHOP3NUEVO_RANCHERO4GRANOLA3PACHOLAS4GREAN_BEANS3PAMBAZO4GREEN_BEAN_CASSAROLE3PASADILLAS4GRILLED_CHICKEN3PICO_DE_GALLO4GUMBO3QUELITES4HOT_POCKETS3QUELITES_GUISADOS4JAMBALAYA3ROMERITOS4JERKY3SINCRONIZADAS_DE_JAMON4KEY_LIME_PIE3TACOS_OGRADOS4LAMB3TINGA4LAMBCHOPS3TIPICO4LINGUNIE3TRIPA_DE_RES4MACARRONI3TYRUINO4MAHI_MAHI3UBAS4MASHED_POTATOES3MCDONALDS3MEXICAN_CASSEROLE3OATMEAL3OMELETE3ONION_RINGS3OYSTER3PEACHES3PEANUT_BUTTER3PHEASANT3POP_TARTS3POT_PIE3

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116Table5-7ContinuedPOT_ROAST3POTATOES_OLE3POTATOESES_GRAVY3POTPIE3POTROAST3RED_BEANS3RIBS3ROAST_BEEF3SCALLOPED_POTATOESES3SCRAMBLEDeggs3SLOPPY_JOES3STRAWBERRY_SHORTCAKE3STUFFING3SUSHI3SWEET_AND_SOUR_CHICKEN3SWEET_POTATOESS3TATER_TOT_CASSOROLE3TATER_TOTS3TURKEY_POT_PIE3TV_DINNER3YAMS3

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117Table5-8UniquepastimesAmericanPastimesAM%MigrantPastimesMI%MexicanPastimesMX% GOLFING54JUGAR_FAMILIA15IR_OTRO_LUGAR37 FISHING50JUGAR_LOTERIA15FUTBOL33RUNNING37DOMINO10TOROS22CRUISING34IR_A_LA_CIUDAD10BALNEARIO11FOOTBALL34PELICULAS10CHARREADA7HUNTING33ALAR_LA_VUELTA5DESCANSAR7RIDING_HORSES33BARAJA5ESCALAR7SLEEPING30COMPARTIR_CON_TUS_VICINOS5FUSBOL7BASEBALL27IR_BOLICHE5GALLOS7COMPUTER_GAMES23IR_FIESTAS5PINTAR7SKIING23JUGAR_BINGO5BRINCAR4SOCCER23JUGAR_CON_EL_PERRO5BUCEAR4BOATING20LECTURA5CAFE4HIKING20MUCHAS_AMISTADES5CAMPO4TENNIS20PINATAS5CERAMICA4VOLLEYBALL20PREPARAR_SNACK5CRIAR_ANIMOLTS4BICYCLING16SALIR_JUGAR5DAR_LA_VUELTA4TANNING16TRABAJO5ESCULPIR4DRINKING13FESIAR4JETSKIING13FOTOGRAFIA4RODEO13IR_BALNEARION4YARDWORK13LAVOR_TRASTES4BOWLING10MISA4CRAFTS10PATINAR4FRISBEE10PINZAR4GOING_TO_LAKE10SALGO_PACEAR4SHOWING_LIVESTOCK10TEGER4SOFTBALL10TIANGES4SPORTS10TOCAR_UN_INSTRUMENT4WATERSKIING10VER_LAS_PLANTAS4CARDS7VISITAR_AL_DOCTOR4CHEWING_GUM7CLUBBING7DARTS7DATING7GAMES7KNITTING7LACROSS7LIVESTOCK_JUDGING7PING_PONG7POOL7RAFTING7CONCERTS6WORKING6ARCHERY3ART3BBQ3BOBBING_FOR_APPLES3BONDAGE3BOXING3CANOEING3

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118Table5-8ContinuedCARNIVAL3CHARITIES3CHILDRENS_ACTIVITIES3CLIMBING3CLIPPING_HOGS3COLORING3CRAFTSHOWS3CROCHETING3CROSS_STITCH3DICE3DRAW3FAIR3FEED_PETS3FLYING_KITES3FRIENDS3GETTING_HAIR_DONE3HANDGLIDING3HOCKEY3HOMEWORKING3HORSESHOES3HOUSEWORKING3MANICURES3PAINT_BALL3PEDICURES3PICNIC3PLAY_GUITAR3PLAY_KIDS3PLAY_MUSIC3PLAY_PETS3PLAY_WITH_PETS3POKER3PUTT_PUTT_GOLFING3QUILTING3REMOTE_CONTROL_CARS3RESTORING_CARS3RIDING_BIKE3RIDING_FOURWHEELERS3RIDING_MOTORCYCLE3SAILING3SEX3SKATEBOARDING3SKATING3SMOKING3SNOWBOARDING3SOCIALIZE3SPOTLIGHTING3STARBUCKS3SWINGING3TALK_PHONE3TEA_PARTIES3

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119Table5-8ContinuedTHEATRE3TRAMPOLINE3VACATION3WAKEBOARDING3WOODWORKINGING3WORKINGING_CAR3WRESTLING3

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120Table5-9UniquethingsAmericanThingsAM%MigrantThingsMI%MexicanThingsMX% DRYER53TRABAJO13ALAJAS15 WASHER53CAMARA_DE_VIDEO8ELECTODOMESTICOS15GARAGE27CUENTAS_BANCARIAS8BICICLETAS11CHAIRS17AIRE_ACONDICIONADO4COCINA11DVDS17ALCIO_TIPO_DE_NECOCIOS4COSAS7FREEZER17ASADOR_DE_CARNE4PARCELAS7JETSKI17BIENES4ACCESORIOS4POOL17CALE_FACION4ACCIONES4SOFA17CARRERA4ALMOHADAS4STOVE17DISIPLINA4ARTE_EQUIPO4RV13ELICOPTERO4BANCARIA4TABLE13ESTRELLAS4BANO4BED10HOTELES4BOLETOS_AVION4FOURWEELER10ISLA4BONCORIA4GOLD_CLUBS10JOGUETES4CALVLAR4GPS10JOLLAS4COMEDOR4MAID10JUEGO_DE_COMEDOR4COMODIDADES4BEDROOM_SET7JUEGO_DE_PATIO4ESTABLO4CABIN7JUEGO_DE_RECAMARA4EXTRACTORE4CHILDREN7JUEGO_DE_SALA4GALLINA4DISHES7JUSTICIA4HOME_THEATER4FARM_EQUIPMENT7LIBERTAD4MUJERS4INTERNET7LICUADORA4PASEAR4INVESTMENTS7MANCIONES4REEAMARA4JOB7RANCHEROS4SALA4PHONE7SEGURIDAD4TARJETA_CREDITO4WIFE7TOSTADOR4TIEMPO_AMIGOS4OVENS6TRATAMIENTO_IGUAL4TIEMPO_FAMILIA4PETS6VACERO4TIENDA4ALARM_SYSTEM3VIENBIVIA4AQUARIUM3YATE4ATV3BAR3BROOM3CAREER3CARPETS3CASINOS3

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121Table5-9ContinuedCD_PLAYER3COMBINE3DOGS3DRESSER3DRILL3DVDS_PLAYER3ENTERTAINMENT_CENTER3FACTORY3FAITH3FOOTBALL_TEAM3FRIENDS3GOLF_CART3GUN3HAIR_PRODUCTS3HAIR_STYLE3HAPPINESS3HAT3HEALTH_FOOD3LANDSCAPING3LAPTOP3LAWN3LINEN3LIQUER_CABINET3LOVE3MASSAGE_PARLORS3MOVIES3MP33NICE_HAIR3PERSONAL_HYGIENE_ITEMS3PIGS3POOLTABLE3POTS_PANS3ROCKING_CHAIRS3RUGS3SAUNA3SEWINGmachine3SHEEP3TIMESHARES3

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122Table5-9ContinuedTIOLETRIES3TOOLS3TOWELS3TRAILER3TRAVEL3UNIVERSITY3VACATION_HOUSE3VACUUM3WALLET3WINE3WISDOM3WORKSHOP3 FrequencyofFreelistedItemsinAmericanThings05101520253035191725334149576573818997105113121129Item N u m b e r o f t i m e s l i s t e d Figure5-4Cutoffpoint

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123Table5-10NumberofitemsinthereduceddatasetsMexicansAmericansMigrants Things263034 Foods232227Pastimes283624 Figure5-5Overlapoffoodsdomainreduceddataset

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124 Figure5-6Overlapofpastimedomainsreduceddataset

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125 Figure5-7Overlapofthingsdomain-ReduceddataTable5-11Percentageoverlapofdomainsforcompleteandreduceddatasets%MX/AM%MX/MI%AM/MI%MX/MI/AM Complete Pastimes2.99%1.87%5.21%7.60%Foods1.02%10.51%6.50%4.96%Things4.90%6.85%4.95%8.33%ReducedPastimes7.81%9.62%1.67%7.95%Foods0.00%25.49%9.80%2.70%Things3.57%5.00%6.25%12.22%

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126CHAPTER6DOMAINSTRUCTUREThepreviouschaptercomparedtheelementsofthedomainstoanswertwoquestionshowdothegroupsdifferfromeachotherwithinthesamedomainandhowdothedomainsdifferfromeachotherwithinthesamegroups.Thischapterexaminesthestructureofthedomains,howthisstructureisdifferentforMigrantsandnonmigrantsandwhatfactorsmayaffectpeoplesknowledgeofthedomain.ForthischapterIhypothesizedthat:H2:Thestructureofthemigrantsculturaldomainswillbemorefragmentedthanthoseofpeopleineitherthehomeorhostculture.H3:Asthedegreeofacculturation(asmeasuredindependently)increasesamongmigrants,domainknowledgewillalsoincrease.H4:Asthedegreeoftransnationalismincreasesamongmigrants,domainknowledgewillincrease.H5:Agewillincreaseknowledgeacrossdomains.Structurewillbeexaminedinseveralways.Thesizeofthedomainwillbeexaminedfirst.Thisisasimplemeasureofstructurebutimportantinunderstandinghowmigrantandnonmigrantculturaldomainsdiffer.Next,Iwillapplystatisticaltechniques,includingculturalconsensusanalysisandmultidimensionalscalingtolookforpatternsinthedomainstructure.Thefinalsectionofthechapterwillpresentresultsfromlinearregressiontoexaminehowanumberoffactorsinfluencepeoplesknowledgeofthisstructure.DomainBreadthRawFreelistLengthPerhapsthesimplestwaytoexaminethedomainsistolookattheirsize.Thisisdonebysimplycountingthenumberofitemslistedforeachdomain.Table6-1liststhetotalnumberofitemsfreelistedforeachdomainandpopulation.Withineachpopulation,thedomainofFoodshasthemostitemslisted.AmongMexicansthedomainofFoodsis2.51timesthesizeofPastimesand1.97timesthesizeofThings.This

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127patternissimilaramongMigrantswithFoodsbeing2.65timesthesizeofPastimesand1.81timesthesizeofThings.Americanshoweverhaveadifferentratio,withFoodsbeing1.28timesthesizeofThingsand1.17timesthesizeofPastimes.Nevertheless,thesizeofFoodsacrossallpopulationsindicatesthatthisdomainmaygenerallybelargerthanthatofThingsorPastimes.ComparingThingsandPastimeshasmixedresults.ThingswouldappeartobealargerdomainamongMexicansandMigrantsbutthisisnotsoforAmericans.Turningtheanalysisfromthecolumnstotherowswecanexaminethedifferencesbetweenthesamples.Inallthreedomains,boththeMexicanandMigrantslistsareverysimilarlength.However,theAmericanlistsarelongeracrosstheboard,withpastimespresentingthemostnoticeabledifference.Americanslisted2.91timesasmanyitemsasMigrantsdidand2.47asmanyasMexicans.ThedifferenceinthedomainofThingswasnotasgreatwithMexicanshavingonly1.76timesthenumberofitemsandMigrantshavingonly1.81timesthenumberofitems.ThedifferenceinthenumberofitemslistedforFoodswasevenlesspronouncedbetweenMexicanandMigrantsandAmericansandMigrantswithonly1.14and1.28timestheitems,respectively.AtthispointwecanconcludethatMigrantsandMexicanshavesimilarlistlengthswhilebotharesignificantlysmallerthanAmericansinalldomains.ThisdifferenceisparticularlypronouncedinthedomainsofThingsandPastimes.AverageFreelistLengthWhiletheanalysisofthetotallistlengthshowssomestrongresultsitdoesnotaccountforthevariationinthefreelistlengthbetweenindividuals.Afewpeoplelistingalargenumberofitemscouldeasilyskewthetotalfreelistlengthforanysample.Usingthelistlengthofeachparticipanttoestablishameanandstandarddeviationmayproduceamorerobustanalysis.Table6-2liststheaveragenumberofitemsinthefreelistforeachsampleanddomain.

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128Examiningthecolumnsweseeasimilarpatterntothatfoundintheanalysisofsimplelistlength.ForMexicansandMigrantsthedomainofFoodshasthelongestaveragelistlengthofthethreedomainsandPastimeshastheshortest.ForAmericansthedomainofThingshasthesmallestaveragelength.Ifwecomparethesampleswithineachdomain,thepatternisthesameforThingsandPastimes,Americanhavelongerlistsonaverage.HoweverforFoods,Americanshaveshorterlistsonaverage,withMexicanshavingthelongestlistlengthforthisdomain.Generallythepatternsthatwereestablishedwithrawfreelistlengthareseeninthemeanfreelistlengthaswell.VarianceofDomainsTable6-3liststhestandarddeviationsforthefreelists.Therangeofstandarddeviationsofthedomainlengthsvarybetween4.3and13.9items.Thereseemstobeverylittlepatternineithertherowsorcolumnsofstandarddeviations.MigrantshadthelargestvariationamongFoodsandThingsbutthesmallestamongPastimes.AmericanshadthelargestvariationinPastimesandthesmallestinFoods,withMexicanshavingthesmallestvariationinThings.TestingforDifferencesinFreelistLengthUsingtheindividuallistlengthsItestedfordifferencesinthemeanfreelistlengthofthedifferentsamples.Tables6-4,6-5and6-6showtheresultsoft-testsbetweeneachsampleforeachdomain.ANOVAwasusedtoexaminewhichgroupshadsignificantdifferencesbetweenthepopulations.Tables6-7,6-8and6-9showtheANOVAresults.Theplotoferrorsshowsthemeanandvarianceforeachgroup.Figures5-1,5-2and5-3showtheplotoferrorsforeachdomain.At-testwasusedtotestfordifferencesbetweentheseparategroups.Thisanalysisshowssomestrongdifferencesinthedomainlengths.ForthedomainofFoods,therearenosignificancesbelow.05andIconcludethatthefreelistlengthsofthethreesamplesarenotdifferentforthisdomain.However,forbothPastimesandThingsthereis

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129significantdifferencebetweenAmericanandMexicanlistlengthandbetweenAmericanandMigrantlistlength,butnodifferencebetweenMigrantandMexicanlistlengths.Thesetestsconfirmtheevidencefoundintheexaminationofthetotallistlengthandmeanlistlengthtables,demonstratingthatforatleastfortwoofthedomainsMigrantsandMexicansaremoresimilarthanMigrantsandAmericans.DiscussionofFreelistLengthThissectionbeganwiththequestionofhowcertainculturaldomainsofmigrantsdifferfromthoseofnon-migrantsinthemigrantshomeandhostcultures.Freelistlengthandfreelistvariancewereexaminedtounderstandthebreadthofthedomainsbetweenthesamples.ThedatashowedthatforThingsandPastimes,theaveragefreelistlengthsweredifferentforAmericansandMexicansandforMigrantsandAmericans,butnotforMexicansandMigrants.Foodshowever,showednodifferenceinthefreelistlengthsinanyofthecomparisons.WhilethisisasimplemeasureitindicatesthatthebreadthofthedomainsofMigrantsisclosertothatofMexicans.Additionally,eveninthissimplemanner,thedomainofFoodsdiffersfromThingsandPastimes.DomainStructureTheanalysissofarhasbeenonthebreadth,overlapandcompositionofthedomainsinthefreelistdataacrossthedifferentgroups.Thenextanalysisexaminesthestructureofthedomainsusingthepilesortdataandthesimilaritymatricesthatareproducedfromthepilesorts.Thefirstanalysisexaminesthequestionofwhetherornotthesedomainsmeetformalcriteriaforbeingculturaldomains.FollowingthatIexaminestructureinmoredetailusingthesimilaritiesmatricesandvisualizationprocedures.

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130CulturalConsensusAnalysisThemodelofculture-as-consensus(Romney,etal.1986)isbasedontheideathatpeoplewhoagreewitheachotheraboutthecontentsofaculturaldomainarealsothemostknowledgeableaboutthedomain.Themoreinformantswhoagreewithaculturalproposition(vitaminDisgoodforyourbones;afieldgoalisworththreepoints)themorelikelythestatementistoaccuratelyrepresenttheirculture.Forexample,Boster(1986)foundthattheAguarunaJivarowomenwhocouldidentifythemostvarietiesofmaniocagreedwithoneanother.Theconsensusmodel(Romney,etal.1986)establishestheconditionsunderwhichagreementequalknowledge:1)allinformantscomefromacommonculture,2)eachinformantsanswersaregivenindependentlyfromotherssothatanycorrelationbetweentheanswersisaresultoftheirknowledgeofthecorrectculturalanswers,and3)eachinformanthasafixeddegreeofknowledgeforallofthequestionsTheculturalconsensusanalysis(CCA)requirestheuseoftrue/false,multiplechoiceortriaddata.Asdescribedearlier,Itookthefreelisteddataandreducedthedatasetsbyexaminingtheelbowsofthescreeplots.Thisprocedurecreatedliststhatwere22to36itemsinlength.Eachitemonthelistwasthenwrittenona3x5indexcard.ForAmericanstheitemwaswritteninEnglish,forMigrantsandMexicanstheitemwasinSpanish.Ithenaskedrespondentstodividethestackofcardsintotwoseparatepiles,onefortheitemsthattheyfeltwerepartofthedomaininquestionandtheotherforitemsthattheyfeltwerenotpartofthedomain.ThisistheequivalentofgivingaTrue/Falsetestwiththesameitems(Weller2006a).ThedatafromthisexercisewereanalyzedforconsensususingtheroutineinAnthropac(Borgatti1992).Intheanalysis,theprofilematrixofT/Fanswersisconvertedtoasimilaritymatrixofagreementamonginformantsandthatmatrixisfactored.Iftheeigenvalueforthefirstfactorisatleastthreetimesthesizeoftheeigenvalueforthesecondfactor,thenthisistakenasasinglefactor

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131solution.Giventhattheassumptionsaremet,thesinglefactoristheknowledgeoftheinformantsinthatdomain.Thescoresonthefirstfactorestimatethedegreeofculturalcompetenceforeachrespondent.Theoutputalsocontainsanestimateoftheculturallycorrectanswerkeytheanswerspredictedforaninformantwhohascompleteknowledgeofthedomain.Table6-10liststheeigenvaluesofthefirstandsecondfactorsandtheirratiofortheconstrainedpilesortdata.LookingattheRatiocolumn,thereisclearevidencethatthedomainshaveverydifferentstructuresthatarefairlyconsistentwithinadomain,evenbetweenthethreepopulations.Acrossallofthesamples,Foodshaslittleconsensus,asalloftheratiosarebetweenoneandtwo,wellbelowthecutoffpointofthree.TheratiosforPastimesarenotasconsistentlylowasFoods,butallofitsratiosarebelowthe3:1cutoff.MexicansandAmericanshaveratiosthatareclosetothecutoffpointforthisdomain.DifferentfrombothPastimesandFoods,Thingsshowsaconsiderableamountofconsensuswithallthreesampleshavingratiosofthreeormore.AmericanshavethehighestratioindicatingaverycleardomainofThings.AlternativeDomainStructuresCaulkinsandHyatt(1999)statethatconsensusanalysiscanbeusednotonlyfordiscoveringwhichdomainshavehighconsensusbutalsotoclassifythediversitythatisfoundindomainsthatdonothaveahighdegreeofconsensus.UsingtheagreementmatricesproducedbyAnthropac(Borgatti1992)duringtheconsensusanalysisCaulkinsandHyattdevelopedthreedifferentclassificationsforlowconsensusdomainsweakagreement,turbulent,andmulticentricdomains.Inweakagreementdomainsthereislittleagreementontheitemsthatshouldbelonginthedomain.Iftheagreementmatrixisanalyzedwithnon-metricmulti-dimensionalscaling(MDS),theresultisafairlyevenshotgunpattern,withnoprimarygroupings.Aturbulentdomainproducesanumberofsmallfocalpointsaroundwhichpeopleareplotted,insteadof

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132havingonesinglefocalpointfoundinadomainwherethereisconsensus.Amulticentricdomainissimilartoaturbulentdomainwheretherearetwoormorecentersthatpeopleclusteraround.Thesecenterstendtoshowopposingpointsofview.FollowingtheexampleofCaulkinsandHyatt,Icreatedsimilaritymatricesfromtherowsoftheconstrainedpilesorts.Figures6-4through6-12showtheMDSplotsforeachdomainandsample.IfweexamineanMDSoftheagreementmatricesfromourdomainsweseesomeofthepatternsdescribedbyCaulkinsandHyatt.LookingattheMDSforFoods,theAmericanMDSisthemostdiffuse.MexicanFoodsshowssomegroupingontherightsidebutthepointsarenotastightasthosefoundintheMDSforMigrants.MigrantsplotforFoodsshowsaconcentratedgroupingofpointsontheleftsidewithothersspreadouttotheright.TheMDSforMigrantFoodsalsohasanacceptablestresslevel,whereastheothertwoplotshavestressesthatindicateasignificantlackoffit.TurningtoPastimes,AmericansagainhaveaveryunorganizedMDS,representingaclassicalshotgunblastpicture.SimilartotheirdomainforFoods,MexicanPastimesshowssomegroupingontheleftbutagainthepatternisdiffuse.TheMigrantPastimeMDSshowstwogroups,oneoneachsideofthefigure.Thismayindicatetwosubcultures.ThestresslevelsforalltheMDSplotsofPastimesarerelativelyhighwithMigrantshavingalevelof0.140.ForThingstheMDSplotforMexicansishighestat0.141.MexicanThingsisthemostdiffuseinthisdomainandMigrantsstillpresentasplitgrouping.AmericanThingshasaplotthatshowsthepointsinacurvethroughthecenter.IngeneralallofthegraphsforAmericanandMexicansaresomewhatdiffuse.ThethreegraphsofMigrantsshowsomestructureinhavingpointsoneithersideofanemptycenterarea.ThismaybeevidencefortwosubcultureswithinthedatabutitisnotastightlyfocusedasCaulkinsandHyattfoundintheirdata.

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133SubcultureswithintheDomainsItmaybethecasethatthevariationinthedomainsisbeingcausedbysubcultures.Perhapswomenknowmoreaboutfoodorunmarriedpeopleknowmorepastimes.TotestthisIdividedthedatabysociodemographicvariablesandrerantheconsensusanalysisforMigrants.Thedataweredividedintotwogroupsaccordingtogender,maritalstatus,age(being25yearsoldandyounger),education(having9ormoreyearsofeducation),andhavingornothavingchildren.Tables6-11through6-15showtheeigenvaluesforthefirstandsecondfactorsandtheratiobetweenthetwo.Thelastcolumnofthesetablesshowsthepercentageofchangeintheratioofeigenvaluesfromthefulldatatothesubgroupdata.Oneofthemostimportantdivisionsisthelegalityofthemigrant.Howeverbecauseofthesensitivenatureofthequestionaboutwhetherornotamigrantislegalorillegal,Iencounteredanumberofproblemsaskingthisquestion.Idroppedthequestionafterseveralpeoplehadeitherrefusedtoanswerorsimplygotupandleft.BecauseoftheseissuesIamunabletoanalyzetheinfluenceoflegalityonthestructureofthedomain.Dividingthedataintosubgroupschangedalloftheratiostosomedegree.Innineteenofthecasestheratioofthefirsttosecondeigenvalueswasincreased,inelevenofthecasestheratiodecreased.Insevenofthecasesusingasubgroupmovedtheratioacrossthedecisionpointof3:1.HavingchildrenpushedMigrantPastimesabovethe3:1ratio,asdidbeinglessthan26yearsold.BeingyoungalsomovedMexicanPastimesandMigrantFoodsabovethecutoffpoint.BeingfemalepushedMexicanandAmericanPastimesoverthecutoffbutdroppedAmericanThingsbelowit.Havingmorethan9yearsofeducationandbeingmarrieddidnotchangethedecisionaboutanyofthedomains.Thisanalysisindicatesthatsub-domainsaremostlikelyforhavingchildren,beinglessthan26yearsoldandbeingfemale.InonlyonecasewasFoodsaffectedbythesubgroupofbeingyoungandthiswasinMigrants.Thingsdidnotdropbelowthe

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134cutoffpointforanyofthesubgroupswithoneexception;AmericanThingswasnotacoherentdomainforfemales.Pastimeswasmostaffectedbydividingthedataintosubgroups.Infourcasesthecutoffpointwasmetforthisdomain,althoughinonecaseitwasMexicansandAmericans(beinglessthan26)andintheotheritwasMexicansandMigrants(beingfemale).DiscussionofDomainStructureThisanalysisusedvisualizationtechniquesandculturalconsensusanalysistoexaminethestructureoftheculturaldomains.ThisanalysisshowedthatThingshasasignificantamountofagreementwithinthedomainwhileFoodsandPastimeshaveamorevariedstructure.DividingthedataintosubculturesandrerunningtheanalysesdidnotaffectThingsorFoods,butdidaffectPastimestoadegree.Thereisevidenceofsubculturesforhavingchildren,beinglessthan26yearsoldandbeingfemale.TheMDSplotsofthesimilaritymatricesshowedthedispersionevidentinFoodsandPastimesandsomeevidenceofmultiplecentersforThings.TheoriginalhypothesisforthestructureofthedomainsstatedthatMigrantdomainswouldbemorefragmentedbecausetheyaresubjectedtotheinfluencesoftwocultures.ThedatashowthatthefragmentationisnotfoundinallofthedomainsofMigrants.Thingsisaverystructuredandcoherentdomainacrossallthreesamples;whileFoodsandPastimesshowsignificantdispersionacrossallsamples.TheresultsfromexaminingtheMDSshowthatalloftheMigrantdomainsaresomewhatsplitintotwocenters,withThingsshowingthemostdistinctivedivision,implyingthatwhilethereisagreementwithinthedomainthereisalsoevidenceoftheinfluencesfromtwocultures.Intraculturalvariationhasplayedamajorpartofredefiningcultureawayfromtheboundeddefinitionsfoundearlyinthehistoryofanthropology.PeltoandPelto(1975)recognizedtheimportancethatthisvariationcanhaveinprocessesofsocialchange.Perhapsthemostdiscussedissueonthistopiciswhetherintraculturalvariationcanbeattributedtocognitionor

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135context(BosterandWeller1990;Mathews1983;Pollnac1975;Sankoff1971)Cognitivevariationistheresultwhenpeopledontknoweverythingaboutaparticularmodel,whilecontextualvariationistheresultofonlyelicitingpartofthedomainbecauseofthespecificcontextofthequestionandinterview(Boster1987).Thedataforthisresearchwereallgatheredinthesamemanner,andyetwehaveThingsthathasahighdegreeofagreementbetweenpeoplebutalsoshowsthestrongestevidenceforhavingmultipleinfluences.Bycontrast,PastimesandespeciallyFoodsarebothverydisperseddomainswithconsiderablevariationbetweenpeople.Itwouldbehardtoarguethatthesedifferencesaretheresultofthecontextofthequestion.Inregardstothisdebate,Iagreethatpeopleonlyknowpartofthesedomainsbutalsothattherearesomeverybasicdifferencesinthedomainsaswell.Earlier,thestandardofbroadculturalagreementwasusedtodividementalmodelsfromculturaldomains.Aculturaldomainissharedbyagroupofpeople.Atthatpointitwassimpleenoughtoconsiderdomainsasbelongingtoonecamportheother.HoweverthedifferenceweseeinthedomainsofFood,PastimesandThingsmayshowthatitisnotaquestionofwhetheradomainisculturalornotbuttowhatdegreeitiscultural.Insteadofviewingdomainsaseitherculturalornotthispapershowsthatdomainsmaylieonacontinuumbetweenindividualandcultural.Thingsappearstobeadomainthatishighlycultural,evenwhenthereareinfluencesfromtwocultures.Foodsontheotherhandshowevidencethatwhiletherearesomeelementsofagreementbetweenpeoplethereisasignificantamountofidiosyncraticknowledgeaswell.ThinkingaboutourownfoodhabitsitwouldbeeasytoseewhyFoodshasapublicandprivateside.Whileitiscommonenoughtoseepeopleeatinginpublic,alargepartoffoodconsumptionoccursinthehome,awayfromthecommunity.Thefoodsthatareeateninahomeareusuallynotthesameasthoseeatenpublicly.Thefoodsthatpeoplelearnarenotlearnedfromapublicforum.Recipesorvariationsofthem

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136arepasseddownwithinfamilies.Alloftheseissueswouldreducethesimilaritythatpeopleseeastypicalfoodsitems.AndthisisseenintheanalysiswhereFoodshasagreatdealofvariationinallthreecultures.FactorsAffectingStructureThissectionaskshowtheknowledgethatpeoplehaveofaculturaldomainrelatestootheraspectsintheirlives.ItrytounderstandhowculturalknowledgeisrelatedtoapersonsdegreeofacculturationintoAmericanculture.Ialsolookathowthemigrantstransnationalbehaviorsaffecttheirculturalknowledge.Finally,Iaskwhetherornotdemographiccharacteristicsofmigrantsarerelatedtothetheirculturalknowledge.Domenorwomenhavegreaterknowledgeofadomain?Isageafactorinculturalknowledge?Doolderpeopleknowtheculturaldomainbetteroristheknowledgecompletebythetimeapersonisanadult?Doesbeingmarriedorhavingchildrenorhavingahigherlevelofeducationaffecttheirculturalknowledge?DomainKnowledgeAculturalconsensusanalysis(Romney,etal.1986)producestwoprincipaloutputs.Oneisafactoranalysisofthematrixofagreementacrossinformants;theotherisananswerkeytheculturallycorrectanswertoeachitemintheknowledgetest.(Theanswerkeycomprisesthemostlikelyanswertoeachquestion,weightedbythescoresoftherespondents.)Inpractice,athree-to-oneratioofthefirsttwoeigenvaluesmeansthatabouttwo-thirdsormoreofthevarianceoftheagreementmatrixisaccountedforbythefirstfactor,withcorrespondinglyhigherfractionsofvarianceaccountedforastheratioofthefirst-to-secondeigenvaluesincreases.Byconvention,athree-to-oneratioistakentobeasingle-factorsolution.Inaknowledgetest,asingle-factorsolutionmeansthatthefirstfactorscoreforeachinformantisaknowledgescore.Theagreeduponanswersoraggregatedomainassumesthattherearesomepeoplewhoknowmoreaboutadomainthanothersandthatbecausetheyknowmoretheyaremorelikelyto

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137agreeaboutwhatshouldandshouldnotbeapartofthatdomain.Thereforetheaggregatedomainweightstheindividualresponseswithameasureofthepersonscompetenceinthatdomain.Theindividualknowledgescoreisapercentthatrepresentshowmuchofthatdomainapersonknows.Withacompetencescoreof.8theyknew80%oftheanswersfromtheaggregatedomain(Romney,etal.1986).Table6-16liststhemean,standarddeviation,minimumandmaximumfortheknowledgescoresineachdomain.DemographicVariablesThedemographicvariablesthatwerecollectedinclude:age(AGE),gender(SEX),maritalstatus(MARRIAGE),numberofchildren(NUMBCHIL),andlevelofeducation(EDUC).Ageisacontinuousvariablewithameanof31.4yearold,astandarddeviationof11years,aminimumof18andamaximumof56.Genderisabinaryvariablewith12menand15women.Maritalstatuswasrecodedtobeabinaryvariable.Thereare21peoplemarriedand6whohadnotbeenmarriedorweredivorced.Numberofchildreniscontinuouswithanaverageof1.9children,astandarddeviationof1.7,aminimumof0,andamaximumof5.Educationwasrecordedasthenumberofyearsinschoolwithameanof9.2years,astandarddeviationof3.2,aminimumof3years,andamaximumof16years.TransnationalismOneofthefewattemptstomeasurethephenomenonoftransnationalismhasbeenbyCohenetal.(2003).Torecap,Cohensmeasurehasfivevariables(Cohen,etal.2003:372).1)MIGFRIEN:Theyhaveafriendorfamilymemberwhohasmigrated.Thisisscoredasabinaryvariable.2)USCOSTS:Thefundingtheyusedtomigratecomesfromfriendsorfamilymembers.Thisisscoredasabinaryvariable1iftheyusedfundsfromthefamilyorfriendsand0iftheyusedmoneyfromanemployerorothersources.3)USSTAY:Whotheylivedwithaftertheymigrated.1wasgiveniftheylivedwithfriends,familyorcoworkers,0ifnot.4)REMTOT:Totalnumberofyearstheyhavesentremittanceshome.

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1385)TOTUS:TotalnumberofmigrantsthehouseholdhassenttotheU.S.overtime.Thetransnationalscoreisthencalculated:Cohensindividualtransnationalscore(CITS)=MIGFRIEN+USCOSTS+USSTAY+(REMTOT/TOTUS).Cohenetal.alsoincludedameasureofhouseholdtransnationalism,soadistinctionismadebetweenindividualandhouseholdtransnationalism.TherewassomemisunderstandingoftheTOTUSquestioninthedatacollectionprocess.Thisresultedindatathathadtobetransformedforconsistencybetweenparticipants.Inafewcasestheyincludedtheirextendedfamily,thusinflatingthenumberdramatically,andinotherstheygaveacategoricalresponseorrangesuchasmanyormorethen15.TocompensateforthiserrorIchangedboththeanswersforREMTOTandTOTUSintocategoricalvariableswiththreelevels.ThisresultedinaCITSwithameanof2.59andstandarddeviationof1.1.Thisisaslightlydifferentmeanandstandarddeviationreportedearlierwherethedatawasunadjusted.ThedatainCohenetal.s(Cohen,etal.2003)originalarticleproducedameanCITSof2.9andstandarddeviationof3.5.Thestandarddeviationofthisdataissmaller;thisistobeexpectedwiththetransformationofthedatafromintervaltocategoricalwhichpulledtherangeofthe(REMTOT/TOTUS)downsignificantly.Table6-17showsthesummarystatisticsforthetransnationalscoreasitwouldbeexactlycalculatedbyCohensformulaandhowitiscalculatedforthisresearch.AcculturationTheAcculturationRatingScaleforMexicanAmericans(ARSMAII)(Cuellar,etal.1995)measuresacculturationofonthreefactors-language,ethnicidentityandsocialinteraction.ARSMA-IIisdividedintotwosubscales:theMexicanOrientationSubscale(MOS)andtheAmericanOrientationSubscale(AOS).Thesecanbeusedtogeneratetwomeasuresof

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139acculturation.AlinearacculturationscorecanbecalculatedbysubtractingthemeanoftheMOSscoresfromthemeanoftheAOSscores.Alternatively,byusingbothsubscalesanorthogonalmeasureofacculturationcanbeobtainedandmigrantsareplacedintooneoffourcategories:Traditionals(thatis,highMOS,lowAOS),LowBiculturals,HighBiculturalsorAssimilated(thatislowMOS,highAOS).TwentysixparticipantscompletedtheARSMA-IIquestionnaire.Fouroftheseweretraditionals.TheyhaveaveryhighMOSandlowAOSscore,indicatingthattheyholdontotheirMexicanheritagestronglyandhavenottakenonmanytypicalAmericantraits.Therearenineteenpeopleinthelow-biculturalcategory,havinglowscoresforbothMOSandAOSsubscales.Therewasonepersonwhowouldbeconsideredinthehighbiculturalcategory,havinghighAOSandMOSscores.Therewerenopeoplewhowouldbeconsideredassimilated(highAOSscoresandlowMOSscores).FortheregressionanalysistheARSMA-IIwasscoredsothateachparticipantwouldreceiveasingleacculturationscore.Table6-18liststhecharacteristicsofthisscoring.ThemeanindicatesthatmostoftheparticipantshadahigherMOSscorethantheirAOSscore.ThestandarddeviationsareveryclosebuttherangebetweentheminimumscoreandmaximumscoreconfirmstheideathattheMOSisgenerallyhigherforthissample.MethodTheanalysesuseordinaryleastsquaresregression(OLS)toestimatetherelationshipbetweentheknowledgepeoplehaveinadomainandthefivedemographicvariables:AGE,SEX,MARRIAGE,NUMCHIL,andEDUC;Cohensindividualtransnationalscore(CITS);andtheacculturationscore(ARSMA).Thedependentvariable(domainknowledge)isthefactorloadingsfromtheconsensusanalysisthatis,theestimateofknowledgeinadomain.SEXandMARRIAGEarebinaryvariables;allothervariablesarecontinuousmakingOLStheappropriate

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140choice.Usingafunctiontoapproximateaseriesofdata,OLStriestominimizethesumofthesquaresofthedifferencesbetweenthepointsgeneratedbythefunctionandthepointsinthedata.Becausethedatasetisfairlysmallitwasnecessarytolimitthenumberofvariablesincludedinthedomain.Stepwiseregressionwasusedtodeterminewhatvariablesshouldbeincludedinthedomain.Thisprocedureentersvariablesoneatatime;ifapreviouslyenteredvariablelosesitssignificancethenitisdroppedfromthedomain.Thereisthepossibilitythattheindependentvariablesmayhaveanalmostperfectlinearrelationship.Thisphenomenonistermedcollinearityormulticollinearitywhentherearemultiplefactorsinvolved.Whencollinearityisevidenttheregressionprocedurecannotcomputeauniquesolution.SPSScalculatesameasureofcollinearitycalledtolerance.Toleranceindicatesthevarianceofthefactorthatcannotbeaccountedforbyotherfactors.Asmalltolerancemeasurewouldindicatethatafactorhasahighdegreeofcollinearity.Atolerancebelow0.10wouldusuallyrequirethatvariabletobedropped.Table6-5liststhetolerancescoresforeachregressionprocedure.Noneofthescoreswerecloseto.10withthelowestbeing.745forARSMA,indicatingthatthefactorsarenotcloselyrelatedinalinearfashion.ResultsSPSSwasusedtocreatetheregressiondomains.Tables6-19through6-24arethefinaldomainsafterthestepwiseregressionprocedurehaseliminatedthenon-significantvariables.Tables6-19,6-21and6-23listtheRvalue,R2value,AdjustedR2,StandardErroroftheEstimate,andsignificantvariables.Tables6-20,6-22and6-24listthecoefficients,t-valueandsignificancefortheconstantandsignificantvariables.PastimeshasanR2valueof.35withAGEandCITSbeingsignificantindicatorsofapersonsculturalknowledgeofPastimesinthissample.BothAGEandCITSarenegativelyrelatedtoknowledgeofPastimes.ThingshasanevenlargerR2valueat.72withbothAGEand

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141CITSaswellasEDUCbeingsignificantpredictors.AGEandCITSareagainbothnegativelyrelatedbutEDUChasapositiverelationshiptoknowledgeofThings.TheR2valueforFoodsfallsbetweenthesetwodomainsat.44.AGEandCITSarenegativepredictorsofknowledgeofFoods.InalldomainsthebetacoefficientforCITSisthelargestofallthevariablesindicatingthatthismeasureoftransnationalismisasignificantpredictorofknowledgeinthesedomains:Ingeneral,asapersonsdegreeoftransnationalismincreasestheirknowledgeofthesedomainsdecreases.Agehasasimilarrelationship,butEDUCispositivelyrelatedindicatingthatasrespondentsgetmoreeducationthemoretheyknowabouttheseculturaldomains.DiscussionofFactorsAffectingStructureIselectedthedomainspartiallybecausetheyareallverygeneraldomainswhereanyonecanhaveasignificantamountofknowledge.Everyonehasanideaaboutwhatthingspeopleownwhentheyaresuccessful,whatpeopledointheirfreetimeandevenwhatarethetypicalfoodseateninahousehold.Theydonothavetoreceiveanyspecializedtrainingoruniqueexperiencestoknowaboutthesepartsoftheirculture.Whatdrivestheknowledgethatpeoplehaveinregardstoaparticulardomain?Doolderpeopleknowmoreaboutadomainfromtheirexperienceordowomenknowmoreaboutfoodsbecausetheyaretypicallytheoneswhopreparethefood.Resultsalongtheselineswouldindicatethatpeopledospecializeinthesedomains.Somepeopleknowmoreaboutthemthanothers.Theseideasarelessunderstandablewhenweconsiderthefactorsofacculturationandtransnationalism.WhatifpeoplewhowereacculturatedintoAmericannormsnewmoreaboutfoodsorpastimesorthings?Whatwouldthatmean?Whatwoulditmeanifpeoplewhoexhibitedmoretransnationalbehaviorsknowmore?

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142InallofthedomainsAGEandtheCITSvariablehadanegativebutsignificantrelationshiptodomainknowledge.Thesetwovariablesalsoaccountforahighamountofthevarianceinknowledgescoresacrossallthreedomains.Itisnotparticularlyinterestingtobeabletopredictsomeonesknowledgeofadomain.Wecanmeasurethatifweneedto.HoweveritisverytellingthatCITSwassignificantbutnottheARSMAscore.Thisindicatesthattransnationalismisaconceptthatcapturessomeuniquepartofthemigrantexperiencethatisnotaccountedforbymeasuresofacculturation.Futureresearchshouldinvestigatetheoverlapbetweenthetwomeasurementstounderstandthedegreetowhichtransnationalismandacculturationaremeasuringthesameadaptations.TheimportanceoftransnationalismintheirlivesisconfoundedbythefactthatbothAGEandCITSarenegativelyrelatedtoculturalknowledge.Apparently,aspeoplegetolderandadoptthebehaviorsoftransnationalmigrantsmoretheyunderstandlessaboutthedomainsofThings,FoodsandPastimes.EDUCwastheonlyvariablethathadapositiverelationshipandthiswasonlyforthedomainofThings.Aspeoplehaveahighereducationtheirknowledgeincreasesfortypicalitemspeopleownasmigrants.Theseissuesaredifficulttoexplain.Futureresearchshouldexaminethepossibilitythattheseresultsareanissueofmeasurement,eitherthemeasurementofculturalknowledgeoroftransnationalism.Table6-1TotalfreelistlengthDomainMexicansMigrantsAmericans Things7472130 Foods146130167Pastimes5849143

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143Table6-2AveragefreelistlengthMexicansMigrantsAmericans Things8.489.6114.77 Foods19.4117.4017.23Pastimes6.856.7515.57 Table6-3StandarddeviationoffreelistsMexicansMigrantsAmericans Things5.29.87.4 Foods9.113.95.4Pastimes5.14.38.2 Table6-4SignificantofT-testfordifferencesinmeanfreelistlengthsoffoodsMexicansMigrantsAmericans Mexicans Migrants.58Americans.29.96 Table6-5TolerancescoresforregressionresultsFoodsThingsPastimes Age0.9870.9910.991 Sex0.9530.9550.955Marriage0.880.8840.884Numbchil0.7890.7790.779Educ0.9710.9840.984CITS0.9870.9630.991ARSMA0.720.7450.745

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144Table6-5SignificantofT-testfordifferencesinmeanfreelistlengthsofpastimesMexicansMigrantsAmericans Mexicans Migrants.94Americans.00.00 Table6-6SignificantofT-testfordifferencesinmeanfreelistlengthsofthingsMexicansMigrantsAmericans Mexicans Migrants.62Americans.00.04 Table6-7ANOVAresults-foodSumofSquaresdfMeanSquareFSig. BetweenGroups78.198239.099.433.650 WithinGroups6686.6857490.361Total6764.88376 272030N=FOODGRPmxmiam 9 5 % C I F O O D262422201816141210 Figure6-1PlotofErrors-food

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145Table6-8ANOVAresults-pastimesSumofSquaresdfMeanSquareFSig. BetweenGroups1404.7232702.36117.322.000 WithinGroups3000.5247440.548Total4405.24776 272030N=PASTGRPmxmiam 9 5 % C I P A S T I M E2018161412108642 Figure6-2PlotofErrors-pastimesTable6-9ANOVAresults-thingsSumofSquaresdfMeanSquareFSig. BetweenGroups639.3022319.6515.610.005 WithinGroups4387.5867756.982Total5026.88879

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146 272330N=THINGGRPmxmiam 9 5 % C I T H I N G S201816141210864 Figure6-3PlotofErrorsthingsTable6-10ConsensusanalysiseigenvaluesforeachdomainandsampleDomainGroup1stFactor2ndFactorRatio FoodsMexicans4.8522.8051.73 Migrants4.5432.3411.941Americans3.952.9631.333ThingsMexican11.4393.2053.569Migrants12.3372.4345.069American5.3180.6198.596PastimesMexican8.8823.2212.758Migrants4.9343.0071.640American3.7111.4452.567

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147Table6-11ComparisonofeigenvalueratiosforpeoplewhohavechildrenDomainGroup1stFactor2ndFactorRatioRatioforFullDataDifferenceinRatios%ChangeinRatio FoodsMexicans2.380.952.491.730.7643.93 Migrants4.021.782.261.9410.31916.43AmericansThingsMexican4.271.153.723.5690.1514.23Migrants10.731.199.045.0693.97178.34AmericanPastimesMexican3.931.532.572.758-0.188-6.82Migrants4.311.153.751.642.11128.66American Table6-12Comparisonofeigenvalueratiosforpeoplewhohave9yearsormoreofeducationDomainGroup1stFactor2ndFactorRatioRatioforFullDataDifferenceinRatios%ChangeinRatio FoodsMexicans3.772.381.581.73-0.15-8.67 Migrants3.411.232.781.9410.83943.23AmericansThingsMexican8.262.593.193.569-0.379-10.62Migrants10.821.397.85.0692.73153.88AmericanPastimesMexican6.282.722.32.758-0.458-16.61Migrants4.31.82.391.640.7545.73American

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148Table6-13ComparisonofeigenvalueratiosforfemalesDomainGroup1stFactor2ndFactorRatioRatioforFullDataDifferenceinRatios%ChangeinRatio FoodsMexicans3.711.722.161.730.4324.86 Migrants1.991.721.161.941-0.781-40.24Americans1.511.730.871.33-0.46-34.59ThingsMexican7.612.463.093.569-0.479-13.42Migrants8.751.525.765.0690.69113.63American3.171.352.368.596-6.236-72.55PastimesMexican6.381.873.422.7580.66224.00Migrants2.881.282.251.640.6137.20American1.420.0463.062.5670.49319.21 Table6-14ComparisonofeigenvalueratiosforpeoplewhoaremarriedDomainGroup1stFactor2ndFactorRatioRatioforFullDataDifferenceinRatios%ChangeinRatio FoodsMexicans2.411.032.341.730.6135.26 Migrants3.661.981.851.941-0.091-4.69AmericansThingsMexican4.791.293.713.5690.1413.95Migrants9.921.238.075.0693.00159.20AmericanPastimesMexican4.41.782.472.758-0.288-10.44Migrants3.832.121.731.640.095.49American

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149Table6-15Comparisonofeigenvaluesforpeople25yearsoldandyoungerDomainGroup1stFactor2ndFactorRatioRatioforFullDataDifferenceinRatios%ChangeinRatio FoodsMexicans2.731.22.281.730.5531.79 Migrants2.640.663.981.9412.039105.05Americans3.492.31.521.330.1914.29ThingsMexican6.050.916.663.5693.09186.61Migrants9.451.458.235.0693.16162.36American3.110.565.568.596-3.036-35.32PastimesMexican4.611.253.72.7580.94234.16Migrants3.751.133.311.641.67101.83American1.891.441.312.567-1.257-48.97 Figure6-4MDSforAmericanfoods(stress=0.195) Figure6-5MDSforMigrantfoods(stress=0.104)

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150 Figure6-6MDSforMexicanfoods(stress=0.181) Figure6-7MDSforAmericanpastimes(stress=0.222) Figure6-8MDSforMigrantpastimes(stress=0.140)

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151 Figure6-9MDSforMexicanpastimes(stress=0.231) Figure6-10MDSforAmericanthings(stress=0.087) Figure6-11MDSforMigrantthings(stress=0.084)

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152 Figure6-12MDSforMexicanthings(stress=0.141)Table6-16SummarystatisticsfortheknowledgescoresineachdomainFoodPastimesThings Mean0.270.340.66 StD0.390.350.37Max0.750.760.97Min-0.50-0.32-0.20 Table6-17SummarystatisticsforthestandardandmodifiedtransnationalscoreStandardTransnationalScoreModifiedTransnationalScore Mean3.962.59 StD3.131.10Max12.505.00Min1.001.00 Table6-18SummarystatisticsforMOS,AOSandARSMA-IIscoresMOSAOSARSMA-II Mean4.292.921.37 StD0.630.590.84Max5.004.232.74Min2.631.62-0.68

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153Table6-19Modelsummary-pastimesModelRRSquareAdjustedRSquareStd.ErroroftheEstimate (Constant),CITS, AGE.594.352.296.282789912 Table6-20Coefficients-pastimesUnstandardizedCoefficientsStandardizedCoefficientstSig. BStd.ErrorBeta (Constant)1.000.2144.682.000CITS-.128.052-.417-2.477.021AGE-1.287E-02.006-.384-2.279.032 Table6-21Modelsummary-thingsModelRRSquareAdjustedRSquareStd.ErroroftheEstimate (Constant),CITS, AGE,EDUC3.846.715.676.224846023 Table6-22Coefficients-thingsUnstandardizedCoefficientsStandardizedCoefficientstSig. BStd.ErrorBeta (Constant)1.224.2435.036.000CITS-.231.042-.643-5.548.000AGE-1.418E-02.005-.361-2.961.007EDUC3.919E-02.015.3192.602.016 Table6-23ModelSummary-foodsModelRRSquareAdjustedRSquareStd.ErroroftheEstimate (Constant),CITS, AGE.665.442.389.28850312

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154Table6-24Coefficients-foodsUnstandardizedCoefficientsStandardizedCoefficientstSig. BStd.ErrorBeta (Constant)1.080.2224.870.000CITS-.161.053-.495-3.018.007AGE-1.411E-02.006-.390-2.378.027

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155CHAPTER7DISCUSSIONTheguidingquestionforthisresearchwas:Dotransnationalmigrantsevinceculturalmodelsofthetwoculturesinwhichtheylive?Atonetimethisquestionwasaddressedbytheoriesofassimilationandacculturation.Thechangingnatureofmigrationandthenewwaysthatmigrantshaveadaptedtotheirenvironmenthasbroughtthisquestionbackintorelevance,butwithtransnationalmigrationnowsocommon,earliertheoriesofacculturation/assimilationareinadequate.ToaddresstheresearchquestionIexamined(1)elementsofthreeculturaldomains,(2)howtheseelementsaresharedbymigrantsandnon-migrants,(3)thestructureofeachdomainand(4)therelationshipbetweenpeoplesknowledgeaboutadomainandotheraspectsoftheirexperienceasmigrants.InthischapterIdiscusstheresultsforthehypotheses,theimplicationofmyfindingsandfuturedirectionsforresearch.H1:Theculturalmodelsoftransnationalmigrantsareamixofelementsfromthehomeandhostsocietysculturalmodels.H1*:Theculturalmodelsoftransnationalmigrantswillhaveelementsthatareneitherinthehomenorhostcountrysculturalmodels.H2:Thestructureofmigrantsculturalmodelswillbemorefragmentedthanthoseofpeopleineitherthehomeorhostculture.H3:Asthedegreeofacculturation(asmeasuredindependently)increasesamongmigrants,domainknowledgewillalsoincrease.H3*:Asthedegreeoftransnationalismincreasesamongmigrants,domainknowledgewillincrease.H5:Agewillincreaseknowledgeacrossdomains.SummaryoftheAnalysisofDomainElementsThefirsthypothesis(H1)camedirectlyfromtheliteratureonacculturation,wheremigrantsbeliefsandbehaviorstransitionfromthenormsoftheirhomeculturetothoseoftheirhostculture.Iexaminedtheelementsofthreecommonculturaldomainsinbothmigrantsandnon-migrantsfromtheirhomeandhostcultures.Thisexaminationshowedthatmigrantsand

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156non-migrantshavethreetypesofelementsintheirdomainsunique(notsharedbyanyothercultureintheanalysis),universal(sharedbyallthreecultures)andbicultural(sharedbyonlytwoofthethreecultures).Thebiculturalitemswereexaminedtounderstandthecommonalitybetweentwogroupsbutnotthethird.ThisdatagavethemostdirectevidenceinsupportofH1,showingthattheelementsoftheMigrantsculturaldomainsareamixofbothAmericanandMexicanelements.Howeverthereisconsiderablevariationbetweendomains.MigrantshadmoreFoodsincommonwithMexicansthanwithAmericans.ForThingstheyhadaboutthesamenumberincommonwithbothMexicansandAmericansandforPastimes,MigrantshadmoreincommonwithAmericans.Onefactorinthisvariationwasthecommonalityoftheitems.Whenthedatasetswerereducedtoasetofitemsmentionedbymorethan20%ofrespondents,MigrantshadevenmoreincommonwithMexicansforFoods.Inthisreduceddataset,MigrantshadfewerPastimesincommonwithAmericansandmoreincommonwithMexicans,reversingthepatternofthefulldataset.ThingsshowedasmallchangetowardsharingmoreitemsbetweenMigrantsandAmericanthanMigrantsandMexicans.AnalternativetoMigrantstransitioningfromtheelementsofoneculturetotheelementsofanotheristheideathattheymayhaveelementsthatarenotavailableineitherAmericanorMexicancultures(H1*).ThereisevidenceofalargenumberofelementsthatareuniqueamongMigrants.ThisoccurredinthefullfreelistsandwhenthelistswerereducedtothoseelementsthatarecommonlyfoundamongMigrants.Howeveruponaqualitativeexaminationofthoseuniqueelementsthereareveryfewthatarenotlikelytobefoundineitherthehomeorhostcountry.Theiruniquenessismostlikelyafactorofthedatacollectionmethod.NotallFoodsor

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157PastimesorThingswerementionedbyanyofthegroups.Thedifferentlevelsofdetailthatweregivenaboutthefoodsalsocompoundedtheissuethatthereweremanyuniquefoods.HoweverthereareafewitemsthatIconsideruniquetoMigrantculture,e.g.ChileColorado.Futureresearchshouldfocusonwhysomedomainsacquirenewitemsquicklyandwhatdomainsareresistanttochange.Foods,forexample,appearparticularlyconservative,thoughthismaysimplybetheresultofearlylearning.Otherfactorsmayincludethemotivationformigrationand/orthesimpleavailabilityofitems.SummaryoftheAnalysisofDomainStructureBasedonthefactthatmigrantswouldhavetwoculturestheycoulddrawupon,Ihypothesizedthatthestructureoftheculturaldomainsstudiedwouldbemorediffusedamongmigrants.Culturalconsensusanalysisshoweddifferentdegreesofdiffusiondependingonthedomain.Thingswashighlyconsensual,whileFoodsandPastimeswerenot.Thereasonsforthismaybethatmaterialgoods(Things)havehightransferabilityandcanactassocialmarkers.Peoplewhoaremovingintoanewcultureareveryawareofwhatmakesthemfitinandwhatdoesnt,thusmakingthisdomainonethatmigrantswouldbehighlylikelytolearnquicklyandthoroughly.Foodsontheotherhandprovideastronglinktothehomesocietyandaremoreofaprivateaffair.Thefoodsthatwerelistedwerenot,forthemostpart,thosethatareeateninpublicbutthosethataretypicallyeatenintheprivacyofthehome.Theserecipesaregenerallytransferredwithinafamily.SummaryoftheAnalysisofDomainKnowledgeThelastpartoftheanalysisexaminedtherelationshipbetweenrespondentsknowledgeofadomainandothermeasuresoftheirexperienceasmigrants,specificallytransnationalismandacculturation.ForthispartIhypothesizedthat:

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158H3:Asthedegreeofacculturation(asmeasuredindependently)increasesamongmigrants,domainknowledgewillalsoincrease.H3*:Asthedegreeoftransnationalismincreasesamongmigrants,domainknowledgewillincrease.H5:Agewillincreaseknowledgeacrossdomains.Anordinaryleastsquaresregressionwasusedwiththedependentvariablebeingtheknowledgeofthedomainasindicatedbythefirstfactorloadingsfromtheculturalconsensusanalysis.Theindependentvariablesincluded:CohensIndividualTransnationalScore(CITS),Age(AGE),Gender(SEX),maritalstatus(MARRIAGE),numberofchildren(NUMBCHIL),andlevelofeducation(EDUC),andtheirscorefromtheAcculturationRatingScaleforMexicanAmericans(ARSMA).ThetwovariablesthatweresignificantinallthreemodelswereCITSandAGEandbothofthesehadanegativerelationshipwithknowledge.TheARSMAscoreswerenotsignificantlyrelatedtoknowledgeofanyofthedomains.Insum,thisresearchtestedknowledgeofthreeculturaldomainsasareflectionofchangeinmigrantculture.Althoughthemeasureoftransnationalbehaviorisnegativelyrelatedtodomainknowledgeitisastrongpredictorofthisknowledge.Thisindicatesthattransnationalfactorsmaybemoreinfluentialtothelivesofmigrantsthanissuesofacculturationandmaymeasureauniquepartofthemigrantexperience.

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159APPENDIXADEMOGRAPHICQUESTIONAIRREANDCOHENSTRANSNATIONALSCALEEdadElGenero(H/M)EstadoCivilNmerodeniosNivelDelaEducacinProfesinSiustedhaemigradoalosEstadosUnidoscompletaporfavorlaprximaseccinNmerodehijosquevivenenlosEstadosUnidos?NmerodehijosquevivenenMxico?NmerodedefamiliaresqueemigradaalosEU.RecibeorecibidinerodesusamigosofamiliaresparairaEU?Durantecuantosanosmandoustedremesasasucasa?ViveoviviconamigosofamiliaresinEU?SemantieneencontactoconsufamiliaoamigosquehanemigradoaEU?Participaenloseeventosdesucomunidad?NumerodefamiliaresquevivenenEU?NumerodeamigosquevivenenEU?NumerodevecesqueustedemigroaEUamenasdeunmes?NumerodevecesqueustedemigroaEUenunplazodeunoatresmeses?NumerodevecesqueustedemigroaEUenunplazodetresaseismeses?NumerodevecesqueustedemigroaEUenunplazodeseisadocemeses?NumerodevecesqueustedemigroaEUpormasde12meses?Tieneproriedades?Tienenegocios?Tienecaspropia?Lugardenacimiento?

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160APPENDIXBSPANISHARSMAIISCALEARSMA-II-Scala1(5)Muchsimoocasitodoeltiempo(4)Muchoomuyfrequente(3)Moderado(2)Unpoquitooaveces(1)Nada1.YohabloEspaol...(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)2.YohabloIngls(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)3.MegustahablarenEspaol....(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)4.MeasocioconMexicanosconAnglos.......(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)5.MeasocioconMexicanosoconNorteAmericanos(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)6.MegustalamusicaMexicana(musicaenidiomaEspaol(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)7.MegustalamusicadeidiomaIngles...(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)8.MegustaverprogramasenlatelevisinqueseanenEspaol........................(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)9.MegustaverprogramasenlatelevisinqueseanenIngls...............(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)10.MegustaverpelculasenEspaol(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)11.MegustaverpelculasenIngls..(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)12.MegustaleerenEspaol.........................(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)13.MegustaleerenIngls.......................(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)14.Escribo(comocartas)enEspaol....(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)15.Escribo(comocartas)enIngls(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)16.Mispensamientosocurrenenelidioma

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161Ingls....(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)17.MispensamientosocurrenenelidiomaEspaol(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)18.MicontactoconMexicohasido.(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)19.MicontactoconEstadosUnidoshasido..(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)20.MIpadreseidentifica(oseidentificaba)comoMexicano......(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)21.Mimadreseidentifica(oseidentificaba)comoMexicana.......(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)22.Misamigos(as)deminiezerandeorigenMexicano.............(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)23.Misamigos(as)deminiezerandeorigenAngloAmericano.(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)24.MifamiliacocinacomidasMexicanas(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)24.Misamigos(as)recientessonAngloAmericanos..........................................(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)26.Misamigos(as)recientessonMexicanos.(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)27.MegustaidentificarmecomoAngloAmericano.(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)28.MegustaidentificarmecomoMexicoAmericanooNorteAmericano..(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)29.MegustaidentificarmecomMexicano.(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)30.Megustaidentificarmecomoun(a)Americano(a)........................................(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)

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183BIOGRAPHICALSKETCHMarkHousegrewupinGoodland,Kansas.Heattendedpublicschoolsuntil1989whenheenrolledatColbyCommunityCollegeearninghisAssociatesofScienceDegreein1990.In1991heenrolledintheAnthropologyprogramatKansasStateUniversitysecuredhisBachelorofArtsdegreetwoyearslater.In1998hereceivedaMastersdegreeinBusinessAdministrationfromMississippiStateUniversitythenenteredthedoctoralprograminAnthropologyattheUniversityofFloridain2001.Inthespringof2006headvancedtoadoctoralcandidateandcompletedhisfieldworkinthesummerofthesameyear.


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CULTURAL MODELS AMONG TRANSNATIONAL MEXICAN MIGRANTS


By

MARK C. HOUSE
















A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

2007



































Copyright 2007

Mark C. House


































To Papa, Mom and Lisa









ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


Assistance comes in many forms. Some aid requires more effort or time or resources but

all efforts were crucial and I am grateful to every person who was willing to help.

Over the past few years I have had the opportunity to know a number of fellow graduate

students and a few undergraduate students at the University of Florida who have been very open

minded and willing to help. They provide a sounding board for my thoughts and a critical eye to

help me better understand the ideas I encountered. Perhaps the most influential of these students

have been the group known as SOR (Students of Russ). This group includes a number of Russ'

students who have been especially helpful, including; Amber Wutich, Rosalyn Negron, Stacey

Giroux, David Kennedy, and Lance Gravlee. Theses individuals were the support group that I

needed to complete graduate school and to better understand the ideas and methods we were

taught.

There are only a few times in a person's life that you have the opportunity to work with

people that are as accomplished as the professors at the University of Florida. While some stick

out, every class I took was a challenge. They are exceptional scholars and patient teachers. Dr.

Tony Oliver-Smith, Dr. Michael Heckenberger, and Dr. John Moore have been especially

inspirational. Dr. Stan Smith has also been very helpful and patient in allowing me to work with

him on the publication of two articles. I also have the deepest respect for my committee members

- Dr. Chris McCarty, Dr. Anita Spring, and Dr. Chris Janiszewski. I have admired their

professionalism, their teaching ability, and their insight. I have the greatest respect for my chair,

Dr. H. Russell Bernard. He has provided the guidance and patience for me to be successful at

UJF.









Levi Rios Cardenas, Ananda Rios Cardenas, Abraham Rios Cardenas, Maria Rubio Inda,

Antonio Rubio Inda, and Beatriz Cardenas were kind enough to share their home and their lives

with me. Mildred Denisse Arce Zuno is a wonderful Spanish teacher and good friend. There are

also a number of people who assisted me with my research. They were patient and hard working

in their efforts. This group includes Jairo Rodriquez Rubio, Arturo Ruiz Licon, liliana Elizabeth

Vega Sandoval and Jessica Elizabeth Solano Lopez. The faculty at the San Isidro Mazatepec

Prepatoria were also very helpful, especially Senior Jorge Aceves Mercado. In the U.S. there

were also a number of helpful individuals who introduced me into their community and assisted

with the data collection. These include Stephen Mardock, Kelsey M. Leak, Valerai Luna, Crystal

Hernandez, Nicole Roeder and Latisha Larson. There are a number of people who pointed me in

the right direction or helped me gain access into an institution. Without them this proj ect would

have taken much longer than it did. For this assistance I am grateful to Paul Chaffin and Brenda

Chatfield at the Kansas Northwest Area Vocational-Technical College; Lowell Coon, Linda

Davis-Stephens, and especially Larry Koon at Colby Community College; Harvey Swager, the

principal at Goodland High School; and Mabel Burciaga, Margie Hernandez and Duane Arntt at

Burlington High School.

My work in graduate school is only possible with the support of my family. My parents

have always encouraged me to pursue my education. My grandfather supported me when others

had doubts. However it is my wife, Lisa, who has contributed the most. Not only has she asked

the well-reasoned questions only an economist can ask, but she also provided a release for my

frustration and a reminder that there is light at the end of the tunnel. She allowed me the time to

take classes, conduct my fieldwork and finally to write this paper.










There are two people that, not only do I need to thank, but to whom I also need to

apologize. I apologize because they made a sacrifice they didn't know they were making. In

completing this proj ect I regret that I gave up precious time with my daughters, Kassidy and

Jordan.












TABLE OF CONTENTS





ACKNOWLEDGMENT S .............. ...............4.....


LIST OF TABLES ............ ...... .__. ...............10...


LIST OF FIGURES .............. ...............12....


AB S TRAC T ............._. .......... ..............._ 13...


CHAPTER


1 INTRODUCTION .............. ...............15....


Why Study Migration? ............ ...............16.....
Why Use Cultural Domains? ............. ...............18.....
Manuscript Organization .............. ...............20....


2 MEXICAN MIGRATION ................. ...............22...............


Mexican -U.S. Migration and Policy .............. ...............23....
Early Policies ........_................. ..........._..........2
The Bracero Program .............. ...............24....
Post War Immigration .............. ...............25....
IRCA ................ ... .... .._._ ...............26......
Theories of Why People Migrate ................. ...............28....... ....
Early Equilibrium Theory............... ...............29.
Neoclassical Economic Theory .............. ...............30....
Dual Labor Market Theory ................. ...............31....... .....
New Economics of Migration ........._.. _........... ...............32..
Dependency Theory............... ...............32.
World Systems Theory ................. ...............34.............
Articulation Theory .............. ... ............ ...... ..........3
Summary of Factors in the Creation of Migration Streams .............. .....................3
Why Does Migration Continue? ............. ...............36.....
Other Factors in Migration .............. ...............38....
Racism .............. ........ ... ..... .........3

Temporary Versus Permanent Migrants ..................._.__ ......... ............3
Le gality ................ ...............40..............
Remittances ...................... ...............41
Labor Organization of Migrants ................. ...............42....... ....
Post Migration Changes ................. ...............43.............
Assimilation and Acculturation ............ ..... ..__ ...............44...
T ransnationali sm .............. ...............47....

Hypotheses ........._... ...... .__ ...............54...












3 CULTURAL DOMAINS .............. ...............55....


Cognitive Anthropology .............. ...............55....
Beginnings ............... ...............56....
The New Ethnography ..................... ...............57.
Semantic Networks and Ethnobotany ................. ...............60................
Prototypes .............. ...............61....
Schema Theory .............. ...............63....
Cultural Model s .............. ...............65....
Cultural Consensus ................. ...............67...
Cultural Models and Behavior............... ...............68

A Critique of Cognitive Anthropology ................. ......... ...............70.....

Hypotheses ................. ...............72.................


4 METHODOLOGY .............. ...............74....


Research Design .............. ...............74....
Sampling .............. ...............76....
Locations .............. ... ........ .............7

San Isidro Mazatepec, Mexico ...................... ...............77
Northwest Kansas and Northeast Colorado, USA ................. .............................78

Sampling Strategy .............. ...............8 1....
Research Methods ................. ...............83.................

Participant Observation .............. ...............83....
Mexi co ................. ...............8.. 3..............
Americans ................. ...............84.................

Mi grants ...................... ...............8 4
Assistants and Training .............. ...............85....
Freelists and Pilesorts ................ ...............86........... ....
Interviews .............. .... ...............88..

Demographic Information .............. ...............88....
Cohen' s Transnational Score ........._..... ...._... ...............88....
ARSMA- II ............. ........... ...............90.....


5 DOMAIN ELEMENT S .............. ...............95....


Dataset Summary............... ...............96
Domain and Population Names .............. ...............96....
Cleaning the Freelists .............. ...............96....
Qualitative Analysis............... ...............97
Domain Composition ........._.._.. ....._.. ...............100.....
Domain Overlap Analysis I ........._.._.. ...._... ...............100...
Domain Overlap Analysis II............... ...............103..
Summary of Domain Overlap Analysis .............. ...............105....


6 DOMAIN STRUCTURE............... ...............12












Domain Breadth ................. ...............126......_ ......
Raw Freelist Length .............. ...............126....
Average Freelist Length .............. ...............127....
Variance of Domains ................. ... ............ ...............128.....
Testing for Differences in Freelist Length .............. ...............128....
Discussion of Freelist Length ..............._ ...............129..._... ....
Domain Structure ........._.._... ....... ...............129....
Cultural Consensus Analysis ........._... ...... .___ ...............130....
Alternative Domain Structures ........._._._. ....___ ...............131...
Subcultures within the Domains ........._._._ ....__. ...............133...
Discussion of Domain Structure ........._._._ ....__. ...............134...
Factors Affecting Structure ........._... ...... ..... ...............136...
Domain Knowl ed ge ........._... ...... ..... ...............136....

Demographic Variables ........._... ...... .___ ...............137....
Transnationalism .............. ...............137....
Acculturation .............. ...............138....
M ethod ............ _...... ._ ...............139...
Results ............... ..... ......__...... ...___ ... ..........14
Discussion of Factors Affecting Structure .............. ...............141....

7 DI SCU SSION ........._.._.. .. ............... 15....._. 5.....


Summary of the Analysis of Domain Elements ........._.. ............ ......__. ........15
Summary of the Analysis of Domain Structure ................. ....._.._............ .......15
Summary of the Analysis of Domain Knowledge ................. ...._.._ .............. .....15


APPENDIX


DEMOGRAPHIC QUESTIONAIRRE AND COHEN' S TRANSNATIONAL SCALE...........159


SPANISH ARSMA II SCALE .............. .....................160


LIST OF REFERENCES ............ ..... .__ ...............162..


BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ............ ..... .__ ...............183...











LIST OF TABLES


Table Pagg


Table 4-1 Number of responses collected by type and population ................. .......................91

Table 4-2 Number of items selected from freelists ................. ...............92........... .

Table 4-3 Participant demographic c information ................ ...............92...............

Table 4-4 Cohen individual transnational scores ........._..._. ....._... ....._._...........9

Table 4-5 ARSMA-II scores ................. ...............94......... ....

Table 5-1 Freelist response totals .............. ...............106....

Table 5-2 Open pilesort response totals ........._._.._......_.. ...............107..

Table 5-3 Constrained pilesort response totals .............. ...............107....

Table 5-4 Things mentioned by more than 20% of the respondents .............. .....................0

Table 5-5 Foods mentioned by more than 20% of the respondents............... ..............10

Table 5-6 Pastimes mentioned by more than 20% of the respondents ........._.._.. ......_.._.......1 10

Table 5-7 Unique foods ........._.._.. ...._... ...............113...

Table 5-8 Unique pastimes ........._.._.. ...._... ...............117...

Table 5-9 Unique things............... ...............120

Table 5-10 Number of items in the reduced datasets ........._._.._......_.. ...............123

Table 5-1 1 Percentage overlap of domains for complete and reduced datasets .......................... 125

Table 6-1 Total freelist length............... ...............142

Table 6-2 Average freelist length .............. ...............143....

Table 6-3 Standard deviation of freelists ............ ........... ...............143..

Table 6-4 Significant of T-test for differences in mean freelist lengths of foods ................... .....143

Table 6-5 Significant of T-test for differences in mean freelist lengths of pastimes .................144

Table 6-6 Significant of T-test for differences in mean freeli st lengths of things .....................144

Table 6-7 ANOVA results food ................. ...............144..............











Table 6-8 ANOVA results pastimes .............. ...............145....

Table 6-9 ANOVA results things .............. ...............145....

Table 6-10 Consensus analysis eigenvalues for each domain and sample .............. .................146

Table 6-11 Comparison of eigenvalue ratios for people who have children .............. ..... ........._.147

Table 6-12 Comparison of eigenvalue ratios for people who have 9 years or more of
education ................. ...............147................

Table 6-13 Comparison of eigenvalue ratios for females ................. ...............148............

Table 6-14 Comparison of eigenvalue ratios for people who are married .............. ..................148

Table 6-15 Comparison of eigenvalues for people 25 years old and younger............................. 149

Table 6-16 Summary statistics for the knowledge scores in each domain .............. .................152

Table 6-17 Summary statistics for the standard and modified transnational score .....................152

Table 6-18 Summary statistics for MOS, AOS and ARSMA-II scores ................... ...............152

Table 6-19 Model summary pastimes .............. ...............153....

Table 6-20 Coefficients pastimes .............. ...............153....

Table 6-21 Model summary things............... ...............153

Table 6-22 Coefficients things .............. ...............153....

Table 6-23 Model Summary foods ................. ...............153..............

Table 6-24 Coefficients foods .............. ...............154....











LIST OF FIGURES


Fimy~re IMg~e

Figure 4-1 Overview of research design ........._._. ..... .__ ...............91..

Figure 4-2 Frequency of freelist items for migrants ......................_. ...._.... ...............92

Figure 5-1 Overlap of domains for foods ..........._ ..... ..__ ...............111.

Figure 5-2 Overlap of domains for pastimes ..........._ .....___ ...............111

Figure 5-3 Overlap of domains for things ...........__......___ ...............112.

Figure 5-4 Cut off point ........... ..... .._ ...............122..

Figure 5-5 Overlap of foods domain reduced dataset ..........._ ..... ..__ .. ....__ ........2

Figure 5-6 Overlap of pastime domains reduced dataset ................. ................ ......... .124

Figure 5-7 Overlap of things domain Reduced data ................. ...............125........... .

Figure 6-1 Plot of Errors food .............. ...............144....

Figure 6-2 Plot of Errors pastimes ................. ...............145........... ..

Figure 6-3 Plot of Errors things ................. ...............146.......... ..

Figure 6-4 MDS for American foods (stress = 0. 195) ................ ...............149...........

Figure 6-5 MDS for Migrant foods (stress = 0. 104) ................. ...............149...........

Figure 6-6 MDS for Mexican foods (stress = 0.181)............... ...............150

Figure 6-7 MDS for American pastimes (stress = 0.222) ................. ...............150........... .

Figure 6-8 MDS for Migrant pastimes (stress = 0. 140) ....__. ................. ........._... ....5

Figure 6-9 MDS for Mexican pastimes (stress = 0.231) ................. ...._.._ ..................5

Figure 6-10 MDS for American things (stress = 0.087) ................. ...._.._ ............... ...5

Figure 6-11 MDS for Migrant things (stress = 0.084) ........................... ........._... ....5









Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

CULTURAL MODELS AMONG TRANSNATIONAL MEXICAN MIGRANTS

By

Mark C. House

May 2007

Chair: H. Russell Bernard
Major: Anthropology


In this study I examine the cultural changes of transnational Mexican migrants. The advent

of low cost air transportation and cheap telecommunications technology has changed the nature

of Mexican/American migration. These facts of modern life have allowed migrants to move

between two countries repeatedly. During their migrations they have begun to live between two

cultures, embracing their experience as long term migrants.

Traditional acculturation theory was developed to explain how migrants adapt to a new

culture after their migration. This theory was built on the assumption that the migration was

permanent and migrants would establish themselves in their new society. The new environment

of migration has spawned new theories of migration, including transnational migration. This

theory advances the idea that migrants are maintaining social contracts in two cultures.

Essentially they are living between cultures, yet transnational theory does not speak about how

migrant culture changes. Theories of how migrants change have to be reexamined to determine if

they are applicable to this transnational situation.

My research examines the elements and structure of three cultural domains of migrants' to

understand how they are similar and different from non-migrant Mexicans and Anglo

Americans. This dissertation includes data about their acculturation and transnational behaviors.










My research shows that there is evidence of both Mexican and American cultural

influences among migrants. The knowledge that migrants have of their domains is not related to

their acculturation into American lifestyles. My findings may indicate that migrants today are

fundamentally different than their predecessors. While they may adopt some parts of the

American lifestyle and hold onto parts of their home culture they may not completely settle into

being American, but instead









CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION

Advances in technology and air-travel, combined with the changes in the economic and

political landscape of countries worldwide, have changed migrant behavior. The increasing

availability of the Internet, inexpensive phone service and next-day mail allows people to

communicate with their families in almost any part of the world and with little or no expense or

delay. In the past, a trip home required a maj or commitment of time and money. Today, with cut-

throat competition in low-cost air transport, migrants in the U.S. can now fly home for a long

weekend to Mexico or the Caribbean (or from Europe to Turkey or North Africa). This ease of

travel and communication has created an environment where migrants no longer have to sever

ties in their home country to come to the U.S. and they no longer have to give up their culture to

become an American.

In response to this changing environment of migration, the concept of 'transnationalism'

came to prominence in the early 1990s for describing people who maintain lives in both their

home and host countries (Portes 2001). Transnational theory focused on why people migrate

repeatedly between cultures, how such migrants influence their sending and receiving

communities and what the larger effects of these migration patterns may be. One area that

theories of transnationalism have not focused on is how people change as a result of constantly

moving between countries. This issue has been left to theories and models of assimilation and

acculturation. However assimilation and acculturation are based on the assumption that migrants

are moving from one social or cultural system to another, and involves the replacement of the

home culture with the host culture. These assumptions are brought into question when migrants

are involved in both cultures to a larger extent. The research described in this dissertation









combines transnational and acculturation theory to present specific patterns on aspects of cultural

change during repeated migrations of Mexicans to the United States.

To examine the changes in migrant culture, very systematic and Eine-grained tools are

needed. These tools are available in Cognitive anthropology and related disciplines to examine

the interaction between human thought and our social and cultural world. Cognitive

anthropologists and psychologists developed the concepts of domains, prototypes, schemas,

taxonomies, and cultural models. These concepts give us an understanding of the how people

organize and use knowledge and have been operationalized over the years for measuring

culture--or at least components of culture-systematically. I use the idea of a cultural domain as

a starting point from which to measure changes in people's thought and behavior that result from

their back-and-forth migrations. Data for cultural domains can be collected reliably and with

sufficient detail for systematic comparison across groups. Using these kinds of data, I examine

how the ideas of transnationalism and acculturation are developed in migrants' material lifestyle.

In addition to providing Eine-grained data on components of culture, I systematically study

how cultural domains function. Most of the research in cognitive anthropology has been with

relatively homogeneous cultural groups, or with heterogeneous groups in relatively stable

societies. In the examination of migrant culture, I show how cultural domains can be influenced

by more than one culture. I begin by examining the motivation for the study and the tools

involved.

Why Study Migration?

There has been a surge in migration to the U. S. unmatched since the late 19th and early

20th centuries. Unlike the earlier waves of migrants who came mostly from European countries,

this time our closest neighbor, Mexico, is sending the majority of migrants. The U.S. Census

(Census 2000) estimates that there were 41.3 million Hispanics in the United States in July 2004,









out of a total population of 293.7 million an increase of 84% from the 22.4 million Hispanics

estimated to have been in the U. S. in 1990. Mexican immigration to the U. S. is estimated at 3.5

to 5 million people per decade until at least 2030 and, regardless of economic conditions, to

double by 2030O (Consej o Nacional de Poblacion November 2001). Velez-Ibafiez (2004)

estimates that by 2100, 60% of the population of the U. S., both native and foreign bomn, will be

of Mexican origin.

Just as the sending counties differ, the patterns of migration also differ from that of earlier

generations. Migrants from Europe in the late 19th and early 20th centuries came from distant

lands at a time when the infrastructure made international movement difficult. Today,

international air fares have fallen, making it easy for migrants to come and go, especially

between countries that share a border, like the United States and Mexico. Additionally, the

Immigration and Reform Act of 1986 (IRCA) legalized nearly 3 million illegal migrants who had

been working in the U.S. This removed the risk to previously illegal migrants of returning to

Mexico for visits since they could legally re-enter the United States (Basch, et al. 1994;

Irzigsohn and Saucedo 2002). Besides having the ability to travel easily, migrants from Mexico

and the Caribbean are in continual communication (using inexpensive phone cards) with

relatives and friends in both their communities of origin and their communities of destination

(Basch, et al. 1994; Itzigsohn, et al. 1999; Landolt 2001).

Growing up on a farm in western Kansas, I saw migrants arrive in the spring, when

agricultural employers had work for them, stay through the summer and fall, and return to

Mexico for a short time during the winter. The concept of transnationalism goes beyond taking

the occasional trip home for the holidays and defines these migrants as people who have

developed a lifestyle of migration that is qualitatively different from that of traditional migrants.









Transnationalism involves migrants creating and maintaining two sets of social relationships, one

in their home country and one in their host country (Basch, et al. 1994; Irzigsohn and Saucedo

2002) and building "social fields that link together the migrants' country of origin and their

country of settlement" (Glick Sheiller 1995: 171). The fraction of transnational migrants has not

been measured, but estimates range from 20% to 70% of all migrants (Cohen, et al. 2003;

Irzigsohn and Saucedo 2002; Levitt, et al. 2003).

With changes in the patterns of migration, researchers are questioning some long-

standing ideas of migration. In the mid-20th century, social scientists used the term

'acculturation' to describe the similarities they observed in cultures located near each other. In a

classic paper, Redfield et al. (1936) defined acculturation as, "those phenomena which result

when groups of individuals having different cultures come into continuous first-hand contact,

with subsequent changes in the original cultural patterns of either or both groups."

There have been some issues with this idea of acculturation as it was defined by Redfield.

This definition takes for granted that acculturation is a social or group-level process. It also

assumes that: there is long term contact between the groups; each culture has a defining

character; and that changes can occur in both the sending and receiving societies (Trimble 2002).

With the shifting nature of migration, researchers developed new theories about how

migrants adapt after a move. However, these theories do not provide specific guidelines for

understanding the changes that occur in migrants once they have begun living a transnational

lifestyle.

Why Use Cultural Domains?

For many cognitive anthropologists, culture is "whatever it is one has to know or believe in

order to operate in a manner acceptable to its members" (Goodenough 1957: 167). This

definition came out of a crisis in the reliability of representation of cultures and focuses our









attention away from the material artifacts produced by a culture and onto the knowledge that is

required for their production. Early efforts in cognitive anthropology focused on systematically

understanding various semantic domains in different cultures using feature analysis (Conklin

1954; Goodenough 1956; Lounsbury 1964b). Classic feature analysis fell out of fashion for good

reason (see Burling 1964); but the cognitive sciences turned to more complex cognitive

structures with the development of prototype theory (Berlin and Kay 1969; Lounsbury 1964a;

Rosch 1978b). Prototypes are a cognitive representation of an obj ect that aid in its classification

using typical features (Rosch 1978b). Prototypes were generalized into the theory of schemas by

allowing variation from the environment to be fitted within open slots in the model whereas in

prototypes these slots were filled with typical instantiations (Bartlett 1932; Langacker 1987;

Rumelhart 1980; Wallace 1970). Schemas are "conceptual abstractions that mediate between

stimuli received by the sense organs and behavioral responses (Casson 1983: 430)." These

mental entities are used to classify obj ects and to understand spatial relationships and events; in

other words they organize experience (Casson 1983; Mandler 1984; Rice 1980).

Schemas are found at different levels of generality. Universal schemas are shared by all of

humankind while idiosyncratic schemas are the products of an individual (Rice 1980; Shore

1996). Cultural schemas or models provide a midpoint between these poles (Rice 1980) and are

shared to some degree with other people in a society (D'Andrade 1987). These models define the

elements of a particular domain and how these elements are structured. They structure our

understanding, expectations and inferences about the world as well as the decisions we make

(Quinn and Holland 1987). Cultural models have been developed for American gender

terminology (Holland and Skinner 1987), buying behavior (Rumelhart 1980), the western idea of

mind (D'Andrade 1987), American marriage (Quinn 1987), anger (Lakoff and Kovecses 1987),









and the way that heating thermostats work (Kempton 1987), to name a few. Similar to cultural

models, cultural domains allow the researcher to examine a very small part of a culture, but in

great detail. However cultural domains are created with systematically collected data and can be

analyzed with statistical tools. These two characteristics are necessary to especially helpful in

understanding how culture changes as a result of migration.

By examining the cultural models of migrants I also attempt to expand the usefulness of

cultural models by examining how they are affected by multiple cultural influences. Romney and

Moore (1998) suggest that examining the structure of cultural domains in bilinguals and

comparing them to the domains of monolingual people would significantly advance our

understanding of culture as shared cognitive representations of semantic structures. Similarly,

Schrauf (2002) argues that instead of comparing separate cultural groups, an alternative is to

examine the cognitive domains of immigrants. Because immigrants would have two competing

cultural influences the investigation would highlight the differences between two cultures. The

research reported here answers these calls by examining a sample of cultural models from

Mexicans who move regularly between their home in around the city of Guadalaj ara in the State

of Jalisco, Mexico and Goodland, Kansas and comparing these models with those of non-

migrants living in the US and non-migrants living in Mexico.

Manuscript Organization

Chapter one gives a broad overview of the topics in question and ties the methods of

cognitive anthropology with the topic of migration. Chapter two provides a historical and

theoretical context for this research: a brief history of U. S./Mexico migration, followed by a

general review of migration theory and related factors. The chapter concludes with a discussion

of theories of acculturation and transnationalism. Chapter three reviews the history of cognitive

anthropology to provide an understanding of why cultural models are useful in examining










migrant culture. Chapter four explains the research design, the sampling strategy and the data

collection methods used for this proj ect. Chapter five presents the analysis of the elements of the

domains. Chapter six is an analysis of the structure of the domains and the relationship between

migrants' cultural knowledge and their transnational behavior and acculturation. Chapter seven is

a discussion of the results and future directions for the research begun here.









CHAPTER 2
MEXICAN MIGRATION

This chapter provides a background on the history and theory of migration between the

U. S. and Mexico. Any effort to recount the history of Mexican migration to the U. S. must

consider the policies that have shaped this movement. While not always achieving the goals they

are written for, immigration policies have a profound affect on the number of migrants entering

the country, how they enter the country and where they move to after entry (Massey and

Espinosa 1997). To give a context for the research presented here, the first section presents a

short history of U. S. migration law and Mexican migration to the U. S.

The research on migration is vast and is not easily summarized. However, to provide a

theoretical background for this research, the second section examines various theories of why

people migrate, why migration patterns are perpetuated and other issues in migration research,

including the role of racism as either a push or a pull factor; differences between temporary and

permanent migration; the importance of legal status of migrants; the role of remittances for

senders and receivers; and the role of labor organizations in migrants' behavior.

The final section narrows the discussion to theories of post-migration change including

assimilation and transnationalism. Assimilation and acculturation are theories about what

happens to people after they move to a new country and culture. Transnationalism is a collection

of ideas about the changing nature of migration. Applying the idea of acculturation to the

environment proposed by transnationalism, I develop hypotheses about how the culture of

transnational migrants changes during the process of making repeated trips between countries.










Mexican U.S. Migration and Policy


Early Policies

The first immigration law in the U.S. was the Naturalization Act of 1790 which stipulated

that anyone who was a free white person could become a citizen of the United States. Laws in

1862 and 1875 restricted the immigration of specific groups, mainly Orientals, criminals and

prostitutes. Additional restrictions were created in Federal laws enacted in 1882, 1885, 1891,

1903, 1907, and 1917, based on economic, moral and physical criteria (Batchelor 2004).

Before the Mexican Revolution in 1910, Mexican migration was less than 1% of the total

migration to the U.S. (Freeman and Bean 1997b). During this time, migration to the U. S. was

discouraged by Mexico' s system of land tenure, where a small minority owned the vast maj ority

of the land. Those without land made their living through various sharecropping arrangements,

selling homemade crafts and engaging in small scale business operations (Bean, et al. 1997).

This lifestyle required the labor of the entire family, which restricted the ability to of Mexicans

to move abroad.

Incentives for migration during the early 20th century were created in both Mexico and

the U.S. Porfirio Diaz's economic modernization plan included the building of railroads through

the rural areas of Mexico. These railroads were connected to the system of tracks in the

Southwest U.S., making it possible for migrants to move north. The Mexican Revolution of 1910

disrupted the social stability of rural areas through the destruction of crops and trade (Garza and

Szekely 1997). This instability continued with the Cristero Rebellion of 1926, encouraging

further migration. This was especially prominent in the north and west-central states of Mexico

(Garza and Szekely 1997). On the U.S. side at that time, recruiters sought rural Mexican labor

for building railroads, for working in mines and for agricultural work, especially in the









Southwest (Durand, et al. 2001; Fussell 2004). Additionally, World War I cut traditional sources

of labor from Europe further increasing the demand for Mexican labor (Durand, et al. 2001).

While these factors increased Mexican migration during the early 20th century, the total

Mexican migration was not exceptional when compared to migration from other areas (Bean, et

al. 1997). A total of 459,000 Mexican' s registered as migrants to the U. S during the entire

decade of the 1920's. Several European countries contributed equally and Canada had more than

twice this number of migrants to the U. S. during the same period (Bean, et al. 1997). One

feature of Mexican migration that separated it from that of other countries was the seasonal

nature of the migrant work. This encouraged an annual emigration back to Mexico that was

nearly three quarters of the immigration to the U.S. (Bean, et al. 1997). Even at this early stage

in the establishment of Mexican/American migration routes there is evidence that migrants were

making repeated j ourneys between the two countries.

The 1917 Immigration Act increased the fees to enter the country to 8 dollars (135 in

2005 dollars) and imposed a literacy test on all immigrants. However, under pressure from

agricultural producers in the southwest, special consideration was given to Mexico when the

Secretary of Labor waved the literacy test and head tax for Mexican workers. The 1921 Quota

Act created quotas for countries in the Eastern Hemisphere, dictating the number of immigrants

allowed into the U.S. per year from each country. There were however no limits on immigration

from countries in the Western Hemisphere. Countries were also favored in the 1924 National

Origin Quota Act that also excluded them from quotas. This act did however create the Border

Patrol .

The Bracero Program

In 1929, the lack of jobs for American workers created by the Great Depression caused

the U. S. government to limit Mexican migration (Durand, et al. 2001). Deportation of Mexican









workers increased dramatically until World War II (Durand, et al. 2001). In 1942, the Bracero

program created a guest worker program for seasonal agricultural laborers (Durand, et al. 2001;

Fussell 2004). This program gave workers a six month renewable visa to work for approved

growers in the U.S. (Durand, et al. 2001) The Bracero program was beneficial to both the

Mexican and U. S. economies. It provided cheap seasonal work for U. S. farmers and inj ected

cash into the poorer areas of Mexico through remittances. The program was ended in 1964, but

through it more than 4.6 million Mexican workers came to the U.S. (Cornelius 1978).

During the Bracero period, migration increased not only because of the ease with which

migrants could enter the U.S. but also because U.S. wages were many times higher than in

Mexico (Bean, et al. 1997). Migration came especially from the western regions of Mexico

where there were established linkages to the Southwest U.S. and agriculture was more market

oriented creating a greater use for cash (Bean, et al. 1997; Cornelius 1978). During this period

the Mexican government was involved in agrarian reform, begun in 1934, that broke up the

haciendas and created smaller ejidos or communally owned plots. With population growth at the

village level, these plots quickly became too small to be useful and further encouraged rural

peasants to migrate (Garza and Szekely 1997).

Post War Immigration

In 1952, the McCarran-Walter Act was the first act of Congress to consider labor market

shortages directly in U.S. Immigration law. This act favored migrants with skills that were in

short supply in the U.S. and gave special priority to family members of citizens (Freeman and

Bean 1997a). This act did not consider the increasing illegal immigration coming from Mexico.

However in June of 1954, 'Operation Wetback' was launched returning illegal migrants to

Mexico. This action was such a success that illegal migration was insignificant for more than a

decade (Reimers 1982).









The Immigration and Nationality Act was amended in 1965 to eliminate the national

origins quota system, moving U.S. policy away from country-specific visa limits and towards a

system that was blind to the origin of migrants. It also created the first annual cap for migrants

from the Western Hemisphere (Batchelor 2004; Freeman and Bean 1997a). However in 1976,

Congress imposed a limit of 20,000 visas per country in Latin America and eliminated

preferential treatment for migrants from the Western Hemisphere. This law also eliminated the

cap for family members of citizens, creating a massive backlog of applicants from Mexico

(Freeman and Bean 1997a).

IRCA

The most recent influential reform of immigration law in the U. S came in 1986 in the

form of the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA). IRCA had three components aimed at

reducing the flow of illegal migrants to the U.S. First, the act attempted to eliminate the

attraction of U. S. j obs by sanctioning employers who knowingly hire undocumented migrants.

Employers who repeatedly hire illegal migrants can be penalized with a 10,000 dollar fine and

criminal prosecution. Second, the act gave additional resources to the US border patrol,

including 400 million dollars to hire additional officers. Third, the act gave amnesty to illegal

migrants who could prove that they were in continuous residence in the U.S. after January 1,

1982. A special clause was included giving undocumented farm workers legal status if they

could demonstrate that they worked in the U.S. for at least 90 days during the twelve months

proceeding May 1, 1986 (Durand, et al. 2001; Freeman and Bean 1997a; Massey 1987; Phillips

and Massey 1999).

The effects of the IRCA are still being researched. The amnesty proviso legalized almost

3 million formerly illegal migrants, of whom over 70% were from Mexico (Freeman and Bean

1997a). Some 1.7 million of these migrants demonstrated long term residence and 1.3 million









workers were legalized through the special agricultural workers allowance (Phillips and Massey

1999). Not counting the reduction in illegal migration that resulted from the massive

legalization, the question still remains: has the bill reduced the flow of illegal migrants?

Because of methodological difficulties collecting data on illegal migrants, there are mixed

conclusions on this question. On the one hand, there were fewer arrests of migrants crossing the

borders for the three years following the implementation of the IRCA in 1986 (Freeman and

Bean 1997a). On the other hand, sending communities (communities that send migrants) show

no decline in the number of migrants moving across the border (Donato 1994). Cornelius

(1978), Durand and Massey (1992) Further evidence suggests that employee sanctions may not

be effective at reducing illegal migration as these were in full effect only after three years when

arrests were once again on the increase (Freeman and Bean 1997a).

Other effects of the IRCA include a reduction in wages for illegal migrants (Phillips and

Massey 1999). Employers increasingly used subcontractors for labor after IRCA. These

subcontractors took the risk of hiring illegal migrants away from employers but passed this risk

on to the migrants in the form of reduced wages and poor working conditions (Phillips and

Massey 1999; Taylor, et al. 1996).

At the time when the IRCA was being implemented, there were a number of factors in

Mexico that encouraged both legal and illegal migration to the U. S. Roberts and Latapi (1997)

reviewed these issues and concluded that changes in education, health and housing did not

contribute to increased migration. While these areas did not worsen during that time, they

showed slowed improvement. Roberts and Latapi (1997) did find that increased income

inequality contributed to migration. This resulted when waged employment decreased and people

were forced to turn to self-employment (Roberts and Latapi 1997). With the end of subsidies for









urban consumers, urban areas stagnated and could no longer attract rural migrants (Roberts and

Latapi 1997). At the same time, crop prices were no longer subsidized and land was less

available, creating additional incentive for rural workers to migrate (Latapi, et al. 1996).

The 1990 Immigration Act raised the annual ceiling for certain categories of immigrants.

This act attempted to attract skilled labor for U. S. businesses. The 1996 Immigration Reform

Law and Welfare Reform Law attempted to curb illegal migration by doubling the number of

border patrol agents and making it impossible for undocumented immigrants to get Social

Security benefits as well as most federal, state and local assistance (Batchelor 2004).

Additionally, legal immigrants were excluded from most federal programs for 5 years.

Mexican/American migration is somewhat unique in the world because of the sharp

contrast in living standards between the two countries and the fact that they share an extensive

stretch of almost unguarded border. These two factors have created an exchange of labor, money

and products that both countries have come to rely on. The policies of both countries have

shifted through time from encouraging migration to attempting to deter it altogether. However, I

think it is uncontroversial to say that people (mostly Mexicans) will continue to travel between

the countries and blend their cultures for many years to come.

Theories of Why People Migrate

Migration is not only situated in a political environment, it also has a significant

theoretical base that has developed over decades of researchers examining the phenomenon.

Economics, sociology, anthropology, history and political science all have a large number of

researchers dedicated to the study of migrants and their movement around the globe.

While there are differences in each discipline's study of migration, some basic questions have

guided all the research, such as: why do people migrate; why do people return home; what

happens after migration; how do migrants adjust to a new society; and what are the effects of









migration on sending and receiving countries? Different disciplines have not always agreed on

the methods or even the level of analysis that should be used to investigate these questions.

However because of this diversity of perspectives, a large variety of theories have been

developed to deal with the questions of migration.

Early Equilibrium Theory

According to Portes (1976), the earliest work on migration in anthropology derives from

the unilinear evolutionary theories of the 19th and early 20th centuries. These theories placed

societies in various continua-Tonnies' Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft societies, Durkheim's

mechanical vs. Organic solidarity societies, and so on. Redfield (1941) saw a folk-urban

continuum, with societies in rural, undeveloped, agricultural areas at one end and large,

developed cities at the other. Applying this model to migration, he assumed that the migrant

would assimilate the modem innovations they encounter in urban society and return these ideas

to their rural regions (Keamey 1986; Miracle and Berry 1970). These innovations would then

lead to the modernization of the rural sending areas.

During the 1960s and 70s, researchers noted that migrants were not acting according to

the predictions of these early models. Gmelch (1980; Swanson 1979) reviewed research on

return migration and found that return migrants generally did not bring skills that were useful in

their home economy nor did they invest their savings in the community; instead they used their

earnings for housing and to buy consumer goods. Agricultural workers might buy land with their

savings but would lease it out rather than farm it and provide themselves with an income stream

(Wiest 1979). Another questionable assumption was that because rural economies had a surplus

of labor, they should spontaneously export it. History has shown that the export of labor is rarely

spontaneous or even consensual (Portes 1978). Instead of creating equilibrium between labor









and capital, as the model predicted, migration was escalating the disparities between rural and

urban areas (Amin 1974).

Neoclassical Economic Theory

Drawing from the ideas found in modernization theories, neoclassical models from

economics used the idea of two types of societies to create models of migration based on

differential amounts of labor and capital in different areas (Kearney 1986; Massey 1987; Wood

1982). Areas with high wages would attract migrants from areas of low wages. Inversely places

with low capital would have higher possible rates of return and thus would attract investment

capital. Additional money would be sent from areas with high capital through the remittances of

migrants sent to their family and friends. These two flows would eventually create equilibrium

between two areas through migration (Massey, et al. 1993). The neoclassical model of migration

was a model of individual choice. This model stated that the decision to migrate was a cost

benefit analysis that considered several key factors (Todaro and Maruszko 1987). Research

using this theory has found that migration is positively related to a high wage ratio at the

destination, a large labor force at the origin and destination, and negatively related to high wages

at the migrant' s home and the distance between the origin and destination cities (Greenwood, et

al. 1981; King 1978; Rogers 1968).

Other work indicates that Mexican migration is negatively related to the farm wages in

Mexico and agricultural productivity in Mexico and positively related to farm wages in the US

(Frisbie 1975). In accordance with the neoclassical model, Jenkins (1977) found that the Mexico

- US wage differential was positively related to Mexican migration. Further refinement of this

model indicates that it is not the real wage differential between sending and receiving

communities but the expected earnings gap that is significant (Taylor 1987; Todaro and

Maruszko 1987). Unemployment in Mexico has also been found to be positively related to









Mexican out-migration (Blejer, et al. 1978; White, et al. 1990). There is considerable research

supporting neoclassical theory. However, Massey and Espinosa (1997) found that while the wage

differential is weakly associated with the odds of taking a first trip to the United States, it is not

related to making additional trips or return home trips.

Dual Labor Market Theory

Dual or segmented labor market theory is a macro level theory that is similar to

neoclassical theory with one exception. While dual labor market theory agrees that migration is a

rational decision made by individuals responding to labor markets around the world, it sees

migration as a result of a segmented or dual labor market that is inherent in the economic

structure of advanced industrial societies (Piore 1979). Instead of a continuous labor market as

assumed by neoclassical economics, the labor market is divided into two sectors: a primary

sector that provides good wages, working conditions and steady employment, and a secondary

sector with opposite traits (Dickens and Lang 1988). In developed societies, there is a shortage of

workers who are willing to work in the secondary sector, so employers are forced to tumn to

migrant labor (Piore 1979).

This theory was prominent in economic research in the mid 1970s, but testing the theory

yielded mixed results (see (Massey, et al. 1994). The theory reemerged in the late 1980s with

some improvements in the model that has considerably improved its fit with empirical data

(Dickens and Lang 1988). Applying this theory to immigration, immigrant workers who take

jobs in the secondary sector would be expected to have lower returns for their education, skills

and other work experience than native workers (Massey, et al. 1994). Using cross-sectional data,

Chiswick (1984) has found evidence contradicting these predictions. However other studies have

found that education, experience and j ob skills in secondary sector employment are negatively

related to migration (Lindstrom and Massey 1994; Portes and Bach 1985). These studies have









also found that English language ability and time in the U.S. were both positively related to the

ability to work in the primary sector or to gain higher earnings in the secondary sector.

New Economics of Migration

The 'new economics of migration' approach and the neoclassical economic view are both

micro-level decision models that rely on rational choice of the deciding unit. However a key

insight of the new economics of migration approach is that migration decisions are not made by a

single person, instead it is the family or household where the decision is made (Wood 1982).

Because the decision lies within a small group of people, there are other considerations in the

decision to migrate (Stark and Bloom 1985). These factors can include the likelihood of crop

failure, risks of falling market prices, unemployment by some members of the household or the

desire to decrease the household's relative deprivation (Massey, et al. 1993).

Even if the migrant does not increase the absolute income of the family, they provide an

important way to mediate these risks by either sending money home or returning home with

earnings. Relative income, or the income in comparison to the migrants peers, may be more

important to migrants than absolute income (Massey and Espinosa 1997; Stark 1991). Another

flaw found in the neoclassical model that is highlighted by the 'new economics of migration'

literature is that it assumes that people will migrate on a permanent basis, despite the fact that

regular temporary migration has been documented for a number of countries (see Massey, et al.

1994). There is also evidence that when migrants do return, they spend their earnings on income

producing assets like additional land, livestock or equipment (Fletcher and Taylor 1992; Taylor

and Wyatt 1993).

Dependency Theory

Raul Prebisch, head of the United Nations Economic Commission on Latin America.

Prebisch in the late 1940s, saw that, contrary to neoclassical predictions, economic growth did









not benefit some nations as their wealth continued to decrease while the wealth of others

increased. In The Economic Development of Latin America and' its Principal Problems (1950),

Prebish theorized about these differences and produced what came to be known as dependency

theory. The Singer-Prebisch thesis (so named because Hans Singer, another United Nations

employee, developed the same idea at the same time) stated that poor counties export raw

materials used by rich countries that would then manufacture these materials into finished goods

and resell them back to poorer countries (Singer and Chen 1998). However, because of unfair

trade policies maintained by the rich countries, the poor countries would never earn enough from

their exports to pay for their imports.

Ferrara (1996) describes three assumptions that were generally shared by dependency

theories. First, these rich and poor countries were renamed as core and periphery (Wallerstein

1974), metropolitan and satellite or dominant and dependent. States with low per capital GNP and

that relied on the export of raw materials were classified into the second category of the scheme.

Second, both types of states are connected through historical, dynamic and ongoing relationships

that reinforce the dominant/dependent connection. This relationship was created by the policies

of trade that favored the core nations. Companies in core nations would retain profits through

developed unions, while companies in peripheral nations would not have this advantage. Third,

external forces like multinational corporations, international markets, foreign aid and any other

means by which dominant countries can further their influence are the primary factors in the

relationship between the two types of states. Instead of developing the rural regions of the

world, dependency theory saw the movement of labor to core areas as exploitation that benefited

the developed parts of the world (Wood 1982). Kearney (1986) notes that while dependency

theory has focused research onto the extraction of human resources via migration it, "does not










provide anthropologists with a general theoretical model capable of generating many local level

research problems on migration emanating from rural communities" (p. 340).

World Systems Theory

World systems theory has continued the ideas developed in dependency theory

hypothesizing a single worldwide system of labor and commodities that are exchanged among

different regions (Wallerstein 1974). Instead of having a bifurcated system of folk and urban

areas, the regions are classified into a periphery, semi-periphery, or core areas. Migration occurs

because of the penetration of capitalist economies into non-capitalist societies that is a product of

globalization (Massey, et al. 1993). Disruptions to the existing economy result from the

introduction of capitalism in various forms, including: land reform, extraction of raw materials

and the labor demands of new factories. These factors can cause large numbers of people to lose

their traditional livelihood and become prone to migrate (Chayanov 1966; Massey, et al. 1994).

This system originated as a result of colonization of Asia, Latin America and Africa that allowed

Europe to have access to the markets and natural resources worldwide. More recently Europe

and the U.S. have used diplomacy and their military to develop and protect their investments,

resources and allies (Rumbaut 1991). This theory has been used in some anthropological

research on migration (Rhoades 1978; Wiest 1973) but has proven difficult to test directly.

However there are some indicators linking economic development in a region to out-migration

(Hatton and Williamson 1994; Roberts 1982) Similarly, direct investment by the U.S into

foreign economies is a strong indicator of market penetration (Sassen 1988) and is highly related

to the annual rate of migration to the U.S. (Ricketts 1987).

Articulation Theory

Unlike world systems theory, articulation theory does not see a single global capitalist

system of societies (Kearney 1986). It does acknowledge the division of core and peripheral









societies but peripheral communities can have qualitatively different forms of economy other

than capitalism and these other economies can coexists along side of capitalism to some degree.

Another difference from World Systems theory is that articulation theory focuses on production

instead of circulation as the primary means for the transfer of surplus to capitalist economies.

Research in this tradition focuses on the creation of excess labor it transfers to capitalist societies

as the prime factor in migrant labor. Articulation theory states that the economy that produces

migrants is destroyed because the labor is drawn off to work in the capitalist economies

(Meillassoux 1981). As this labor is drawn a temporary migration attempts to save the domestic

non-capitalist economy, which in turn creates a permanent state where migration is the norm and

not a transition to a capitalist economy (Meillassoux 1981; Rey 1973).

Summary of Factors in the Creation of Migration Streams

There are many variables that account for the ebb and flow of migration from

Mexico(Massey, et al. 1994) but there is no single theory to account for the phenomenon. An

excellent attempt at understanding the strengths and weaknesses of these different theories was

made by Massey and Espinosa (1997) who use one dataset to test several theories against one

another. The results provide and excellent summary of the factors influencing migration. They

indicate that people with social ties to other migrants are more likely to migrate initially. One

assumption of neoclassical economic theory is that people with physical capital would be more

likely to migrate. However their results show that people with homes, land and a business are

less likely to migrate and especially are less likely to be migrating illegally. Nevertheless,

neoclassical economic theory does show us that the likelihood of undocumented migration is

related positively to the U.S./Mexico ratio of expected wages, although this is not the best

predictor of migration. Completing high school (preparatoria) in Mexico lowers the odds of

migration while the presence of a bank in a person's home town raises these odds, supposedly by










providing a means to safely accumulate the earnings of migrants (Massey, et al. 1994).

Congruent with predictions of the new economy of migration and with world systems theory,

high levels of development in a community as well as high wages increase the likelihood of

undocumented migration as does the larger proportion of workers earning twice the minimum

wage and the proportion of women working in manufacturing j obs (Massey, et al. 1994). Massey

et al. support segmented labor market theory's assumption that migration follows U.S. labor

demand. World systems theory states that migration is an effect of capital penetration; however

the rate of growth in direct foreign investment decreases the odds of migration in their study

(Massey, et al. 1994). The supply of visas is negatively related to the number of undocumented

migrants, but efforts at controlling undocumented workers are not effective. Rather than

discouraging employment of undocumented workers, sanctions against employers and an

increase in resources for border restrictions increase the likelihood of taking an initial trip to the

U. S. Furthermore, the legalization that were a part of IRCA have increased migration by

increasing the network ties available to non-migrants. Massey and Espinosa (1997) sum up the

contribution of many different theories.

In accordance with the neoclassical model, the likelihood of illegal migration is
positively related to the U.S.-Mexico wage differential. Being related to a migrant
sharply boosts the odds of taking a first U. S. trip, which is consistent with social capital
theory. In keeping with the new economics of migration, high real interest rates increase
the probability of undocumented movement. Following segmented labor market theory,
undocumented migration is linked to the growth of U. S. employment. And, consistent
with world systems theory,..., the odds of undocumented migration are greatest in
dynamic, developing communities, not stagnant area with low wages and marginal levels
of industrialization. (p. 964 965)


Why Does Migration Continue?

Besides examining factors that initiate migration, there is substantial research on factors

that perpetuate additional migration. These factors may either increase the likelihood that the










migrant will make repeated trips or they may reduce the costs and risks for family and friends to

also migrate (Massey, et al. 1994). Findings that support the former have been dubbed

'cumulative causation' (Massey 1990) and show that the probability of making multiple trips is

increased with migrant experience in the new country (DeJong, et al. 1983; Massey 1987; Root

and DeJong 1991; Taylor 1987) Research on the latter, reducing the costs and risks to migration,

has used social networks to understand the factors involved.

When migrants have made the trip abroad, they return with a vast amount of knowledge

and contacts that can be useful to their friends and family. These social networks increase the

likelihood of migration by decreasing the risk and costs associated with moving to a new country

and starting a new job (Choldin 1973; Ho 1993; Massey and Espana 1987). Cost is reduced as

the number of migrants increase. Once the first migrants from an area are established, they

provide assistance and knowledge that eases the move for future migrants (Wilson 1998). Risk is

also reduced with the increased number of migrants until at some point the household relies on

the income from migrants as part of their survival. Similar results have been noted by a number

of researchers who have found that social ties to someone in the U.S. is the best predictor of

migration (Chavez 1988; Fjellman and Gladwin 1985; Massey 1987; Massey and Espana 1987).

Additional work with migrant networks has yielded some interesting results. Cohen et al.

(2003) found that people who know more individuals with migration experience are more likely

to be migrants themselves. Guarnizo et al. (2003) found that network size, but not network

composition, or who was in the network, was positively related to transnationalism migration.

Working in Mexico, Curran and Rivero-Fuentes (2003) found that male networks are more

important for moves to the U.S., while networks composed of female members decreased the

odds of a male migrating. Female networks did however increase the likelihood of female










migration and were especially important in migration within Mexico. Kanaiaupuni (2000) found

similar results suggesting that high female employment at the destination encourages female but

not male migration. The size of the population in the receiving country has been found to be

critical in attracting migrants (Dunlevy 1991) as has the network density (Winters, et al. 2001).

Winters, et al. (2001) also found that as migrant networks become established, community

networks can be substituted for familial networks. In an examination of the types of relationships

that compose the network, the degree of kinship plays an important part in the decision to

migrate within Mexico as well as to the U.S. (Davis, et al. 202).

When migration back and forth has become self sustaining over time, a culture of

migration comes into existence. This culture of migration creates social norms that encourage

migration in a number of ways. Massey et al. (1994) have divided these norms into three

categories: first migrants are able to engage in the consumption of consumer products that is

beyond the means of non-migrants (Fletcher and Taylor 1992; Georges 1990; Massey 1987;

Wiest 1979; Wiest 1973); second migration becomes a rite of passage for young men in the

community (Georges 1990; Reichert 1982; Rouse 1992); and third migration influences gender

relationships within the family as women migrate to societies with fewer constraints on female

autonomy (Georges 1990; Grasmuck and Pessar 1991).

Other Factors in Migration

There are a variety of other factors that are significant in the study of migration. Some

may not contribute directly to the creation of or maintenance of migration streams but are no less

important. A few of these issues are examined below.

Racism

Racism is certainly a factor when people move into a new culture. It is compounded

when the phenotypes of the sending and receiving societies are different and the racial categories









in the two societies are different as well--as is the case for the U.S. and Mexico (Alonso 2004).

However the literature linking migration and racism in Mexico is very sparse. The investigation

of racism in Mexico has included the relationship between class and ethnicity (Alonso 2004;

Lewis 2000; Stephen 1991) and the relationship between native ethnicity and political

movements (Nagengast and Kearney 1990).

On the other side of the border the racism against Mexicans provides historical

perspective. Menchaca (1993) examines how the legal system of the U. S. discriminated against

Mexicans from 1848-1947. She concluded that Mexicans who were of indigenous descent were

more rigorously discriminated against. She also found that phenotype played a large part in the

degree of discrimination (Menchaca 1993). Velez-Ibanez (1996), working in the Mexican

American community in the Southwest, shows how this population reacts to the racism they

experience in the U.S. Unfortunately there is little work connecting migration and racism in

Mexico or the U.S. I suspect that this may result from the lack of discernment by Americans

between Mexicans and Mexican Americans. Both groups are likely to be discriminated against

based on their race with little acknowledgement of their citizenship.

Temporary Versus Permanent Migrants

One question within migration work is what makes a migrant stay in the U. S? Massey

and Espinosa (1997) found that the likelihood of returning to Mexico was increased by being

married, by the number of prior trips to the U. S., by owning land or a home, by living in a

community with a bank, and by increases in Mexican inflation and interest rates. The likelihood

of returning to Mexico was decreased by increases in education, by increased experience in the

U. S., by the duration of the trip to the U. S., by holding a skilled or unskilled j ob, by having

children in the U. S. and by increased availability of visas (Massey and Espinosa 1997). While

the availability of visas may reduce the likelihood of returning to Mexico Durand, et al. (2001)









found that the massive increase in legalization in the late 1980's actually increased the return

migration.

Canales (2003) examined the macro influences of Mexico' s economic policies and

business practices within the U.S. on Mexican migration. He concludes that the neoliberal

policies in Mexico have reduced j ob security as well as the overall number of jobs and total

wages. He also found that the labor market in the U.S. has split into high paying professional

jobs and low paying unskilled labor. This dual labor market has also been found by other

researchers (Piore 1979). Canales argues that Mexican labor has moved out of the traditional

agricultural work towards other types of unskilled labor that provide year round employment,

thus increasing the number of permanent migrants to the U. S.

Legality

Massey and Espinosa (1997) examined variables that influence the likelihood of taking a

first trip to the US legally or illegally. Both legal and illegal migrants were influenced by having

a parent or sibling who migrated, and living in an agrarian economy. Legal migrations increased

with an increase in the number of migrants in the community, an increase in the number of

people earning twice the minimum wage in the community, an increase in the number of females

employed in manufacturing positions in the community, and with having an ejido established.

These variables were negatively related to illegal migration. A number of other variables were

related to legal migration but not illegal migration, including: Age squared (-), marital status (-),

owning land (+), owning a home (-) or business (-), having attended a preparatory school (-),

having a bank located in the community (+), the Mexican inflation rate (-), U.S. employment

growth (+), growth in foreign investment (-), Mexican interest rates (+), and the availability of

visas (-) (Massey and Espinosa 1997).









For both illegal and legal migrants the factors that influence a return trip to Mexico

include: marital status, education, cumulative U.S. experience, duration of trip, holding an

unskilled urban j ob, number of U. S. migrant children and owning land (Massey and Espinosa

1997). Owning a home, living in a community in Mexico with a bank, the availability of visas,

and the number of self employed in the sending community were significant factors for legal

migrants but not illegal migrants to return home. Illegal migrants were influenced by a different

set of factors to return home, these include: not being a wife of a U.S. migrant, not having U. S.

born children, owning land in Mexico, living in a community in Mexico with a preparatory

school (the equivalent of a high school in the U.S.), having paved road and not an ejido,

increased risk of apprehension and the enactment of employer sanctions (Massey and Espinosa

1997).

Remittances

While not directly influencing the creation or maintenance of migration flows, the study

of remittances from migrants to their home country is certainly pertinent given that these totaled

more than 13.3 billion dollars in 2003 up from 10 billion in 2002 and expected to rise annually

(Coronado 2004). Electronic transfers were the most popular method for sending money to

Mexico with 85.8% of the money sent this way. Money orders followed with 12.2% and cash or

material goods had 1.9% of the total money sent to Mexico (Coronado 2004). The importance of

remittances lies in the fact that migrants can eamn the wages of high-income countries and in

sending some of this income home, they can spend the money at the prices of low-income

countries.

There is some disagreement about whether remittances have a positive or negative impact

on origin countries. At the household level, Itzigsohn (1995) found that low and middle-low

income families have a higher overall income if they receive remittances. This point may sound










simple, but it shows that the cost of sending a migrant to work abroad is less than the income

received from them (Keely and Tran 1989). These remittances also allowed some family

members to stay out of the workforce or at least to avoid the most menial j obs and work in

riskier employment (Itzigsohn 1995).

The question can also be asked at the community level. Are the communities that send

migrants to work abroad better off because of the remittances? This question is more complex

because not everyone in the community may send a family member abroad. Jones (1998) found

that the inequality between family incomes was influenced by the level of migration found in the

community. He found that remittances decrease the separation of the low income families and

high income families when migration is new. However when migration is more settled within the

community the findings were reversed and income inequality increased. Besides affecting the

spread of a community' income distribution, Conway and Cohen (1998) argue that the

significance of remittances should be measured by their impact on community investment,

household decision making and community structure.

Labor Organization of Migrants

While examples of the labor organization among migrants may be easy to point out,

documentation is more difficult to find. A typical organization is described as mostly migrant

men, recruited by a crew boss to work as harvesters in the agricultural sector (Nelkin 1970).

These bosses recruited migrants on street corners or in bar sweeps, with many migrants having

no intentions of working in a crew until they are recruited (Nelkin 1970). The crew leader is key

and serves as "contractor, recruiter, camp manager, work supervisor, policeman and banker"

(Nelkin 1970: 476). These bosses use their knowledge of the language, work site and

surrounding area to maintain their control over the workers, who often know little about the

environment beyond their j ob. Zlolniski (1994) argues that this type of organization developed










into the extensive use of subcontractors by formal sector firms. Using these bosses as

subcontractors helped reduce the labor cost and overhead costs of maintaining workers within

the formal sector. Additionally these crews provided the formal economy with an increasingly

flexible work force.

Personal experience in Kansas shows a less organized labor structure. Many migrants

will use personal contacts to implement their migration to the U.S. However these contacts do

not maintain the control over the migrant after arrival. I would argue that this occurs because

agricultural work in the Midwest is plentiful and farmers have a long history of working with

Hispanic migrants.

Post Migration Changes

This section focuses on the question of the adaptation of migrants to their new society.

Assimilation theory focuses on how migrants give up the customs of their homeland and adopt

the customs of their new culture. Transnationalism points out that the nature of migration has

changed dramatically from the time when assimilation theory was developed. Recall that

advances in technology and air-travel, combined with the changes in the economic and political

landscape of countries worldwide, have changed how migrants behave. The increasing

availability of the Internet, inexpensive phone service and next-day mail allows people to

communicate with their families in almost any part of the world and with little or no expense or

delay. In the past, a trip home required a maj or commitment of time and money. Today, with cut-

throat competition in low-cost air transport, some labor migrants in the U.S. can fly home for a

long weekend to Mexico or the Caribbean (or from Europe to Turkey or North Africa). In short,

migrants no longer have to sever ties in their home country to come to the U.S. and they no

longer have to give up their culture to become Americans.









The changing behavior of migrants has prompted some researchers to reexamine the

focus of their research and to look at how migrants remain connected to both societies. I focus

next on research about how migrants change after settling out or becoming assimilated into their

new culture (acculturation theory) or during continual migration (transnational theory).

Assimilation and Acculturation

The original model of acculturation and assimilation is due to Robert Park, at the

University of Chicago in the years just before World War I. Park developed a three-stage model

that involved contact, accommodation, and, Einally, assimilation. Redfield et al. (1936) defined

acculturation as, "those phenomena which result when groups of individuals having different

cultures come into continuous first-hand contact, with subsequent changes in the original cultural

patterns of either or both groups." This definition takes for granted that acculturation is a social,

or group-level process. It also assumes that: there is long term contact between the groups; each

culture has a defining character; and changes can occur in both the sending and receiving

societies (Trimble 2002).

Spiro (1955), by contrast, asked whether the acculturation process occurs at both the

individual and group level. Most researchers in migration have worked at one level of analysis -

either group or individual though some have examined how the individual acculturation

process is affected by group acculturation (Eaton 1952; Spiro 1995). A more controversial

question is whether or not acculturation has direction. The original definition allows for the

transfer of cultural traits to both cultures. Early scholars of migration argued that one culture is

always dominant in the exchange of cultural traits (Parsons 1936). While this debate was never

resolved, later scholars simply assumed that acculturation was unidirectional (Devereux and

Loeb 1943; Spiro 1955). Additional work on acculturation identified variations in the process:

migrants could accept one culture's patterns of behavior; they could selectively accept some of









the behaviors of the new culture; or they could create novel behaviors in reaction to their new

culture (Barnett, et al. 1953). Redfield's definition was reworked to explicate some of these

changes and in 1953, the Social Science Research Council defined acculturation as: "culture

change that is initiated by the conjunction of two or more autonomous cultural systems.... Its

dynamic can be seen as the selective adaptation of value systems, the processes of integration

and differentiation, the generation of developmental sequences, and the operation of role

determinant and personality factors" (Barnett, et al. 1953).

Study of the acculturation process fell out of favor in anthropology, while assimilation theory

continued to develop in sociology and social psychology. Gordon (1964) defined assimilation as

the process where people of diverse cultures achieve a unity that is sufficient to allow

coexistence. He argued that each stage of assimilation could develop to a different degree. The

following list are the stages of assimilation:

1) Acculturation Change of cultural patterns to those of host society
2) Structural assimilation Large-scale entrance into cliques, clubs, and institutions of host
society, on primary group level.
3) Marital assimilation Large-scale intermarriage
4) Identificational assimilation Development of sense of people-hood based exclusively on
host society.
5) Attitude receptional assimilation Absence of prejudice
6) Behavior receptional assimilation Absence of discrimination
7) Civic assimilation Absence of value and power conflict
(Gordon 1964)

Under Gordon's conceptualization, acculturation became an explicit stage of

assimilation. Further refinement of these concepts led researchers to argue that assimilation and

acculturation differ primarily because assimilation requires that the dominant culture accepts the

out group (Teske and Nelson 1974). While acculturation can occur in migrant groups through

interaction with a culture, their assimilation cannot occur without being accepted by the

community (Hirsch 1942; Spiro 1955).









The classic, unidimensional definition of assimilation states that migrants adopt the

norms and habits of the dominant society to which they have moved, eventually dropping their

previous way of life. The change is directed by the dominant society imposing their cultural

habits on the migrant. Researchers across the social sciences examined the variables influencing

the assimilation process. Trimble argues that the personal situation of the migrant may determine

the changes that they undergo as a result of culture contact (Trimble 1989). Berry (1997) defined

three contextual factors that affect how people assimilate: voluntariness, mobility and the

expected permanence of the move. Other variables that have been found to influence the

assimilation process include: the home country's political, social and economic environment;

reason for immigration; prior contact with their new society; the route, duration and level of

danger of the immigration j ourney; the host country' s social, political, economic environment

and immigration policies; social attitudes towards migrants; and demographic factors of the

migrant (Cabassa 2003).

Empirical research indicates that assimilation may not be so neat. An individual may

acculturate without the permission of the larger society by learning the social norms through

interaction with others within the culture or through the media, all while not assimilating. Keefe

(1979) found evidence that migrants became acculturated into American cultural norms while

their social ties were unaffected. Researchers in psychology found that groups could maintain

their traditions while simultaneously assimilating pieces of the dominant culture that fit with

their traditional viewpoints (Trimble 2002). Another criticism of unidimensional assimilation is

that it assumes that people must give up one culture to gain another; it is a zero sum phenomenon

(Cuellar, et al. 1980) .









Recent research on assimilation has moved from unidimensional to multidimensional

models. Berry (2002) argues that there are four categories of acculturation: assimilation,

integration, separation and marginalization. These outcome categories are driven by the degree to

which the migrant maintains his or her heritage culture and the degree to which the migrant

seeks relationships in the new culture (Berry 2002). Thus, if a migrant has a high score on

seeking new relationships and does not attempt to maintain his or her heritage, that migrant is

said to be assimilating. At the other extreme, a migrant who fully maintains his or her heritage

and develops no new relationships results in a state of separation from the new society.

Integration occurs when the migrant simultaneously makes new relationships and maintains the

relationships they had in their homeland. Marginalization occurs when a migrant neither

develops new relationships nor maintains their old ones. Devereux and Loeb (1943), Tyler et al.

(1996), and Teske and Nelson (1974) also argued over the years for a bi-dimensional structure

in the assimilation process.

Transnationalism

During most of the twentieth century, migration was studied under the assumption that

the longer migrants live abroad the more they would be assimilated into their new society and the

fewer associations they should have with people in their home country (Guarnizo, et al. 2003).

However in the early 1990's the term 'transnational migrants' was used to describe people who

maintain lives in both their home and host countries (Portes 2001). Hannerz (1998) points out

that transnationalism did not begin in the late twentieth century; it was the study of this behavior

that became prominent. The concept of transnationalism refocused the study of immigrants into

an examination of how they maintain relationships across national borders.

The word 'transnational' has been used for some time in intellectual traditions outside of

the social sciences. The Columbia Journal of Transnational Law was established in 1963 (York)









and Martinelli used the term 'transnational' to describe corporations operating in multiple

countries (Martinelli 1982). The process of transnationalism refers to migrants creating and

maintaining two sets of social relationships, one in their home country and one in their host

country (Basch, et al. 1994; Irzigsohn and Saucedo 2002). Similarly Glick-Schiller et al. define

transnationalism as the "process by which immigrants build social fields that link together their

country of origin and their country of settlement" (Abaza 2001; Glick Schiller 1995 p. 171).

The study of transnational migrants is important for a number of reasons. First, it is

likely that the phenomenon will continue to grow with the development of global capitalism.

Second, previous research on migration has emphasized how migrants integrate into their new

society, however transnational migrants may integrate into society differently. And finally, with

the flow of ideas and remittances, the impact of transnational migrants on both their host and

home countries has been culturally and economically significant (Levitt 2001; Portes 2001).

In anthropology, the concept of transnationalism has three primary features: first, the

social or mental process or behavior under study must cross a political border in some way;

second, the emphasis of the study will be on the distance between two political units; and third,

a multiplicity of meanings must be involved (Hannerz 1998). Portes et al. (1999) identify three

kinds of transnationalism: economic, political and socio-cultural. Economic transnationalism is

exemplified by businessmen and women who have suppliers and markets across national

borders. This category may include migrant laborers who cross national borders on a regular

basis and migrants who return to start businesses in their home country. Political

transnationalism consists of immigrants who participate in activities such as raising funds for

political candidates in their home country while living in the U.S. Socio-cultural









transnationalism consists of displaying the cultural practices of migrants in multiple countries,

such as the world wide export of Ecuadorian folk crafts and music.

Transnationalism has also been divided by the degree of institutionalization that is

involved in the practice. Transnational activities that are created by the state, or large

international organizations are considered to be high on this institutional scale-transnationalism

from above--while smaller, grass root activities are classified as being low on the scale--that is,

transnationalism from below (Portes 1999).

Portes et al. argue that the concept of transnationalism should capture part of the

migration experience that is not part of other phenomena (Portes 1999). It is recognized that

many migrants have occasional contact with their home country. They take trips home for

special occasions, keep in touch with a few close friends they grew up with or send remittances

home (Foner 1997). A number of studies have examined the linkages between previous migrant

groups and their home country (Portes 1999; Schiller and Basch 1995). But in these studies

migrants who maintained ties to their homeland were the exception and 'lacked the elements of

regularity, routine involvement and critical mass'(Portes and Landolt 1999); they were not, as

Glick Schiller et al. (1995) have stated, a part of the metaphor of 'America as a melting pot' and

therefore were discounted from mainstream migrant research. Several authors argue that it is the

degree to which transnational behaviors occur that makes transnationalism a distinct

phenomenon (Basch, et al. 1994; Itzigsohn, et al. 1999; Landolt 2001)."What constitutes truly

original phenomena...are the high intensity of exchanges, the new modes of transacting, and the

multiplication of activities that require cross-border travel and contacts on a sustained basis"

(Portes 1999) .









The definitions of transnationalism offered by Portes and others are based on empirical,

ethnographic research (Basch, et al. 1994; Glick Schiller, et al. 1992). Ethnography is essential

for identifying and documenting social processes and for establishing the content of those

processes. Once a concept, like acculturation or transnationalism, has been documented and its

components identified, we need reliable measurement in order to test theories about what causes

it and what it causes. This step has proved more difficult than might have been anticipated.

One important feature of transnationalism, noted by many researchers, is the variety of

practices it encompasses and the range of participation in these practices (Levitt, et al. 2003).

Itzigsohn and Saucedo measured transnationalism in a large, multi-site survey on public

activities (Irzigsohn and Saucedo 2002). They asked respondents to rate their participation in the

following activities: participation in hometown associations, sending money home for

community proj ects, traveling to public festivities, participation in local sports clubs, and

participation in charity organizations that are linked to their country of origin (Irzigsohn and

Saucedo 2002). A survey in Vancouver, Canada, asked nearly 2000 migrants how and how

frequently they stay in touch with friends and family, frequency of travel to the home country,

whether they owned either a business or property at home and whether they provide Einancial

assistance to family and friends who remained in their home country (Hiebert and Ley 2003).

Cohen et al. conducted a survey in Mexico that measured the ties people had to previous

migrants, how migrants paid for their trip, where they lived once they arrived in the U.S., the

number of years the migrant had remitted funds and the number of migrants the household had

previously sent (Cohen, et al. 2003). Political transnationalism has been measured with

questions about a migrant's membership in political parties or charity organizations at home,









donations to political parties or to community proj ects, and participation in elections or civic

associations at home (Guarnizo, et al. 2003).

Depending on the definitions of transnationalism the degree of its prevalence varies

considerably. Itzigsohn and Saucedo's (2002) survey of three communities (Dominicans,

Salvadorans, and Columbians) found that 22% of migrants participated in a transnational activity

on a regular basis, with 74% of the migrants sending money home regularly. Hieber and Ley' s

(2003) study found that: 41% keep in touch with their friends in family in their home county at

least monthly; 20% travel to their home more than once a year; and 25% either own property or a

business in their home country. Cohen et al. (2003) found that 25% of respondents scored high

on their composite measure of transnational behavior.

While these numbers estimate the degree to which migrants participate in transnational

activities they also indicate the variability in migrant behavior. The concept of broad versus

narrow transnationalism captures this idea (Hiebert and Ley 2003; Itzigsohn, et al. 1999).

Narrow transnationalism is defined as the continuous participation in transnational activities by

migrants. Broad transnationalism is the occasional participation in these activities.

Macro-level theories of transnationalism have related the phenomenon to globalization of the

economy and of political forms, improvements in communication and transportation

technologies and changes in international laws (Basch, et al. 1994; Faist 2000; Portes 1999;

Portes and Landolt 1999; Smith and Guarnizo 1998). Globalization of the economy has been

going on since capitalism began replacing feudalism, but the pace accelerated with the collapse

of the Soviet Union. Global political changes include decolonization, the universalization of

human rights, and nation building proj ects that focus on developing loyalty to both home and

host countries (Schiller and Basch 1995; Smith and Guarnizo 1998). These factors are combined









with deteriorating economic and social standards of living created when companies move

factories into lesser developed countries without adding infrastructure (Basch, et al. 1994; Faist

2000). Racism in both the U.S. and Europe is also cited as a contributing factor as it prevents

migrants from integrating into the destination society (Basch, et al. 1994). These factors do not

motivate transnational migration on the personal level but they provide the preconditions for

transnationalism that were not present to previous waves of migrants.

Micro-level theories of transnationalism focus on explaining the motivation for

transnational migration (Irzigsohn and Saucedo 2002). Linear theories argue that migrants

attempt to maintain ties with their home county. Resource dependence theories assert that

migrants can not behave transnationally until they have the resources to do so, i.e. there is a base

level of income that is needed to maintain these international ties. Reactive theories make the

case that the negative experiences of moving to a new society influence migrants to maintain ties

to their old society. The variables that have been used to test these theories are described below.

Note that in each of these studies transnationalism has been measured differently. Nevertheless

there are some interesting similarities.

In all studies reviewed, transnationals are typically young married men who have

children in their home country (Guarnizo, et al. 2003; Irzigsohn and Saucedo 2002). Two studies

support the resource dependence theory of transnationalism and found that a basic level of

income was required by the migrant to support transnational activities (Guarnizo, et al. 2003;

Hiebert and Ley 2003). Employment status (having vs. not having a job) has also been identified

as significant, though not the kind of job held (Irzigsohn and Saucedo 2002). The goods owned

by a family appear to be related to transnational activities (Cohen, et al. 2003), though this

variable may be a proxy for income. The number of years in the U. S. is positively and










significantly related to transnational practices (Guamizo, et al. 2003; Hiebert and Ley 2003). In

Canada (Hiebert and Ley 2003), the interview language, if not English, is associated significantly

with transnational practices indicating that the migrants felt more comfortable using their native

language. On the other hand, citizenship status of the migrant was not significant (Guarnizo, et

al. 2003; Irzigsohn and Saucedo 2002). The period of time that an immigrant has been in the

country was found to be very significantly related to degree of transnational behaviors exhibited

(Hiebert and Ley 2003). Travel to their home country and receiving visitors from their home

country were more frequent if the migrant had been in the host country more than 10 years. All

transnational activities were more frequent if the migrant had been in the host country for less

than 10 years (Guamizo, et al. 2003). The expectation that the migrant would someday return to

their home country was also found to be a significant predictor of transnationalism (Guarnizo, et

al. 2003; Irzigsohn and Saucedo 2002; Landolt 2001). Only one study examined the idea that

transnationalism may be a reaction to the stresses of the assimilation process. Irzigsohn and

Saucedo (2002) found that an increase in experiences of discrimination led to increased

transnational behavior and that transnationalism was positively related to an increasingly

negative view of the host society.

Education was especially significant in this research, with a positive relationship to

transnational behavior (Guarnizo, et al. 2003; Irzigsohn and Saucedo 2002). Education is also

related to occupational status, and thus the resources available to the migrant. However, there

can be incongruity between education and occupational status, when migrants who are well

educated are overqualified for their current work. Itzigsohn and Saucedo (2002) therefore argue

that education may be picking up other resources, available to the migrant in the form of social

networks or wealth that are not captured in occupation. Another point of view is that the more










educated a person is the easier it is for them to establish new ties in their host country. In any

event, education facilitates the migrant' s integration into the host society (Borj as 1987).

Hypotheses

Research in transnationalism examines the motivations for participating in transnational

activities or behaviors. Unfortunately it has not measured how the culture of migrants changes

during this process. Acculturation theory examines the similarity between the culture migrants

and that of the society into which migrants move. However, acculturation theory is based a

model of migration where migrants move from their home country to their host country and

attempt to set up a new life. They may return infrequently, but as a whole their lives are

conducted in the country of origin. There is some evidence that assimilation and participation in

transnational activities are not mutually exclusive (Basch, et al. 1994; Irzigsohn and Saucedo

2002). Itzigsohn and Saucedo (2002) found that there is a marginally significant but positive

relationship between the time spent in the US and a migrant' s participation in transnational

activities. Transnationalism does not subtract from assimilation, nor assimilation from

transnationalism; they are simply additional layers of behavior seen in modern migrants (Basch,

et al. 1994). The research reported here examines changes in the culture of migrants who move

back and forth between Mexico and the US to such a degree that they are actively involved in

both cultures. To understand these changes I compare the variation, structure and composition of

three cultural domains in three populations. I hypothesize:

* H1: The cultural models of migrants are a mix of elements from the home and host
society's cultural models.
o Alternative 1: The cultural models of transnational migrants will have elements
that are neither in the home nor host country's cultural models.
* H2: The structure of the migrants' cultural models will be more fragmented than those of
people in either the home or host culture.









CHAPTER 3
CULTURAL DOMAINS

Besides providing insight into post migration changes of transnational migrants, this

research is also about cultural domains. The idea of cultural domains was developed by cognitive

anthropologists and psychologists as a way to understand the relationship between culture and

thought. Cultural domains are a member of the larger class of cognitive schemas but are defined

as schemas that are shared by large segments of a culture and created with systematically

collected data, such as pilesorts, freelists or triad tests. These cultural domains have proven

useful in understanding how people structure plants, animals, foods, emotions, and material

goods, among others. However most of the research using cultural domains has been with

populations that are strongly situated in one culture. With the interconnectedness of today' s

world, people migrate repeatedly between cultures to such a degree that they are influenced by

multiple cultures. This research examines how these domains are affected when people have

multiple cultural influences. This chapter presents a short history of the development of cognitive

anthropology and specifically the idea of domains and argues for their usefulness in

understanding the changes in migrant culture.

Cognitive Anthropology

An early attempt to define cognitive anthropology was made by Tyler (1969: 3) stating

that; "Cognitive anthropology seeks to answer two questions: What material phenomena are

significant for the people of some culture; and, how do they organize these phenomena?" This

definition developed from the crisis in ethnographic authority that began with the Redfield-Lewis

debate in the 1940s and 50s (see below) and continued with Freeman' s critique (Freeman 1983)

of Mead' s (1928) work in Samoa and Weiner' s (1983) re-evaluation of Malinowski's work in

the Trobriands (Malinowski 1922). In all of this, ethnographers were finding behavior and









beliefs quite different from those reported in the work of previous anthropologists. The Redfield-

Lewis debate gave the discipline incentive to find reliable methods for recording cultural data.

By the time the crisis reached the 1980s, however, many of the computationally intensive

methods that cognitive anthropologists had developed were falling into disfavor. More recently,

with the development of easy-to-use software, these methods are making a comeback. The

method of cultural schema analysis, however, does not require prodigious computer skills and

has grown in influence over the years (Bernard 2007)

Recent definitions move beyond the basic organization of cultural knowledge and

emphasize the idea of cultural models. The development of schema theory and cultural models

shifted the problem of modern cognitive anthropology to, "how, and from what manner of

evidence, to reconstruct the cultural models people use but do not often reflect on or explicitly

articulate" (Quinn and Holland 1987:14). Perhaps the broadest definition of the discipline is

given by D'Andrade (1 995: 1): Cognitive anthropology is the study of the relation between

human society and human thought. The cognitive anthropologist studies how groups conceive of

and think about the obj ects and events which make up their world..." The rest of this chapter

traces the development of cognitive anthropology as the basis of cultural schema analysis.

Beginnings

The stimulation for the creation of cognitive anthropology came from a separation of the

material evidence of culture and the knowledge that is needed to create this evidence. This split

was found in Goodenough' s (1957 P. 167) definition of culture, stating that, "A society's culture

consi sts of whatever it is one has to know or believe in order to operate in a manner acceptable to

its members." This definition diverged from earlier definitions of culture that emphasized the

customs, artifacts and oral traditions of a society and instead focuses on the knowledge that

people must have to create and understand these cultural artifacts (Quinn and Holland 1987).









The cognitive revolution was underway in other social and psychological sciences at the

time when cognitive anthropology was taking root. This revolution heavily influenced the new

sub-discipline with a change from the traditional perspective of strictly studying observable

behavior to one that explored the internal workings of the mind. Cognitive anthropologists saw

culture as the internal representations of experience that was the mediating factor between

sensory data and the innate categories of rationalism (Foley 1997). Culture moderated how

people assigned experiences and how they classified the information from their senses. This idea

was equivalent to Chomsky's grammar for language. In fact, in his earliest research, Franz Boas

became interested in the relationship between the environment and how it is perceived.

Specifically he studied how Eskimo perceived the color of ice and water (Boas 1887) and

concluded that culture creates a bias in the perceptions of people.

The New Ethnography

The cognitive revolution laid the foundation for cognitive anthropology. However, when

the reliability of ethnography came into question early in the 20th century, the discipline was

called upon to provide validity for ethnographic studies. This problem was the result of

increasing numbers of disparate accounts from ethnographers researching the same people. The

most famous of these differences became know as the Redfield-Lewis debate. Robert Redfield

wrote a monograph from work in the Mexican town of Tepoztlan in the 1920s (Redfield 1930).

A team of ethnographers led by Oscar Lewis returned to Tepoztlan in the 1940s and found many

points of difference from the reports by Redfield. The differences seemed to be more than could

be accounted for simply by the lapse in time, which raised the problem of reliability in cultural

anthropology (Colby 1996). Anthropology was plagued by the question of how anthropologists

could give an accurate account of a culture when the biases of the ethnographer interfered with

their ability to create accurate records.









To tackle this problem, methods and ideas were borrowed from formal linguistic

analysis--methods that would, it was hoped, eliminate the bias created by the ethnographer' s

own cultural categories in the conduct of ethnography- (D'Andrade 1995). The focus of these

methods became a culture's terminological system, its language. Analyzing a language would

not reveal the entire cognitive world of a people; however most significant features of a culture

would have to be communicable and therefore encoded within the language (Frake 1962).

Methods developed from the Prague Linguistic Circle emphasized the study of the

structure of language. Phonology used this view to investigate the factors that made one chunk of

sound different from other chunks of sound. They argued that the units of sound could only be

identified in terms of their relationships with other units of sound. Componential or semantic

feature analysis carried over into anthropology with the study of cultural domains in the same

manner. They attempted to describe the features of a category that differentiate the terms within

it (Goodenough 1956). Features or components were the "dimensions of meaning underlying

the general domain" (Tyler 1969:8).

Lead by Lounsbury and Goodenough early efforts were labeled 'ethnoscience' or 'the

new ethnography' and attempted to capture the cultural construction of reality by examining how

people labeled different parts of their world (Goodenough 1956; Quinn and Holland 1987).

Researchers examined the structure of semantic domains, which were "a class of obj ects all of

which share at least one feature in common which differentiates them from other semantic

domains." (Tyler 1969:8) An example of a semantic domain is furniture and would consist of

items like chairs, tables, sofas, beds, and dressers.

Wallace and Atkins list five steps in a componential analysis of the domain of kinship

terminology (Wallace and Atkins 1960). (1) Collect a complete set of terms, (2) Record the









terms (in this case, in kin-type notation). (3) Identify two or more conceptual dimensions. (4)

Define each term as a set of components. And (5) write a statement of the relationship among the

terms of the structure of the system. While this method was specific to the analysis of kinship

terminology it can be (and was) adapted to the study of other domains.

A simple example of a classic feature model is given by Tyler (1969) in an examination

of the taxonomy of American English livestock terms. First the terminology is gathered: cattle,

cow, bull, horse, mare, stallion, filly, sheep, ewe, ram, lamb, swine, sow and boar, and so on. The

defining features are identified as the type of animal (horse, pig, cow or sheep), gender (male,

female, neuter), and maturity (immature, mature, adolescent, baby). A notations system is used

to define each term, such as H $ M ~1(horse, male, adult). The researcher then attempts to define

each term using these components. If successful, the native terms are decoded and laid out in a

paradigm. This use of the term "paradigm," not to be confused with Kuhn' s, involved "any set of

linguistic forms wherein (a) the meaning of every form has a feature in common with meaning of

all other forms of the set, and (b) the meaning of every form differs from that of every other form

of the set by one or more additional features"(Lounsbury 1964b,:193).

There were other types of semantic arrangements used in ethnoscience. Taxonomies

differed from paradigms by creating levels of contrast, such that a horse, for example, is a kind

of livestock. Another arrangement was the tree, where, "features in a tree are ordered by

sequential contrast of only one feature at a time" (Tyler 1969: 10). A number of researchers used

these techniques to understand complicated systems of terminology. Goodenough (1965)

examined American English kinship terms while Lounsbury (1964b) discovered that the kin

terminology of the Seneca Indians in western New York state had four distinguishing features:

polarity, sex, bifurcation and generation distance.









Componential analysis was used with considerable success in the analysis of kinship

terminology. These analyses provided working models that could be used to predict when a

person would label someone with a particular term. The idea of finding the set of rules which

would accurately decide when a term could be applied to an obj ect is a marked advance in the

history of anthropology. However, Burling (1964) pointed out that componential analysis

actually has two goals. Besides understanding the rules that would lead to the correct application

of a term the method also sought to provide an understanding of the criteria used by native

speakers to decide when to use a particular term. Burling, as well as others, found that there may

be multiple solutions that satisfy the first goal and that finding a working solution may not reflect

the rules applied by a native (Burling 1964; Quinn and Holland 1987) Componential analysis is a

useful start for understanding cultural domains, but the understanding is insufficient for

understanding the native point of view (Quinn and Holland 1987).

Semantic Networks and Ethnobotany

Even with the possibility that feature analysis might not be sufficient, the idea was

extended into domains besides kinship. Metzger and Williams (1966) examined the features of

firewood terminology among the Tzeltal in Mexico and found that the methods used in the study

of kinship terms were lacking. Their solution was the frame-and-slot method of questioning.

Informants were asked, systematically, to state whether "_ is a type of tree. Some answers

would make this sentence true and others wouldn't. By understanding the possible sentences that

a term could be used in, one could understand the term the way that natives would understand it

(Metzger and Williams 1966). Other domains were studied using similar methods (see Black and

Metzger 1965; Frake 1964) but most importantly, these techniques could be used to

systematically and reliably obtain knowledge about any domain (D'Andrade 1995: 61).









Semantic network analysis built on these methods by not only examining the situations that

a word could be correctly used in, but also explored how categories of words were related (Frake

1964; Werner 1987). In semantic network analysis the responses to questions were interlinked

through various queries. These connections produced networks of linked propositions that could

describe everything in a culture, at least theoretically.

At the same time as the feature model was being developed, Conklin (1954) began his

work in ethnobotany. This sub-discipline focused on native taxonomies of plants and animals.

He found that these taxonomies usually have no more than five levels (Berlin, et al. 1973).

D'Andrade (1995) argues that this is a function of the restrictions on human memory more than a

reflection of the nature of plants and animals. Similar limitations on size were found when the

taxonomic model was applied to other domains (Brown, et al. 1976)

Prototypes

The next development in cognitive anthropology draws from work by the philosophers

Wittgenstein and Austin (Lakoff 1987). They argued that words and categories do not have a

single set of features that are common to all the pieces normally associated with a category. They

also hypothesized that some members of a category were better examples of the category than

other members. In other words, some were more central to the meaning of the category.

Loundsbury (1964a) found evidence of these aspects in his work on kinship terminology. He

noted that the meaning of kinship terms were based on the genealogically closest relative but the

meaning was extended for all of relatives in that class. These types of categories later were

known as generative categories because the category can be generated by applying rules to the

focal member. Berlin, Breedlove and Raven (1974) formulated a similar idea in their

investigation of taxonomic systems. They found that terms have a basic and an extended range.









The basic range includes those items that form the core of a class. The extended range are those

items that are not core items but fall into one class more than they do any other class.

In another line of research, Berlin and Kay (1969) set out to disprove the theory of

linguistic relativity advocated by Sapir and Whorf-that language influenced the way people

perceived the world and that language did this in an arbitrary fashion. In the strong form of

relativity, every language divided the universe in different ways and had no obj ective base.


We dissect nature along lines laid down by our native languages. The categories and
types that we isolate from the world of phenomena we do not find there because they
stare every observer in the face; on the contrary, the world is presented in a kaleidoscopic
flux of impressions which has to be organized by our minds--and this means largely by
the linguistic systems in our minds. (Whorf quoted in Carroll 1956: 213)

Berlin and Kay (1969), found that the way the color spectrum is divided into linguistic terms is

not arbitrary. It turns out there are eleven basic colors that can be distinguished by people across

cultures and languages, even if a language does not have color terms to make the differentiation.

Additionally they found that languages added these categories in a partially fixed order. Similar

to previous researchers' findings these color categories had focal colors or prototypes that were

the best example of a particular color. All of these ideas coalesced into prototype theory (Berlin

and Kay 1969; Rosch 1975; Rosch 1977; Rosch 1978a; Rosch 1978b; Rosch and Mervis 1975).

Casson (1983) defined a prototype as, "a stereotypic, or generic, representation of a

concept that serves as a standard for evaluating the goodness-of-fit between schema variables

and elements in the environment." (P. 434) Rosch (1978b) brought together these ideas and

hypothesized that the basic level terms of Berlin and Kay correspond to basic level psychological

obj ects. These obj ects are perceived through the prototype, the stereotypic whole that makes up

the obj ect. A number of experiments confirmed the idea that prototypes had a psychological

reality (see Rosch, et al. 1976).










Schema Theory

Prototype theory helped move cognitive anthropology past basic feature analysis to study

more complex systems of features. The next development expanded the idea of prototypes into

schema or schemata. While Kant used the term schemata, its first use in its modern sense was by

Bartlett (1932) when he stated that schema are used to give 'an impression of the whole'

(Bartlett 1932 quoted in Casson 1983: 430). Bartlett developed the idea of schemata from his

work on memory. Using two different methods he discovered that these impressions or schemata

influence both the comprehension and the memory of an event in culturally specific ways

(Bartlett 1932). Similar ideas were developed by Schank and Abelson with their work on how

language is understood (Schank and Abelson 1977). They developed the idea of scripts as a

series of typical actions in an event (Schank and Abelson 1977). A small number of scripts were

used to understand many different situations. Memory of an event consists of the typical script

for that event, plus markers for any deviations from that script. Besides schemata and scripts

researchers have used other names to refer to this concept including: 'frames', 'scenes',

'scenarios', 'gestalts', 'active structural networks' and 'memory organization packets' (Casson

1983).

More recent work on schemas define them as "conceptual abstractions that mediate

between stimuli received by the sense organs and behavioral responses (Casson 1983: 430)."

These were mental entities that are used to classify obj ects and understand relationships and

events. Quinn (1996) points out that schemas may also be used as a tool to reason through

typical problems found within a culture. Schema theory moved the study of cultural knowledge

away from the static forms of ethnoscience and gave these knowledge structures a dynamic

nature, capable of being used to process information (Rice 1980). They can be used in perception









to recognize an obj ect or event as well as in memory by organizing the event along a set of

guidelines.

A number of authors have investigated how people construct new schemas (Collins and

Gentner 1987; Lakoff and Johnson 1980; Rumelhart and Norman 1981). Collins and Gentner

(1987) examined how people used multiple domains and analogies when one established domain

does not cover the entire range of phenomena in a model of evaporation. The rules for the

transition from one state to another were transferred to the new domain to explain some subset of

the phenomena. Other analogies were used for different subsets. They also noted that people

coordinated the various analogies to various degrees of consistency. Analyzing natural discourse,

Price (1987) found that a number of cultural models were combined in explanations of the origin

of illness in Ecuador. In an investigation about the use of text and schemas, Quinn (1996) found

that words contained the cultural knowledge of a society, but also allowed variation in how this

knowledge was used.

Schemas have a number of interesting features. One aspect of schemas is that they leave

some information out (Rumelhart and Ortony 1977). This information can be filled in by the

specific situation or if no information is available then a default value is used (Fillmore 1977;

Minsky 1975). Ricc (1980) demonstrates this aspect of schemas by showing how people modify

unfamiliar stories to take on the form of a more typical, known schema (this was also, in fact,

Bartlett' s key finding (Bartlett 1932)). Schemata form networks with other schemata that can be

used to understand changing scenes (Rumelhart and Ortony 1977). These types of schemata have

been labeled scripts by Abelson (1976). Schemas also have various levels of abstraction

(Rumelhart and Ortony 1977). Some schemas simply help us perceive and classify simple

shapes and colors. Other types of schemata aid us in understanding complex events (Casson










1983). The more abstract schemas have been termed foundational, while particular instantiations

of schemas are called models (Lakoff 1987; Shore 1996). The schema concept has a hierarchical

element such that larger concepts or higher level schemas are composed of multiple lower level

schemes (D'Andrade 1995). The lower levels are less fixed and have variables that can accept

different instantiation as dictated by the environment (Mindsky 1975). The variables in the

lower level schemas are restricted in the type of input they take by the rules created by the higher

level schemata (Rumelhart 1980).

Cultural Models

Schemas exist at different levels of sharing (Shore 1996). There may be universal

schemas that are shared by everyone, everywhere. There are certainly idiosyncratic schemas that

are restricted to a single person (Rice 1980). Between these two extremes are schemas that are

shared within a culture. "A cultural model is a cognitive schema that is inter-subj ectively shared

by a social group... A schema is inter-subj ectively shared when everybody in the group knows

the schema, and everybody knows that everyone else knows the schema..." (D'Andrade 1987: 112

- 113) One of the consequences of the sharing involved in cultural models is that large amounts

of information can be left out of communications between people if they share the same cultural

models (D'Andrade 1995).

Shore (1996) notes that the sharing of cultural models also means that these models are

constrained by the social environment. People may reinforce these models both positively and

negatively. Shore (1996) makes the distinction between personal and conventional models with

the distinguishing feature being the degree to which they are shared. One consequence of this

division is that conventional models can be used by people to form personal mental models. This

allows some variability in the degree to which people know a particular cultural model. If they

learned the model entirely, their personal and cultural models will match. If they learned the









model only partially or have modified their personal model with other experiences then the two

models may not match up (Shore 1996). Both D'Andrade (1995) and Shore (1996) note that

these cultural models are strictly a mental entity. They do not exist in the world. However they

may influence everything from expectations about family life to the operation of public

institutions.

Shore (1996) has laid out two different classification structures for cultural models. In

one structure he divides the models into two large categories based upon their structure -

linguistic and non-linguistic. Linguistic models are concerned with aspects of verbal

communication and include scripts (Garvey 1977), propositional models (Langer 1957), sound

symbolic models, lexical models (D'Andrade 1990), and grammatical models (Lakoff 1987;

Talmy 1983). The term "nonlinguistic models" is a catch-all for other types of models, including:

image schemas (Johnson 1987; Lakoff 1987), olfactory models (Sperber 1975), sound image

models (Basso 1985) and visual image models (Richard 1974).

The second system of classification found in Shore's work is based on the cultural

model's function. This system had three major divisions: Orientational models,

Expressive/conceptual models and task models. Orientational models provide a common

framework for people to orient themselves to the physical environment, time frames and the

social environment (Evans-Prichard 1940; Morphy 1991). Also included in this category are

models that aid in diagnosing important phenomena (Lakoff 1987). Expressive / conceptual

models "crystallize for communities important but otherwise unspoken understandings and

experiences." (Shore 1996:64) This category includes classification models like the taxonomic

models from early ethnoscience, exemplars, ludic models (games, sports and humor), rituals and

folk theories (Kempton (1987) provides an excellent example of a folk theory for thermostat










usage). The final category includes models for accomplishing different tasks. These include

scripts, recipes, checklists, mnemonic models and persuasion models (Schank 1991).

Cultural Consensus

While the idea of cultural models was a significant advancement for the discipline a

systematic manner to collect these models was still needed. This development was provided by

the cultural consensus model developed by Romney, Weller and Batchelder (Romney, et al.

1986). The basic idea is that when anthropologists speak with informants they should assume

that the informants' statement have a probability of being correct. The more informants who

make the same statement, the more likely it is to represent their culture. Boster (1986) found

evidence of this in his work with the naming of different types of manioc among the Aguaruna

Jivaro. He was able to identity informants with the most knowledge by their agreement with

other informants.

The Romney et al. (1986) model is based on the following assumptions: 1) all informants

come from a common culture, 2) each informant' s answer is given independently from others so

that any correlation between the answers is a result of their knowledge of the correct cultural

answers, and 3) each informant has a fixed degree of knowledge for all of the questions

(Romney, et al. 1986). The method has been tested for true/false, multiple choice and fill-in-the-

blank questions. The results of the model include an estimate of the degree of cultural

competence for each respondent and a culturally correct answer key--that is, the answers from

an informant who best knows a particular cultural domain, given the set of questions that define

the domain.

The fact that cultural knowledge is shared means that, if the model's assumptions are

met, very few informants are needed when cultural consensus is high about a domain in order to

assess cultural knowledge. Handwerker and Wozniak (1997) argue that because cultural data are









socially constructed, sampling strategies for these types of data should focus on selecting

informants who have knowledge within the domain in question. The minimum number of

participants needed to describe a cultural domain is a function of their cultural competence, the

minimum acceptable confidence level needed in a particular study and the proportion of

questions asked that will need to be decisively classified (Romney, et al. 1986). The larger the

proportion of questions asked that need to be classified and the higher the acceptable confidence

level, the larger the number of informants needed. Even in the most extreme case (asking for a

.999 confidence level and .99 proportion of questions classified) only 23 informants are

necessary if the average level of cultural competence is .6. At an average competence level of .7

only 16 informants are needed (Romney, et al. 1986).

It should be noted that there are several differences between cultural models, as

developed by Strauss and Quinn (1997), and cultural domains (Romney, et al. 1986). The first

difference is methodological. Cultural models are usually developed with extensive textual data,

while cultural domains are created from systematically collected data such as pilesorts or triad

tests (Garro 2000). A more fundamental difference is each theory's view of cultural knowledge.

Boster (1987) noted that cultural consensus analysis assumes a particle theory of cultural

knowledge. Cultural knowledge is made up of discrete pieces that have certain properties.

Cultural models developed out of schema theory, which focused on the interrelationships of

knowledge and how these networks influenced the acquisition and storage of knowledge (Strauss

and Quinn 1997: 6).

Cultural Models and Behavior

The ideas reviewed above come from the examination of the relationship between culture

and how it is reconstructed inside the mind. Another line of research examines how these mental

constructions are related to behavior. Holland (1992) argues for three ways that culture may be









related to behavior. The first is that culture is simply the external coating of deep-seated human

needs. This view places the motivational power for behavior in "more fundamental

psychodynamic, materialist, or even structural substrate" (Holland 1992:63). The second

relationship between culture and actions gives culture primary motivational force to influence

human needs. The third connection between culture and action derives from the neo-Vygotskian

development approach. In this approach the person internalizes the cultural models which in turn

become part of his or her mental functioning. The motivation is created by the process of

learning the cultural symbols and meanings of a particular domain. Holland found that in the

realm of romance the more expertise a particular person had the more the person identified

themselves with romance.

D'Andrade links cultural schemas to action through motivation (D'Andrade 1992). He

argues that schemas have certain properties that make them capable of providing motivation.

First they are processes. These processes create interpretations of the world that have different

degrees of schematicity. The more schematicity an interpretation has the more likely it seems

typical. Schemas can also act as goals (Quinn 1996). However, while they can provide

motivation, they do so in differing degrees. Schemas are also hierarchical, such that the

interpretation from one schema can be passed on to other schemas. The highest level schemas

provide the more general goal setting abilities. Mid-level motives rarely provide independent

motivation and usually function in the context of higher level schemas. The lowest level schemas

never provide motivation except in the context of higher order schemas.

Quinn (1992; Quinn 1996) builds on D'Andrade' s model, arguing that some schema's

become the highest level schemas by supplying people with an "understanding of ourselves"

(Quinn 1992: 91). Schemas are not created with this ability to give this understanding, but










acquire it through critical experiences, often in childhood and adolescence. Strauss (1992)

agrees with D'Andrade in that schemas often act as goal setting devices. However she argues

that high level cultural models do not necessarily provide the motivation for behavior. She found

that different ways of believing in the model was the key force driving certain behavior (Strauss

1992).

Cultural consonance builds on cultural consensus analysis and provides a method for

measuring the relationship between the cultural model and actual behavior. Cultural consensus

analysis produces a cultural model if there is sufficient agreement between the informants.

Cultural consonance measures the degree that behavior is related to the ideal model (Dressler

1996; Dressler, et al. 1997; Dressler and Bindon 2000). Cultural consonance has been used to

find relationships between social support, blood pressure and perceived stress (Dressler, et al.

1997).

A Critique of Cognitive Anthropology

In 1968 Marvin Harris (1968) wrote an insightful critique of cognitive anthropology as it

was practiced at the time. Some of the issues he pointed out have been addressed with the

development of the discipline; others have not. Harris noted six problems with cognitive

anthropology. The first four were products of a newly developed sub-discipline and have been or

can be overcome with later work.

Harris addressed his critique to what he saw as a conflation of the emic and the etic

components of culture. Derived from Pike's (Pike 1954) analogy with phonemics and phonetics

the emic-etic concept divides anthropological knowledge into statements that are significant

within the culture under study Knowledge of this sort is based in the "logico-empirical systems

whose phenomenal distinctions or "things" are built up out of contrasts and discrimination

significant, meaningful, real, accurate, or in some fashion regarded as appropriate by the actors









themselves" (Harris 1968: 571) The other type of knowledge, etic, does not depend on the

understanding of the native actors. They are appropriate to the scientific community. They

"cannot be falsified if they do not conform to the actor' s notion of what is significant, real,

meaningful, or appropriate....(and are) verified when independent observers using similar

operation agree that a given event has occurred." (Harris 1968: 575)

The first critique is that emic studies do not further the scientific purpose of

understanding sociological differences and similarities. However, Berlin and Kay' s (1969) work

with color terms provides us not only with knowledge about the distribution of color terms; it

also shows how the evolution of complexity in color term systems mirrors the evolution of social

complexity. This research used emic color terms advance research in cognitive anthropology.

The second critique is that emic statements are often interspersed with etic statements in the

description of economic processes. While this was true in early ethnographies, modern work is

very strict about the types of data used in cognitive anthropology. The third critique is that emic

analyses assume that models of ideal behavior are superior to models of actual behavior. Work

by D'Andrade (1992) Dressler (1996; Dressler, et al. 1997) Holland (1987) and Quinn (1996)

have rigorously examined the relationship between behavior and mental models. The fourth

critique was that cognitive studies dealt only with trivial phenomena. In my view, this was never

true, though apparently, it was easy in the 1960s to give short shrift to studies of firewood and

color terms. In any event, it is certainly not true now. This paper has cited many studies that

have expanded the body of literature in cognitive studies.

Harris's most important critique--that culture is more than mental codes--remains

correct. Harris argued that studying cultural knowledge in isolation from the structural and

infrastructural environment makes it difficult, at best, to develop explanations for differences










across cultures. Additionally, if culture is narrowed to knowledge then the study of past p eoples

is severely limited by the inability to speak with them. Harris also argued that ambiguity in

culture is made insignificant by the methodology of cognitive anthropology. Methods in the

discipline study the norms that are developed from many informants. This excludes the issue that

no one informant may have a complete set of norms or even a standard of behavior that similar to

the cultural norm. This critique was also obviated by the work, after 1975, on intracultural

variation. However cognitive anthropology brings a methodological rigor to the study of that part

of culture that can be verbalized.

Hypotheses

Previous measures of cultural change rely heavily on language usage patterns and

associations. The instrument used in this research to measure acculturation, the ARSMA II, has

thirty questions, of which half are about a person' s language. These instruments provide a useful

way to collect data from large samples because of their brevity. However this comes at a cost to

their ability to show the patterns of culture change. The power of constructing cultural domains

is in their ability to provide systematic and detailed insight into the elements and structure of

culture.

Cultural consensus analysis tells us that people have different degrees of expertise within

a domain. This may be because people have a particular interest in the topic or they may know

more about a domain because of their experiences in life. To understand how this cultural

knowledge is affected by their repeated migration patterns I will examine the relation between

the knowledge of a domain and other measures of their experience. Two previously developed

scales measure some very important parts of the migrants experience, namely how much they

have assimilated and what their degree of transnationalism is. The Acculturation Rating Scale for

Mexican Americans (ARSMA-II) (Cuellar, et al. 1995) measures their degree of assimilation and









Cohen' s transnationalism score (Cohen, et al. 2003) measures their degree of transnationalism.

These two measures come from very different theoretical bases, as discussed in the previous

chapter. Relating the knowledge that migrant have to these measures may indicate the validity

that these instruments have in measuring some aspect of migrant culture. Additional factors have

been found to be significant in a migrant' s experience (see Massey and Espinosa 1997). While it

is not possible to measure all of these, basic demographic information was collected, including:

age, gender, marital status, number of children, job, and the number of years of education

respondents had received.

* H3: As the degree of acculturation (as measured independently) increases among migrants,
domain knowledge will also increase.
o Alternative H3: As the degree of transnationalism increases among migrants,
domain knowledge will increase.
* H5: Age will increase knowledge across domains.









CHAPTER 4
METHODOLOGY

The design of the research required data from three populations migrants from Mexico

living in the U.S., Mexicans living in Mexico and Americans living in the U.S. The obj ect was

to examine the influence of U. S. and Mexican culture on some aspects of migrant culture. The

first section of this chapter describes the research design. The second section describes the three

locations where I collected data and why these locations were selected. The sampling strategy is

also explained. The third section outlines the methods used to collect the data. To understand the

culture of migrants and how it is similar or different from that of nonmigrants requires a method

that provides a precise and detailed snapshot of culture. The method would have to be systematic

so that it can be repeated on various groups. Since I would not be able to interview all

participants myself, the method would have to be easy enough to train others to administer. The

data required for assessing cultural domains meet these criteria.

Research Design

There are two important aspects of my research design. First, I am collecting data on three

populations: transnational migrants from Mexico living in the U.S (Migrants), non-migrant

Mexicans living in Mexico (Mexicans), and Anglo Americans living in the U. S (Americans).

Second, I am collecting data on not one cultural domain but three. This section will explain why

these choices were made.

There is evidence for the effect of the home culture on consumer decisions of migrants

(Wallendorf and Reilly 1983) but this is clearly only part of the story about how the consumer

choices of migrants change. A fuller picture of how the cultural domains of migrants change with

regard to consumer choices involves understanding the domains in both the home and host

countries. Without examining these two other populations we cannot tell the influences from









their original culture or their destination culture and we cannot discern what may be unique to

the migrant lifestyle. Because I focused on migrants from Mexico, cultural domains are

identified for them as well as for Mexicans in Mexico and Americans living in the US.

Three cultural domains were chosen because of the possibility that one domain may not

show significant reaction to the influences of multiple cultures. Work on cognitive domains in

psychology indicates that cognitive abilities may be domain specific (Hirschfeld and Gelman

1994). In other words, domains are not simply different realizations of a single structure that

operate on the same set of principles. Instead, each domain has a unique set of rules by which it

operates. There is some evidence that some cognitive domains are more likely to be transmitted

between people (Boyer 1994). While there is no support for the idea that the idea of domain

specificity would translate directly to cultural domains I will assume for now that not all domains

are equal. I will take this issue up later in the analysis. Therefore, to play it safe and not rely on a

single domain, three cultural domains were identified for each population. The three domains are

(1) items owned when a person has led a good life (material goods), (2) typical foods, and (3)

typical pastimes. These domains have proved useful in Dressler's work in Brazil (Dressler, et al.

1997; Dressler and Bindon 2000) on cultural consonance.

Data on the three cultural domains were collected from each of the three populations

using freelists, unconstrained and constrained pilesorts, and ethnographic interviews. Basic

demographic data were also collected on all participants and additional data were collected from

migrants to measure their experiences as migrants. The instruments include a measure of

acculturation and a measure of transnationalism. Both are discussed in detail below. An outline

of the research design is shown Figure 4-1










Sampling


Locations

I conducted pre-dissertation fieldwork during the summer of 2005 in Goodland, Kansas. I

spoke with many migrants there and learned that most migrants in the northwest Kansas-

northeast Colorado region had come from rural areas (pueblos) surrounding the cities of

Chihuahua and Guadalaj ara in Mexico. I selected San Isidro Mazatepec, a pueblo approximately

40 miles south-west of Guadalaj ara, to collect data on Mexicans. This decision was made on the

convenience of arranging housing in Guadalaj ara and on the number of Spanish language

schools in the city, as I planned to take courses during my time in the field. I spent January

through March living in Guadalaj ara but making regular trips to San Isidro (as it is commonly

called). From the end of March to July I lived in Goodland, Kansas collecting data from Anglo

Americans as well as from the migrants there and in the nearby towns of Burlington, Colorado,

and Colby, Kansas.

Examining consumer assimilation processes, Wallendorf and Reilly (1983) noted that

many studies of Mexican and American consumption failed to control for demographic

differences such as age, income, or education level. These intervening variables made if very

difficult to understand if the migrants' consumption behavior was influenced by their home

culture, their host culture or any of the uncontrolled demographic variables. Two of the cultural

domains used in the research, typical foods and the ideal lifestyle may be dependent on the

participant' s income and socioeconomic class. While direct evidence of a relationship between

the cultural domain of typical foods and income and socioeconomic class is not available, there

is strong evidence for a positive relationship between income, socioeconomic class and

household food expenditures (see Davis 1982 for a review) The lifestyle domain suffers from the

same lack of evidence, but the relation between the purchase of goods and income is well known










(Friedman 1957). While I was unable to control for all possible variables, the participants in all

the groups were selected for age and likely socioeconomic class. Income was not included as the

subj ect was difficult to speak about in both American and Mexican venues.

From my pre-dissertation fieldwork, I determined that the sample for the research should

be 18 to 40 years in low to lower middle class agricultural occupations. Table 4-2 lists the

demographic features of each dataset.

San Isidro Mazatepec, Mexico

I collected the data on Mexicans in the pueblo called San Isidro Mazatepec, or San Isidro

to locals. The town sits about 30 miles south-southeast of Guadalaj ara, Mexico in the district of

Jalisco. Approximately 1200 to 1500 people make the town their residence year round, most of

them farmers. The town revolved around the agriculture in the area. Tractors in the streets seems

to be ignored, one of the few specialized stores in the town sold seed and fertilizer. People talked

of weather patterns, rain, land and cattle. The farmers grow a plant known as blue agave for the

Tequila production in the region and maize and beans for more practical dishes.

The town grew out of a hacienda of the nineteenth century. The old hacienda mansion was

refurbished and along with its associated outbuildings forms the town hall and central plaza. The

only other features of the town are the soccer field, an arena for bull fights (toros) and a

cemetery. The cemetery easily topped the other attractions. It rested on a hill overlooking the

town as you entered. The graves were above ground tombs that were bleached white from the

sun and decorated with colorful flowers, religious symbols and miscellanea.

The streets are paved with small fist sized stones. The wear on them indicates that they

were laid down years ago and will not be replaced anytime soon. While they keep the road

passable when it rains, it is advisable to hold on tightly when driving through the streets.

Modern asphalt avoids the general area completely. Horses are as common to see on the street as










cars, although usually the vehicles were either pickup trucks or tractors. A number of times I

walked past a house to see a small corridor to the side. This led to an open area next to or behind

the house acting as a stable.

There are several small stores throughout the town, usually run out of the front room of a

house and are the only means of bringing common goods to the town. One store sells furniture

and another has enough business to specialize in farming supplies. Hotels or commercial housing

doesn't seem to be necessary. If you visit the town it is either for the day or you have relatives

with an available bedroom. A bus stop brings people from neighboring areas especially when

several large fiestas are thrown annually and draws crowds from Guadalaj ara.

While the town was supplied with running water and electricity, air conditioning was not

evident. This made little difference as the houses were constructed of large adobe bricks and then

covered in a plaster. Because the wall of the buildings were anywhere from fifteen to twenty-four

inches thick they served as a barrier to the elements. The sun would warm them during they day

then they would radiate the heat during the night keeping the house comfortable and be cooled

off for the following day.

The town did have a single school which consisted of one building, with five rooms. The

rooms divided the building into classes for different ages and on office on the end.

Northwest Kansas and Northeast Colorado, USA

I spent about two and a half months in northwest Kansas and northeast Colorado area to

collect data on Migrants and Americans. While there are three towns that I collected data in a

single description of the three is sufficient as they are very similar. Each town was approximately

thirty miles from the other in a straight line along interstate 70. Because the altitude is

approximately 3500 feet above sea level the area is know as the high plains. There is little foliage

in the area unless it has been cultivates. The weather patterns and lack of foliage create high









winds in the area. These are such a common occurrence that most residences will not notice a

wind less than 35 to 40 miles per hour. There is less than 15 inches of moisture per year which

classifies the area as a desert. However because of the rich soil in the area, along with irrigation

and conservation methods employed by the farmers the area is covered with fields of agricultural

grains. Wheat, corn, milo, soybeans and sunflowers are the primary crops. Wheat and corn are

the most significant.

The towns range from approximately 3500 people to 6500 people. All are dependent on

agriculture. Colby, the largest of the towns has a small community college that draws students

from the surrounding area. There is also some industry in the area. A small ethanol and biodeisel

plant is being built in Goodland. A few small feedlots survive in the area as well. All three towns

are dominated by businesses to support the agriculture. Each town has several implement shops

selling tractors, harvesters, farming equipment and their associated parts along with the standard

variety of discount, clothing and office supply stores. There are several banks in each town. One

peculiar element is found in Goodland, where Wal-Mart is the only grocery store in the county. It

came in the mid 1990's and drove out three of the locally owned groceries. This limits the

choices of products to only what they choose to stalk. It also means that most of the residents

will shop at the same store and have the same choice of products to buy. Colby has several

grocery stores and Burlington has a local grocery.

The migrant experience varies greatly between the towns. Burlington and Goodland are

more dependent on agriculture and the residents see migrants as necessary to the operation of the

farms in the area. Migrants have been used for labor for generations, with migrants making

repeated trips between Mexico and the US to work for the same family for many years.










Colby residents look less favorably on migrants. This is known throughout the migrant

community and little is done about the issue. The migrants will generally choose to live in

Goodland or Burlington which is friendlier. Colby residents have a stereotypical view of

migrants. I sat down with a number of teachers and administrators from the community college

and the topic came up as I described my research. They talked about the crime that migrants

cause, their lack of hygiene, overuse of social services (especially about issues in the school

system), refusal to learn English, and general lack of morals. These were less prevalent in

Goodland and Burlington. They were generally overridden by the recognition that without

migrants the local farmers would not be able to run their farms. Neither Americans nor Migrants

discussed the others lifestyle, pastimes or food choices. The exception came from Goodland

where one of the better restaurants in the area is run by a family that migrated from Chihuahua,

Mexico and serves a very authentic northern Mexican cuisine. The Americans appreciated the

quality of the food, even when they did not always know what they were eating.

Both Burlington and Goodland have several migrants who have settled in the area. Their

families have integrated into the community and started businesses or work in the commercial

establishments around the area. Some of these families provide support for the migrants as they

move in and out of the area. They often provide information about living arrangements, who

hires migrants and the best employers to work for. Each town had a few people who were heads

of these households and acted as a patriarch or matriarch for the Mexican community. All of

these individuals were well respected in both the migrant community and in the Anglo

community for their ability to place migrants in jobs and to keep disruptions in the migrant

community to a minimum.









While I was not able to see the living conditions in Burlington, I did have to opportunity to

visit the area where migrants stayed in Goodland. The area is a small street on the southern side

of the town. It consists solely of mobile homes. Each house can hold a number of migrants. It

was difficult to tell who lived where as people seemed to move between the houses frequently.

But they were little more than a place to sleep and take breakfast and supper. If a woman did not

have a job in the community they would often cook and clean for others in the house. Grocery

shopping was often done by both men and women. There was no grocery store in Goodland,

however the local Wal-mart had expanded to include food items. This was the only supply of

foods for the area unless a person drove to a surrounding town. Colby had a number of grocery

stores as well as general discount stores. Burlington was smaller and was limited to fast food and

a small grocery store.

Both men and women shop. Men seem to shop when women are not present to purchase

food and other supplies, but it is common to see them in the stores throughout the town. They

frequent the Mexican operated restaurants, but it is not uncommon to see them in the McDonalds

or Taco Johns. Perhaps the one place I did not see any migrants was in the local country club.

However an older Hispanic woman is the head chef for this establishment.

Sampling Strategy

From interviews with Hispanic migrants and farmers in Sherman County there are

between 200-400 transnational migrants in Goodland and the surrounding area. Distrust of

outsiders in this population makes recruitment difficult, but the community is tightly knit,

making referral sampling a workable solution. Chain referral sampling, like snowball sampling,

uses referrals from participants to others in a community (Heckathorn 1997) but unlike snowball

sampling this strategy accesses multiple networks so that the sample is more representative of the

population under study. Chain referral sampling also resolves the ethical issue associated with









snowball sampling (where referrals by subj ects breach the privacy of the new participant without

the new participant' s consent), by using a locator, or participant who assists in the recruitment

procedure without disclosing personal information about the referred party to the researcher

(Penrod, et al. 2003). During the summer of 2005 I made contact with two migrants who are well

connected in the Hispanic community in Western Kansas. These two contacts agreed to act as

chain-referral locators for this research. Two additional contacts were made in Burlington,

Colorado and two in Colby, Kansas. These contacts not only allowed me access to the

community but assisted in the data collection as well.

When data are cultural and widely shared, sample size can be relatively small (Romney et

al. 1986). Handwerker and Wozniak (1997) argue that because cultural data are socially

constructed, sampling strategies for these types of data should focus on selecting informants who

have knowledge within the domain in question. This type of selected sampling is contrary to the

idea of random sampling and has implications for sample size in studies involving cultural

knowledge, namely that the number of respondents required to adequately understand a cultural

domain can be smaller than that needed for reliably estimating the prevalence of something in a

population, depending on the level of knowledge of the informants on a particular domain.

Because the domains chosen for this study are very common, all respondents should have

adequate knowledge to use a small sample (between 20-40 people).

The analysis for this research uses the cultural consensus domain (Romney, et al. 1986)

which not only demonstrates the degree of consensus within a sample but also estimates the so-

called cultural competence of each informant in a domain. The minimum number of participants

needed to describe a cultural domain is a function of three things: the cultural competence of

each participant, the confidence level required in a particular study, and the proportion of










questions asked that must be decisively classified (Romney, et al. 1986). This last point merits

some clarification. The larger the proportion of questions asked and the higher the acceptable

confidence level, the larger the number of participants. Cultural competence has the reverse

effect; the higher the competence, the lower the number of participants needed. Even in the most

extreme case of asking for a .999 confidence level and .99 proportion of questions correctly

classified, only 23 informants are needed if the average level of cultural competence is .60. At a

cultural competence level of .70 only 16 informants are needed (Romney, et al. 1986). Because

the competence of participants is unknown a sample between 30 and 40 should yield an

acceptable confidence level. Because of the difficulty of reaching the migrant population there

were only 27 migrant respondents, but, as I will show later, this sample was sufficient to test for

cultural consensus.

Table 4-2 lists the number of completed instruments by populations and type. Note that

the freelist and pilesort data were collected on each of the three domains. Note also that not all

of the collected data were used in the analysis. In some cases, participants did not understand the

data collection task (free listing or pile sorting). In these cases, a free list or a pile sort had to be

dropped from the analysis. However no participant' s entire set of data were dropped.

Research Methods

Participant Observation

Mexico

Dewalt and Dewalt (2002) argue that participant observation can enhance the quality of

the data collection and interpretation for most fieldwork situations. I used participant

observation to maximize my understanding of the cultural domains in this study. While I

participated in the activities of all three populations, each group was approached in a different

manner. In Mexico I spent the maj ority of my time participating in the cultural events and daily










activities of a Mexican family with whom I lived. My contact from San Isidro introduced me to

his family in the area. We spent a day talking with his relatives and seeing the town. After that I

traveled to San Isidro most days to meet with residents and observe their activities. During these

visits I did informal interviewing, speaking to people about various issues. Mexico/US migration

was a topic that I frequently used to strike up a conversation, and everyone had an opinion. I was

very open about my research and most people were glad to speak with me, although they found

my interest in foods and material goods a bit odd. I used these conversations to understand how

people thought of the structure of the domains in question.

Using the assistance of my Spanish instructor I spoke with the principal of the local high

school about hiring a few of the students to assist in the data collection. While they collected

some data for the proj ect their most important function was to give me access to their personal

networks. This was required to meet the requirements of chain referral sampling and it was also

necessary because of the short time period I had for field work.

Americans

To reach the appropriately comparable population among Anglo Americans, I spoke

with an administrator from the vocational school in Goodland and a professor at the community

college in Colby. Both allowed me access to students in their classes and agreed that the students

would meet the demographic criteria stated above. Data for this group were collected using two

assistants in each location who aided in recruitment and data collection.

Migrants

The migrant population was approached with the help of a woman who had migrated as a

child and was currently working in the school system in Burlington, Colorado. She put me in

touch with an older woman who appeared to be a gatekeeper to the community. After speaking

with this gatekeeper several times she agreed to help and found two research assistants who










aided in recruitment and data collection of freelists and pilesorts. Again, their most valuable

function was to put me in contact with different networks of migrants. All of these individuals

were crucial to my research as the migrant population is very distrustful of any American at this

time.

After the freelists were collected the two migrant assistants did not want to continue

working on the proj ect. One cited a lack of time and one didn't give a reason. I found out later

that she was not a legal migrant to the US. However, both assistants gave me the names of

friends who might be interested in working on thi s proj ect. The current political climate

certainly made recruitment of migrants as participant and as assistants very difficult.

Assistants and Training

At the end of the proj ect I had enlisted the help of 4 Mexicans in San Isidro, 2 Americans

in Colby and two Americans in Goodland, and 6 migrants living in either Goodland or

Burlington. All of these assistants were paid 100 to 200 dollars depending on their work load.

All of the assistants were trained to collect similar data. Each assistant was given a

practice questionnaire to complete. I explained the process just as I would to an informant. The

assistants were encouraged to ask questions and I tried to give some background to the

methodology. When there were finished they were asked to practice either with another assistant

or with me. They were also given some basic tips on follow-up questions and on how to address

any problems that might arise. For example, it is very common in pile sort tasks for informants to

ask what criterion the researcher wants them to use. The answer is always: "We want to know

what you think. There are no right or wrong answers."

After they had collected a couple of the questionnaires I contacted the student assistants

and asked to see the data. We discussed any problems or questions they had. After the freelists

were completed, they set up interviews for me to speak with some of the participants. Some of









the assistants were present for the interviews as we tended to do several in one sitting. They were

then trained to collect the pilesort data in the same manner.

All parts of the research were conducted in the native language of the participant. Mexican

and migrant participants created freelists of Spanish words. The interviews were conducted in

Spanish and the pilesort cards were written in Spanish as well. On a couple of occasions a

migrant participant would ask for clarification of a Spanish word, but this was infrequent and, I

believe, only occurred because of different usage patterns in a language and not from a real lack

of understanding. All parts of the research with American participants were conducted in

English.

Freelists and Pilesorts

Researchers in cognitive anthropology have developed several systematic methods for

identifying cultural domains that have proven to be reliable. Freelisting develops a list of items

that a person considers part of a particular cognitive domain. A domain might be any element of

culture that has a common theme. Domains can be almost anything that people might group

together under a common term, for example: colors, plants, animals, illnesses, occupations, roles,

emotions, kinship, or even dirty words (Bernard 2002). During a freelisting exercise a

participant is asked to list the items that belong in that domain (Bernard 2002).

Following Dressler' s work in Brazil and Alabama in building domains of lifestyle and

social support (Dressler, et al. 1997; Dressler and Bindon 2000) I asked informants to free-list

items and activities specific to each domain. For the material goods domain, I asked that the

participant list all the goods a person owned when they have lived a good or successful life. The

other two domains were easier to explain and I only had to ask the participant to list typical foods

and typical pastimes.










Using the items collected from the freelist procedure a subset was selected for the pilesort

task to understand the structure of the domain. Item selection involves examining the frequency

and salience of items mentioned, and eliminating items that are not listed frequently. The exact

cut off point for accepting an item was determined by plotting the frequency of the items listed.

Typically, these scree plots show a steep initial decline, followed by a gentler slope for several

items, and culminating in a long tail of items that appear just once (Borgatti 1996). A typical cut

off point is the elbow where the slope becomes less steep. In the example in Figure 4-2 the most

likely cut off point would be when an item was mentioned more than four times. Table 4-3 gives

this cut off point for each of the freelists.

Pile sorting a subset of the responses from the freelists provides data on the cognitive

structure of a cultural domain. Stacking the cards in the same pile indicates that the participant

sees some sort of similarity between the items. With n items in a pile sort, the informant makes

n(n-1)/2 decisions as he or she places the cards in piles of things that go together (Burton and

Romney 1975).

Two types of pilesorts were used here. In the open pilesort, the participant is handed a

stack of index cards with the name of one domain item written on one side and an identifying

number written on the other. Participants are asked to sort the cards into different piles, or stacks,

by placing similar items together and dissimilar items in separate piles. They are told that they

may have piles with only one card, but they cannot make all of their piles from single cards and

they cannot have only one pile of all the cards. As each participant completed the task, either I or

my assistant recorded the numbers on the back of the cards and continued with the other

domains.










The second pilesort--known as a constrained pilesort--tests which items informants

believe belong to a domain. In this procedure participants are asked to separate the cards into

those that belong to the domain and to discard the rest. This procedure is a proxy for a true-false

test in which people are asked 'should this item be a part of this domain?' (Weller personal

communication). The corresponding numbers were recorded and the participant continued to the

next domain.

Interviews

Between completing the freelists and pilesorts a small sample of participants were

selected to participate in personal interviews. These interviews were informal and consisted of

questioning the participant about the domain items and why they may have been included, as

well as how they would classify these items. Because of the informality of the process there was

no hard format to the questions. What I was trying to understand were the characteristics of the

items found in the freelists that put them in certain groups. These interviews were only partially

recorded as a number of people asked that the recorder not be used. Notes were taken during all

of the interviews.

Demographic Information

Basic demographic information was collected on all participants who completed the

freelist or pilesort sections, including: age, gender, marital statue, number of children, number of

years of education, profession and city born. Table 4-4 summarizes the all of the demographic

variables except profession and city born.

Cohen's Transnational Score

Transnationalism was measured to understand the relationship between transnationalism

and the differences between the cultural knowledge of migrants and non-migrants. A problem

with measuring the degree of transnationalism of migrants is the different definitions of the









phenomenon (Cohen, et al. 2003; Guarnizo, et al. 2003; Irzigsohn and Saucedo 2002). There are

varieties of transnationalism that include social, economic and political behaviors and that

involve a number of different activities (Portes 1999). Itzigsohn and Saucedo (2002) asked

respondents to rate their participation in hometown associations, their sending money home for

community proj ects, traveling to public festivities, participating in local sports clubs, and

participating in charity organizations that are linked to their country of origin. A survey of nearly

2000 migrants in Vancouver, Canada, asked about migrants' friends and family, how frequently

(and with what method) they stay in touch with friends and family, the frequency of travel to the

home country, ownership of either a business or property at home, and whether they provide

financial assistance to family and friends who still reside in the home country (Hiebert and Ley

2003). Cohen et al.(2003) conducted a survey in the State of Oaxaca, Mexico that measures ties

to previous migrants (MIGFRIEN), how migrants paid for their trip (USCOSTS), where they

lived once they arrived in the U. S.(USSTAY), the number of years the migrant has remitted

funds (REMTOT) and the number of migrants the household had previously sent (TOTUS).

These measurements focus on the migrants use of kinship ties to aid in the migration process and

the use of remittances to maintain a strong relationship with the sending community (Cohen, et

al. 2003). Because my research is concerned with the degree of transnationalism and how it

might relate to other variables, l used Cohen's work as a blueprint for my questionnaire. The full

questionnaire can be seen in Appendix A. The transnational data are shown in table 4-5. The

transnational score is calculated with the following formula: Cohen's individual transnational

score (CITS) = MIGFRIEN + US COSTS + US STAY + (REMTOT/TOTUS).

The individual transnational score is calculated with the following formula: TRANSTOT

= MIGFRIEN + USCOSTS + US STAY + (REMTOT/TOTUS). The average TRANSTOT score









is 2.83, standard deviation of 1.75, minimum of 1 and maximum of 7. The mean score is very

close to Cohen's scores of Oaxaca transnational migrants (2.9). Cohen's data showed a larger

maximum (25) and more variance (sd 3.5). However, Cohen's data comprise interviews with 323

people in 11 counties in Mexico.

ARSMA-II


Acculturation was measured to understand how it is related to the changes in cultural

knowledge of migrants. The measurement of acculturation is less problematic than measuring

transnationalism as several instruments have been developed and tested in many research

proj ects (see Zane and Mak 2002 for a review). The Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican

Americans Revised (ARSMA-II) (Cuellar, et al. 1995) is a Likert type scale that measures

language, ethnic identity and ethnic interaction as factors in the process of acculturation. The

method is multidimensional and measures the participants' Anglo orientation (AOS) as well as

their Mexican orientation (MOS). It can thus be scored as a series of linear outcomes or

multidimensionally. Linear scoring places the migrant in one of 5 categories of acculturation

(from unacculturated to fully assimilated) by subtracting their MOS from their AOS. These are

single scores that can be compared to others. Orthogonal scoring places the migrant into one of

four categories based on high or low AOS and high or low MOS: Traditionals (low AOS, high

MOS), Low Biculturals (Marginalized), High Biculturals, and Assimilated (low MOS, high

AOS), based on where they are in their extent of involvement in Mexican/Anglo culture and the

acceptance of the attitudes and behaviors in Mexican /Anglo culture. Table 4-6 shows the

numerical and categorical scores for the Mexican migrants in the study.











Fieldwork Design


Mexicans


Americans


Migrant Mexicans


Understanding
the composition
of the domain











Understanding
the structure of
the domain


Pilesorts open
and closed


Demographic
information


Pilesorts open
and closed


Demographic
information


Understanding
related factors



Figure 4-1 Overview of research design

Table 4-1 Number of responses collected by type and population
Type of Data Mexicans Americans
Freelists (on each domain) 27
Demographic Information 27
ARSMA-II Scores
Cohen's Transnational Test


Migrants


Total


Informal interviews


Open Pilesorts (on each domain)
Closed Pilesorts (on each domain)
Demographic Information
ARSMA-II Scores
Cohen's Transnational Test


Participant Participant
Observation Observation


Freelists Freelists


Interviews Interviews










































Table 4-2 Number of items selected from freelists
Mexicans Americans Migrants
Foods 23 22 27
Passtimes 28 36 24
Material Goods 26 30 24



Table 4-3 Participant demographic information
Ave
Average % Number Ave Years
Age % Female Married Children Education
Pilesorts
Mexican 32.05 0.70 0.45 1.03 10.13
Migrant 31.37 0.56 0.78 1.93 9.22
American 23.43 0.47 0.20 0.47 13.59
Freelists
Mexican 36.21 0.66 0.39 2.10 10.52
Migrant 32.07 0.68 0.86 1.53 9.75
American 22.33 0.57 0.10 0.37 12.93


Figure 4-2 Frequency of freelist items for migrants


Migrant Things from a good life

25

20 -1

S15

9 10








Item





Table 4-4 Cohen individual transnational scores


Cohen's Individual
Transnational Score
5.00
3.00
3.00
4.00
3.67
4.00
3.00
3.50
2.00
4.50
2.00
3.67
2.00
2.00
2.00
1.00
2.00
2.00
1.00
2.00
1.00
2.00
2.00
3.33
2.33
3.00
1.00


MIGFRIEN
1
0
1
0
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
0
0


USCOSTS REMTOT USSTAY TOTUS










es
ARSMA-II
-0.68
-0.58
0.05
0.16
0.77
0.97
1.11
1.18
1.20
1.33
1.53
1.53
1.53
1.55
1.66
1.73
1.74
1.82
1.86
1.86
1.95
2.09
2.16
2.16
2.18
2.74


Table 4-5 ARSMA-II scorl
MOS AOS


Linear Score


Orthogonal Score
Low Bicultural
Low Bicultural
Low Bicultural
Low Bicultural
High Bicultural
Uncategorized
Traditional
Traditional
Uncategorized
Traditional
Traditional
Traditional
Traditional
Traditional
Traditional
Traditional
Traditional
Traditional
Traditional
Traditional
Traditional
Traditional
Traditional
Traditional
Traditional
Traditional


2.71
2.88
3.59
2.63
5.00
4.59
4.65
4.41
4.59
4.41
4.38
4.53
4.76
4.71
4.12
4.88
4.59
4.82
4.47
4.47
4.41
4.63
4.24
4.24
4.41
4.35


3.38
3.46
3.54
2.46
4.23
3.62
3.54
3.23
3.38
3.08
2.85
3.00
3.23
3.15
2.46
3.15
2.85
3.00
2.62
2.62
2.46
2.54
2.08
2.08
2.23
1.62


Level 1
Level 1
Level 1
Level 2
Level 2
Level 2
Level 2
Level 2
Level 3
Level 3
Level 3
Level 3
Level 3
Level 3
Level 3
Level 3
Level 3
Level 3
Level 3
Level 3
Level 3
Level 3
Level 3
Level 3
Level 3
Level 4









CHAPTER 5
DOMAIN ELEMENTS

There are two goals in this research. The first is to understand how the elements of the

cultural domains differ between migrants and non migrants. The second is to examine the

structure of the domains and how this may change because of migration behavior. This chapter

answers the first question while the next chapter answers the second one. To focus this analysis I

hypothesized that:

H1: The cultural domains of transnational migrants are a mix of elements from the home
and host society's cultural domains.
Alternative H1: The cultural domains of transnational migrants will have elements that
are neither in the home nor host country's cultural domains.


l use data from the free lists and the constrained pilesort task to test for consensus in the

content of cultural domains. I use two datasets in an effort to overcome the critique that cognitive

anthropology in general, and cultural consensus analysis in particular do not focus sufficiently on

variation in cultural domains (Aunger 1999; Aunger 2004). Aunger (1999) argues that it is not

the frequency with which items are found in a culture that makes them cultural. Rather, it is the

fact that they are transmitted to others. Aunger' s focus on transmission allows a much broader

range of items to be included as cultural instead of only those that are common. Using both

datasets allows me to show the similarity between the items as well as the variability within the

domain. Using the freelisted data also allows me to examine the elements of the domain to

understand its composition.

The chapter begins by describing the cleaning and renaming of the datasets. A qualitative

analysis of the common elements of the dataset is then examined. The composition of the

domains is further explored with the freelisted data by analyzing the overlap of items in each









domain. This analysis is done with both the full freelists and a reduced freelist for reasons to be

explained below.

Dataset Summary

Recall that three types of data (freelists, open pilesorts, constrained pilesorts) were

collected from three different samples -Americans from northwest Kansas, Mexicans from San

Isidro Mazatepec, Mexico and transnational migrants who have moved from Mexico to the

northwest Kansas. Tables 5 -1, 5-2 and 5-3 list the number of usable responses for each sample,

domain and instrument type. The numbers in the cells may vary because a respondent refused to

answer a particular section or because they produced unusable data. The latter error occurred

when my assistants were being trained in the data collection method.

Domain and Population Names

Because this analysis will deal with three populations and three cultural domains a

shortened title will be given to each group and domain. "Nonmigrant Mexicans" will be called

Mexicans; "Anglo Americans" will be called Americans; and "Transnational Mexican migrants"

will be called Migrants. The domain of "things that people own when they have had a successful

life" will be called Things; "typical pastimes" will be called Pastimes; and "typical foods" will

be called Foods.

Cleaning the Freelists

After the raw freelists were collected and entered verbatim into an excel sheet, each list

was cleaned. Cleaning the datasets consisted of making a number of modifications to particular

entries to produce consistent data for the analysis, taking care that the modifications retain the

intent of the respondent. Fixing errors in spelling is a low-inference modification. Synonyms

were combined so that that 'cattle' and 'cows' were placed together' and phrases like 'going for

a walk' and 'walking', or 'eating out' and 'restaurants' were combined. Modifiers were removed









so that 'family' and 'happy family' were combined into one category in the domain of Things.

These are slightly stronger-inference modifications.

There are some situations where similar responses were not grouped. This occurred when

people mentioned different levels of a domain. This was a particular problem in the domain of

foods where people would mention 'chicharron' as well as 'chicharron con chile' or 'chicken'

and 'chicken dumplings'. These items were not combined into a single category because they

were, at times, mentioned by the same respondent and because I believe that they intended two

separate and different items. This choice is the result of carefully examining the data and

comparing the items to my experience with the informants. I believe that combining items in

these cases would result in a critical loss of variability in the domain.

Qualitative Analysis

Large parts of any freelist are items listed by a small number of people or by a single

person. Table 5-4 lists the items that were listed by at least 20% of the respondents.

The most noticeable feature of Things is that 'car' and 'house' were the top two items in

all three domains, indicating a universal sign of success across the cultures. 'Clothing' and

'businesses' were also mentioned by all three groups and may be part of this universal pattern for

these cultures. I expected these items to be listed by all of the groups as well as the more

common household items. However there was considerable variance on the particular items that

were listed besides 'car', 'house', 'clothing', and 'businesses'.

Migrant women listed clothing and j ewelry almost exclusively. There was one man that

listed clothes and another that listed jewelry, indicating that there is a gender bias on the items

that are listed. 'Money' was listed by Mexicans and Migrants, but not by Americans. This

interesting divergence is probably a response effect. In English the question was phrased as,

"Please list the goods or possessions that people own when they live a good or successful life."










In Spanish the question was, "Por favor, anote las cosas que una persona puede conseguir cuando

tiene una buena vida, o sea, cuando la persona tiene much exito." The English version

emphasized the idea that the question was about material goods by using the words 'goods' and

'possessions'. On the other hand, such insubstantial things like 'friends' and 'family' were only

listed by one or two of the respondents in each group. They did understand that it was material

goods to some extent, but the domains are interpreted different for each group.

'Travel' was only listed by Migrants. This may indicate that migrants may have a

propensity for traveling or they may have learned to enj oy their travels abroad. Migrants also

listed 'computers,' 'cell phones,' and 'fumiture.' These items were shared by Americans but not

by Mexicans indicating that migrants may have picked up a taste for electronics and home

furnishings in their travels. Americans used lower levels of contrast in listing Things, naming

brands when they mentioned 'dishwasher,' 'dryer,' and 'washer.' This may imply that the

domain of Things is more defined in American culture.

Recreational vehicles were listed only by Americans. These items may be large enough

purchases to be out of the realm of possibility for typical Mexicans and Migrants or in the case of

pastimes Migrants may not be aware of the usable recreational facilities. Only Americans listed

'land' as a material indicator of a good life. Neither Migrants nor Mexicans mentioned this item.

This finding seemed odd, since many Mexican migrants are known to purchase land in their

home communities with funds acquired abroad. I looked for subgroups within the American

freelists that listed 'land' and while there is not much variability in the dataset overall, the

respondents who listed land showed no consistent pattern in age, gender, marital status, number

of children, years of education or profession. Another possibility may be that because Mexicans









use the money they make in the U.S. to build housing in Mexico, land may be included in the

idea of house, which was listed by all groups.

Table 5 -5 lists the Foods there were mentioned by more than 20% of the informants.

Similar to Things, Foods has some universal elements like tacos and burritos (clearly from the

Mexican domain) as well as items like 'hamburguesa' espagueti and ensalada. These last items

are more international but have long been mainstays in the Mexican diet. In one instance, the

respondent used the English word, 'spaghetti' instead of the Spanish "espagueti'. Chile colorado

is a commonly listed food among Migrants, but not among Mexicans. It appears to be a Mexican

dish that is adapted to local tastes and to local ingredients. A lot of what is today standard fare in

Tex-Mex cuisine--things like chile con carne and fajitas--began this way, as did many standard

dishes (like chop suey) in Chinese American cuisine.

Table 5 -6 lists the Pastimes mentioned by more than 20% of informants. Similar to the

other domain there is a small set of Pastimes present in all three of the samples, including the

activities of watching TV and reading. 'Listening to music' is prominent in the lists of Migrants

and Mexicans but is absent in the Americans' lists, as were a number of other items. With the

popularity of Ipods and other portable music devices, music may not be considered an activity

that is done as much as it is simply an accessory like wallet or purse that accompanies the person

almost continuously. Two items that stand out in this respect are the activities with friends and

family, present only in the lists from Mexicans and Migrants. In fact there were very few items

that Migrants have incorporated into their domain of Pastimes. One exception is 'deportes' or

'sports' that is present in Migrants' lists. While the generic term 'sports' does not appear in the

Americans' freelists, their lists are dominated by the names of specific, organized sports.










Another shared activity by Americans and Migrants is 'shopping'. Americans included

items like surfing the web and playing computer games. Neither of these was present in the other

groups' lists. Even though the sample of Americans was mostly young, single adults there was

little mention of social activities like going to bars, dancing or drinking. In general the activities

of Migrants not only include more social activities but also more informal activities. These

activities, like 'taking a walk' or 'going to the park', do not require any equipment or facilities.

They also do not include 'toros' (going to the bullfights) and 'futbol' (soccer), probably for the

same reason lack of facilities.

Domain Composition

Domain Overlap Analysis I

The overlap in groups can be examined with Venn diagrams or with correspondence

analysis. Correspondence analysis uses the frequency of items mentioned by all groups to create

a plot with both the items and samples plotted on the same axes. The distance between the

groups can be measured directly. The Venn diagram does not use the frequency of the items

mentioned but is simply based on whether an item is part of the group or not. While the

correspondence analysis uses the additional frequency information it can become incoherent

when a large number of items are present in the data, as they are with the domains under analysis

here. Venn diagrams are used for clarity and ease of interpretation. The software used to create

the diagrams shown here is freeware called Venn Diagram Plotter (Littlefield 2004).

Venn diagrams are an area proportionate graph where the area represents the number of

items in each group. The area of the region where the boxes overlap represents the number of

items that occurred in at least two domains. For example, in Pastimes, dancing was mentioned

by Migrants and Mexicans but not by Americans. Therefore, it would be counted as one item in

this overlap region. The center areas, where all three boxes overlap represent the number of