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Loggers, Settlers, and Tribesmen in the Mountain Forests of the Philippines: The Evolution of Indigenous Social Organiza...


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LOGGERS, SETTLERS, AND TRIBESMEN IN THE MOUNTAIN FORESTS OF THE PHILIPPINES: THE EVOLUTION OF INDIGE NOUS SOCIAL ORGANIZATION IN RESPONSE TO ENVIRONMENTAL INVASIONS By DOUGLAS MEREDITH FRAISER A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2007

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Copyright 2007 by Douglas Meredith Fraiser

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iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I am deeply thankful to the chair of my advisory committee, Dr. Gerald Murray, for the apprenticeship these four years have pr ovided. His knowledge of theory, experience with the practical applicati on of anthropology, and insistence on clear thinking have been invaluable in my growth as a researcher and field worker. His wisdom and patience have been a tremendous encouragement. I am grateful for the insights and sugges tions of my advisory committee members, Dr. Michael Bannister, Dr. Ab raham Goldman, Dr. Peter Hildebrand, and Dr. Marianne Schmink. Particular thanks go to Dr. Sc hmink for her encouragement to consider graduate studies, to Dr. Sherwood Linge nfelter for demonstrating the practical application of anthropology, and to Ms. Joanne Shetler for her mentoring and encouragement. My studies would hardly have been possible without substantial financial assistance. I owe special thanks to the Sc hool of Natural Resources and Environment and the Graduate School of the University of Florida for an E. T. York Presidential Fellowship and assistantship that made this study possible, and to Dr. Raymond Gallaher for encouraging me to apply. My thanks go al so to the Universitys Working Forests in the Tropics Program for a summer research grant, supported by the National Science Foundation (DGE-0221599); to SIL International and SIL-Philippines for assistance with both educational and research expenses; a nd to the many individuals who supported my work with the Manobo and who continue d to support me during my studies.

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iv My special thanks go to the Manobo and Tiruray among whom I have lived and worked. Their care and friendship over many years, and their willingness to have my wife and me labor alongside them, ha ve made it a joy to live among them. Finally, I am grateful to my sons, Ian a nd Kirk, for their cheerful appreciation of the special life they have had growing up among the Manobo, and to Meg, my wife, friend, and co-laborer, for her love, support, a nd commitment to myself and the work to which we have been called. Her presence with me has made this journey immeasurably lighter and brighter.

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v TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.................................................................................................iii LIST OF TABLES.............................................................................................................ix LIST OF FIGURES.............................................................................................................x ABSTRACT......................................................................................................................x ii CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................1 2 THEORETICAL FOUNDATIONS (LITERATURE REVIEW)................................7 Theories of Social Orga nization: Description..............................................................7 The Ethnographic Approach..................................................................................7 Social Network Analysis.......................................................................................9 Social Capital.......................................................................................................10 Grid-Group Theory..............................................................................................15 Theories of Social Orga nization: Culture Change......................................................19 Cultural Evolution...............................................................................................19 Typologies....................................................................................................19 Factors shaping culture.................................................................................21 Emergence of Horizontal a nd Vertical In tegration.............................................27 Intergroup Conflict and the Concentration of Power..........................................28 Conflicts over Land and Natural Resources...............................................................29 The National Level..............................................................................................29 Resource Management at the Local Leve l: Public, Private, Open-Access, and Common-Pool Arrangements..........................................................................31 Cultural Specifics: Cues to the Mano bos Use of Social Structures for Supradomestic Cooperation...................................................................................33 Summary.....................................................................................................................35 3 RESEARCH DESIGN................................................................................................38 4 LIFE BEFORE THE INVASION: PRE-1953............................................................44 The Physical Setting...................................................................................................44

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vi Biological Aspects of the Manobo Economy.............................................................45 Swidden Agriculture............................................................................................45 Gathering.............................................................................................................53 Hunting, Trapping, and Fishing...........................................................................56 Domestic Animals...............................................................................................59 Technological Aspects of the Manobo Economy.......................................................59 Social Aspects of the Manobo Economy....................................................................61 Kinship Organization of Economy......................................................................61 Political System...................................................................................................66 Internal Migration................................................................................................71 Summary.....................................................................................................................72 5 SUBJUGATION AND ADA PTATION: 1953-1974.................................................82 The Invasion: National Scale......................................................................................82 The Invasion: Local Scale..........................................................................................84 Transformations in Political System...........................................................................90 Impact of a Market Economy.....................................................................................91 Property...............................................................................................................92 Labor....................................................................................................................96 Production System....................................................................................................100 Impact of Settlement on the Biophysical Environment............................................104 Summary...................................................................................................................105 6 FOUNDATIONS FOR RESISTANCE: 1975-1988................................................114 Disintegration...........................................................................................................115 Foundations for Resistance.......................................................................................119 Developments in Kalamansig............................................................................119 Developments in Lebak.....................................................................................122 Emergence of the Association of Manobo Bible Churches, Inc.......................124 The AMBCIs Literacy and Health Programs...................................................125 The Role of Religion................................................................................................127 7 BEGINNINGS OF RESISTANCE: 1989-1995.......................................................129 8 INTERNAL DYNAMICS: THE INTERP LAY OF SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND RESISTANCE................................................................................................138 Association of Manobo Bible Churches...................................................................139 Other Civil Associations...........................................................................................144 Agricultural Extension.......................................................................................144 Elem Clinic........................................................................................................147 Fruit Trees.........................................................................................................151 Belanga Literacy Program.................................................................................154 Associations with Mini mal Outside Involvement.............................................155 Health insurance: the Elem pig project...................................................155

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vii Cooperative stores......................................................................................157 Elem chainsaw cooperative........................................................................166 Belanga Womens Group.................................................................................. 169 Dynamics of Group Efficacy.............................................................................170 9 RESISTANCE CONTINUED: 1995-PRESENT.....................................................175 Developments in Political Resistance.......................................................................175 Coordination in the Manobos Pursuit of Land Rights.............................................183 Summary...................................................................................................................185 10 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS...................................................188 Conclusions...............................................................................................................188 Environmental Impact.......................................................................................188 Emergence of Resistance from Religion and Civil Associations......................190 Evolution of Sociopoli tical Integration.............................................................193 Group Effectiveness: Obstac les to the Evolution of Sociopolitical Integration195 Recommendations.....................................................................................................197 APPENDIX A INTERVIEW QUESTIONS.....................................................................................203 Background Information and Political Structure......................................................203 Demographics and Land History.......................................................................203 Traditional Political Structure, a nd Changes in Political Structure...................203 Economic System.....................................................................................................204 Traditional.........................................................................................................204 Current...............................................................................................................205 Civil Associations.....................................................................................................205 Manobo Church Association (AMBCI)............................................................205 Tiruray Church Association (ATBCI)...............................................................205 Elem Church......................................................................................................205 Literacy Program...............................................................................................206 Formal Education..............................................................................................206 Health Program..................................................................................................206 Associations for Economic Cooperation...........................................................207 Cooperative stores (most also buy and sell):..............................................207 Lumber sawing groups...............................................................................207 Gardening groups.......................................................................................207 Coconut cooperative...................................................................................208 Land Rights...............................................................................................................208 B GENEALOGIES.......................................................................................................209 C THE PATHS NOT TAKEN.....................................................................................211

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viii Analytical Paradigms................................................................................................211 Statistical Analyses for Or ganizational Effectiveness..............................................213 LIST OF REFERENCES.................................................................................................222 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH...........................................................................................233

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ix LIST OF TABLES Table page 1-1 List of abbreviations used..........................................................................................6 3-1 Key factors...............................................................................................................43 4-1 Place names..............................................................................................................81 5-1 Sources of labor utilized in the production of rice and maize................................112 5-2 Summary of effects of settlement on Manobo society...........................................113 8-1 Villages and persons having active fishponds........................................................173 8-2 Villages practicing promoted enterprises...............................................................173 8-3 Persons practicing promoted enterprise.................................................................173 8-4 Fruit tree planting...................................................................................................174 C-1 Hypotheses in propositional form..........................................................................217 C-2 Scales employed to define value of variables........................................................218 C-3 Groups formed for cooperation above the household level...................................219 C-4 Significance levels in cross-tabulation tests...........................................................221 C-5 Regression models..................................................................................................221

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x LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 1-1 The Philippines...........................................................................................................6 2-1 The four ways of life................................................................................................36 2-2 Adjustment of societies to pow er relationships (Adams 1977:399)........................37 4-1 The Cotabato Manobo area......................................................................................74 4-2 A kinentoy an arrangement in which mai ze ears are hung on a loosely woven bamboo fence...........................................................................................................75 4-3 Traditional farming implements. ............................................................................76 4-4 A lihub used for storing rice....................................................................................77 4-5 Noisemaker, to scare away birds..............................................................................77 4-6 Extracting starch from palm heart............................................................................78 4-7 Tekob (bamboo rat traps)..........................................................................................79 4-8 Linul (rice cooked by steaming in bamboo)...........................................................80 5-1 Portion of Mindanao in which the Manobo live....................................................108 5-3 Genealogy of Kambing..........................................................................................110 5-4 Mortgage of two coffee groves within a field in Belah..........................................110 5-5 Agricultural year....................................................................................................110 5-6 Weed species introduced to the Manobo area........................................................111 B-1 Genealogies of three Manobo individuals..............................................................210 C-1 Symbols used in ecosystem m odeling (Hannon and Ruth 1997:11-14)................216 C-2 Effect of parties in the Manobo s situation on Manobo population level, emigration, and forest cover...................................................................................216

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xi C-3 Relationships between variables used in statistical analyses.................................217

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xii Abstract of Dissertation Pres ented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy LOGGERS, SETTLERS, AND TRIBESMEN IN THE MOUNTAIN FORESTS OF THE PHILIPPINES: THE EVOLUTION OF INDIGE NOUS SOCIAL ORGANIZATION IN RESPONSE TO ENVIRONMENTAL INVASIONS By Douglas Meredith Fraiser May 2007 Chair: Gerald F. Murray Major: Interdisciplinary Ecology The Cotabato Manobo (Dulangan Manobo) pe ople of the Philippines are an indigenous people whose natu ral-resource-rich homeland is being appropriated by loggers and settlers from the dominant so ciety. This study inve stigates the Manobos response, highlighting adaptive shifts in th eir social organization to withstand these outside forces. It documents the evolu tion of coordinated ac tion among the Manobo, the appearance of organizations seeking secu re land rights, and the possible causal mechanisms that may have triggered these ch anges. It also explores possible causal linkages between certain characteristic s of groups and their effectiveness. The study data were taken from interv iews with Manobo knowledgeable in their traditional and current social, political, ec onomic, and religious practices, and with participants in several types of groups, including church c ongregations and organizations, literacy and health programs, agricult ural groups, cooperatives, and land rights

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xiii organizations. The analytical paradigms were drawn from theories relating the emergence, extent, and configuration of coor dination within a societ y to its interaction with outside forces. A major finding is that the Manobos coordi nated efforts to withstand pressures from the dominant society originated in the religious domain. Many Manobo adopted Christianity over the last half-century, but a ppropriated it in a decentralized manner free of outside ecclesiastical cont rol, based instead on local au tonomous congregations under Manobo leadership. The new ideology produced a common identity among adherents, leading to regular meetings among indigenous pastors. At the same time, the Manobo Christians retained their tradi tional view of religion as being pertinent to matters of daily life. The indigenous pastoral gatherings therefore led to concerted action, to an expanding network of civil associations, and eventually to the establishment of land rights organizations. Parallel to this process, the Manobo re sponded to outside pressures by increasing the horizontal and vertical coordination within their organizations. The emergence and effectiveness of Manobo organizations has often been hindered by government favoritism toward loggers and settlers, longstanding enemies of natural forests. Successful Manobo control over what remains of their ancestral territory may therefore improve not only their own lot, but also th e effective and sustainable management of the areas natural resources.

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1 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION The Cotabato Manobo (whom I will henceforth refer to simply as Manobo1) are horticulturalists living in the highla nds of the southern Philippines (Figure 1-1). While they live in a small part of the Philippines, th eir situation is similar to that being acted out many places on this planet. Largely isolated from mainstream Philippine society until the middle of last century, their territory is now flooded with newcomers. The government considers their land to be national forest a nd has opened it up for logging and settlement. Existence for the Manobo has never been eas y, but the new pressures generated by the state, logging company, and settlers make it much harder. There are not only the direct effects of loss of land and food, and of violence, but many indire ct effects as well. They have been forced off the better soils onto marginal land, making farming more difficult and encouraging environmental degradation. However, not all pressures are material. The low regard of many newcomers for them has inspired a search for respect and significance, one result of which has been a great interest in literacy for both adults a nd children. And awarene ss of more prosperous lifestyles has resulted in considerable interest in new agricultural tec hniques and in health 1 The Cotabato Manobo call themselves Menub. However, this form is not found in the literature, the Hispanicized forms of Manobo and Manuv being us ed instead. As there are some twenty Manobo languages, local place names were used to distinguis h between them. The modifi er Cotabato came from the province in which the Cotabato Manobo lived. That province has since been divided, with the result that a city far from the Cotabato Manobo is now called Cotabato, while the Cotabato Manobo live nowhere near it. Some of the Cotabato Manobo have taken to calling themselves Dulangan Manobo, after one of their ancestors, and that designation is now common in much of their interaction with the Philippine government, though is not common in the academic literature. For purposes of convenience, I will henceforth refer to the group simply as the Manobo.

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2 care. In other words, the Manobo have not passively accepted their situation, but are actively seeking to deal with it. As they do so, they are relying upon one of their most significant tools, social organization. The study of tools usually implies a focus on technology, by which we mean physical implements. This is an unfortunately narrow focus. When people have problems, they deal with them through the us e of means tools which can be either material or nonmaterial. Th is concept of social organiza tion as a problem-solving tool brings to mind a stroll I took through the b ack alleys of Rome on the way from one famous ruin to another. On one path, fifty or more stray cats had temporarily made an alley their home. Some huma n authority would one day deci de the cats would have to leave, and they would be at the mercy of the powers-that-be. But unlike feline populations, humans can, and often do, respond to outside intrusions, not only with physical implements but also with new social -organizational arrangements to respond to the unwanted interventions of outside forces, such as the loggers and settlers invading Manobo territory. Humans are at liberty to respond like cats and simply dissolve and scatter. But they are also at liberty to re organize and retrench, as the Manobo have begun doing. As the invasions of their territory and th eir consequences are beyond the ability of a single household to deal with, the Manobo are us ing social structures for supradomestic cooperation. However, like physical implements social structures may serve more than one purpose. And just as societies devel op new physical implements for new tasks, societies may also develop new social struct ures to meet new needs, or use an old structure in a new way. I began my res earch with the working hypothesis that the

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3 structures the Manobo were using to respond to outside forces were derived in part from the Manobos traditional social structure, but that the Ma nobo may have modified these time-proven tools for new tasks. I therefore set out to document th e Manobos traditional and emerging cultural tools fo r cooperation, to elucidate the processes by which new organizational forms have emerged, and to rela te the characteristics of those traditional and emerging forms to their effectiveness in at taining group goals. In the process, I also hoped to anticipate whether the Manobos ultima te response to the eco logical invasion of their homeland would mirror that of the scat tered Roman cats, or reflect the many other human populations who have responded or ganizationally to new challenges. Indigenous groups around the world have developed a variety of responses to outside forces, some more effective than othe rs. My research with the Manobo is a case study of the drama being played out worldw ide as indigenous soci eties utilize their traditional cultures and modify them to respond to changes brought on by their governments and by other forces their governme nts have permitted and encouraged. My intent has been that this work not only be theoretically rigorous but also eminently practical. This dissertation is written for t hose working directly with local communities, whether they be in government, non-govern mental organizations, or peoples organizations. Such field workers often begi n their work in seemi ngly non-political areas important to the local community literacy, health, agricultural development, etc. and because of concern for the community later be come involved in land issues. As we will see, these areas are often far more closely intertwined than we usually realize. My hope is that this dissertation will provide greater theoretical insight into the relationships and

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4 processes involved, and thereby in some measure contribute to the well-being of indigenous peoples worldwide. Chapter 1 has provided a brief introducti on to this study, giving a sketch of the research setting and introducing the questions addressed, first in a universal form and then in specific reference to the Manobo. Th e theoretical approaches utilized in this study are covered in chapter 2. Chapter 3 deta ils the actual research design, covering the questions, hypotheses, and methods employed. Chapters 4 through 7 detail one instance of a drama that is being played out in coun tless places around the worl d: the intrusion of a dominant society into indigenous territo ry, and the consequent response of the indigenous population. The case of the Cotaba to Manobo people is, of course, of intense interest to themselves and to those who live near them. But it is also of interest to other indigenous communities and to thos e who interact with them, fo r it elucidates the specific processes involved in the inte raction of traditional society with the world thrust upon them. Chapters 4 and 5 cover the early ye ars of the Manobos history, during which the Manobo were largely at the mercy of outside forces. In chapter 6, I bring out the development of civil associations and the f oundation they formed for political resistance (i.e., the active pursuit of land rights and personal security thr ough cooperative action). Chapter 7 traces the emergence of political resi stance from the earlier civil associations. In Chapter 8 we pause to examine those civil associations, to elucidate the factors affecting cooperation in political resistance. Chapter 9 completes our examination of the Manobos response to the invasion of their territory, while Chapter 10 summarizes my findings and makes recommendations to each of the stakeholders involved.

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5 A few brief notes on termi nology will be helpful to readers unfamiliar with the Philippines. The countrys political division s, from largest to smallest, are regions, provinces, municipalities, barangay (also called barrios ), and sitios Provinces are headed by a governor, municipalities by a mayor, and barangay ( barrios ) by a barangay captain ( barrio captain). Regions have no governing officer over them; they are used mainly to provide a level intermediate be tween the national and provincial offices for government agencies (e.g., DENR and NCIP). In U.S. terms, provinces are equivalent to states, municipalities to counties, barangay to districts or towns, and sitios to precincts. The linguistic and ethnic makeup of the Philippines is complex, with the country having at least 171 distinct la nguages (Gordon 2005) and a vari ety of religions, and with language and religion frequently not correlated. Consequently, standard English does not contain universally understood cover terms for the groups I discuss in this dissertation. The majority of the Filipinos who have se ttled in Manobo territory are from Philippine peoples who were heavily influenced by the Span ish: Visayans from the central islands of the Philippines, and Tagalogs and Ilocanos from Luzon. I will refer to these people as settlers. However, a number of peopl e from the Maguindanao and other heavily Muslim groups have also settled in Manobo te rritory. As they consider themselves culturally distinct from the other settlers, I will refer to these people as Muslim, even though this confuses religion with ethnicity, and not all adhere to the teachings of Islam. I have used abbreviations for some organizations and legal arrangements I frequently refer to. For ease of refere nce, those abbreviations are defined in Table 1-1, as well as in the text.

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6 Table 1-1. List of abbreviations used. AMBCI Association of Manobo Bible Churches, Inc. ATBCI Association of Tduray Bible Churches, Inc. CADC Certificate of Ancestral Domain Claim CADT Certificate of Ancestral Doma in Title. Successor to the CADC. CENRO Community Environment and Natu ral Resource Office (also, Community Environment and Natural Resource Offi cer, the person in charge of the community office). The local level of the DENR, sometimes covering more than one municipality. DENR Department of Environment a nd Natural Resources. The national governmental agency charged with oversight of natural resources. IPRA Indigenous Peoples Rights Act NCIP National Commission on Indigenous Peoples PAFID Philippine Agency for Intercultural Development PENRO Provincial Environment and Natu ral Resource Office (also, Provincial Environment and Natural Resource Offi cer, the person in charge of the provincial office). The provi ncial level of the DENR. SIL Summer Institute of Linguistics TAP Translators Association of the Philippines TCEA Tribal Community of Esperanza Association TCLA Tribal Community of Lebak Association Figure 1-1. The Philippines.

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7 CHAPTER 2 THEORETICAL FOUNDATIONS (LITERATURE REVIEW) Just as we can consider soci al organization to be a cultu ral tool for solving various types of problems, we can also consider theory to be a cultural tool for analysis that is, for perceiving and understanding social phenomena. In an effort to avoid reinventing already well-thought-out th eoretical tools, we will first re view several theo ries I will use in studying the Manobos social organization and their uses of it for supradomestic cooperation. We will then shift our focus to an area where the Manobo are desperately applying the tools of social organization, namely, conflicts over land and other natural resources. Finally, we will survey the litera ture on insular Southeast Asian societies for features that contribute to understanding how the Manobo use social structures for supradomestic cooperation. Theories of Social Organization: Description Two of the greatest questions concerning soci al organization are 1) how to describe it and 2) what the cause-and-effect relationshi ps are between a peopl es culture and their environment by which I mean not only flora and fauna and water and soil, but also the pressures brought to bear by exogenous groups a nd societies. We will consider the issue of description first. The Ethnographic Approach Anthropology originally took a holistic appr oach to the descri ption of culture, describing a complete range of informa tion on a people, including their means of subsistence, technology and arti facts, religious beliefs and practices, life cycles, and

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8 family and community structures. The goal was ethnography. Anthropology has more recently shifted away from holistic descrip tion to focus on specific problems, and has developed new frameworks for that purpose. For the purposes of this study, the newer frameworks are more useful, and much of this literature review will focus on them. However, fundamental concepts from the ethno graphic approach will also be used. For example, the basic components of social organization have been well described by Murdock (1965) and Keesing (1975) and covered in texts such as that by Spradley and McCurdy (1980). Their focus is on the arti culation of groups and individuals, and includes the concepts of status, rank, and role. Small and Tannenbaums (1999a; 1999b) more recent work on household and community economics suggests a focus on the interactions between individual and household, household and community, and community and outside world. Th is provides useful units of an alysis, with the caveat that the community is itself a complex network co mprised of numerous interlocked interest and kinship groups. Much of economic anthropology the study of the relationships between social structure and the production and tr ansfer of resources may be considered an elaboration of the traditional approach. Firth (1951:125) concurs with most economists that the basic concept of economics is the allocati on of scarce, available resources between realizable human wants, with the recogniti on that alternatives are possible in each sphere. However, he goes on to observe th at social relationship s generally have an economic aspect, even when no price is i nvolved, in that they involve choices made regarding time and energy (Firth 1951:130). In dividuals may work not only for monetary remuneration but also to satisfy social expectat ions, to ensure they retain the benefits of

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9 membership in their social group (Firth 1951:141-142). In non-monetary economies (or relationships dominated by soci al rather than monetary c oncerns), production may be specified by norms (Firth 1951:133) Further, there is often considerable direct matching of goods and services, based on normative comp arisons of their relative worth. There also tends to be far less separation of the roles common in modern industrial societies: capitalist, entrepreneur, workman, and manager. Participants in an enterprise may fill multiple roles, and production may be only one facet of a social relationship (Firth 1951:136). Social Network Analysis One approach to social relationships ha s capitalized on the fact that social relationships, like any other system, can be repr esented visually. This has led to social network analysis, which focuses on the geomet ric qualities of the network attributes such as how many members each individual in the network is connected to, and whether the network looks like a net or like a branching tree. John Scotts (2000) Social Network Analysis is an excellent treatise on the theory and practice of social network analysis. One important feature of many social networ ks is the presence of structural holes (Burt 2002). When each member of a group is connected to all the other members near him, the group is tightly bound together, but information must pass through a large number of individuals to make its way through the network. If the network is fragmented into several smaller tight clusters with onl y occasional links between them, information takes even longer to travel. However, the creation of bridge s between unconnected clusters greatly reduces the distance that info rmation must travel. Krebs (n.d.) brings out that this results in the information traveli ng more quickly and with less distortion. Thus,

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10 network structure can have a profound effect on how quickly and appropriately a group can respond to threats. Another important concept is that of strong and weak links (Granovetter 1973). Links between members of tight groups are often strong, in that they are multiplex and charged with affect. Bridging links betw een clusters are often weak, as between acquaintances rather than close friends. Ho wever, it is these weak links that provide individuals with knowledge they do not nor mally possess, because they already know much of what their closest associates do. In the same way, village-level networks will likely be strong, while the weak links of acquaintance formed during occasional conferences with other Philippine indi genous peoples or NGOs may provide the foundation for weaker but still effective netw orks at the regional or national level. Social Capital Another approach to interpersonal relationshi ps is to consider the material benefit they bring to the individuals who have them. Viewed in this way, relationships can be considered social capital. While the social capital theory owes its origins to several writers, perhaps the name most closely associ ated with it is that of Robert Putnam. Putnam (1993:15-16) was impressed with th e differences in governmental styles and outcomes in the north and south of Italy, and a ttributed the difference to historical events nearly a thousand years before, when a power ful monarchy was established in southern Italy, versus a cluster of co mmunal republics in the north. In his view, the vertical relationships typical of the monarchy and the horizontal relationships typical of the republics set up social patterns which have cont inued to the present. Putnam concluded that the more civic the society that is the greater the inci dence of horizontal, nongovernmental relationships be tween individuals the more effectively the society

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11 functioned. Putnam later applied the term social capital to such horizontal, nongovernmental linkages. The concept has found ready acceptance with the World Bank and other financial development institutions. In the World Banks (2002a) analysis civil society is contrasted with both government and market, and horizontal relationships within civil society produce another estate that allows for power being brought against the state, if need be. This appears to be what has take n place in the Manobos efforts to obtain land rights. They had attempted to drive settlers out of one portion of th eir ancestral territory in the early 1970s, but were quickly overcome by the military. Military defeat, coupled with the governments establishment of its own administrative structure as legally superior to local leaders, greatly weaken ed the traditional political structure. Confronted with these outside forces, the Manobo did what many other peoples have done in similar situations : they utilized religious stru ctures and symbols to respond to disparities in power. But while the famous parallel instances of the Ghost Dance of Native Americans and the cargo cults of Melanesia (Kapfere r 1997) employed traditional religious symbols, the Christianized Manobo, as is true of Brazilian and Guatemalan adherents of Liberation Theology, have utilized an indigenized form of Christianity to mobilize new organizational forces.2 Their adaptation of Chris tianity has its roots in the vernacular literacy program that SIL began in the 1950s. A portion of the literacy material consisted of Judeo-Christian texts, translated into Manobo. Much as the Kiowa and Sioux responded to an outside religious form (Kracht 199 2), an increasing number of 2 Contrary to its frequent dismissal as the opiate of the masses, religion has played a significant part in mobilizing resistance in many well-known political m ovements, including the African-American civil rights movement (Dr. Martin Luther King, Rev. Al Sharpton, and Rev. Jesse Jackson), Mohandas Gandhis struggle for Indian independence, and contemporary Sunni and Shiite movements in the Middle East.

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12 Manobo responded to the Biblical texts. The result was the emergence of churches using the vernacular and under indigenous leadersh ip through much of Manobo territory. At the same time, SILs pursuit of vernacular li teracy resulted in an expanding cadre of Manobo literacy teachers. The result may have been surprising to SIL. The Manobo took a pacifist interpretation of Christianity, and the inte rnecine violence that had been so common diminished remarkably. With a new freedom to travel within their own territory, church and literacy leaders began m eeting together at frequent intervals, thereby forming a network of relationships th roughout the language group. At the same time, the church leaders began to represent their congregants in much the same way as the traditional dat had. Unlike the dat though, whose travel had been restricted by Manobo-on-Manobo violence, the church leaders freely associat ed with pastors from throughout the language group. They developed a network of relations hips that surpassed anything the Manobo had ever had. As has happened in other settings, the local religious lead ers went beyond purely spiritual matters to mobilize social resist ance. In the mid 1990s, the leaders of the church association formally petitioned th e government for the formation of a Manobo reservation. The government has been slow in responding to that request, and the Manobo have had to form other organizations devot ed solely to the pursuit of land rights. It is apparent, though, in terms of the social capital paradigm, that it was the mobilization of links in the civil realm (of which religi ous groups form a subset) that enabled the Manobo to mobilize for the pursuit of rights to their ancestral lands. Several church and literacy leaders continue to be instrumental in that effort.

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13 Proponents of social capital ha ve not been unaware of the existence of vertical relationships. Putnam (1993:178-179), for instance, observed that in prisoners dilemma situations, people may either defect or reciprocate help, a nd that these become social norms. He goes on to write that reci procity/trust and dependence/exploitation can each hold society together, though at quite differe nt levels of efficiency and institutional performance. Reciprocal relationships are horizontal, while relati onships of dominance and dependence are vertical. Yet, despite acknowledging the pr esence of vertical relationships, Putnam goes on to focus almost exclusively on the pres ence or absence of social capital (horizontal relationships), thus leaving the role of vertical relationships outside the scope of his theory. While proponents of social capital theory are enthusiastic about the benefits of social capital to a society, they have note d that there can be drawbacks as well. The World Bank (2002a), for instance, notes that wh ile individuals may benefit from their ties to particular groups, group demands on the in dividual may sometimes outweigh benefits. The World Bank (2002b) also note s that groups may exclude othe rs from their benefits or act exploitatively against t hose outside the group. The clos e relationship that seems to exist between certain government offices and companies that want to extract lumber and minerals from the Manobos territory is a good example. The World Bank (2002c) likewise notes that while social capital can re duce a firms (or other groups) transaction costs and give it a competitive edge, such close ties can also result in nepotism or abusive monopoly. These drawbacks to social capital bring out a problem with the theory namely, its failure to account for negative human relations hips. Capital as a financial term is

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14 considered an asset and is not used to refer to liabilities. Social capital theorists likewise speak of the presence or absence of social capital, but fail to acknow ledge the presence of actively harmful relationships. Writers such as Harriss ( 2001:12) and Fine (2000:199) have criticized proponents of social capita l theory for deliberately covering up the presence of exploitation and the consequent necessity for political action. However, the difficulty may be due simply to trying to use financial terminology that is not equipped to contain all of the realities of human interactions. The theory also suffers from serious probl ems of aggregation in measuring social capital (Fine 2000:176-178). The typical approach to social capital relies on indicators such as generalized trust, membership in organizations, and norms such as reciprocity, cooperation, and tole rance (Adam and Ron evi 2003). Such a generalized view of society can readily overlook the existence of ti ght clusters that excl ude or exploit others in society, as well as clusters that are shut out of the power structure. This is a serious error, but is probably better charged to the account of proponent s of the theory than to the theory itself. A similar error of aggreg ation is often made in addressing national measures of wealth. The traditional appr oach simply adds the money owned by each member of society without any considerati on of the networking of productive assets (e.g., whether sources of coal and iron ore are c onnected to smelting plants and then to automobile factories through ro ads, railroads, and canals). This does not render the concept of economic capital useless. It me rely indicates that when attributes are considered at the level of an entire so ciety (or even a neighborhood), aggregation is methodologically inadequate.

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15 There are several problems with the social capital concept. Its exclusive focus on horizontal relationships, it s accounting of only the pres ence or absence of good relationships, and problems with aggregation have all tended to lead practitioners to overlook the negative effect of groups that exclude or expl oit the rest of society. However, social capital theory provides a serv ice in pointing out that social relationships are not only social, but also enable individuals and groups to attain many non-social benefits. The Manobos social relationships have served them as invaluable capital, allowing them to band together to seek land rights and to operate literacy and health programs. Grid-Group Theory The theory of social capital has been cri ticized for overlooking differences in power in social relationships. The same criticism might be leveled against social network analysis, as it tends to repres ent all relationships as being essentially horizontal. While neither approach specifies that relationships are between equals, neither method requires the researcher to distinguish between peer and non-peer relati onships, nor provides a ready means of handling non-peer relationships In contrast, grid-group theory (also known as culture theory) explicitly recognizes that relationships are either between equals (horizontal) or non-equals (vertical). Mary Douglas, the originator of the theory, suggested that much of the variability of an individuals involvement in social life can becaptured by two dimensions of sociality: group and grid. Group refers to the extent to which an individual is incorporated into bounded units. The grea ter the incorporation, the more individual choice is subject to group determination. Grid denotes the degree to which an individuals life is circumscribe d by externally imposed prescriptions. The more binding and extensive the scope of the pr escriptions, the less of life that is open to

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16 individual negotia tion (Thompson et al. 1980:5). Essentially, group describes the constraints and opportunities incumbent upon an individual due to horizontal relationships, while grid does the same for vertical relationships. The existence of vertical a nd horizontal relationships is hardly a new discovery. Putnam (1993:178-179), for instance, noted that recip rocity/trust and dependence/exploitation can each hold society to gether, though at quite different levels of efficiency and institutional performance. Do uglas contribution was in recognizing that these two aspects of relationshi ps describe a large portion of social interaction and of peoples belief systems. She used the terms cultural bias, social relations, and way of life to describe the rela tionship between them. Cultural bias designated shared values and beliefs, while social relations desi gnated patterns of in terpersonal relations (Thompson et al. 1980:1), making the two terms equiva lent to worldview and social organization, respectively. A viable combinati on of the two is referred to as a way of life. The combination of presence or absence of these two kinds of relationships horizontal or vertical give s rise to a typology of four types of societies (Thompson et al. 1980:1-10) (Figure 2-1). A society (or group) that is low group and low grid is Individualist. One that is high group and low grid is Eg alitarian. High group and high grid characterize a Hierarchical societ y, while low group and high grid specify a Fatalistic society.3 3 Singelis et al. (1995) use different terminology but propose essentially the same typology. Instead of low and high group, they speak of collectivist and individu alist orientation; instead of low and high grid, they use horizontal and vertical orientation.

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17 Grid-group theory recognizes that soci al control is a matter of power. As Thompson et al. (1980:6-7) state it: In the grid-group framework individuals are manipulated and try to manipulate others. It is the form of power who is or is not entitled to exercise power over others that differs. . Strong group boundaries coupled with minimal prescriptions produce social relations that are Egalitarian . . When an individuals social environment is characterized by strong group boundaries and binding prescriptions, the resulting social relations are Hierarchical . . Individuals who are bound by neither group incorporation nor prescribed roles inhabit an Individualistic social context. . Alth ough the individualist is, by definition, relatively free from control by others, that does not mean the person is not engaged in exerting contro l over others. On the c ontrary, the individualists success is often measured by the size of the following the person can command. People who find themselves subject to bindi ng prescriptions and are excluded from group membership exemplify the Fatalistic way of life. Some have objected that a classification of a ll societies into just four types is rather limiting, but Thompson et al. (1980:3-4) point out that th e two-times-two typology more than doubles the amount of conceptual variety available in existing theories of social organization.Whatever their singular merits may be, and these are considerable, the great social theorists of the past rarely went beyond the development from hierarchy to individualism, thereby leaving out fatalism, egalitarianism, and autonomy. Grid-group analysis reveals how various arguments in families, churches, political parties, and sports clubs invol ve the fundamental issues of where the instit ution should draw its group boundary, and how it should regu late itself internally (Gross and Rayner 1985:18). One of the most promising contributions of grid-group theory is its notion of how the four ways of life are not only in compe tition but also interdependent, as this helps reveal the process by which alliances between apparently incompatible patterns of social organization may arise. Thompson et al. (1980:4) observe that Each way of life needs each of its rivals, either to make up for its defi ciencies, or to exploit, or to define itself

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18 against. They describe the alliances that can form between each of the ways of life (1980:83-99). Alliance of i ndividualism with hierarchism produces what we call the establishment. Individualists gain the prot ection of property rights, while hierarchists benefit from the enhanced economic growth arising from the activ ity of individualist entrepreneurs. Egalitarians of ten avoid alliances with either individualists or hierarchists, preferring to maintain a firm boundary betw een their colle ctive way of life and the outside world. However, they may seek allianc e with another way of life if they wish to influence events in the outside world. A lliance may be sought with hierarchists by appealing to the hierarchists va lues that those at the top have an obligation to help those below them, and that individuals should be willing to sacrifice for the entire society. Fatalists are typically resigned, so seldom attempt to influence events. However, they provide benefits to each of th e other ways of life. To egal itarians, fatalists provide moral ammunition with which to attack the estab lishment, and their position as powerless and exploited makes them attractive to egalitar ians as ready recruits to their cause. Individualists, who aspire to maintain thei r freedom while asserting control over others, value fatalists as the necessary servants wi thin their networks. Hierarchists may fault the fatalists for their lack of support for the system, but value having a complacent mass that will not challenge the deci sions of established leaders. Prior observation suggests that the Manobo us ually act within th e individualist and egalitarian ways of life, Philippine authorities act as in-charge individualists or hierarchists, and representatives of NGOs act as egalitarians or hierarchists. Grid-group theory may therefore shed light on the in teractions between the different groups.

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19 Theories of Social Organization: Culture Change Having considered several ways of descri bing social organization, we now turn to causal relationships between social or ganization and a societys sociophysical environment. As such relationships are more readily apparent when a society is undergoing change, the discipline th at reveals the most about such relationships is that of culture change. One of the most prominent theo ries of culture change is that of cultural evolution. Cultural Evolution Anthropological theories since the mid-ni neteenth century have focused heavily on causal relationships between culture and the ma terial world. Perhaps the school that has concentrated most on this issue is that of cultural evolution. Theories of cultural evolution therefore help to identify major factors in the sociophysical environment that influence social organization and that are affected by social organization. Typologies Cultural evolution has often assumed that societies progress from simple to complex (Rambo 1991b), but this is not an esse ntial part of the theory. Richard Adams (1977), for instance, describes situations in which one society becomes less complex as a result of unsuccessful competition with a more powerful society. While cultural evolution does not necessitate adherence to a unilineal view of history, the search for patterns of how societies respond in cause-a nd-effect fashion to various forces does predispose the theory toward the developmen t of typologies. The most widely used typologies have been based on technology, mean s of subsistence, and forms of social political organization (Rambo 1991b). Tec hnology provided the basis for Lewis Henry Morgans classification system, but it showed a poor fit with cultural characteristics. In

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20 contrast, taxonomies based on means of subsis tence are widely use d. Hunter-gatherer, swidden farmer, and pastoralis t are commonly used categories. However, while means of subsistence is undoubtedly important, there is not a one-to-one relationship between means of subsistence and other aspects of cu lture. As Rambo points out, the Northwest Coast Native Americans are a classic case of disjunction between th eory and reality. Their economy was based on hunting and gathering, but was socially complex, with stratification usually associated with a highly developed form of agriculture. Furthermore, many societies rely upon a mix of subsistence strate gies (Hutterer 1991). Another well-known typology is Elman Service (Yengoyan 1991) categorization of societies as bands, tribes, chiefdoms, kingdo ms, and states. He later consolidated these categories into the egalitarian society, the hier archical society, and the archaic civilization or classical empire. While Yengoyan (1991) co nsidered this a less useful classification system, it remains in use (e.g., Rambo 1991a; Rambo 1991b; Service 1993). Morton Fried proposed a similar taxonomy, progressing from egalitarian society to rank society to stratified society to state (Rambo 1991b). Fried (1975:i) objected to the term tribe on the ground that tribes, as conventi onally conceived, are not closely bounded populations in either territori al or demographic senses. They are not economically and politically integrated and disp lay political organization under hierarchical leaders only as a result of contact with alre ady existing states. While his comments suggest caution in applying these typologies carel essly, the point remains that they can be useful for comparing and understanding societies. Each of these typologies di fferentiates between societies on the basis of how they exercise social control over their members and the

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21 extent to which individuals can exercise control over resources and other people (Rambo 1991b). The Manobo, prior to extensive contact with mainstream Philippine society, appear to have fit Service tribe category. Their situation is now more complex. Having been incorporated closely into the Ph ilippine state, they are hardly a stereotypical tribe. As Fried suggested, their initial move toward gr eater organization was stimulated by outside forces. Their continued efforts to organize fo r a variety of purposes have resulted in a more complex organization, a process which c ontinues. Nevertheless, while they do not neatly fit the ideal of any single category, de scription of their orga nization (and that of other groups they have relations with) is made much easier by the use a widely understood classification system. Factors shaping culture Energy, power, and money. Perhaps the most-asked question among adherents of cultural evolution is what factors most govern culture. Several possibilities have been put forward, including energy, technology, carryi ng capacity of the environment, and population level. Richard Adams (1988:xiv-xv), in an effort to bring the physical and social sciences onto common ground, has sugge sted that energy is the one concept common to both. He proposes viewing social interactions in terms of thermodynamics (Adams 1975:109), suggesting that social organization arises from the energy relations between persons in a fashion parallel to how the physical structur e of water in soil depends on the temperature, atmospheric pre ssure, and matric suction at a particular location in the soil. Other writers have focused on the ability of a society to capture energy. What has become known as Whites Law states, C ulture evolves as the amount of energy

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22 harnessed per capita per year is increased, or the efficiency of the instrumental means of putting the energy to work is increased (Ram bo 1991a). Rambo agrees with White that the total use of energy increases with social complexity, but found that per capita usage drops in the progression from band to tribe to chiefdom, and then increases tremendously in movement to industrial society. Rachma ns (1991) comparison of a band in Indonesia with a tribal society in Malaysia confirms Rambos observations. The tribal society consumed less energy per capita but more energy in total, and spent a higher percentage and quantity of energy on social activities su ch as visiting and entertainment. Rambo (1991a) identifies the mechanisms for social integration as the consumer of this energy. In his words, as societies become more spec ialized and have to embrace a larger number and greater diversity of com ponents, the means of integration demand an ever larger quantity of energy. Rather than being used to achieve individual goals, a growing share of available energy is used to support the functioning of the system. Taken together, the literature indicates that as societies become more complex, they use more energy in total, and expend a greater quantity and proportion of that ener gy on maintaining social relations. The question remains, though: in the re lationship between energy and social complexity, which is cause and which is e ffect? White, as seen above, would have energy usage as being the determ inant of social complexity. Rambo (1991a), in contrast, sees a societys ability to harness energy as be ing dependent on its so cial complexity. He cites Service as being in agreement, as Se rvice viewed the formation of more complex social structures to be dependent on the evolution of more specialized means of integration. Sajises (1991) observation that societies utilize so cial organization to

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23 establish patterns of reso urce allocation for the advant ageous use of energy and information likewise places social complexity as the driving force in the relationship with energy. Rather than declaring one si de or the other to be wr ong, it seems reasonable to posit the presence of a feedback mechanism. That is, as energy captured increases, a society has more ability to develop more effective means of social integration (e.g., communication and enforcement of sanctions), which permits greater social complexity, and more ability to develop more technology. Greater social complexity and greater technology in turn enable the so ciety to harness more energy. These abstract arguments over the re lationship between energy and social complexity have practical implications for the Manobo. If we acknowledge that money is a sort of canned energy, it is evident that the Manobo will need more money as they develop greater social complex ity. The point is readily seen in examining the Philippine government. Officials must spend money on hospitality to visitors, on communication with other officials, and on transportation. Th e expenses can be tremendous. In the rural areas, the government provides radios to the barangay, municipal, and provincial officials.4 A greater expense is transportation. Village officials may rely on public transportation, but barangay officials use government-provided motorcycles to get to their meetings, while mayors who must trav el farther, with an entourage have government pickups. Governors, congressmen, and senators make frequent use of air 4 The political divisions in the Philippines are, from largest to smallest: regions, provinces, municipalities, barangay (also called barrios ), and sitios Provinces are headed by a governor, municipalities by a mayor, and barangay ( barrios) by a barangay captain ( barrio captain). Regions have no governing officer over them; they are used mainly to provide a level intermediate between the national and provincial offices for government agencies (e.g ., DENR and OSCC). In U.S. terms, provinces are equivalent to states, municipalities to counties, barangay to districts or towns, and sitios to precincts.

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24 travel. On top of this, each year sees new ag encies created to deal with new, specialized tasks. The cost of supporting government alone appears to increase faster than social complexity and this ignores similar deve lopments taking place in the private sector. Agrophysical environment: carrying capacity, population density, and technology. Several researchers have consider ed the carrying capacity of the environment to be a major determinant of cultu re. Fried, for instance, wrote, One of the most important variables in the developmen t of complex political systems is population size and density; these factors rest, in turn, upon the carrying capacity of the environment (Rambo 1991b). Frieds positi on is supported by the ca se of the Pacific Northwest Native Americans, mentioned earlie r, who were able to support a stratified society, despite relying on hunting and gathering, because of the rich supply of wild food available (Rambo 1991b). The principle of car rying capacity finds fuller development in the school of cultural ecology, in which social organization is held to be a consequence of environmental situation, a nd social change a consequenc e of environmental change (Panya 1991). Clifford Geertz and Lucien Hanks were both proponents of this approach. One example of their work is Hanks rese arch on Bang Chan, a rural community in Thailand; Hanks attributed the development of new technology by the residents there to land shortages caused by population increases The concept is also supported by evidence from the Philippines. De Raedt ( 1991) observed that villages among the Ifugao are comprised of no more than 100 houses, due to the narrowness of land that can support irrigated rice production. In contrast, v illages in Kalinga, where uninhabited land suitable for irrigated rice was still ava ilable, may have populations of up to 5,000.

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25 While some researchers have concentrat ed on the limitations that environment places on population, Esther Boserup (1965: 11-14) has demonstrated that higher population density frequently results in the development of new technology that facilitates more intensive use of the land. As with energy, there appears to be a feedback relationship between populati on and carrying capacity: a give n environment can supply a limited quantity of resources to a society at a given time, due to its level of technology, which may limit population growth, but as population grows, higher population density lead the society to develop new technology that allows it to extract a greater quantity of resources from its environment. Social forces. Discussion so far has focused on phys ical factors. However, social forces are also important, and become more important as societies become more complex (Rambo 1991b). For example, Panyas (1991) study of Thai farmi ng practices between 1850 and 1950 revealed that changes in land use during this period which had been attributed to limitations of the ecosystem we re actually due to pressure from Western countries to open Thailand to trade. The impor tance of social forces within societies is also significant. Marx and those who have followed him have brought out that differences in wealth the existence of econo mic classes give rise to differences in power. In contrast, Service (1993) has brought ou t that differences in power give rise to differences in economic position. There really was inequality, always. Bands and tribes had unequal persons (but not segments). Chiefdoms and archaic civilizations were profoundly unequal, with regard to both indi viduals and segments. But the inequality was generated by the theocra tic political system, which governed and controlled the economic system.[P]olitical institutions orig inated the economic system and controlled

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26 it. As with the issues of energy, car rying capacity, and te chnology, it seems most reasonable to accept that differences in econom ic position result in differences in power, and vice versa. Cultural materialism. One prominent variant of cultural evolution theory is Marvin Harris (1997:100-102) cultural mate rialism, which emphasizes constraints on culture due to material factors over those due to ideational fact ors. Harris divides culture into the three categories of infrastructure, stru cture, and superstructure. By infrastructure, he means the technologies and productive and reproductive activities that directly affect the satisfaction of mate rial needs, as well as the soci etys agrophysical environment. Structure refers to the groups in society th at control goods, labor, and information i.e., social structure. Superstructure refers to th e societys mental culture (e.g., beliefs, values, dances, songs, and religion). Harris holds th at while each of these three elements of culture infrastructure, stru cture, and superstructure affects the emergence and retention or rejection of cultu ral innovations, infrastructure ha s the greatest effect of the three. Paths of cultural evolution. While early theories of cu ltural evolution tended to posit single causes, later theories posited mu ltilineal evolution. Service (Yengoyan 1991) attributed cultural evolution to several causes. The actual evoluti on of the culture of particular societies is an adaptive process whereby the society solves problems with respect to the natural and to the human-competitive environment. These environments are so diverse, the problems so numerous, a nd the solutions potentially so various that no single determinant can be equally powerful for all cases (Service 1968). Julian Stewards likewise arrived at a multilin eal approach (Rambo 1991b). Eders (1991)

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27 research on the Negrito peoples of the Philippi nes suggests that they are not on a single continuum from forager to settled farmer, but ra ther that they have traveled a variety of different paths to arrive at thei r current situations. The comple xity of societies situations guarantees there will be no singl e, preordained path of cultura l evolution. We can expect to find no single factor that is the sole force constraining or driving Manobo social organization. Instead, cultural evolution helps to suggest what forces will need to be considered, including energy, agrophysical environment, population, technology, and pressure from other groups and societies. Emergence of Horizontal and Vertical Integration The presence of danger appears to engender the emergence of horiz ontal or vertical integration within societies. Lansing and de Vet (1999), for instance, compared the social organization of societies in the southern and northern portions of Nias, an Indonesian island off the southern coast of Sumatra, prior to 1900. Higher population levels in the south led to competition for land, resulting in in ter-village war. In some portions of the area, residential units called ri arose that were governed by chiefs or nobles and bound together by means of mandatory feasts. The consequent horizontal and vertical integration provided mechanisms for defe nse and for maintaining agricultural productivity, giving the ri a competitive advantage over societies to the north. More convincing evidence comes from studies by Rambo (1991b) comparing societies of northern and southern Vietnam. The situati on in the north was notably more dangerous than in the south, due to greater competition for resources, more frequent armed conflict, and more severe government coercion. Households in the north tended to join together in corporate groups, while those in the south were often inde pendent of one another. Rambo reasoned that membership in a corpor ate group brought greate r security, but only

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28 at a cost in both finances and reduction of freedom, and that those households at greater risk, as in the north, were willing to pay those costs. Poggie (1995) came to similar conclusions when studying the relationship between cooperation in societies and f ood periodicity. He observed that cooperation was greatest in those societies that faced moderate ur gency to harvest food. Cooperation enables people to accomplish tasks more quickly; thus the less time available for harvest, the greater the need for c ooperation. In cases where there was little urgency, there was little cooperation. However, extreme urgency also depressed cooperation, perhaps because the benefits of working with others came at t oo great an opportunity cost of not addressing ones own interests first. In a similar vein, Singelis et al. (1995) observed that in societies with status differentiation, the ri chest and poorest porti ons of the population tend to be individualistic, while the middle and lower classes tend to be collectivist. Apparently freedom from want eliminates the need to cooperate with others, while extreme pressure to survive eliminates the capacity to depend on others. Intergroup Conflict and the Concentration of Power Richard Adams (1977) considers the adjustme nt of societies to power relationships with other societies to be the primary driving force behind cultural evolution. He has studied how groups utilize power to subordinate large segments of a society and how smaller societies respond to attempts at inco rporation by larger ones. Adams theory is based on the idea that each level of social comp lexity is intrinsically tied to a particular level of control (i.e., ability to make decisions ). When not affected by other societies, a society may increase in internal orga nization through pris tine evolution (Figure 2-2). When confronted by another society, the societ y may integrate into the more powerful and organized society, either retaining its original organization or becoming more

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29 organized. Alternatively, it may fight back a nd move up to a higher level of complexity (surgent evolution). Or, it may disinte grate (become less organized), accepting a position of reduced ability to control its ow n affairs and resources. Adams paradigm reduces the number of possible interactions be tween two societies from an infinite variety to ten basic types, th ereby making it easier to trace what is happening in a given situation and compare it to similar cases elsewhere. Conflicts over Land and Natural Resources The National Level We now turn from social organization to consider one of the Manobos most pressing problems: maintaining access to the land and natural resources on which they depend for survival. We will begin by considering policies and practices at the national level, as these determine how much latitude local populations have in managing natural resources. As is true in most places, Philippine o fficials tend to be concerned about the financial health of their government and nation. However, as we have seen above, not all economic exchanges are monetized. In the subsistence situations common in remote areas, much of the economy is on a non-cash ba sis. Officials can readily dismiss these economies and those who depend upon them as unimportant. However, these subsistence economies are based on forests and ma rine areas of great value to the nations livelihood. One wonders if the government might be motivated by desire to protect the wooded goose that is layi ng so many golden eggs. Deforestation is a significant problem worl dwide. Every year, the earth suffers a net loss of some 7.3 million hectares of fore st (Forestry Department 2005:201), an area equal to half that of the state of Florida (Florida Netlink n.d.). The Philippines lost two-

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30 thirds of its forests between 1934 and 1998 (Oliva 1998), and is still losing around 157 km2/yr (Forestry Department 2005:197). Unfortuna tely, those who pay the costs of forest loss often are not those who be nefit. Indigenous populations in particular are often overlooked in the efforts of powerful, aggressive logging companies to make a profit (Human Rights Watch 1996; Lozano 1996). This situation has its root in the Re galian Doctrine (explained earlier under Background), by which the Philippine government claims rights to the Manobos ancestral territory. Th e comments of Edmunds et al. (2003) are a pointed reply: [M]ost take for granted both the public goods interest of the state in forests and the legitimacy of government-sponsored devol ution arrangements. We . instead . treat rights of local disadvantaged groups as primar y, arguing for policy reforms that protect these local rights, while ma king incremental gains in protecting the public interest, rather than the reverse. . Even where the rhetoric of poverty alleviation exists, such objectives have been framed in terms of meeting national objectives related to economic developm ent, not in terms of protecting an individuals or communitys right to economic self-det ermination. People living in forest areas, in particular, have been e xpected to cope with sometimes drastic limitations on their choices and to yiel d rights of self-determination commonly enjoyed by others living outside of forests. Many officials have claimed that traditional farming techniques degrade the environment. Sanchez (1976:379), however, has reviewed numerous studies to show that traditional techniques are sustainable, and that it is only when increased population density5 forces swidden farmers to shorten the fallow period or when newcomers to an area attempt to utilize nonindi genous forms of agriculture th at environmental degradation occurs. Sajise (1991) likewise notes that primitive subsistence systems have a high impact on the environment at the local level but a low impact at the watershed level, due to low population pressure. He further notes that while a shift from a subsistence to a 5 in the Manobos case, from the arrival of settlers

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31 cash economy usually results in forest degrad ation and agroecosystem instability, this has not been the case among several groups that have been able to exclude outsiders and therefore regulate the use of their own resources. The Manobos ability to govern their own te rritory may be aided by the passage in 1997 of the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPR A), which grants extensive rights over their ancestral lands to Philippine indigenous cultural communities. The Philippine supreme court upheld IRPA after a protracted legal battle, but th ere continues to be significant opposition to the act, a situati on Contreras (2003) expects to continue. Resource Management at the Local Level: Public, Private, Open-Access, and Common-Pool Arrangements Having considered the national context, we now turn to a consideration of how resources may be managed. Many have take n their cue from Garre tt Hardins (1968) story of the tragedy of the commons, in wh ich each cattle owner, concerned about his own interests only, stocks as many head as possible on the village commons, in the process reducing overall production from th e land. Many concluded from Hardins illustration that the only alternative to unre gulated use of common property is private ownership. Unfortunately, this analysis seriously errs in ove rlooking other viable alternatives (Ostrom 1990:1-21) Hunt and Gilman (1998) de fine four approaches to resource management: open access, in which access is open to all common property, in which access is open only to group members private property, in which acce ss is controlled by the owner public property, in which access is controlled by the state

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32 Ostrom (1990:222) warns that many people fa il to distinguish be tween the first two arrangements, and restricts the term comm on property resource (CPR) to the second arrangement. Berkes (1989a) suggests that neither overexploitation nor sustained use is inevitable, but that it depends upon the social si tuation. He observed that sustainable use is much more likely among peoples living in small, tightly knit groups that have firm communal control over the resource and over soci al behavior. He is essentially saying that a CPR arrangement is likely to work in a high-group society. Ostrom (1990:41-43) states that in the case of firms or states, an entrepreneur or rule r takes on the burden of arranging collective ac tion, who keeps a substantial portion of the surplus thereby generated for himself. He therefore has an interest in making credible threats against anyone breaking the cooperative arrangement or damaging his property. As some of the surplus is left to the others in the group, th ey find their net position an improvement over independent existence and therefore continue w ith the arrangement. Thus, in the case of private or public property, sustainability is maintained through vertical integration. Berkes (1989a) observes that tragedies of the commons seem to be the exception rather than the rule, and us ually occur when an outside power disrupts existing CPR systems. Large areas of forest had been successfully managed by Indian communities in pre-colonial times, but after the arrival of the British, many village commons were transformed into private prope rty, while extensive areas of forest were commercially logged (Berkes 1989b). In areas where the st ate has not intervened, there have been numerous cases of successful common prope rty resource management (Ostrom 1990:6467). She suggests two conditions as nece ssary for successful CPR arrangements:

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33 populations that remain stable over long periods of time, and s ituations that are uncertain and complex (Ostrom 1990:88-91). With stab le populations, individu als can expect to benefit from charitable behavi or toward others, and can expe ct any investments to pay off to themselves or their heirs. Ostroms s uggestion that uncertain and complex situations favor CPR arrangements is consistent with my earlier conclusion (pp. 27-28) that moderate danger facilitates the emergence of horizontal and ve rtical integration. She has identified eight specific characteristics that appear to be common to enduring CPR arrangements: clearly defined boundaries, of both the membership and the resource itself reasonable rules participation in decisions open to most members monitoring progressively severe sanctions conflict-resolution mechanisms governmental recognition of ri ght to govern the resource a nested organizational structure, in the case of large systems Cultural Specifics: Cues to the Manobos Use of Social Structures for Supradomestic Cooperation We now turn from theories of social organization and resource management to specifics of culture. There ar e several excellent treatments of the social organization and related features of the less socially comple x societies of insular Southeast Asia and of mainstream Philippine society. Examples are Jocano (1969, 1997, 1998a, 1998b), Lingenfelter (1990), Kerr (1988), Allison ( 1984), Mayers (1980), Hollnsteiner (1979c), Schlegel (1970, 1979), Drucke r (1974), Manuel (1973), H udson (1972), Frake (1960), and Garvan (1941). As interesting as these are, I will refrain from giving a detailed description of these so cieties and will instead highlight a few points that are especially

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34 significant to an understanding of the Ma nobos use of social structures for supradomestic cooperation. Philippine societies are characterized by patron-client relationships (Arce 1979; Lynch 1979a), negotiated social relationships (Hollnsteiner 1979a), the avoidance of face-to-face confrontatio n (Arce and Poblador 1979), and the basing of relationships on person rather than office (Szanton 1979). Th ese observations were made with regard to lowland Philippine society, but are in large measure applicable to Philippine peoples generally. In many of the soci ally less-complex societies of Borneo, there are no stable groups other than the household, which is fre quently limited to the nuclear family. In these societies, kinship serves as the star ting point for recruitment to ephemeral groups, an observation that Hollnsteiner (1979b) Arce (1979), and Lynch (1979b) make for Philippine societies. An arrangement in the Ph ilippines of particular note is that of the suk relationship. Szantons (1979) descrip tion of the relationship as seen among Ilonggos (a Philippine people) appears typical of practice in several other locations. The word is used of both parties in a market re lationship (i.e., vendor and customer) and is probably best translated as r egular exchange partner. The relationship is often long lasting and is based on personal recipr ocity. Szantons obs ervation that the suk relationship is pervasive in Philippine economic life suggests it may be mirrored in Philippine politics i.e., the receipt of some service or favor from an official is equivalent to buying from a particular vendor. The official tends to expect continued loyalty, while the constituent tends to expe ct special attention. Government offices tend to be run under a patronage system.

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35 Summary Like many indigenous peoples around th e world, the Manobo have in recent decades been strongly impacted by powerful outsi de forces. These forces have produced profound changes in their culture, including th e way they organize th eir social, political, and economic relations. Yet the Manobo are not the mere object of these forces, plastically conforming to the pressures placed upon them, for the organizational patterns they have developed in response to pressure from the outside enable them to exert pressure on the very parties affecting them. I have drawn from theories of cultural evolution and power configurations within a nd between societies in order to investigate the effect of external forc es upon the Manobo and the Manobos response to these forces. Cultural evolution focuses on causal interacti ons, emphasizing either the political or the economic. Some theorists have focused on th e impact of the behavior of the state, anticipating that external power intrusions wi ll lead to internal power rearrangements; others have focused on the effect of ch anges in technology and the economic base, holding that they will lead to changes in social organization and the idea system. Several theories focus on conf igurations of social inter action and the relationship of these to power: social network analysis, so cial capital, grid-group theory, and Richard Adams theory of competition between so cieties. (Theories regarding common pool resources may be regarded as an applied varian t, in that they relate property regime to social configuration.) Taken together, thes e theories add depth to that of cultural evolution by their focus on the mechanisms by which political and material pressures produce specific social organiza tion configurations and associ ated idea systems. Perhaps even more importantly, they bring out that social organization and idea systems are not

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36 merely the products of state influence and th e material environment, but are also the means by which societies act on the stat e and their biophysical environment. The combination of these two schools of thought thus allows for feedback relationships between the state, the bi ophysical/economic environment, and the Manobos social organization and idea system Given the similarity between the Manobos situation and that of many other indi genous peoples, it is anticipated that the principles elucidated from this combined approach to the analysis of the Manobos situation will be theoretically pertinent to land and natural res ource conflicts in many other locations. Figure 2-1. The four ways of life.

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37 effective maximum level of integration of superior domain band chiefdom state nation nation nation metropolitan area state kingdom city state city chiefdom chiefdom town province town province town levels of integration band band lineage clan community band neighborhood lineage clan community band neighborhood clan community association band Figure 2-2. Adjustment of societies to power relationships (Adams 1977:399).

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38 Chapter 3 RESEARCH DESIGN The primary focus of this research wa s the exploration of how the Manobo are using and modifying indigenous social structur es to carry out colle ctive response to the ongoing invasion by the central gove rnment, settlers, loggers, a nd other participants that is transforming the ecology and demography of the region. The research is theoretically significant in that it explor es the relationship between confrontation with exogenous society and the development of greater complexi ty in local social or ganization. It is of practical significance in that it makes possible some assessment of whether the process of invasion and response will result in the emerge nce of new local organizational forms that enable the Manobo to deal with these exogenous forces and maintain some control over their biophysical environment, or whether local organizations traditions and culture will succumb to these powerful outside forces and gradually disappear, as has happened in so many similar situations. Guided by the various theoretical paradigm s discussed in chapter 2, I developed a set of research questions: What structures are the Manobo using (o r have they used) for supradomestic cooperation? What factors account for thos e structures existence? How is power configured within those st ructures? E.g., what are the patterns of control over resources and persons, access to resources, and fl ows of resources? What external forces have invade d the area, and for what purposes?

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39 Precisely how have these exogenous gr oups and organizations conflicted and interacted with traditional Manobo social organization? What, if any, new organizational patterns have emerged among the Manobo to deal with these hitherto unknown exogenous forces? To what degree have these new organizati onal patterns been locally invented, or adaptations of exogenous models imported from outside? Based on the same theories and my prev ious experience with the Manobo, I also formed some hypotheses: Manobo society at the supradomestic level has traditionally been organized along the lines of what anthropologists have referr ed to as a big man society, with weak ties of horizontal and vertical coordi nation utilized when needs arise. New needs generated by the incursions of the government, logging company, and settlers are moving the Manobo toward grea ter coordination, thereby modifying old structures and generating new ones. The new structures have been shaped by traditional organizational patterns and retain many elements from these earlier forms. At the same time, they are characterized by new statuses (roles) a nd roles (including ri ghts and obligations) that are not part of traditional social organization. This transition is producing tension and conflict within Manobo society. To endow my analysis with a maximum of logical rigor, and to ensure that I not overlook any significant factors in the process by which exogenous forces were making changes in Manobo culture, and by which the Manobo were responding to those forces, I also identified key factors in the process and classified them as in Table 3-1. The two left-hand columns list exogenous factors b earing upon the local situation. Primary factors give rise to proxim ate factors that have an immediate impact on the local situation. I divided results similarly. The proximate re sults are the local societys responses to the proximate fact ors, and include such things as changes in social and political organization, technology, and land tenure practices. These adaptive responses in

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40 turn give rise to the ultimate results of economic and environmental wellbeing, capacity for future action, and cha nges in national policies. I next considered what information woul d be required to refute or confirm my hypotheses, and particularly to answer the broader research questions. However, my emphasis was not on quantitative testing of these hypotheses, but on the discovery and description of adaptive, evolving problem-so lving social systems. My goal was to examine all forms of supradomestic coopera tion, both traditional and emergent. While my focus was on those organizational trends mo st directly linked to encounters with the invasion by the central government, settlers and loggers, my intent was to cast an anthropologically and ethnogra phically broad analytic net fo r the evolving organizational strategies of the Manobo to deal with the entire gamut of pr oblems they must address. This has induced me to include areas such as schooling and hea lth care upon which the Manobo themselves place a high priority, but which are often ignored by researchers narrowly focused on political and economic struggles. Armed with these research questions, hypothe ses, and key factors, I proceeded to draw up specific interview que stions (Appendix A). I decide d to focus on activities in which the Manobo were cooperating to addr ess needs beyond th e capacity of the individual household, as it is in activities that relationships and behavior are most clearly seen. I collected the data using focus groups followed by informal interviews as needed to supply missing details, and supplemented by participant observati on and surveys. I began my investigation with the simplest and most visible activities and progressed toward the crucial and complex activity of pur suing land rights. Howe ver, I recorded all information pertinent to the research when it was given, regardless of whether it was the

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41 focus of the particular interview. The general progression was 1) history of settlement, 2) traditional and current political system, 3) traditional and current economic system, 4) evolution and internal worki ngs of civil institutions, a nd 5) evolution and internal workings of land rights organizations. In terview notes were taken by hand and the interviews recorded using a di gital voice recorder. I later keyboarded the interviews into the computer using the Data Notebook program6, transferred my digital voice recordings and digital photographs to the computer, and linked them to the appropriate Data Notebook records. I lived with the Manobo people from 1984 through 2002, traveling extensively in the area and working with a large number of leaders and individuals. Hence, before beginning this research, I was well acquainted with the Manobos traditional culture and their interactions with the outside worl d, had collected appreciable data, and had established relationships of trust with many potential inform ants. I had also discovered that the frequent interruptions characteristic of life in the village made desk work difficult, suggesting it would be best to divide my research into people time in the village and desk time elsewhere. I theref ore decided to make a number of research visits to the area to conduct interviews and surveys, and return to the university between visits to conduct the analysis. The research was carried out in three separate visits. In my first research visit, I interviewed those residing in the Elem area who were connected with these four activity domains. I followed this the next visit with interviews of land rights leaders, the AMBCI and ATBCI boards, literacy teac hers and supervisors, and health workers and supervisors. 6 The Data Notebook program is available from SIL International (http://www.sil.org/computing/fiel dworks/DataNotebook.html).

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42 During my third visit I collected any data stil l lacking, verified and discussed my findings with representatives from each of the groups interviewed, and determined what identifying details should be disguised to protect informants. In my investigation of groups for econo mic cooperation, I used a modification of snowball sampling. (Note that in this cas e, the unit of analysis was groups, not individuals.). During my first research vis it, I conducted group in terviews of every group in the Elem area that had been organized for economic cooperation. Learning of similar groups in other villages that co ntrasted with those in Elem, I visited and interviewed them during my second visit to discover di fferences in contributing factors.

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43Table 3-1. Key factors. Primary contributing factors Proximate contributing factors Proximate results Ultimate results Logging Settling Imposition of outside government National forest policies Contact with NGOs Deforestation Land loss Increased population density Loss of prestige Market access Introduction of exogenous organizational patterns Introduction of exogenous ideologies Changes in technology Changes in land tenure practices Local movements and changes in local organization: Religious Literacy Health Livelihood Production & exchange Political Land rights Ecosystem well-being: er osion, sustainability (shortand long-term dependability) Economic wellbeing (of Manobo, and implications for the barangay municipalities, and province) Capacity for community wellbeing Capacity for environmental well-being Effects upon national policy regarding the environment and indigenous peoples

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44 CHAPTER 4 LIFE BEFORE THE INVASION: PRE-1953 The Physical Setting The present chapter will rec onstruct key elements of the Manobos traditional way of life, focusing on those ethnographic domains which are of most direct relevance as baseline data from which to assess the subsequent impact of impinging economic and political forces. This examination of their wa y of life prior to the invasions of the last half-century will begin with the Manobos phys ical setting, proceed to the biological, technological, and social charac teristics of their traditional economy, and conclude with a look at the place of internal migration in their traditional system. The Cotabato Manobo comprise a populat ion of some 30,000 who traditionally depended on the production of root crops, rice, and maize. They are located in the Philippines in the highlands of the large southern island of Mindanao (Figure 1-1. ). The territory they have traditi onally occupied extends from the coast into the inland mountains (Figure 4-1), but most of the Manobo have been displaced from the coastal areas. Their current habitat is therefore larg ely one of steep mountai ns cut by rivers and streams. The vegetation is high forest underlain by a thin, dark topsoil. The B horizon is a light buff clay, underlain in turn by a heavy, sticky orange clay. The soil is moderately productive until the C horizon is exposed, as which point agricultural yields drop sharply. Rainfall in the Philippines varies substantially from one area to another, and data have been collected for only a few localitie s. The national average rainfall of 2083 mm (Country Watch, 2001) is probably similar to that of the Manobo area. The Manobo

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45 territory experiences a pronounced dry season from January through March. Rains begin in April, are heaviest in June and July, and taper off in August and September. Some rain continues to fall in October through December, though not as much. Biological Aspects of the Manobo Economy Swidden Agriculture Accounts7 from older members of Manobo society indicate that their territory was once almost entirely forested. Before sett lers began arriving from other parts of the Philippines, triggering off the changes that will be discussed in these pages, the Manobo supported themselves thr ough swidden agriculture,8 supplemented by hunting and gathering. Sulutan Edod Nayam,9 a resident of Elem, illustrated life as it used to be with an account of one of his ancestors, Dat Muluk. The account will be familiar to those acquainted with the major pha ses of the swidden cycle. [He had eight dogs.] He went spear-hunting for deer and pig and caught four deer. When he saw the land he decided to cut a swidden there. He and his followers planted many things. When they harvested the maize,10 they stored it on a loosely woven bamboo fence ( kinentoy ) (Figure 4-2). He planted tw o seasons, then told his followers they should plant in a new area, as there were now too many weeds for the women to handle. 7 My reconstruction of the Manobos traditional way of life is based on interviews with 51 informants (12 women and 39 men), mostly taken between June 2005 and October 2006 and between September 1994 and May 1995. 8 Anthropologists may be more accustomed to saying the Manobo practiced hortic ultural. However, to Americans working in crop produc tion, and probably to the Ameri can populace at larg e, agriculture denotes farming, while horticulture denotes the production of expensive specialty crops such as flowers, other ornamentals, and fruits. At the same time, use of the term swidden farming is problematic, as farming implies the existence of farms, which in American usage are understood to have a fixed location. I will use the term swidden agriculture as what seems to be the best compromise. I will also use the term agriculture to refer to crop production. 9 The Manobo words dat and sulutan refer to traditional leaders, with sulutan considered the more prestigious title. I have italicized the terms when they used as words, but left them in regular type when they are used as titles with a proper noun.

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46 Various useful wild plants grew up in the abandoned field, including ubud (rattan heart) and pulah (palm heart), which could be harvested when they became mature. The old people told them what trees not to remove: tepek kedies tubang belengahal belangas and saging ubal Instead, they were to cut down trees that had no use ( end duen lantek ), like tungow Dont cut down trees that produce fruit. Now, about belagen (rattan). [He named several kinds, including limulan .] Why did we know those? Because we depende d on them. We learned the names from our parents. Peoples areas were previously separated by mountains, ridges, and waterways. These provided natural boundaries between area s. We didnt ha ve released land or sinint iglebeng [concrete markers buried in the ground], just mountains and ridges and waterways. The Manobo have continued to practice swi dden agriculture, when they are allowed to, though the central element in that land use system, the felling of trees for land clearing purposes, has been greatly curtailed by the l ogging company active in their area. Such restrictions, of course, bring no ecological benefits to the region, as the purpose of the restrictions is not to protect th e forest, but to protect the comp anys right to cut trees. The removal of trees by logging is far more drastic than that in the Manobos traditional swidden system. In terms of economic impact on Manobo lifeways, the catastrophic impact of the restrictions against tree cutt ing will be discussed later. The present paragraphs simply describe the processe s involved in the traditional system. Preparation of the primary field, the tinibah (meaning an area that has been cleared), is considered men s work. Each man cuts an area of forest in January, when the dry season begins. The Manobo now use axes or kelu (large, recurved field knives), but the oldest men remember using the kulut a lightweight predecessor to the axe (Figure 4-3). Very little rain falls during January and February, allowing the vegetation to dry.

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47 The cleared area is burned in February and th en planted in February and March, once the rains began. Much of the area is planted to maize10 ( Zea mays ) and rice ( Oryza sativa ). Tradition was followed carefully when pl anting. Merlienda, a female informant, explained that planting of the maize began each year with the seed from a single ear. Once this is planted, the people went home, and then returned the next day to plant the remainder of the area. The women plant the maize in a random pa ttern using a dibble stick, with some 1.5 m (two paces) between hills A few days later, when the maize has sprouted and can be seen, men interplant the ar ea with rice seed. Like the maize, the rice is planted in a random pattern using a dibble stick. An aged male informant, Kadaban Kulong of Elem, added that he used to clea r three separate fields, and that when he planted, he first planted a small portion for Nemula, the Creator, in order to honor Him, because the land belongs to Him. Only then did he plant his own. 10 The current model of Philippine prehistory is that todays Filipinos (excepting only the Negrito groups, who comprise 0.05% of the countrys population, and the small ethnic Chinese population) are descended from Austronesian-speaking peoples who began migrating into the archipelago around 3000 BC, probably from Taiwan (Bellwood, Fox, and Tryon 1995). Some of the Philippine peoples established trade links with China and the Malaysian archipel ago. Significant trade with China had been established by the time of the Sung Dynasty (AD 9691279) (Scott 1983). Arab traders also came, reaching Mindanao by the late 1200s (Man 1990:21). Maize, as is common knowledge, orig inated in Latin America (Martin et al 1976:325). The linguistic evidence suggests that the Manobo have grown it for some time. They have their own word for it, kelang which is quite different from lowland terms that are close cognates to the Spanish mais The Manobo also distinguish between their traditional variety ( tigtu kelang meaning real maize) and varieties that have been brought by the Bisay ( sib (from Cebu, the place of origin of many of the Bisay ), yellow corn, and Cargill). Maize was presumably brought to the Philippines during the Spanish era, as was cassava ( Manihot utilissima ( esculenta ) Pohl.) (Martin et al 1976:947), and their high yield and adaptability to the climate led to their dissemination through out the archipelago. Grain sorghum ( Sorghum bicolor L. Moench) and pearl millet ( Pennisetum glaucum ) are thought to have originated in Africa (Martin et al 1976:386, 570), while foxtail millet ( Seratia italica ) was grown in China as early as 2700 BC (Martin et al. 1976:563). These crops may have been brought to the Philippines with Chinese merchants, or by Arab traders by way of India and the Malaysian archipelago. Maize, cassava, sorghum, and millet are thus all exo tic crops. However, even my oldest informants cannot recall a time that these crops were not used by their people, or even stories of such a time. The crops are thus appropriately considered part of the Manobos traditional cropping system.

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48 Among the women I interviewed, ranging in ag e from a mother in her late 20s to grandmothers in their late 40s, their husbands (or in one divorces case, her brother) cleared the land they planted. The women planted. In polygynous households, the cowives help each other plant. The wives might give each other seed. Or, one wife might borrow seed from her co-wife and repa y the same amount when she harvests. Traditional varieties were used for both the maize and rice. The traditional maize varieties, called tigtu kelang (real maize), are glutinous and mildly sweet with multicolored ears, and require only two and one-half to three months from planting till harvest, depending on the variety. There we re two general types of traditional rice varieties. Dakel palay (large rice) can grow as tall as ones shoulder a nd takes five to seven months from planting until harvest in September. Belowon takes only four months from planting until harvest. In addition to maize and rice, ot her crops were planted in the tinibah as well, including cassava ( Manihot utilissima ( esculenta ) Pohl.), tropical yam ( Dioscorea esculenta ), taro ( Colocasia esculenta ), yautia ( Yautia xanthosoma ), grain sorghum ( Sorghum bicolor L. Moench), and millet11. Grain sorghum was sometimes planted around houses to repel tuyang busaw (demon dog). The tuyang busaw was believed to avoid the grain sorghum, as the crops seedhead resembles the tuyang s tail. Millet is boiled into a porridge. The grain can also be burned and the ash rubbed on skin affected by stinging caterpillars or other irritating hairs. Vege tables and condiments were also 11 The word millet refers to any of a number of small-seeded annual cereal crops. The Manobo word betem which I have glossed millet, may be foxtail millet ( Seratia italica ) or pearl millet ( Pennisetum glaucum ).

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49 planted, including eggplant ( Solanum melongena L.), cowpeas ( Vigna sinensis Endl.), squash ( Cucurbita sp. ), basil ( Ocimum basilicum L.), and lemongrass ( Cymbopogon sp. ). Traditionally, the ears of maize were cut fr om the stalk in such a way that a short length of stalk remained attached to the ba se of the ear, forming a hook. Using this, the ears still in the husk were hung out in th e open on a woven bamboo fence, the bottom of which was a few feet off the ground (Figure 4-2). This arrangement, which the Manobo call a kinentoy allowed the grain to dry wh ile minimizing damage from moisture and insects. The maize husks shed rain from the ears like a thatched roof and kept weevils from spreading from one ear to another. At the same time, the ears exposure to sunlight helped them dry. While the kinentoy system probably takes more labor than the Latin American practice, it may also provide better rat control, as rodents are reticent to expose themselves to hawks and owls by climbing on the exposed ears. The grain was shelled from the ear by hand as needed and ground into grits using a mortar and pestle. The mature rice was pulled from the stal k by hand. After drying in the sun, the grain (with husk attached) was pla ced in large containers called lihub (Figure 4-4) made of bark that had been stripped from the kalah tree. The bark was sewn together using rattan, and a rattan net was constructed as the bottom of th e container. Rice straw was then placed in the bottom and along the side s and the dried rice grain placed inside. When the container was full, the Manobo placed a layer of rice straw on top and tied it in with another rattan net. A family might have one or several of these lihub (bark containers). Seed for the next year would be set aside in a smaller container and was not considered available to eat. The Manobo would occasionally open the lihub to determine

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50 whether the grain was spoiling from excess mo isture and, if necessary, dry it and then return it to the lihub. Rice was prepared for eating by pounding in a mortar and pestle to loosen the husk from the grain, winnowed to remove the husk, and then boiled. The traditional cropping system was designe d to extend the harvest season, thereby supplying food over more of the year. While mo st of the maize and rice was harvested as mature grain, a portion was eaten while still green. Maize was eat en as boiling ears in June, and then as roasting ear s, after which it becomes too dry and hard to eat fresh. Likewise, a small portion of the rice is harves ted once it has matured but is too moist to store. The green rice is parched (roasted without oil in a fryi ng pan) and then pounded, winnowed, and boiled as usual. The croppi ng season was also extended by using two varieties of maize. Dakel kelang (large maize) is still in the boiling ear stage in June, while mepok belus (short-silked [maize]) is already too mature to eat even as roasting ears. The Manobo have traditionally reckoned planting time by the stars using Dakel Bituen (the Big Star, Canis Major), Telu (the Three, Orions Belt), and Putel (the Pleiades). An additional guideline that one informant followed is to plant at the full moon so that his rice, like the moon, would be full. The informants say their ancestors used to cut their fields in January, burn in February, and plant in March. While planting time was dictated by the stars, a fields lo cation was guided by omens. Of particular importance was the limuken (the white-eared brown dove, Phapitreron leucotis ).12 The limuken tells one if it is safe to pr epare a field in a particular place. The farmer clears a small area within the proposed tinibah and then places his 12 identified from Gonzal es and Rees (1988:61)

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51 backpack13 on the ground and calls out to the limuken and asks it to tell him if it will be safe to make a field there. If the limuken responds, then the man knows it is all right to go ahead. However, if the doves call comes fr om in front, it is a warning that if the farmer goes ahead and makes a field there, so meone will die, and the people will not get to eat the crop. If that omen happens, peopl e would not farm there, even if the limuken had previously given a favorable omen. The in formants said that is why their ancestors used to make fields in so many places: if th ey started to prepare a field in one place and received an unfavorable omen, they would start over in another place. After the rice was harvested, a tinibah was sometimes replanted to supplement the food supply. In this practice, known as kandul the men cleared the field of weeds, after which the women planted a variety of crops (maize, yams ( Dioscorea esculenta ), cassava, yautia ( Yautia xanthosoma ), sugar cane ( Saccharinum officinale ), and taro ( Colocassia esculenta )) using a dibble stick. This second planting occurred in September. The crops were subject to nume rous pests. Some pests ( kelitoy fire ants; the bekuku a dove similar to the limuken ; and the maya or chestnut munia, Lonchura malacca14) eat rice seed out of the field. A vari ety of rodents eat the immature panicle inside the rice stalk, while munias eat the grai n once it begins to mature. Maize is subject to attack by rats, doves, wild pigs, and monkeys. The wild pi gs also eat root and tuber crops. There were also in sect pests, including the tenangaw (rice stink bug, Leptocorisa oratorius ), kelool (mole cricket, Gryllotalpa africana ), and tepelak (cutworm, 13 puyut a small backpack in which men typically carry small personal items, such as the makings for betel nut chew 14 identified from Gonzal es and Rees (1988:51)

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52 Spodoptera litura ). The Manobo had ways of dealing with many of these problems. Pigs could often be excluded by fences built from bamboo and rattan. Birds were scared away using scarecrows and bamboo noise makers, operated by rattan lines (Figure 4-5). Monkeys were especially clever pests and ha d to be driven off by shouting at them. Occasionally a man could get close e nough to kill one with bow and arrow. While animal pests were troublesome, the greatest difficulty seems to have been weeds. These included lagidit (perhaps buffalo grass, Paspalum conjugatum Bergius), a low-growing, broad-leaved grass, edible by horses and carabao; lawil (goosegrass, Eleusine indica (L.) Gaertn.); belebek (beggars tick, Bidens sp. ); and agum (pigweed, Amaranthus spp. ). The deep shade under the forest canopy effectively controlled weeds until the field was cleared, and burning of the dried plant material killed any remaining weed species, and provided nutrients15 to the soil as well. After the crops emerged the fields were weeded by hand. After one or two seasons, however, the weeds became increasingly numerous, and the Manobo ab andoned their fields and moved on to open new areas of forest.16 The Manobo have varied in how long they al low the forest to regenerate before using an area again for farming. Informants gave figures ranging from seven to over fifty years. The Manobo have used and continue to use indicator species to find fertile 15 The ash produced from the burned plant materials contains a number of inorganic elements, including phosphorus, potassium, calcium, and a number of micronutrients. 16 My informants said that, while soil fertility did decr ease over time, they moved to new areas because of weed pressure. This is consistent with the findings of Pedro Sanchez (1976:378), who after extensive study of tropical agricultural systems was of the opinion that the need for weed control may be the primary reason why fields are abandoned in high-base-status soils, whereas fertility depletion may be the primary cause in lower-base-status soils. The limestone-deriv ed clay loam soils of th e Manobo area likely have relatively high base status in the A horizon, which would be not be substantially eroded under shifting cultivation.

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53 regrowth areas. Among these are lantana ( Lantana camara ) and budakan a vine in the Malvaceae having large, heart-shaped leaves. Once an area of forest is cleared and pl anted, it immediately begins to return to climax forest. Harold Conklin (1975) has documented that the Hanuno people of Mindoro, in the central Philippine islands, deliberately mimicked the natural succession back to climax forest through the crops they planted. The Hanuno planted newly cleared swidden fields to a mixture of annua l crops, along with more slowly maturing crops such as cassava, yams, sweet potatoes ( Ipomea batatas ), yautia ( Yautia xanthosoma ), and taro ( Colocasia esculenta (L.) Schott). The more slowly maturing crops were either bushy (cassava) or climbing crops (yams and sweet potato), or able to tolerate shade (yautia and taro) precisely th e kind of plants that take over an abandoned field. The Hanuno also planted th eir fields with papaya, banana s, and various fruit trees. These grow more slowly than the cassava and yams, but begin to pass them in height as the cassava and yams mature. Tall forest sp ecies are allowed to grow up among the fruit trees, eventually shading out th e fruit trees, but not before th ey provide several years of food. The Manobos system appears to have so me of the same characteristics. The Manobo plant a similar mixture of slow-growing taller crops with annual crops. Papaya is allowed to volunteer in cleared fields, along with selaw (a vining legume with a seed like that of lima beans, Phaseolus lunatus L.). The Manobo also plan t fruit trees in their fields, including jackfruit ( Artocarpus heterophyllus ), which provides lumber as well as fruit. Gathering The forest has also been important to th e Manobo as a source of wild greens and staples, fibers, building materials, and medi cinal herbs. Even now, the women gather a

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54 number of wild greens, including paku (a wild fern), utan (a vine with a bitter leaf), and belebek (beggars tick, Bidens sp. ). Ubud (rattan heart) and dobung apus (bamboo sprouts) provide variet y to the diet, while kuhan (wild betel nut, Areca sp. perhaps Areca triandra Roxb. ex Buch.-Ham.) has played the same gustatory and social role that coffee and tea do in many other cultures. The forest has also provided staples before the rice matured, or when crops had failed because of drought or other cause. The Manobo have harvested a variety of wild root and tuber crops, including biking (a wild yam, probably Dioscorea alata ) and kelut (another wild yam, poisonous if not processed by long leaching in running water). The Manobo also produced starch ( natek ) from a large palm called basag (probably Corypha elata ). The tree was felled and split open and the heart dug out with adzes fashioned on the spot from bamboo (Figure 4-6). The shredded palm heart was mixed with water and poured dow n a banana-stalk trough, where the starch settled out. The starch was then heated over a fire until it congealed and wrapped with banana leaf wrappers to be eaten later. While wild foods helped to supplement the food from crops, drought occasionally made life very difficult. The Manobo tell of people sucking water from rotten wood during a drought before World War II. Most of the springs dried up, but one continued to flow at a place that came to be called Linesedan, meaning the fenced-off place. Anyone who came to drink there had to leave something in payment. Many left spears (at that time essential for hunting, and heirl ooms), stabbing them in the ground near the water. Over time, the water was surrounded w ith a fence of spears, giving the place its name.

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55 The Manobo made use of a number of non-tim ber forest products (NTFPs), and when the plants are available continue to do so. The forest c ontains a number of species of bamboo. Apus a very large, thick-walled bamboo, provides material for flooring. Kawayan and bol thin-walled species, provide material to make woven walling. Belkayu a small bamboo with a narrow lumen, is used for arrow shafts. There are also climbing bamboos, chief of which is napnap used for weaving baskets for tasks as varied as carrying crops from field to hous e, to fishing, to making a sheath or scabbard for field knives (cf. Figure 4-3). Rattan ( Calamus spp. ) was used instead of nails in building houses, and to construct thatched roofs from cogon grass ( Imperata cylindrica ), bamboo, and wooden poles. Other plants provided rope and clothing. The Manobo strip fibers from the stalk of abac ( Musa textilis ) and roll them between palm and th igh into cords. These are still used for the belt from which men suspend thei r field knife sheaths, and were previously sewn into blankets. Abac cords were laid si de by side and stitched together with abac thread using a bamboo needle. Bark cloth, at one time used for breechcloths, was made from the bark of the kalah tree. Two cuts were made around the trunk and the bark stripped from the tree. The bark was soak ed in water and pounded until only the phloem fibers remained, producing a thick fabric. Wild plants have also provided the Manobo with a number of herbal remedies. The bark from one tree17 has been used to treat malaria. The conical flower heads from mekepen a plant in the Asteraceae, are chewed a nd applied to toothache; they provide a potent but short-lived anaesthe tic effect. The flowers of pungpung another plant in the 17 I have not seen this plant and do not know its botanical identity.

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56 Asteraceae, are rubbed between the hands and their fragrance inhaled as an antidote to lightheadedness. In summary, the Manobos tr aditional means of obtaini ng plant sustenance relied on swidden agriculture, supplemen ted by gathering of wild pl ants and of weeds that grew in cultivated fields during their successi on back to forest. However, this traditional system was to be subjected to tremendous pressure to change when the Philippine government opened their territory to settlers and logging companies. Hunting, Trapping, and Fishing While plant materials provided the Ma nobo with energy, their traditional crops could not supply everything they needed for adequate nutrition. As was the case in precolonial Meso-America, grain and root crops provided a dependable source of carbohydrates, but to obtain adequate protein they continued to rely on a more ancient system based on hunting, trapping, and fish ing. As Sulutan Edod Nayam explained: If we dont have food, we get food from the forest: biking and lodon [a plant that has fruit in the ground] and rattan [heart]. We catch wild pigs with spear traps. We also trap monkeys [with tupil pointed stakes]. We catch deer with spear traps. We catch pigs with deadfalls. This is what our ancestors taught us. When we caught something, we would call our compan ions together and divide the catch according to how many wives each man had. Each man took as many parcels as the number of wives he had. If someone else caught something, then they would call me to get my share. Pigs and deer were also hunted using dogs and spears, with several men cooperating in the hunt. Dogs would track the quarry and k eep it at bay while the men ran through the forest, following the dogs howls. Once they came upon their quarry, they would kill it with spear thrusts, and then divide the meat among those taking part in the hunt. This sharing of produce was less common in the case of domesticated crops, where each family harvested and consumed its own food. But intracommunal sharing was the norm

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57 in that protein-procurement sector of th e economy based on the hunting and trapping of wild animals, particularly mammalian species.18 The forest previously supported a wi de variety of birds, including kk (hornbills), tugkeling (the coleto, Sarcops calvus19), kulilit (a small woodpecker) uwak (the slenderbilled crow, Corvus enca sierramadrensis Rand and Rabor20), banug (the Philippine eagle, Pithecophaga jefferyi21), limuken (the white-eared brown dove, Phapitreron leucotis22), and pug (the blue-breasted quail, Coturnix chinensis23). However, many are now seen less often than even ten years ago. There were also a numbe r of species of wild mammals, including Philippine palm civets ( Paradoxurus philippinensis Jourdan, 183724), monkeys, emal (the Philippine tarsier, Tarsius philippensis Meyer25), several rodents, wild pig ( Sus celebensis philippensis Nehring26), deer ( Cervus ( Rusa ) sp.27), and various species of bats. As with the birds, these are less common now than before. The largest predators are py thons and crocodiles. However, pythons are rare, and crocodiles 18 Interestingly, the !Kung of the Kalahari Desert ob serve a similar distinction between meat and plants products. While the !Kung share both gathered and hunted foods (Lee 1979:118), game meat is shared more widely in the community than plant products and small animals obtained by gathering (Marshall 1976:357-363). 19 identified from Gonzal es and Rees (1988:111) 20 identified from Rabor (1986:29) 21 identified from Gonzal es and Rees (1988:157) 22 identified from Gonzal es and Rees (1988:61) 23 identified from Gonzal es and Rees (1988:116) 24 identified from Rabor (1986:174) 25 identified from Rabor (1986:136) 26 identified from Rabor (1986:180) 27 identified from Rabor (1986:184-186)

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58 are limited to areas near large bodies of wate r, so not a concern in most parts of Manobo territory. There are also a large number of other reptiles, including several poisonous and non-poisonous snakes, and lizards. The Manobo have traditionally hunted pig and deer with spears, us ing dogs to track and corner the quarry. Many of the men who have hunted have broken toes from barefoot pursuit over the steep and uneven terra in. The Manobo also catch pigs using pits lined with sharpened stakes ( kaseb ), deadfalls ( dilan babuy ), and spear traps ( belatik ). Small mammals and birds are trapped using snares ( katal litag and siud ). The Manobo make a particularly ingenious trap from bamboo, the tekob ) (Figure 4-7), to catch wild rodents. One of the spec ies caught with it is the mebul ikug (white tail), a large rat with a white tail than makes trails through corn fields but does little damage to the crop. The Manobo do not eat house rats. The Manobo now catch fish and eels with purchased steel hooks, but also employ several methods developed before they had extensive commercial contact with mainstream Philippine society. It is comm on to catch freshwater eels by hand, feeling carefully under rocks in the creek beds and grabbing the eel before it can escape. The Manobo sometimes make rock dams across mount ain streams to dry up the watercourse and leave the fish stranded on the streambed; the fish are th en collected by hand. Various plants28 are used to poison fish, which are collected when they float to the surface. The Manobo also make fish traps, called siyuk from bamboo. These are placed in waterways with the mouth pointing upstream. The fish swim into the mouth and down a funnel into the trap, but cannot swim out again because of the sharpened bamboo pieces at the 28 The Manobo collect the fruit from a small tree called gasi and the bark from the lawet tree. Either of these is pounded and thrown into the water upstream of the fishing site.

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59 bottom of the funnel. Domestic Animals At one time, the only animal the Manobo raised for meat was the chicken. Many Manobo now raise domestic pigs, but they are a more recent addition. Ducks are uncommon and even more recent.29 On the other hand, the hor se and carabao appear to have played a part in the Manobo economy for some time.30 Older men list both animals as part of the bride-wealth ( songgud ) they gave when married, and the horse was a frequent item of payment ( tamuk ) in antang conflict settlements negotiated between dat Carabao are now valued as draft animals as well, but in the past were used solely as part of the songgud Technological Aspects of the Manobo Economy Prior to the arrival of se ttlers, the Manobo ec onomy functioned larg ely in isolation from mainstream Philippine society. What items came from the outside were often obtained through barter. The technology employ ed depended little of materials from the outside. Amay Tiya,31 one of the oldest men in the village of Pok Wayeg, estimates he was twelve years old when he saw the Japa nese and American planes fighting during 29 In the entire time I have been with the Manobo, beginning in 1984, I have seen only three families that raised ducks. One was in Lebubang; one, in Elem; and one, in Danu. All of the ducks were of the Muscovy type (called patudiyal patu or tudiyal ), which are raised for me at. Muscovy ducks are not common among the settlers, and egg-type ducks ( pintit or itik ) even less so. 30 Carabao and horses are tethered and allowed to graze whatever they can reach. More palatable grasses, such as lagidit (a low-growing prostrate species, perhaps buffalo grass, Paspalum conjugatum Bergius), and goosegrass ( Eleusine indica (L.) Gaertn.), are preferred, but they also eat cogon ( Imperata cylilndrica ). Pigs are fed a boiled mash of either yautia or corn bran Yautia is a large elephant ear that looks something like taro, but is much larger. The corm is high in st arch but very low in protein. The corm, leaves, and petioles are cooked and fed to pigs. The plant has a significant oxalic acid concentration, so must be cooked to be edible. Humans can eat it, but it is not favored as a significant part of the diet. 31 Adults with children are frequently referred to by their teknonym as a matter of respect. Amay Tiya means father of Tiya. Tiyas mother would be called Inay Tiya.

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60 World War II; he was still unmarried. He relates that when he was young, the only metal tool they had was the kulut ; no one as yet had field knives ( kelu ), drop hoes ( sadul ), or hammers ( bakbak or martilyo ). They used rattan to bind hous es together instead of nails. However, they did have sundang (a short sword with wavy blade), obtained from the Maranao people to the north of Manobo territo ry and exchanged thr oughout the language group as bride wealth. Metalworking appears to have come to the Manobo about the same time that settlers began to arrive. Amay Tiya already had two wives when the first Manobo blacksmith in the region of Pok Wayeg, Amay Empung, began making kelu As Amay Tiya was unmarried at the outbr eak of World War II, and perhap s as late as the close of the war, this places the begi nning of metalwork in the Pok Wayeg area as the late 1940s or early 1950s. Dalemak Mayaw, the second person in the area to smith, learned that skill directly from Amay Empung. Dalemak is c onsidered old, but is still able to smith. Older informants recall making bark cloth from the kalah and lakeg32 and beluwan trees. This was used for blankets and breechcloths, or sewn into shorts using bamboo needles. The women covered their breasts with bang33 leaves and their genitalia with coconut shells. Sometime after Wo rld War II the Manobo began obtaining the nowubiquitous lobing (sari or tube-skirt; Tagalog malong ) through exchange for the resin of the lawaan tree (white lauan, Shorea contorta (Vidal) Merrill et Rolfe)34, and through 32 Lakeg is the strangler fig, Ficus balete Merr. 33 Bang is a monocot with long, somewhat narrow leaves. If the Manobo word refers to the same plant as the identical word in the closely related Tasaday language, bang is Curculigo capitulata a member of the Amaryllidaceae (Yen an d Guiteerez 1976:127). 34 identified from de Guzman et al (1986:49)

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61 purchase after selling rice. The Manobo also began buying flour sacks and making clothing from them. Metal cooking implements were not used before World War II, when the older informants were young. Rice was sometimes cooked by wrapping a small quantity in a lekk35 leaf, placing the wrapped bundle in a sect ion of bamboo with a small amount of water, and heating the bamboo by a low fire. The rice prepared in this way is called linul (Figure 4-8). The Manobo also c ooked rice in pottery called kuden tan (meaning earthen pots) made from dark red clay ( meitem tan dark soil). Cooking was accomplished by placing rice and water in the po ts and then adding stones that had been heated in a fire. Social Aspects of the Manobo Economy Kinship Organization of Economy Decentralization. The intrusion of settlers and loggers has not only reduced the amount of land available to the Manobo. It ha s also created pressures which have forced the Manobo onto a trajectory of gr eater centralization in their own social organization. To understand that trajectory, however, it is us eful to reconstruct as much as possible the character of pre-invasion soci al organization. Manobo society was, before settlers began to arrive, highly decentralized, as has b een found to be the case among other prechiefdom horticultural groups in South east Asia and elsewhere organized into autonomous villages. As is true for many pe oples practicing swidden agriculture, houses were widely separated or in small clusters; there were place names, but no villages. As for access to land, Manobo agriculture functioned in the context of a traditional usufruct 35 Lekk is a monocot with a supple leaf.

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62 system. By the ground rules of this system, the land was under the general control of the community. No individual household owned la nd in a modern sense. Individuals fully owned the produce of the fields which they pl anted. But to gain acc ess to a particular plot, a man would ask the dat s permission, which was freely given. Sulutan Edod Nayams description of life at that time illustrates the situation well: We used to move around [farming in different places], but no longer. It used to be that when we wandered, we would sleep on the ground in the forest. [Sulutan Edod named several clans, and said they were all unite d.] That is why we all live together [why our living place is not divided]. Before [the settlers] took our land, we here would go and fa rm on that mans land over there.36 Thats what happened to the land of Amay Dads father : it was taken by the Christians who opened Ketudak.37 In the past, before there were titles to land, if someone wa nted to plant, they would not forbid him. They used large natu ral boundaries (as mountains) to separate fields. When harvest time came, all [the relatives] would come to eat. That was how our ancestors did it. They cared for each other ( kesehidu ). The preceding quotes suggest that even ri ghts to the produce were not jealously guarded. Individual households owned the produce which they planted and harvested, but there were strong traditions and associated social pressures to share this produce. In the case of land that had been let go, any bananas growing were harvested by whomever was occupying the land, not by the one who planted them. However, the person occupying the land might take some of the bananas to the one who planted them. And, if the one who planted them happened to be passing through, he might eat some of 36 I.e., they were free to farm on land that belon ged to someone else. Each Manobo freely extended permission to other Manobo to farm on his land. 37 Filipinos refer to those peoples heavily influenced by the Spanish as Christian, Cristiano or lowlander. The Manobo use the term Bisay referring to the Visayan islands in the central Philippines, from which most of the Cristianos have come. They use the term Lenawen to refer to the Maguindanao and Maranao, predominantly Muslim peoples who originally lived farther north. The term is derived from the word lanaw which in Manobo and several other Philippine languages means lake. The Maranao come from the region around Lake Lanao, considerably north of Ma nobo territory. In this dissertation, I refer to the Bisay as settlers, and to the Lenawen as Muslims (cf. p. 5).

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63 the bananas. If the one who planted a part icular plant moved away, he no longer had any right to what he planted, but he could ask for some. In short, not only were there were no privatized property rights over individual pl ots of ground. Even proprietary rights over the crops that one planted were forfeite d if the planter ceased to care for them. Personal kindred the basis of society. While many traditional societies studied by anthropologists have been marked by a st rong clan system, the Manobo, in keeping with other Philippine peoples, reckon kinshi p bilaterally, through both the mothers and fathers side.38 The group to which an individual is thereby related is thus unique to himself and his full siblings. This group of ki n, the personal kindred, is different even for ones first cousins. Consequently, society was not automatically structured by kinship into large, cohesive groups. Kin were and are vitally important, but it was the personal kindred that a person depende d on, not a cohesive clan.39 Establishment of marriage. We have already seen cooperation above the household level in the Manobos sharing of m eat obtained through hunting or trapping. Marriage provided another opportunity for supradomestic cooperation. Traditionally, marriage involved the exch ange of bridewealth ( songgud ), and was usually arranged. The account given by Amay Dad of Elem is t ypical. His father chose a wife for him when he was about eleven years old and had no interest in marriage; he estimates his wife 38 The society was traditionally patriarchal, but women could own property, and property could be inherited through either side. 39 The Manobo refer to the household by the term gemalay meaning a man and his wives and dependent children. (My informants said it would still be a single gemalay if a man had 100 wives and they lived in 100 houses.) In its simplest form, a gemalay is a couple and their children, plus any other dependents. If a married child and his spouse are living with the child s parents, they are counted as part of that gemalay They become a separate gemalay when they live in their own house. Likewise, if a couple or man or woman become too old to live independently, and move in with an adult child, they become part of that childs gemalay The term malayan refers to a class of people having the same surname, but does not refer to the cohesive unit anthropologists call a clan.

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64 was about ten. They first had relations some four years later, when he was fifteen and she, fourteen. But, Amay Dad felt he had no choice in the matter, because his father had paid the bride-price. The amount was substantial: 6 bridal canopies ( kulagbu ) 3 horses 5 large brass gongs ( selagi ) 15 swords ( sundang ) 50 ceramic bowls (of Chinese design or origin, with blue dragons painted on a white background) 13 tabas (weapons shaped similarly to the field knife, the kelu ; see Figure 4-3) a little bit of money ( tuky pilak ), estimated at P3,00040 As the bridewealth is typically far beyond th e ability of a single individual to pay, assistance from relatives is vi tal. Assistance usually comes from the grooms father, uncles, and other close consanguineal kin. The groom in turn incurs an obligation to help those who helped him, often by helpi ng their sons or younger male kin pay songgud when the time comes. This reciprocity provided strong ties in the society. Amay Sumihay illustrated with his own story. In hi s case, he and wife c hose each other, and their elders then helped make the marriage possible. He was 19 years old at the time; she, 16. His father died when Amay Sumiha y was only a few years old. However, when Amay Sumihays uncle, Amay Egas, heard of his desire to marry, he called Amay Sumihay to him and told him he wanted to help out. Amay Egas paid the songgud Later, when Amay Sumihay received songgud payment from his younger sisters marriage, he gave a carabao to Amay Egas. The brideprice was often paid over a period of time, which also served to bind the society together. Traditionally, a newly marri ed couple stayed with one of the couples 40 P3,000 was at that time a tremendous amount of money. Five-, twenty-, and fifty-centavo paper notes were still in use. Currently, the smallest paper note is P20, and five-centavo coins are seldom seen.

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65 parents until they were old enough to earn a liv ing on their own, at which point they were free to live wherever they chose. The usual choice was to live near the husbands parents. However, if the songgud had not yet been paid, the couple was required to live with the wifes parents. The Manobo say that the bridewealth pract ice also helps to cement marriages together, as the songgud must be returned to the wifes family if her husband divorces her without cause. If both husband and wife ag ree to the divorce, the husband may claim either the children from that union or the songgud but not both. The Manobo society traditionally permitted polygyny. Due to the high brideprice, it was a mark of wealth, and greatly increased the size of the husbands personal kindred, his network of consanguinal and affi nal kin an important step on the road to becoming a dat Property. While the Manobo were, in the past, concerned with usufruct rights rather than land ownership, they recognized rights to an active field. These were delineated by natural boundaries, such as m ountain ridges and creeks, and as such were easily distinguished from one another. Th e practice of polygyny, however, requires more careful attention to boundaries. If a man has more than on e wife, the wives divide the tinibah marking the boundary between the portio ns with cassava, or else have two separate tinibah They keep their harvest separate from each other. However, even though they maintain separate food stores, th e wives and their children may cook and eat together. Coffee41 groves are owned by the couple, in the case of monogamous households, or by the wife in the case of polygynous households. In the case of 41 Coffee is a cash crop and not a part of the Manobo s traditional agricultural system. The intrusion of cash into the Manobo economy and the adoption of cash crops are discussed in Chapter 5.

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66 polygynous households, the wife gets the profit, but also bears the cost of clearing around the trees. When the grove is cleare d, her husband takes part in the work. In the past, heritable property was limited to durable artifacts. The Manobo refer to such heirlooms as pusak pegaw or lalawan A pusak is something durable which is passed on and retained by the heir throughout his life; he will not give it to another or sell it. It has the nature of a keepsake, of something which makes the user think of its previous owner. Potential pusak include both traditional br ideprice items (e.g., large brass gongs ( selagi ), swords ( sundang ), tabas and brass betel nut boxes ( balay laget )) and expensive, practical items used in everyday life (e.g., field knives ( kelu ), cooking pots ( kuden ), and hammers). Pusak are passed through the elde st living child, whether male or female. Should the child be too young to care for th e heirloom when his parent dies, the item will be cared by the deceaseds next oldest sibling until the heir is old enough to care it himself. If a person dies shortly before his rice is harvested, his survivors will harvest it and then sell one sack of rice to buy an heirloom item, such as a sword. The remainder of the rice is c onsumed by the deceaseds survivors. Political System The Manobo have traditionally had leaders they call dat quite similar in function to the leaders of other decentr alized societies, such as th e Big Men of traditional New Guinean societies (Pospisil 1978:47-52), and the kfduwan of the Tiruray (Schlegel 1970:58-68). Unfortunately, the term dat can be misleading, as the same title is used by several predominantly Muslim peoples in th e southern Philippines for far more powerful leaders. Prior to the arrival of settlers in Manobo territory, pe ople lived in widely separated houses or in small clusters. Land use had to be cleared with the dat but he readily gave his permission. His real work was conflict resolution.

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67 The dat were arbitrators, who acted to keep aggrieved parties from taking their own revenge. Dat dealt with their own kin. They c ould negotiate a settlement between two parties if they were related to both of them.42 In cases where the disputants are not (in their own judgement) closely rela ted, each is represented by his own dat who attempts to come to mutually acceptable terms with the opponents dat Sulutan Edod Nayam described how the dat dealt with killings: If someone was killed, the offenders dat would gather with several other dat and each would contribute various items of tamuk such as horses, carabao, sundang or selagi The group would then go secretly by night to the house of the kin of the one who had been killed, and st op within sight of it, where they would tether the animals and pile up the other items of tamuk They would then leave without being detected. Once it became li ght outside, the people in the house would wake up and see the animals and go to investigate. When the murdered persons kin saw the tamuk they would weep ( sinegaw ), because they now knew they could not go on a revenge ra id. If they went beyond the tamuk to take revenge, it indicated they were spurning the weregild, and the murderers kin would then kill more of the victims kin. After this, the offenders dat [singular] would summon the victims dat [singular]. The offenders dat would bring a very large bowl and fill it with water. The water would be sprinkled over the tamuk and then the victims kin would drink from the rest of the water. Unless this was done, the victims kin would sicken and ev entually their stomachs would burst and they would die. Performing the ritual w ould ensure that everyone was reconciled and that everything was fine. Dat do not inherit their position, though they are frequently the sons of previous dat .43,44 They are usually wealthier than th eir companions, and traditionally had a 42 Among the Manobo, kin are reckoned using a broad definition, as any two Manobo can usually find a consanguinal or affinal link between themselves. 43 The term dat refers exclusively to males. Th e Manobo mention occasional cases of booy a term they define as dat bayi (female dat ). However, every time I have heard the term used, it has been in regard to a dat s daughter; I have heard of no instance where a booy has settled a case or has negotiated in government matters with outsiders. It thus appears that while booy are respected, they seldom if ever exercise the same powers as a dat 44 Sulutan Edod Nayam, for instance, arbitrated disputes even before he received an official government title. He is not a dat s son, but learned to arbitrate disputes by observing other dat

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68 number of wives.45 However, the key features were th at they must be respected, able to speak well, and able to seek peace. When asked how someone became a dat Marcelo Apang replied that they do so by being able to judge and to help, because of having good character, and because of being wise. Anot her respondent, Unik Atak, added that people become dat because they produce results ( p dan ). He also said that the dat never killed anyone; rather, if anyone was about to kill someone else, it was the dat who prevented it. That was is why the dat lived long. That was how Dakiyas (Uniks greatgrandfather, so well respected th at the Manobo refer to him as a sulutan ) acted. He prevented murders. Consequently, all the Muslim dat liked him. Everyone who couldnt work went to him. All those who couldnt marry [i.e., who couldnt afford to pay the bride price] went to him and he enabled them to marry. Dat must act well toward everyone, including their wi ves and children and visitors. The dat received substantial prestige for thei r work, but did not receive any direct payment for their efforts at the time. Dat Amay Ambing stressed that a dat paid settlements from his own tamuk (bridewealth items). When I asked how a dat kept from depleting his supply of tamuk Amay Ambing replied, The dat spoke to his followers and urged them to help out the person [w ho was in trouble]. Everyone was healed ( melikuan ) because fury ( kebulit ) was avoided. The dat got what he asked for because it benefited the giver.46 The givers therefore ha d a good heart to give. 45 Amay Tiya, an old and respected dat in the village of Pok Wayeg, had six wives. Dat Apang, ancestor of many of the people of Danu, had five (interview with Danu residents, January 2006). Dat Kalabaw, ancestor of many of th ose in the Elem area, had eight. 46 I.e., the peace so obtained wa s to the givers benefit.

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69 Kadaban Kulongs description of one incide nt illustrates the important role the dat played in averting violence. The conflict began when Amay Sint cut off the arm of another, Pabeling Apang, in a fight: Amay Sint was a hothead. When I got [to Mayul, where the injured mans kin lived], they were getting ready for a raid. . They had guns and daggers and spears and other weapons. . I left my sheath a nd field knife behind, to show respect to those who were angry. When I got to Am ay Sints house, I peered inside and spoke to him. I asked him to give me so me betel nut chew, but he said he didnt have any lime [required as part of the ch ew], so I said never mind. [Kadaban was trying to get Amay Sint into a mood to negotiate.] Baning [a kinsman] and two others came. . I gave a carabao and to ld Amay Sint to lead it [to the injured mans kin], saying Youre the one who committed the offense. [The carabao] was small, but I exchanged it for a larger fe male with a settler. I also gave P700. Amay Tiya gave P300. The Tiruray have had a similar leadersh ip system, but dist inguish between the offices of kfduwan and timuway Pastora Tita Cambo, of the village of Selumping, explained that the Tiruray kfduwan is a term is equivalent to the Manobo dat She likened the kfduwan to an attorney, but the timuway to a judge. (The English words were given by Pastora Cambo.) If so meone has a problem, he can go to the timuway with his complaint, and the timuway calls the kfduwan If the kfduwan47 are unable to settle the case, then it goes back to the timuway The timuway then, has the authority to make a decision, while the kfduwan are arbitrators without binding authority. Timuway also serve as senators, as r epresentatives of their group to outside powers, also true of the Manobo dat The Manobo term dat appears to encompass both kfduwan and timuway : dat usually cannot impose their decisions, but may do so if the offenders behavior is so outrageous that the community will stand 47 plural, in this instance

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70 behind the imposition of unusual and extreme punishment, and the dat also represent those in their geographic region to government officials or other dat The dat are to be distinguished from alek a term which might be glossed as war chief. Dat did not lead revenge raids ( pengayaw ), though might bless a raid.48 A dat might also forbid a raid, in whic h case the raid was not made, as the dat s word was higher than that of the alek There was evidently no formal procedure to become an alek ; all that was necessary was that one be hot-headed and a tege-imatay (one who often killed people). One example is that of Am ay Sint, mentioned earlier in the case of cutting off a mans arm. The Manobo speak poor ly of a person who loses his temper, but in the case of the alek harnessed an otherwise destructiv e trait. Sulutan Edod described the alek s function this way: People who have children and are married should just concentrate on farming; they have no reason to do what is bad. That is what our elders taught us. But, if a person deliberately commits wrong, they would tell the dat about him, and the dat would tell them to kill the person. The dat would command his alek who would set out with companions. When he drew near the wro ng-doer, he wouldnt harm anyone else, just the wrong-doer. The alek had armor ( anit ) that protected him. He would approach the wrong-doers residence, a nd if there were others nearby, he would tell them to pass by and te ll the wrong-doer that they had come to get him. The wrong-doers companions w ouldnt get in the way; they would go away. Then the alek and his companions would cut down the house[posts] and take apart the house and spear the wrong-doer. The wrong-doers kin would not take offense at their kins death. Alternatively, the dat might punish a troublemaker by shutting him up in an unroofed pen for a few days, exposed to sun and rain. This was never fatal, though evidently quite uncomfortable, and likely humiliating as well. Even now, when much of the dat s traditional role has been taken over by the Philippine government, antang can consume a considerable portion of a dat s time. One 48 The English word bless was used by my informant.

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71 may well wonder how they could afford to spare so much time from normal livelihood tasks. Sulutan Edod Nayam explained that he had his followers ( bat normally glossed as children) work in his fi eld. He provided food, and they went and cleared his field. As he explained it, My judging was li ke clearing a field. [The work of] antang cannot be neglected or our living would come apart. Internal Migration The Manobos oral history and the existence of traditional names in their language for places throughout their territory (Table 4-1 and Figure 5-2) attest to their long occupation of the region. However, the same history also shows considerable internal migration within the area. For example, the area of Elem, now the lo cation of one of the largest Manobo villages, was once unoccupi ed; the Manobo lived many other places in their territory, but that particular area was settled during the lifetime of Kalabaw and his contemporaries. (This occurred four to five generations ago, depending on which persons genealogy is used.49 See Appendix B.) The areas of greatest Manobo population were once Miibu, Kanalan, and Kulaman (Figure 5-2). Binansl (later called Kapitan by settlers, and ancestor to the Ka pitan clan) lived in Kanalan but then migrated to Ketudak.50 Dimaug (ancestor of another c lan in Elem), along with a young relative of Nayam, began farming the area of Banigan. Kalabaw, Nayam, Lebeg, and Osong (ancestors of several clans in Elem) moved first to Banigan and later to Elem. The ancestors of the Opong cl an likewise moved to Elem from Bugadu, near the Miles 49 This was four generations ago, reckoned from Angga hs child to Dat Kalabaw, or five generations, reckoned from Jamin to Dat Kapitan, who was Kalabaws contemporary. 50 Settlers have changed the pronunciation and spellin g of many places originally named by the Manobo. (Ketudak, called Keytodac by the settlers, in one such case.) In some cases, they have changed the name altogether. (Kulaman, for instance, was renamed Sen. Ninoy Aquino when it was declared a municipality.) In such cases I have generally used the Manobo name, in deference to the original inhabitants.

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72 River. Individuals also move d from one area to another due to marriage. After Kalabaw moved to Elem, he heard of Binansl and went to Ketudak to meet him, after which the two clans began giving women to each other in marriage. More recent history shows the Manobos traditional readiness to welcome newcomers. While the Elem area was opened dur ing the lifetimes of Kalabaw, Nayam, and Osong, the population in the area was evidently still low compared to what it is now. People in Elem say that Sulutan Sabang Osong was the real fir st person in the Elem area, who gave land to the Manobo who live there now. Sulutan Sabang explained, At first there was just I. [ Sulutan Edod] and I are the ones w ho opened the land here. If other [Manobo] came, we did not chase them aw ay. We did this so that our people would grow in number. Sulutan Edod went on to e xplain, We were all united; that is why our place is not divided [i.e., why they all live together]. Before the settlers took our land, we here would go and farm on that mans la nd over there. Each Manobo freely extended permission to other Manobo to farm on his land. Summary The Manobo originally occupied a large ar ea comprised mainly of highland valleys and slopes. The soil in the steeper areas wa s subject to erosion, but their traditional swidden system allowed the forest to regene rate, protecting the t opsoil and suppressing weeds. It was an adequately productive syst em, amply providing for their physical needs. Yams, cassava, rice, and maize provided the majo rity of calories. Domestic animals were limited. They kept horses and carabao, but valued them for use in bride price rather than as draft animals. Chickens were occasionally kept for eggs and meat. The traditional Manobo society was loos ely organized. It was supported by swidden agriculture, supplemented by hunting and gathering. With little trade with the

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73 outside world, the economy was essentially cash less. For particularly heavy tasks, such as clearing fields or harvesting crops, indivi duals mobilized additional labor through their kinship ties. However, as ki nship was reckoned bila terally, there were no true clans; each person relied on his personal kindred. Conse quently, kinship did not supply the society with large, cohesive units, meaning there was little centr alization above the household level. A few households might live near each other, but there were no large villages. Power was decentralized: the traditional leaders, the dat had significant influence, but little actual control. Their primary function was as arbitr ators who sought to repair harmonious relations before those offended s ought revenge. Only occasionally might a dat lead the community in imposing severe sanctions on a member who had repeatedly and intolerably violated community norms. Land was considered to be common propert y, with usage rights allocated by the dat Produce and game were the property of th ose who produced or caught it, but there was considerable sharing with relatives. Dependence on relatives extended to the payment of debts. The high bride price, as well as large fines paid to right various offenses, necessitated assistance from relatives, thereby binding indivi duals together in a network of obligations. Thus, traditional Manobo culture was well-adapted to their situation prior to the coming of intruders from outside. The live lihood system provided amply for their needs and was environmentally sustainable. Persona l kinship ties supplied additional labor for heavy tasks, and the dat were frequently able to avert violence and restore social harmony. The culture possessed little centr alization, but greater organization was

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74 unnecessary. That situation, though, would quick ly change with the coming of settlers and other intruders fr om the outside world. Figure 4-1. The Cotabato Manobo area.

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75 Figure 4-2. A kinentoy an arrangement in which mai ze ears are hung on a loosely woven bamboo fence.

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76 A B C D E Figure 4-3. Traditional farming implements. A) Ags kulut and kelu B) Kelu (field knife) in gum (sheath). The sheath is woven from rattan. C) Kulut blade. D) Kulut blade and handle. E) Kulut with blade bound to handle.

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77 Figure 4-4. A lihub used for storing rice. A B Figure 4-5. Noisemaker, to scare away birds. A) Photograph. B) Close-up drawing.

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78 A B C D E F G Figure 4-6. Extracting starch from palm hear t. Steps include A) shredding palm heart, B) close-up of shredding palm heart, C) closeup of treading shredded palm heart to extract starch, D) sc ooping settled starch from bark trough, E) roasting starch, F) treading shredded palm heart to extract starc h, and G) dividing up the starch after roasting.

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79 A B C D E F Figure 4-7. Tekob (bamboo rat traps). A) The tekob with captured mebul ikug B) Close-up of the tekob C) Baiting the trap. D) Trigger mechanism. E) Baited trap, set in the field. F) The catch. Built and demonstrated by Joel Kalabaw.

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80 A B C D E Figure 4-8. Linul (rice cooked by steaming in bamboo). A) Bamboo section and lekk leaves. B) Pouring raw rice into lekk leaf. C) Wrapping lekk leaf for insertion into bamboo. D) Inserting l eaf and rice into bamboo section. E) Roasting bamboo joint and ri ce over an open fire. F) The finished product, once the bamboo is split open. De monstrated by Joel Kalabaw.

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81 Table 4-1. Place names. Salangsang was named after the practice th e dat had of beating a gong ( selagi ) to call other dat to a pre-arranged meeting. (Meetings were not held on a regular schedule, but the dat would arrange when they woul d next gather.) The gongs sound made the place sangsangen from which word the place name Selangsang is derived. This was rendered Salangsa ng in the settlers orthography. Dakiyas Belag, an important dat who was son of Belag and father of Dulin Belag, lived in Selangsang and was called Dat Se langsang, after his dwelling place. The Manobo do not remember living in Palimbang proper. However, they did live in Kibang (Winged Bean), which is now called Sarmiento Camp, in Bagumbayan. Dakel Kayu (Large Tree) is named after a large bunay tree that was cut several years ago. There is another large bunay tree growing there now, but the original tree was much larger. The old men be lieve that Kelisong was born before the original tree ever sprouted. Dakel Kayu ha s always been called by that name, from the earliest the old men can remember. Belag is buried in Keletalu Mountain The keletalu is a large, green caterpillar with white bands, and the mountain looks something like a keletalu Keletalu is in northwest Barangay Salangsang. Banigan located near the Tran River, is named after a rock in an intermittent stream. The rock was where people ga thered when they were prepared ( nebanig ). Ligoden was so named because it was avoided ( ligoden ) by people traveling in the area. Sigut Lebangen (Difficult Hips, so named because his hips were deformed) had a reputation for ferocity, so people traveling in the area detoured around his place. Ketudak has been known by that name since before one old informant, Ina Kapitan, was born. Ketudak (Planting) was called that because of an epidemic which swept through the village many years ago. Pe ople were dying so quickly that the survivors could only dig graves so sha llow that it seemed like planting yams. Tubak (Slide) is named after a large landslide which occurred there. Melawil is named after a person in the Manobos traditional accounts. Their traditional stories relate that at one time the ocean flooded and was about to cover the entire earth. But, before it coul d do so, the Manobo, Melawil, climbed a sharp mountain and shouted over th e water in a loud voice. His shout prevented the water from rising any higher, and it eventu ally receded. Melawil Mountain was the mountain he climbed. Kebulng is named after a citrus tree, which was once plentiful there. Pig-ubudan (Place for Seeking Palm Heart) Creek, near the village of Migg, is so called because it was a good place to obtain palm heart, valued as something to eat with rice or another staple. Tinapawan (Where the Snake was Prepared) is named after the time the Manobo killed and ate a large python there. Belatiken (Place of Many Spear Traps) was a good place to catch wild pigs with spear traps. Kulaman is named after a person who drowned in the river there.

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82 CHAPTER 5 SUBJUGATION AND ADAPTATION: 1953-1974 The preceding chapter presented aspects of a reconstructed baseline state of traditional Manobo economic and social organi zation. The present chapter will document the intrusion of the outside world. As noted in Chapter 2, a society may be impacted by another society in one of three ways: it ma y 1) disintegrate (become less organized), accepting a position of reduced ability to co ntrol its own affairs and resources, 2) integrate into the more powerful and organi zed society, either re taining its original organization or becoming more organized, or 3) fight back and develop greater complexity (surgent evolution) (Adams 1977:398-402). The Manobos response to the influx of settlers after World War II demons trates all three possi bilities: subjugation, adaptation, and resistance. The account of the arrival of settlers and their impact on the Manobo is, of course, of great significance to the Manobo themselves. Yet, as we note the specific mechanisms by which the Ma nobo were impacted and responded, their account also sheds light on the plight and possibilities facing many other indigenous peoples whose homelands are being invaded. The Invasion: National Scale The isolation that characterized the earl ier Manobo lifeways described in Chapter 4 was not to last. The seeds of its demise we re planted years earlier, but came to fruition after World War II. Like many countries, the accidents of history have left the Philippines a culturally divided nation. Isla m was introduced to Mindanao in the late 1200s by Arab traders, and had reached Manila by the time the Spanish conquered it in

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83 1571 (Man 1990:21). However, the Spanish were able to establish control over much of the Philippines, and held the archipelago as a colony until 1896, when the Philippines revolted. At the same time, Spain became embr oiled in war with the United States. The Philippines declared its independence from Sp ain in 1898, but Spain, on its defeat by the U.S., ceded the Philippines to the States, a nd the U.S. became the new colonial power. American investors and w ealthy Filipinos looked sout h to Mindanao as a new territory to exploit. It ha d mineral deposits, vast areas of forest, and a relatively low population density, suggesting the ready av ailability of land for plantations. Additionally, Luzon and the Visa yas had large populations th at lacked adequate land. The way for business investment was cleared by the extension of the Public Land Law to Muslim provinces in 1906. The law provided fo r the granting of title and had the stated intention of helping Muslims escape from serf dom, but also allowed newcomers to claim land at the locals expense. Large rubber a nd peanut plantations, owned by individual Americans, soon arose. This was followed in 1913 by other laws encouraging migration to Mindanao (George 1980:108). The Commonwealth government (1934) accelerated migration. The government wanted to exploit the timber a nd agricultural potential of its southern territory. It was also con cerned with forging a nationa l identity. The Philippine population is comprised of about 171 differe nt language groups (Gordon 2005), and the mingling of settlers with each other and with the indigenous peoples of Mindanao would help to forge a more homogeneous populati on and thereby encourag e national unity. In 1938, General Paulino Santos led a project to su rvey the Koronadal Valley for settlement; two years later, the Allah Valley was opened (Figure 5-1). Settlement continued at a high

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84 rate for many years; in the 1960s, fully 20 years after settlement began in the Allah Valley, as many as 3,200 people per week we re arriving in Mindanao (George 1980:111 114). The Invasion: Local Scale To understand the impact of national pol icy on the local population, and their adaptation and response to the pressures this caused, we now turn to events as they unfolded at the local level.51 Interviews52 with some of the ol der Manobo put a concrete face on otherwise abstract history. The map in Figure 5-2, and genealogy in Figure 5-3, may be helpful in following the account. The Manobo once occupied a wide area, encompassing that portion of Sultan Kudarat Province between the Celebes Sea and the mountains west of the Allah Valley, plus portions of southern Maguindanao Pr ovince and northwestern South Cotabato Province (Figure 5-2). Amay Tiya, an old man now living in the village of Pok Wayeg, related that when he was sti ll young, there were few or no C hristians or Muslims in the Kalamansig area.53 His father, Toel, lived in Ketudak, where he had become a dat due to his skill in conducting antang (conflict negotiations). Apparently outsiders considered him a leader among the Manobo, for wh en war broke out with the Japanese in World War II, Filipino soldiers sometimes st ayed with Toel. One of their commanders, 51 He was not yet a teenager when he first saw Ja panese and American planes fighting above Lebak. 52 The data for this chapter are taken from interviews with 54 informants (ten women and 44 men). Most of the interviews were taken from June 2005 through October 2006 and from September 1994 through September 1997. 53 Amay Tiya placed the coming of the Muslims to Lebak as occurring when Macapagal replaced Quirino as president of the Philippi nes in 1953. In reality, Ramon Magsaysa y replaced Elpidio Quirino as president in 1953; Diosdado Macapagal was elected to the presidency in 1961. From comments made by acquaintances who live in Lebak, it seems there were Muslims in Lebak by the time that settlers from the northern and central Philippi nes arrived. Hence, Amay Tiya prob ably placed the year of their arrival correctly, though misidentified who it was that succeeded President Quirino.

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85 Lieutenant Reyes, was in charge of gua rding Kalamansig, a place Amay Tiya became better acquainted with when his sister ma rried a Manobo from that area, Bago Dat. Arrival of settlers. At that time, Salangsang and Ke tudak, in the mountains above Lebak, were occupied only by Ma nobo. Then, in 1959, an Ilocano54 named Pedro Gabriel arrived. Some of the Manobo say he had been a leader in the Hukbalahap, a militant land-rights movement in Luzon that fought against the government. He asked the Manobo for permission to hunt around Ke tudak, so they took him throughout the area. Gabriel returned with se veral other settlers and asked permission to live there. The Manobo, who had a different understanding of land ownership, allowed the settlers to live on their land, never imag ining that the settlers might claim it as their own. A few years later, Gabriel called for the Manobo elde rs and requested them to release the land, and asked what they wanted to do. The elders replied that they would divide the land with the settlers. Gabrie l, however, gave them a small payment of salt and dried fish and tobacco and kettles and fermented fish, to ld them that Ketudak was no longer theirs, and told them to move to Selumping, where he said he would build them a school with a teacher. So, because there were now many settlers and the Manobo were afraid of them, the Manobo moved to Selumping, about six ki lometers away. Once they had moved, Gabriel claimed their land as his own and sold it to other settlers.55 After the Manobo moved to Selumping, Mu slims under the leadership of Dat Kimpay learned of their arrival and began v isiting them. Dat Kimpay would come 54 The Ilocanos are a mainstream Philippine people from the northern island of Luzon. 55 The settlers account, given in a typewritten history of the barangay authored by Barangay Secretary Benny Y. Castro (n.d.) differs somewhat on the details but accords on the essentials.

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86 during rice harvest and ask for rice and horses, and even forced the Manobo to allow him to lie with their wives. Th e Manobo decided they could not li ve with this situation, so moved to Belitbit in Piyus, and then to Bul aan. They had only a small area available to them in Bulaan, for there were already settle rs there, so they m oved again, to Ligoden. Ligoden, however, was under the co ntrol of Pedro Gabriel, now barrio captain of Ketudak. He forced the Manobo to carry out much manual labor harvesting maize, digging a road that went nowhere, hauling sand and bamboo and wood without paying or feeding them. He also asked the Manobo fo r rice at harvest time. Faced with this oppression, some of the Manobo moved away, to Pok Wayeg. Settlers sometimes obtained land through decei t rather than force. One informant recalled the conversation his fa ther and a settler leader ha d about the land in Neligsegan (now known as Barangay Bululawan, near Salangsang): [The official] said, Brother, if its all right with you, this place where your mother is buried, this Neligsegan lets make it a barrio. So my father said, What do you want to do, Brother? [The official replied,] If th ere come to be many houses in this barrio, well give you thirty peso s for each house every month. My father said, If thats what you want to do, then a ll right, so long as it leads to good. But now, its full of settlers, and we arent th ere, where my fathers mother is buried. We havent gotten even a ketep [one-tenth of a peso, currently US$0.002] . He promised, but didnt fulfill his promise. Now we live in Migg. Similar events transpired in Kulaman, to th e east, where settlers accompanying a different Gabriel arrived. Gabriel gave the dat some dried fish in payment for the land he was taking, and threatened to shoot them if they did not agree. Events unfolded similarly in the Kalamansig area. Kambing, a man probably now in his mid-40s, related the history of hi s ancestors who lived in that area (Figure 5-3). He described Kalamansig as having neither Muslims nor settlers when Kamelen, six generations earlier, was alive. Three generations later, t hough, there was evidently some

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87 governmental presence: a Philippine politic ian had Pabelus uncle kill a political opponent. When the government in turn killed Pabelus uncle and arrested some of his relatives, Pabelu and his kin moved away.56 However, there must still have been few non-Manobo, for Kambing described Kalamansig as still having no settlers or Muslims when Pabelu died. Like Toel, Mandung helped the Philippine government during World War II. Widening ethnic conflict. At the same time that the settlers were moving into Manobo territory, conflict was erupting between the settlers and the Muslims. The settlers were moving into Muslim territory, and the Muslims were moving into Tiruray57 and Manobo land. In Bugadu, down in the Lebak plain, Muslims ambushed the Manobo and slowly took over their land. Farther nor th, in the province of Maguindanao, war broke out between the settlers and Muslims; the Tiruray were drawn in, sometimes as combatants, often as innocent victims. Many moved to Salangsang in 1964, along with a few settlers. That year was important for another r eason: Magsaysay & Sons Company (M&S Co.) began logging operations in Gintales, in the Lebak plain. In 1969, the company built a road through Salangsang and Danu to Ketudak and began logging in the mountains. Significantly, the company at this point in history acted well toward the 56 It will be noted that the Manobo consistently chose to move away, avoiding conflict rather than fighting back. Part of this may be attributed to the per ception that humans cannot be expected to keep their emotions in check, and must therefore be appeased, or conflict avoided (Schlegel 1970:29-30). However, their interactions with the newcomers gave them add itional reasons. The Manobo had observed that their own weapons were much less powerful than the settlers. Furthermore, they had observed that conflicts with settlers invariably led to the states intervention on the settlers side. These pragmatic considerations reinforced their prior cultural tendency to avoid conflic t, leading them to move away whenever practical. 57 The Tiruray are a people culturally similar to the Manobo, whose traditional territory adjoins the Manobos to the north. The Tiruray orthography is almost identical to that of Manobo, except that Tiruray uses the letter f in place of the Manobo p and the values of e and are reversed. The Tiruray refer to themselves as Tduray, but are known as Tiruray in the literature.

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88 Manobo there, consulting with them before undertaking projects and not taking any land by force. The Manobos situation took a new turn in th e early 1970s with the outbreak of the Toothpick War. Conflict between the lowland settlers and Muslims had been building for decades. Like the Manobo, the Muslims unde rstood land to belong to the community, not to individuals, and thus often failed to re cognize titles as legiti mate. Tension between the settlers and Muslims was compounded by th e Muslim practice of collecting in-kind levies ( kawali ) on farm produce, which the settlers c onsidered to be extortion. The illwill between settlers and Muslims was furthe r exacerbated by the Bureau of Forestrys practice of including in logging concessions areas which Muslim communities had already planted to coconuts a nd other trees (George 1980:115). The violence heated up gradually. Tiru ray militias had already driven Dat Kimpay from Selumping by 1970. More Tiru ray moved from Upi to Selumping from 1971 through 1973, due to conflicts with the Muslims in Tiruray territory. Lowland settlers began to arrive in large numbers at the same time. In 1970, the lowlander Ilaga movement, led by Commander Toothpick58, declared war on the Muslims, and the Muslims fought back (George 1980:143-148). The Manobo responded to the situation by attempting to drive the settlers from the Kulaman Valley.59 This allied them in the settlers eyes with the Muslims, even though they had suffered from Dat Kimpays predations a short time ear lier. At the same time, many of the Tiruray (George 1980:143), including relatives of those now living in Selumpi ng, fought alongside 58 so called because of his slender build 59 Significantly, this is the first time that the Manobo attempted to resist the settlers with violence.

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89 the Ilaga in protest against the various cont ributions that Muslim warlords had demanded from them in years past. Direct involvement of th e national government. This regional drama was complicated by wider events in the rest of th e Philippines. Its long history as a colony had given rise to a small landed class and large lower class. The great economic difference inspired the Hukbalahap Rebell ion of 1946-1954. The unrest was temporarily defused by land reforms initiated by then-Secretary of Defense Ramon Magsaysay in 1950. However, as the economic gap persisted, a Communist insurgency grew. With the Vietnam War still raging to the north and many Filipinos concerned about increasing unrest, President Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law in 1972. The imposition of martial law furthe r eroded the Manobos already tenuous standing with the Philippine government, ope ning the door to grav e abuse. In one instance, a Manobo man named Dayek was falsel y accused of being a rebel. Government soldiers trampled and stabbed him and then bur ied him after he died. In another instance, a Manobo man was passing through Gintales when he saw soldiers there. Frightened of them, he ran away and climbed a mango tree to escape them. The soldiers surrounded the tree and shot him, killing him. In still a nother incident, soldiers seized two Manobo men, bound them, and loaded them into a dump truck to take to a place where they had already dug two graves. While the soldiers were driving them there, the Manobo cut through their bonds on a sharp edge in the truck a nd jumped out of the truck, rolling down a slope. The soldiers shot after them, but the men escaped unharmed. Filipinos have condemned martial law for the abuses it brought throughout the country, but it seems the

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90 governments low regard for non-mainstream Fili pinos resulted in even worse abuses of the Manobo. Transformations in Political System The Manobos contact with the Philippine st ate has produced mixed results. In the early stages of contact, Muslim leaders and the Philippine government seem to have extended a certain amount of respect to ward the Manobo, and were responsible for conferring greater standing upon the dat they chose to interact w ith. This is reminiscent of Morton Frieds (1975:i) contention that many tribes groups having minimal political and economic internal integrati on, and with apparent but relatively weak hierarchical leadership are the product of a state engendering hier archy within a group so that the state may better control it. Bago Dat (cf. p. 85), for instance, is said to have been highly regarded by both Muslims a nd settlers, and was recognized as a dat by both Muslim dat and the mayor of Lebak. However, late r interaction with the settlers and their government undercut the dat system. We have already seen how the settlers and Muslims in Ketudak, Kulaman, and the Lebak plain wrested control over land from the dat In addition, the imposition of an alternativ e judicial system further undermined the dat Cases between the Manobo and settlers were settled by government-recognized officials, not by the dat Even among the Manobo, if someone was unhappy with the settlement the dat negotiated, he could take his case to a government official, who might overrule the dat The dat continue to hear and settle cases, but only as the lowest court of law. In Adams terminology, the dat have integrated into mainstream Philippine society, taking a subordinate (and somewhat reduced) position in the social structure. Sulutan Edod Nayam expresses the frustration of many Manobo with the result:

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91 Now it takes a long time to settle a case When the military gets involved, they make an appointment to deal with the cas e weeks from now. But if it takes a long time, the victims kin will kill [in revenge ]. We are being destroyed because of the military. Before, if something bad was done, our ancestors would settle it by afternoon of the same day. There was no capitan then. Barangay captains take bribes and do not judge rightly, so the vi ctims kin kill in revenge. If we could return to our old way, there would be fewer people killed. While the government has allowed the dat to function as petty judges, it has placed all substantial authority in the hands of its own officials.60 In many places, this has resulted in parallel system s of authority. The village of Danu, for instance, has had both dat and sitio leaders, but the governme nt interacts with the sitio leaders, ignoring the dat Sitio and barangay officials are elected. As the Manobo tend to live apart from the settlers, Manobo villages often have pr edominantly Manobo officials, while the barangay which are larger and include many villages, are governed by settlers or Muslims. A review of the officials of Bara ngay Ketudak, for instance, shows that in the last fifty years, only one official Agut Tilam Kapitan, a member of the Rural Police during 1957-1966 has been Manobo. One, the current barangay captain, has been Muslim; the remainder have been settlers. Wh ile the Manobo have had little influence at the barangay or municipal level, there is evid ence that is changing: two of Salangsangs seven barangay councilmen are Manobo. However, the Manobo continue to be heavily underrepresented in the government bodies controlling their territory. Impact of a Market Economy The arrival of settlers tran sformed not only the Manobos political system, but also their economic system, resulti ng not only in their adoption of a cash economy, but also the perception of land as property, the expl icit recognition of produc tive resources (i.e., 60 The Tiruray similarly report that there are still kpduwan and timuay but that the govt. refers to them using its own titles of lupon (Tagalog for arbitrator) and tribal leader.

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92 acceptance of the concept of cap ital), the sale and purchase of labor, and the adoption of many of the settlers economic practices. With the loss of large portions of their land to the settlers, many Manobo resorted to borrowi ng from settler lenders, resulting in further loss of land. Property In the traditional swidden sy stem, individuals fields we re clearly distinguished by natural boundaries such as mountains, ridges, an d rivers. Co-wives might divide a shared field by planting a border of cassava between their individua l portions, but there was no need to mark permanent boundaries. Land was used, but not owned per se With the coming of settlers, though, the Manobo have had to define la nd as property or risk losing access to it. They therefore have adopted th e settlers customs for marking possession, as by planting banana trees along th e boundaries of their fields. The government claims all la nd as its own unless it has b een officially released for titling. As settlers have come in ove r the years, the government has gradually released areas of Manobo territory the settlers have occupied for titling, while land that is occupied by Manobo, or that sett lers are currently expanding onto, remains classified as national forest. However, settlers readily buy and sell rights to occupy such untitlable land, and the local government considers such transactions legitimate. The Manobo have had to conform to government practice, and now treat land as alienable property, not only selling to and buying from settlers but from each other as well. The intrusion of a cash economy has also affected how the Manobo regard forest products, once considered open-access resources. Informants regarded materials that are not planted or cared for (e.g., rattan, deer, wild pigs, river fish, frogs, wild bamboo, and wild abac) as available to everyone. Timber species are treated somewhat differently. If

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93 they occur in land controlled by the logging co mpany they are considered off-limits. An individual may use a tree if it is on his ow n land. He may also allow another Manobo to use the tree if he does not need it himself, sometimes for free, and other times for a small fee based on the amount of lumber sawn.61 Some plants that were previously wild are now being planted. Apus a large bamboo used as building material, grows wild in some areas but is planted in Elem. One inform ant said he allows others to use his apus for free if he does not need it, but that some Manobo are charging P5 per st alk. A few people are trying to grow rattan. There are a few edible plants that grow as volunteers on unused farmland, such as salaw a hairy leguminous vine produci ng a seed similar to the butter bean ( Phaseolus lunatus ). The Manobo sometimes eat th e beans during the weeks after the last harvests of rice and maize have been depleted and before the new crop starts to bear. Anyone may harvest salaw from anyones land, though the land owner is usually told about it, after the fact. The Manobos recognition of land as propert y has led to the adoption of another practice from mainstream Phili ppine society: sharecropping. In the settlers version, called telsiya there are three parties crop-grow er, land-owner, and carabao-owner each of which gets one-third of the harvest. If the land-owner provides fertilizer for the crop, the crop-grower must retu rn the purchase price for the fertilizer when he harvests the crop. The Manobo allow some variations on th is. One informant said that if the landowner also provides use of a carab ao, he is entitled to one-half of the harvest, rather than the usual two-thirds. Another informant allowed a relative to grow maize on some of his 61 E.g., the tree owner may charge P1 per board-foot of lumber sawn. At the time of the interview (June 2005), lumber was selling for P6/board-foot.

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94 land, and also cleared the land of brush for pl anting; in return, the crop-grower gave him one-fifth of the harvest. The Manobo have also adopted the settlers practice of leasing animals. They distinguish between borrowing an animal for draft purposes ( kepesab meaning causing to be grasped) and borrowing to raise ( kesagud ). Carabao may be borrowed for draft purposes; pigs and chickens, to raise and sla ughter. If a farmer borrows a carabao, he gives the animals owner 40% of the harvest. If the borrowed carabao is bred and bears, the owner and borrower split the progeny.62 The first goes to th e borrower, the second to the owner, and so on. The spli t is supposed to be 50-50. So, if the animal bears only one offspring, the owner & borrower agree between them who will get the one offspring, and who will in turn be paid for his half of the offspring. The arrangement is somewhat different for animals raised for food. If a fa rmer borrows a sow to raise, the farmer and sow-owner divide the offspring evenly when they are weaned, and the sow is slaughtered and equally divided. If the case of raising a barrow, the animal is divided equally when slaughtered. The arrangement is similar for chickens, except that the hen is not slaughtered after raising a batc h of chicks. Instead, if the hens owner is generous, he will give the care-giver one of the chicks (to compensate for not getting one-half of the mother), after which the remaining chicks are divided equally between hen-owner and care-giver. The owner may then reclaim hi s hen when he desires, without any hard feelings on the part of the care-giver. 62 When animals are bred, the sires ow ner is paid a stud fee. In the case of carabao, the bulls owner is paid P100 if and when the cow becomes visibly pregnant. In the case of pigs, the boars owner is allowed to choose one piglet from the resulting litter.

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95 Along with the introduction of a cash economy has also come the opportunity to borrow money, either to meet cash needs or to purchase crop inputs. Unfortunately, the interest rates available to th e Manobo are crippling. The most common rate is a flat 10% per month (i.e., the interest on a loan of P1000 is P100 per mont h until the debt is paid). If the borrower cannot repay, the lender demands collateral, usually a horse or carabao or land. If no collateral is availabl e, the lender may have the borr ower jailed. When seed is bought on credit, the buyer doe s not take out a loan per se but instead pays a highly inflated price. However, if the buyer fails to pay for the seed at harvest, the debt immediately begins to accumulate interest. One farmer took two years to pay for seed, at the end of which he paid P20,000 for the s eed and P40,000 for the a ccumulated interest. Perhaps even more damaging ha s been the introduction of kesand roughly translated as mortgage. A land-owner borro ws a sum of money, in exchange for which he surrenders use of an area of land until the debt is paid. This differs from the Western practice of mortgage in that the borrower not only puts up his land as collateral, but loses use of the land until the debt is paid. Ma ny borrowers find it hard to repay the debt, thereby forfeiting their land for less than if they had sold it outright. If the borrower takes a long time to redeem his land, the borrower and lender must agree on new terms for the loan. If they cannot agree, th e case may be heard by the local dat or purok chairman. ( Purok chairman is another term for sitio leader.) However, the creditor may simply take over the land, particularly if he can bribe the authorities. Land is also lost when creditors claim a wider area of land than the loan agreement specified. Informants gave one example from Belah (Figure 5-4), in which a Manobo mo rtgaged two coffee groves in opposite corners of a large field to a settler. The creditor later claimed the transaction

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96 was for the entire field, and was not a mortgage but a sale. This is reportedly a frequent occurrence. Horses and carabao may also be mortgaged, but not pigs. The creditor gains use of the animal put up as collateral as a draft an imal. If the animal cannot be used for draft purposes because of the agricu ltural season, the creditor dema nds a flat 10% interest per month, but keeps the animal as collateral. Labor The intrusion of a cash economy has also tran sformed labor practices. In the past, if household labor was insufficient, the Ma nobo would rely on coope rative work groups for help. The Manobo call this tanggaw and ugat but it is a common practice throughout the Philippines. The settlers call the practice pintekas If someone was clearing a field, for instance, he would ask se veral other men to help him. On the day they worked, he would feed the group, along wi th their wives and children. Or, if their families could not come, he would send food home with them. The farmer could expect those who helped him to call on him for he lp in their work, and he would readily reciprocate. The Manobo still employ such arrangements, but with the coming of a cash economy they are also now selling and buying la bor. Payment may be based on length of time worked, or may be a fixed amount to ac complish a given task. In the practice of inagdaw (meaning by the day), an individu al receives an agreed-upon amount for a days labor. Meals may be provided, or if not, then a higher wage is given. In the practice of pakiyaw (a word taken directly from Cebuano, spoken by many of the settlers), the laborer and the one hiring him agree on a price for the task. The laborer may then work quickly or slowly, depending on his de sires, and may also hire other people to

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97 work alongside him. Farmers in the Elem ar ea were paying P700 to prepare a hectare of land in mid-2005. If the land-owner fed the la borer, he paid less for the job, typically P600 or P500. One practice which has changed little is th at of recompensing harvest help. In the past, as now, those helping to harvest a crop are recompensed with an in-kind payment of a portion of what they harvest. What has changed, many informants say, is that the amount was not specified in the past: those helping harvest were allowed to take as much as they wanted. Many Manobo have now adopted the settlers practice of unus in which the laborer takes 20% of what he harvests. It appears that integration into a cash economy has resulted in greater precision on payment a less personal and more formal arrangement. Interviews of ten farmers in the Elem area show the Manobos reliance on various sources of labor for the production of rice and maize (Table 5-1). Some details are of special note. Within the sample taken, 34% of the labor was mobilized using cooperative work parties, 28% using unpaid household labo r, and 15% percent using a share in the crop, while 12% was given without charge to a community leader63 (unpaid nonhousehold labor). Paid labor and that provided thr ough one-to-one reciprocation, comprised only 11% total of th e labor mobilized. However, this does not give the whole picture. Labor for harvest was mobilized en tirely by providing a sh are in the crop (80% of labor utilized) or through unpa id personal or family labor (the remaining 20% of labor utilized). Further, 100% of labor mobilized through givi ng a share of the crop was 63 This is an important phenomenon, in that it shows the Manobo have a traditiona l mechanism that enables selected individuals to act on behalf of the group supporting them. At the same time, this source of labor is not available to most members of the community, so is not considered in my discussion of the Manobos economic system.

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98 utilized in harvesting. Most of the activities are carried out in temporarily short bursts, but weeding stretches over a greater time. It is noteworthy that none of the labor required for that task was supplied by cooperative work parties or through r eciprocal arrangements with peers. Most of the labor (65%) came from unpaid person al or family labor, with the vast majority of the remainder (30%) coming from paid labor. This suggests that the Manobo may tend to fall back on paid or family labor for regular tasks, but might favor utilizing cooperative labor (either parties or one-to-one arrangements ) or a share in the product for irregular activities.64 Gender division of labor is likely similar to that before the advent of a cash economy, except that delineation of privileg es and responsibilitie s may now be more explicit. Typically, the me n clear the fields and the women plant. In polygynous households, the co-wives either have separa te fields or mark the boundaries of their portion of a common field, but help each other plant. They keep their seed separate, though one wife may either give or lend seed to a co-wife. Each wifes harvest is kept separate from that of her co-wives. Coffee groves are owned by the couple, in the case of monogamous households, or by the wife in the case of polygynous households. In the case of polygynous households, the wife gets the profit; however, she bears the expense 64 How the Manobo mobilize labor for farming may well have application to other goals they are pursuing, including the attainment of land rights. The data suggest that for activities of a regular nature, labor could probably be most dependably mobilized by through payment of a wage or by dependence on volunteer labor (remunerated by increased social standing in the community). On the other hand, labor for occasional activities could probably be mobilized through coopera tive work parties. Mobilization by giving a share could probably be used in other activities that directly result in a tangible product, but only in those cases. This is consistent with what I have observed. Liter acy classes (a regular and su stained activity) progressed well as long as there was outside funding. Classes of lesser duration (on farming techniques) have proceeded without remuneration. (Presumably, the increased standing in the community is sufficient remuneration compared to the opportunity cost of not being able to farm during that time.) Special activities like weeding the church grounds usually rely on someone calling a work party. Church funds are used to provide coffee for the participants, making th e arrangement similar to the usual cooperative work party, where the crop owner provides food for those helping him.

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99 to have it weeded (that is, to have the w eeds mown down with field knives). When the grove is weeded, her husband takes part in the work. Incorporation into the ma rket economy has transformed the Manobos economic practices, destroying formerly effective CPR arrangements, converting land to alienable property, and monetizing labor. In the process, the Manobos economic transactions with each other have become more impersonal and pr ecise. It has also become possible to accumulate wealth, and to invest in producti ve resources. This is leading to the development of classes, not just of wealt hy settler vs. land-poor native, but among the Manobo themselves. Some have much more than others, some Manobo working for other Manobo. Three brothers in Elem freque ntly work as carriers for others in the village, carrying grain from the barangay seat to the village, and coffee beans from the village to the barangay seat. In contrast, three other men in the village operate stores, buy coffee from other Manobo, and sell their own coffee and what they have bought in the barangay or municipal seat. They have become successful middlemen. Their families are frequently better dressed and in other wa ys appear more prosperous. Two of these men have considered buying a small grain m ill, so that there would be a Manobo-owned mill in the village itself. This is evidence of an ability to accumulate wealth that was previously unknown, with the consequent widening of economic differences between villagers. The Manobo have not demonstrated an awar eness of class, perhaps because the phenomenon is still very new to them. However, they are quite aware that many Manobo are no longer as generous as in the past. As Sulutan Edod Nayam put it, Now, at this time, all of our Manobo kin are like the settlers. They dont give, because we dont have money, even though we are their Manobo kin. When they

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100 eat, they shut the door. Thats what I put up with. When I eat, I refuse to shut the door, if it is my relative. If I have a little food, I refuse to make people pay for it. For example, if people come from Kulaman, I invite them. Where else would they eat if you dont invite them, for their place is far away. We dont forget the ways of our ancestors. Lets not take after the custom of the settlers. Production System Having considered the political and ec onomic dimensions of the changes in Manobo society brought about by the influx of settlers, we will now turn to consider the impact of settlement on the Manobos production practices. Much of what is described here will be familiar to those who have studied the impact of settlement on other indigenous peoples. Perhaps the most obvious changes in the Manobos economic system have been in area of clothing and tools. Access to a market economy has led to the complete replacement of traditional apparel by purch ased clothing, the details of which were covered in Chapter 4. The number of me tal tools the Manobo has also increased markedly over time. In the late 1930s and early 1940s, the Manobo had kulut but no kelu The langgaman (a blade held in the palm, used to cut the rice panicle from the stalk) had not yet arrived, nor had the hammer, or nails, or the drop hoe ( sadul ). Kelu were initially obtained in exchange for resin the Manobo collected from tipedus trees in the forest. It was only in the late 1950s to early 1960s that the Manobo acquired the knowledge of how to make metal tools th emselves; Amay Empung was the first Manobo blacksmith in the region of Pok Wayeg.65 65 A. Tiya was about 12 years old when the Japanese and American planes were fighting in World War II, most likely near the end of the war, or about 1945. He was probably in his midto late twenties when Amay Empung began smithing, as he already had two wives. This would place the begi nning of Amay Empungs smithing somewhere between 1958 and 1963.

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101 The Manobos incorporation into a market ec onomy has also affected their methods of hunting and trapping. For those who can afford them, rifles and shotguns have replaced the spear for hunti ng pigs and deer, and air guns and rubber slingshots have replaced the bow and blowgun for hunti ng small game. The Manobo have also augmented the traditional spear trap and d eadfall for catching wild pigs with the timpung babuy (pig bomb), a homemade grenade produced using the phosphor from commercially available kitchen matches. The maker wraps the timpung in bait and leaves it on a game trail he knows is frequented by wild pigs. When he h ears the bomb explode, he goes looking for the unfortunate victim. Wild game is now scarce, likely due to the greater efficiency of the new methods, coupled with a much greater number of hunters and significantly less forest habitat. Beyond the obvious changes in technology, th e coming of settlers also profoundly changed the Manobos relationship with the forest. Manobo now in their 40s and 50s report that their ancestral territory was once c overed in forest, but there are now few trees left on the land titled to settlers, and signifi cant deforestation on untitled land as well. One resident of Elem summarized the change by noting that the great influx of settlers has made it impractical to let the forest regrow. The Manobo have much less land available to them than in the past, and if th ey attempt to let an area return to forest, settlers often claim the abandoned land. Contact with outside technology and the need to make more intensive use of what land they have has also led to the adoption of new methods of farming. With the coming of the plow, the carabao, once us ed solely for bride wealth, has become a draft animal as well. Many Manobo own carabao, and thos e who do not can frequently use one

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102 belonging to a kinsman, in exchange for a por tion of the harvest. Plowed fields are planted to both upland (rainfed) rice a nd maize. The new technology impacts both income and the physical environment. In the swidden system, an area must be cleared at the beginning of dry season so that the ve getation will burn well before planting. With plowing, crops can be planted year round. Th e precipitation pattern and pest pressure limit rainfed rice to planting only one time pe r year in both swidden and plow-based agriculture, but maize can be planted up to three times per year in plowed fields. Farming therefore tends to be more profitabl e with adoption of the plow. Plowing also controls weeds without requiring regrowth of the forest, so land can be cropped year after year. This, too, contributes to potentially great er yields and profit. However, the soil is then exposed to rainfall continually, with no opportunity for regeneration. This is particularly significant in th at the Manobo have been displa ced from the more fertile sugud (flat land) they prefer to farm onto much steeper land. Most of the fields I have observed have suffered extensive erosion. Ol der fields are eroded down to the subsoil, with the maize purple from phosphorous deficiency and stunted. One of the most significant impacts of the Manobos incorporation into a market economy has been their adoption of cash crops Coffee and field corn account for much of the Manobos cash income. The Manobo began growing coffee in the mid-1970s, after the close of the Toothpick War. Much of the crop is sold, either as green berries or as dried and hulled beans, but a small porti on is retained for home consumption. The Manobo grow several varieties of field corn, which they call sib perhaps after the island of Cebu, from which many of th e settlers came. The term applies to various hardkernelled varieties, including melalag (called yellow corn by the settlers), tanigib

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103 (white kernels), miracle (also white), and Cargill. Almost all of this crop is sold, as the Manobo prefer their traditi onal variety of maize for home consumption. In addition to the adoption of these new cash crops, c ontact with a market economy has led the Manobo to abandon crops that cannot be sold: grain sorghum, millet, and ilah (a cereal crop with leaves like sorghum and a large, lig ht-colored, elliptical seed) are now seldom seen. The Manobo continue to grow much of what they consume. Their preferred staple is rice,66 followed by their traditional variety of maize, then yams, then taro and cassava (ranked equally), and then bananas. They also eat yautia, the wild bugan and field corn, but only if nothing else is availa ble. A few people raise cabbage ( Brassica oleracea L. var. capitata L.), petsai ( Brassica rapa var. pekinensis ), peanuts ( Arachis hypogaea ), and Irish potato ( Solanum tuberosum ), all of which were intr oduced by the settlers. A number of other crops provide variety to their diet. Many are traditional, including Chinese mustard ( Brassica juncea called sab ), pigweed ( Amaranthus sp. called agum and tubo depending on the particul ar species), sesame ( Sesamum indicum ), tomatoes ( Lycopersicon esculentum Mill.), and basil ( Ocimum basilicum L.). A number of wild plants are also used, including kol and sikol (the fruit and flower, respectively, of a wild ginger, family Zingiberaceae ), paku (a fern), belebek (beggars tick, Bidens sp. ), utan and didip (two species of wild greens). Many peoples in the dominant Philippine society rely upon one particular staple year-round. In contrast, the Ma nobos cropping system relies on several staples. Rice is harvested in August and September, but now that the Manobo have been forced to 66 However, the harvest often lasts only a few months.

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104 abandon the traditional swidden system, the harv est often does not last till the end of the year. Income from coffee, which is harv ested November through January, may provide the means to buy rice. However, the price is dependent on the international market. Once coffee income is exhausted, sasang bitil (hunger season) begins, and the Manobo depend on root and tuber crops (cassava, yams taro, and yautia) and greens. The lean season ends when the maize reaches boiling ear stage. The maize continues to be edible as roasting ears. (Both the tr aditional variety and field corn type may be eaten in these ways.) Eventually the maize hardens as it ma tures, and by July is eaten only as grits. A summary of the agricultural year is given in Figure 5-5. Impact of Settlement on the Biophysical Environment The influx of settlers has affected the bi ophysical environment, both directly and indirectly. The settlers pract ice sedentary agriculture, farmi ng the same plot year after year.67 This creates significantly more erosion than in the swidden system, as the forest, which would otherwise shield the soil and replenish both its organic matter and nutrient content, is not allowed to regenerate. Conse quently, yields decline from year to year. Settlers have turned to chemical fertilizer in an effort to counteract losses in yield, but the use of inorganic nutrients has not been able to compensate for the loss in soil quality.68 67 Unfortunately, this is not a sustainable system. The settlers cultivate the land using much the same system that they have used in the relatively flat lowlands, but that system is not suited to the pronounced slopes found in Manobo territory. Perhaps most of the land farmed by settlers has lost its A horizon, and many plots have eroded down to orange clay subsoil. Some conservation measures could halt the 68 Recently, many farmers in the area (both Bisay and Manobo) have lost their land to the merchants selling fertilizer. Farmers frequently buy fertilizer on credit and are charged high interest rates by the merchants. When yield increases from the fertilizer produce less additional income than the cost of the fertilizer and the loan payments, farmers forfeit their land to the seller. Informants report that most of the people in two villages near Elem no longer own land, an d work as day laborers for the merchant they lost their land to.

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105 The Manobo have been forced into adopting sedentary agricultur e so that they do not lose abandoned land to th e settlers, a change which has increased erosion on the land they farm. The switch to sedentary ag riculture, coupled with the much greater number of people now living in the Manobos homeland, has decreased the area occupied by forest. The loss of habitat, accompanie d by a much greater population of people who are hunting and the use of more efficient weapon s, has resulted in a marked decrease in wildlife. The arrival of settlers and logging machiner y has also introduced new weed species (Figure 5-1). In many cases, the Manobo have found practical uses for these new plants. They use the mucilaginous sap of kel to treat wounds. Biks (named after Vicks cough drops) is used to treat upset stomach. The r oot, which smells like wintergreen, is boiled and the water drunk. However, some of the plants are serious weeds. Kelegkeleg (simply meaning some kind of a vine) grows quickly and chokes out other plants. People in Elem had not seen it prior to 2002, but it had become a serious pest in coffee groves three years later. One informant linked the new w eeds to the construction of roads into the area, conjecturing that the bulldozers had brought in seed s and vegetative material on their treads. In short, the intrusion of settlers and logging companies has resulted in numerous deleterious effects upon the environment: loss of forest cover, loss of habitat and the wildlife it supports, so il erosion, decrease in soil fer tility, and the introduction of new weeds. Summary Some of the changes recorded in this chapter (summarized in Table 5-2) may conceivably have occurred without the trip artite invasion discusse d here settlers,

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106 loggers, and government agencies. Esther Bose rup and others have shown that internal population growth can trigger changes in land tenure and agri cultural technology, and societies may integrate into external mark ets without a violent invasion. But however much the Manobos own population may have been increasing, the areas population clearly exploded with the arriva l of settlers, far outstripping the effect of any indigenous population growth. The history of the re gion shows that the Manobos population was not expanding significantly prio r to the intrusion. Enc ouraged by the government to move to the unoccupied terr itory of Mindanao, settlers poured into Manobo territory after World War II and, with the states complicity, forced the Manobo off their land through violence, threat, and deceit. The subs equent imposition of central state authority severely undercut the dat system, including the Manobos provisions for managing land and forest and their mechanisms for resolvi ng conflict and upholding the public peace. In addition to direct action agai nst the Manobos political system, the government was also instrumental in the Manobos incorporation in to a market economy in an underprivileged position. The settlers introduction of the pract ice of mortgage, coupled with crippling interest rates, has resulted in many Manobo losing their land. Without the central governments involvement, settlers who made loans would have had to simply write off defaulted payments. Other settlers would then have refused to provi de credit, and some or all of the Manobo would have lost their buying privileges With government backing, though, lenders could press their claims for payment. However, while the government backed settlers claims, it was slow to pr otect the Manobos rights. In cases where settlers seized Manobo land through force or fraud, the Manobo could seldom receive a hearing from the settler-c ontrolled local government.

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107 While the Manobo suffered great setbacks from the incursion of settlers and loggers, and of the state that facilitated their penetration of Manobo territory, the Manobo have also adapted to the new political a nd economic system. They have adopted new crops that enable them to more readily comp ete with their new nei ghbors, and a few have become successful middlemen. The government continues to bypass the dat but the Manobo are receiving increasing at tention from politicians an d government officials, and often now have their own government-sanc tioned officials at the village level.

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108 2550 Buluan 1-to-250K trimmed Figure 5-1. Portion of Mi ndanao in which the Manobo live (National Mapping and Resource Information Center 1990[1975]). The Allah Valley, to the east of their ancestral terr itory, occupies the light-color ed portion of the map, at the right hand of the word Mindanao.

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109 Figure 5-2. Locations in the Ma nobo area. Based on Abigan (1988a, 1988b, 1988c) and PAFID (n.d. a, n.d. b).

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110 Kamelen | Bosoken | Buwaya | Pabelu | Mandung | Kaliyu | Kambing Figure 5-3. Genealogy of Kambing. Figure 5-4. Mortgage of two coff ee groves within a field in Belah. Figure 5-5. Agricultural year

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111 Figure 5-6. Weed species in troduced to the Manobo area.

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112 Table 5-1. Sources of labor utilized in the production of rice and maize. Activity Labor mobilization strategy Value ClearingBurningPlowingHarrowing PlantingWeedingHarvestTotal Cooperative work parties Count % within strategy % within activity 36 45.6 70.6 19 24.1 51.4 24 30.4 35.3 79 100.0 33.5 Unpaid household labor Count % within strategy % within activity 6 9.0 11.8 6 9.0 75.0 11 16.4 29.7 6 9.0 75.0 16 23.9 23.5 13 19.4 65.0 9 13.4 20.5 67 100.0 28.4 Laborers given portion of harvest Count % within strategy % within activity 35 100.0 79.5 35 100.0 14.8 Unpaid non-household labor Count % within strategy % within activity 2 6.9 25.0 3 10.3 8.1 2 6.9 25.0 21 72.4 30.9 1 3.4 5.0 29 100.0 12.3 Hired labor Count % within strategy % within activity 7 38.9 13.7 5 27.8 7.4 6 33.3 30.0 18 100.0 7.6 Reciprocity between individuals Count % within strategy % within activity 2 25.0 3.9 4 50.0 10.8 2 25.0 2.9 8 100.0 3.4 Total Count % within strategy % within activity 51 21.6 100.0 8 3.4 100.0 37 15.7 100.0 8 3.4 100.0 68 28.8 100.0 20 8.5 100.0 44 18.6 100.0 236 100.0 100.0

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113 Table 5-2. Summary of effect s of settlement on Manobo society. Domain Arrangement in traditional society After arrival of settlers and loggers Political Conflicts settled by dat Conflicts settled by local government officials Dat bypassed Limited hearing of Manobo grievances by local government Settlement of grievances, when it occurs, is slow Land Managed as common property Emphasis on usufruct rights rather than on land per se Boundaries marked by geographical features Access controlled by the dat Abrogation of common property regime Land claimed as private property by settlers, controlled as public property by loggers Land rights asserted by planting of conspicuous borders Widespread disregard for individual Manobos property claims Land now sold, even between Manobo Land now considered collateral for debts Labor Routine labor supplied within household Greater labor needs supplied by reciprocation between kin Partial replacement of reciprocation by wage labor Introduction of share-cropping Emergence of classes (settlers employing Manobo, as well as more prosperous Manobo employing poorer Manobo) Exchange Marked sharing of hunt catches and crops Less sharing and more sale, both to outsiders and between Manobo More precise reckoning of debts Agricultural system Swidden agriculture Sedentary agriculture Adoption of cash crops, and abandonment of crops lacking market value Considerable loss of forest Significant erosion and loss of soil fertility Introduction of weeds and insect pests Greater hunger than in past69 69 Informants describe a steady decrease in yields over se veral years. Older informants report that the rice crop once provided food throughout the year. By 1984, most households were using up their rice within six months of harvest. Since 1997, many informants repor t they harvest only as much rice grain as they plant.

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114 CHAPTER 6 FOUNDATIONS FOR RESISTANCE: 1975-1988 The changes documented in the preceding chapter will not surprise readers familiar with parallel situati ons in other cultures. The Ma nobo have experienced a situation common to many other indigenous peoples, in which the national government disregards their claims to the land, assumes control of their traditional territo ry, and opens the land and its resources to expropria tion and exploitation by settle rs and corporations. The following paragraphs present an abstract model of possible responses to this situation and then show how this abstract model has wo rked out concretely in Manobo villages. A schematic paradigm was presented by Adam s (1977:398-402), who points out that such external forces can produce one of three results in a so ciety: 1) the society may disintegrate, decreasing in internal struct ure as a result of its decision-making powers being usurped by the intruding society; 2) it may integrate into the intruding society, increasing in internal structure as it is inco rporated into the dominant societys political system; or 3) it may surge, increasing in internal structure and, with the consequent increase in political and economic power, e ffectively resist inco rporation into the intruding society. In their response to outside forces, th e Manobo have, at one time or another, utilized all three of these options. We have traced how the Philippine governments promotion of transmigration and the conse quent influx of settlers after World War II resulted in the disintegration of Manobo society, at the same time giving rise to economic adaptations at the household level. In the next period of their history, the

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115 Manobo experienced additional assaults on their society, but also began developing civil associations that would become the foundation for organized resistance to invasive forces originating from other sect ors of Philippine society. Disintegration The arrival of the Magsaysay and Sons logging company in 1964 seemed to be a harmless matter, as the company under its orig inal management acted in a manner that the Manobo interpreted as responsible. 70 The company began building a road from Lebak to the forested mountains farther inla nd. In 1966, the road reached Kiwag, a wellwatered site that was home to about 20 Manobo families. (Kiwag is on the road between Salangsang and Danu; see Figure 5-2). Magsaysay and Sons asked the Manobo for permission to establish a tree nursery th ere, and the Manobos leader, Dat Ampuan, allowed them the use of one hectare of land for that purpose. At the same time, Dat Ampuans people became concerned about the ar rival of settlers in Danu, so some of them moved there to prevent the settlers from taking over their land. It appears the Manobo realized the settlers would recognize neither their traditional CPR arrangement nor their dat s authority. They therefore asserted their rights to the land by making their presence obvious. Their efforts were partia lly successful, as only some of the land was seized by settlers. In Adams terminology (cf. pp. 2-21), the Manobo were integrating into the dominant Philippine society, in the process developing greater internal organization (e.g., moving to Danu a group to defend their claims) and accommodating themselves to the settlers pr actices. Whatever progress th ey made in adapting to the settlers, though, was dealt a setback in the mid-1970s when M&S Co. was purchased by 70 The data used in this chapter were taken from interviews and meetings with land rights leaders, dat pastors, residents of Elem and Danu, and colleagues. Most occurred between June 2005 and October 2006.

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116 Victor Consuji and came under new manageme nt. The move to new management was a momentous change. One of Consujis firs t actions was to driv e the Manobo out of Kiwag, so that he could establish a large nurse ry there. One informants description of the companys new attitude was pointed: Magsaysay was kind-hearted, but Consuji drove us out. A second incident a few years later, in 1978 or 1979, deepened the Manobos distrust.71 The Manobo assert that the loggi ng company wanted their land in the several villages west of Kulaman: Siwal, Batasan, Lud, Kenalan, Tinapawan, and Tubak (Figure 5-2). What is known is that th e company told the Manobo in those places that they could load their maize onto a comp any truck to sell in Lebak. The road was rough and transportation limited, so severa l of the Manobo accepted the offer and boarded the truck with their maize. Signifi cantly, no settlers (except for the driver, a company employee) boarded the truck with th em. As the truck approached a steeper portion of the road, the driver opened his door and dr ove with it ajar. A short time later, the truck veered off the road and over a steep embankment. The driver jumped to safety, but twenty-four Manobo were killed, while anot her twenty-four were injured and taken to a hospital in Lebak. The company claimed the disaster was an accident, but the Manobo consider it a deliberate attempt to demorali ze them and convince them to desert their land. The company took several measures to protect its financial intere sts in timber. In the first place, the company asserted outright armed control over the forests. M&S Co. maintained (and still maintains) its own armed security force, what Filipinos call a private army. With this armed presen ce, company management was then able to 71 This incident was related to me by land rights leaders on two separate occasions, in 1998 and 2006.

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117 impose and enforce restrictions against tradi tional agrarian practices that might have reduced its profits from timber. Concerne d that fire might damage the timber they wished to remove or the trees they were planting, the company forbade the Manobo from practicing their traditional swidden farming syst em and threatened them with violence if they did so. This was a major challenge both to traditional property rights and traditional land use practices. It was a assault upon th e Manobos traditional management of the forest as a common property resource. It was also an assault on a major component of their traditional agricultural technology, the fe lling of trees and the burning of desiccated plant debris. These processes have been doc umented in other settings as well where a government overrules local control of resources in order to allow their exploitation by outsiders via concessions of one type or another.72 The enforcement of the new proprietary arrangements is then left to th e concessionaire; the presence of armed guards of corporate beneficiaries has been documented in other parts of the world and at other points in history. A further parallel effect has also o ccurred among the Manobo. As has been found in other instances, government interference wi th the local exercise of common property management can trigger off deterioration of the local natural resource base. This has happened through two analytically distinct mech anisms. The first is demographic. The presence of settlers, by reducing the amount of land available to Manobo, had created economic pressure on the Manobo to keep land in production, rather than allowing it to 72 One example is the case of the Cree Amerindians of northern Canada, who treated the beaver populations in their area as a common-pool resource. In the late 1920s and early 1930s, construction of a railway made the southern portion of their territo ry accessible to non-indigenous trappers. The Cree were not allowed to limit trapping by the outsiders, who heavily depleted the beaver population. When the beaver were reduced below profitable levels the outsiders moved on, and the Cree, this time with government backing, reestablished their traditional CPR system. Beaver popu lations recovered within ten to 20 years, depending on the particular location (Berkes 1989a:83).

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118 regenerate under forest fallow.73 This is an instance of the famous and now classic analysis of Boserup concer ning the shortening of fallo w caused by a deteriorating person/land ratio. In this case, however, th e demographically generated stress comes not from internal population growth but from the intrusion of outsiders. The second mechanism was more direct: arme d threats against traditional practices. Under its new management, M&S Co. threat ened physical violence against the Manobo74 if they followed their traditional swidden agri culture practices. At first glance a common sense reaction might predict a decline of destructive practices as a result of these prohibitions backed by weaponry. The prohi bition of tree cutting and burning, whatever its motive, would seem to be a benign m easure from the point of view of the environment. Here common sense is overri dden, however, by ethnograp hic facts. This new factor of prohibitions enforced by w eaponry paradoxically and unfortunately led to more serious erosion. Farmers of all et hnic backgrounds Manobo, Ti ruray, settlers, and Muslims now regularly cultivate the steep slopes year after year, slopes that were formerly left virtually untouched. As the red clay subsoil on these pa rticularly vulnerable slopes is exposed, crop yields are greatly depressed. In s hort, both the intrusion of settlers eager to claim land not under vi sible use, and the imposition of armed prohibitions against cutting a nd burning sabotaged the traditio nal practice of allowing the soil to rest and regenerate under forest fallow. 73 The settlers and Muslims rely upon on plow-based sedentary agriculture. Once they begin farming an area, they never let it revert to forest, and seldom allow it to have any fallow period. 74 It should be noted that the company has also acted against settlers and Muslims in the area, though not nearly so often as against the Manobo or Tiruray. Informants related that in or about 1995, company security personnel destroyed Bisay houses in Tibengtibeng, Sabanal, and Lud. In the Lud incident, the guards cut down the houses while their residents were taking refuge inside. Company security personnel also took chainsaws, rifles, and carabao from Muslims living near Lud, but returned them after negotiations.

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119 Use of violence and the threat of violence by settlers, military, and company had sabotaged the Manobos traditional forest and land management systems. But it also greatly disrupted their political and justice systems as well. The process converted the Manobo from the anthropological status of auto nomous tribal cultivators to that of peasants rural cultivators whose institutio ns had been supplanted by a central power, living on land they no longer controlled. In Richard Adams (1988:398-404) terms, Manobo society had disintegrated: as the Ma nobo lost power, their political structure fell apart and they were incorporated into th e dominant societys power structure. These transformations in the context of political power triggered off simultaneous adaptations in the realm of land tenure and land use, as the Manobo were forced into a rapid shift toward sedentary agriculture a nd into a new property regime in which land was treated as personal and alienable property. These shifts in land tenure and land use occurred in the context of increasing levels of political subjugation. Foundations for Resistance Developments in Kalamansig But the transformations and adaptations did not occur without resistance on the part of the Manobo. To understand this resistance we ha ve to turn back the clock to pick up a strand of the Manobos history th at we have not yet discu ssed. World War II and the decades afterwards had brought the intrusion of the Philippine government, the settlers it encouraged to move from the northern and central islands, Muslim settlers, and M&S Company. However, the new political orde r also made possible the arrival of nongovernmental organizations. In 1953, Philippi ne President Ramon Magsaysay invited the Summer Institute of Linguistics (now known as SIL) to conduct linguistic research into the minority languages of the Philippines, transl ate literature into those languages, and

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120 promote vernacular literacy. As a result, SIL members Harland and Marie Kerr began work among the Manobo in 1955. The Kerrs were with the Manobo for only two years when they were reassigned to Papua Ne w Guinea, but during that time they made substantial progress in learning the Ma nobo language. (Harland Kerrs (1988) description of Manobo grammar remains an accurate and helpful introduction to the language.) Tom and Elnore Lyma n took the Kerrs place in 1957. One item the Kerrs and Lymans began transl ating was the New Testament. In the process, some of the Manobo came to see th e Creator in their traditional accounts as identical to the God of the New Testament. Among them were Ansen Utub and Pidal Utub, brothers who lived in the southern part of Kalamansig municipality. Ansen and Pidal adopted Christianity and convinced some of their kin to do the same, giving birth to a small but growing Manobo church. The chur ch was initially led by Ansen. When he died a few years later (apparently of cholera) the leadership was ta ken up by Pidal, who was recognized not only as pastol (Christian pastor) of th e community, but also as dat (traditional secular tribal leader). The group originally lived in a village named Kepisek, but when settlers began moving in and taking over their land, they moved to a new site named Sangay. Clay and Helen Johnston took up residence near the group when they arrived in 1963 to continue SILs earlier work with the Manobo. Ross a nd Ellen Errington joined the team in 1976, but took a location somewhat to the north, in Limulan. By this time, the Manobo who had reloca ted to Sangay were again having trouble with the arrival of yet more settlers, a nd asked the Johnstons for advice on how to respond. The Johnstons and Erring tons in effect suggested fli ght rather than resistance,

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121 recommending that the Manobo consider set tling in some place where there were no settlers nearby. Following these recommendations, Dat Pidal began looking for a place where he and his people could move. He made contact with another dat Nonoy Asuwang Tumanday, who lived in the mount ains above Kalamansig in a place called Belanga. Asuwang had also adopted Christiani ty and invited Pidal and his group to settle in Belanga, which they did in 1980. Belanga was thus essentially a religious colony, a feature which would prove signifi cant in its later development. In response to a request from the group, Ross and Ellen Errington recruited two women belonging to the Transl ators Association of the Ph ilippines (TAP) to take up residence in Belanga and introduce literacy and health care. Beth and Pacita Lbaro, both nurses, moved to Belanga in 1982 and began tr aining Manobo health workers and literacy teachers. Beth Lbaro later left, to be re placed by literacy specia list Mila Cagape in 1985. TAP also assigned workers to a locati on further east in Manobo territory in 1983, when Leoninda Guil-an Apang and Melita Bawaan took up residence in Kelusoy. Working together, these TAP and SIL personnel trained a large number of health workers and literacy teachers. They coordinated with the Philippine state, introducing those they trained to counterparts in government health and education offices. As a result of this contact with and support by an external NGO, the health workers and literacy teachers gained both respect from the government and enhanced standing within their communities. One example of the new respec t they gained is the clinic in Belanga, which was built in 1985 by a settler barangay councilor. The training of health workers also produced physical benefits, as in Belanga s initiation of vaccina tions in 1986. Pacita Lbaro arranged for them immediately after a measles epidemic. The medicine came

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122 from Dr. Salcedo in the Kalamansig governme nt, while the health workers administered the immunizations. Vaccinations for measles, DPT, tetanus, and polio, for children and pregnant women, have continued to the presen t. But quite apart from these material benefits, a new form of social organization was emerging that would begin to function in ways unanticipated by the SIL and TAP personnel who had introduced it. Developments in Lebak But first, events in the Kalamansig ar ea became interwoven with those in Lebak (Figure 5-2). The movement of Tiruray and settlers into Salangsang in the 1970s (p. 87) was displacing the original Manobo inhabita nts from their land. The Manobo in turn moved to Leman and then, in the late 1970s, to Elem (Figure 5-2). Manobo Christians from Limulan visited Elem in 1983 and explained the basics of Christianity to the people there. They visited Danu as well. They were received well in both places, and over a period of months several Manobo accepted Christianity, including Kans, the dat of Danu, and Meliton Belag, a leader in Elem. During this same period of time, settler s had increased in Limulan, where SIL members Ross and Ellen Errington had taken up residence; by 1983, there were very few Manobo remaining there. The men who had vi sited Elem suggested that the Erringtons move there. Taking their advice, the Erri ngtons built house there in 1986, and visited several times beforehand. While this was going on, the Manobo conti nued to contend with the increasing number of settlers. One locus of conflict was Ligoden, east of Ketudak (Figure 5-2). One of the men there, Mariano Capitan, heard about the church in El em and visited there to investigate what the church was teach ing. Mariano had learned to read in a government school, so Ross Errington invite d him to read the portions of the New

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123 Testament he had translated. Mariano found the words to be megenaw (cool and pleasant), and to fit well with the turmoil he was experiencing in Ligoden. He accepted Christianity and returned to Ligoden to share his new religion with relatives there. He was not initially well-received. However, Ma riano found that Christ ianity gave him the confidence to resist the settle rs who were oppressing the Manobo: I read Gods words. It was like they were cool, like shade. There was nothing hot in [them]. I kept on reading. . I carrie d Gods Word back and taught it in church. Thats where I had trouble. . All of the dat were against me, . including the barangay captain. . But because Gods Word was good, I kept on. . [The time came that] my relatives decided to accept what RDB [a high offi cial in M&S Co.] was teaching. . They all agreed [to the lumber companys proposal to take over and plant the Manobos land to trees, which the Manobo would then tend for wages], because it would be easy to get food that way. . But I said that the [companys] proposal didnt make sense to me so I couldnt agree. They said that my houselot would be planted to trees, but I said, Never mind. My eyes have been opened because of Gods Word. Look at the birds. They dont have a place to store rice. . But God takes care of them. . Even if I dont have a place to make a living, God will keep me alive. The barangay captain almost lashed out at me. . But soldiers arrived an d pointed their guns at him.75 Thanks! Because that was due to Gods help. And were here [alive]. Marianos relatives eventually came to accept Christianity, and a church was established in Ligoden. One may posit that the Manobo were motivated to adopt Christianity because of the material and political benefits they percei ved it would bring. However, such an interpretation represents an imposition of Western cultural categories on the Manobo. Like many indigenous peoples the Manobo have traditiona lly regarded religion to concern this life as least as much as the next. The beliyan (shamans) concerned themselves primarily with healing, not with teaching matters of faith or conduct that would determine an individuals fate in the afterlife. When mo ral principles were 75 Government soldiers who were not under the barangay captains command forced the barangay captain to back down and kept him from harming Mariano.

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124 explicitly taught it wa s frequently by the dat the political leaders, in the context of resolving disputes; moral conduct was con cerned more with maintaining harmony in society than with guaranteeing an individuals fate after death. The accounts given by my informants indicate that pastors were invol ved in addressing land rights from the very beginning. Ansun and Pidal, two of the very fi rst to adopt Christiani ty, were the spiritual and political leaders of the community that migrated to Belanga. They preached, prayed for the sick, settled disputes, and led their people in dealing with conflicts with the settlers and loggers. When the Manobo convert ed to Christianity, it appears that they retained their trad itional understanding of re ligion, and considered it appropriate for their new spiritual leaders to be c oncerned about matters of this world as well as the next. It is noteworthy that this involvement of religious lead ers in political issues is hardly limited to the Manobo. The social netw orks embedded in religious associations have been called on to mob ilize political action in a num ber of well-known instances, including the African-American civil rights mo vement in the US, Liberation Theology in Latin America, the Protestant Reformation, the American Revolution, and the now very high-profile role that Islam is taking in politics from northern Africa to Indonesia. Emergence of the Association of Manobo Bible Churches, Inc. By 1988, there were 75 Manobo churches, all led and taught by Manobo pastors who were using those portions of the New Testament that had been translated into Manobo. As the number of churches grew, the pastors became increasingly aware of their need for the Manobo churches to be recognized as legitimate by the govt. and by mainstream Philippine society. Part of the reason was to satisfy the demand of mainstream Philippine society for credentials; as in the United States and most places in the modern world, those who occupy positions of authority are expected to have formal

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125 education and official documents to attest to their position. Another reason was the presence in the Philippines of militaristic cult s, militias that relied on amulets to protect their members from harm. The Tadtad (so called from a word in the Cebuano language spoken by many settlers meaning to chop, due to cult members attacks on their enemies), comprised mostly of settlers, were known to be active in the area. Apparently the government was concerned that similar movements might become established among the indigenous peoples, evidenced by one Ti ruray informants report that the government had suppressed their traditional religious gather ings because of fear that the gatherings would lead the Tiruray to kill people. In order to become an officially recognized religious organization, the Manobo churches ap plied to the Philippine Securities and Exchange Commission and became a legally recognized corporation in 1988. The Association of Manobo Bible Churches Inc. (AMBCI), continued to expand. The usual process was that a Manobo community heard about the church and its literacy and health work in one village and asked the AMBCI to send them a pastor, literacy teacher, and health worker. As a church was established in that village and began health and literacy work, new villages heard about it and issued their own invitations. The AMBCI has now grown to 114 member churches. The AMBCIs Literacy and Health Programs The Manobos traditional view that religion concerns current life as much as the afterlife led to ready adoption by the emerging church of the social welfare functions of providing health care and teaching literacy. Ex amination of the workings of the literacy and health programs provides additional insight in to the network of civil associations that was emerging, associations that would eventu ally provide a foundati on for the pursuit of secure land tenure. One point is that a number of Manobo ad ults gained th e ability to

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126 read through the liter acy program. In the last six y ears alone, the program has held classes in 28 villages, gradua ting 641 in basic literacy and 1208 in advanced literacy. Annual figures in basic literacy were higher in earlier year s, when more of the adult population could not read. Informants in Belang a estimated that the literacy rate in that area for individuals from 15 through 50 years of age is about 80%. Th e literacy rate in the Elem area is probably similar. A group of middle-aged women (most premenopausal, and all with children) there reported that all of th em can read; all but one of their spouses could as well. They further re ported that few of the women in Elem cannot read, and that almost all of the me n in the church there are literate. A second point is that the literacy pr ogram was dependent on outside funding,76 and both literacy and health programs on out side training. Howeve r, the health and literacy programs utilized Manobo supervisor s who periodically vi sited the health workers and literacy teachers. AMBCI had a board of directors, in charge not only of the churches and pastors, but also given oversight of the literacy and health programs. Thus, AMBCI and its ministries result ed in a hierarchical networ k of linked leaders throughout much of Manobo territory. Further, the church was not in competition with the traditional leaders, but was generally respec ted by and worked in cooperation with the dat The network of civil associations was thus in touch with the Manobos political leaders, a fact that would prove important in succeeding years. Finally, while the majority of Manobo adults learned to read through the vernacular literacy program, government-operated schools al so played a part. As settlers intruded into new areas, the government established elem entary schools within a few years. Some 76 Funding has come from the Canadian International Development Agency and the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency.

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127 of the Manobo in those areas attended school. As a result, they not only learned to read, but also gained the cultural knowledge that would enable them to interact more effectively with mainstream Philippine society. The Role of Religion In attempting to understand the growth of the AMBCI, several factors are worth noting. First, the Philippine government has looked favorably upon the major variants of Christianity, including Roman Catholicism a nd most Protestant denominations. While I have never observed the government pr essing the Manobo to adopt any form of Christianity (or any other religion), seve ral Manobo have expressed that government officials accord them more resp ect now that the Manobo are iden tified as Christian. It is doubtful that this perception was a major mo tivation for adopting Christianity the governments approval would provide little benefit in everyday life but the governments favorable attitude may have reinforced religious choices made for other reasons. Secondly, while the government and Philip pine society in general endorses Christianity, the growth of the Ma nobo church seems best understood as religious resistance : adoption of a worldview that acknowle dged their worth and that gave them conceptual tools to respond to the pressures they were being subjected to. This was not subjugation, as the Manobo did not take on their conquerors religion; the Manobo adopted a generic Protestant Christianity, ra ther than the Roman Catholicism prevalent among the settlers. A major factor in this de velopment was likely th e availability of the New Testament in the Manobo language, and the absence of any external institution that

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128 wished to maintain control over the emerging church.77 Had either Roman Catholic or Protestant denominational missionaries chos en to use the vernacular and to endorse Manobo leadership and control of congregat ions, the religious history of the Manobo may have turned out differently. As it was, the AMBCI spread through a large portion of Manobo territory. As it did so, the church association not only preache d, but also taught literacy, provided health care, and addressed the everyda y concerns of the Manobo peopl e. In the process, the church movement gave rise to a number of leaders active in various domains and in frequent communication with one another. Th us the church movement had an impact far beyond the religious domain, as it produced the network of civil associations that would eventually give rise to coordinated political resistance the subject of the next chapter. 77 SIL personnel, while motivated by a personal Christian commitment, do not accept positions of authority in any ecclesiastical structure. The leadership of the Manobo chur ches was thus entirely indigenous.

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129 CHAPTER 7 BEGINNINGS OF RESISTANCE: 1989-1995 In previous chapters, we have traced the transformations in the Manobos social, economic, and political organization brought about by the intrusions of settlers and loggers, and have examined the emergence of civil associations that would become the foundation for the Manobos coordinated politic al efforts to obtain rights to their ancestral lands. We will now go on to examin e the emergence of religious resistance in Chapter 7, the subsequent transition to ec onomic resistance in Chapter 8, and the culmination in political resistance in Chapter 9. The emergence of political resistance among the Cotabato Manobo has been a gradual process, and one not fully anticipa ted by any of the par ties involved, including the members of SIL. The Erringtons, J ohnstons, and Kerrs had focused on linguistic analysis of the Manobo language, translati on, and vernacular literacy. Translators Association of the Philippines (TAP) member s Nida Guil-an Apang and Mila Cagape later guided the expans ion of the literacy pr ogram, while TAP nurses Melita Bawaan and Pacita Lbaro, along with SIL member Gret Kaiser Jordan, trained a number of Manobo as health care providers. Working together, they provide d the training for the Manobo to institute a community-based vernacular liter acy program and health care; translation of New Testament into the Manobo language le d to the esta blishment of Christian congregations and a church association. While these activities relig ion, literacy, and health ca re are often promoted by their providers and accepted by the recipi ents as good in and of themselves, the

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130 organizations that deliver and manage them can turn into loci of resistance, in that the people empowered through them come to unde rstand themselves as agents and not simply as objects. However, the progress of both empowerment and resistance may have greatly exceeded anything that SIL or TAP anticipated. This should not be anthropologically surprising. Organizations take on their own lives, particularly when they come under the increasing autonomous cont rol of local actors, as has clearly been the case of Manobo Christianity. As noted in the last chapte r, the Manobo churches had formed an association, the AMBCI, in response to the expectations of Philippine society and government. However, the AMBCI board was not concerned with onl y spiritual matters: local Manobo leaders asked the Erringtons if SIL could provid e someone to assist them in economic development. In response, the Erringtons invi ted my wife and me to join the project. We did so in 1989, with the unders tanding that we would be serving the Manobo in whatever areas of development they considered impor tant. The Manobos first interests were to raise fish (i.e., tilapia, Oreochromis niloticus ) in freshwater ponds and to grow irrigated rice; later interests were home gardens and conservation measures. We developed production methods appropriate to the Manobo s economic assets and infrastructure limitations and, working with language assistan ts, wrote manuals on those methods in the Manobo language. At my request, the AMBCI board of directors selected several men whom I trained as agricultural extensionists, who then taught these methods in their home areas. My focus at this point, though, is not on the training, or on the effectiveness or ineffectiveness of the extensi on program. What is signifi cant here is that the Manobo, through the church association, had organized to deliberatel y and cooperatively seek to

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131 advance their economic condition. Essentia lly, a religious orga nization had spawned economic resistance.78 This outcome may be surprising to observers who regard the secular and religious as separate domai ns, but was consistent with the Manobos traditional understanding of religion. However, the Manobos concerns were not just economic. The people with whom I spoke on a daily basis, and the church associ ation leaders, were al so deeply concerned about secure access to land and personal security The events of those years, related by a number of informants, show they had good cause79: 1989 A detachment of logging company gua rds was stationed near a high, short bridge over the Kedakelan River, be tween Lud and Kenalan. A Manobo man went to the detachment to ask a company employee for some tobacco, but failed to return to his home. One to two days la ter, two other Manobo went to find out what had happened to their companion; they al so failed to return home. Things continued like this until eight Manobo had gone to the detachment; all had been detained by the guards. The eight were th en led out to the bridge mentioned. One by one, each one was shot on the bridge and al lowed to fall into the river. Settlers later told the Manobo what had happened. late 1980s or early 1990s M&S Co. guard s were conducting an operation in Tagbaken, near Tubak. Around 5 AM, th e guards opened fire on a group of Manobo clustered around a fire. One woman fell into the fire and could not get out, and was burned and died. Others of the group were also killed or wounded. 1991 Two Manobo men, Lagbed Capitan and Lepeng Sabil, were on a trail from Dapulan to Mepayag to get their rice, wh ich they had harvested, during a time that some M&S guards were conducting an opera tion. The two men were never seen again. Shortly thereafter, company guards boasted to the Manobo that they had killed two big pigs. The Manobo discovere d blood on rocks below a deep pool in 78 Some may object that resistance is too strong a term to apply to matters of mere livelihood. It is noteworthy, though, that societies actively respond to pressures upon them in many different domains. By labeling such response resistance only when it occurs in the political realm, we overlook the fact that groups may learn to resist in one area and then go on to resist in the area of politics. It therefore seems more accurate to label all active response as resis tance, especially in cases where resistance in one domain leads to resistance in the political realm. 79 The land rights history related in this chapter is drawn from interviews and meetings of land rights leaders, dat and Manobo and Tiruray church association leaders and pastors, mostly from June 2005 through October 2006, supplemented by notes from observations and conversations from earlier years.

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132 the Kulaman River, near where the men were last seen. The guards boast, coupled with the blood discovered near the Kula man River, convince the Manobo that the guards seized and shot the men and then th rew their bodies into the Kulaman River. 1991 During another operation by M&S guards near Tinapawan, Uweg Fernando Palisan, with his wives and ch ildren, and Amay Atit were traveling by foot when they realized that guards were coming. They hid, but the guards discovered and shot and killed Amay Atit. 1992 The M&S Co. sought to expel the Ma nobo from the village of Pok Wayeg because the Manobo were farming in an area the company was claiming under an Industrial Forest Management Agreement (IF MA). The guards th reatened that if the people did not leave the village in fifteen days that they would return and shoot them. Some village leaders requested he lp from the mayor of Lebak, who wrote a letter to the vice governor, who in turn wrot e a letter to company guard chief, telling him not expel the Manobo. When the Manobo leaders delivered the letter to M&S Companys chief guard he expresse d considerable anger toward the two leaders, but did not attempt to expel the Manobo from Pok Wayeg. 1992 The Manobo in the Elem area sought to have the government open an elementary school there. The local office for the Dept. of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) recommended asking M&S to release the entire village site from its logging concession so that DENR could convert it to an Integrated Social Forestry (i.e., community forestry) area. The residents of Elem petitioned M&S Co. accordingly, with the document signe d by the heads of households in the village and five Manobo having official gove rnment titles. One resident donated land for the school. After several months of negotiations with various government offices, the Department of Education, Culture, and Sports (DECS) opened the school in time for the 1992-93 school year. However, M&S Co. never released the area of Elem from its concession. 1992 The Manobo leaders in the Elem area wrote to Victor Consuji, owner of M&S Co., requesting to meet with him to discuss ways to minimize conflict with the company due to its establishment of an Industrial Tree Plantation on Manobo farmland. The letter was accompanied by a census of those with farms in the area where the company intended to establis h the plantation, an area which included seven villages: Elem, Selaban Telan, Tumbaga, Migtuduk, Pok, Kiyumu, and Apaen. 1992 DENR issued Industrial Forest Plantation Management Agreement No. 020 to M&S Co. The agreement leased 11,835 ha of public forest land to M&S Co. for 25 years, with the possibility of renewal fo r another 25 years, to provide timber and non-timber products for domestic industries a nd export. As part of the agreement, the company was to plant 30% of area w ithin two years and 100% within five years, and to protect the area from forest fires. No re nt would be collected during the first five years, one-half peso per hect are per year for the next five years, and one peso per hectare per year thereafter. (O ne peso is equivalent to two US cents.)

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133 With the daily wage being P7080 when the Manobo can find paying employment the most the company will pay to rent a hectare of land one year is only 1/70th of a Manobos daily wage. 1992 Without either informing the reside nts or asking their permission, M&S Co. began planting the farmland around the vi llage of Elem to timber species ( bagras ( Eucalyptus deglupta ), gmelina ( Gmelina arborea ), and Acacia mangium ). A step forward in that regard came in 1992, which also saw some growth in local government recognition of the Manobo. Th e AMBCI submitted a petition to the government requesting several improvements fo r the village of Danu (a water project, church building, school buildi ng, and medicine and rice), signed by Danu leaders. Although the request was not granted, the peti tion itself constituted a watershed in Manobo relations with the outside world. Th e submission of the letter marked a new confidence on the Manobos part that they could approach the government. While the AMBCI began as a religious organization, it had developed in a manner consistent with the Manobos traditional pragmatic this-world ly orientation toward the functions of religion. Having begun with primarily relig ious concerns, it had progressed to the organization of local economic development proj ects, and then taken a further step into institutional assertiveness and approaching the government itself. There was a functional expansion from religion, to micro-economics to politics. As each new function was embraced, the earlier functi ons continued unabated. More significantly, Lebak Mayor Sergio Sabio invited the Manobo to select a Manobo municipal councilman, and the leaders of 24 villages sent a letter in reply selecting Ulin Capitan as their choice. Late r that year, the reside nts of several Manobo 80 If one weeds another's field now, he will earn P50-60 pe r day, and be fed twice. Alternatively, if he is paid in rice, he will receive 1 sup of rice, which is worth P70. If he does not wish to be fed, he will receive P70 cash. (Information fr om Elem residents Ador Apang, Lisitu Kalabaw, and Boy Timuway, September 2006.)

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134 villages in Lebak petitioned the municipal counc il to ask that their villages be designated as a new, predominantly Manobo barangay to be named Native Land. While that barangay has never materialized, the petition was one more step in a growing dialogue between the Manobo and the Philippine govern ment. The Manobo were still politically weak, but they were becoming more asse rtive and receiving a growing hearing. Even so, while there were some advances, they were far outweighed by the growing personal dangers and land insecuri ty due to the behavior of the logging company. In May of 1993, the church associati on board of directors made contact with a Philippine non-governmental organization (NGO81) named the Philippine Agency for Intercultural Development (PAFID) that has assisted a number of Philippine indigenous peoples to secure rights to their ancestral lands.82 (Significantly, the AMBCIs letter to PAFID was signed by not only the board of directors, but also by Manobo leaders holding positions in local government.) PAFID helps indigenous peoples in understanding and navigating the complex a nd protracted process of obtaining land rights. Some of their personnel visited the Manobo area in 1993 to assist the Manobo and Tiruray in drawing up the documents and maps needed to apply to DENR for a for a Certificate of Ancestral Doma in Claim (CADC), a document that gives a group collective rights to the use of an area for 25 years and that may be renewed.83 The CADC has yet to 81 Scholars and activists in the Philippines distinguish between governmental organizations (GOs), nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and peoples organizations (POs). A peoples organization is comprised of those residing within the community, while a non-governmental organization is comprised of outsiders. NGOs may be further distinguished by whether they operate internationally (international NGOs, or INGOs) or only within the countr y in question (national NGOs, or NNGOs). 82 For further information on PAFID, see their we bsite, http://www.iapad.org/pafid/about_staff.html. 83 The CADC arrangement is essentially identical to what is identified in the United States as a reservation, except that its continued existence is not guaranteed. Whether that difference becomes important in practice remains to be seen.

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135 be approved, but the Manobo had other successes. One of the AMBCI board wrote DENRs national director conc erning M&S, with the result that the company temporarily stopped logging and planting trees on th e Manobos farmland. In Kalamansig, representatives from severa l Manobo villages, accompanie d by PAFID personnel, asked the mayor to halt the companys efforts to plan t their village areas to gmelina trees, and the Manobo prevailed. However, the incursi ons continued. In 1993, DENR surveyed the land around Elem, without consulting the Ma nobo. When residents asked for an explanation, the agency replied that th ey were surveying for a road. The Manobo question the reliability of that answ er, though, for soon afterward M&S Company conducted its own survey and began planti ng the farmland around Elem to eucalyptus trees. When one of the Manobo leaders wrote the company to request them to suspend planting, the manager replied that DENR had approved the planting and the company would not stop. The company also persisted in abuses against the Manobo, cutting down Manobos banana and coffee groves and burni ng Manobos houses in three villages. The next major institutional watershed came when Manobo petitions finally began bearing fruit, as the outside world began to listen. In 1994, a Fact Finding Team comprised of representatives from severa l government offices, NGOs, and some Manobo leaders visited the Manobo area to investigate repo rts the Manobo had filed of abuse by the logging company. Manobo attending the he arings noticed that company employees were recording the names of those who we re most vocal in denouncing the company; soon afterward, the company security force was reportedly hunting for some of the AMBCI and literacy program leaders, who went into hiding to protect their lives. The company also reportedly threatened PAFID pe rsonnel. DENRs head issued a temporary

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136 order suspending M&S Co.s logging and planting. The company stopped planting timber species and threw out their timber s eedlings, but began planting coffee and mango instead. At the same time, the companys abuses continued. Informants relate that in one village, the companys security chief accu sed a Manobo man of burning a field, and in response ordered the mans house burned down and struck the man in the face with his rifle butt, breaking some of his teeth. In May of 1995, the AMBCI applied for a CADC (cf. p. 134) on behalf of all the Manobo. It was at this point that anothe r major shift occurred: DENR and PAFID directed the Manobo to form five secular or ganizations, one for each municipality, to pursue their land rights. DENR and PAFID argued that this would protect the church association from becoming a target of those objecting to changes in land tenure, and that the formation of a separate land rights a ssociation for each municipality would keep problems in one municipality from delayi ng the governments approval of the Manobos land rights for the entire area. At this point, then, pursuit of land ri ghts passed from the AMBCI to other Manobo associations. Yet before continuing with the account, several points s hould be noted. It was the church association, rather than an e xplicitly political organization, that first sought land rights on behalf of the Manobo people. Part of the explanation for this is that the Manobo consider religion to deal with the here-and-now as well as the otherworld or afterlife. Also significant though, is that the social ca pital established in civil associations was giving rise to political action. The litera cy, health care, and church networks associated with the AMBCI had de veloped a higher degree of coordination and centralization: the literacy a nd health programs now had supe rvisors, and the churches

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137 were united under the AMBCI. Furthermore, the AMBCI had accepted oversight of the literacy and health programs and had launche d an agricultural exte nsion program. The Manobos scattered villages had become increasingly linked through the growing network of civil associations, made possible in large measure by widespread adoption of a version of Christianity that eschewed violence. Amicable relations between the religious and secular leaders reinforced th e emerging network of relationships. The AMBCI board had included Manobo government o fficials in their land rights efforts and were working in cooperation with them. And, when told that land ri ghts would have to be pursued through secular associations, the AMBCI readily turned over that task. An effective foundation had been laid for th e emergence of political resistance.

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138 CHAPTER 8 INTERNAL DYNAMICS: THE INTERPLA Y OF SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND RESISTANCE The central focus of this dissertation is on the Manobos efforts to obtain land rights and on the interplay between the institu tions they have developed for that purpose and the social, economic, and political cont ext produced by powerful external forces namely, the Philippine government, and the settlers and logging company whose presence it has facilitated. In the previous chapter we traced the emergence of political resistance from the foundations laid in civ il associations. We will go on to examine the culmination of this process in the next ch apter. However, as we have seen, the emergence of resistance is a historical pro cess, with later organizations arising from relationships established in an tecedent associations. And, just as organizations inherit antecedent relationships, they also inherit the roles and patterns of interaction accompanying those relationships. Hence, in order to elucidate the mechanisms by which the Manobo are mobilizing resistance and which are at work among other indigenous peoples in similar circumstances we will pause to examine the Manobos civil organizations and take note of the factors that facilitated or obstructed their function. We will begin with the Manobo church association.

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139 Association of Manobo Bible Churches84 Prior to the arrival of settlers and the logging company, gatherings among the Manobo were limited in their complexity. On those few occasions when one dat called other dat to join him to help decide a partic ularly difficult case, he provided the food needed from his own personal hospitality. Wh en larger numbers of people came together for weddings and funerals, the food needed was provided and cooked by close kin. There were also occasional raiding pa rties, but the participants cam e from a small geographical area and the parties were disbanded once th e raid was over. In contrast, the Manobo church association contains 114 congregati ons scattered over four municipalities. Dealing with the affairs of such a large and wide-spread organization has required the Manobo to develop social mechanisms absent from their traditional individualist social organization. The Associations pastor training sessions are a primary factor driving the need for new social mechanisms. Twice each year, the pastors gather together for a seminar of three to five days, taught by th e board members and other senior pastors. These seminars play a significant role in the development of networks among the Manobo, as they are the primary means for communication between the widely-separated board members, pastors, and congregations. Beyond this, though, the seminars have necessitated significant coordination. The teachers consu lt with each other to plan for the next seminars topics and assign who will teach what. Providing meals for those attending requires the board to arrange for cooks, coll ect fees from the pastors, buy the food, and manage the supplies once they have been bought The seminars also provide an occasion 84 The information on the Manobo church association is taken from interviews of the board of directors and selected members during Ja nuary and September, 2006.

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140 for board meetings and general meetings of th e pastors. Thus, the seminars have resulted in a distinct increase in coor dination over traditiona l culture. However, the transition has not been entirely smooth. The teaching usua lly is planned ahead of time. However, pastors frequently arrive several hours or a day after the seminar has begun, and seminar teachers sometimes arrive late as well. Provisions are especially problematic. The seminar fee, set by the pastors general mee ting, has been P100 for several years, but the average contribution is about P30. Contributions vary wide ly, with a few pastors giving the entire fee and several givi ng nothing. The treasurer usually does not arrive till shortly before the seminar starts, so those buying supplies cannot prepare beforehand. Lack of supplies has on several occasions led the board to end the seminar a day early. The board and pastors have discussed the problems with seminar funding several times, but no remedy has been reached, other than to reiterate that everyone needs to pay. The AMBCI has taken several approaches to finances over the years. In 1990, soon after the association was registered, the pastors in a general meeting decided that each church would contribute a nnual dues of P1 per member, and would also give P100 toward a dedication ceremony for the new o ffice building. A number of congregations gave what the pastors had committed to. However, after questions arose over management of the funds for the office build ing, contributions stead ily decreased. The association also began having pr oblems with transporting cont ributions to the treasurer. Transportation in the area is very expensiv e, so congregations found it impractical to carry their contributions directly to the trea surer. Instead, they would give them to a board member or senior past or who happened to be passi ng through and ask that person to convey the funds to the tr easurer. That sometimes took weeks or months, and the

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141 funds often ended up being used for some A ssociation expenses by a local board member before reaching the treasurer. Consequently, the Association of ten had little in the way of funds, decisions were being made without the approval of the assembled board of directors, and some Association members we re suspicious about how funds were being handled. In 1999, the pastors ag reed that each church woul d contribute annual dues of P1 per member plus P100 per church, and appoint ed a fee collector fo r each municipality who would give the fees to th e Association treasurer at the next seminar. Success was only partial: about one-third of the churches gave the pe r-member or per-congregation contribution, or both. One factor that may have contributed to arousing members doubts regarding the AMBCIs funds is a lack of transparency. Some boards (elections are usually held every two years) failed altogether to make fina ncial reports to the general meetings. The pastors debated the matter agai n in another meeting in 2005; suggestions included having each congregation give 10% of its income to the Association, having each member give P5, having each church give P500, and re-instating the original rule of every member giving P1 and every congreg ation giving P100. The pastors finally decided to return to the origin al rule. The congregations seem to have had some success in meeting their commitment; half a year late r, about half of them had made the permember or per-church contribution, or both. As mentioned earlier, co mmunication in the Manobo area is difficult. The seminars provide far more opportunity for face-to-face discussion than did the small and occasional gatherings of the traditional cult ure, but the board members and pastors have found this level of communication to be inad equate. However, there are substantial obstacles to improvement. Villages are far apart and travel by foot is time-consuming.

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142 Public motorized transporta tion is available on the few roads through Manobo territory, but is very expensive in terms of the Manobos income; a round-trip to even nearby villages can easily cost a days income. Th ere are no telephone lines in the area. Cell phones have started to appear but are expensive, and the hill y terrain makes it difficult to obtain a connection. To deal with th e communication problem, the AMBCI board decided they would like to purchase three motorcycles with which the board members could visit member churches. The motorcyc les would be owned by the Association and operated as taxis whenever not used by the board members, thus generating income for the Association. Funds for the motorcycles purchase would come from some foundation. No donor has been found, so the plan has never been put into practice. What is significant, however, is th e concept of obtaining resour ces to meet the groups needs not from member churches but from some other source (in this case, from taxi fares and an outside donation). The Association has ha d other such plans. As early as 1991, some of the pastors, literacy teachers, health work ers, and extension agents made contributions to start a cooperative store in Elem, though th e store was never opened. In the fall of 2005, the pastors decided in a general meeti ng that they would establish cooperative projects in each of the villa ges where they usually have seminars. Income from the projects would then pay for their food when seminars came around. Each pastor was to contribute P500 at the fall 2006 seminar, when they would build a fi shpond in the village where they would meet. However, the semi nar came and went in October 2006 with only one pastor making a contribution. Generalizing from these accounts, the Asso ciation has tried three approaches to obtaining operating funds: relyi ng on contributions from its member churches, soliciting

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143 funds from outside agencies, a nd setting up income-generating pr ojects. So far, the last two approaches have been unsuccessful, while the Association has had variable success with the first. The Manobo church associ ation has ended up managing not only group funds, but also tangible group property. The lit eracy and health programs had, in various ways, acquired a few carabao and horses during the 1980s and 1990s. The literacy teachers and health workers decided that there would be fewer questions about the animals if they were placed under the AMBC Is jurisdiction. In 1999, the board debated what to do with the animals. They decide d to keep the animals and use them on a groupowned farm, even though this would mean ha ving to manage corporate property. While this is a significant departure from Indivi dualist social organization, the board maintains only an incomplete knowledge of how the farm is progressing and of the disposition of income from it. In this matter, the AMBCI has not yet fully transitioned to managing the animals as group property. The Manobo church association has demonstr ated a sustained in terest in obtaining the advantages of corporate organization. It has maintained itself without outside financing or control. But, it has also experienced signifi cant problems in its financial affairs. Part of this can be attributed to the expense of tran sportation and lack of telephone service. However, the lack of tran sparency, the limited financial contributions from member churches, and the continued inte rest in seeking income from outside the membership are better explained by observi ng that the Associations leaders and members have only a limited commitment to group (that is, to group-ness). In short, the emergence of a new level of far-flung inte rcommunity coordination has automatically

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144 engendered the need for mechanisms of f und raising and fund management, a transition that will be familiar to students of NGO deve lopment in other settings as well. Other Civil Associations A number of other civil a ssociations developed alongsid e the AMBCI. Some, such as the literacy program and netw ork of clinics, had an offici al relationship. Others had no official relationship, but in a society that did not draw a sh arp distinction between sacred and secular, were frequently initiated by bot h religious and secular leaders. We will examine several of these groups, beginning w ith some in which SIL or TAP played a significant role, and going on to other associ ations in which there was minimal or no outside involvement. Agricultural Extension After my wife and I joined SILs Ma nobo team in 1989, the first thing the Manobo approached us for was help in learning how to produce tilapia ( Oreochromis niloticus ) in freshwater fishponds. Using several sour ces on aquaculture, I designed a production system that relied on few external inputs, wr ote a training manual, and with the help of two Manobo men, Ador Apang and Meliton Belag, translated it into the Manobo language. The Municipal Agriculture Office in Lebak provided us with fingerlings on two occasions, in mid-1990 and again in mi d-1991. In each case, those who had built fishponds gathered in Elem for the fingerlings to arrive and then quickly transported them to their ponds. The approach at this point was highly informal. At my request, the ABMCI board chose nine men to be trained as agricultural extension agents; their first seminar was in May 1991. In contrast to th e literacy and health programs, which had relied on funding from external sources a nd had supervisors who were to visit the practitioners, the extension program was desi gned to be consistent with Individualist

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145 social organization (cf. pp. 15-18). The livelihood teachers occasionally taught their neighbors how to build and manage fishponds, but there were no organized classes, no payment of teachers,85 and no active management of the extension effort. Even so, fishponds began to spread (Table 8-1). The next farming technique the Manobo we re interested in was irrigated rice production. The Manobo have grown rice fo r generations no one can remember hearing of a time they had not but have grown the crop as upland rice, depending on natural rainfall. They knew that most Filipinos grow rice using irrigation and wanted to adopt the technique, so asked if we could help them to learn how. As with the fishponds, I consulted several published sources on rice production, devised a system that minimized external inputs, wrote a training ma nual, and with the help of Ador Apang and Anduy Nayam translated the manual into Ma nobo. The manual was published in 1993 and made available through th e literacy program. The live lihood teachers began using it to teach their neighbors how to build and manage basakan (rice paddies), while some farmers read and followed the manual on their own. As with the fishponds, there was no organized effort to teach irrigated rice production, but the technique spread (Table 8-2 and Table 8-3). The extension program had been designed to be consistent with an Individualist social organization, in which individuals ma y cooperate for brief periods of time for defined purposes but establish no on-going stru ctures. Teachers were not expected to establish or adhere to a fixe d schedule of classes (indivi dual farmers arranged training 85 The training manual explained that the livelihood teachers were not paid and were not asking for payment, but also suggested that if trainees benefited fr om the teachers training th at they share a portion of the benefit they reaped. The livelihood teachers report ed that they did receive so me thank-you gifts, such as occasional portions of a fishpond harvest.

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146 with a particular exte nsion agent for whenever it was convenient for both parties), and there were no supervisors who had to regularly visit the teachers. Consistent with the non-hierarchical nature of Indi vidualist societies, relationshi ps were peer-to-peer; there was no expectation of accountabil ity to supervisor. Avoidance of funding made this even easier, as there were no funds th at had to be accounted for, either to funding agencies or to the teachers neighbors. Avoidance of funding also fit a still heavily cash-free economy. The livelihood teachers were not paid, but were instead recompensed on an informal, in-kind basis, very much as the make r of a basket is not paid by the recipient, but can eventually expect some kindness in return.86 Tables Table 8-1 Table 8-3 suggest the result of accommodating the extension program to the Manobos culture. There is no control, where the exact same techniques were promoted to communities of essentially identical culture by different approaches (e.g., promoting communal fishponds with mandatory labor by all in the village, or the establishment of a hierarchi cal and heavily structur ed extension network), so statistical analysis of the results is not possible. Even so, the survey data demonstrate that fishponds and irrigate d rice culture attained notew orthy adoption without the establishment of a typical extension progr am, suggesting that accommodation of the program to Manobo culture was an effective approach, and that consideration of a groups social organization could make deve lopment efforts more effective in other cultures as well. 86 The teachers also received informal compensation in th e form of increased status ((i.e., standing within the group; traditionally called rank in anthropology); I often heard them referred to by other residents of their villages as Mistelu (Teacher).

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147 Elem Clinic As noted before, SIL and TAP had establ ished literacy and health programs among the Manobo. When we joined SILs work with the Manobo, our SIL and TAP colleagues expected my wife and me to help those programs become fully community-based, meaning that they would be conducted, gove rned, and funded by the communities they served. Our experiences with the Elem-ar ea health workers helped to reconfirm the Individualist nature of Manobo society and th e value of fitting programs to the societys social organization. In 1991, the health wo rkers in Elem, Bitogen, and Danu decided to establish a group agricultural proj ect to generate income for th eir clinics. They chose to grow a field variety of maize in Danu, which is located along a road, and sell the grain. Travel between Danu and the other two villages at that time was usually by foot and took two to three hours. Thus, it wa s evident that not all the heal th workers could participate in growing the crop, but they decided to go ahead with the group venture, evidently deciding they could make more money th rough cooperation than through individual effort. The funds to start the project were provided by a church in the United States. The leadership of the project appears to ha ve been diffuse, shared between a health worker living in Danu and a health worker s upervisor living in Elem Danu-area health workers contributed labor, but the project also paid non-heal th workers for a variety of services, such as plowing. In the end, the project made a negativ e profit, losing 17% of its starting capital. The immediate causes of the losses were high expenses for labor, food for participating health workers, and see d, and having to pay a portion of the crop to the land-owner. However, the more fundamental problem was loose management. It appeared that far less oversight was given to the group project than was typical for privately owned crops. The following year, th e health workers decided that coffee would

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148 be more profitable than field maize. They used the remaining capital to obtain a coffee grove in Danu and did make some harvests from it. However, almost all of the income was borrowed by various members of the group. The project was dissolved at the end of 1995 with partial repayment of the loans, mi nimal profit, and confused bookkeeping. As with the earlier maize crop, group ownership of the project had failed to produce income for the clinics, and had even failed to benef it all the participants individually. It was evident that the health workers expected some benefit from cooperating with each other, but the corporate group-ownership approach had failed. This observation led my wife and me to consider the workings of the clinics themselves. When TAP nurses Pacita Lba ro, Melita Bawaan, and Diolia Galorport trained the health workers and helped them establish clinics, the explicit understanding with the villages leaders and residents was that the clinics were village enterprises, owned and under the control of the village, though staffed by the health workers (who were also village residents). The clinics were thus corporate affairs. Unfortunately, they usually had little medicine on hand and were owed large amounts by patients who had been treated but never paid for their medicine. The clinic in Elem serves as an example. The building had been constructed by Regist ered Nurse Gret Kaiser Jordan, an SIL member who lived in Elem from 1987 th rough 1989 and trained six health workers during that time. After her de parture the clinic was staffed by the health workers she had trained. The medicine they used was origina lly provided by Jordan, but patients were to pay for both the medicine and treatment so that the medical supplies could be replenished. By the time my wife and I arri ved in 1989, the clinic seldom had medicine on hand. We talked with people in the villag e about the situation, but continued to have

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149 difficulty understanding the situation un til we studied the Manobos general social organization in 1991, followed by examination of their agricultural system in 1994. The results of those studies (Fraiser and Fr aiser 1991) showed Manobo usually acted as Individualists. We discussed this percepti on with the Manobo Health workers and later with the entire community. In October of 1994, the Health workers and community decided to privatize the clin ic. Instead of a single villa ge-owned clinic, there would now be six individual clinics, each owned by the Health workers running it. Pricing of medicine would continue to be subject to v illage control, to prevent any health worker from asking an exorbitant amount. However, each health worker would maintain his (or her) own stock of medicine and would manage his own funds. In January, 1995 (residents are still receiving income from coffee sales during January, so could pay their debts), each of the health workers collected the debts he had permitted or made up the difference from personal funds, and the health workers purchased medicine and divided it equally among themselves. The clinic had essentially been transformed from a partnership with six equal member s to six separate enterprises. The results were mixed. By September of 1995, none of the health workers had medicine on hand; all of it had been dispen sed to patients on credit. However, once coffee season (typically November through January) arrived, so me of the health workers were able to collect the debts owed them, bought new medicine, and treated patients until the end of coffee season, at which point they again dispensed medi cine on credit and ceased to function. Observation of small hous efront stores in the village followed the same pattern. The stores functioned and ran a profit during coffee season, sold their stock on credit at the end of the season, and then collected the de bts owed them and

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150 reopened the following coffee seas on. The clinics, like the pr ivately run village stores, went dormant during the low-cash months, but functioned again during coffee season. Accommodation to the societys current soci al organization produced a health system that did not fully meet either the Manobos or TAPs or SILs desire s, but that was far more effective than what had been produced using a corporate (i.e., organized group) approach. While adapting the health care program to the Manobos traditional social organization has evidently been more effec tive, recent events s uggest that the Manobo continue to be interested in capturing the advantages of greater coordination. While I was in Elem in June of 2005, Sulutan Edod Na yam suggested that th e village return to having a single clinic. The clinic had been privatized almost twel ve years earlier and, though the health workers occasionally had medicine an improvement over the performance of the village-owne d clinic village residents wa nted better hea lth services. In a village meeting, the residents decided to rebuild the clinic building and elected officers for the new clinic, who would overs ee its operation. Some of the residents disassembled the old clinic, with the intent of using the materials to construct a new and smaller building. However, it became apparent that most of the materials had deteriorated too far to be re used. As of November 2006, the new clinic was still unbuilt. The carpenters did not have the wood and metal roofing needed, and no one among the health workers or elected project leaders had spoken to the residents to ask for contributions. It appears that the soci al costs of cooperation overshadowed the immediate benefits.

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151 Fruit Trees I described earlier the establishment of the agricultural extension program and the results of designing programs in a manner th at takes into account the absence in Manobo society of traditions of sustained supra-hous ehold coordination. The approach resulted in the spread of both tilapia production and irrigated rice culture among the Manobo; however, the rate of adoption varied from one region or t echnique to another between areas and techniques, despite these being me thods in which the Manobo had expressed an interest. Discussions with the extension ag ents revealed that overly hilly topography made fishponds and rice paddi es impractical in many place s. Another technique the Manobo had been interested in was SALT (s loping agricultural land technology), a system in which nitrogen-fixing hedges are pl anted on the contour in cropland at intervals designed to minimize soil erosion; the hedges in turn provide nitrogen and organic matter to the soil. However, while experiment s had shown the system provided very good returns to both labor and capital elsewhere in the Philippines, due to increased yields, the start-up costs were too high to make it practic al for the cash-poor Manobo to adopt. It was evident that if the Manobo were to improve their standard of living, other techniques or enterprises would be needed. In 1 995, I visited the villages where the livelihood teachers were active to ask the residents wh at activities they thought would be both promising and realistic. Each of the villages I visited expressed an interest in growing tree fruits. I was skeptical at first: tree fr uits in the Philippines are highly profitable but also perishable, and roads were distant fr om most villages a nd not always open. However, the farmers were certain they coul d transport their produce to the road and if need be to market by animal, or on their own backs. The livelihood teachers and I therefore proceeded to investigate how the Manobo could obtain the trees they wanted.

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152 As in the case of promoting fishponds a nd irrigated rice culture, the fruit tree program was designed to fit an Individuali st society: there would be no sustained structures of cooperation and no hierarchy, but there would be temporary cooperation among peers for a single purpose. We would buy the seedlings as a group, to minimize transportation costs per tree and obtain a better price. However, each farmer would select what he wanted to plant, pay for his own trees, and plant them on his own property. The trees had to be planted at the beginning of th e rainy season (the end of April) to ensure they would be well established before the dr y season began, but mone y was scarce at that time, though available during coffee harvest (N ovember-January). Hence, the livelihood teachers and I would visit the villages taking pa rt in the program during January to collect farmers payments and place them in a bank account in Kalamansig (several signatures would be required for withdrawal, to guard against embezzlement and suspicion), and then buy the trees in early Ap ril, right before planting. The next task was to find a good source of fruit tree seedlings. I contacted the government agricultural offices in three municipalities (Kalamansig, Lebak, and Sen. Ninoy Aquino) to ask if they could sell frui t trees at a reduced cost. Kalamansigs Municipal Agriculture Officer (MAO; the same abbreviation is used for both the office and the officer) Orlando Tongcua suggested the farmers form a cooperative to interface with the MAO, but was very willing to obtain seedlings from a government nursery outside the province at a much lower cost th an available locally. Tongcua told us the price for each kind of tree. The livelihood t eachers collected the farmers payments in January 1996 and deposited them in a bank in Kalamansig. The MAO in turn ordered the trees we were asking for and cared for them in their own nursery until April, when we

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153 paid for the trees. Kalamansig Mayor Me inardo Concha provided a dump truck to transport the trees to two sepa rate villages, from which the participants carried them to their farms. The only external funding was P200 from SIL given to the Kalamansig government to help pay for fuel for the dump truck. Fifteen farmers from eight villages municipality bought 210 trees that year and planted them on their own land (Table 8-4). Several Manobo asked to repeat the project the next year. That time, the MAO in Sen. Ninoy Aquino was also able to obtain tr ees for the Manobo. (The MAO in Lebak had also planned to obtain fruit trees, but was unable to when the municipal budget was not approved.) As before, funds were coll ected in January and deposited in a bank (I helped the livelihood teachers in Sen. Ni noy Aquino municipality open a bank account there), purchases were made in April, the MAOs obtained the trees, and the mayors provided transportation. In 1997, 184 farmers in 18 villages, over two municipalities, bought 1,499 fruit trees. Each farmer paid for th e trees he had selected and planted them on his own land. Unexpected weather caused problems af ter the second planting. An El Nio occurred during 1998, and the resulting drought killed roughly one-half of the trees planted in 1997. I expected that the participants mi ght be discouraged by the frustrations of their efforts, but farmers I talked with we re instead encouraged th at some of the trees had survived. Even with the damage cau sed by the drought, many farmers had obtained fruit trees they could expect to provide im proved income in the future. Accommodating the program to the Manobos Individualist social structure pursuing short-term cooperation while avoiding crea ting an institution or proced ure that would require on-

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154 going cooperation had enabled the Manobo to obtain a goal that was beyond the practical scope of individual action. Belanga Literacy Program The projects in these three areas promotion of fishponds and irrigated rice culture, provision of village-level health care, and obtaining fruit tr ee seedlings were designed to fit Individualist social coope ration. 87 Ownership and control were kept at the individual level, avoiding the creation of structures that would require on -going cooperation and hierarchy. This enabled the projects to achieve their goals, while simultaneously avoiding creating organizations unlikely to continue or to function without outside involvement. At the same time, the projects re inforced the social st anding of the health workers and livelihood teachers and added to the civil relationships that could be utilized for purposes of political resistance. TAPs literacy program in the Manobo village of Belanga evinced a greater level of cooperation. When funding from the Canadi an International Deve lopment Agency that the literacy program depended on to pay the teachers and supervisors became uncertain, the literacy teachers in Belanga instituted an in-kind regist ration fee for their students. Through this, the literacy teachers obtained ten bundles of green onions, which they used to start a literacy komun (cooperative). They multiplied the onions over a few seasons, finally selling the crop for P4000, which they used to buy a coffee grove of about 0.25 ha. They made a share-cropping arrangement with a village resident, who weeds the grove and picks and dries the coffee, in return for which he receives one-half of the coffee he 87 The information on the Belanga literacy program co mes from a focus group of Belanga literacy teachers and supervisors, and an interview of Mila Cagape, TAP literacy specialist, both conducted in February, 2005.

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155 harvests. The literacy teachers have used the income to provide books for the literacy program. The trees have now gotten old and many have died from an invasive vining weed, but the grove produced significant funds for the prog ram for several years. The literacy teachers plan to repla ce the trees and continue the komun Several factors appear to have contribut ed to the greater level of cooperation demonstrated in the Belanga literacy c ooperative. First, a group of Manobo had established the village as essent ially a religious colony (cf. pp. 119-121); this explicit ideological uniformity may have led to fewer tensions and greater cooperation. Furthermore, the original pastordat (Dat Pidal Utub) and his successor as pastor (Salab Utub) have both been well respected by the villagers and have led by working to build consensus. Finally, the members of TAP who lived there from 1982 through 1993, Pacita Lbaro and Mila Cagape, left direction of local activi ties to village leaders while mentoring them in the management of those activities. Associations with Minimal Outside Involvement We now turn to consider another category of civil associations, namely, those that were solely or primarily unde r the control of the Manobo. Wh ile these groups were, like those of the livelihood program, also economically oriented, they were free from pressure to conform to my inclinations of what would be most successful, and thus more representative of the Manobos preferences and assumptions. Health insurance: the Elem pig project When my wife and I moved to Elem in 1989, the village had a clinic and several health workers. 88 However, money for medici ne was readily availa ble only during coffee 88 The information for this section comes from my notes on the project during its operation.

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156 harvest, from November through January. Se veral residents expre ssed a desire to get around this problem. My wife and I thought we might have a solution when a US church provided some seed money as start-up capital for a project to help fund the clinics. Notice it was already assumed that there should be a communally-owned and operated project. My wife and I and the Elem resi dents I talked with readily accepted this assumption. The residents I talked with decided that income for health care should be generated by raising pigs. They would pur chase piglets using the seed money, and once the number of piglets had grown they would re turn the seed money, which would then be used to start a project in another village. From that point on, all s ubsequent returns would go to the participants. Each person would have his own account at the clinic, to be used for medicine whenever a family member need ed treatment. The effo rt would begin as a group project, with several people raising each piglet, because we had too little money to buy a piglet for each participant. The project began in April 1991, with three groups of four persons each, and the twelve participants chose one of themselves as project coordinator. By November 1992, number of pigs had increased enough to have just two persons per pig. Each persons clinic account was credited for one piglet, and we bought medicine equivalent to that amount, to be kept in the clinic. However, the project began having problems the next year. In January 1993, two pe rsons borrowed piglets in a sagud arrangement; once the pig was grown and slaughtered, one-half the gross profit would go to the clinic and onehalf to the one who raised the pig. Essentia lly, they were using the clinic project to produce personal income, rather than to gua rantee they would have medicine when needed. By July of 1993, the sagud arrangement had taken over as the projects

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157 governing principle. It became apparent at the same time that the common Philippine practice of selling on credit was causing problems for the project. With the debt owed to an abstract corporate entity rather than a c oncrete individual, the debts were not readily collected. Additionally, not all of the money collected for sales was being passed on to the treasurer. The financial problems, and the conversi on of the project from one bolstering health care to simply providing another source of income, might have been prevented had I, as an outsider, taken the role of manage r. However, the more fundamental problem seems to be that we had set up a system that depended on sustained cooperation, including the exercise of hierarchy and a shared understanding of what constituted acceptable behavior. Cooperative stores The most common type of cooperative I have observed among the Manobo is a store, modeled on the ubiquitous sari-sari store seen throughout the Philippines. 89 Sarisari is a Tagalog word meaning a little of ev erything, and that is exactly what these small, house-front stores sell: small quantitie s of goods such as rice, sugar, cooking oil, and soy sauce, cans of sardines little tubes of toothpaste, ca ndy by the piece, etc. Most villages have at least one such store, and in towns are frequently just a short walk away. In the Manobos cooperative store ventures, th e members each contribut e start-up capital, and then receive income in proportion to their contribution. In the case of the Manobo 89 Information on the cooperative st ores, the Elem chainsaw cooperativ e, and the Belanga womens group come from focus groups comprised of the vast majority of members of each organization, supplemented by observations made and interviews conducted during the times of operation..

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158 cooperative stores, the stores also usually functioned as a coffee middleman, buying coffee berries and beans and selling them in the barangay or municipal seat for a profit. Elem cooperative store #1. Elems first cooperative store was conceived of by Amay Pidelu90, who later became the village past or. The store was started in 198291 by nine men, each of whom contributed P90 for start-up capital. They chose one of their number as treasurer; he and one other member were the store-keepers. There was no auditor (an officer in most Phil ippine cooperatives, whose job it is to periodically review the treasurers records), but Amay Pidelu help ed with the records, as he had had several years of formal schooling. Loans were fo rbidden, unless agreed upon by the entire group. The cooperative began just after rice th reshing and lasted to the same time the following year, when the treasurer gave an account to the members. They found out that the store had made some losses, but more impor tantly, that the treasurer had lent someone a portion of the money. The treasurer would not say to whom the money was lent, and has since died. The members decided not to co ntinue with the store and dissolved it. Of the other eight members, four of them receive d back a portion of thei r initial investment, and four received nothing. Elem cooperative store #2. The second cooperative store, like the first, was the idea of Amay Pidelu. It was begun in 1985 or 198692 by ten men, with a starting capital of about P1200. The group chose two men who had received some formal education to clerk the store. The group chose one clerk to be treasurer and the other (plus a literacy 90 pseudonym 91 This is an approximate date, determined by the informants references to other events. 92 This date is approximate, determined by the informants references to other events.

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159 graduate) to be auditors. The cooperative last ed almost two years. The former members commented that the management was good, because they had gotten their initial investment back. However, despite runni ng for two years, there was little profit distributed. One member got P20, and anot her P30. Other informants did not give figures but said they had received a small am ount of money. Despite the fact that such low profit suggests either gross mismanagem ent or malfeasance, the members did not discuss the loss with the managers, becau se it would hurt the managers feelings. Elem cooperative store #3. The third store was, ag ain, the idea of the village pastor. However, the members this time were women. Each of the thirty-two members contributed P100 start-up capital, for a total of P3200. The pastor served as treasurer, while an unrelated man served as auditor. The pastor chose a single woman as storekeeper, as she would not have children who mi ght eat merchandise without paying for it. She was to receive 20% of the profits as comp ensation for her services. The pastor also set forth the rules for how the store was to be run, including a prohibition against allowing anyone to buy on credit. Coop members were to be charged the same prices as non-members. The store was intended to stay open year-r ound, rather than closing at the end of coffee season, as was common for small stores. However, it survived only a few months, from October 1995 to February 1996. It wa s supposed to figure its profit and pay a dividend to its investors at the end of each month, but the managers never reported its financial status until it colla psed. Most of the members received back their investment, plus a small portion of the le ftover goods owned by the store; some lost even the capital they had invested. Some of the cooperatives money had been lost through selling goods

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160 on credit. However, the thing that informan ts credited with bringing down the store was that the treasurer (the vill age pastor) had mortgaged a horse belonging to him and a village leader to the store, and had then taken the horse back without returning the money. Additional money was lost by the store-keeper in buying and selling coffee. The cooperative members appeared to be deliberately vague as to whether they thought the money had been lost or stolen or embezzled, so I inquired whether anyone had attempted to settle the matter. It turned out that no one had. The problem with the horse had come first, so those who might judge the case the v illage leader and the pastor were in no position to investigate th e store-keepers loss of money. After the cooperative disintegrate d, the store-keeper moved to another village and opened a store there. Elem cooperative store #4. The fourth store was the venture of 18 men and one woman. Investments varied from P200 to P1000 per person. The group chose one woman and one man, both of whom had their own families, to manage the store; they were to receive 20% of the profit as comp ensation. The cooperative began in October 2003 and was terminated the following Februa ry. As that is th e month when those practicing swidden agriculture clear their fields in prepar ation for planting, one of the store-keepers needed to direct her attenti on to farming, and many of the members wanted their money to buy food for work parties to cl ear their fields. A ll the members received back their principal; most al so received a portion of the profit, roughly proportional to their investment. Some received their profit s in cash; others, in goods. Significantly, the village pastor was not involved in ei ther the fourth or fifth store.

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161 Elem cooperative store #5. The fifth store was a cooperative venture between three men, each of whom invested P500. It ran from October 2004 to February 2005. They chose a young divorce who had completed pa rt of high school as the store-keeper. As with the third store, she received 20% of the profit as compensation. The owners also told her they would give her food if she needed anything. Un like the third store, this one did not buy and sell coffee, as th e store-keeper did not have the strength to transport it to market. After four months, one member w ithdrew money from the store for his own business purposes. Another member became suspicious but did not want to make a confrontation, so suggested closing the stor e, and the others agreed. Each member received back his investment, plus some sardines and rice. Mayul cooperative. The village of Mayul also ha s a cooperative. The village has 42 families and 264 residents, of whom about 100 are adults, making it a sizable village, though smaller than Elem. Two months after Florentino Kapitan, the current sitio leader, was elected into office, he had the id ea of starting a community cooperative and discussed the idea with others in the village. Twenty-nine of them decided to become members. The group planted two crops of maize, from which they derived P5500, at which point they met to consider what to do next. They decided to start a store and elected cooperative officials. Florentino was elected president; Tony Kapitan, treasurer; Villamor Kapitan, auditor; and Lito Bautista, secretary. The elected officials in turn appointed the stores staff. Two women were selected as st ore-keepers, and Florentino was appointed to take produce the store bought from residents (coffee, maize, and chickens) and sell it to merchants in the near by town of Ketudak. The officials also set out rules for the store. Members could buy on cr edit, but had to pay off their debts within

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162 four days. The store-keepers could not loan money to anyone unless a ll the officials first met together to approve the loan. When a st ore-keeper went to buy supplies for the store, he had to record how much money he took a nd how much he returne d, and had to obtain the signature of the motorcycle dr iver who transpor ted the supplies. The store-keepers, coop officers, and coop members met together periodically to review the stores financial situation and make decisions. By the time of their first meeting, in February 2003, the store had amassed P40,000. The members considered whether to place the money in a bank account or invest in a chainsaw. They chose to buy a chainsaw, selected an operator, and made rules regarding the saw: only the chosen operator could use it; payment would be made to the treasurer alone; he would in turn give the operator his proper share, an d deposit the remainder with the store. When they audited the cooperative a year later, the store and chainsaw had amassed over P72,000. The members debated whether to buy a water pump or a motorcycle and chose to buy a new motorcycle, putting dow n P30,000 and paying the remainder over two years. They then selected a driver and made rules for the motorcycles use. The driver could not lend out the motorcycle to othe rs, and both members and non-members had to pay for rides. Furthermore, the motorcycle had to return to Ma yul every night, unless there was some great need, to ensure it rema ined based in Mayul. The driver could not operate the motorcycle on Sundays, unless it was to transport patients. Finally, the driver could not consume alcohol prior to operating the motorcycle. The cooperative was audite d again in May 2005, at which point it had almost P150,000. The group bought a cell phone and camera and designated that the remaining available funds be used for monthly paymen ts on the motorcycle. By that time, the

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163 cooperative had also paid over half the co st of constructing a government-operated nutrition center in the village. (The governme nt paid the remainder.) The store was left with working capital of about P10,000; outstan ding debts, for goods sold on credit, were also about P10,000. The cooperative ran up substa ntial expenses in mid-2005 when a cholera outbreak hit the village. The disease can kill quickly, a nd it was imperative that patients get to the municipal hospital without delay. Howeve r, coffee season was long past, and most residents did not have the cash on hand need ed for transportation. The cooperative motorcycle ended up taking several patients to the hospital on credit. By early 2006, some of the families have paid their debts, but many had not. Even so, the cooperative remains solvent. Migg cooperative store. Another cooperative store operated in the village of Migg in the early part of this decade, at one point amassing P16,000. However, a measles epidemic struck the village in 2003, killing 20 people, and the cooperative distributed its funds to its members so they would have something to use in the emergency. The village has plans to reconst itute the cooperative, but has yet to do so. Summary. The prime motivation for the cooperative stores appears to have been capturing a profit, normally available only to outside merchants, through cooperation with other villagers. Member s of the Mayul cooperative added that they wanted a cooperative store so they could have a place to buy food on credit when they lacked cash. Pressure from Mayuls barangay government also played a role in making a cooperative attractive there, as villages that coul d not make a contribution to the annual barangay

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164 fiesta were required to hold a benefit dance93 and cock fight to ra ise the money. Mayul residents expressed that the dancing and gambling encouraged immoral behavior, and could keep them out of the village by ha ving the cooperative make the required fiesta contribution on the villages behalf. Of the seven cooperative stores studied, onl y the store in Mayu l has continued to operate. Two were voluntarily brought to an end when participants had need for their assets: the fifth store in El em was liquidated when the me mbers needed their funds to prepare their fields for planting, while the st ore in Migg was dissolved when members needed funds to respond to a measles outbrea k. The most common cause of dissolution was members becoming concerned that their financ ial rights were being violated that is, violation of trust. More signi ficantly, such violation of trust invariably led to the stores demise. The Mayul cooperative stands in distin ct contrast to most of those in Elem: it has operated for over four years, continuall y running a profit, and has kept the same officers throughout. Members comments suggest that a significant factor in its survival is greater horizontal coordination i.e., the members have come to accept as normative that they have an obligation to the gr oup, and have surrendered a portion of their independence to it. When I asked Mayul cooperative members what had enabled their cooperative to succeed while sim ilar ventures had usually faile d in Elem, one replied that they did not have a personal interest in th e cooperative i.e., they did not regard the cooperative as part of their personal property, but as belonging to the group. Other members said that cooperatives elsewher e had failed because their members bought on credit and then did not pay, since they cons idered the cooperatives goods to be their own 93 In a benefit dance, anyone asking for a particular tune to be played makes a contribution to the dance organizers.

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165 personal property. Mayuls pastor added th at members must follow the cooperatives rules. He later shared that the village had had another cooperative store a few years earlier, but that it had failed due to a man who had since moved away. The cooperative had amassed several thousand pesos when the man lent a large part of the money to another village, which never repaid the loa n. When members heard of it, they began buying from the store on credit and not repaying, eventually leading to the stores demise. The pastor concluded by sayi ng that cooperatives cannot surv ive if they in clude people like that. Significantly, he made no mention of the possibility of barring such a person from becoming a member or gaining power, or of expelling or punishing the offender. Interestingly, one Elem resident had reported that Mayul fined those who violated village ordinances. When I asked the pastor about this, he replied that anyone who disrupted the village peace had to pay a fine of P5000 (a bout 100 days wages). However, no one had ever been fined, because no one had ever viol ated the rule. The pastor explained that rules were there in order to avoid having probl ems. It appears that while the village has not developed the capacity to impose sa nctions, it has developed sufficient group cohesion to pressure resident s to conform to group norms, without actually forcing them to do so. The communitys smaller size, wh ich would be expected to contribute to community cohesion, may be partially responsib le. However, the personal integrity of community leaders stands out as particularly important, as the group appears to lack the capacity to punish behavior that undermines the cooperative. Inability to punish negative behavior al so stood out in the comments of former members of Elems cooperative stores. One village leader was emphatic that he would never participate in another cooperative, while several others said they would provided

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166 that the cooperative had rules, so that t hose who err are punished. One man commented that the rules would not be enfor ced so long as the Manobo exercised kesehiduway that is, extended mercy or forgiveness to one anothe r. These days, he sa id, if someone sees someone stealing from him, he does nothing because of taking pity on the thief. Acceptance of the errors of close kin has been a feature of traditional Manobo culture, and appears to have been reinforced by the Manobos emphasis of New Testament passages on forgiveness. Elem chainsaw cooperative There is another type of cooperative am ong the Manobo that I w ill call a chainsaw coop. In the highlands of Sultan Kudara t province (and probab ly in rural areas throughout the Philippines), sawyers fell trees and cut lumber by hand using chainsaws. Often, the saw is owned by a person having be tter finances and operated by someone else. The price paid for the lumber is divided following an agreed-upon proportion between the saw owner, the saw operator, a nd the person owning the tree from which the lumber is cut. Prior to 1995, a few settlers we re cutting lumber in the Elem area. Several Manobo individuals and communities in the El em area wanted lumber to build houses and churches, and decided to form a cooperativ e in order to obtain better prices than those offered by the settlers, and to capture some of the profit from lumber production for themselves. Each of the members was to re ceive access to lumber at a discounted rate, plus a portion of the profit commensurate with the capital he cont ributed. Twenty-four men and eight churches cont ributed the start-up capital. The amounts given by each party varied, with some giving as litt le as P50, while one church gave P10,500. The group chose a treasurer, an operator, and an operators helper. The operator was to cut lumber, take care of the chains aw, and pass on all income received to the

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167 treasurer. The treasurer, in turn, would give the operator and his helper their proper shares, and also pay for the saws operating e xpenses (gasoline, oil, and repairs). Nonmembers were to pay P5 per board-foot of lumb er. Of that, the usual practice was for the owner to receive 90%; the opera tor, 8%; and the operators helper, 2%. The owner paid for all operating expenses, while the operator and his helper paid for their own living expenses. However, the Elem chainsaw c ooperative decided to modify this. Sixty percent of gross income was to go to the c ooperative and 40% to the operator, who in turn would feed his helpers and pay them a wage of P50 per day (at that time a good wage in that region for an unskilled laborer). The cooperative would charge P5 per board foot, which was similar to what private sawyers were charging. Members would be charged as though they were the saws owner: they would pay P2 per board foot (that is, the operators 40% share of P5), and provide whatever gasoline and oil was needed (that is, cover operating expenses). Members could obtain however much wood they needed to build a house or church building, after wh ich they were to pay the same rate as nonmembers. The coop began cutting lumber in Apr il 1995. By January 1996, the cooperative had cut P10,000 worth of lumber, all for me mbers. However, much of the wood had been sold on credit. Additionally, some of th e cash received had been lent out. One loan was to a coalition of four v illages that was starting its ow n chainsaw cooperative, while the remainder was loaned to a nother village. The treasurer of the Elem cooperative had little cash on hand. Members began to complain about the cooperatives management. In September of that year, I asked a neighbor how many members the cooperative had, and received an unusually heated answer. On e of his relatives was a member of the

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168 cooperative, but so far no one had received any income from it. My neighbor saw the chainsaw cooperative as being identical to the cooperative stores: whoever ran the cooperative used the money for his own purposes while members did not benefit. Asked whether the problem might be that t hose running the cooperative did not know accounting, he replied that one store owner in the village could tell you how much profit he had made the previous year. To this informant, the problem was not lack of skill or knowledge. The cooperative disintegrated sometime after this. Of five former members I spoke with, one had received back mo st of his investment, but th e others had lost theirs. Subsequent inquiries seemed to confirm my neighbors statements. The cooperative had a convoluted history. Originally, the villag e pastor had asked each of the 170 families then residing in Elem to contribute P50 in or der to put a concrete fl oor into the church. Then, when those working on the project reali zed they needed more money to pay those hauling cement to the village, they asked fo r another P20 per family. When it came time to buy the cement, they asked for another P5 per family. At this point the pastor declared that it would be too expensive to floor the ch urch with concrete, and said that the money collected should be used to buy a chainsaw. The decision was made without consulting the church members. Other churches and individuals then cont ributed money to buy the saw. A portion of the income was to be kept in reserve for repairs, but, perhaps because so much of the wood was sold on credit, no cash was on hand when the saw had to be repaired. One church member reported giving money to repair the saw, but did not know if his contribution was used for that purpose.

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169 Problems deepened when the Manobo chur ch association began applying for land rights. The pastor and othe r land rights leaders borrowed funds from the cooperative to carry petitions and applications to governme nt offices and to fina nce the required land surveys. None of the money borrowed was returned. When members saw the cooperative funds leaking away, they asked for the return of their investment, but the cash on hand was inadequate to meet the c ooperatives obligations The operator ended up using P11,000 of his own money to recompense some of the members. Many received nothing. Several aspects stand out in this account of the cooperative. First and foremost is that the cooperative came to an end because of the violation of its members trust: they asked for their money back when they perc eived it was being mishandled. The funds were being handled in a manne r consistent with an Indivi dualist or Big Man society. Decisions were made by one person who had charismatic appeal but no permanent authority. If group members disagreed with him, they were free to withdraw their support (and property) and leav e the group. At the same time, there were no mechanisms in place for imposing sanctions on members who violated the groups norms; withdrawal was the only recourse. Also noteworthy is the lack of transparency: decisions were made without either consulting or informing the members. There was seldom even any reporting to members of how much money th e cooperative had, nor of how much was owed it. Belanga W omens Group There is one final type of cooperativ e group among the Manobo worthy of note: womens groups. Most of these have confined themselves to facilita ting the adoption of gardening by their members, but the women s group in Belanga has had a wider focus.

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170 The group began in 1987 by growing and selling yam greens ( Dioscorea esculenta ) and green onions ( Allium cepa L.) to its members. They used the proceeds to buy table sugar in the market and resell it in the village, constantly reinvesting a nd building up the stores capital. When the proceeds had accumulated, the group decided to improve on their water situation. At that time, the people in Belanga carried all their drinking water from springs some distance from the village. The womens group therefore decided to buy seven metal drums to collect rainwater.94 An outbreak of cholera later motivated the village to make the closest spring less suscep tible to contamination. They obtained some contributions of funds, material, and techni cal input from the Philippine government and SIL, but also invested their own resources. The women gave P1000 for cement, and used hammers to break stones into gravel, as cont ributions toward a concrete wall to protect the spring. Still later, af ter amassing more funds, th e group bought a hand-powered grinder for P1500. They have also raised ca ssava and other crops to feed their members while working on projects, and have constructed their own meeting shed.95 Dynamics of Group Efficacy In this chapter, we are examining the pr ocesses leading to po litical resistance and the factors affecting the eff ectiveness of groups making these efforts, referring to the experiences of the Manobo as a particular cas e in point. Having a large number of case studies would improve the certainty of any c onclusions reached, yet the number of groups 94 Prior to this time, water had to be hauled by hand from springs some distance from the village. 95 The success of the Belanga womens group may l ead us to ask whether Manobo women are more successful at managing cooperative pr ojects. However, a review of the previous accounts shows that there were womens groups that produced no results other than promoting gardening, and that there were successful cooperative ventures that were not managed solely by women. The more important factor seems to be village cohesion. Belanga and Mayul appear to be more cohesive villages than Elem in part because of size, and in part because of village history (cf. pp. 119-121).

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171 among the Manobo seeking land rights is limite d. However, the Manobos land rights efforts have their roots in a number of ci vil associations. Furthermore, as these associations are in less-direct political confronta tion with outside forces, they may more accurately reflect the dynamics of group ac tivity that are common in Manobo society. We therefore examined several ki nds of Manobo civil associations. One thing that stands out in these case studies is the Manobos continued interest in appropriating the advantages of permanent groups. The Manobos decision to form the AMBCI, the Tirurays decision to form th eir own church association, the Manobos continued interest in cooperative stores (d espite their frequent failure), and Elems interest in returning to a community-owned clinic (despite the partial success of privatized clinics), all dem onstrate the Manobo and Tiruray pe oples continued interest in obtaining the benefits of coordination. However, coordination comes with a price, namely, the surrender of some degree of individual autonomy to the corporate group. Prior to the intrus ion of the central government and the arrival of settlers and the logging company, the Manobo could attain their desires through engaging in temporar y cooperation for a limited and specific purpose. In Mary Douglas terms, they ha d an Individualist soci ety. It appears the Manobo have maintained a preference for this ty pe of social organization, even as they are attracted to the benefits of greater internal group cohesion. Hence, among the Manobo, groups that rely on vertical coordinatio n (giving authority to supervisors, or expecting rules to be respected and followe d) or horizontal coor dination (expecting the group to successfully pressure members to s ubordinate their personal ambitions to those of the group) have proven likely to disintegrate and fail to attain their aim. The collapse

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172 of most of Elems cooperative stores and its chainsaw cooperative, the failure of its village-owned clinic to maintain either medici ne or funds, and the conversion of its clinic pig project from providing health insuranc e to simply providing another source of income, all point to the lack of mechanisms in traditional Manobo society for maintaining sustained cooperation. However, the positiv e outcomes of the ag ricultural extension program, fruit tree acquisition e ffort, and privatization of th e Elem clinic, demonstrate that group efforts in an Individualist society can be effective when they are designed to allow for temporary cooperation. While some degree of cooperation is po ssible without horizontal or vertical coordination, our review of Manobo civil associations also points to a growing emergence of both hierarchy and group cohesi on. Some of this increased coordination has been within communities. However, the two church associations provide substantial links between communities, and the Elem chai nsaw cooperative attempted to facilitate the creation of similar cooperatives in two other localitie s. Given the Manobos tendency to utilize Individualis t social organization, group efforts among them are likely to be more effective if they do not depend on hierar chy or group solidarity. At the same time, the Manobo can expect to be able to make in creasing use of these qualities to achieve their aims in the future.

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173 Table 8-1. Villages and persons having active fishponds. Date Persons Villages August 1990 11 August 1991 52 November 1991 82 November 1991 113 April 1992 133 April 1992 144 April 1992 205 July 1994 326 September 1994 376 July 1995 407 1997 3915 2006 63 20 Table 8-2. Villages practicing promoted enterprises. Number of villages having promoted enterprise Fishponds Basakan Gardens Any Region 1997 2006 1997 2006 1997 2006 1997 2006 Danu/Pok 5 9 41215716 Linlaan 2 3 030838 Lud 5 1 316767 Migg 3 7 141537 Total 15 20 899351938 Table 8-3. Persons practicing promoted enterprise. Number of persons having promoted enterprise Fishponds Basakan Gardens Total Region 1997 2006 1997 2006 1997 2006 1997 2006 Danu/Pok 11 35 6110190 27226 Migg 12 27 1 12 1 451484 Lud 14 1 14312969 15773 Linlaan 2 0 0 0 0 10210 Total 39 63 21 16 140 314200393

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174 Table 8-4. Fruit tree planting. # P year farmers villages Municipalities fruit trees coconut total fruit trees coconut fuel charge total 1996 15 8 1 210 2107,830 7,830 1997 184 18 2 1,079 4201,49943,475 6,3001,08949,124 total 189 21 2 1,289 4201,70951,305 6,3001,08956,954

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175 CHAPTER 9 RESISTANCE CONTINUED: 1995-PRESENT Developments in Political Resistance We now return to the development of political resistance among the Manobo. We saw in Chapter 7 how the Manobos political re sistance and pursuit of land rights started with the Manobo church, beginni ng with its incorporation as the AMBCI and culminating in the AMBCIs petition for a Certificate of Ancestral Domain Claim (CADC) in 1993. DENR and PAFID, though, counseled that the petition be made through a secular organization. The Manobo land-rights leaders, many of whom are pastors, also favored this approach so that the Association could continue its other ministries even should the Manobos opponents succeed in destroying the or ganization pursuing their land rights. DENR and PAFID also recommended they form a separate organization for each municipality, so that an ob struction in one municipality would not prevent the CADC from proceeding in the others. Thus, in September 1995, the Manobo and Tiruray formed five different organizations: the Trib al Community of Kalamansig Association, Tribal Community of Lebak Association, Tr ibal Community of Es peranza Association, Dulangan Community of Sen. Ninoy Aquino Association, and Timuay Community of Palimbang Association. The leaders consisted of traditional leaders ( dat or sulutan ), pastors, people who had held positions in ministries of the AMBCI or ATBCI, and some who were simply regarded as leading citizens. The roster of leaders demonstrated a wide network of relationships among the Manobo, as well as the absence of any deep schisms between traditional, religious, and emerging leaders.

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176 While the Manobo pursued land rights through official channels, action by the government continued at a slow pace. It will be recalled that the government had sent a fact-finding mission in 1994 to investigate re ports the Manobo had filed of abuse by the logging company. The team made no conclusive findings at that time, so the government sent a second Fact Finding Team in 1995 to follow up the investig ation. Provincial dialogs were held in three municipalities, to allow locals to testify to the team. However, despite considerable testimony be ing given, the team made no recommendation to pursue charges. It did recommend that DENR grant a CADC to the indigenous peoples of Sultan Kudarat province. DENR, however, failed to act on that recommendation. The Manobo felt that th e government had ignored their peaceful efforts to secure land rights. At the same time, the companys abuses continued. In 1996, the company cut down 3,000 coffee trees belonging to one Manob o man and replaced them with coffee trees of its own, without either consulting wi th or informing the owner. The Manobo had planted the trees three years earlier on land within the Manobos ances tral area, and they were just beginning to bear a reasonable crop. Despite this discouragement, the Manobo continued to pursue secure tenure for their ancestral lands. In June of 1996, the Tribal Commun ity of Esperanza Association requested a CADC to cover 20,000 ha. The municipal council and Provincial Special Task Force on Ancestral Domain government supported that request and endorsed it to DENRs provincial office, which in turn forwar ded it to DENRs national office. In July, DENRs regional office directed the provi ncial office to delineate the CADC area immediately.

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177 The next year, 1997, saw further progress with the passage of the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA), which was intende d to grant greater legal protection to the Philippines indigenous populations. DENR also surveyed the boundary between Maguindanao Province and that portion of th e CADC adjoining it. However, other events led the Manobo to ques tion whether any genuine progr ess was being made. After IPRA was passed, DENRs national under-secreta ry called a meeting which some of the Manobo leaders attended; however, when th e leaders attempted to submit several documents to DENR, the agency refused to accept them, saying that they lacked documentary stamps. Public dialogues between the government, Manobo and Tiruray populace, and M&S Co. followed in Esperanza and Isulan. The Manobo were initially encouraged to receive a hearing, but soon af terward some of the leaders began hearing that the company was seeking to kill them The head of the national Commission on Human Rights reportedly told them he would take their case to the National Bureau of Investigation, but the leaders observed no results. The next year, 1998, saw a continuation of progress and obstacle. The Department of Environment and Natural Resources, it will be recalled, had halted M&S Co. from logging in 1994 (p. 135). However, in 1998, Manobo leaders learned that the mayors of four of the five municipalities in which they live had signed a lett er from M&S Co. to DENR asking permission to resume logging. That year, though, was also an election year, and the politicians ac tively courted the Manobo vote, with several candidates visiting both Elem and Danu. Two years later it was much the same. Dat yt nggw, a prominent Manobo leader in the Kulaman area, was killed in an incident that many Manobo believe was

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178 deliberate.96 However, the Manobo did make limited political gains. In 2001, six of Salangsangs seven barangay councilors were Manobo. Further, the Manobo were courted by the local politicians with several candi dates visiting Elem. The Manobo were also undeterred in addressing officials. In January, an assortment of Manobo emerging, traditional, and church leaders from the Elem area petitioned Sultan Kudarat Gov. Pax Mangudadatu for the construction of a drinking water system for the tribal barangay to be created by Philippine House Bill 2540 (s ubmitted in August 1996). In September of that same year, and again the following Janua ry, the heads of the five municipal land rights organizations, plus several dat and AMBCI officials, wrote to Gov. Mangudadatu requesting him to attend a General Conferen ce of Tribal Communities to discuss the formation of Manobo-contro lled municipalities and barangay The governor neither responded nor attended the meeting, yet the Ma nobos continued efforts to communicate with him and other officials indicated a pe rsistent and coordinated political will. Developments in 2003 suggest soft commitm ent from government agencies to the Manobo. An April memorandum from DENRs national office to its regional directors specified they suspend the issuance of a ny new licenses within areas covered by CADC applications unless they fi rst consulted with the NCIP and obtained the explicit permission of the indigenous communities that would be affected, and report on any such licenses already issued, implying that the agen cy had been issuing licenses within areas legally committed to indigenous communities. Guidelines issued by the NCIP in October 96 According to the Manobo, an unidentified government office requested their community leaders in the Kulaman area to attend a meeting in the municipality, offering them remuneration to attend and arranging for free transportation to the meeting in the back of a private dump truck. The driver was ostensibly lost control of the vehicle, which rolled and crushed many of the passengers. Four, including one dat died at the scene; Dat yt died later, never reco vering. However, the driver fled, unhurt.

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179 2003, spelling out how the NCIP intended to implement the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act., likewise suggest a soft commitment to th e indigenous peoples. Less than half the members of the agencys national and regional-level committees were to come from indigenous POs, keeping control firmly in the governments hands. Indigenous representation at the provincial level was some what greater, but the chairman was to be selected from government-appointed NCIP of ficials, thus leaving the government in effective control of provincial -level decisions. The government seemed to be reluctant to cede any real power to the indi genous peoples, including the Manobo. Despite the governments weak commit ment, the Manobo and Tiruray saw some progress on land rights in 2003. The Tribal Community of Esperanza Association (TCEA) applied for a CADT (Certificate of Ancestral Domain Title), to replace the earlier CADC (Certificate of Ancestral Doma in Claim). The Provincial Special Task Force on Ancestral Domain visited the ar ea in January 2004 to conduct an on-site investigation and issued a report substantiating the TCEAs CADT application. My informants among the Manobo and Tiru ray report that in March 2005, M&S Co. agreed in a meeting with Manobo l eaders and government officials that the government could proceed to survey the CADT area for its delineation. However, armed company guards soon obstructed the survey, a nd the survey team acquiesced, as they had only one rifle. (The team later claimed they stopped because of an order from DENR.) Less than two months later, a public d ialogue meeting accused M&S Co. of stopping the survey. However, when the NCIP regi onal director questioned M&S Co.s managers, they denied the accusation. In response, th e NCIPs Provincial Consultative Body wrote NCIPs national chairman, re questing action on the Manobos be half. This was followed

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180 by a meeting of several indigenous POs in Davao in May (cf. p. 185), in which the representatives of several POs and NGOs signe d a letter asking the government to cancel M&S Co.s IFMAs in Sultan Kudarat. The su rvey was attempted again in May after a new work order from NCIPs national chai rman, but obstructed once again by company guards. The governments delay in response led th e Manobo to take furt her steps in late 2005. Philippine President Gloria Macap agal Arroyo had proposed amending the national constitution to allow a president to be elected to a subsequent term, a proposal that Filipinos referred to as the cha cha (charter change). The NCIPs headquarters were evidently concerned th at rights extended to the in digenous peoples under the previous president, Fidel Ramos, might be rolled back should the charter change be approved. Thus, in late 2005, the NCIP c onvened a meeting of PCB chairmen, intended to put pressure on the administration to k eep reforms initiated under President Ramos, even should the cha cha pass. One result was that the Manobo and Tiruray elected officers for their own PCB, thereby forming a new organization that could pursue their land rights. The opportunity for action arose a year late r, when M&S obstructed the survey for the CADC in Esperanza. The PCB decided th at if the survey for Esperanza went ahead, they would then ask for the survey to pr oceed for the remainder of Manobo and Tiruray territory in the other four municipalities. They would ask for the NCIP commissioner to sign a statement saying that the survey would be done by a particular time, so that they could hold the government to its commitment. If the Esperanza did not go through, they

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181 would then request that M&S Companys agreement with the government its Industrial Forestry Management Area be cancelled. By late 2005, some of the land rights lead ers had reportedly deci ded that if their latest appeal to the government produced no results that they would consider turning to violence, meeting force with force. However, cooler heads prevailed at a meeting of land rights leaders and traditional leaders shortly thereafter, and they decided they would petition the government to rescind its agreemen ts with the company. The petition was to be endorsed by the traditional leaders and the several land rights orga nizations and signed by the Manobo and Tiruray population at larg e. Significantly, the group also decided how they would collect and handle contri butions to support the petition effort. One factor that stands out in the Manobos in teractions with the Philippines state is that the government is not monolithic: it is comprised of many offices and agencies, some of which are more responsive to the Manobo than others. The Department of Defense appears to be among the more responsive pa rties. In March 2004, the Department of Defense went to the municipal land rights a ssociations and informed them that the Manobo and Tiruray could apply to have cultural guards. The guards would be trained and paid by the government,97 and would patrol their an cestral domain once it was granted.98 There is also evidence that local gov ernment is becoming more responsive. There are now elected Manobo and Tiruray officials, and in 2005, fully six of Salangsangs seven barangay kagawad (councilors) were indige nous peoples; three were 97 There is a long history of government-affiliated community militias in the Philippines, including the CHDF (Civil Home Defense Force) CAFGU (Civilian Armed Forces Ge ographical Unit), and now-active CVO (Civil Voluntary Organization). 98 The Manobo have selected several men to be guards, but as of October 2006 training had not begun.

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182 Manobo, and three Tiruray. In contrast, though, DENR seems to be more responsive to well-funded exploiters of natural resources than to the indigenous peoples. Changes between administrations, and change s in law, create additional ambiguity. The Indigenous Peoples Ri ghts Act (IPRA), passed in 1997, stated that once the government announced its intent to establish a CADT in a newspaper that it must investigate the vera city of the claim within fifteen days and then issue the CADT. However, the law did not address the older C ADCs that the CADT had replaced. It also established a conflict in jurisdiction be tween the NCIP and the Land Registration Authority over the legal requirements for surveys, which has prevented the implementation of several CADTs. The change in administration when Gloria Macapagal Arroyo took over the presidency from Joseph Ejercito Estrada at the beginning of 2001 has created additional proble ms. President Arroyo claimed that many CADTs approved in Estradas last days in office were fraudulent and overturned all CADTs awarded, including those that were le gitimate. For all these reasons, the Manobos CADTs are currently stalled in internal government conflicts. The Manobo are divided in their reaction to th eir current situation. Many feel they cannot resist because of overwhelmi ng force, as one man expressed: Now, our place has been filled up with gmelina, but we dont take revenge, because we are unable. We cannot resist their weapons. We dont fight back, so that our children and wives are not hurt. We trust ourselves to Jesus, so dont take fight back. If you fight back, youll die. Because we dont fight back, we now have no land. Others, however, appear increasingly tempte d to take up arms. Even those eschewing violence are increasingly frustr ated with the governments lack of action on their behalf. As one leader expressed:

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183 What can we do to complain to the govern ment? If we complain, they dont pay attention. We dont have money to go to Is ulan. When election time comes, they give us a little dried fish. When the mayor or BC [ barangay captain] weve supported wins the election and we go to hi m for help, we dont get any. So, forget about that. Despite reservations about the government s responsiveness, the Manobo made a cancellation request through the Sagip Fusa ka Inged on 19 June 2006, delivering their petition to the Office of the President, the national offices of th e National Commission on Indigenous Peoples, the Philippine Commission on Human Rights, and the Department of Environment and Natural Resources, as well as the office of Congressman Teng Mangudadatu, who represents Sultan Kudara t Province. The submission reportedly infuriated the logging company. However, the Manobo appear to have received a sympathetic hearing from NCIP Chairman Janet Serrano and President Arroyo, who have reportedly committed to seeing that the companys concession agreements are overturned. Coordination in the Manobos Pursuit of Land Rights While the Manobo and Tiruray have obvi ously employed cooperation in their pursuit of land rights, the organi zations display ambiguity in th eir extent of organization. The Manobo and Tiruray formed a single Fede ration, to reunite th e Manobo and Tiruray into one organization seeking their land rights The leaders of th e five municipal land rights organizations followed this with a re solution, addressed to the local governor and congressman, to unite the Manobo villages of Su ltan Kudarat into a single municipality. It is evident that the Manobo were seeking the formation of a single, larger entity that they envisioned would be more effective in achieving their rights. At same time, the various land rights organizati ons were having trouble raising the funds needed to pursue land rights. The leaders of one of the municipal organizations sent a letter to several

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184 villages in 1995, asking each family to c ontribute P150 (on the order of three days wages) to help them pursue the groups land ri ghts. The response was minimal. In early 2006, one leader stated that th e Manobo once gave small contri butions to the land rights leaders when they were preparing to visit government offices, but that the leaders now had to look for funds on their own, implying they often had to meet the expenses themselves. He attributed this in part to the Manobo not understanding the need for group solidarity, and in part to the leaders failure to render a financial account to their constituents. The Manobos hesitancy to contribu te was likely related to the similar lack of financial accountability by leaders of the Manobo church association. As with the cooperatives, lack of transparency was lim iting group cohesion. In contrast, the doubt sown did not destroy the land rights organizations, likely due to the much greater urgency of obtaining land rights. The organizations have taken actions to enha nce their cohesion. One case is that of the Tribal Community of Esperanza Associat ion, which contains a large number of constituents from both the Manobo and Tiru ray. Consequently, the leaders made a conscious effort to build unity in the group. They decided to use th e word Tribal in their name to communicate th at the Manobo and Tiruray were united as a single group, and when they selected leaders were careful to choose both elders a nd younger leaders. It appears that the TCEA has been able to communicate to its constituents that it is financially trustworthy. It has established two comm unity projects (essentially cooperatives) that have provided funds for its efforts, and has also received substantial voluntary contributions. These ha ve not been entirely sufficient for its needs, but they

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185 have enabled its officers to visit government offices in Manila. Once there, NGOs have been willing to finance their return home. The Manobo land rights associations have also struggled with the issue of coordination with outside organizations, name ly with NGOs. After their initial contact with PAFID, they have learned of and made contact with an increas ing number of NGOs that are assisting indigenous groups with land rights and hum an rights. However, this seems to have been of limited value, as the land rights leaders relate that PAFID continues to provide them the greatest assistance with gain ing land rights. Additionally, the land rights leaders have reservations a bout approaching some NGOs because of the groups promoting the use of violence or abandoning the Manobos newly acquired allegiance to Christianity. While the Manobo land rights organizatio ns have made limited progress in coordinating with NGOs, this has been balanced by the formation of new ties with other indigenous peoples. The Manobo joined 40 other indigenous peoples to form a Mindanao-wide association, the Panagtagbo Mi ndanao, and later joined a nation-wide consortium of indigenous peoples organiza tions (POs) called KASAPI. In April 2005, several NGOs99 sponsored a meeting in Davao to facilitate cooperation between Philippine indigenous peoples organizations. The Manobo land rights leaders report that they developed several helpfu l contacts during the forum. Summary In this chapter, we have examined the processes leading to political resistance among the Manobo and have identified factors that have influenced the effectiveness of 99 Among these were Anthro Watch, PAFID, Tabang Mindanao, IPEX, KASAPI, and NTFP.

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186 their cooperative efforts in both civil a nd political domains. The Manobo have demonstrated a sustained intere st in appropriating the advantages of a more integrated social organization: they have formed numerous groups, none of which existed in traditional culture, for a variety of purposes, including religion, literacy, health, economic advantage, and land rights. Each of these has emerged from the ostensibly apolitical domain of religion. At the opening of this chapter, the Manobo church association petitioned the Philippine government to grant the Manobo secure rights to their ancestral lands. As events unfolded, the church associati on turned over the pursuit of land rights to specialized secular organizations formed fo r that purpose, while simultaneously giving rise to a network of literacy teachers, health workers, and agricultural extension agents. These activities may have inspired the Ma nobos interest in cooperative stores and lumber production groups by demonstrating the possibility of coopera tion, at the same time that they provided many of the leaders for the cooperatives. At the same time, the move to a more integrated social organization has not come easily. The Manobo church association and the land rights organizati ons have struggled, especially in financial matters, and many of the economic cooperatives have failed. Examination of the many action groups am ong the Manobo suggests several factors that may have contributed to the groups survival and effectiveness: Group cohesion is evidently promoted by smaller group size ideological homogeneity and the ability to impose sanctions on those violating group norms. Communication between previously isolated indi viduals permits the development of relationships that individuals may la ter utilize for cooperation. This describes what happened in the entrance of the past ors into the political realm of pursuing land rights, as well as the networking of Manobo land rights leaders with those among other indigenous peoples. Coordination between groups is promoted by the maintenance of harmonious relations between leaders in different groups and in different types of groups.

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187 Maintaining a network over a large area will likely lead to the emergence of hierarchy (that is, to a more complex system entailing vertical as well as horizontal coordination). One factor that appears to lead to th e continued existence of a group is sheer necessity : when there is appreciable need, th e advantages of group membership are more likely to outweigh the costs. At the same time, lack of financial transparency may lead to the dissolution of the group, or at least to the reticence of members to contribute to it. Links with sympathetic organizations (whether NGOs, POs, or GOs) may contribute to groups effectiv eness and survival, perhaps due to the provision of outside resources, includi ng training, encouragement, and helpful contacts. Groups are also more likely to be effectiv e and to continue if their structure and practices parallel those current ly used in the culture. Necessity, the saying goes, is the mother of invention. In the case of groups, it appears that necessity promotes both their de velopment and their continued existence. We have traced the slow incubation of incr easing integration within Manobo society from the time that settlers arrive d in the area to the present. Integration (a nd the cooperation dependent upon it), already begun with the adve nt of the settlers, increased even more after the arrival of the M&S logging compa ny. The Manobo have addressed many needs, not the least of which is obtaining se cure access to their ancestral lands. While the Manobo have made remarkable progress in organizing to pursue land rights, the government has been slow in responding. The passage of the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act, and the consequent formation of the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples, are positive steps. Howeve r, the Manobo continue to wait for rights to their land, while they see requests from large companies being quickly approved. Their response to date has been peaceful but there is growing frustration at the governments lack of attention to their plight.

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188 CHAPTER 10 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Conclusions This study has of necessity focused on a single people, the Manobo, in their interaction with those who have invaded the mo untain forests of their ancestral territory. At the same time it is not an isolated study, fo r it shows patterns that we can expect to be manifested among many other i ndigenous peoples who are encountering similar pressures from more powerful societies invading thei r ancestral domains. This close look at the land-use confrontation between the Manobo pe ople and those invading their ancestral domain has demonstrated connections betw een religion, political action, and environment that are often overlooked. In the particular case of the Manobo, an indigenous form of Christianity has provided the foundations to mobilize resources and support for the reversal of environmental de gradation, as well as for the pursuit of economic well-being and social justice. Environmental Impact Comparison of the current landscape with the forest and soil under the Manobos traditional system clearly demonstrates that the settlers sedentary agricultural system is not sustainable. The Manobos accounts, plus my own observations over 23 years of living with them, indicate that the forest was onc e much more extensive. In just the last two years, wide areas have been cut down by the logging company active in the area. Wildlife is also far less common than when I first lived among the Manobo.

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189 The soil is also suffering. The traditiona l swidden system protected the soil from severe erosion and allowed it to regenerate. In contrast, th e sedentary agricultural system the settlers have introduced is not suited to the pronounced slopes found in Manobo territory. Most of the land farmed by settlers has lost the topsoil, and many plots have eroded down to orange clay subsoil. Many fa rmers have attempted to compensate for the loss of natural fertility by using inorganic fert ilizers, but have instead lost their land to pay their debts to the merchants. Even if the Manobo are not al lowed to return to the more environmentally gentle swidden system of their tradition, they have demonstrated the willingness to adopt new technologies that are more profitable and ecologically sensitive than the sedentary agricultural system they have been forced to adopt. The vast majority now grow coffee, and many are in the process of adopting fruit trees and coconuts. Some are moving from extensive to intensive agri culture, producing high-value crops (e.g., green onions and cabbage) on small areas, which makes it more prac tical to protect the soil from erosion. Others are controlling runoff, putting limited areas into irrigated rice production and fishponds. However, lack of secure land tenu re makes it difficult to invest in such measures. As in many similar situations where indigenous peoples management systems have been overturned, the state cannot expect the adoption of land-use systems that will simultaneously preserve the environment wh ile realizing reasonable benefits from it unless they support the Ma nobo in their pursuit of secure land tenure. This study has also brought out the states role is maintaining civil peace. Despite the prevalence of internecine violence in th eir past, and sometimes violent altercations with the neighboring Tiruray and Tboli pe oples, the Manobo have seldom exercised

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190 violence toward settlers, their brief entr y into the Toothpick War being the prime exception. Yet, the state has done little to pr otect the Manobo or ot her residents of the area from violence. The state has permitted the logging company to maintain a private security force that has been reported on numerous occasions to have abused the Manobo, settlers, and Muslims. Separatist rebel groups have also threatened the Manobo and settlers. If the government fails to enforce its laws against all the pa rties intruding on the Manobos territory, the Manobo could resort to violence, as ha ve indigenous peoples in the Mexican state of Oaxaca, to name just one prominent recent altercation. Emergence of Resistance from Reli gion and Civil Associations External pressures on a society frequently l ead to new religious movements, as seen in the histories of the cargo cults, the Kiowa Ghost Dance (Kracht 1992), and other millenary movements (Kapferer 1997:324-325). We have seen how the Manobo and nearby Tiruray people have mobilized religious dynamics in their response, which entailed a surprisingly rapid and widespread acceptance of Protestant Christianity, as well as lesser interest in shamanistic millenary moveme nts. (Their lack of interest in the latter may be the result of having experienced pronoun ced defeat at the hands of the settlers and Philippine government, making a less militant ideology appear more practical.) Significantly, the Manobo embrace of Protestant Christianity which in some ways parallels the response of Afri can Americans in the United St ates laid the foundation for an ever-increasing network of relationships within Manobo soci ety, as previously isolated individuals made contact through pastors meetings and began to pursue common interests. The churches subsequent involve ment in literacy, health, and agricultural development greatly expanded this network. Hence, there was a ready web of civil

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191 relationships in place that the Manobo could tu rn to when they deci ded to actively pursue rights to their ancestral lands. This observed progression from religious roots to economic development to political mobilization is consistent with the theory of social capital, in which civil associations provide the founda tion for political re sistance. However, the process among the Manobo was not merely a progression from civil associations to political action, due to the unique dynamics played by religion. For the Manobo, the adoption of Christianity and the consequent meeting of pastors w ith one another resulted in a network of relationships absent in the trad itional religion. Furthermore, the this-worldly as well as other-worldly focus of religion among the Ma nobo resulted in the pastors addressing a multitude of needs: health, literacy, agricultura l development, and land rights, as well as more traditional functions such as conf lict settlement, marriage counseling, and moral instruction. Some pastors took on some of the new role s, but there was also a proliferation of other new-type community leaders. This spaw ned an even broader network of leaders among the Manob o. This network included the dat as there was no conflict between the dat and the pastors, and thus none with the new leaders that came from the church. Thus, the network of rela tionships, plus the nat ural involvement of the pastors in land rights, pr ovided a ready social base to mobilize resources and support for pursuing land rights. The process by which political resi stance developed among the Manobo from religious roots is also theoretically signi ficant in highlighting the inadequacy of restricting the terms subjugation, adaptation, and resistance to the political domain. Interaction with an outside society may resu lt in changes not only to a peoples political

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192 system, but also to their economic practi ces (e.g., property right regimes), livelihood practices (e.g., agricultural technology), a nd religion (e.g., emergence of millenarian movements). Societies actively respond to pressures upon them in many different domains. By labeling such response resista nce only when it occurs in the political realm, we overlook the fact that groups may l earn to resist in one area and then go on to resist in the area of politics. It therefore seems more accurate to label all active response as resistance, especially in cases where resistance in one domain leads to resistance in the political realm. Basic to the role played by religion in mobilizing political resistance among the Manobo is their understanding of religion being at le ast as pertinent to this world as to the next. Traditional Manobo religion was concer ned most with heali ng that is, with maintaining harmonious relations between humans and the spirits that can cause sickness. When the Manobo adopted Christianity, heali ng and a concern for whatever affects wellbeing in this world remained primary foci of religion. It was therefore natural for the pastors to address health and economic conc erns, which led to the training of health workers, the establishment of clinics, and th e training of agricultural extension workers. This in turn led to the esta blishment of economic cooperatives in several villages. This, too, should not be surprising. Close association between reli gious, political, and social welfare movements parallels developments in the Protestant Reformation, Roman Catholic peasant movements in Latin America, and modern developments in Islam from Africa to Indonesia. The Pr otestant Reformation, for instance, was noted for the promotion of literacy and education am ong commoners, while Catholic peasant movements in Latin America frequently include an emphasis on making health care

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193 available to the poor. Islamic communities also contribute to the poor among them, redistributing funds from the religiously-mandated alms ( zakat ) collected from practitioners. The involvement of religion in mobilizing pol itical action should not be surprising. Contrary to its frequent dismissal as the opiate of the masses, religion has played a significant part in mobilizing resistance in many well-known political movements, including the African-American civil rights movement (e .g., Dr. Martin Luther King, Rev. Al Sharpton, and Rev. Jesse Jackson) Mohandas Gandhis struggle for Indian independence, and contemporary Sunni and Shiite movements in the Middle East.100 We can expect that among other indigenous peoples as well, civil relationships will be used to mobilize resources and support for the pur suit of political objectives, including the quest for land rights. Evolution of Sociopolitical Integration This study, in my examination of the history of the Manobo people and their activity groups, has also demonstrated another process important to the land-rights efforts of other indigenous peoples, namely, a gradua l evolution in the comp lexity of internal organization. We have seen how the intrusi on of outside political forces and populations initially undermined the local societys polit ical structures i.e., the traditional dat system due to the expansion of the centr al government as settlers gained increasing control over the area, consolidated by the Ph ilippine governments military defeat of a Manobo rebellion in the 1970s. However, th e pastors subsequent involvement with 100 Note that the intersection of the religious and political domains does not inherently produce either violence or peace. Christianity, for instance, has sometimes stimulated aggre ssion, as in the Hundred Years War between France and England and the religio us wars during the Protestant Reformation, but it has also produced the pacifist Mennonites and the nonviolent resistance of Martin Luther King.

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194 physical and economic needs, and then with land rights, led to a growing network of relationships throughout the soci ety. Moreover, this networ k was not simply a mass of contacts, as social capital theory may some times suggest. There was an evolution of development of both peer-to-peer and superi or-inferior relationships: evolution from individualist toward both collectivist and hi erarchical organizational structures. The Manobo developed increasing levels of internal coordination, in direct response to the needs the invasion had brought about. There ha ve been many factors contributing to their need: the governments failure to recognize rights to their ances tral land; the awarding of logging concessions; the logging companys aggressive efforts to remove Manobo populations and prevent them from pursui ng traditional agricultural systems, and destruction of Manobo crops a nd houses; settlers seizure of Manobo land; and inability to compete economically with the settlers. Ye t, after the initial traumatic undermining of the traditional political system, the Manobo app ear to have responded to these pressures through an alternative strategy of increased internal organi zation an ad aptive response anticipated by the work of Adam s, Rambo, Poggie, and Singelis et al. Their work suggests that pressures from outside are crucia l in stimulating the de velopment of internal organization. Examples of such pressures include the following: The Philippine government and society are suspicious of unofficial groups, producing pressure on the Manobo church a ssociation to legally incorporate. Compliance with the requirements for incorp oration forced the association to adopt a board of directors, thereby moving the group toward grea ter centralization. A desire to keep free of government susp icion, and to have a better opportunity to seek assistance, put strong pressure on th e literacy and health workers to have representatives to th e government, thereby leading to the appointment of literacy and health supervisors, with the cons equent move to gr eater centralization. The literacy and health workers de pendence on a limited number of outside specialists for training, funding, supplies, and representation to government likewise made supervisors a necessity, ag ain leading to greater centralization.

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195 The Manobos increased contact with a market economy led to an increased demand for market products. At the same time, their distance from major towns, where goods are available at much le ss cost and where their own produce commands a higher price than in the mountai ns, led to a desire on their part to eliminate the middlemen. These two factors together produced an interest in forming cooperatives for both buying and selling. Finally, the need for secure land tenure, never an issue before the intrusion of settlers and loggers, has led to far more cooperation than at any time in the past not only at the village or regional level, but indeed throughout the entire language group. Group Effectiveness: Obstacles to the E volution of Sociopolitical Integration Consideration of the proc ess by which sociopolitical integration has increased among the Manobo also sheds light on the difficult ies that some of their activity groups have experienced. As the work of Lans ing and de Vet (1999), Rambo (1991b), Poggie (1995), and Singelis et al. (1995) brings out, while cooperation enables participants to mobilize more resources toward their aims th an is possible for the individual household, the necessary coordination comes at a cost. Coordination requires the surrender of some measure of individual control ov er resources and decisions to the group or its authorities. However, groups are rarely homogeneous, and i ndividuals may disagree as to whether the benefits of cooperation are wo rth the personal cost. Indivi duals may also be personally undecided, and therefore ambivalent in their commitment to the group. Mishandling of group-controlled resources and the suspicion ther eby aroused thus poses a direct threat to group cohesion. The histories of the seve ral action groups examined in this study strongly suggest that lack of financial tran sparency may lead to the dissolution of the group, or at least to the retic ence of members to contribute to it a phenomenon mirrored in the myriad accounts of cooperatives that have collapsed elsewhere. Rambos work indicates that individuals are more willing to surrender individual rights to the group when they face significant need. It is therefor e not surprising that

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196 while financial misconduct has destroyed c ooperative stores, it has merely made it difficult for the land rights orga nizations to obtain contributi ons, but not destroyed them. That partial immunity to collapse is encourag ing. But at the same time, the land rights groups will likely become more effective if they adopt practices for financial transparency. (Financial transparency may also be advantageous in obtaining outside funding. Like many other developing nations, the Philippine state has a distinctly limited budget, and is therefore not a reliable s ource of funds for the Manobos needs. Nongovernmental organizations may be willing to provide finding, but only if they see evidence of financial responsibility. Ma nobo organizations will have to establish mechanisms for financial transparency, and demonstrate that they are utilizing them, before they can expect to obtain outside f unding. The same principle would apply to action groups in other cultures as well.) Another factor contributing to cooperation within a society and by extension, to the achievement of widely he ld goals is the maintenance of harmonious relations between leaders in different groups (and di fferent types of groups). The lack of infighting among dat pastors, Manobo government offici als, literacy workers, and health workers has undoubted ly allowed the Manobo to channel more resources and energy into the pursuit of land rights than would otherwise have been possible. Consideration of the vari ous activity groups among the Manobo also makes clear that the structures and practices they ha ve employed for collec tive action are heavily influenced by preexisting traditional patterns, particularly those derived from the individualist way of life and ec onomic precedents such as the kepesagud practice (the arrangement for dividing return s between an animals owner and caretaker). The value of

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197 designing programs to fit traditional patterns was attested to by the outcomes of the fruit tree program, Elem clinic, and agricultural extension program. At the same time, the Manobo land-rights organizations (and the church association with its associated literacy, health, and agricultural development programs) are moving toward greater hierarchy and far greater organizational complexity than anyt hing that existed in the traditional culture. It appears that the best practice for ac tion groups may be to accommodate their structure and practices to traditional cultu ral patterns, while simultaneously working toward forms that permit greater cooperation. Finally, while the environmental invasions of the Manobos ancestral domain have clearly wreaked havoc, it is also evident that not all outside contact is detrimental. The decades-long involvement of SIL and TAP, providing training to indigenous groups without exercising control over them, has played a demonstrable role in facilitating the emergence and maturation of activity groups among the Manobo. PAFID has played a similar role more recently. This is not to say that all NGOs are alike: there is a wide variety of non-governmental or ganizations, differing in both commitment and agenda. Similarly, government officials even within the same institution have also varied in how they have interacted with the Manobo. While the intrusion of the state has had a serious negative impact on the Manobo, some officials have provided justice and protection to the Manobo, while others have provided access to ine xpensive agricultural materials and medical care. Indigenous groups can benefit from cooperation with outside groups, so long as they exercise discernment. Recommendations Dissertations often conclude with reco mmendations, and those recommendations are often directed to the powers that be usually cons idered to be the national

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198 government, and occasionally foreign governments or international lending institutions. Yet it is worth asking who, indeed, possesses power. It is evid ent that the logging company wields tremendous influence. It is also evident that the government does as well note that the government halted the companys logging, but also created the situation that encourages the companys a buse of the Manobo. And, we have seen in preceding chapters that the Manobo, despite th eir apparent powerlessness, have exerted genuine influence upon the government and, through it, upon the logg ing company. In recognition, then, that there are many parties wi th power to affect the well-being of all in the area, I will address my recommendations to each of the stakeholders involved: the Manobo themselves, M&S Co., the numerous lo cal and national government offices and agencies having jurisdiction over the Manobo, and the NGOs assisting the Manobo. To government offices and agencies. The pressures exerted by outside forces on the Manobo have produced an array of civil associations, which ha ve in turn given rise to organizations devoted to obtai ning secure access to the land of their ancestors. Despite the sometimes fraudulent and violent lo ss of their land, the Manobo have responded peaceably. However, continued denial of their claims is leading to frustration, raising the specter of the same kind of violence that has plagued other parts of the Philippines. The passage of IPRA is a commendable step, so long as it is enforced. Devolution is another commendable step, placing decisions where the best information is and where the persons most affected reside. In keeping with th e spirit of both devolution and IPRA, I would urge the government grant the Manobo full author ity over their ancestral territory. If the Manobo are allowed to determine their own fu ture, we can expect they will not only

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199 provide for their own needs, but also respons ibly care for the natura l resources of their territory and become significant co ntributors to national prosperity. To M&S Co. I have used the term resista nce because of it s popularity in the academic literature, but could readily s ubstitute the terms empowerment, selfdetermination, and taking civic responsibility. While the Manobo have learned to resist the incursions into their ancestral te rritory, that resistance has been peaceful. My conversations with numerous leaders among them suggest that they remain well inclined to act as good neighbors toward those around them. However, the maintenance of good relations requires reciprocity among neighbors. Dissolution of the companys security force and cooperation with the governments efforts to grant the Manobo secure access to that small portion of their ancestral lands not ye t titled to settlers would do much to create an environment where all parties can pur sue a harmonious and prosperous future. To NGOs (and concerned GOs). Efforts to assist indi genous peoples are more likely to succeed if those from outside follow the local rules of th e game that is, if they work within both th e traditional and the emergi ng culture. Groups among Manobo designed for individualist social organization work well. However, they are limited in what they can accomplish, as greater coordinatio n is required for more effectiveness. While such coordination requires skills and at titudes not currently prevalent, the Manobo are demonstrating increasing levels of horizontal and vertical coordina tion. It will take time for the perceived benefit of coordination to exceed its perceived cost. It may be possible to facilitate the Manobos adoption of greater co ordination by providing training in skills that prevent lost of trust, namely, in record-keepi ng and in report ing to the group.

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200 To the Manobo. Manobo society has not disinteg rated. Rather, the Manobo have changed their social organization to respond to the new pressures they are facing, in many cases with notable results. The many groups they have created for cooperation attest to an interest in appr opriating the advantages of great er internal coordination. At the same time, the dissolution of several groups formed for economic cooperation, and the financial difficulties experienced by the land-rights groups and church association, suggest that adopting new forms of soci al organization must be accompanied by a willingness to pay the costs inherent in those forms. As with NGOs, the greatest effectiveness will likely come from working within current culture while working toward the new forms desired. Particular attention s hould be paid to identifying and following practices that will ensure financial transpar ency, thereby maintaining the trust necessary for groups to continue. To researchers. A final word is due to resear chers regarding methods, theory, and additional research needs. The in-depth study of a single society has proven useful in elucidating the processes by which a society modi fies its social organization to respond to invasions of its resource base Large-scale surveys of th e entire population may have yielded useful quantitative data but would have yielded consid erably less insight into the interaction of groups and external forces, a nd into the evolution of the groups internal organization, both of which can only be dete rmined by examining the history of specific groups. Using a modified snowball approac h, it was possible to quickly develop a complete inventory of the activity groups in th e research area, and to then interview focus groups comprised of a high percentage of th e groups members. A focus on activities

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201 also provided a ready springboard for inquiry in to norms and attitudes, while avoiding the idealized answers often given to dire ct questions of a hypothetical nature. Regarding theoretical paradigms, quantitativ e analyses of the relationships between and within groups (namely, ethnographic linear programming, and computer modeling of ecosystems) provided useful insights into relationships, but paradigms that focused on social relationships, and particularly on the emergence and exercise of power, were more useful in elucidating the processes by which the Manobo have responded to the new pressures they are facing. Social capital theo ry was useful in draw ing attention to the foundational role played by prior relationships in mobilizing political resistance, but is inadequate by itself, as it focuses only on the gross occurrence of rela tionships rather than on their nature, configuration, and evolution. Grid-group theory (pp. 15-18), research on the mechanisms by which vertical and horizon tal relationships emerge in response to outside pressures (pp. 27-29), and studies of cultural evol ution focused on social forces (pp. 25-26) provided the paradigms for analyzing the development of social organization and corollary resistance among the Manobo. (The more recent theory of political ecology likewise places emphasis on th e relationship between external forces and internal reconfigurations, both in the social system and the interaction between society and environment. It also emphasizes the phe nomenon of scale, the level at which interaction is taking place, thereby helping to ensure that local, regional, and national forces are all taken into account. Political ecology also acknowledges the internal workings of a society under the rubric of agency. However, the paradigms I have relied on are more explicit in their focu s on the specific processes by which social organization evolves, so were more useful for my purposes.) Common property regime

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202 (CPR) theory (pp. 31-33) provided additional detail for analysis of the relationship between a groups internal organization a nd its practices for resource management. This study of the Manobo has explored the impact of environmental invasions of their homeland on their social organizati on, and traced the processes by which they modified their social organizati on to respond to these invasions. Certain trends have been evident among the Manobo, incl uding the stimulation of in ternal coordination by an adverse political climate, the importance of civil institutions, the role that religion can play in facilitating civil and political institutions, and the increase in effectiveness possible through deliberate accommodation to exis ting structures and practices. Each of these findings is substantiated by previous st udies based on the theories I have employed, strongly suggesting that we can expect to see many of these same trends manifested among other indigenous peoples dealing with th e invasion of their te rritory. In this regard, this dissertation has achieved my goal of elucidating the pr ocesses at work among the Manobo and helping to make clearer the possibilities at hand for them and other indigenous peoples. At the same time, a full understanding of the processes by which indigenous populations change th eir cultural tools to respo nd to new pressures can only come from the comparison of widely differi ng cases of environmental invasions. Thus, this study is also a call to researchers to conduct similar studies among and between other peoples, to the end that indigenous peoples worldwide will become better equipped in their quest to form just and harmonious relationships with their neighbors.

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203 APPENDIX A INTERVIEW QUESTIONS Background Information and Political Structure Demographics and Land History Questions for focus group of leaders of land-rights associations and traditional leaders: location of Manobo villages (mark on map), estimated population of each location of Bisay settlements (mark on map), when started, by whom, how land was acquired when and where logging and mining co mpanies entered, areas of land taken Traditional Political Structure, and Changes in Political Structure Dispute settlement. Traditional political structure, contrasted with current structure. Ask a focus group of tradit ional leaders and land-rights leaders: Describe particular past dispute settlements ( antang ). (Begin by asking about two incidents in Elem that occurred before 1989: the cutting off of one mans arm, and another incident in which a man killed his wife). In what ways are they different from traditional antang ? In what ways are they different from what barangay captains and mayors are doing? In what ways are they different from wh at the pastors and church association are doing? Describe accounts of the resolution a nd waging of hostilities. Did the Manobo have anything like what Tagalog calls a bagani ? Ask a focus group of pastors: What role do pastors have in settling dis putes? What role, if any, do they take in antang ? What difference is there between the dat s work and the pastors in settling disputes? Basis for leadership. Ask a focus group of traditional leaders, and a separate focus group of the leaders of civil associations:

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204 How does a dat (government leader, pastor) emerge? What makes for a good dat (government leader, pastor)? A bad dat (government leader, pastor)? Accounts of leaders losing their following. What problems do dat (government leaders, pastors) have? How have they dealt with them? How do dat (government leaders, pastors) obtain income? (If the question above indicates the presence of group property, ask about arrangements to manage that property.) Roles of emerging leaders (financial position). It appears that the dat functioned much as Big Men, and benefited fr om their position by collecting interest on the wealth they lent in facilitating settle ments (marriages and payment of fines) and by the building of patron-client relationships. It appears th at the emerging leaders also function as Big Men, but must do so in a ma nner consistent with a new ideology that specifies they not selfishly profit from their posit ions. If this is so, it is almost certainly placing pressures on the emerging leaders the traditional leaders did not have to bear. To investigate this, I will ask some of the leaders of civil associations: What are the financial obligations an d benefits that went with being a dat ? What kind of following did dat have? What obligations did dat have? How does this compare to your position? Economic System Traditional Interview several older Manobo, asking: types of farming practiced (e.g., tinibah pelusak kinundal dinaduwan basakan kapiyan ) descriptions of each, including crops and yi elds (by area and by amount of planting material) open-access arrangements (bamboo, rattan, spri ngs, creeks and ri vers, trees for construction materials, cogon grass, wild foods such as selaw ) hunting practices gathering practices proxies for health status: number of children born and number of children surviving to marriageable age

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205 Current Interview separate focus groups of Elem men and women, asking: What are the different kinds of farmland ( hinemulaan ) (e.g., tinibah pelusak kinundal dinaduwan basakan kapiyan )? Describe what you do in each. What crops do you plant? What are typical yields (by area and by amount of planti ng material)? Typical inputs? Ask about open-access arrangements (bam boo, rattan, springs, creeks and rivers, trees for construction materials, cogo n grass, and wild foods such as selaw ). What kinds of things do people use but not plant? Do people claim those things as their own? Ask about hunting, trapping, and fishing. How do you obtain wild animals? Who hunts? What do you gather? Who gathers it? Ask about proxies for health status. To both men and women ask: How many children did your mother have in her lif etime? How many lived to marriageable age? To the women, ask: How many ch ildren have you had? How old are they? Are you still bearing? Which children, if any, have died? Civil Associations Manobo Church Association (AMBCI) Ask the members of the board of directors, plus interested pa stors and individuals: When did the program begin? Who started it? What are the other leaders si nce that time, and when did they lead? How did they become leaders? How did they stop being leaders? How has the program managed its property? How have the leaders managed the property? Tiruray Church Association (ATBCI) Ask the members of the board of directors, plus interested pa stors and individuals: When did the program begin? Who started it? What are the other leaders si nce that time, and when did they lead? How did they become leaders? How did they stop being leaders? How has the program managed its property? How have the leaders managed the property? Elem Church Ask the pastors and church officials, plus any interested individuals:

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206 When did the program begin? Who started it? What are the other leaders si nce that time, and when did they lead? How did they become leaders? How did they stop being leaders? How has the program managed its property? How have the leaders managed the property? Literacy Program Ask a focus group of the supervisors and teachers, plus interested others: When did the program begin? Who started it? What are the other leaders since that time, and when did they lead? How did th ey become leaders? How did they stop being leaders? When was the first literacy class in this area, and who started it? How many classes are going on now? Have th ere always been this many classes? When did the number of classes start to grow? When did the number of classes start to fall? How does a teach start te aching in a village? How many adults in this place can now read? Is a teacher paid? Is he give n anything? Why does he teach? Why do people want to read? How has the program managed its property? How have the leaders managed the property? What have the teachers done about talking with government officials? How often does the local teacher or supervisor talk w ith education or elected officials? What do you think those talks have done for the program? Formal Education Ask focus group of student parents and PTA officers: How many people over forty have been to school? How many people over twenty-f ive have been to school? How many of the children between ei ght and fifteen are going to school? Before there was a school here, where did children go to school? When did the school begin? How? Who takes care of the school now? How does the government find teachers for the school? What do you do with the school as parents? Health Program Ask the health supervisors and health work ers, plus any interested individuals: When did the program begin? Who started it?

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207 What are the other leaders si nce that time, and when did they lead? How did they become leaders? How did they stop being leaders? How has the program managed its property? How have the leaders managed the property? Associations for Economic Cooperation Interview Elem leaders to elicit an inventory of the various cooperative economic activities that have been engaged in by the re sidents of Elem and the participants in each. (Groups I am currently aware of include buying and selling groups, cooperative stores, lumber sawing groups, gardening groups, a nd a coconut cooperative.) Conduct focus groups for each group comprised of all known members. Elicit a history for each group, including events, amounts of money and othe r assets, and names of those controlling assets and making decisions. Cooperative stores (most also buy and sell): Ask focus group of participants in each group: When was the group started, and who began it? Why? How did they start the group? Is the group still going? If it stopped, when, and why? What was done with its property when it stopped? Are there any plans to ha ve another group like it? Lumber sawing groups Ask focus group of participants in each group: When was the group started, and who began it? Why? How did they start the group? Is the group still going? If it stopped, when, and why? What was done with its property when it stopped? Are there any plans to ha ve another group like it? Gardening groups Ask focus group of participants in each group: When was the group started, and who began it? Why?

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208 How did they start the group? Is the group still going? If it stopped, when, and why? What was done with its property when it stopped? Are there any plans to ha ve another group like it? Coconut cooperative Ask focus group of participants: When was the group started, and who began it? Why? How did they start the group? Is the group still going? If it stopped, when, and why? What was done with its property when it stopped? Are there any plans to ha ve another group like it? Land Rights Conduct a focus group of land-rights leader s and traditional leaders to elicit the Manobos land-rights history. Questions: What land problems have you had? (For each incident, ask the names of the victims and perpetrators; quantify the huma n and property losses; ask the date and location; ask whether the Manobo contacted the government about the incident, and the result of any such complaint.) Give a history of your efforts to obtain la nd rights. (For each event in the account, ask: date; groups and persons involved; how each action was funded, who managed the funds, and who controlled them.) What government officials have you talked with, and when? What has been the result of your conversations? What NGO workers have you talked with, and when? What has been the result of your conversations? What other IP101 POs102 have you talked with, and when ? What has been the result of your conversations? 101 indigenous people 102 peoples organizations

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209 APPENDIX B GENEALOGIES In order to better understand the relationshi ps between various kinds of kin, and in particular the relationships between the people with whom I had contact on a daily basis, I began collecting genealogies from the Ma nobo in the Elem area in the early 1990s. While my records are hardly exhaustive (t hey include only 1,219 individuals, living or deceased, versus a current population of about 30,000), they clearly substantiate the great length of time the Manobo have lived in their ancestral territory. The Manobo only began using surnames in recent generations. They usually employ the name of a prominent ancestor (i ndicated in bold type for Anggah Kalabaw and Jamin Kapitan). Occasionally, however, they may identify with a more prominent relative of their own direct forebear s, as in the case of Adug Nayam.

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210 Kelisong | Kalingutan | Sengibu | Tumundug | Kl | Dimaug | Agis (full brother to Nayam ) | Kasuk Nayam | Gunsal Nayam | Adug Nayam | (children: names not recorded) Kelisong | Selumay | Awen | Mandal | Kalabaw | Alun Kalabaw | Tektek Kalabaw | Anggah ne Kalabaw | (children: names not recorded) Kelisong | Selumay | Awen | Mandal | Kapitan | Emng Kapitan | Kendung Kapitan | Gepi Kapitan | Dad Kapitan | Jamin Kapitan Figure B-1. Genealogies of three Manobo individuals.

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211 APPENDIX C THE PATHS NOT TAKEN This appendix consists of material that may be useful in analyzing other conflicts over the use of natural resour ces, but that proved inapplicable in this particular investigation. The material consists of theory and statistical analyses. Analytical Paradigms Human systems are incredibly complex, as they incorporate a multitude of dimensions. In my investigation of the Manobo, I found the most crucial portion of the system to be the exercise of power with in local groups and between those groups and outside forces, and therefore employed theore tical paradigms that focused directly on social relationships. However, the biophysic al and economic aspects are also important aspects of human systems. Two theoretical ap proaches that are particularly promising in incorporating these dimensions are ec osystem modeling and ethnographic linear programming. Ecosystem Analysis. This approach focuses on the phys ical relationships within a society and between the society and its mate rial environment. Many anthropologists, including Steward, Meggers, Carneiro, Harri s, and Gross, have approached social systems by breaking them into subsystems (e.g., cultural, political, economic, and technological) and then investigating the causa l relationships between the subsystems and between them and components of the physical environment (Panya 1991). Ecologists have used a similar approach for analyzi ng ecosystems, but describe the relationship between the components of the system (groups of organisms, water, nutrients, soil, etc.)

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212 quantitatively as well as qualitatively. Computer programs such as STELLA (Hannon and Ruth 1997) permit the manipulation of qua ntitative data, making it possible to project the probable future state of a system i. e., the probable outcome of a particular situation. The use of such programs is referred to as modeling. The programs relate the flows of materials (e.g., forest bioma ss, or human populations) between portions of the system to information coming from system components (e.g., forest policy from a government agency, or health status of a population). Social systems are extremely complex, and it is questionable that they coul d, at present, be modeled with substantial accuracy. Even so, the modeling can be usef ul to explicitly cap ture the nature of relationships between groups and between them and the resources they utilize. Symbols used in the STELLA program are given in Figure C-1, with an example of how the program could be used to concep tualize the Manobos situation in Figure C-2. Ethnographic Linear Pr ogramming (ELP). ELP is conceptually similar to ecosystem analysis in that it traces flows w ithin a social system, but does so using an accounting approach (Hildebrand and Cabrera 20 03). A spreadsheet program is used to relate enterprise out puts to inputs and to keep track of transfers and transformations between enterprises. Unlike the typical economic approach, ELP incorporates cultural information by carefully elic iting household data on matte rs such as the minimum quantity needed of each crop grown, the amount of labor available from each age and gender, and household obligations to provide for village fest ivities or absent kin. The approach is designed to compare alternativ e livelihood systems and assess the probable economic outcome of specific changes in them. With slight modification, ELP could be a

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213 powerful tool for comparing altern ative group organizational structures103 and assessing the probable economic viability of each alternative. Statistical Analyses for Organizational Effectiveness In this dissertation, I have traced the evolution of Manobo social organization in response to the invasion of their ancestral territory, showing how the development of a network of civil institutions le d to political mobilization. In Chapter 8, I considered the factors that facilitated or hi ndered the function of each of t hose civil institutions in order to elucidate more fully the mechanisms by which the Manobo mobilized resistance. My analysis was based on logical deduction from the evidence available from my interviews, essentially the same reasoning process that is employed in a court of law. However, I was also interested in examining the mechanis ms more closely using statistical analysis. This was somewhat problematic, as my info rmants had provided accounts that were narrative or descriptive rather than quantitative. Convers ion of their statements to numerical values was thus imprecise, as well as vulnerable to subjectivity on my part. Furthermore, some of the data was by its nature unobtainable (e.g., it is unknown whether the land rights organizations have failed to obtain land rights, becau se their efforts are ongoing). Hence, while the results of the cros s-tabulation analyses we re consistent with my findings in Chapter 8, the data were in sufficient to produce re gression models with high coefficients of correlation. Given that th e results of the statistical analyses support the conclusions I draw in Chapte r 8, but are inadequate to co nclusively substantiate them, I have included them in this appendix rather than in the main body of this dissertation. 103 accompanied by cultural information su ch as associated behavioral norms

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214 I investigated 46 groups the Manobo ha d formed for cooperation above the household level (Table C-3). Qualitative examination of the groups hist ories, utilizing the analytic paradigms set forth in Chapter 2, suggested a number of hypotheses relating the groups characteristics to their e ffectiveness in reaching their goals: Existence of in-group trust leads to attainment of group aims. (Based on Ostrom (1990) and Putnam (1993).) Exposure to danger (e.g., from conflict over land rights, or the possibility of the groups losing legal recognition if proper forms are not filed) leads to horizontal or vertical coordination. (Based on Lans ing and de Vet ( 1999), Poggie (1995), Rambo (1991b), and Singelis et al. (1995).) Coordination leads to the attainment of group aims. (Based on Adams (1977), Berkes (1989a, 1989b), Douglas (1994), Lansing and de Vet (1999), Ostrom (1990), Poggie (1995), Ram bo (1991b), and Singelis et al. (1995).) Assistance from NGOs facilitates coordi nation. (Based on extrapolation from Ostroms (1990) and Berkes (1989b) vi ews that government can undermine or facilitate local coordination.) Assistance from NGOs facilitates attainme nt of group aims. (This is the logical implication of the pr eceding two hypotheses.) Monitoring leads to attainment of gr oup aims. (Based on Ostrom (1990).) Based on these hypotheses, I chose six va riables to operationalize the factors: in-group trust exposure to danger monitoring (of activities by group representatives) assistance from NGOs presence of networking (peer-t o-peer or superordinate-s ubordinate relationships of local group with similar other groups) effectiveness in reaching group goals I considered trust, danger, monitoring, a nd assistance from NGOs to be independent variables, and effectiveness to be dependent. I consid ered networking to be an intermediary variable that is a direct contributor to effectiveness, but also a result of trust, danger, monitoring, and assistance from NGOs. These relationships are presented

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215 in graphic form in Figure C-3. The hypotheses are presented in logical form in Table C1. Using the scales in Table C-2, I assigned values to each variable for each group based on my interviews and personal observations (Table C-3). I then tested the hypotheses using cross-tabulation (Table C-4). The results show that networking, monitoring, and assistance from NGOs are sign ificantly related to effectiveness, while trust is only moderately related, and exposur e to danger is not demonstrably related. Monitoring, exposure to danger, and assistance from NGOs are all signi ficantly related to the occurrence of networking. I next proceeded to use multiple linear regression to ascertain which factors identified as significant in the cross-ta bulation tests contri buted most to group effectiveness and networking (Table C-5). The regressions identify networking and monitoring as the most signifi cant contributors to effectiv eness. These findings are consistent with Ostroms (1990:90) observat ion that monitoring and the presence of a nested hierarchical structure are among the characteristics common to lasting common property regime arrangements. The regressi ons also identify assistance from NGOs and exposure to threat as the most significant co ntributors to networking. That assistance from friendly parties such NGOs could reinfo rce local-level effort s at communication and coordination (i.e., networking) is consistent with Ostrom s (1990) and Berkes (1989b) observation that government can either undermin e or facilitate local coordination. The finding that exposure to thre at contributes significantly to networking is likewise consistent with the work of Lansing a nd de Vet (1999), Poggie (1995), Rambo (1991b), and Singelis et al. (1995) relating danger and the emer gence of coordination. However,

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216 while the results are consistent with theo ry, the coefficients of correlation are not especially high: 0.378 for the most reliable re gression for effectiveness, and 0.468 for the most reliable regression for networking. While the results of the cross-tabulation and regression tests are not sufficiently strong to serve as proof, they are consistent with the hypotheses (Table C-1) and suggest they are correct. Furt her testing using a much larg er body of data, drawn from a variety of cultures, would likely provide more conclusive results. Figure C-1. Symbols used in ecosyst em modeling (Hannon and Ruth 1997:11-14). Figure C-2. Effect of parties in the Manobos situation on Manobo population level, emigration, and forest cover.

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217 Figure C-3. Relationships between vari ables used in statistical analyses. Table C-1. Hypotheses in propositional form. Trust Effectiveness Networking Effectiveness Monitoring Effectiveness Assistance from NGOs Effectiveness Danger Networking trus t assistance from NGOs dan g e r monitorin g networking effectiveness

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218Table C-2. Scales employed to define value of variables. Scale Variable 0 1 2 3 4 In-group trust Has been substantial problem. Has been slight or minor problem. No problem known. Monitoring Needed, but there is little or no management-oriented communication. Needed, & some monitoring exercised. Needed, & substantial effort made. None needed. Assistance from NGOs None. Little or none. Some. Independent Subjection to threats No Somewhat Substantial Intermediary Networking No Somewhat Substantial Dependent Effectiveness in reaching group goals No Yes

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219 Table C-3. Groups formed for cooperation above the household level. Intensity of variable Type of group Group In-group trust Exposure to danger Monitoring Assistance from NGOs Networking Effectiveness in reaching group goals Church AMBCI 2 2 1 2 3 1 Church Belanga church 3 0 2 2 3 1 Church Danu church 3 0 2 2 3 1 Church Elem church 1 0 1 2 3 1 Church Elem church coffee grove 2 0 2 0 3 1 Church ATBCI 3 2 3 2 3 1 Cooperative Fruit-growing cooperative: Belanga 3 2 1 0 0 Cooperative Pig cooperative: Elem 2 0 1 2 0 1 Cooperative Timber-sawing cooperative: Elem 1 1 0 0 0 0 Cooperative Small Coconut Farmers Org.: Danu 3 0 1 1 0 0 Cooperative Small Coconut Farmers Org.: Kalamansig 1 0 1 0 0 1 Cooperative Store: Belanga 3 0 0 1 Cooperative Store: Elem (#1) 1 0 0 0 0 0 Cooperative Store: Elem (#2) 2 0 0 0 0 0 Cooperative Store: Elem (#3) 1 0 0 0 0 0 Cooperative Store: Elem (#4) 1 0 3 0 0 1 Cooperative Store: Elem (#5) 3 0 0 0 0 1 Cooperative Store: Mayul (#1) 1 0 0 0 0 Cooperative Store: Mayul (#2) 3 0 3 0 1 Cooperative Store: Migg 3 0 0 0 0 Cooperative Women's cooperative: Belanga 3 0 0 1 Gardening Gardening group: Elem (#1) 3 0 3 1 0 0 Gardening Gardening group: Elem (#2) 3 0 1 2 0 0 Gardening Gardening group: Elem (#4) 3 0 1 0 0 0 Health AMBCI (Manobo church) program 2 1 1 2 1 1 Health Belanga program 3 1 2 2 1 1 Health Danu program 3 1 1 2 1 1 Health Elem program 2 1 1 2 1 1 Health Mayul program 3 1 1 2 1 1 Health ATBCI (Tiruray 3 2 3 2 1 1

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220 Intensity of variable Type of group Group In-group trust Exposure to danger Monitoring Assistance from NGOs Networking Effectiveness in reaching group goals church) program Land rights Federation 3 3 1 3 3 Land rights National Commission on Indig. Peoples 3 3 3 3 Land rights Sagip Fusaka Inged 3 3 2 3 Land rights Tribal Commun. of Esperanza Assoc. 3 3 2 3 3 Land rights Tribal Commun. of Kalamansig Assoc. 1 3 2 3 3 Land rights Tribal Commun. of Lebak Assoc. 1 3 2 3 3 Livelihood Fruit tree buying group: Kalamansig 3 0 3 3 0 1 Livelihood Fruit tree buying group: Lebak 2 0 3 3 0 1 Livelihood Fruit tree buying group: Sen. Ninoy Aquino (Kulaman) 3 0 3 3 0 1 Literacy AMBCI program 3 0 2 3 3 1 Literacy Belanga program 3 0 3 3 3 1 Literacy Danu program 3 0 3 3 3 1 Literacy Mayul program 3 0 3 3 3 1 Literacy ATBCI (Tiruray church) program 3 0 3 3 3 1 Public education Elem Parent-Teacher Association 3 0 4 0 0 1

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221 Table C-4. Significance levels in cross-tabulation tests. dependent variable independent variable effectivenessnetworking Trust 0.115 0.517 Danger 0.429 0.000 Monitoring 0.015 0.015 Networking 0.004 NA Assistance from NGOs 0.001 0.000 Table C-5. Regression models. Significance104 Dependent variable Assistance from NGOs NetworkingMonitoringTrust Exposure to threat Model R2 0.150 0.124 0.044 0.3180.295 0.004 0.457 0.196 0.085 0.090 0.001 0.414 Effectiveness 0.017 0.010 0.001 0.378 0.005 NA 0.581 0.6650.146 0.002 0.398 Networking 0.000 NA 0.035 0.000 0.468 104 The threshold for the variables was 0.05 for entry and 0.10 for removal.

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231 1993 Political Power and the Origin of Social Complexity. In Configurations of Power: Holistic Anthropology in Theo ry and Practice. John S. Henderson and Patricia J. Netherly, eds. Pp. 112-134. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. SIL International 2003 Languages of Philippines. Electronic document, http://www.ethnologue.com/show_country.asp?name=Philippines, accessed February 9, 2005. Singelis, Theodore M., Harry C. Triandis, Dh arm P. S. Bhawuk, and Michele J. Gelfand 1995 Horizontal and Vertical Dimensions of Individualism and Collectivism: A Theoretical and Measurement Refine ment. Cross-cultural Research 29(3):240-275. Small, D. and N. B. Tannenbaum 1999a Archaeology of the Interface: A Brief Overview. In At the Interface: The Household and Beyond. Monographs in Economic Anthropology, 15. David B. Small and Nicola Tannenbaum, eds. P. 173. New York: University Press of America. 1999b Interfaces and the Organization of Communities: A Brief Overview. In At the Interface: The Household a nd Beyond. Monographs in Economic Anthropology, 15. David B. Small and Nicola Tannenbaum, eds. Pp. 7576. New York: University Press of America. Spradley, James P. and David W. McCurdy 1980 Anthropology: the cultu ral perspective. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Szanton, M. Cristina Blanc 1979 Personalized Exchange: The Suki Relationship. In Society, Culture and the Filipino: A Textbook of Readings in Anthropology and Sociology. Mary Racelis Hollnsteiner, ed. P p. 62-69. Quezon City: Institute of Philippine Culture, Ateneo de Manila University. Thompson, Michael, Richard Ellis, and Aaron Wildavsky 1980 Cultural Theory. Boulder: Westview Press. Walton, Charles 1979 A Philippine Language Tree. Anth ropological Linguistics 21(2):70. World Bank 2002a Social Capital and Civil So ciety. Electronic document, http://www.worldbank.org/poverty/scap ital/sources/civil2.htm, accessed June 4, 2004.

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232 2002b Social Capital and Community. Electronic document, http://www.worldbank.org/poverty/s capital/sources/comm1.htm, accessed June 2, 2004. 2002c Social Capital and Firms. Electronic document, http://www.worldbank.org/poverty/s capital/sources/firm1.htm, accessed June 4, 2004. Yen, D. E. 1976 The Ethnobotany of the Tasaday: II. Plant Names of the Tasaday, Manobo Blit, and Kemato Tboli. In Further Studies on the Tasaday. Douglas E. Yen and John Nance, eds. Pp. 137-158. Makati, Philippines: PANAMIN. 1976 The Ethnobotany of the Tasaday: III. Notes on the Subsistence System. In Further Studies on the Tasaday. Dougl as E. Yen and John Nance, eds. Pp. 159-183. Makati, Philippines: PANAMIN. Yen, D. E. and Hermes Gutierrez 1976 The Ethnobotany of the Tasaday: I. The Useful Plants. In Further Studies on the Tasaday. Douglas E. Yen and John Nance, eds. Pp. 97-136. Makati, Philippines: PANAMIN. Yengoyan, Aram A. 1991 Evolutionary Theory in Ethnological Perspectives. In Profiles in Cultural Evolution: Papers from a Conference in Honor of Elman R. Service. Anthropological Papers, 85. A. Terry Rambo and Kathleen Gillogly, eds. Pp. 3-21. Ann Arbor: Museum of Anth ropology, University of Michigan.

PAGE 246

233 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Douglas Fraiser was born in Maryland but grew up in Texas, where he attended Texas A&M University and ear ned a BS in Agronomy in 1977. He worked as a Peace Corps Volunteer in the Thai soil conserva tion service from 1978 to 1980, after which he studied multiple cropping and tropical agricult ure at the University of Florida, receiving an MS in Agronomy in 1983. He worked the next three years with the Manobo people as a community development worker under th e auspices of Philippine Evangelical Enterprises. After return ing to the United States, Douglas enrolled at Columbia International University, receiving a Certific ate of Biblical Studies in 1988. He was accepted as a member of SIL International late r that year and assigned to work with the Cotabato Manobo as a community developm ent specialist, arriving back in the Philippines in 1989. Contact with the Tiruray pe ople led to work with them as well. His work with the Manobo and Tiruray has focu sed on both technical content and social process. His interest in the social domain led to serving as coordinator with his wife, Meg, of SIL-Philippines Anthropology Depart ment, teaching a course in anthropology with Philippine colleague James Daguman at Philippine Normal University in 1995, and consulting SIL colleagues in community de velopment. Douglas began a doctoral program at the University of Florida in 2003. He will be returning to active service with SIL after graduation. Douglas is married to Meg a nd has two sons, Ian and Kirk.


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LOGGERS, SETTLERS, AND TRIBESMEN IN THE
MOUNTAIN FORESTS OF THE PHILIPPINES:
THE EVOLUTION OF INDIGENOUS SOCIAL ORGANIZATION
IN RESPONSE TO ENVIRONMENTAL INVASIONS















By

DOUGLAS MEREDITH FRAISER


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


2007

































Copyright 2007

by

Douglas Meredith Fraiser
















ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am deeply thankful to the chair of my advisory committee, Dr. Gerald Murray, for

the apprenticeship these four years have provided. His knowledge of theory, experience

with the practical application of anthropology, and insistence on clear thinking have been

invaluable in my growth as a researcher and field worker. His wisdom and patience have

been a tremendous encouragement.

I am grateful for the insights and suggestions of my advisory committee members,

Dr. Michael Bannister, Dr. Abraham Goldman, Dr. Peter Hildebrand, and Dr. Marianne

Schmink. Particular thanks go to Dr. Schmink for her encouragement to consider

graduate studies, to Dr. Sherwood Lingenfelter for demonstrating the practical

application of anthropology, and to Ms. Joanne Shetler for her mentoring and

encouragement.

My studies would hardly have been possible without substantial financial

assistance. I owe special thanks to the School of Natural Resources and Environment and

the Graduate School of the University of Florida for an E. T. York Presidential

Fellowship and assistantship that made this study possible, and to Dr. Raymond Gallaher

for encouraging me to apply. My thanks go also to the University's Working Forests in

the Tropics Program for a summer research grant, supported by the National Science

Foundation (DGE-0221599); to SIL International and SIL-Philippines for assistance with

both educational and research expenses; and to the many individuals who supported my

work with the Manobo and who continued to support me during my studies.









My special thanks go to the Manobo and Tiruray among whom I have lived and

worked. Their care and friendship over many years, and their willingness to have my

wife and me labor alongside them, have made it a joy to live among them.

Finally, I am grateful to my sons, lan and Kirk, for their cheerful appreciation of

the special life they have had growing up among the Manobo, and to Meg, my wife,

friend, and co-laborer, for her love, support, and commitment to myself and the work to

which we have been called. Her presence with me has made this journey immeasurably

lighter and brighter.
















TABLE OF CONTENTS

page
pM.ge

A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S ................................................................................................. iii

LIST OF TABLES...................... .......................................................... .... .. .............. ix

LIST OF FIGU RE S .................................. ... ... .................................. ...............x

A BSTRA CT ....................................... ............. .......................................................... xii

CHAPTER

1 IN TR O D U C TIO N .1......................................... .. ... 1

2 THEORETICAL FOUNDATIONS (LITERATURE REVIEW) .............. ...............7

Theories of Social O organization: D description ..............................................................7
The Ethnographic A pproach................................................................................7
Social N etw ork A analysis .....................................................................................9
Social C capital ..................................................... ................... ...............10
G rid-G roup Theory............................................................................ .. ... ........ .... 15
Theories of Social Organization: Culture Change..................................................19
Cultural Evolution ................... ................................. ................ ...............19
Typologies .................................................. .................... ...............19
Factors shaping culture...............................................................................21
Emergence of Horizontal and Vertical Integration ............................ ...............27
Intergroup Conflict and the Concentration of Power ........................................28
Conflicts over Land and Natural Resources................. ...................................29
T he N national L evel ............... .. ... ........ .. ................... ..... ..... .. .............. 29
Resource Management at the Local Level: Public, Private, Open-Access, and
Com m on-Pool Arrangem ents .......................................................................... 31
Cultural Specifics: Cues to the Manobo's Use of Social Structures for
Supradom estic Cooperation.................................................................................33
Sum m ary .................................................... ................................................ ...............3 5

3 RE SEA R CH D E SIGN .............................................................................................. 38

4 LIFE BEFORE THE INVASION: PRE-1953........................................... ...............44

The Physical Setting .................. ...................................................... ...............44



v









Biological Aspects of the M anobo Economy ...........................................................45
Sw idden A griculture..........................................................................................45
G gathering ................................................. .......... .................................53
H hunting, Trapping, and Fishing.........................................................................56
D om estic A nim als ...... .... .. ... .................. ............................... ...............59
Technological Aspects of the M anobo Economy.....................................................59
Social Aspects of the M anobo Economy..................................................................61
Kinship Organization of Economy.................... ...................................61
Political System .................................................. .................... ...............66
Internal M migration .......... ........ ...................... ................71
Sum m ary ..................................................... ............................................... ...............72

5 SUBJUGATION AND ADAPTATION: 1953-1974..................................................82

The Invasion: N national Scale....................................................................................82
T he Invasion : L ocal Scale ...................................................................... ...............84
Transform nations in Political System .........................................................................90
Im pact of a M market Econom y ...................................................................................91
P property ....................... .................................................. ............................... . 92
Labor ........................................................... ........ .......................................................96
Production System................... ... .. ... .. .. .........................100
Impact of Settlement on the Biophysical Environment..........................................104
Sum m ary ..................................................... ............................................. ...............105

6 FOUNDATIONS FOR RESISTANCE: 1975-1988 ..............................................114

D isintegration ........................................................ ................... ...............115
Foundations for R esistance..................................................................................119
Developments in Kalamansig.....................................119
D evelopm ents in L ebak .................................. ......... ................. .................... 122
Emergence of the Association of Manobo Bible Churches, Inc. ......................124
The AM BCI's Literacy and Health Programs................................................125
The R ole of R religion ............ ......... ..................................... ...............127

7 BEGINNINGS OF RESISTANCE: 1989-1995 .......................................................129

8 INTERNAL DYNAMICS: THE INTERPLAY OF SOCIAL ORGANIZATION
AND RESISTANCE ....................................................... 138

Association of Manobo Bible Churches...................................139
O their C ivil A ssociations......................................................................................144
A agricultural Extension..................................................................................144
Elem Clinic ...................................................... ................... ...............147
Fruit Trees ........................................................ ................... ...............151
Belanga Literacy Program................... ......................154
Associations with M inimal Outside Involvement...........................................155
"H health insurance": the Elem pig project...............................................155









Cooperative stores .. .................................................... .... .................. .157
Elem chainsaw cooperative.....................................166
Belanga Women's Group ...................... ........................169
Dynamics of Group Efficacy............ .............................170

9 RESISTANCE CONTINUED: 1995-PRESENT...........................................175

D evelopm ents in Political Resistance.....................................................................175
Coordination in the Manobo's Pursuit of Land Rights...........................................183
Sum m ary ..................................................... ............................................. ...............185

10 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS...................................................188

C o n c lu sio n s ................................................................... ......... .................. 1 8 8
Environmental Impact ........................... ..... .. .. ...............188
Emergence of Resistance from Religion and Civil Associations......................190
Evolution of Sociopolitical Integration ...........................................................193
Group Effectiveness: Obstacles to the Evolution of Sociopolitical Integration 195
Recom m endations ............ ...... .................................. ...... ...............197

APPENDIX

A IN TERVIEW QUESTION S ...................................................................................203

Background Information and Political Structure...........................................203
Dem graphics and Land History.....................................................................203
Traditional Political Structure, and Changes in Political Structure...................203
Econom ic System ......................... ........................................ ...............204
Traditional ..................................................... ................... ...............204
Current ................................................................ .. ............................................205
Civil Associations............. ..... .......... ...... .......................... 205
M anobo Church Association (AM BCI) ...................................................205
Tiruray Church Association (ATBCI)..................................205
Elem Church ..................................................... ................... ...............205
Literacy Program .............. ...................................................... ...............206
Form al Education ...................................................... ............ ...............206
Health Program .................................................... ...... .. .. ...............206
Associations for Economic Cooperation........................................................207
Cooperative stores (most also buy and sell):................................... ........207
Lumber sawing groups ..................... .......................207
Gardening groups ........ .... ............... .................. ...............207
Coconut cooperative............ ...............................208
Land Rights .................................................................. .. ............................................208

B G E N E A L O G IE S .......................................................................................................2 0 9

C THE PATHS NOT TAKEN ...................... ...........................................211









Analytical Paradigm s................. ................................................ ... ................ 211
Statistical Analyses for Organizational Effectiveness............................................213

LIST OF REFEREN CE S ...........................................................................................222

B IO G R A PH IC A L SK ETCH ...................................................................... ...............233

















































viii
















LIST OF TABLES

Table page

1-1 L ist of abbreviations u sed. .................................................................... ...............6

3-1 K ey factors. ........................................................... ................... ...............43

4-1 Place nam es. ........................................................ ................... ...............81

5-1 Sources of labor utilized in the production of rice and maize..............................112

5-2 Summary of effects of settlement on Manobo society........................................113

8-1 Villages and persons having active fishponds...... ......................................173

8-2 Villages practicing promoted enterprises..................................173

8-3 Persons practicing promoted enterprise. ........... .....................173

8-4 Fruit tree planting. ............ .......... .................... .... .. ...............174

C-i Hypotheses in propositional form. ....................................217

C-2 Scales employed to define value of variables. ..................... ..................218

C-3 Groups formed for cooperation above the household level. ...............................219

C-4 Significance levels in cross-tabulation tests...... .... ...................................221

C-5 Regression models.. .. .... .................................. ...... ...............221
















LIST OF FIGURES

Figure page

1-1 The Philippines .................................................6

2-1 The four w ays of life ............. .................................. ................... ...............36

2-2 Adjustment of societies to power relationships (Adams 1977:399). .......................37

4-1 The C otabato M anobo area. .....................................................................................74

4-2 A kinentoy, an arrangement in which maize ears are hung on a loosely woven
bam boo fence. ....................................................... ................... ...............75

4-3 Traditional farming implements. ..........................................76

4-4 A lihub, used for storing rice.................................................................................77

4-5 N oisem aker, to scare aw ay birds...........................................................................77

4-6 Extracting starch from palm heart.. .......................................................................78

4-7 Tekob (bam boo rat traps).......................................................................................79

4-8 Linulit (rice cooked by steaming in bamboo)........................................................80

5-1 Portion of Mindanao in which the Manobo live. ................ ..................108

5-3 G enealogy of K am bing. .................................................................... ...............110

5-4 Mortgage of two coffee groves within a field in Belah.......................................110

5-5 Agricultural year ................... ...................................... ...............110

5-6 Weed species introduced to the Manobo area. ............................................. 111I

B-I Genealogies of three M anobo individuals.........................................................210

C-i Symbols used in ecosystem modeling (Hannon and Ruth 1997:11-14). ...............216

C-2 Effect of parties in the Manobo's situation on Manobo population level,
em migration, and forest cover.............................................................................216









C-3 Relationships between variables used in statistical analyses..............................217















Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

LOGGERS, SETTLERS, AND TRIBESMEN IN THE
MOUNTAIN FORESTS OF THE PHILIPPINES:
THE EVOLUTION OF INDIGENOUS SOCIAL ORGANIZATION
IN RESPONSE TO ENVIRONMENTAL INVASIONS

By

Douglas Meredith Fraiser

May 2007

Chair: Gerald F. Murray
Major: Interdisciplinary Ecology

The Cotabato Manobo (Dulangan Manobo) people of the Philippines are an

indigenous people whose natural-resource-rich homeland is being appropriated by

loggers and settlers from the dominant society. This study investigates the Manobo's

response, highlighting adaptive shifts in their social organization to withstand these

outside forces. It documents the evolution of coordinated action among the Manobo, the

appearance of organizations seeking secure land rights, and the possible causal

mechanisms that may have triggered these changes. It also explores possible causal

linkages between certain characteristics of groups and their effectiveness.

The study data were taken from interviews with Manobo knowledgeable in their

traditional and current social, political, economic, and religious practices, and with

participants in several types of groups, including church congregations and organizations,

literacy and health programs, agricultural groups, cooperatives, and land rights









organizations. The analytical paradigms were drawn from theories relating the

emergence, extent, and configuration of coordination within a society to its interaction

with outside forces.

A major finding is that the Manobo's coordinated efforts to withstand pressures

from the dominant society originated in the religious domain. Many Manobo adopted

Christianity over the last half-century, but appropriated it in a decentralized manner free

of outside ecclesiastical control, based instead on local autonomous congregations under

Manobo leadership. The new ideology produced a common identity among adherents,

leading to regular meetings among indigenous pastors. At the same time, the Manobo

Christians retained their traditional view of religion as being pertinent to matters of daily

life. The indigenous pastoral gatherings therefore led to concerted action, to an

expanding network of civil associations, and eventually to the establishment of land

rights organizations. Parallel to this process, the Manobo responded to outside pressures

by increasing the horizontal and vertical coordination within their organizations.

The emergence and effectiveness of Manobo organizations has often been hindered

by government favoritism toward loggers and settlers, longstanding enemies of natural

forests. Successful Manobo control over what remains of their ancestral territory may

therefore improve not only their own lot, but also the effective and sustainable

management of the area's natural resources.















CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION

The Cotabato Manobo (whom I will henceforth refer to simply as "Manobo" 1) are

horticulturalists living in the highlands of the southern Philippines (Figure 1-1). While

they live in a small part of the Philippines, their situation is similar to that being acted out

many places on this planet. Largely isolated from mainstream Philippine society until the

middle of last century, their territory is now flooded with newcomers. The government

considers their land to be national forest and has opened it up for logging and settlement.

Existence for the Manobo has never been easy, but the new pressures generated by the

state, logging company, and settlers make it much harder. There are not only the direct

effects of loss of land and food, and of violence, but many indirect effects as well. They

have been forced off the better soils onto marginal land, making farming more difficult

and encouraging environmental degradation.

However, not all pressures are material. The low regard of many newcomers for

them has inspired a search for respect and significance, one result of which has been a

great interest in literacy for both adults and children. And awareness of more prosperous

lifestyles has resulted in considerable interest in new agricultural techniques and in health


1 The Cotabato Manobo call themselves Menubui. However, this form is not found in the literature, the
Hispanicized forms of Manobo and Manuvi being used instead. As there are some twenty Manobo
languages, local place names were used to distinguish between them. The modifier "Cotabato" came from
the province in which the Cotabato Manobo lived. That province has since been divided, with the result
that a city far from the Cotabato Manobo is now called Cotabato, while the Cotabato Manobo live nowhere
near it. Some of the Cotabato Manobo have taken to calling themselves Dulangan Manobo, after one of
their ancestors, and that designation is now common in much of their interaction with the Philippine
government, though is not common in the academic literature. For purposes of convenience, I will
henceforth refer to the group simply as the Manobo.









care. In other words, the Manobo have not passively accepted their situation, but are

actively seeking to deal with it. As they do so, they are relying upon one of their most

significant tools, social organization.

The study of "tools" usually implies a focus on "technology," by which we mean

physical implements. This is an unfortunately narrow focus. When people have

problems, they deal with them through the use of means tools which can be either

material or nonmaterial. This concept of social organization as a problem-solving tool

brings to mind a stroll I took through the back alleys of Rome on the way from one

famous ruin to another. On one path, fifty or more stray cats had temporarily made an

alley their home. Some human authority would one day decide the cats would have to

leave, and they would be at the mercy of the powers-that-be. But unlike feline

populations, humans can, and often do, respond to outside intrusions, not only with

physical implements but also with new social-organizational arrangements to respond to

the unwanted interventions of outside forces, such as the loggers and settlers invading

Manobo territory. Humans are at liberty to respond like cats and simply dissolve and

scatter. But they are also at liberty to reorganize and retrench, as the Manobo have begun

doing.

As the invasions of their territory and their consequences are beyond the ability of a

single household to deal with, the Manobo are using social structures for supradomestic

cooperation. However, like physical implements, social structures may serve more than

one purpose. And just as societies develop new physical implements for new tasks,

societies may also develop new social structures to meet new needs, or use an old

structure in a new way. I began my research with the working hypothesis that the









structures the Manobo were using to respond to outside forces were derived in part from

the Manobo's traditional social structure, but that the Manobo may have modified these

time-proven tools for new tasks. I therefore set out to document the Manobo's traditional

and emerging cultural tools for cooperation, to elucidate the processes by which new

organizational forms have emerged, and to relate the characteristics of those traditional

and emerging forms to their effectiveness in attaining group goals. In the process, I also

hoped to anticipate whether the Manobo's ultimate response to the ecological invasion of

their homeland would mirror that of the scattered Roman cats, or reflect the many other

human populations who have responded organizationally to new challenges.

Indigenous groups around the world have developed a variety of responses to

outside forces, some more effective than others. My research with the Manobo is a case

study of the drama being played out worldwide as indigenous societies utilize their

traditional cultures and modify them to respond to changes brought on by their

governments and by other forces their governments have permitted and encouraged. My

intent has been that this work not only be theoretically rigorous but also eminently

practical. This dissertation is written for those working directly with local communities,

whether they be in government, non-governmental organizations, or peoples'

organizations. Such field workers often begin their work in seemingly non-political areas

important to the local community literacy, health, agricultural development, etc. and

because of concern for the community later become involved in land issues. As we will

see, these areas are often far more closely intertwined than we usually realize. My hope

is that this dissertation will provide greater theoretical insight into the relationships and









processes involved, and thereby in some measure contribute to the well-being of

indigenous peoples worldwide.

Chapter 1 has provided a brief introduction to this study, giving a sketch of the

research setting and introducing the questions addressed, first in a universal form and

then in specific reference to the Manobo. The theoretical approaches utilized in this

study are covered in chapter 2. Chapter 3 details the actual research design, covering the

questions, hypotheses, and methods employed. Chapters 4 through 7 detail one instance

of a drama that is being played out in countless places around the world: the intrusion of

a dominant society into indigenous territory, and the consequent response of the

indigenous population. The case of the Cotabato Manobo people is, of course, of intense

interest to themselves and to those who live near them. But it is also of interest to other

indigenous communities and to those who interact with them, for it elucidates the specific

processes involved in the interaction of traditional society with the world thrust upon

them. Chapters 4 and 5 cover the early years of the Manobo's history, during which the

Manobo were largely at the mercy of outside forces. In chapter 6, I bring out the

development of civil associations and the foundation they formed for political resistance

(i.e., the active pursuit of land rights and personal security through cooperative action).

Chapter 7 traces the emergence of political resistance from the earlier civil associations.

In Chapter 8 we pause to examine those civil associations, to elucidate the factors

affecting cooperation in political resistance. Chapter 9 completes our examination of the

Manobo's response to the invasion of their territory, while Chapter 10 summarizes my

findings and makes recommendations to each of the stakeholders involved.









A few brief notes on terminology will be helpful to readers unfamiliar with the

Philippines. The country's political divisions, from largest to smallest, are regions,

provinces, municipalities, barangay (also called barrios), and sitios. Provinces are

headed by a governor, municipalities by a mayor, and barangay (barrios) by a barangay

captain (barrio captain). Regions have no governing officer over them; they are used

mainly to provide a level intermediate between the national and provincial offices for

government agencies (e.g., DENR and NCIP). In U.S. terms, provinces are equivalent to

states, municipalities to counties, barangay to districts or towns, and sitios to precincts.

The linguistic and ethnic makeup of the Philippines is complex, with the country

having at least 171 distinct languages (Gordon 2005) and a variety of religions, and with

language and religion frequently not correlated. Consequently, standard English does not

contain universally understood cover terms for the groups I discuss in this dissertation.

The majority of the Filipinos who have settled in Manobo territory are from Philippine

peoples who were heavily influenced by the Spanish: Visayans from the central islands of

the Philippines, and Tagalogs and Ilocanos from Luzon. I will refer to these people as

"settlers." However, a number of people from the Maguindanao and other heavily

Muslim groups have also settled in Manobo territory. As they consider themselves

culturally distinct from the other settlers, I will refer to these people as "Muslim," even

though this confuses religion with ethnicity, and not all adhere to the teachings of Islam.

I have used abbreviations for some organizations and legal arrangements I

frequently refer to. For ease of reference, those abbreviations are defined in Table 1-1, as

well as in the text.









Table 1-1. List of abbreviations used.
AMBCI Association of Manobo Bible Churches, Inc.
ATBCI Association of Teduray Bible Churches, Inc.
CADC Certificate of Ancestral Domain Claim
CADT Certificate of Ancestral Domain Title. Successor to the CADC.
CENRO Community Environment and Natural Resource Office (also, Community
Environment and Natural Resource Officer, the person in charge of the
community office). The local level of the DENR, sometimes covering more
than one municipality.
DENR Department of Environment and Natural Resources. The national
governmental agency charged with oversight of natural resources.
IPRA Indigenous Peoples Rights Act
NCIP National Commission on Indigenous Peoples
PAFID Philippine Agency for Intercultural Development
PENRO Provincial Environment and Natural Resource Office (also, Provincial
Environment and Natural Resource Officer, the person in charge of the
provincial office). The provincial level of the DENR.
SIL Summer Institute of Linguistics
TAP Translators Association of the Philippines
TCEA Tribal Community of Esperanza Association
TCLA Tribal Community of Lebak Association



r


Manila t- -









Manobo area
Figure 1-1. The Philippines.














CHAPTER 2
THEORETICAL FOUNDATIONS (LITERATURE REVIEW)

Just as we can consider social organization to be a cultural tool for solving various

types of problems, we can also consider theory to be a cultural tool for analysis that is,

for perceiving and understanding social phenomena. In an effort to avoid reinventing

already well-thought-out theoretical tools, we will first review several theories I will use

in studying the Manobo's social organization and their uses of it for supradomestic

cooperation. We will then shift our focus to an area where the Manobo are desperately

applying the tools of social organization, namely, conflicts over land and other natural

resources. Finally, we will survey the literature on insular Southeast Asian societies for

features that contribute to understanding how the Manobo use social structures for

supradomestic cooperation.

Theories of Social Organization: Description

Two of the greatest questions concerning social organization are 1) how to describe

it and 2) what the cause-and-effect relationships are between a people's culture and their

environment by which I mean not only flora and fauna and water and soil, but also the

pressures brought to bear by exogenous groups and societies. We will consider the issue

of description first.

The Ethnographic Approach

Anthropology originally took a holistic approach to the description of culture,

describing a complete range of information on a people, including their means of

subsistence, technology and artifacts, religious beliefs and practices, life cycles, and









family and community structures. The goal was ethnography. Anthropology has more

recently shifted away from holistic description to focus on specific problems, and has

developed new frameworks for that purpose. For the purposes of this study, the newer

frameworks are more useful, and much of this literature review will focus on them.

However, fundamental concepts from the ethnographic approach will also be used. For

example, the basic components of social organization have been well described by

Murdock (1965) and Keesing (1975) and covered in texts such as that by Spradley and

McCurdy (1980). Their focus is on the articulation of groups and individuals, and

includes the concepts of status, rank, and role. Small and Tannenbaum's (1999a; 1999b)

more recent work on household and community economics suggests a focus on the

interactions between individual and household, household and community, and

community and outside world. This provides useful units of analysis, with the caveat that

the "community" is itself a complex network comprised of numerous interlocked interest

and kinship groups.

Much of economic anthropology -the study of the relationships between social

structure and the production and transfer of resources may be considered an elaboration

of the traditional approach. Firth (1951:125) concurs with most economists that "the

basic concept of economics is the allocation of scarce, available resources between

realizable human wants, with the recognition that alternatives are possible in each

sphere." However, he goes on to observe that social relationships generally have an

economic aspect, even when no "price" is involved, in that they involve choices made

regarding time and energy (Firth 1951:130). Individuals may work not only for monetary

remuneration but also to satisfy social expectations, to ensure they retain the benefits of









membership in their social group (Firth 1951:141-142). In non-monetary economies (or

relationships dominated by social rather than monetary concerns), production may be

specified by norms (Firth 1951:133). Further, there is often considerable direct matching

of goods and services, based on normative comparisons of their relative worth. There

also tends to be far less separation of the roles common in modern industrial societies:

capitalist, entrepreneur, workman, and manager. Participants in an enterprise may fill

multiple roles, and production may be only one facet of a social relationship (Firth

1951:136).

Social Network Analysis

One approach to social relationships has capitalized on the fact that social

relationships, like any other system, can be represented visually. This has led to social

network analysis, which focuses on the geometric qualities of the network attributes

such as how many members each individual in the network is connected to, and whether

the network looks like a net or like a branching tree. John Scott's (2000) Social Network

Analysis is an excellent treatise on the theory and practice of social network analysis.

One important feature of many social networks is the presence of "structural holes"

(Burt 2002). When each member of a group is connected to all the other members near

him, the group is tightly bound together, but information must pass through a large

number of individuals to make its way through the network. If the network is fragmented

into several smaller tight clusters with only occasional links between them, information

takes even longer to travel. However, the creation of bridges between unconnected

clusters greatly reduces the distance that information must travel. Krebs (n.d.) brings out

that this results in the information traveling more quickly and with less distortion. Thus,









network structure can have a profound effect on how quickly and appropriately a group

can respond to threats.

Another important concept is that of strong and weak links (Granovetter 1973).

Links between members of tight groups are often strong, in that they are multiplex and

charged with affect. Bridging links between clusters are often weak, as between

acquaintances rather than close friends. However, it is these weak links that provide

individuals with knowledge they do not normally possess, because they already know

much of what their closest associates do. In the same way, village-level networks will

likely be strong, while the weak links of acquaintance formed during occasional

conferences with other Philippine indigenous peoples or NGOs may provide the

foundation for weaker but still effective networks at the regional or national level.

Social Capital

Another approach to interpersonal relationships is to consider the material benefit

they bring to the individuals who have them. Viewed in this way, relationships can be

considered "social capital." While the social capital theory owes its origins to several

writers, perhaps the name most closely associated with it is that of Robert Putnam.

Putnam (1993:15-16) was impressed with the differences in governmental styles and

outcomes in the north and south of Italy, and attributed the difference to historical events

nearly a thousand years before, when a powerful monarchy was established in southern

Italy, versus a cluster of "communal republics" in the north. In his view, the vertical

relationships typical of the monarchy and the horizontal relationships typical of the

republics set up social patterns which have continued to the present. Putnam concluded

that the more "civic" the society that is, the greater the incidence of horizontal, non-

governmental relationships between individuals the more effectively the society









functioned. Putnam later applied the term "social capital" to such horizontal, non-

governmental linkages.

The concept has found ready acceptance with the World Bank and other financial

development institutions. In the World Bank's (2002a) analysis, civil society is

contrasted with both government and market, and horizontal relationships within civil

society produce another "estate" that allows for power being brought against the state, if

need be. This appears to be what has taken place in the Manobo's efforts to obtain land

rights. They had attempted to drive settlers out of one portion of their ancestral territory

in the early 1970s, but were quickly overcome by the military. Military defeat, coupled

with the government's establishment of its own administrative structure as legally

superior to local leaders, greatly weakened the traditional political structure.

Confronted with these outside forces, the Manobo did what many other peoples

have done in similar situations: they utilized religious structures and symbols to respond

to disparities in power. But while the famous parallel instances of the Ghost Dance of

Native Americans and the cargo cults of Melanesia (Kapferer 1997) employed traditional

religious symbols, the Christianized Manobo, as is true of Brazilian and Guatemalan

adherents of Liberation Theology, have utilized an indigenized form of Christianity to

mobilize new organizational forces.2 Their adaptation of Christianity has its roots in the

vernacular literacy program that SIL began in the 1950s. A portion of the literacy

material consisted of Judeo-Christian texts, translated into Manobo. Much as the Kiowa

and Sioux responded to an outside religious form (Kracht 1992), an increasing number of


2 Contrary to its frequent dismissal as "the opiate of the masses," religion has played a significant part in
mobilizing resistance in many well-known political movements, including the African-American civil
rights movement (Dr. Martin Luther King, Rev. Al Sharpton, and Rev. Jesse Jackson), Mohandas Gandhi's
struggle for Indian independence, and contemporary Sunni and Shiite movements in the Middle East.









Manobo responded to the Biblical texts. The result was the emergence of churches using

the vernacular and under indigenous leadership through much of Manobo territory. At

the same time, SIL's pursuit of vernacular literacy resulted in an expanding cadre of

Manobo literacy teachers.

The result may have been surprising to SIL. The Manobo took a pacifist

interpretation of Christianity, and the internecine violence that had been so common

diminished remarkably. With a new freedom to travel within their own territory, church

and literacy leaders began meeting together at frequent intervals, thereby forming a

network of relationships throughout the language group. At the same time, the church

leaders began to represent their congregants in much the same way as the traditional datii

had. Unlike the dath, though, whose travel had been restricted by Manobo-on-Manobo

violence, the church leaders freely associated with pastors from throughout the language

group. They developed a network of relationships that surpassed anything the Manobo

had ever had.

As has happened in other settings, the local religious leaders went beyond purely

"spiritual" matters to mobilize social resistance. In the mid 1990s, the leaders of the

church association formally petitioned the government for the formation of a Manobo

reservation. The government has been slow in responding to that request, and the

Manobo have had to form other organizations devoted solely to the pursuit of land rights.

It is apparent, though, in terms of the social capital paradigm, that it was the mobilization

of links in the civil realm (of which religious groups form a subset) that enabled the

Manobo to mobilize for the pursuit of rights to their ancestral lands. Several church and

literacy leaders continue to be instrumental in that effort.









Proponents of social capital have not been unaware of the existence of vertical

relationships. Putnam (1993:178-179), for instance, observed that in "prisoner's

dilemma" situations, people may either defect or reciprocate help, and that these become

social norms. He goes on to write that "reciprocity/trust and dependence/exploitation can

each hold society together, though at quite different levels of efficiency and institutional

performance." Reciprocal relationships are horizontal, while relationships of dominance

and dependence are vertical. Yet, despite acknowledging the presence of vertical

relationships, Putnam goes on to focus almost exclusively on the presence or absence of

"social capital" (horizontal relationships), thus leaving the role of vertical relationships

outside the scope of his theory.

While proponents of social capital theory are enthusiastic about the benefits of

social capital to a society, they have noted that there can be drawbacks as well. The

World Bank (2002a), for instance, notes that while individuals may benefit from their ties

to particular groups, group demands on the individual may sometimes outweigh benefits.

The World Bank (2002b) also notes that groups may exclude others from their benefits or

act exploitatively against those outside the group. The close relationship that seems to

exist between certain government offices and companies that want to extract lumber and

minerals from the Manobo's territory is a good example. The World Bank (2002c)

likewise notes that while social capital can reduce a firm's (or other group's) transaction

costs and give it a competitive edge, such close ties can also result in nepotism or abusive

monopoly.

These drawbacks to social capital bring out a problem with the theory namely, its

failure to account for negative human relationships. "Capital" as a financial term is









considered an asset and is not used to refer to liabilities. Social capital theorists likewise

speak of the presence or absence of social capital, but fail to acknowledge the presence of

actively harmful relationships. Writers such as Harriss (2001:12) and Fine (2000:199)

have criticized proponents of social capital theory for deliberately covering up the

presence of exploitation and the consequent necessity for political action. However, the

difficulty may be due simply to trying to use financial terminology that is not equipped to

contain all of the realities of human interactions.

The theory also suffers from serious problems of aggregation in measuring social

capital (Fine 2000:176-178). The typical approach to social capital relies on indicators

such as generalized trust, membership in organizations, and norms such as reciprocity,

cooperation, and tolerance (Adam and Roncevic 2003). Such a generalized view of

society can readily overlook the existence of tight clusters that exclude or exploit others

in society, as well as clusters that are shut out of the power structure. This is a serious

error, but is probably better charged to the account of proponents of the theory than to the

theory itself A similar error of aggregation is often made in addressing national

measures of wealth. The traditional approach simply adds the money owned by each

member of society without any consideration of the networking of productive assets (e.g.,

whether sources of coal and iron ore are connected to smelting plants and then to

automobile factories through roads, railroads, and canals). This does not render the

concept of economic capital useless. It merely indicates that when attributes are

considered at the level of an entire society (or even a neighborhood), aggregation is

methodologically inadequate.









There are several problems with the social capital concept. Its exclusive focus on

horizontal relationships, its accounting of only the presence or absence of good

relationships, and problems with aggregation have all tended to lead practitioners to

overlook the negative effect of groups that exclude or exploit the rest of society.

However, social capital theory provides a service in pointing out that social relationships

are not only social, but also enable individuals and groups to attain many non-social

benefits. The Manobo's social relationships have served them as invaluable "capital,"

allowing them to band together to seek land rights and to operate literacy and health

programs.

Grid-Group Theory

The theory of social capital has been criticized for overlooking differences in power

in social relationships. The same criticism might be leveled against social network

analysis, as it tends to represent all relationships as being essentially horizontal. While

neither approach specifies that relationships are between equals, neither method requires

the researcher to distinguish between peer and non-peer relationships, nor provides a

ready means of handling non-peer relationships. In contrast, grid-group theory (also

known as culture theory) explicitly recognizes that relationships are either between

equals (horizontal) or non-equals (vertical). Mary Douglas, the originator of the theory,

suggested that much of "the variability of an individual's involvement in social life can

be... captured by two dimensions of sociality: group and grid. Group refers to the extent

to which an individual is incorporated into bounded units. The greater the incorporation,

the more individual choice is subject to group determination. Grid denotes the degree to

which an individual's life is circumscribed by externally imposed prescriptions. The

more binding and extensive the scope of the prescriptions, the less of life that is open to









individual negotiation" (Thompson etal. 1980:5). Essentially, "group" describes the

constraints and opportunities incumbent upon an individual due to horizontal

relationships, while "grid" does the same for vertical relationships.

The existence of vertical and horizontal relationships is hardly a new discovery.

Putnam (1993:178-179), for instance, noted that "reciprocity/trust and

dependence/exploitation can each hold society together, though at quite different levels of

efficiency and institutional performance." Douglas' contribution was in recognizing that

these two aspects of relationships describe a large portion of social interaction and of

people's belief systems. She used the terms "cultural bias," "social relations," and "way

of life" to describe the relationship between them. Cultural bias designated "shared

values and beliefs," while social relations designated "patterns of interpersonal relations"

(Thompson et al. 1980:1), making the two terms equivalent to "worldview" and "social

organization," respectively. A viable combination of the two is referred to as a way of

life.

The combination of presence or absence of these two kinds of relationships -

horizontal or vertical gives rise to a typology of four types of societies (Thompson et al.

1980:1-10) (Figure 2-1). A society (or group) that is low group and low grid is

Individualist. One that is high group and low grid is Egalitarian. High group and high

grid characterize a Hierarchical society, while low group and high grid specify a

Fatalistic society.3





3 Singelis et al. (1995) use different terminology but propose essentially the same typology. Instead of low
and high group, they speak of collectivist and individualist orientation; instead of low and high grid, they
use horizontal and vertical orientation.









Grid-group theory recognizes that social control is a matter of power. As

Thompson etal. (1980:6-7) state it:

In the grid-group framework individuals are manipulated and try to manipulate
others. It is the form of power who is or is not entitled to exercise power over
others that differs. Strong group boundaries coupled with minimal
prescriptions produce social relations that are Egalitarian. When an
individual's social environment is characterized by strong group boundaries and
binding prescriptions, the resulting social relations are Hierarchical. ..
Individuals who are bound by neither group incorporation nor prescribed roles
inhabit an Individualistic social context. Although the individualist is, by
definition, relatively free from control by others, that does not mean the person is
not engaged in exerting control over others. On the contrary, the individualist's
success is often measured by the size of the following the person can command.
People who find themselves subject to binding prescriptions and are excluded from
group membership exemplify the Fatalistic way of life.

Some have objected that a classification of all societies into just four types is rather

limiting, but Thompson et al. (1980:3-4) point out that the two-times-two typology "more

than doubles the amount of conceptual variety available in existing theories of social

organization.... Whatever their singular merits may be, and these are considerable, the

great social theorists of the past rarely went beyond the development from hierarchy to

individualism, thereby leaving out fatalism, egalitarianism, and autonomy."

Grid-group analysis reveals "how various arguments in families, churches, political

parties, and sports clubs involve the fundamental issues of where the institution should

draw its group boundary, and how it should regulate itself internally" (Gross and Rayner

1985:18).

One of the most promising contributions of grid-group theory is its notion of how

the four ways of life are not only in competition but also interdependent, as this helps

reveal the process by which alliances between apparently incompatible patterns of social

organization may arise. Thompson et al. (1980:4) observe that "Each way of life needs

each of its rivals, either to make up for its deficiencies, or to exploit, or to define itself









against." They describe the alliances that can form between each of the ways of life

(1980:83-99). Alliance of individualism with hierarchism produces what we call "the

establishment." Individualists gain the protection of property rights, while hierarchists

benefit from the enhanced economic growth arising from the activity of individualist

entrepreneurs. Egalitarians often avoid alliances with either individualists or hierarchists,

preferring to maintain a firm boundary between their collective way of life and the

outside world. However, they may seek alliance with another way of life if they wish to

influence events in the outside world. Alliance may be sought with hierarchists by

appealing to the hierarchists' values that those at the top have an obligation to help those

below them, and that individuals should be willing to sacrifice for the entire society.

Fatalists are typically resigned, so seldom attempt to influence events. However, they

provide benefits to each of the other ways of life. To egalitarians, fatalists provide moral

ammunition with which to attack the establishment, and their position as powerless and

exploited makes them attractive to egalitarians as ready recruits to their cause.

Individualists, who aspire to maintain their freedom while asserting control over others,

value fatalists as the necessary "servants" within their networks. Hierarchists may fault

the fatalists for their lack of support for the system, but value having a complacent mass

that will not challenge the decisions of established leaders.

Prior observation suggests that the Manobo usually act within the individualist and

egalitarian ways of life, Philippine authorities act as in-charge individualists or

hierarchists, and representatives of NGOs act as egalitarians or hierarchists. Grid-group

theory may therefore shed light on the interactions between the different groups.









Theories of Social Organization: Culture Change

Having considered several ways of describing social organization, we now turn to

causal relationships between social organization and a society's sociophysical

environment. As such relationships are more readily apparent when a society is

undergoing change, the discipline that reveals the most about such relationships is that of

culture change. One of the most prominent theories of culture change is that of cultural

evolution.

Cultural Evolution

Anthropological theories since the mid-nineteenth century have focused heavily on

causal relationships between culture and the material world. Perhaps the school that has

concentrated most on this issue is that of cultural evolution. Theories of cultural

evolution therefore help to identify major factors in the sociophysical environment that

influence social organization and that are affected by social organization.

Typologies

Cultural evolution has often assumed that societies progress from simple to

complex (Rambo 1991b), but this is not an essential part of the theory. Richard Adams

(1977), for instance, describes situations in which one society becomes less complex as a

result of unsuccessful competition with a more powerful society. While cultural

evolution does not necessitate adherence to a unilineal view of history, the search for

patterns of how societies respond in cause-and-effect fashion to various forces does

predispose the theory toward the development of typologies. The most widely used

typologies have been based on technology, means of subsistence, and forms of social-

political organization (Rambo 1991b). Technology provided the basis for Lewis Henry

Morgan's classification system, but it showed a poor fit with cultural characteristics. In









contrast, taxonomies based on means of subsistence are widely used. Hunter-gatherer,

swidden farmer, and pastoralist are commonly used categories. However, while means of

subsistence is undoubtedly important, there is not a one-to-one relationship between

means of subsistence and other aspects of culture. As Rambo points out, the Northwest

Coast Native Americans are a classic case of disjunction between theory and reality.

Their economy was based on hunting and gathering, but was socially complex, with

stratification usually associated with a highly developed form of agriculture.

Furthermore, many societies rely upon a mix of subsistence strategies (Hutterer 1991).

Another well-known typology is Elman Service' (Yengoyan 1991) categorization

of societies as bands, tribes, chiefdoms, kingdoms, and states. He later consolidated these

categories into the egalitarian society, the hierarchical society, and the archaic civilization

or classical empire. While Yengoyan (1991) considered this a less useful classification

system, it remains in use (e.g., Rambo 1991a; Rambo 1991b; Service 1993). Morton

Fried proposed a similar taxonomy, progressing from egalitarian society to rank society

to stratified society to state (Rambo 1991b). Fried (1975:i) objected to the term "tribe"

on the ground that "tribes, as conventionally conceived, are not closely bounded

populations in either territorial or demographic senses. They are not economically and

politically integrated and display political organization under hierarchical leaders only as

a result of contact with already existing states." While his comments suggest caution in

applying these typologies carelessly, the point remains that they can be useful for

comparing and understanding societies. Each of these typologies differentiates between

societies on the basis of how they exercise social control over their members and the









extent to which individuals can exercise control over resources and other people (Rambo

1991b).

The Manobo, prior to extensive contact with mainstream Philippine society, appear

to have fit Service' tribe category. Their situation is now more complex. Having been

incorporated closely into the Philippine state, they are hardly a stereotypical tribe. As

Fried suggested, their initial move toward greater organization was stimulated by outside

forces. Their continued efforts to organize for a variety of purposes have resulted in a

more complex organization, a process which continues. Nevertheless, while they do not

neatly fit the ideal of any single category, description of their organization (and that of

other groups they have relations with) is made much easier by the use a widely

understood classification system.

Factors shaping culture

Energy, power, and money. Perhaps the most-asked question among adherents of

cultural evolution is what factors most govern culture. Several possibilities have been put

forward, including energy, technology, carrying capacity of the environment, and

population level. Richard Adams (1988:xiv-xv), in an effort to bring the physical and

social sciences onto common ground, has suggested that energy is the one concept

common to both. He proposes viewing social interactions in terms of thermodynamics

(Adams 1975:109), suggesting that social organization arises from the energy relations

between persons in a fashion parallel to how the physical structure of water in soil

depends on the temperature, atmospheric pressure, and matric suction at a particular

location in the soil.

Other writers have focused on the ability of a society to capture energy. What has

become known as White's Law states, "Culture evolves as the amount of energy









harnessed per capital per year is increased, or the efficiency of the instrumental means of

putting the energy to work is increased" (Rambo 199 la). Rambo agrees with White that

the total use of energy increases with social complexity, but found that per capital usage

drops in the progression from band to tribe to chiefdom, and then increases tremendously

in movement to industrial society. Rachman's (1991) comparison of a band in Indonesia

with a tribal society in Malaysia confirms Rambo's observations. The tribal society

consumed less energy per capital but more energy in total, and spent a higher percentage

and quantity of energy on social activities such as visiting and entertainment. Rambo

(1991a) identifies the mechanisms for social integration as the consumer of this energy.

In his words, as societies "become more specialized and have to embrace a larger number

and greater diversity of components, the means of integration demand an ever larger

quantity of energy. Rather than being used to achieve individual goals, a growing share

of available energy is used to support the functioning of the system." Taken together, the

literature indicates that as societies become more complex, they use more energy in total,

and expend a greater quantity and proportion of that energy on maintaining social

relations.

The question remains, though: in the relationship between energy and social

complexity, which is cause and which is effect? White, as seen above, would have

energy usage as being the determinant of social complexity. Rambo (1991a), in contrast,

sees a society's ability to harness energy as being dependent on its social complexity. He

cites Service as being in agreement, as Service viewed the formation of more complex

social structures to be dependent on "the evolution of more specialized means of

integration." Sajise's (1991) observation that societies utilize social organization to









establish patterns of resource allocation for the advantageous use of energy and

information likewise places social complexity as the driving force in the relationship with

energy.

Rather than declaring one side or the other to be wrong, it seems reasonable to posit

the presence of a feedback mechanism. That is, as energy captured increases, a society

has more ability to develop more effective means of social integration (e.g.,

communication and enforcement of sanctions), which permits greater social complexity,

and more ability to develop more technology. Greater social complexity and greater

technology in turn enable the society to harness more energy.

These abstract arguments over the relationship between energy and social

complexity have practical implications for the Manobo. If we acknowledge that money is

a sort of "canned energy," it is evident that the Manobo will need more money as they

develop greater social complexity. The point is readily seen in examining the Philippine

government. Officials must spend money on hospitality to visitors, on communication

with other officials, and on transportation. The expenses can be tremendous. In the rural

areas, the government provides radios to the barangay, municipal, and provincial

officials.4 A greater expense is transportation. Village officials may rely on public

transportation, but barangay officials use government-provided motorcycles to get to

their meetings, while mayors who must travel farther, with an entourage have

government pickups. Governors, congressmen, and senators make frequent use of air


4 The political divisions in the Philippines are, from largest to smallest: regions, provinces, municipalities,
barangay (also called barrios), and sitios. Provinces are headed by a governor, municipalities by a mayor,
and barangay (barrios) by a barangay captain (barrio captain). Regions have no governing officer over
them; they are used mainly to provide a level intermediate between the national and provincial offices for
government agencies (e.g., DENR and OSCC). In U.S. terms, provinces are equivalent to states,
municipalities to counties, barangay to districts or towns, and sitios to precincts.









travel. On top of this, each year sees new agencies created to deal with new, specialized

tasks. The cost of supporting government alone appears to increase faster than social

complexity and this ignores similar developments taking place in the private sector.

Agrophysical environment: carrying capacity, population density, and

technology. Several researchers have considered the "carrying capacity" of the

environment to be a major determinant of culture. Fried, for instance, wrote, "One of the

most important variables in the development of complex political systems is population

size and density; these factors rest, in turn, upon the carrying capacity of the

environment" (Rambo 1991b). Fried's position is supported by the case of the Pacific

Northwest Native Americans, mentioned earlier, who were able to support a stratified

society, despite relying on hunting and gathering, because of the rich supply of wild food

available (Rambo 1991b). The principle of carrying capacity finds fuller development in

the school of "cultural ecology," in which social organization is held to be a consequence

of environmental situation, and social change a consequence of environmental change

(Panya 1991). Clifford Geertz and Lucien Hanks were both proponents of this approach.

One example of their work is Hanks' research on Bang Chan, a rural community in

Thailand; Hanks attributed the development of new technology by the residents there to

land shortages caused by population increases. The concept is also supported by

evidence from the Philippines. De Raedt (1991) observed that villages among the Ifugao

are comprised of no more than 100 houses, due to the narrowness of land that can support

irrigated rice production. In contrast, villages in Kalinga, where uninhabited land

suitable for irrigated rice was still available, may have populations of up to 5,000.









While some researchers have concentrated on the limitations that environment

places on population, Esther Boserup (1965:11-14) has demonstrated that higher

population density frequently results in the development of new technology that

facilitates more intensive use of the land. As with energy, there appears to be a feedback

relationship between population and carrying capacity: a given environment can supply a

limited quantity of resources to a society at a given time, due to its level of technology,

which may limit population growth, but as population grows, higher population density

lead the society to develop new technology that allows it to extract a greater quantity of

resources from its environment.

Social forces. Discussion so far has focused on physical factors. However, social

forces are also important, and become more important as societies become more complex

(Rambo 1991b). For example, Panya's (1991) study of Thai farming practices between

1850 and 1950 revealed that changes in land use during this period which had been

attributed to limitations of the ecosystem were actually due to pressure from Western

countries to open Thailand to trade. The importance of social forces within societies is

also significant. Marx and those who have followed him have brought out that

differences in wealth the existence of economic classes give rise to differences in

power. In contrast, Service (1993) has brought out that differences in power give rise to

differences in economic position. "There really was inequality, always. Bands and tribes

had unequal persons (but not segments). Chiefdoms and archaic civilizations were

profoundly unequal, with regard to both individuals and segments. But the inequality

was generated by the theocratic political system, which governed and controlled the

economic system.... [P]olitical institutions originated the economic system and controlled









it." As with the issues of energy, carrying capacity, and technology, it seems most

reasonable to accept that differences in economic position result in differences in power,

and vice versa.

Cultural materialism. One prominent variant of cultural evolution theory is

Marvin Harris' (1997:100-102) cultural materialism, which emphasizes constraints on

culture due to material factors over those due to ideational factors. Harris divides culture

into the three categories of infrastructure, structure, and superstructure. By infrastructure,

he means the technologies and productive and reproductive activities that directly affect

the satisfaction of material needs, as well as the society's agrophysical environment.

Structure refers to the groups in society that control goods, labor, and information i.e.,

social structure. Superstructure refers to the society's mental culture (e.g., beliefs, values,

dances, songs, and religion). Harris holds that while each of these three elements of

culture infrastructure, structure, and superstructure affects the emergence and

retention or rejection of cultural innovations, infrastructure has the greatest effect of the

three.

Paths of cultural evolution. While early theories of cultural evolution tended to

posit single causes, later theories posited multilineal evolution. Service (Yengoyan 1991)

attributed cultural evolution to several causes. "The actual evolution of the culture of

particular societies is an adaptive process whereby the society solves problems with

respect to the natural and to the human-competitive environment. These environments

are so diverse, the problems so numerous, and the solutions potentially so various that no

single determinant can be equally powerful for all cases" (Service 1968). Julian

Steward's likewise arrived at a multilineal approach (Rambo 1991b). Eder's (1991)









research on the Negrito peoples of the Philippines suggests that they are not on a single

continuum from forager to settled farmer, but rather that they have traveled a variety of

different paths to arrive at their current situations. The complexity of societies' situations

guarantees there will be no single, preordained path of cultural evolution. We can expect

to find no single factor that is the sole force constraining or driving Manobo social

organization. Instead, cultural evolution helps to suggest what forces will need to be

considered, including energy, agrophysical environment, population, technology, and

pressure from other groups and societies.

Emergence of Horizontal and Vertical Integration

The presence of danger appears to engender the emergence of horizontal or vertical

integration within societies. Lansing and de Vet (1999), for instance, compared the social

organization of societies in the southern and northern portions ofNias, an Indonesian

island off the southern coast of Sumatra, prior to 1900. Higher population levels in the

south led to competition for land, resulting in inter-village war. In some portions of the

area, residential units called ori arose that were governed by chiefs or nobles and bound

together by means of mandatory feasts. The consequent horizontal and vertical

integration provided mechanisms for defense and for maintaining agricultural

productivity, giving the ori a competitive advantage over societies to the north. More

convincing evidence comes from studies by Rambo (1991b) comparing societies of

northern and southern Vietnam. The situation in the north was notably more dangerous

than in the south, due to greater competition for resources, more frequent armed conflict,

and more severe government coercion. Households in the north tended to join together in

corporate groups, while those in the south were often independent of one another.

Rambo reasoned that membership in a corporate group brought greater security, but only









at a cost in both finances and reduction of freedom, and that those households at greater

risk, as in the north, were willing to pay those costs.

Poggie (1995) came to similar conclusions when studying the relationship between

cooperation in societies and food periodicity. He observed that cooperation was greatest

in those societies that faced moderate urgency to harvest food. Cooperation enables

people to accomplish tasks more quickly; thus, the less time available for harvest, the

greater the need for cooperation. In cases where there was little urgency, there was little

cooperation. However, extreme urgency also depressed cooperation, perhaps because the

benefits of working with others came at too great an "opportunity cost" of not addressing

one's own interests first. In a similar vein, Singelis et al. (1995) observed that in

societies with status differentiation, the richest and poorest portions of the population

tend to be individualistic, while the middle and lower classes tend to be collectivist.

Apparently freedom from want eliminates the need to cooperate with others, while

extreme pressure to survive eliminates the capacity to depend on others.

Intergroup Conflict and the Concentration of Power

Richard Adams (1977) considers the adjustment of societies to power relationships

with other societies to be the primary driving force behind cultural evolution. He has

studied how groups utilize power to subordinate large segments of a society and how

smaller societies respond to attempts at incorporation by larger ones. Adams' theory is

based on the idea that each level of social complexity is intrinsically tied to a particular

level of control (i.e., ability to make decisions). When not affected by other societies, a

society may increase in internal organization through "pristine evolution" (Figure 2-2).

When confronted by another society, the society may "integrate" into the more powerful

and organized society, either retaining its original organization or becoming more









organized. Alternatively, it may fight back and move up to a higher level of complexity

("surgent evolution"). Or, it may "disintegrate" (become less organized), accepting a

position of reduced ability to control its own affairs and resources. Adams' paradigm

reduces the number of possible interactions between two societies from an infinite variety

to ten basic types, thereby making it easier to trace what is happening in a given situation

and compare it to similar cases elsewhere.

Conflicts over Land and Natural Resources

The National Level

We now turn from social organization to consider one of the Manobo's most

pressing problems: maintaining access to the land and natural resources on which they

depend for survival. We will begin by considering policies and practices at the national

level, as these determine how much latitude local populations have in managing natural

resources.

As is true in most places, Philippine officials tend to be concerned about the

financial health of their government and nation. However, as we have seen above, not all

economic exchanges are monetized. In the subsistence situations common in remote

areas, much of the economy is on a non-cash basis. Officials can readily dismiss these

economies and those who depend upon them as unimportant. However, these

subsistence economies are based on forests and marine areas of great value to the nation's

livelihood. One wonders if the government might be motivated by desire to protect the

wooded goose that is laying so many golden eggs.

Deforestation is a significant problem worldwide. Every year, the earth suffers a

net loss of some 7.3 million hectares of forest (Forestry Department 2005:201), an area

equal to half that of the state of Florida (Florida Netlink n.d.). The Philippines lost two-









thirds of its forests between 1934 and 1998 (Oliva 1998), and is still losing around 157

km2/yr (Forestry Department 2005:197). Unfortunately, those who pay the costs of forest

loss often are not those who benefit. Indigenous populations in particular are often

overlooked in the efforts of powerful, aggressive logging companies to make a profit

(Human Rights Watch 1996; Lozano 1996).

This situation has its root in the Regalian Doctrine (explained earlier under

Background), by which the Philippine government claims rights to the Manobo's

ancestral territory. The comments of Edmunds et al. (2003) are a pointed reply:

[M]ost take for granted both the "public goods" interest of the state in forests and
the legitimacy of government-sponsored devolution arrangements. We instead .
treat rights of local disadvantaged groups as primary, arguing for policy reforms
that protect these local rights, while making incremental gains in protecting the
public interest, rather than the reverse. Even where the rhetoric of poverty
alleviation exists, such objectives have been framed in terms of meeting national
objectives related to economic development, not in terms of protecting an
individual's or community's right to economic self-determination. People living in
forest areas, in particular, have been expected to cope with sometimes drastic
limitations on their choices and to yield rights of self-determination commonly
enjoyed by others living outside of forests.

Many officials have claimed that traditional farming techniques degrade the

environment. Sanchez (1976:379), however, has reviewed numerous studies to show that

traditional techniques are sustainable, and that it is only when increased population

density5 forces swidden farmers to shorten the fallow period or when newcomers to an

area attempt to utilize nonindigenous forms of agriculture that environmental degradation

occurs. Sajise (1991) likewise notes that primitive subsistence systems have a high

impact on the environment at the local level but a low impact at the watershed level, due

to low population pressure. He further notes that while a shift from a subsistence to a


5 in the Manobo's case, from the arrival of settlers









cash economy usually results in forest degradation and agroecosystem instability, this has

not been the case among several groups that have been able to exclude outsiders and

therefore regulate the use of their own resources.

The Manobo's ability to govern their own territory may be aided by the passage in

1997 of the Indigenous People's Rights Act (IPRA), which grants extensive rights over

their ancestral lands to Philippine "indigenous cultural communities." The Philippine

supreme court upheld IRPA after a protracted legal battle, but there continues to be

significant opposition to the act, a situation Contreras (2003) expects to continue.

Resource Management at the Local Level: Public, Private, Open-Access, and
Common-Pool Arrangements

Having considered the national context, we now turn to a consideration of how

resources may be managed. Many have taken their cue from Garrett Hardin's (1968)

story of the "tragedy of the commons," in which each cattle owner, concerned about his

own interests only, stocks as many head as possible on the village commons, in the

process reducing overall production from the land. Many concluded from Hardin's

illustration that the only alternative to unregulated use of "common property" is private

ownership. Unfortunately, this analysis seriously errs in overlooking other viable

alternatives (Ostrom 1990:1-21). Hunt and Gilman (1998) define four approaches to

resource management:

* open access, in which access is open to all
* common property, in which access is open only to group members
* private property, in which access is controlled by the owner
* public property, in which access is controlled by the state









Ostrom (1990:222) warns that many people fail to distinguish between the first two

arrangements, and restricts the term "common property resource" (CPR) to the second

arrangement.

Berkes (1989a) suggests that neither overexploitation nor sustained use is

inevitable, but that it depends upon the social situation. He observed that sustainable use

is much more likely among peoples living in small, tightly knit groups that have firm

communal control over the resource and over social behavior. He is essentially saying

that a CPR arrangement is likely to work in a high-group society. Ostrom (1990:41-43)

states that in the case of firms or states, an entrepreneur or ruler takes on the burden of

arranging collective action, who keeps a substantial portion of the surplus thereby

generated for himself. He therefore has an interest in making credible threats against

anyone breaking the cooperative arrangement or damaging his property. As some of the

surplus is left to the others in the group, they find their net position an improvement over

independent existence and therefore continue with the arrangement. Thus, in the case of

private or public property, sustainability is maintained through vertical integration.

Berkes (1989a) observes that "tragedies of the commons" seem to be the exception

rather than the rule, and usually occur when an outside power disrupts existing CPR

systems. Large areas of forest had been successfully managed by Indian communities in

pre-colonial times, but after the arrival of the British, many village commons were

transformed into private property, while extensive areas of forest were commercially

logged (Berkes 1989b). In areas where the state has not intervened, there have been

numerous cases of successful common property resource management (Ostrom 1990:64-

67). She suggests two conditions as necessary for successful CPR arrangements:









populations that remain stable over long periods of time, and situations that are uncertain

and complex (Ostrom 1990:88-91). With stable populations, individuals can expect to

benefit from charitable behavior toward others, and can expect any investments to pay off

to themselves or their heirs. Ostrom's suggestion that uncertain and complex situations

favor CPR arrangements is consistent with my earlier conclusion (pp. 27-28) that

moderate danger facilitates the emergence of horizontal and vertical integration. She has

identified eight specific characteristics that appear to be common to enduring CPR

arrangements:

* clearly defined boundaries, of both the membership and the resource itself
* reasonable rules
* participation in decisions open to most members
* monitoring
* progressively severe sanctions
* conflict-resolution mechanisms
* governmental recognition of right to govern the resource
* a nested organizational structure, in the case of large systems

Cultural Specifics: Cues to the Manobo's Use of Social Structures for
Supradomestic Cooperation

We now turn from theories of social organization and resource management to

specifics of culture. There are several excellent treatments of the social organization and

related features of the less socially complex societies of insular Southeast Asia and of

mainstream Philippine society. Examples are Jocano (1969, 1997, 1998a, 1998b),

Lingenfelter (1990), Kerr (1988), Allison (1984), Mayers (1980), Hollnsteiner (1979c),

Schlegel (1970, 1979), Drucker (1974), Manuel (1973), Hudson (1972), Frake (1960),

and Garvan (1941). As interesting as these are, I will refrain from giving a detailed

description of these societies and will instead highlight a few points that are especially









significant to an understanding of the Manobo's use of social structures for

supradomestic cooperation.

Philippine societies are characterized by patron-client relationships (Arce 1979;

Lynch 1979a), negotiated social relationships (Hollnsteiner 1979a), the avoidance of

face-to-face confrontation (Arce and Poblador 1979), and the basing of relationships on

person rather than office (Szanton 1979). These observations were made with regard to

"lowland" Philippine society, but are in large measure applicable to Philippine peoples

generally. In many of the socially less-complex societies of Borneo, there are no stable

groups other than the household, which is frequently limited to the nuclear family. In

these societies, kinship serves as the starting point for recruitment to ephemeral groups,

an observation that Hollnsteiner (1979b), Arce (1979), and Lynch (1979b) make for

Philippine societies. An arrangement in the Philippines of particular note is that of the

suki relationship. Szanton's (1979) description of the relationship as seen among

Ilonggos (a Philippine people) appears typical of practice in several other locations. The

word is used of both parties in a market relationship (i.e., vendor and customer) and is

probably best translated as "regular exchange partner." The relationship is often long

lasting and is based on personal reciprocity. Szanton's observation that the suki

relationship is pervasive in Philippine economic life suggests it may be mirrored in

Philippine politics i.e., the receipt of some service or favor from an official is

equivalent to buying from a particular vendor. The official tends to expect continued

"loyalty," while the constituent tends to expect special attention. Government offices

tend to be run under a "patronage" system.









Summary

Like many indigenous peoples around the world, the Manobo have in recent

decades been strongly impacted by powerful outside forces. These forces have produced

profound changes in their culture, including the way they organize their social, political,

and economic relations. Yet the Manobo are not the mere object of these forces,

plastically conforming to the pressures placed upon them, for the organizational patterns

they have developed in response to pressure from the outside enable them to exert

pressure on the very parties affecting them. I have drawn from theories of cultural

evolution and power configurations within and between societies in order to investigate

the effect of external forces upon the Manobo and the Manobo's response to these forces.

Cultural evolution focuses on causal interactions, emphasizing either the political or the

economic. Some theorists have focused on the impact of the behavior of the state,

anticipating that external power intrusions will lead to internal power rearrangements;

others have focused on the effect of changes in technology and the economic base,

holding that they will lead to changes in social organization and the idea system.

Several theories focus on configurations of social interaction and the relationship of

these to power: social network analysis, social capital, grid-group theory, and Richard

Adams' theory of competition between societies. (Theories regarding common pool

resources may be regarded as an applied variant, in that they relate property regime to

social configuration.) Taken together, these theories add depth to that of cultural

evolution by their focus on the mechanisms by which political and material pressures

produce specific social organization configurations and associated idea systems. Perhaps

even more importantly, they bring out that social organization and idea systems are not









merely the products of state influence and the material environment, but are also the

means by which societies act on the state and their biophysical environment.

The combination of these two schools of thought thus allows for feedback

relationships between the state, the biophysical/economic environment, and the

Manobo's social organization and idea system. Given the similarity between the

Manobo's situation and that of many other indigenous peoples, it is anticipated that the

principles elucidated from this combined approach to the analysis of the Manobo's

situation will be theoretically pertinent to land and natural resource conflicts in many

other locations.

high


Fatalistic Hierarchical


GRID


IndiWvicualistic Egalitanan


low -
low p- high
GROUP
Figure 2-1. The four ways of life.












effective maximum level of integration of superior domain
band chiefdom state nation

integrative nation
nation metropolitan
a area

U .&P /(D
V))
01) CVD (

st <.' kingdom state
a state (D
city city





> chiefdom chiefdom province province
town town town



lineage neighborhood neighborhood
clan lineage clan
cla





band band clan community
community community association
band band band


Figure 2-2. Adjustment of societies to power relationships (Adams 1977:399).














Chapter 3
RESEARCH DESIGN

The primary focus of this research was the exploration of how the Manobo are

using and modifying indigenous social structures to carry out collective response to the

ongoing invasion by the central government, settlers, loggers, and other participants that

is transforming the ecology and demography of the region. The research is theoretically

significant in that it explores the relationship between confrontation with exogenous

society and the development of greater complexity in local social organization. It is of

practical significance in that it makes possible some assessment of whether the process of

invasion and response will result in the emergence of new local organizational forms that

enable the Manobo to deal with these exogenous forces and maintain some control over

their biophysical environment, or whether local organizations, traditions and culture will

succumb to these powerful outside forces and gradually disappear, as has happened in so

many similar situations.

Guided by the various theoretical paradigms discussed in chapter 2, I developed a

set of research questions:

* What structures are the Manobo using (or have they used) for supradomestic
cooperation?

* What factors account for those structures' existence?

* How is power configured within those structures? E.g., what are the patterns of
control over resources and persons, access to resources, and flows of resources?

* What external forces have invaded the area, and for what purposes?









* Precisely how have these exogenous groups and organizations conflicted and
interacted with traditional Manobo social organization?

* What, if any, new organizational patterns have emerged among the Manobo to deal
with these hitherto unknown exogenous forces?

* To what degree have these new organizational patterns been locally invented, or
adaptations of exogenous models imported from outside?


Based on the same theories and my previous experience with the Manobo, I also

formed some hypotheses:

* Manobo society at the supradomestic level has traditionally been organized along
the lines of what anthropologists have referred to as a "big man" society, with weak
ties of horizontal and vertical coordination utilized when needs arise.

* New needs generated by the incursions of the government, logging company, and
settlers are moving the Manobo toward greater coordination, thereby modifying old
structures and generating new ones.

* The new structures have been shaped by traditional organizational patterns and
retain many elements from these earlier forms. At the same time, they are
characterized by new statuses ("roles") and roles (including rights and obligations)
that are not part of traditional social organization. This transition is producing
tension and conflict within Manobo society.


To endow my analysis with a maximum of logical rigor, and to ensure that I not

overlook any significant factors in the process by which exogenous forces were making

changes in Manobo culture, and by which the Manobo were responding to those forces, I

also identified key factors in the process and classified them as in Table 3-1. The two

left-hand columns list exogenous factors bearing upon the local situation. Primary

factors give rise to proximate factors that have an immediate impact on the local

situation. I divided results similarly. The proximate results are the local society's

responses to the proximate factors, and include such things as changes in social and

political organization, technology, and land tenure practices. These adaptive responses in









turn give rise to the ultimate results of economic and environmental wellbeing, capacity

for future action, and changes in national policies.

I next considered what information would be required to refute or confirm my

hypotheses, and particularly to answer the broader research questions. However, my

emphasis was not on quantitative testing of these hypotheses, but on the discovery and

description of adaptive, evolving problem-solving social systems. My goal was to

examine all forms of supradomestic cooperation, both traditional and emergent. While

my focus was on those organizational trends most directly linked to encounters with the

invasion by the central government, settlers, and loggers, my intent was to cast an

anthropologically and ethnographically broad analytic net for the evolving organizational

strategies of the Manobo to deal with the entire gamut of problems they must address.

This has induced me to include areas such as schooling and health care upon which the

Manobo themselves place a high priority, but which are often ignored by researchers

narrowly focused on political and economic struggles.

Armed with these research questions, hypotheses, and key factors, I proceeded to

draw up specific interview questions (Appendix A). I decided to focus on activities in

which the Manobo were cooperating to address needs beyond the capacity of the

individual household, as it is in activities that relationships and behavior are most clearly

seen. I collected the data using focus groups, followed by informal interviews as needed

to supply missing details, and supplemented by participant observation and surveys. I

began my investigation with the simplest and most visible activities and progressed

toward the crucial and complex activity of pursuing land rights. However, I recorded all

information pertinent to the research when it was given, regardless of whether it was the









focus of the particular interview. The general progression was 1) history of settlement, 2)

traditional and current political system, 3) traditional and current economic system, 4)

evolution and internal workings of civil institutions, and 5) evolution and internal

workings of land rights organizations. Interview notes were taken by hand and the

interviews recorded using a digital voice recorder. I later keyboarded the interviews into

the computer using the Data Notebook program6, transferred my digital voice recordings

and digital photographs to the computer, and linked them to the appropriate Data

Notebook records.

I lived with the Manobo people from 1984 through 2002, traveling extensively in

the area and working with a large number of leaders and individuals. Hence, before

beginning this research, I was well acquainted with the Manobo's traditional culture and

their interactions with the outside world, had collected appreciable data, and had

established relationships of trust with many potential informants. I had also discovered

that the frequent interruptions characteristic of life in the village made desk work

difficult, suggesting it would be best to divide my research into "people time" in the

village and "desk time" elsewhere. I therefore decided to make a number of research

visits to the area to conduct interviews and surveys, and return to the university between

visits to conduct the analysis.

The research was carried out in three separate visits. In my first research visit, I

interviewed those residing in the Elem area who were connected with these four activity

domains. I followed this the next visit with interviews of land rights leaders, the AMBCI

and ATBCI boards, literacy teachers and supervisors, and health workers and supervisors.

6 The Data Notebook program is available from SIL International
(http://www.sil.org/computing/fieldworks/DataNotebook.html).









During my third visit I collected any data still lacking, verified and discussed my findings

with representatives from each of the groups interviewed, and determined what

identifying details should be disguised to protect informants.

In my investigation of groups for economic cooperation, I used a modification of

snowball sampling. (Note that in this case, the unit of analysis was groups, not

individuals.). During my first research visit, I conducted group interviews of every group

in the Elem area that had been organized for economic cooperation. Learning of similar

groups in other villages that contrasted with those in Elem, I visited and interviewed them

during my second visit to discover differences in contributing factors.












Table 3-1. Key factors.


Primary contributing
factors
Logging
Settling
Imposition of
outside government
National forest
policies
Contact with NGOs


Proximate contributing
factors
Deforestation
Land loss
Increased population density
Loss of prestige
Market access
Introduction of exogenous
organizational patterns
Introduction of exogenous
ideologies


Proximate results
Changes in technology
Changes in land tenure
practices
Local movements and
changes in local
organization:
Religious
Literacy
Health
Livelihood
Production & exchange
Political
Land rights


Ultimate results
Ecosystem well-being: erosion, sustainability
(short- and long-term dependability)
Economic wellbeing (of Manobo, and
implications for the barangay, municipalities,
and province)
Capacity for community wellbeing
Capacity for environmental well-being
Effects upon national policy regarding the
environment and indigenous peoples














CHAPTER 4
LIFE BEFORE THE INVASION: PRE-1953

The Physical Setting

The present chapter will reconstruct key elements of the Manobo's traditional way

of life, focusing on those ethnographic domains which are of most direct relevance as

baseline data from which to assess the subsequent impact of impinging economic and

political forces. This examination of their way of life prior to the invasions of the last

half-century will begin with the Manobo's physical setting, proceed to the biological,

technological, and social characteristics of their traditional economy, and conclude with a

look at the place of internal migration in their traditional system.

The Cotabato Manobo comprise a population of some 30,000 who traditionally

depended on the production of root crops, rice, and maize. They are located in the

Philippines in the highlands of the large southern island of Mindanao (Figure 1-1. ). The

territory they have traditionally occupied extends from the coast into the inland

mountains (Figure 4-1), but most of the Manobo have been displaced from the coastal

areas. Their current habitat is therefore largely one of steep mountains cut by rivers and

streams. The vegetation is high forest underlain by a thin, dark topsoil. The B horizon is

a light buff clay, underlain in turn by a heavy, sticky orange clay. The soil is moderately

productive until the C horizon is exposed, as which point agricultural yields drop sharply.

Rainfall in the Philippines varies substantially from one area to another, and data

have been collected for only a few localities. The national average rainfall of 2083 mm

(Country Watch, 2001) is probably similar to that of the Manobo area. The Manobo










territory experiences a pronounced dry season from January through March. Rains begin

in April, are heaviest in June and July, and taper off in August and September. Some rain

continues to fall in October through December, though not as much.

Biological Aspects of the Manobo Economy

Swidden Agriculture

Accounts7 from older members of Manobo society indicate that their territory was

once almost entirely forested. Before settlers began arriving from other parts of the

Philippines, triggering off the changes that will be discussed in these pages, the Manobo

supported themselves through swidden agriculture,8 supplemented by hunting and

gathering. Sulutan Edod Nayam,9 a resident of Elem, illustrated life as it used to be with

an account of one of his ancestors, Datu Muluk. The account will be familiar to those

acquainted with the major phases of the swidden cycle.

[He had eight dogs.] He went spear-hunting for deer and pig and caught four deer.
When he saw the land he decided to cut a swidden there. He and his followers
planted many things. When they harvested the maize,10 they stored it on a loosely
woven bamboo fence (kinentoy) (Figure 4-2). He planted two seasons, then told his
followers they should plant in a new area, as there were now too many weeds for
the women to handle.




My reconstruction of the Manobo's traditional way of life is based on interviews with 51 informants (12
women and 39 men), mostly taken between June 2005 and October 2006 and between September 1994 and
May 1995.

8 Anthropologists may be more accustomed to saying the Manobo practiced "horticultural." However, to
Americans working in crop production, and probably to the American populace at large, "agriculture"
denotes fannrming, while "horticulture" denotes the production of expensive specialty crops such as flowers,
other ornamentals, and fruits. At the same time, use of the term "swidden farming" is problematic, as
farming implies the existence of farms, which in American usage are understood to have a fixed location. I
will use the term ',\ iddc u agriculture" as what seems to be the best compromise. I will also use the term
"agriculture" to refer to crop production.

9 The Manobo words dati and sulutan refer to traditional leaders, with sulutan considered the more
prestigious title. I have italicized the terms when they used as words, but left them in regular type when
they are used as titles with a proper noun.









Various useful wild plants grew up in the abandoned field, including ubud (rattan
heart) and pulah (palm heart), which could be harvested when they became mature.

The old people told them what trees not to remove: tepek, kedies, tubang,
belengahal, belangas, and saging ubal. Instead, they were to cut down trees that
had no use (enda duen lantek), like tungow. Don't cut down trees that produce
fruit.

Now, about belagen (rattan). [He named several kinds, including limulan.] Why
did we know those? Because we depended on them. We learned the names from
our parents.

People's areas were previously separated by mountains, ridges, and waterways.
These provided natural boundaries between areas. We didn't have "released land"
or sinintih iglebeng [concrete markers buried in the ground], just mountains and
ridges and waterways.

The Manobo have continued to practice swidden agriculture, when they are allowed

to, though the central element in that land use system, the felling of trees for land clearing

purposes, has been greatly curtailed by the logging company active in their area. Such

restrictions, of course, bring no ecological benefits to the region, as the purpose of the

restrictions is not to protect the forest, but to protect the company's right to cut trees. The

removal of trees by logging is far more drastic than that in the Manobo's traditional

swidden system. In terms of economic impact on Manobo lifeways, the catastrophic

impact of the restrictions against tree cutting will be discussed later. The present

paragraphs simply describe the processes involved in the traditional system.

Preparation of the primary field, the tinibah (meaning "an area that has been

cleared"), is considered men's work. Each man cuts an area of forest in January, when

the dry season begins. The Manobo now use axes or kelu (large, recurved field knives),

but the oldest men remember using the kulut, a lightweight predecessor to the axe (Figure

4-3). Very little rain falls during January and February, allowing the vegetation to dry.










The cleared area is burned in February and then planted in February and March, once the

rains began. Much of the area is planted to maizeo10 (Zea mays) and rice (Oryza sativa).

Tradition was followed carefully when planting. Merlienda, a female informant,

explained that planting of the maize began each year with the seed from a single ear.

Once this is planted, the people went home, and then returned the next day to plant the

remainder of the area. The women plant the maize in a random pattern using a dibble

stick, with some 1.5 m (two paces) between hills. A few days later, when the maize has

sprouted and can be seen, men interplant the area with rice seed. Like the maize, the rice

is planted in a random pattern using a dibble stick. An aged male informant, Kadaban

Kulong ofElem, added that he used to clear three separate fields, and that when he

planted, he first planted a small portion for Nemula, the Creator, in order to honor Him,

because the land belongs to Him. Only then did he plant his own.



10 The current model of Philippine prehistory is that today's Filipinos (excepting only the Negrito groups,
who comprise 0.05% of the country's population, and the small ethnic Chinese population) are descended
from Austronesian-speaking peoples who began migrating into the archipelago around 3000 BC, probably
from Taiwan (Bellwood, Fox, and Tryon 1995). Some of the Philippine peoples established trade links
with China and the Malaysian archipelago. Significant trade with China had been established by the time
of the Sung Dynasty (AD 969-1279) (Scott 1983). Arab traders also came, reaching Mindanao by the late
1200s (Man 1990:21).

Maize, as is common knowledge, originated in Latin America (Martin et al. 1976:325). The linguistic
evidence suggests that the Manobo have grown it for some time. They have their own word for it, kelang,
which is quite different from lowland terms that are close cognates to the Spanish mais. The Manobo also
distinguish between their traditional variety (tigtu kelang, meaning "real maize") and varieties that have
been brought by the Bisaya (sibi (from Cebu, the place of origin of many of the Bisaya), "yellow corn,"
and "Cargill"). Maize was presumably brought to the Philippines during the Spanish era, as was cassava
(Manihot utilissima (esculenta) Pohl.) (Martin et al. 1976:947), and their high yield and adaptability to the
climate led to their dissemination throughout the archipelago. Grain sorghum (Sorghum bicolor L.
Moench) and pearl millet (Pennisetum glaucum) are thought to have originated in Africa (Martin et al.
1976:386, 570), while foxtail millet (Seratia italica) was grown in China as early as 2700 BC (Martin et al.
1976:563). These crops may have been brought to the Philippines with Chinese merchants, or by Arab
traders by way of India and the Malaysian archipelago.

Maize, cassava, sorghum, and millet are thus all "exotic" crops. However, even my oldest informants
cannot recall a time that these crops were not used by their people, or even stories of such a time. The
crops are thus appropriately considered part of the Manobo's traditional cropping system.









Among the women I interviewed, ranging in age from a mother in her late 20s to

grandmothers in their late 40s, their husbands (or in one divorcee's case, her brother)

cleared the land they planted. The women planted. In polygynous households, the co-

wives help each other plant. The wives might give each other seed. Or, one wife might

borrow seed from her co-wife and repay the same amount when she harvests.

Traditional varieties were used for both the maize and rice. The traditional maize

varieties, called tigtu kelang (real maize), are glutinous and mildly sweet with

multicolored ears, and require only two and one-half to three months from planting till

harvest, depending on the variety. There were two general types of traditional rice

varieties. Dakelpalay (large rice) can grow as tall as one's shoulder and takes five to

seven months from planting until harvest in September. Belowon takes only four months

from planting until harvest.

In addition to maize and rice, other crops were planted in the tinibah as well,

including cassava (Manihot utilissima (esculenta) Pohl.), tropical yam (Dioscorea

esculenta), taro (Colocasia esculenta), yautia (Yautia.xm1u/itim i), grain sorghum

(Sorghum bicolor L. Moench), and millet11. Grain sorghum was sometimes planted

around houses to repel tuyang busaw (demon dog). The tuyang busaw was believed to

avoid the grain sorghum, as the crop's seedhead resembles the tuyang's tail. Millet is

boiled into a porridge. The grain can also be burned and the ash rubbed on skin affected

by stinging caterpillars or other irritating hairs. Vegetables and condiments were also





" The word "millet" refers to any of a number of small-seeded annual cereal crops. The Manobo word
betem, which I have glossed "millet," may be foxtail millet (Seratia italica) or pearl millet (Pennisetum
glaucum).









planted, including eggplant (Solanum melongena L.), cowpeas (Vigna sinensis Endl.),

squash (Cucurbita sp.), basil (Ocimum basilicum L.), and lemongrass (Cymbopogon sp.).

Traditionally, the ears of maize were cut from the stalk in such a way that a short

length of stalk remained attached to the base of the ear, forming a hook. Using this, the

ears still in the husk were hung out in the open on a woven bamboo fence, the bottom

of which was a few feet off the ground (Figure 4-2). This arrangement, which the

Manobo call a kinentoy, allowed the grain to dry while minimizing damage from

moisture and insects. The maize husks shed rain from the ears like a thatched roof and

kept weevils from spreading from one ear to another. At the same time, the ears'

exposure to sunlight helped them dry. While the kinentoy system probably takes more

labor than the Latin American practice, it may also provide better rat control, as rodents

are reticent to expose themselves to hawks and owls by climbing on the exposed ears.

The grain was shelled from the ear by hand as needed and ground into grits using a

mortar and pestle.

The mature rice was pulled from the stalk by hand. After drying in the sun, the

grain (with husk attached) was placed in large containers called lihub (Figure 4-4) made

of bark that had been stripped from the kalah tree. The bark was sewn together using

rattan, and a rattan "net" was constructed as the bottom of the container. Rice straw was

then placed in the bottom and along the sides and the dried rice grain placed inside.

When the container was full, the Manobo placed a layer of rice straw on top and tied it in

with another rattan "net." A family might have one or several of these lihub (bark

containers). Seed for the next year would be set aside in a smaller container and was not

considered available to eat. The Manobo would occasionally open the lihub to determine









whether the grain was spoiling from excess moisture and, if necessary, dry it and then

return it to the lihub. Rice was prepared for eating by pounding in a mortar and pestle to

loosen the husk from the grain, winnowed to remove the husk, and then boiled.

The traditional cropping system was designed to extend the harvest season, thereby

supplying food over more of the year. While most of the maize and rice was harvested as

mature grain, a portion was eaten while still "green." Maize was eaten as boiling ears in

June, and then as roasting ears, after which it becomes too dry and hard to eat fresh.

Likewise, a small portion of the rice is harvested once it has matured but is too moist to

store. The green rice is parched (roasted without oil in a frying pan) and then pounded,

winnowed, and boiled as usual. The cropping season was also extended by using two

varieties of maize. Dakel kelang (large maize) is still in the boiling ear stage in June,

while mepoko belus (short-silked [maize]) is already too mature to eat even as roasting

ears.

The Manobo have traditionally reckoned planting time by the stars using Dakel

Bituen (the "Big Star," Canis Major), Telu (the "Three," Orion's Belt), and Putel (the

Pleiades). An additional guideline that one informant followed is to plant at the full

moon so that his rice, like the moon, would be full. The informants say their ancestors

used to cut their fields in January, burn in February, and plant in March.

While planting time was dictated by the stars, a field's location was guided by

omens. Of particular importance was the limuken (the white-eared brown dove,

Phapitreron leucotis).12 The limuken tells one if it is safe to prepare a field in a particular

place. The farmer clears a small area within the proposed tinibah, and then places his


12 identified from Gonzales and Rees (1988:61)









backpack13 on the ground and calls out to the limuken and asks it to tell him if it will be

safe to make a field there. If the limuken responds, then the man knows it is all right to

go ahead. However, if the dove's call comes from in front, it is a warning that if the

farmer goes ahead and makes a field there, someone will die, and the people will not get

to eat the crop. If that omen happens, people would not farm there, even if the limuken

had previously given a favorable omen. The informants said that is why their ancestors

used to make fields in so many places: if they started to prepare a field in one place and

received an unfavorable omen, they would start over in another place.

After the rice was harvested, a tinibah was sometimes replanted to supplement the

food supply. In this practice, known as kanduli, the men cleared the field of weeds, after

which the women planted a variety of crops (maize, yams (Dioscorea esculenta),

cassava, yautia (Yautiaxm.brihviwu), sugar cane (Saccharinum officinale), and taro

(Colocassia esculenta)) using a dibble stick. This second planting occurred in

September.

The crops were subject to numerous pests. Some pests (kelitoy, fire ants; the

bekuku, a dove similar to the limuken; and the maya, or chestnut munia, Lonchura

malaccal4) eat rice seed out of the field. A variety of rodents eat the immature panicle

inside the rice stalk, while munias eat the grain once it begins to mature. Maize is subject

to attack by rats, doves, wild pigs, and monkeys. The wild pigs also eat root and tuber

crops. There were also insect pests, including the tenangaw (rice stink bug, Leptocorisa

oratorius), kelool (mole cricket, Gryllotalpa africana), and tepelak (cutworm,


13 puyut, a small backpack in which men typically carry small personal items, such as the makings for betel
nut chew
14 identified from Gonzales and Rees (1988:51)









Spodoptera litura). The Manobo had ways of dealing with many of these problems. Pigs

could often be excluded by fences built from bamboo and rattan. Birds were scared away

using scarecrows and bamboo noisemakers, operated by rattan lines (Figure 4-5).

Monkeys were especially clever pests and had to be driven off by shouting at them.

Occasionally a man could get close enough to kill one with bow and arrow.

While animal pests were troublesome, the greatest difficulty seems to have been

weeds. These included lagidit (perhaps buffalo grass, Paspalum conjugatum Bergius), a

low-growing, broad-leaved grass, edible by horses and carabao; lawil goosegrasss,

Eleusine indica (L.) Gaertn.); belebek (beggar's tick, Bidens sp.); and agum (pigweed,

Amaranthus spp.). The deep shade under the forest canopy effectively controlled weeds

until the field was cleared, and burning of the dried plant material killed any remaining

weed species, and provided nutrients15 to the soil as well. After the crops emerged the

fields were weeded by hand. After one or two seasons, however, the weeds became

increasingly numerous, and the Manobo abandoned their fields and moved on to open

new areas of forest.16

The Manobo have varied in how long they allow the forest to regenerate before

using an area again for farming. Informants gave figures ranging from seven to over fifty

years. The Manobo have used and continue to use indicator species to find fertile



15 The ash produced from the burned plant materials contains a number of inorganic elements, including
phosphorus, potassium, calcium, and a number of micronutrients.
16 My informants said that, while soil fertility did decrease over time, they moved to new areas because of
weed pressure. This is consistent with the findings of Pedro Sanchez (1976:378), who after extensive study
of tropical agricultural systems was of the opinion that "the need for weed control may be the primary
reason why fields are abandoned in high-base-status soils, whereas fertility depletion may be the primary
cause in lower-base-status soils." The limestone-derived clay loam soils of the Manobo area likely have
relatively high base status in the A horizon, which would be not be substantially eroded under shifting
cultivation.









regrowth areas. Among these are lantana (Lantana camera) and budakan, a vine in the

Malvaceae having large, heart-shaped leaves.

Once an area of forest is cleared and planted, it immediately begins to return to

climax forest. Harold Conklin (1975) has documented that the Hanun6o people of

Mindoro, in the central Philippine islands, deliberately mimicked the natural succession

back to climax forest through the crops they planted. The Hanun6o planted newly

cleared swidden fields to a mixture of annual crops, along with more slowly maturing

crops such as cassava, yams, sweet potatoes (Ipomea batatas), yautia (Yautia

.xA\nb1v vina), and taro (Colocasia esculenta (L.) Schott). The more slowly maturing

crops were either bushy (cassava) or climbing crops (yams and sweet potato), or able to

tolerate shade yautiaa and taro) precisely the kind of plants that take over an abandoned

field. The Hanun6o also planted their fields with papaya, bananas, and various fruit trees.

These grow more slowly than the cassava and yams, but begin to pass them in height as

the cassava and yams mature. Tall forest species are allowed to grow up among the fruit

trees, eventually shading out the fruit trees, but not before they provide several years of

food. The Manobo's system appears to have some of the same characteristics. The

Manobo plant a similar mixture of slow-growing taller crops with annual crops. Papaya

is allowed to volunteer in cleared fields, along with selawi (a vining legume with a seed

like that of lima beans, Phaseolus lunatus L.). The Manobo also plant fruit trees in their

fields, including jackfruit (Artocarpus heterophyllus), which provides lumber as well as

fruit.

Gathering

The forest has also been important to the Manobo as a source of wild greens and

staples, fibers, building materials, and medicinal herbs. Even now, the women gather a









number of wild greens, including paku (a wild fern), utan (a vine with a bitter leaf), and

belebek (beggar's tick, Bidens sp.). Ubud (rattan heart) and dobung apus (bamboo

sprouts) provide variety to the diet, while kuhan (wild betel nut, Areca sp., perhaps Areca

triandra Roxb. ex Buch.-Ham.) has played the same gustatory and social role that coffee

and tea do in many other cultures. The forest has also provided staples before the rice

matured, or when crops had failed because of drought or other cause. The Manobo have

harvested a variety of wild root and tuber crops, including biking (a wild yam, probably

Dioscorea alata) and kelut (another wild yam, poisonous if not processed by long

leaching in running water). The Manobo also produced starch (natek) from a large palm

called basag (probably Corypha elata). The tree was felled and split open and the heart

dug out with adzes fashioned on the spot from bamboo (Figure 4-6). The shredded palm

heart was mixed with water and poured down a banana-stalk trough, where the starch

settled out. The starch was then heated over a fire until it congealed and wrapped with

banana leaf wrappers to be eaten later.

While wild foods helped to supplement the food from crops, drought occasionally

made life very difficult. The Manobo tell of people sucking water from rotten wood

during a drought before World War II. Most of the springs dried up, but one continued to

flow at a place that came to be called Linesedan, meaning "the fenced-off place."

Anyone who came to drink there had to leave something in payment. Many left spears

(at that time essential for hunting, and heirlooms), stabbing them in the ground near the

water. Over time, the water was surrounded with a "fence" of spears, giving the place its

name.









The Manobo made use of a number of non-timber forest products (NTFPs), and -

when the plants are available continue to do so. The forest contains a number of

species of bamboo. Apus, a very large, thick-walled bamboo, provides material for

flooring. Kawayan and bolo, thin-walled species, provide material to make woven

walling. Belekayu, a small bamboo with a narrow lumen, is used for arrow shafts. There

are also climbing bamboos, chief of which is napnap, used for weaving baskets for tasks

as varied as carrying crops from field to house, to fishing, to making a sheath or scabbard

for field knives (cf. Figure 4-3). Rattan (Calamus spp.) was used instead of nails in

building houses, and to construct thatched roofs from cogon grass (Imperata cylindrica),

bamboo, and wooden poles.

Other plants provided rope and clothing. The Manobo strip fibers from the stalk of

abaca (Musa textilis) and roll them between palm and thigh into cords. These are still

used for the belt from which men suspend their field knife sheaths, and were previously

sewn into blankets. Abaca cords were laid side by side and stitched together with abaca

thread using a bamboo needle. Bark cloth, at one time used for breechcloths, was made

from the bark of the kalah tree. Two cuts were made around the trunk and the bark

stripped from the tree. The bark was soaked in water and pounded until only the phloem

fibers remained, producing a thick fabric.

Wild plants have also provided the Manobo with a number of herbal remedies. The

bark from one tree17 has been used to treat malaria. The conical flower heads from

mekepenit, a plant in the Asteraceae, are chewed and applied to toothache; they provide a

potent but short-lived anaesthetic effect. The flowers of pungpung, another plant in the


1 I have not seen this plant and do not know its botanical identity.









Asteraceae, are rubbed between the hands and their fragrance inhaled as an antidote to

lightheadedness.

In summary, the Manobo's traditional means of obtaining plant sustenance relied

on swidden agriculture, supplemented by gathering of wild plants and of "weeds" that

grew in cultivated fields during their succession back to forest. However, this traditional

system was to be subjected to tremendous pressure to change when the Philippine

government opened their territory to settlers and logging companies.

Hunting, Trapping, and Fishing

While plant materials provided the Manobo with energy, their traditional crops

could not supply everything they needed for adequate nutrition. As was the case in pre-

colonial Meso-America, grain and root crops provided a dependable source of

carbohydrates, but to obtain adequate protein they continued to rely on a more ancient

system based on hunting, trapping, and fishing. As Sulutan Edod Nayam explained:

If we don't have food, we get food from the forest: biking and lodon [a plant that
has "fruit" in the ground] and rattan [heart]. We catch wild pigs with spear traps.
We also trap monkeys [with tupil, pointed stakes]. We catch deer with spear traps.
We catch pigs with deadfalls. This is what our ancestors taught us. When we
caught something, we would call our companions together and divide the catch
according to how many wives each man had. Each man took as many parcels as
the number of wives he had. If someone else caught something, then they would
call me to get my share.

Pigs and deer were also hunted using dogs and spears, with several men cooperating in

the hunt. Dogs would track the quarry and keep it at bay while the men ran through the

forest, following the dogs' howls. Once they came upon their quarry, they would kill it

with spear thrusts, and then divide the meat among those taking part in the hunt. This

sharing of produce was less common in the case of domesticated crops, where each

family harvested and consumed its own food. But intracommunal sharing was the norm










in that protein-procurement sector of the economy based on the hunting and trapping of

wild animals, particularly mammalian species.18

The forest previously supported a wide variety of birds, including koko (hornbills),

tugkeling (the coleto, Sarcops calvus19), kulilit (a small woodpecker), uwak (the slender-

billed crow, Corvus enca sierramadrensis Rand and Rabor20), banug (the Philippine

eagle, Pithecophagajefferyi21), limuken (the white-eared brown dove, Phapitreron

leucotis22), and pugih (the blue-breasted quail, Coturnix chinensis23). However, many are

now seen less often than even ten years ago. There were also a number of species of wild

mammals, including Philippine palm civets (Paradoxurusphilippinensis Jourdan,

183724), monkeys, emal (the Philippine tarsier, Tarsiusphilippensis Meyer25), several

rodents, wild pig (Sus celebensis philippensis Nehring26), deer (Cervus (Rusa) sp.27), and

various species of bats. As with the birds, these are less common now than before. The

largest predators are pythons and crocodiles. However, pythons are rare, and crocodiles



18 Interestingly, the !Kung of the Kalahari Desert observe a similar distinction between meat and plants
products. While the !Kung share both gathered and hunted foods (Lee 1979:118), game meat is shared
more widely in the community than plant products and small animals obtained by gathering (Marshall
1976:357-363).

19 identified from Gonzales and Rees (1988:111)

20 identified from Rabor (1986:29)

21 identified from Gonzales and Rees (1988:157)

22 identified from Gonzales and Rees (1988:61)

23 identified from Gonzales and Rees (1988:116)

24 identified from Rabor (1986:174)

25 identified from Rabor (1986:136)

26 identified from Rabor (1986:180)

2 identified from Rabor (1986:184-186)









are limited to areas near large bodies of water, so not a concern in most parts of Manobo

territory. There are also a large number of other reptiles, including several poisonous and

non-poisonous snakes, and lizards.

The Manobo have traditionally hunted pig and deer with spears, using dogs to track

and corner the quarry. Many of the men who have hunted have broken toes from

barefoot pursuit over the steep and uneven terrain. The Manobo also catch pigs using pits

lined with sharpened stakes (kaseb), deadfalls (dilan babuy), and spear traps (belatik).

Small mammals and birds are trapped using snares (katal, litag, and siud). The Manobo

make a particularly ingenious trap from bamboo, the tekob) (Figure 4-7), to catch wild

rodents. One of the species caught with it is the mebukla ikug ("white tail"), a large rat

with a white tail than makes trails through corn fields but does little damage to the crop.

The Manobo do not eat house rats.

The Manobo now catch fish and eels with purchased steel hooks, but also employ

several methods developed before they had extensive commercial contact with

mainstream Philippine society. It is common to catch freshwater eels by hand, feeling

carefully under rocks in the creek beds and grabbing the eel before it can escape. The

Manobo sometimes make rock dams across mountain streams to dry up the watercourse

and leave the fish stranded on the streambed; the fish are then collected by hand. Various

plants28 are used to poison fish, which are collected when they float to the surface. The

Manobo also make fish traps, called siyuk, from bamboo. These are placed in waterways

with the mouth pointing upstream. The fish swim into the mouth and down a funnel into

the trap, but cannot swim out again because of the sharpened bamboo pieces at the

28 The Manobo collect the fruit from a small tree called gasi, and the bark from the lawet tree. Either of
these is pounded and thrown into the water upstream of the fishing site.










bottom of the funnel.

Domestic Animals

At one time, the only animal the Manobo raised for meat was the chicken. Many

Manobo now raise domestic pigs, but they are a more recent addition. Ducks are

29
uncommon and even more recent.29 On the other hand, the horse and carabao appear to

have played a part in the Manobo economy for some time.30 Older men list both animals

as part of the bride-wealth (songgud) they gave when married, and the horse was a

frequent item of payment (tamuk) in antang, conflict settlements negotiated between

dati. Carabao are now valued as draft animals as well, but in the past were used solely as

part of the vs//gg//1

Technological Aspects of the Manobo Economy

Prior to the arrival of settlers, the Manobo economy functioned largely in isolation

from mainstream Philippine society. What items came from the outside were often

obtained through barter. The technology employed depended little of materials from the

31
outside. Amay Tiya,31 one of the oldest men in the village of Poko Wayeg, estimates he

was twelve years old when he saw the Japanese and American planes fighting during



29 In the entire time I have been with the Manobo, beginning in 1984, I have seen only three families that
raised ducks. One was in Lebubang; one, in Elem; and one, in Danu. All of the ducks were of the
Muscovy type (called patudiyal, patu, or tudiyal), which are raised for meat. Muscovy ducks are not
common among the settlers, and egg-type ducks (0onmi or itik) even less so.

30 Carabao and horses are tethered and allowed to graze whatever they can reach. More palatable grasses,
such as lagidit (a low-growing prostrate species, perhaps buffalo grass, Paspalum conjugatum Bergius),
and goosegrass (Eleusine indica (L.) Gaertn.), are preferred, but they also eat cogon (Imperata cylilndrica).
Pigs are fed a boiled mash of either yautia or corn bran. Yautia is a large elephant ear that looks something
like taro, but is much larger. The cormnn is high in starch but very low in protein. The cormnn, leaves, and
petioles are cooked and fed to pigs. The plant has a significant oxalic acid concentration, so must be
cooked to be edible. Humans can eat it, but it is not favored as a significant part of the diet.

31 Adults with children are frequently referred to by their teknonym as a matter of respect. Amay Tiya
means "father of Tiya." Tiya's mother would be called Inay Tiya.









World War II; he was still unmarried. He relates that when he was young, the only metal

tool they had was the kulut; no one as yet had field knives (kelu), drop hoes (sadul), or

hammers (bakbak, or martilyo). They used rattan to bind houses together instead of nails.

However, they did have sundang (a short sword with wavy blade), obtained from the

Maranao people to the north of Manobo territory and exchanged throughout the language

group as bride wealth.

Metalworking appears to have come to the Manobo about the same time that

settlers began to arrive. Amay Tiya already had two wives when the first Manobo

blacksmith in the region of Poko Wayeg, Amay Empung, began making kelu. As Amay

Tiya was unmarried at the outbreak of World War II, and perhaps as late as the close of

the war, this places the beginning of metalwork in the Poko Wayeg area as the late 1940s

or early 1950s. Dalemak Mayaw, the second person in the area to smith, learned that

skill directly from Amay Empung. Dalemak is considered old, but is still able to smith.

Older informants recall making bark cloth from the kalah and lakeg32 and

beluwana trees. This was used for blankets and breechcloths, or sewn into shorts using

bamboo needles. The women covered their breasts with bangi33 leaves and their genitalia

with coconut shells. Sometime after World War II the Manobo began obtaining the now-

ubiquitous lobing (sari or tube-skirt; Tagalog along) through exchange for the resin of

the lawaan tree (white lauan, .\ii ea contorta (Vidal) Merrill et Rolfe)34, and through



32Lakeg is the strangler fig, Ficus balete Merr.

" Bangi is a monocot with long, somewhat narrow leaves. If the Manobo word refers to the same plant as
the identical word in the closely related Tasaday language, bangi is Curculigo capitulata, a member of the
Amaryllidaceae (Yen and Guiteerez 1976:127).

4 identified from de Guzman et al. (1986:49)









purchase after selling rice. The Manobo also began buying flour sacks and making

clothing from them.

Metal cooking implements were not used before World War II, when the older

informants were young. Rice was sometimes cooked by wrapping a small quantity in a

lekdk35 leaf, placing the wrapped bundle in a section of bamboo with a small amount of

water, and heating the bamboo by a low fire. The rice prepared in this way is called

linulit (Figure 4-8). The Manobo also cooked rice in pottery called kuden tana (meaning

"earthen pots") made from dark red clay (meitem tana, "dark soil"). Cooking was

accomplished by placing rice and water in the pots and then adding stones that had been

heated in a fire.

Social Aspects of the Manobo Economy

Kinship Organization of Economy

Decentralization. The intrusion of settlers and loggers has not only reduced the

amount of land available to the Manobo. It has also created pressures which have forced

the Manobo onto a trajectory of greater centralization in their own social organization.

To understand that trajectory, however, it is useful to reconstruct as much as possible the

character of pre-invasion social organization. Manobo society was, before settlers began

to arrive, highly decentralized, as has been found to be the case among other pre-

chiefdom horticultural groups in Southeast Asia and elsewhere organized into

autonomous villages. As is true for many peoples practicing swidden agriculture, houses

were widely separated or in small clusters; there were place names, but no villages. As

for access to land, Manobo agriculture functioned in the context of a traditional usufruct


35 Lekdk is a monocot with a supple leaf.









system. By the ground rules of this system, the land was under the general control of the

community. No individual household "owned" land in a modem sense. Individuals fully

owned the produce of the fields which they planted. But to gain access to a particular

plot, a man would ask the datih's permission, which was freely given. Sulutan Edod

Nayam's description of life at that time illustrates the situation well:

We used to move around [farming in different places], but no longer. It used to be
that when we wandered, we would sleep on the ground in the forest.

[Sulutan Edod named several "clans," and said they were all united.] That is why
we all live together [why our living place is not divided]. Before [the settlers] took
our land, we here would go and farm on that man's land over there.36 That's what
happened to the land of Amay Dadu's father: it was taken by the "Christians" who
"opened" Ketudak.37

In the past, before there were titles to land, if someone wanted to plant, they would
not forbid him. They used large natural boundaries (as mountains) to separate
fields. When harvest time came, all [the relatives] would come to eat. That was
how our ancestors did it. They cared for each other (kesehidu).

The preceding quotes suggest that even rights to the produce were not jealously

guarded. Individual households owned the produce which they planted and harvested,

but there were strong traditions and associated social pressures to share this produce.

In the case of land that had been let go, any bananas growing were harvested by

whomever was occupying the land, not by the one who planted them. However, the

person occupying the land might take some of the bananas to the one who planted them.

And, if the one who planted them happened to be passing through, he might eat some of

36 I.e., they were free to farm on land that "belonged" to someone else. Each Manobo freely extended
permission to other Manobo to farm on "his" land.

" Filipinos refer to those peoples heavily influenced by the Spanish as "Christian," Cristiano, or lowlander.
The Manobo use the term Bisaya, referring to the Visayan islands in the central Philippines, from which
most of the Cristianos have come. They use the term Lenawen to refer to the Maguindanao and Maranao,
predominantly Muslim peoples who originally lived farther north. The term is derived from the word
lanaw, which in Manobo and several other Philippine languages means "lake." The Maranao come from
the region around Lake Lanao, considerably north of Manobo territory. In this dissertation, I refer to the
Bisaya as "settlers," and to the Lenawen as "Muslims" (cf. p. 5).









the bananas. If the one who planted a particular plant moved away, he no longer had any

right to what he planted, but he could ask for some. In short, not only were there were no

privatized property rights over individual plots of ground. Even proprietary rights over

the crops that one planted were forfeited if the planter ceased to care for them.

Personal kindred the basis of society. While many "traditional" societies studied

by anthropologists have been marked by a strong clan system, the Manobo, in keeping

with other Philippine peoples, reckon kinship bilaterally, through both the mother's and

father's side.38 The group to which an individual is thereby related is thus unique to

himself and his full siblings. This group of kin, the personal kindred, is different even for

one's first cousins. Consequently, society was not automatically structured by kinship

into large, cohesive groups. Kin were and are vitally important, but it was the personal

kindred that a person depended on, not a cohesive clan.39

Establishment of marriage. We have already seen cooperation above the

household level in the Manobo's sharing of meat obtained through hunting or trapping.

Marriage provided another opportunity for supradomestic cooperation. Traditionally,

marriage involved the exchange of bridewealth (songgud), and was usually arranged.

The account given by Amay Dadu of Elem is typical. His father chose a wife for him

when he was about eleven years old and had no interest in marriage; he estimates his wife


38 The society was traditionally patriarchal, but women could own property, and property could be inherited
through either side.

39 The Manobo refer to the household by the term gemalay, meaning a man and his wives and dependent
children. (My informants said it would still be a single gemalay if a man had 100 wives and they lived in
100 houses.) In its simplest form, a gemalay is a couple and their children, plus any other dependents. If a
married child and his spouse are living with the child's parents, they are counted as part of that gemalay.
They become a separate gemalay when they live in their own house. Likewise, if a couple or man or
woman become too old to live independently, and move in with an adult child, they become part of that
child's gemalay. The term malayan refers to a class of people having the same surname, but does not refer
to the cohesive unit anthropologists call a clan.









was about ten. They first had relations some four years later, when he was fifteen and

she, fourteen. But, Amay Dadu felt he had no choice in the matter, because his father had

paid the bride-price. The amount was substantial:

* 6 bridal canopies (kulagbu)
* 3 horses
* 5 large brass gongs (selagi)
* 15 swords (sundang)
* 50 ceramic bowls (of Chinese design or origin, with blue dragons painted on a
white background)
* 13 tabas (weapons shaped similarly to the field knife, the kelu; see Figure 4-3)
* a "little bit of money" (--ikey pilak"), estimated at P3,00040

As the bridewealth is typically far beyond the ability of a single individual to pay,

assistance from relatives is vital. Assistance usually comes from the groom's father,

uncles, and other close consanguineal kin. The groom in turn incurs an obligation to help

those who helped him, often by helping their sons or younger male kin pay oiiignid

when the time comes. This reciprocity provided strong ties in the society. Amay

Sumihay illustrated with his own story. In his case, he and wife chose each other, and

their elders then helped make the marriage possible. He was 19 years old at the time;

she, 16. His father died when Amay Sumihay was only a few years old. However, when

Amay Sumihay's uncle, Amay Egas, heard of his desire to marry, he called Amay

Sumihay to him and told him he wanted to help out. Amay Egas paid the v/,i.e,/1

Later, when Amay Sumihay received vs//g/i/ payment from his younger sister's

marriage, he gave a carabao to Amay Egas.

The brideprice was often paid over a period of time, which also served to bind the

society together. Traditionally, a newly married couple stayed with one of the couple's


40 P3,000 was at that time a tremendous amount of money. Five-, twenty-, and fifty-centavo paper notes
were still in use. Currently, the smallest paper note is P20, and five-centavo coins are seldom seen.









parents until they were old enough to earn a living on their own, at which point they were

free to live wherever they chose. The usual choice was to live near the husband's

parents. However, if the .u//p.?/i/had not yet been paid, the couple was required to live

with the wife's parents.

The Manobo say that the bridewealth practice also helps to cement marriages

together, as the .ug//must be returned to the wife's family if her husband divorces her

without cause. If both husband and wife agree to the divorce, the husband may claim

either the children from that union or the v'//p.///, but not both.

The Manobo society traditionally permitted polygyny. Due to the high brideprice,

it was a mark of wealth, and greatly increased the size of the husband's "personal

kindred," his network of consanguinal and affinal kin an important step on the road to

becoming a datih.

Property. While the Manobo were, in the past, concerned with usufruct rights

rather than land ownership, they recognized rights to an active field. These were

delineated by natural boundaries, such as mountain ridges and creeks, and as such were

easily distinguished from one another. The practice of polygyny, however, requires more

careful attention to boundaries. If a man has more than one wife, the wives divide the

tinibah, marking the boundary between the portions with cassava, or else have two

separate tinibah. They keep their harvest separate from each other. However, even

though they maintain separate food stores, the wives and their children may cook and eat

together. Coffee41 groves are owned by the couple, in the case of monogamous

households, or by the wife in the case of polygynous households. In the case of


41 Coffee is a cash crop and not a part of the Manobo's traditional agricultural system. The intrusion of
cash into the Manobo economy and the adoption of cash crops are discussed in Chapter 5.









polygynous households, the wife gets the profit, but also bears the cost of clearing around

the trees. When the grove is cleared, her husband takes part in the work.

In the past, heritable property was limited to durable artifacts. The Manobo refer to

such heirlooms as pusaka, pegawa, or lalawan. Apusaka is something durable which is

passed on and retained by the heir throughout his life; he will not give it to another or sell

it. It has the nature of a keepsake, of something which makes the user think of its

previous owner. Potential pusaka include both traditional brideprice items (e.g., large

brass gongs (selagi), swords (sundang), tabas, and brass betel nut boxes (balay laget))

and expensive, practical items used in everyday life (e.g., field knives (kelu), cooking

pots (kuden), and hammers). Pusaka are passed through the eldest living child, whether

male or female. Should the child be too young to care for the heirloom when his parent

dies, the item will be cared by the deceased's next oldest sibling until the heir is old

enough to care it himself. If a person dies shortly before his rice is harvested, his

survivors will harvest it and then sell one sack of rice to buy an heirloom item, such as a

sword. The remainder of the rice is consumed by the deceased's survivors.

Political System

The Manobo have traditionally had leaders they call dath, quite similar in function

to the leaders of other decentralized societies, such as the Big Men of traditional New

Guinean societies (Pospisil 1978:47-52), and the keftduwan of the Tiruray (Schlegel

1970:58-68). Unfortunately, the term dath can be misleading, as the same title is used by

several predominantly Muslim peoples in the southern Philippines for far more powerful

leaders. Prior to the arrival of settlers in Manobo territory, people lived in widely

separated houses or in small clusters. Land use had to be cleared with the dath, but he

readily gave his permission. His real work was conflict resolution.









The datih were arbitrators, who acted to keep aggrieved parties from taking their

own revenge. Datii dealt with their own kin. They could negotiate a settlement between

42
two parties if they were related to both of them.42 In cases where the disputants are not

(in their own judgement) closely related, each is represented by his own datih, who

attempts to come to mutually acceptable terms with the opponent's dati. Sulutan Edod

Nayam described how the dati dealt with killings:

If someone was killed, the offender's datii would gather with several other dati,
and each would contribute various items of tamuk, such as horses, carabao,
sundang, or selagi. The group would then go secretly by night to the house of the
kin of the one who had been killed, and stop within sight of it, where they would
tether the animals and pile up the other items of tamuk. They would then leave
without being detected. Once it became light outside, the people in the house
would wake up and see the animals and go to investigate. When the murdered
person's kin saw the tamuk they would weep (sinegaw), because they now knew
they could not go on a revenge raid. If they went beyond the tamuk to take
revenge, it indicated they were spurning the weregild, and the murderer's kin
would then kill more of the victim's kin. After this, the offender's dati [singular]
would summon the victim's datih [singular]. The offender's datih would bring a
very large bowl and fill it with water. The water would be sprinkled over the tamuk
and then the victim's kin would drink from the rest of the water. Unless this was
done, the victim's kin would sicken and eventually their stomachs would burst and
they would die. Performing the ritual would ensure that everyone was reconciled
and that everything was fine.

Dati do not inherit their position, though they are frequently the sons of previous

dati.43'44 They are usually wealthier than their companions, and traditionally had a




42 Among the Manobo, "kin" are reckoned using a broad definition, as any two Manobo can usually find a
consanguinal or affinal link between themselves.

4 The term dath refers exclusively to males. The Manobo mention occasional cases of booy, a term they
define as "dath bayi" (female dath). However, every time I have heard the term used, it has been in regard
to a dath's daughter; I have heard of no instance where a booy has settled a case or has negotiated in
government matters with outsiders. It thus appears that while booy are respected, they seldom if ever
exercise the same powers as a dath.

44 Sulutan Edod Nayam, for instance, arbitrated disputes even before he received an official government
title. He is not a dath's son, but learned to arbitrate disputes by observing other dath.









number of wives.45 However, the key features were that they must be respected, able to

speak well, and able to seek peace. When asked how someone became a dath, Marcelo

Apang replied that they do so by being able to judge and to help, because of having good

character, and because of being wise. Another respondent, Unik Atak, added that people

become dath because they produce results (dpe dana). He also said that the dath never

killed anyone; rather, if anyone was about to kill someone else, it was the dath who

prevented it. That was is why the datih lived long. That was how Dakiyas (Unik's great-

grandfather, so well respected that the Manobo refer to him as a sulutan) acted. He

prevented murders. Consequently, all the Muslim datih liked him. Everyone who

couldn't work went to him. All those who couldn't marry [i.e., who couldn't afford to

pay the bride price] went to him and he enabled them to marry. Dath must act well

toward everyone, including their wives and children and visitors.

The dath received substantial prestige for their work, but did not receive any direct

payment for their efforts at the time. Datu Amay Ambing stressed that a dath paid

settlements from his own tamuk (bridewealth items). When I asked how a datih kept from

depleting his supply of tamuk, Amay Ambing replied, "The dath spoke to his followers

and urged them to help out the person [who was in trouble]. Everyone was 'healed'

(melikuan) because fury (kebulit) was avoided. The datih got what he asked for because it

benefited the giver.46 The givers therefore had a good heart to give."





45 Amay Tiya, an old and respected dati in the village of Pok6 Wayeg, had six wives. Datu Apang,
ancestor of many of the people of Danu, had five (interview with Danu residents, January 2006). Dati
Kalabaw, ancestor of many of those in the Elem area, had eight.

46 I.e., the peace so obtained was to the giver's benefit.









Kadaban Kulong's description of one incident illustrates the important role the datih

played in averting violence. The conflict began when Amay Sinta cut off the arm of

another, Pabeling Apang, in a fight:

Amay Sinta was a hothead. When I got [to Mayul, where the injured man's kin
lived], they were getting ready for a raid. They had guns and daggers and spears
and other weapons. I left my sheath and field knife behind, to show respect to
those who were angry. When I got to Amay Sinta's house, I peered inside and
spoke to him. I asked him to give me some betel nut chew, but he said he didn't
have any lime [required as part of the chew], so I said never mind. [Kadaban was
trying to get Amay Sinta into a mood to negotiate.] Baning [a kinsman] and two
others came. I gave a carabao and told Amay Sinta to lead it [to the injured
man's kin], saying 'You're the one who committed the offense.' [The carabao]
was small, but I exchanged it for a larger female with a settler. I also gave P700.
Amay Tiya gave P300.

The Tiruray have had a similar leadership system, but distinguish between the

offices of kefeduwan and timuway. Pastora Tita Cambo, of the village of Selumping,

explained that the Tiruray kefeduwan is a term is equivalent to the Manobo datih. She

likened the kefeduwan to an "attorney," but the timuway to a "judge." (The English

words were given by Pastora Cambo.) If someone has a problem, he can go to the

timuway with his complaint, and the timuway calls the kefeduwan. If the kefeduwan47 are

unable to settle the case, then it goes back to the timuway. The timuway, then, has the

authority to make a decision, while the kefeduwan are arbitrators without binding

authority. Timuway also serve as "senators," as "representatives" of their group to

outside powers, also true of the Manobo datih. The Manobo term datii appears to

encompass both kefeduwan and timuway: datii usually cannot impose their decisions, but

may do so if the offender's behavior is so outrageous that the community will stand


47 plural, in this instance









behind the imposition of unusual and extreme punishment, and the datii also represent

those in their geographic region to government officials or other datih.

The datih are to be distinguished from alek, a term which might be glossed as "war

chief." Datih did not lead revenge raids (pengayaw), though might "bless" a raid.48 A

dati might also forbid a raid, in which case the raid was not made, as the dati's word

was higher than that of the alek. There was evidently no formal procedure to become an

alek; all that was necessary was that one be hot-headed and a tege-imatay (one who often

killed people). One example is that of Amay Sinta, mentioned earlier in the case of

cutting off a man's arm. The Manobo speak poorly of a person who loses his temper, but

in the case of the alek harnessed an otherwise destructive trait. Sulutan Edod described

the alek's function this way:

People who have children and are married should just concentrate on farming; they
have no reason to do what is bad. That is what our elders taught us. But, if a
person deliberately commits wrong, they would tell the dati about him, and the
datih would tell them to kill the person. The datih would command his alek, who
would set out with companions. When he drew near the wrong-doer, he wouldn't
harm anyone else, just the wrong-doer. The alek had armor (anit) that protected
him. He would approach the wrong-doer's residence, and if there were others
nearby, he would tell them to pass by and tell the wrong-doer that they had come to
get him. The wrong-doer's companions wouldn't get in the way; they would go
away. Then the alek and his companions would cut down the house[posts] and take
apart the house and spear the wrong-doer. The wrong-doer's kin would not take
offense at their kin's death.

Alternatively, the dati might punish a troublemaker by shutting him up in an unroofed

pen for a few days, exposed to sun and rain. This was never fatal, though evidently quite

uncomfortable, and likely humiliating as well.

Even now, when much of the datih's traditional role has been taken over by the

Philippine government, antang can consume a considerable portion of a datih's time. One

48 The English word "bless" was used by my infonnrmant.









may well wonder how they could afford to spare so much time from normal livelihood

tasks. Sulutan Edod Nayam explained that he had his followers (bata, normally glossed

as "children") work in his field. He provided food, and they went and cleared his field.

As he explained it, "My judging was like clearing a field. [The work of] antang cannot

be neglected or our living would come apart."

Internal Migration

The Manobo's oral history and the existence of traditional names in their language

for places throughout their territory (Table 4-1 and Figure 5-2) attest to their long

occupation of the region. However, the same history also shows considerable internal

migration within the area. For example, the area of Elem, now the location of one of the

largest Manobo villages, was once unoccupied; the Manobo lived many other places in

their territory, but that particular area was settled during the lifetime of Kalabaw and his

contemporaries. (This occurred four to five generations ago, depending on which

person's genealogy is used.49 See Appendix B.) The areas of greatest Manobo

population were once Miibu, Kanalan, and Kulaman (Figure 5-2). Binansel (later called

Kapitan by settlers, and ancestor to the Kapitan "clan") lived in Kanalan but then

migrated to Ketudak.50 Dimaug (ancestor of another "clan" in Elem), along with a young

relative of Nayam, began farming the area of Banigan. Kalabaw, Nayam, Lebeg, and

Osong (ancestors of several "clans" in Elem) moved first to Banigan and later to Elem.

The ancestors of the Opong "clan" likewise moved to Elem from Bugadu, near the Miles

49 This was four generations ago, reckoned from Anggah's child to Datu Kalabaw, or five generations,
reckoned from Jamin to Dati Kapitan, who was Kalabaw's contemporary.
50 Settlers have changed the pronunciation and spelling of many places originally named by the Manobo.
(Ketudak, called Keytodac by the settlers, in one such case.) In some cases, they have changed the name
altogether. (Kulaman, for instance, was renamed Sen. Ninoy Aquino when it was declared a municipality.)
In such cases I have generally used the Manobo name, in deference to the original inhabitants.









River. Individuals also moved from one area to another due to marriage. After Kalabaw

moved to Elem, he heard of Binansel and went to Ketudak to meet him, after which the

two "clans" began giving women to each other in marriage.

More recent history shows the Manobo's traditional readiness to welcome new-

comers. While the Elem area was "opened" during the lifetimes of Kalabaw, Nayam, and

Osong, the population in the area was evidently still low compared to what it is now.

People in Elem say that Sulutan Sabang Osong was the real "first person" in the Elem

area, who gave land to the Manobo who live there now. Sulutan Sabang explained, "At

first there was just I. [Sulutan Edod] and I are the ones who opened the land here. If

other [Manobo] came, we did not chase them away. We did this so that our people would

grow in number." Sulutan Edod went on to explain, "We were all united; that is why our

place is not divided [i.e., why they all live together]. Before the settlers took our land, we

here would go and farm on that man's land over there." Each Manobo freely extended

permission to other Manobo to farm on "his" land.

Summary

The Manobo originally occupied a large area comprised mainly of highland valleys

and slopes. The soil in the steeper areas was subject to erosion, but their traditional

swidden system allowed the forest to regenerate, protecting the topsoil and suppressing

weeds. It was an adequately productive system, amply providing for their physical needs.

Yams, cassava, rice, and maize provided the majority of calories. Domestic animals were

limited. They kept horses and carabao, but valued them for use in bride price rather than

as draft animals. Chickens were occasionally kept for eggs and meat.

The traditional Manobo society was loosely organized. It was supported by

swidden agriculture, supplemented by hunting and gathering. With little trade with the









outside world, the economy was essentially cashless. For particularly heavy tasks, such

as clearing fields or harvesting crops, individuals mobilized additional labor through their

kinship ties. However, as kinship was reckoned bilaterally, there were no true clans; each

person relied on his personal kindred. Consequently, kinship did not supply the society

with large, cohesive units, meaning there was little centralization above the household

level. A few households might live near each other, but there were no large villages.

Power was decentralized: the traditional leaders, the dath, had significant influence, but

little actual control. Their primary function was as arbitrators who sought to repair

harmonious relations before those offended sought revenge. Only occasionally might a

dath lead the community in imposing severe sanctions on a member who had repeatedly

and intolerably violated community norms.

Land was considered to be common property, with usage rights allocated by the

dath. Produce and game were the property of those who produced or caught it, but there

was considerable sharing with relatives. Dependence on relatives extended to the

payment of debts. The high bride price, as well as large fines paid to right various

offenses, necessitated assistance from relatives, thereby binding individuals together in a

network of obligations.

Thus, traditional Manobo culture was well-adapted to their situation prior to the

coming of intruders from outside. The livelihood system provided amply for their needs

and was environmentally sustainable. Personal kinship ties supplied additional labor for

heavy tasks, and the dath were frequently able to avert violence and restore social

harmony. The culture possessed little centralization, but greater organization was










unnecessary. That situation, though, would quickly change with the coming of settlers

and other intruders from the outside world.


100 2D0
1 1 I-1---


Figure 4-1. The Cotabato Manobo area.





































Figure 4-2. A kinentoy, an arrangement in which maize ears are hung on a loosely woven
bamboo fence.

















S. B.. ....


I I E |
Figure 4-3. Traditional farming implements. A) Agsa, kulut, and kelu. B) Kelu (field
knife) in guma (sheath). The sheath is woven from rattan. C) Kulut blade. D)
Kulut blade and handle. E) Kulut, with blade bound to handle.










7 -- woven sagpeng (lid)



woven






bark




Figure 4-4. A lihub, used for storing rice.


Figure 4-5. Noisemaker, to scare away birds. A) Photograph. B) Close-up drawing.































00










F G

Figure 4-6. Extracting starch from palm heart. Steps include A) shredding palm heart, B) close-up of shredding palm heart, C) close-
up of treading shredded palm heart to extract starch, D) scooping settled starch from bark trough, E) roasting starch, F)
treading shredded palm heart to extract starch, and G) dividing up the starch after roasting.































C D










ScE F- /mm m F

Figure 4-7. Tekob (bamboo rat traps). A) The tekob, with captured mebula ikug. B)
Close-up of the tekob. C) Baiting the trap. D) Trigger mechanism. E) Baited
trap, set in the field. F) The catch. Built and demonstrated by Joel Kalabaw.
























C D







E


Figure 4-8. Linulit (rice cooked by steaming in bamboo). A) Bamboo section and lektk
leaves. B) Pouring raw rice into lektk leaf C) Wrapping lektk leaf for
insertion into bamboo. D) Inserting leaf and rice into bamboo section. E)
Roasting bamboo joint and rice over an open fire. F) The finished product,
once the bamboo is split open. Demonstrated by Joel Kalabaw.


MOW


IWW









Table 4-1. Place names.
* Salangsang was named after the practice the datu had of beating a gong (selagi) to
call other dati to a pre-arranged meeting. (Meetings were not held on a regular
schedule, but the dati would arrange when they would next gather.) The gong's
sound made the place sangsangen, from which word the place name "Selangsang"
is derived. This was rendered "Salangsang" in the settlers' orthography. Dakiyas
Belag, an important dati who was son of Belag and father of Dulin Belag, lived in
Selangsang and was called Datu Selangsang, after his dwelling place.
* The Manobo do not remember living in Palimbang proper. However, they did live
in Kibang (Winged Bean), which is now called Sarmiento Camp, in Bagumbayan.
* DakelKayu (Large Tree) is named after a large bunay tree that was cut several
years ago. There is another large bunay tree growing there now, but the original
tree was much larger. The old men believe that Kelisong was born before the
original tree ever sprouted. Dakel Kayu has always been called by that name, from
the earliest the old men can remember.
* Belag is buried in Keletalu Mountain. The keletalu is a large, green caterpillar with
white bands, and the mountain looks something like a keletalu. Keletalu is in
northwest Barangay Salangsang.
* Banigan, located near the Tran River, is named after a rock in an intermittent
stream. The rock was where people gathered when they were prepared (nebanig).
* Ligoden was so named because it was avoided (ligoden) by people traveling in the
area. Sigut Lebangen (Difficult Hips, so named because his hips were deformed)
had a reputation for ferocity, so people traveling in the area detoured around his
place.
* Ketudak has been known by that name since before one old informant, Ina Kapitan,
was born. Ketudak (Planting) was called that because of an epidemic which swept
through the village many years ago. People were dying so quickly that the
survivors could only dig graves so shallow that it seemed like planting yams.
* Tubak (Slide) is named after a large landslide which occurred there.
* Melawil is named after a person in the Manobo's traditional accounts. Their
traditional stories relate that at one time the ocean flooded and was about to cover
the entire earth. But, before it could do so, the Manobo, Melawil, climbed a sharp
mountain and shouted over the water in a loud voice. His shout prevented the
water from rising any higher, and it eventually receded. Melawil Mountain was the
mountain he climbed.
* Kebuleng is named after a citrus tree, which was once plentiful there.
* Pig-ubudan (Place for Seeking Palm Heart) Creek, near the village of Migaga, is so
called because it was a good place to obtain palm heart, valued as something to eat
with rice or another staple.
* Tinapawan (Where the Snake was Prepared) is named after the time the Manobo
killed and ate a large python there.
* Belatiken (Place of Many Spear Traps) was a good place to catch wild pigs with
spear traps. Kulaman is named after a person who drowned in the river there.














CHAPTER 5
SUBJUGATION AND ADAPTATION: 1953-1974

The preceding chapter presented aspects of a reconstructed "baseline state" of

traditional Manobo economic and social organization. The present chapter will document

the intrusion of the outside world. As noted in Chapter 2, a society may be impacted by

another society in one of three ways: it may 1) "disintegrate" (become less organized),

accepting a position of reduced ability to control its own affairs and resources, 2)

"integrate" into the more powerful and organized society, either retaining its original

organization or becoming more organized, or 3) fight back and develop greater

complexity ("surgent evolution") (Adams 1977:398-402). The Manobo's response to the

influx of settlers after World War II demonstrates all three possibilities: subjugation,

adaptation, and resistance. The account of the arrival of settlers and their impact on the

Manobo is, of course, of great significance to the Manobo themselves. Yet, as we note

the specific mechanisms by which the Manobo were impacted and responded, their

account also sheds light on the plight and possibilities facing many other indigenous

peoples whose homelands are being invaded.

The Invasion: National Scale

The isolation that characterized the earlier Manobo lifeways described in Chapter 4

was not to last. The seeds of its demise were planted years earlier, but came to fruition

after World War II. Like many countries, the accidents of history have left the

Philippines a culturally divided nation. Islam was introduced to Mindanao in the late

1200s by Arab traders, and had reached Manila by the time the Spanish conquered it in









1571 (Man 1990:21). However, the Spanish were able to establish control over much of

the Philippines, and held the archipelago as a colony until 1896, when the Philippines

revolted. At the same time, Spain became embroiled in war with the United States. The

Philippines declared its independence from Spain in 1898, but Spain, on its defeat by the

U.S., ceded the Philippines to the States, and the U.S. became the new colonial power.

American investors and wealthy Filipinos looked south to Mindanao as a new

territory to exploit. It had mineral deposits, vast areas of forest, and a relatively low

population density, suggesting the ready availability of land for plantations.

Additionally, Luzon and the Visayas had large populations that lacked adequate land.

The way for business investment was cleared by the extension of the Public Land Law to

Muslim provinces in 1906. The law provided for the granting of title and had the stated

intention of helping Muslims escape from serfdom, but also allowed newcomers to claim

land at the locals' expense. Large rubber and peanut plantations, owned by individual

Americans, soon arose. This was followed in 1913 by other laws encouraging migration

to Mindanao (George 1980:108-109).

The Commonwealth government (1934-1941) accelerated migration. The

government wanted to exploit the timber and agricultural potential of its southern

territory. It was also concerned with forging a national identity. The Philippine

population is comprised of about 171 different language groups (Gordon 2005), and the

mingling of settlers with each other and with the indigenous peoples of Mindanao would

help to forge a more homogeneous population and thereby encourage national unity. In

1938, General Paulino Santos led a project to survey the Koronadal Valley for settlement;

two years later, the Allah Valley was opened (Figure 5-1). Settlement continued at a high









rate for many years; in the 1960s, fully 20 years after settlement began in the Allah

Valley, as many as 3,200 people per week were arriving in Mindanao (George 1980:111-

114).

The Invasion: Local Scale

To understand the impact of national policy on the local population, and their

adaptation and response to the pressures this caused, we now turn to events as they

unfolded at the local level.51 Interviews52 with some of the older Manobo put a concrete

face on otherwise abstract history. The map in Figure 5-2, and genealogy in Figure 5-3,

may be helpful in following the account.

The Manobo once occupied a wide area, encompassing that portion of Sultan

Kudarat Province between the Celebes Sea and the mountains west of the Allah Valley,

plus portions of southern Maguindanao Province and northwestern South Cotabato

Province (Figure 5-2). Amay Tiya, an old man now living in the village of Poko Wayeg,

related that when he was still young, there were few or no "Christians" or "Muslims" in

the Kalamansig area.53 His father, Toel, lived in Ketudak, where he had become a dati

due to his skill in conducting antang (conflict negotiations). Apparently outsiders

considered him a leader among the Manobo, for when war broke out with the Japanese in

World War II, Filipino soldiers sometimes stayed with Toel. One of their commanders,

51 He was not yet a teenager when he first saw Japanese and American planes fighting above Lebak.

52 The data for this chapter are taken from interviews with 54 informants (ten women and 44 men). Most of
the interviews were taken from June 2005 through October 2006 and from September 1994 through
September 1997.

53 Amay Tiya placed the coming of the Muslims to Lebak as occurring when Macapagal replaced Quirino
as president of the Philippines in 1953. In reality, Ramon Magsaysay replaced Elpidio Quirino as president
in 1953; Diosdado Macapagal was elected to the presidency in 1961. From comments made by
acquaintances who live in Lebak, it seems there were Muslims in Lebak by the time that settlers from the
northern and central Philippines arrived. Hence, Amay Tiya probably placed the year of their arrival
correctly, though misidentified who it was that succeeded President Quirino.









Lieutenant Reyes, was in charge of guarding Kalamansig, a place Amay Tiya became

better acquainted with when his sister married a Manobo from that area, Bago Datu.

Arrival of settlers. At that time, Salangsang and Ketudak, in the mountains above

Lebak, were occupied only by Manobo. Then, in 1959, an Ilocano54 named Pedro

Gabriel arrived. Some of the Manobo say he had been a leader in the Hukbalahap, a

militant land-rights movement in Luzon that fought against the government. He asked

the Manobo for permission to hunt around Ketudak, so they took him throughout the

area. Gabriel returned with several other settlers and asked permission to live there. The

Manobo, who had a different understanding of land ownership, allowed the settlers to

live on their land, never imagining that the settlers might claim it as their own. A few

years later, Gabriel called for the Manobo elders and requested them to "release" the

land, and asked what they wanted to do. The elders replied that they would divide the

land with the settlers. Gabriel, however, gave them a small payment of salt and dried fish

and tobacco and kettles and fermented fish, told them that Ketudak was no longer theirs,

and told them to move to Selumping, where he said he would build them a school with a

teacher. So, because there were now many settlers and the Manobo were afraid of them,

the Manobo moved to Selumping, about six kilometers away. Once they had moved,

Gabriel claimed their land as his own and sold it to other settlers.55

After the Manobo moved to Selumping, Muslims under the leadership of Datu

Kimpay learned of their arrival and began "visiting" them. Datu Kimpay would come


54 The Ilocanos are a mainstream Philippine people from the northern island of Luzon.

55 The settlers' account, given in a typewritten history of the barangay authored by Barangay Secretary
Benny Y. Castro (n.d.) differs somewhat on the details but accords on the essentials.









during rice harvest and ask for rice and horses, and even forced the Manobo to allow him

to lie with their wives. The Manobo decided they could not live with this situation, so

moved to Belitbit in Piyusu, and then to Bulaan. They had only a small area available to

them in Bulaan, for there were already settlers there, so they moved again, to Ligoden.

Ligoden, however, was under the control of Pedro Gabriel, now barrio captain of

Ketudak. He forced the Manobo to carry out much manual labor harvesting maize,

digging a road that went nowhere, hauling sand and bamboo and wood without paying

or feeding them. He also asked the Manobo for rice at harvest time. Faced with this

oppression, some of the Manobo moved away, to Poko Wayeg.

Settlers sometimes obtained land through deceit rather than force. One informant

recalled the conversation his father and a settler leader had about the land in Neligsegan

(now known as Barangay Bululawan, near Salangsang):

[The official] said, "Brother, if it's all right with you, this place where your mother
is buried, this Neligsegan let's make it a barrio." So my father said, "What do
you want to do, Brother?" [The official replied,] "If there come to be many houses
in this barrio, we'll give you thirty pesos for each house every month." My father
said, "If that's what you want to do, then all right, so long as it leads to good." But
now, it's full of settlers, and we aren't there, where my father's mother is buried.
We haven't gotten even a ketep [one-tenth of a peso, currently US$0.002] He
promised, but didn't fulfill his promise. Now we live in Migaga.

Similar events transpired in Kulaman, to the east, where settlers accompanying a different

Gabriel arrived. Gabriel gave the datih some dried fish in payment for the land he was

taking, and threatened to shoot them if they did not agree.

Events unfolded similarly in the Kalamansig area. Kambing, a man probably now

in his mid-40s, related the history of his ancestors who lived in that area (Figure 5-3). He

described Kalamansig as having neither Muslims nor settlers when Kamelen, six

generations earlier, was alive. Three generations later, though, there was evidently some










governmental presence: a Philippine politician had Pabelu's uncle kill a political

opponent. When the government in turn killed Pabelu's uncle and arrested some of his

56
relatives, Pabelu and his kin moved away.56 However, there must still have been few

non-Manobo, for Kambing described Kalamansig as still having no settlers or Muslims

when Pabelu died. Like Toel, Mandung helped the Philippine government during World

War II.

Widening ethnic conflict. At the same time that the settlers were moving into

Manobo territory, conflict was erupting between the settlers and the Muslims. The

settlers were moving into Muslim territory, and the Muslims were moving into Tiruray57

and Manobo land. In Bugadu, down in the Lebak plain, Muslims ambushed the Manobo

and slowly took over their land. Farther north, in the province of Maguindanao, war

broke out between the settlers and Muslims; the Tiruray were drawn in, sometimes as

combatants, often as innocent victims. Many moved to Salangsang in 1964, along with a

few settlers.

That year was important for another reason: Magsaysay & Sons Company (M&S

Co.) began logging operations in Gintales, in the Lebak plain. In 1969, the company

built a road through Salangsang and Danu to Ketudak and began logging in the

mountains. Significantly, the company at this point in history acted well toward the

56 It will be noted that the Manobo consistently chose to move away, avoiding conflict rather than fighting
back. Part of this may be attributed to the perception that humans cannot be expected to keep their
emotions in check, and must therefore be appeased, or conflict avoided (Schlegel 1970:29-30). However,
their interactions with the newcomers gave them additional reasons. The Manobo had observed that their
own weapons were much less powerful than the settlers'. Furthermore, they had observed that conflicts
with settlers invariably led to the state's intervention on the settlers' side. These pragmatic considerations
reinforced their prior cultural tendency to avoid conflict, leading them to move away whenever practical.

5 The Tiruray are a people culturally similar to the Manobo, whose traditional territory adjoins the
Manobo's to the north. The Tiruray orthography is almost identical to that of Manobo, except that Tiruray
uses the letterfin place of the Manobo p, and the values of e and e are reversed. The Tiruray refer to
themselves as TUduray, but are known as Tiruray in the literature.